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+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75732 ***
+
+
+
+
+
+ NIEBUHR’S LECTURES
+ ON
+ ROMAN HISTORY
+
+
+ TRANSLATED FROM THE EDITION OF DR. M. ISLER,
+ BY H. M. CHEPMELL, M.A., AND F. DEMMLER, PH.D.
+
+[Illustration: [Logo]]
+
+ _IN THREE VOLUMES.—VOL. III._
+
+ =London:=
+ CHATTO & WINDUS, PICCADILLY.
+ 1875.
+
+
+
+
+ CONTENTS.
+
+
+ Page
+ POLITICAL STATE OF THE WORLD THEN KNOWN. LEGISLATION. THE WAR WITH THE
+ PIRATES.
+
+ General review of the Roman Empire. Political state of the then
+ known world, 1
+ Venality of the Courts of Justice, the _Lex Judiciaria_ of
+ Aurelius, 4
+ Restoration of the tribuneship, 5
+ War with Mithridates, 5
+ Lucullus, 6
+ The war with the Pirates, 8
+ Pompey terminates the war against Mithridates, 10
+
+
+ CATILINE. CICERO.
+
+ Character of Catiline, 12
+ Cicero, 15
+ Cicero chosen consul, 21
+ The Catiline conspiracy, 22
+ Its suppression, 23
+ Enmity to Cicero after his consulship, 25
+ Cicero’s kindliness towards young men, 26
+ P. Clodius, 27
+ Ptolemy Auletes, 28
+
+
+ C. JULIUS CÆSAR.
+
+ Biographies of Cæsar by Suetonius and Plutarch, 29
+ History of the youth of Julius Cæsar, 29
+ His character, 31
+ Impeachment of Cicero by Clodius, 35
+ Cicero goes into exile, 36
+ Is recalled, 36
+ Consulship of Pompey and Crassus, 37
+ Distribution of provinces under Pompey, Cæsar, and Crassus, 37
+ Pompey becomes sole consul, 38
+ Death of Clodius. Banishment of Milo, 38
+ Cicero proconsul of Cilicia, 38
+ Congress at Lucca, between Cæsar, Pompey, and Crassus, 39
+
+
+ THE GALLIC WARS.
+
+ Cæsar’s Commentaries, 39
+ The Books, _De Bello Gallico_, and on the Alexandrine war, 40
+ _De Bello Africano_, 40
+ _De Bello Hispaniensi_, 40
+ Expedition of the Helvetians, 41
+ Population of Gaul, 42
+ Arvernians, Æduans, 42
+ The German tribes. Ariovistus, 43
+ Cæsar’s conquest over Ariovistus, 43
+ War against the Belgians, 43
+ Cæsar’s treatment of the Usipetes, 44
+ His war with the Veneti, Expedition to Britain, 45
+ Cæsar crosses the Rhine, 46
+ Rising of the Eburones under Ambiorix. Insurrection of
+ Vercingetorix, 46
+ Cæsar made prisoner by the Gauls, 47
+ Cæsar’s treatment of Vercingetorix, 48
+ End of the war, 48
+
+
+ CIVIL WAR BETWEEN CÆSAR AND POMPEY.
+
+ Situation of Cæsar at the end of the Gallic wars, 48
+ C. Scribonius Curio, 49
+ Demand of the opponents of Cæsar, 50
+ Cæsar crosses the Rubicon, 53
+ Pompey flies before Cæsar, 54
+ Cæsar in Rome, 55
+ Pompey goes over to Greece, 55
+ Cæsar goes to Spain. Siege of Marseilles, 56
+ Death of Curio, 57
+ Cæsar nominates himself dictator. His legislation, 57
+ Cæsar passes over to Illyricum, 58
+ Defeat near Dyrrachium, 59
+ Taking of Gomphi, 60
+ Battle of Pharsalus, 60
+ Flight of Pompey, 62
+ Murder of Pompey, 63
+ Cæsar in Egypt, 63
+ Insurrection in Alexandria, 64
+ War with Pharnaces, King of Bosporus, 65
+ Cæsar return to Rome, 65
+ Meeting of the troops in Rome, 66
+ The African war, 66
+ Battle near Thapsus, 67
+ M. Porcius Cato of Utica, 65
+ Cæsar appears before Utica, 69
+ Suicide of Cato, 69
+ Juba, 70
+ The Spanish war, 70
+ Battle near Munda, 70
+ Cæsar’s triumph, 71
+ Cæsar’s last enterprises and plans, 72
+ Veteran Colonies. Colony at Corinth and Carthage, 74
+ Legislation, 74
+ Increase of the Patricians, 75
+ Cæsar’s desire for the title of king, 76
+ M. Junius Brutus, 76
+ Cassius Longinus, 78
+ Conspiracy against Cæsar, 79
+ Murder of Cæsar, 80
+
+
+ STATE OF ROME AFTER THE MURDER OF CÆSAR. TRIUMVIRATE OF ANTONY,
+ OCTAVIAN, AND LEPIDUS. DEATH OF CICERO.
+
+ Indecision of the conspirators after Cæsar’s death, 81
+ Cæsar’s will, 82
+ C. Octavius, 83
+ M. Antony, 83
+ Cicero, 84
+ Cicero’s letter to Brutus, 88
+ War in Mutina, 89
+ M. Æmilius Lepidus. Munatius Plancus, 90
+ Octavius becomes consul, 91
+ _Lex Pedia_, 91
+ Meeting of Antony, Octavian, and Lepidus on an islet in the river
+ Reno. Triumvirate, 91
+ Proscription, 92
+ Death of Cicero, 93
+ Character of Cicero’s writings, 95
+ Battle near Philippi, 97
+ Death of Cassius, 98
+ Second Battle. Death of Brutus, 99
+ Horace, 99
+
+
+ THE PERUSIAN WAR. PEACE OF BRUNDUSIUM. PEACE OF MISENUM. EVENTS DOWN TO
+ THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM. END OF THE CIVIL WAR.
+
+ Antony. Cleopatra, 100
+ Destruction of the Julian colonies, 101
+ Perusian war, 103
+ Taking of Perugia, 103
+ Peace of Brundusium, 104
+ Sextus Pompey, 104
+ War in Sicily. Peace of Misenum, 105
+ Labienus, 106
+ Asinius Pollio. Munatius Plancus, 107
+ Antony’s campaign against the Parthians, 107
+ Octavian takes up arms against Sextus Pompey, 108
+ Lepidus forsaken, 110
+ Battle of Actium, 110
+ Fight at Actium, 110
+ Octavian in Egypt, 113
+ Death of Antony and Cleopatra, 118
+ _Feriæ Augustæ_, 114
+
+
+ ROME A MONARCHY. MEASURES OF AUGUSTUS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION OF HIS
+ POWER.
+
+ Monarchical power of Octavian, 116
+ Octavian takes the surname of Augustus 117
+ Reorganization of the senate, 118
+ Jurisdiction, taxes, army, 119
+ Constitution of the provinces, 120
+ _Ærarium_, 121
+ _Lex Ælia Sentia_, 122
+ Extension of the Roman franchise, 122
+ Police, 122
+ Division of the town into fourteen regions, 123
+ _Præfectus urbi_, 123
+ The Courts of Justice restored into the hands of the Knights, 124
+ Italy divided into regions, 124
+ _Cohortes prætoriæ._ _Auxilia_, 125
+ Increase of soldier’s pay, 126
+
+
+ LITERATURE.
+
+ Perfection of the Latin language by Cicero and his contemporaries, 126
+ Varro. P. Nigidius Figulus. M. Lælius Rufus. Curio. C. Licinius
+ Calvus, 127
+ Sallust. Lucretius. Catullus, 128
+ Valerius Cato, 128
+ Perfection of his metres, 129
+ Dec. Laberius. Furius Bibaculus. Varro Atacinus. Asinius Pollio, 129
+ Munatius Plancus. Hirtius. Augustan age. Valerius Messala, 130
+ Virgil, 131
+ Horace, 133
+ Tibullus. Lygdamus, 137
+ Cornelius Gallus, 138
+ Varius, 138
+ Propertius, 189
+ Ovid, 139
+ Cornelius Severus. Pedo Albinovanus, 140
+ Livy. Dec. Laberius. P. Syrus. Valgius, 141
+ Greek literature. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 141
+
+
+ PRIVATE LIFE OF AUGUSTUS. AGRIPPA. MÆCENAS. FAMILY CONNEXIONS.
+ BUILDINGS.
+
+ Character of Augustus, 142
+ Livia. Agrippa, 143
+ C. Cilnius Mæcenas, 144
+ Marcellus. Julia. Death of Agrippa, 146
+ Tiberius Claudius Nero. Lucius and Caius Cæsar, 147
+ Buildings of Augustus, 148
+
+
+ WARLIKE ENTERPRISES OF AUGUSTUS. HIS DEATH. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE
+ EMPIRE.
+
+ War in Dalmatia, 149
+ The Cantabrian war, 149
+ New war in Dalmatia, Mœsia, Pannonia, 150
+ War against the Alpine races, 151
+ War in Germany, 152
+ Nero Claudius Drusus, 153
+ Tiberius, 153
+ Marbod. State of civilization in Germany, 154
+ Revolt in Dalmatia and Pannonia, 155
+ Quintilius Varus. Arminius, 156
+ Battle in the Teutoburg Forest, 157
+ Consequences of the battle, 158
+ Germanicus. Agrippina, 160
+ Death of Augustus, 160
+ Extent of the Roman Empire, 161
+ Legislation of Augustus, 162
+
+
+ TIBERIUS.
+
+ Importance of the Imperial history, 163
+ Sources. Tacitus. Suetonius, 164
+ Velleius Paterculus, 165
+ Early history of the Emperor Tiberius, 165
+ Tiberius succeeds Augustus to the throne, 168
+ Mutiny of the troops in Illyricum and on the Rhine, 169
+ Abolition of the popular elections, 169
+ War of Germanicus in Germany, 170
+ Drusus, son of Tiberius, Germanicus, 171
+ Piso. Death of Germanicus, 172
+ _Crimen majestatis._ Informers, 173
+ Death of Livia, 174
+ Napoleon’s opinion of Tiberius, 174
+ Ælius Sejanus, 174
+ Macro, 176
+ Death of Tiberius, 177
+
+
+ CAIUS CÆSAR, OTHERWISE CALIGULA.
+
+ Events of the childhood of Caius, 177
+ His character, 177
+ Suetonius’ life of Caligula, 178
+ Prodigality of Caligula, 179
+ Expedition against the Germans, 179
+ Buildings, 180
+ Murder of Caligula. The Republic is to be proclaimed, 180
+
+
+ TIBERIUS CLAUDIUS DRUSUS CÆSAR.
+
+ Character of Claudius, 180
+ Historical works of his, 183
+ Amnesty. _Donativum_ to the soldiers, 182
+ Rule of Slaves. Polybius. Narcissus. Pallas. Agrippina, 183
+ Aqua Claudia. Buildings. Draining of the Lake Fucinus, 183
+ Britain becomes a Roman province, 184
+
+
+ LITERATURE AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS. MORAL CONDITION OF ROME AND THE
+ PROVINCES.
+
+ Influence of the Greek Rhetoricians, 184
+ The elder Seneca. The philosopher Seneca. Pliny the elder, 185
+ Lucan. Quintilian, 186
+ Nero. Fabius Rusticus, 186
+ Moral condition of the empire, 187
+
+
+ NERO.
+
+ Natural talents of Nero, 188
+ Burrhus. Seneca. Agrippina. Poppæa Sabina, 189
+ Burning of the city of Rome. The golden palace of Nero, 190
+ Execution of Seneca, and others. War in Britain and in Armenia, 191
+ Insanity of Nero, 192
+ Rebellion under Julius Vindex, 192
+ T. Virginius Rufus, 193
+ _Servius Sulpicius Galba_ proclaimed emperor in Spain, 193
+ Emperor in Spain, 193
+ Galba’s march against Rome, 194
+ Nero’s death, 194
+
+
+ SERVIUS SULPICIUS GALBA. M. SALVIUS OTHO. A. VITELLIUS.
+
+ Dissatisfaction towards Galba, 195
+ Galba adopts Calpurnius Piso, 195
+ Murder of Galba. Otho proclaimed emperor, 196
+ Vitellius proclaimed emperor by the troops on the German frontier, 196
+ Battle near Bedriacum, 197
+ Vitellius becomes emperor, 198
+ Rebellion of the Mœsian legions under Antonius Primus. The Syrian
+ under T. Flavius Vespasianus. The Parthian under Licinius
+ Mucianus, 198
+ The Jewish war. Josephus, 199
+ Vespasian, 199
+ Mucianus, 200
+ Battle near Cremona, 200
+ Burning of the Capitol. Murder of Vitellius, 201
+
+
+ T. FLAVIUS VESPASIANUS. TITUS. DOMITIANUS.
+
+ Domitian, 201
+ Helvidius Priscus, 202
+ State of Gaul, 202
+ Rebellion of Civilis, 204
+ Character of Vespasian, 204
+ Execution of Helvidius Priscus, 206
+ Death of Vespasian, 207
+ _Titus_, 207
+ Buildings, 208
+ Fire in Rome. Catastrophe of Herculanum and Pompeii, 209
+ _Domitian_, 209
+ Paraphrase of the _Phænomena_ of Aratus, 209
+ Endowment for Rhetoricians, 210
+ _Agon Capitolinus_, 210
+ State of literature. Statius, 210
+ Condition of the army, 210
+ War in Britain. Agricola, 211
+ War against the Chatti, and other German people, 211
+ War against the Dacians, 212
+ Cruelty of Domitian, 212
+ Delatores, 213
+ Murder of Domitian. _Forum Palladium_, 214
+
+
+ M. COCCEIUS NERVA. M. ULPIUS TRAJANUS.
+
+ Nerva, 214
+ Adoption of Trajan, 215
+ Death of Nerva. Trajan’s accession to the throne, 217
+ Character of Trajan, 217
+ War in Dacia, 219
+ War with the Parthians, 219
+ Conquests in the East, 220
+ Trajan dies at Selinus, 221
+
+
+ ART AND LITERATURE UNDER TRAJAN.
+
+ Apollodorus of Damascus, 221
+ Architecture under Trajan, 222
+ _Forum Ulpium._ Trajan’s column, 223
+ Later buildings, and castings, 224
+ Literature. Tacitus, 224
+ Pliny the younger, 226
+ Florus, 227
+ Greek literature. Dio Chrysostom, 227
+ Plutarch, 228
+
+
+ HADRIAN. T. ANTONINUS PIUS. M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS.
+
+ Adoption of Hadrian, 229
+ Remission of taxes, 229
+ Outbreak of the Jews, under Barkochba, 230
+ Hadrian’s journey through the provinces. Love for Athens, 280
+ Hadrian’s melancholy, 230
+ Adoption of Ælius Verus, and of T. Antoninus (Pius), 231
+ Foundation of Roman jurisprudence, 281
+ Literature. _Lingua rustica_, 281
+ Contempt for the old writers, 232
+ Hadrian favours Greek literature, 282
+ Gellius. Fronto, 233
+ African school. Apuleius, Tertullian, 233
+ Greek literature, 234
+ Lucian. Galen. Pausanias, 286
+ _Moles Hadriani._ Hadrian’s villa, 285
+ Hadrian as an author, 286
+ _T. Antoninus Pius_, 236
+ Wars on the borders, 236
+ Insurrections. Earthquakes, 237
+ Gaius. Sextus Empiricus. Appian, 237
+ Manufactures of Egypt, 237
+ _M. Aurelius Antoninus_, philosopher, 237
+ Stoicism. Junius Rusticus. Epictetus. Arrian, 289
+ War on the borders, 240
+ L. Verus, 240
+ War against the Parthians, 240
+ Plague, 241
+ War with the German nations, 241
+ Rebellion of Avidius Cassius, 243
+ Death of M. Aurelius, 246
+ Gellius, 247
+
+
+ COMMODUS. PERTINAX. DIDIUS JULIANUS. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS.
+
+ Commodus. M. Perennis, 247
+ Extravagance and cruelty of Commodus, 248
+ Murder of Commodus, 249
+ _Pertinax_, 249
+ _Didius Julianus_, one of the prætorians, aims at the sovereignty, 249
+ Clodius Albinus, 250
+ _Septimus Severus_, 250
+ War of Pescennius Niger, 252
+ Victory over Clodius Albinus, 253
+ War against the Parthians, 253
+ M. Bassianus Antoninus Caracalla, 254
+ Julia Domna, 254
+ Changes in the administration of Italy, 255
+ _Correctores_, 255
+
+
+ M. ANTONINUS CARACALLA. MACRINUS. ELAGABALUS. ALEXANDER SEVERUS.
+
+ _M. Bassianus Caracalla_, Geta, 256
+ Murder of Geta, 256
+ Caracalla’s journey through the provinces, 257
+ Massacre at Alexandria, 257
+ The right of citizenship given to all the subjects of the Roman
+ empire, 257
+ Fondness of Caracalla for Alexander the Great, 258
+ War against the Parthians, 258
+ Murder of Caracalla, 259
+ _Macrinus_, 259
+ Julia Domna, 259
+ Mamæa, 260
+ Insurrection of Elagabalus, 260
+ Macrinus conquered and beheaded, 260
+ _Elagabalus_, 260
+ Alexander Severus adopted as Cæsar by Elagabalus, 261
+ Rebellion against Elagabalus. His death, 261
+ _Alexander Severus_, 261
+ His rule. Domitius Ulpianus, 262
+ Advance of the Germans. Downfall of the Parthian dynasty, 263
+ The Persians headed by one of the race of Sassan, 264
+ War with the Persians, 264
+
+
+ END OF ALEXANDER SEVERUS. MAXIMIN, GORDIAN, FATHER AND SON. MAXIMUS AND
+ BALBINUS. GORDIAN III. PHILIP. DECIUS.
+
+ Mutiny against Alexander Severus Maximin, 266
+ Murder of Severus, and of Mamæa, 267
+ _Maximin_ becomes emperor, 267
+ Insurrection of the Gordians in Africa, 268
+ Death of the Gordians, 268
+ _Maximus_ and _Balbinus_, 269
+ Murder of Maximin, 269
+ _Gordian III._, 270
+ _M. Julius Philippus_, 271
+ The thousandth anniversary of the city, 271
+ Of Philip’s having embraced Christianity, 272
+ Marinus, 272
+ _Decius_, 272
+ Spread of Christianity, 273
+
+
+ STATE OF THINGS AT ROME. FINE ARTS. LITERATURE.
+
+ Freemen, 274
+ Difference between imperial and senatorial provinces abolished, 274
+ Art. Literature, 274
+ Jurisprudence, Papinian, Ulpian, 275
+ Curtius. Petronius, 276
+
+
+ INVASION OF THE GOTHS. DEATH OF DECIUS. GALLUS TREBONIANUS ÆMILIAN.
+ VALERIAN. GALLIENUS. THE THIRTY TYRANTS.
+
+ Rising of the Germans in the Roman empire, 277
+ The Franks. Swabians. Goths, 277
+ Combat of Decius with the Goths. His death, 278
+ _Gallus Trebonianus_, 278
+ Æmilianus. Valerian, 279
+ P. Licinius Gallienus becomes the colleague of Valerian, 279
+ War with the German people. In Mesopotamia and Syria. Imprisonment
+ of Valerian, 280
+ Death of Valerian. The thirty tyrants, 281
+ Odenathus. Zenobia, 282
+ The empire of Palmyra, 283
+
+
+ CLAUDIUS GOTHICUS. AURELIAN. TACITUS PROBUS. CARUS.
+
+ Death of Gallienus, 284
+ _M. Aurelius Claudius Gothicus_, 284
+ Victory of Claudius over the Goths. Claudius dies of the plague, 284
+ _Aurelian_, 284
+ Dacia resigned to the Goths, 285
+ War with Zenobia. Longinus executed, 286
+ National development of France, 286
+ Murder of Aurelian, 287
+ _Tacitus_, 287
+ _Probus_, 288
+ _Carus_, 289
+ _Carinus_, 290
+
+
+ DIOCLETIAN. LITERATURE AND GENERAL STATE OF THE THEN WORLD. MAXIMIAN.
+ HIS SUCCESSORS. CONSTANTINE.
+ _Diocletian_, 291
+ Outbreak of the plague, 291
+ Literature. Nemesian. Calpurnius. Lactantius, 292
+ Arnobius. New-Platonism, 293
+ Character of Diocletian, 293
+ Diocletian takes Maximian as his colleague, 293
+ New plan of administration of Diocletian, 294
+ _Galerius._ _Constantius_, 295
+ Revolt of Britain under Carausius, 296
+ Reduction of Egypt. Campaign of Galerius against Persia, 296
+ Persecutions of the Christians, 297
+ Resignation of Diocletian and Maximian, 297
+ _Severus_, and _Maximus Daza_, appointed Cæsars, 297
+ Return of Maximian. _Maxentius_, 297
+ _Constantius_, 298
+ Licinius, 298
+ Death of Maximian, 299
+ War of Constantius with his colleague, 299
+ Battle near Adrianople, 300
+ Wars, 300
+ Oppression of taxes, 301
+ Change in the monetary system, 301
+ Character of Constantine, 302
+ His establishment of the Christian religion, 302
+ His cruelty in the last years of his life, 303
+ Constantinople, 303
+
+
+ THE SUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE. JULIAN THE APOSTATE. JOVIAN. VALENTINIAN
+ I. VALENS, GRATIAN. VALENTINIAN II. THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. MAXIMUS.
+
+ Constantine’s will declared a forgery, 304
+ _Constantine_, _Constans_, _Constantius_, 305
+ Magnentius, 305
+ Vetranio. Gallus. Julian, 306
+ Gallus made Cæsar, 306
+ Julian made Cæsar, 307
+ His successes in Gaul and Germany, 308
+ _Julian_ proclaimed emperor by the soldiers, 308
+ Death of Constantius. The bishop Athanasius, 309
+ Persecution of the Homoousians, 309
+ Julian as a writer. His opposition to Christianity, 310
+ Revolt in Antioch. Misopogon, 312
+ War against Persia, 312
+ Julian’s death, 314
+ _Jovian._ _Valentinian I._ _Valens_, 316
+ _Gratian_, 316
+ Breaking in of the Goths and Huns, 317
+ Reception of the Goths in the Roman empire, 318
+ Insurrection of the Goths in Marcianopolis, 318
+ Battle near Adrianople. Fall of Valens, 319
+ _Theodosius_, colleague of Gratian, 319
+ Campaigns with the Goths, 320
+ Murder of Gratian. _Maximus_, emperor of the West, 321
+ _Valentinian II._ Arbogastes. _Eugenius_, 321
+ Battle near Aquileia, 321
+ Rufinus. Division of the empire, 322
+
+
+ LITERATURE, AND FINE ARTS.
+
+ Anvsonius. Epitomes. Grammar. Donatus. Charesius, Diomedes, 323
+ Servius. Festus. Nonius Marcellus. Macrobius, 323
+ Ammianus Marcellinus, 323
+ Rhetoricians. Marius Victorinus Symmachus. Panegyrists, 324
+ Claudian. Merobaudes, 324
+ Sidonius Apollinaris. Renatus Profuturus, 325
+ Christian Literature. St. Jerome. St. Augustine, 325
+ Sulpicius Severns. Cælius Sedulius. Claudius Mamertus. Salvian
+ Prudentius. Pope Hilary, 326
+ Pope Leo, 327
+ Greek literature. Historians, 327
+ Eunapius. Priscus. Malchus. Candidus, 327
+ Architecture. Mosaic, 327
+
+
+ DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE. HONORIUS. ARCADIUS. STILICHO. ALARIC.
+ RADAGAISE. ADOLPHUS. CONSTANTINE. GERONTIUS. PLACIDIA. VALENTINIAN III.
+ BONIFACE. AETIUS. GENSERIC. ATTILA. PETRONIUS MAXIMUS. AVITUS. RICIMER.
+ MAJORIAN. SEVERUS. ANTHEMIUS. OLYBRIUS. GLYCERIUS. JULIUS NEPOS.
+ ORESTES. ROMULUS AUGUSTULUS.
+ _Arcadius._ _Honorius._ Stilicho. Rufinus, 328
+ Alaric, 329
+ Stilicho conquers Alaric near Pollentia, 330
+ Restoration of the walls of Rome, 330
+ _Monte Testaccio_, 330
+ Radagaise driven back by Stilicho, 331
+ Weight of taxation in Gaul, 331
+ _Bagaudæ_, 332
+ Conspiracy against Stilicho. He is murdered, 333
+ Alaric appears in Rome. Capitulation. Alaric for the second time
+ turns towards Rome, 333
+ _Attalus_, 333
+ Burning of Rome. Death of Alaric, 334
+ Adolphus. Placidia, 334
+ Constantine in Britain. Gerontius, 334
+ Maximus. Constantius, 335
+ _Theodosius II._ _Johannes_, 335
+ Valentinian III. Placidia. Boniface. Aëtius, 336
+ Boniface calls the Vandals into Africa, 337
+ The Donatists, 337
+ Genseric makes himself master of Carthage, 337
+ Piracy of the Vandal fleets. The Huns, 338
+ Aëtius. Battle in the _Campi Catalaunici_, 340
+ Attila in Italy. Founding of Venice, 341
+ Murder of Aëtius. Death of Valentinian III., 342
+ _Petronius Maximus_, 342
+ Pillage in Rome by the Vandals, 342
+ _Avitus._ Ricimer. _Majorian_, 343
+ Ægidius, Marcellinus, 344
+ _Anthemius._ _Olybrius_, 345
+ Ricimer conquers Rome, 346
+ _Glycerius_, 346
+ _Julius Nepos_, 346
+ Orestes. _Romulus Augustulus_, 347
+ Odoachar. End of the Roman Empire, 347
+ _Fine arts and literature_, 347
+
+
+
+
+ LECTURES ON ROMAN HISTORY.
+
+
+
+
+ POLITICAL STATE OF THE WORLD THEN KNOWN. LEGISLATION. THE WAR WITH THE
+ PIRATES.
+
+
+The states of Europe at this time were as follows. The Roman empire
+comprised, besides Italy, Provence and part of Dauphiné, the whole of
+Languedoc with Thoulouse, and Spain with the exception of Biscay and
+Asturias, although the more distant peoples there were less under its
+sway. The war against Sertorius had thus far completed the subjection of
+Spain: beyond were the free Cantabrians, a numerous nation composed of
+tribes which were quite independent of each other. In Gaul, the Æduans
+had the ascendancy; yet most of the peoples were without any bond of
+union, utterly weak, and already overwhelmed by the German tribes.
+Dalmatia and Illyria were subject to Rome; but her rule did not reach
+far into the interior, and in the Bosnian mountains the natives still
+kept their freedom. Macedon, of which the extent was the same as it had
+been under its last kings, and Greece were Roman provinces. The
+inhabitants of Thrace, and the tribes north of mounts Scodrus and
+Scardus, were free.
+
+In Asia, the Bithynian monarchy had been broken up, the last king,
+Nicomedes, having left his realms by will to the Romans. Mithridates had
+in Western Asia, Pontus and part of Cappadocia; and on the shores of the
+Black Sea, his dominions were still wider: the north of Armenia, the
+country north of Erzerum, Georgia (Iberia), Imeritia (Colchis),
+Daghestan, and also the peoples south of the Cuban were tributary to
+him; the Bosporus and the Greek towns in the Crimea were to all intents
+and purposes provinces of his empire; his influence was even felt as far
+as the Dniester, on the banks of which his supremacy was acknowledged,
+and his connexions moreover reached beyond the Danube into Thrace, even
+to the Roman frontier. The kingdom of the Seleucidæ had quite fallen to
+pieces, the disputes about the succession, after the death of Demetrius,
+having split the country into a number of small principalities which
+carried on feuds against each other with great fury: at last, Antiochus,
+a petty prince on the coast who could hardly keep his ground, applies in
+vain for help to the Romans. The other districts, longing for peace, are
+glad to acknowledge Tigranes as their king, who rules from the frontier
+of Erzerum as far as Cœle-Syria, over Great Armenia, Mesopotamia,
+Northern Syria, Hyrcania, Kurdistan, and part of Cilicia: his empire
+yielded him very rich revenues. In the East, it bordered on the
+Parthians, who possessed nearly the whole of modern Persia and
+Babylonia; in Eastern Persia and part of Khorassan, the kings of Bactria
+may at that time have been still in existence, unless the Scythians had
+already conquered these countries. Media also did not perhaps belong to
+the Parthians even quite down to the breaking out of Pompey’s war.
+Indeed their empire was very loosely connected; the Parthian sovereigns
+were in the full meaning of the word kings of kings, the provinces being
+ruled by their once tributary kings. The towns on the coasts of
+Phœnicia, and in Cœle-Syria and Judæa, were free: the princes
+(tetrarchs) of Jerusalem, of the race of the Maccabees, were
+independent, and even bore the title of kings. In Cœle-Syria, numbers of
+such tetrarchies had been formed.
+
+Egypt under the Ptolemies was confined to its narrowest bounds, from the
+river of Egypt to Elephantine; yet it was very rich. Its kings had still
+a yearly revenue of 12,500 talents, as they were the sole owners of the
+land. But the state was exceedingly weak and disorganised, being under
+the most wretched and contemptible government. In Asia Minor, the Romans
+had of latter years acquired through P. Servilius Isauricus Pisidia,
+Lycia, and Pamphylia: these countries had until then been free; the
+first, since the war with Antiochus; the two last, since the settlement
+of the Rhodian affairs. Part of Cilicia was yet independent, each place
+by itself: here were the real nests of pirates. Cyprus was a dependency
+of the Ptolemies, but under kings of its own.
+
+In Africa, after the death of Jugurtha, there was another king of the
+house of Masinissa on the throne of Numidia. His name, however, is
+unknown: for the inscription in Reinesius, which is said to have been in
+existence in the sixteenth century, and in which Gauda is mentioned, has
+not as yet been found again, and is therefore very doubtful. In Sylla’s
+time, a Hiempsal was lord of Numidia. The country was certainly confined
+within much narrower limits than it had been under Micipsa, and before
+the war with Jugurtha; but, it was still a kingdom. The province of
+Africa was governed by Roman proconsuls.
+
+The Scordiscans and Tauriscans, those Gallic races which had formerly
+been so harassed by those who had sprung from the same stock with
+themselves, were dwelling on the banks of the Danube; higher up were the
+Boians, who were independent, and also the people of Noricum which was
+already subject to the supremacy of Rome. The German tribes can at that
+time have scarcely dwelt farther south than the Mayne; there was
+probably a line from that river and the Neckar through the Odenwald and
+the Spessart towards Thuringia. The boundary of the German nation in the
+east cut deep into Poland.
+
+Although the institutions of Sylla could not be overthrown by Lepidus,
+yet there were many of them, particularly the transfer of the
+administration of justice to the senate, so hateful from the shameful
+manner in which they were worked, that even many of the well-meaning
+among the ruling party abhorred them, and openly declared themselves
+against them. The venality of the courts of justice was quite glaring:
+we may learn what their condition was from Cicero’s orations; it was
+such that honest men were ashamed of the vile abuse. To make the judges
+independent, was therefore the great question of the day. But while it
+was wished to wrest the jurisdiction from the grasp of the senate, there
+was also, on the other hand, some reason to beware of the knights; and
+therefore an expedient was sought for, to keep that immense privilege
+from falling entirely into their hands. In such times, the line of
+demarcation between the different ranks is formed only by landed or by
+moneyed property; as soon as people want to generalize, there is no
+other standard but this, although it is a thoroughly false one. Such a
+classification then becomes unavoidable: Rome was on this wrong road, as
+France is now. There was in that age, and very likely there had been
+even as early as the war of Hannibal, a census fixed for the senators;
+either of 800,000 or 1,000,000 sesterces, being at any rate more
+considerable than the minimum of the _census equestris_. Now the _Lex
+Judiciaria_ of Lucius Aurelius Cotta (682) enacted that a number of
+senators, knights, and _tribuni ærarii_, chosen it would seem by the
+tribes from people of a lower census than that of the equestrian order,
+should in about equal proportions constitute the courts as a very
+numerous jury (Asconius on Cicero).[1] This was a great improvement; the
+judges indeed were still bad enough; yet they were after all infinitely
+better than those taken from the senate.
+
+Moreover Pompey during his consulship, with the acquiescence of Crassus,
+made another great change. He restored the tribuneship to what it had
+been, so that the tribunes might even again propose laws, it being
+reserved to the augurs alone to interpose; besides which, the tribunes
+were to be again allowed to get curule offices when they had served
+their time, as had been the custom before the days of Sylla. Pompey saw
+that Sylla had made a blunder, and he wished to root out the evil at
+once, without being aware that it was only by going too far that the
+mischief had been done: for it is ever the fault of men of moderate
+abilities when in power, that they are always for running into extremes,
+and keeping no bounds. But any essential reform was in fact impossible,
+the tribuneship being a monstrous nuisance which it was necessary to
+abate.
+
+This happened during the consulship of Pompey in the year 682; the
+further changes down to Cicero’s consulship (689), I leave until then.
+
+The war with Mithridates broke out almost instantly after the death of
+Nicomedes, many provocations having been given on the side of the
+Romans: its immediate cause was the alliance of Mithridates with
+Sertorius. He was completely armed for war, as far as could be done by
+dint of money and great exertions. The rock on which his enterprise was
+to split, was his having Asiatics under him, he himself also being one;
+for Mithridates has been overrated in history. Whatever gold in masses
+could accomplish, he achieved; but it was to little purpose that he was
+ever sending new armies into the field, a thing which he was enabled to
+do by spending vast sums: he knew neither how to conduct a campaign nor
+to fight a battle. He overran Paphlagonia, and burst into Bithynia and
+Cappadocia, advancing as far as Chalcedon in Bithynia, into which he
+drove the Roman consul Cotta. His fleet had decided success; for he
+chased the Roman ships into the harbour, and took them, The Romans had
+still (it was then the year 678) the old soldiers of Valerius Flaccus,
+who had now been there for about thirteen years: these men were quite
+demoralized, their ranks were thinned by death, and their tempers soured
+by their having been kept as it were in banishment. Mithridates
+therefore, after taking Chalcedon and Heraclea, had the way before him
+open to the most wealthy and powerful town of Cyzicus, a place which
+maintained its fidelity to the Romans with the same determination which
+it had already displayed in former campaigns. He had posted his troops
+on the island upon which part of the city is built, being connected with
+the mainland only by a dyke: from this island and from the sea, he
+battered the town with all his engines. The people of Cyzicus, alone,
+and without any help from the Romans, beat off all the attacks of the
+enemy. In the meanwhile, Lucullus came to Asia. He was a staunch
+partisan of Sylla, and of melancholy importance in Roman history: more
+than any other Roman, he transplanted the luxury of Asia to Rome. He was
+distinguished as a general, and as Cicero thinks so highly of him, he
+must certainly have had some estimable qualities; but he cannot have
+gotten his great wealth by fair means. Whilst Mithridates was besieging
+Cyzicus, Lucullus took a very advantageous position in Phrygia, on the
+Æsepus; and there, by cutting off his supplies, he put Mithridates to
+such straits that he was forced to raise the siege, after which he was
+no longer able to keep his ground any where. Mithridates indeed carried
+on the siege of Cyzicus too long; yet he ought not to be blamed too
+harshly for it, since the same thing has happened with generals of
+higher name. All great generals have made blunders in their turn, with
+perhaps the solitary exception of the Duke of Wellington. But the king
+now at once retreats, vanishes entirely from our sight, and is in the
+heart of Pontus whither Lucullus follows him. Here also Mithridates does
+not know how to defend himself at all, or to make any sort of stand; nor
+even how to impede the enemy when it was besieging the towns which, like
+Amisus, Sinope, and others, bravely held out; nor yet how to relieve a
+place; but he lets himself be driven out of his country, and throws him
+self into the arms of Tigranes with whom he was allied by marriage. All
+his great armaments, his hundreds of thousands of hoplites were
+dispersed; all the most important towns of Western Pontus, the truly
+favoured part of the land, were conquered. Lucullus now followed him
+across the mountains into Armenia, and besieged Tigranocerta in the
+Arzanene, in the district of Erzerum. The Armenian army was in the first
+battle scattered like chaff before the wind, and Tigranocerta also was
+taken after a somewhat better conducted siege, which, however, did not
+last long. Tigranes fell back before Lucullus. Gibbon very justly
+remarks, that under circumstances which seem unfavourable, the character
+of a people will sometimes strikingly change; but that sometimes it will
+only change in some of its features, and not in others. The Armenians
+behaved on this occasion, just as cowardly as the troops of Xerxes had
+done against the Greeks, and they had shown themselves the same at the
+retreat of the ten thousand; but they afterwards improved so much, that
+in the times of the Eastern Roman Empire, until late in the middle ages,
+the Armenian soldiers were among the very bravest, and formed the flower
+of the Byzantine army. Armenia is a very cold country, so that we can
+still less account for the former cowardice of the nation, as Gibbon
+likewise remarks: the Highlands of Armenia are much colder than Germany;
+in the neighbourhood of Erzerum snow often falls as early as towards the
+end of September, and quite commonly in October. Yet it seems that other
+causes exercised their influence. In after days, the Armenians, since
+the spread of the Christian religion among them, became very important
+allies to the Christian Emperors against the Magians of Persia; and
+still later they distinguished themselves by their enthusiasm for the
+Paulician tenets. Lucullus went on as far as Mesopotamia, and took up
+his head-quarters at Nisibis, the Zobah of the 2d book of Samuel[2] (in
+the Vulgate, the 2d book of Kings), the seat of the Syrian kings in that
+country; which from the times of Diocletian became the border fortress
+of the Romans against Persia. Here Lucullus seems chiefly to have
+employed his power as proconsul for the purpose of enriching himself. At
+Nisibis, a mutiny broke out among his soldiers, headed by his
+brother-in-law, P. Clodius: (Lucullus had married one of his sisters.)
+This outbreak originated with the Valerian soldiers, who had obtained a
+promise at Rome, that those who had served twenty years should have
+their discharge. The actual period of service was in those days more and
+more prolonged, whilst in the times of the younger Scipio not more than
+six years of uninterrupted military service were exacted: the Valerians
+therefore had a very good right to demand their discharge. Yet Lucullus
+would not part with them; perhaps because he had not received the
+necessary reinforcements, and was not able to let them go. Clodius on
+this occasion played the mutineer, as he did during the whole of his
+life. Lucullus, thus checked in his progress, was obliged to retreat to
+Cappadocia: thither Mithridates again broke in, and he routed C.
+Valerius Triarius, and reconquered the greater part of Pontus. An outcry
+had already been raised against Lucullus, that he wanted to protract the
+war for the sake of enriching himself; and now that the campaign was
+unfavourable, he was compelled to yield the command to Pompey.
+
+Pompey, in the meanwhile, after the conclusion of the war against
+Sertorius, had conducted that against the pirates. These must have been
+a nuisance of long standing; for the rough inhabitants of the coasts of
+Cilicia had been sea-rovers for ages: even as early as the Macedonian
+time, they are mentioned as such; so that they must already have had
+their strongholds there. The coast of Cilicia was also very well suited
+for this; for although there were some important and thriving towns,
+like Tarsus, there, the people mostly dwelt in small fortified places as
+at Maina. Formerly this coast land had been subject to the Syrian rule;
+but when the power of the Seleucidæ was broken up in the year 630,
+Cilicia became independent, and many robbers by land and by sea settled
+there, especially in Κιλικία τραχεῖα. In the war of Mithridates, they
+were encouraged by the latter to make prizes, and their daring was
+beyond belief: Cicero in his oration _de imperio Cn. Pompeii_ (thus, and
+not _de lege Manilia_ it is called in all the MSS,) gives an idea of the
+extent of this pest. From the coast of Syria to the pillars of Hercules,
+no man was safe anywhere; all the seas were swarming with the ships of
+the pirates. Those whom they took prisoners they dragged into their
+fastnesses, obliging them to ransom themselves; or else they sold them,
+or tortured them to death and threw them into the sea. In Italy itself,
+they sacked and conquered towns: they once even landed at Ostia whence
+they carried off Romans of rank who were walking about the shore, even
+prætors with all the state attached to their office. Rome depended on
+supplies from Sicily and other agricultural countries, and as these were
+very often intercepted, the city was in constant dread of a famine.
+Allied with the pirates were the Cretans, who had, at all times, been
+robbers like them by sea and land. The naval force of the Romans had
+much decayed; whereas the pirates had a countless number of boats,
+which, though small, were too strong for a merchantman. Pompey now
+received the command against this enemy, and this is the most brilliant
+period of his life. The fame which he acquired on this occasion is well
+earned: his plan of operations is quite excellent. He surrounded them as
+with a net in a battue, and hunted them out of the most distant spots;
+then, more and more closely contracting his own fleet until he drove
+them to Cilicia, he overpowered them in a battle, took their ships, and
+reduced their towns, transferring the inhabitants to other places;
+partly into larger Cilician towns and fruitful districts, where they
+might gain their livelihood, and at the same time be well watched;
+partly also into Greece, especially into the neighbourhood of Dyme, into
+Achaia and the wasted countries of the Peloponnesus.
+
+This was a benefit to the world itself: for this Pompey deserved the
+everlasting thanks of all who dwelt on the coasts of the Mediterranean.
+Standing higher than ever in public opinion, he was in consequence of
+this popularity intrusted with the war against Mithridates. Nor had the
+Romans ever reason to rue this decision, though indeed they made victory
+much more easy for him than it had been for Lucullus, as he received
+considerable reinforcements. Mithridates lost in one battle all that he
+had regained, without the Roman arms having any great honour from it: he
+fled to Colchis, and from thence along the roots of mount Caucasus to
+the Bosporus. Pompey followed close at his heels, by what is now
+Erzerum, as far as Georgia and the neighbourhood of Tiflis, and the
+princes of that country did homage to Rome: one of the sons of
+Mithridates, named Machares, who held the kingdom of Bosporus as a fief,
+made a separate peace with the Romans; but when he heard that his father
+was approaching, he laid hands on his own life. Mithridates, who in his
+misfortunes, with eastern fury, freely vented his passions upon those
+around him, now became an object of hatred; his servants and children
+(of whom he had very many) trembled before him. Moreover, he had formed
+boundless plans: having still a great deal of money, he now conceived
+the vast design of going to Italy; and he wanted to stir up the Bastarnæ
+and other peoples on the banks of the Danube, to league themselves with
+him. When his soldiers heard of this, they could not but remark, that as
+yet none of his undertakings had been successful; and so they broke out
+into a mutiny at Panticapæum, being joined by Pharnaces the king’s son.
+The outbreak displayed all the dreadful features of an eastern
+insurrection; and therefore Mithridates put an end to his own life,
+thinking perhaps that his son would not rest until he knew his father to
+be dead. Pharnaces now made peace with Pompey, and he was not ashamed to
+send him his father’s body: Pompey, however, had it buried with kingly
+pomp. Pharnaces got the kingdom of the Bosporus and the neighbouring
+lands, as well as the country of the Cubanians; and this he kept until
+the later times of Cæsar: when, however, he ventured to mix himself up
+with the civil wars (_se inserere armis Romanis_ as Tacitus expresses
+it), he met with his ruin. Pompey now turned his arms against Tigranes,
+who was glad to obtain a shameful peace by paying a large sum of money,
+and by giving up all his possessions with the exception of Armenia: even
+of this he had to yield a part to a rebellious son, but it soon came
+back to him. Syria he had to renounce altogether: it was reduced _in
+formam provinciæ Romanæ_. Pompey went as far as Egypt, and made himself
+master of Syria and Phœnicia: one of his generals even reached the
+country of the Nabathæan Arabs, where he received the homage of the Arab
+king Haret. In Judæa, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus were contending for the
+throne: Pompey declared for the former. Aristobulus was made prisoner,
+and led a captive in his triumph; the town of Jerusalem fell into the
+power of the Romans; the temple was held against them for nearly three
+months, and then it was taken and pillaged, but not destroyed.
+
+The death of Mithridates happened in the year of Cicero’s consulship,
+the conquest of Syria in the following one: it is not certain whether
+Pompey’s triumph was at the end of the year 690, or in the beginning of
+691. Pompey’s behaviour after the conclusion of the war was
+praiseworthy. He showed an _animus civilis_, and dismissed the whole of
+his army: he might have tried to do just what Sylla did, and made
+himself the tyrant of the republic. Of the extravagantly flattering
+honours bestowed upon him, he only once took advantage, and that was at
+the Circensian games. Thus far he behaved sensibly enough; but in other
+respects, his conduct in peace was soon such as to belie the name of
+Magnus, which had been conferred upon him by Sylla in war. His triumph
+was magnificent: among the trophies, there was a list of the tributes
+which the commonwealth had gained from the conquered countries. The
+numbers of these, however, as given in Plutarch, seem to me rather too
+small than too great: if we bear in mind the immense land-taxes which in
+the time of the Maccabees came in from Judæa and other districts in
+Syria, we cannot believe that these numbers can have been correct. It is
+true that the amount of the new revenue was larger than the sum total of
+all that had been levied until then; but it is also to be taken into
+account, that Syria was one of the finest and richest countries in the
+world.
+
+
+
+
+ CATILINE; CICERO.
+
+
+We now come to Catiline, who, as an English writer says of Cromwell, is
+“damned to everlasting fame;” a saying which is far more applicable to
+him, as even Cromwell was an angel when compared with Catiline. In
+Italian tales (in Malespini, for instance), he is so much the hero of
+crime, and become such a popular character, that the vulgar corruption
+of his name, which indeed is but a slight one (_Catellina_), has found
+its way into the Latin manuscripts. I refer you for his history to
+Sallust, who has written it with great truthfulness, giving every one
+his due, and doing full justice even to Cicero, without heeding the
+silly gossip of the people. He was himself, at that time, already a
+young man and capable of observation; and he also became very soon
+afterwards acquainted with the first men, such as Cæsar and Crassus.
+
+Catiline, according to Cicero and Sallust, was indeed an extraordinary
+being, endowed with all the qualities of a great man in such times: he
+was of unequalled bravery and daring, and of giant strength of body and
+mind; yet so thoroughly Satanic a creature, that his like is hardly to
+be found in history, even though his oath, in taking which he drank the
+blood of a child mixed with wine, and caused his conspirators to do the
+same, may be but an idle tale. He had been a soldier of Sylla, and had
+greatly distinguished himself in his days: he therefore found himself in
+the same condition as the _Terroristes_ and the _Septembriseurs_ were
+under the consulship, after the eighteenth of Brumaire. After terrible
+civil wars, there remains for many persons who have allowed themselves
+the greatest excesses, nothing but to return to bloodshed, even though
+they have nothing particular to gain by it. It is altogether a doubtful
+question, and one concerning which I have not been able to form any
+positive opinion, what Catiline had in view. If we suppose that he had a
+definite purpose, to attain which his crimes were only as means, his
+object cannot be made out; but if crime itself was his object, then we
+may understand his character. We have only to represent to ourselves
+clearly the utter demoralization of that age: the anarchy of Athens
+which is so much spoken of, was nothing in comparison to that of Rome;
+it had settled down into forms of its own, and Athens was but a small
+state. But in Rome there were some hundreds, or at most some thousands
+of men, who were the masters of the world: these were divided among
+themselves, recognising no law, no order, and striving by hook or by
+crook to get their own ends, whilst the republic was a mere name and no
+one paid any regard to the existing laws. There were, for instance,
+heavy penalties denounced against bribery at elections, which moreover
+had often been re-enacted and increased; and yet every body knew that,
+except in extraordinary cases, as in that of Cicero, no one could be
+consul at Rome unless he spent huge sums. The _Romani rustici_ had no
+weight whatever: besides the men of rank, the rabble alone had still
+some importance left; and it was employed by the leading citizens to
+fight their battles against each other. In such times, even a man like
+Catiline might in the eyes of very ambitious people seem to be a useful
+tool; and the accusation against Crassus, a man of most middling
+abilities, that he wanted to use him for his own ends, is to me not at
+all unlikely, although Catiline, had he been successful, would have
+certainly trampled him under his feet. If Catiline had any object at
+all, it was perhaps to become a second Sylla, a perpetual dictator with
+absolute power; and then he would not have troubled himself for anything
+more. Two years before Cicero’s consulship, he had already intended to
+murder those who were consuls at that time, and to make himself master
+of the republic. We know him in his most brilliant light from Cicero
+himself, the very man whom he hated above all others: for he says of
+him, that he had a magic power by which he fascinated and enslaved all
+who came near him; that it was not uncommon for young people, having
+been attracted by his gigantic qualities, to attach themselves to him;
+and that whoever had once been within his reach, had never been able to
+get out of his clutches. Cicero himself had defended Catiline before a
+court of justice. Catiline had been an officer of high rank under Sylla,
+and afterwards prætor, and an action (_repetundarum_) was brought
+against him from which he had a very narrow escape: it may have been on
+this occasion that Cicero was his advocate. On the whole, people had
+their eyes upon him, and his designs were dreaded, though no one had the
+courage to face him: it was believed that he would burn and pillage, if
+he once got into power. The most opposite characters, even many of
+Sylla’s partisans, were convinced that they, just as well as any one
+else, would fall his victims.
+
+Cicero now stood for the consulship. Yet though his integrity and his
+transcendent talents commanded general esteem, his prospects were but
+poor. With the people indeed, he was a great favourite; but the men of
+rank opposed him as a _homo novus_; prætor he had been already. The
+well-grounded news, however, that Catiline and the conspirators meant to
+murder the candidates for the consulship, and the belief that there was
+no preventing the election of C. Antonius, an uncle of the triumvir, who
+was greatly suspected of a connexion with Catiline, induced the nobles
+to declare for Cicero. Thus he became consul in the year 698.
+
+Cicero was born on the 3rd of January, in the year 647 according to Cato
+(649, according to Varro, which is easier to remember, as it reminds one
+of the year of Goethe’s birth);[3] he was a native of the municipal town
+of Arpinum, from which Marius also had come. Arpinum was by no means a
+small place; on the contrary, for a provincial town in the interior of
+the country, it was very large and important, and it was also one of
+those which are called the Cyclopian towns: now indeed it is only a poor
+place. All the men of Arpinum undoubtedly were proud of Marius, an
+impression which Cicero had shared from a youth, especially as there was
+some kind of relationship between his family and that of Marius. His own
+family was very respectable; in a petty feud in his town, his
+grandfather was on the side of the _optimates_. His father and
+grandfather were acquainted with the first families in Rome, and indeed
+with the enemies of Marius, with Scævola and others of the
+aristocratical party; so that the discord which runs through the whole
+life of Cicero, takes its beginning even then. To Marius Gratidianus he
+was also akin.
+
+Of Cicero’s youth, we only know that he very early showed activity of:
+intellect, and soon began to write. His first tastes were poetical, the
+first things he wrote being poems in the old Roman form: (his “Pontius
+Glaucus” was written _versibus longis_.) In his poetry, he had all his
+life long the old Roman tinge, whereas his prose was altogether ahead of
+that of his age. What the first teaching then given in the schools was,
+one cannot quite tell: thus much only is certain, that instruction in
+the Greek literature and language was one of the earliest subjects in
+which youthful minds were trained; just as in Germany, in my time,
+children had first to learn French. Cicero came to Rome shortly before
+the outbreak of the Italian war, in his fourteenth or fifteenth year;
+the reason why his father sent him to Rome, was perhaps because Arpinum
+lay on the borders of the Italians. At Rome, he was much with Greek
+philosophers and rhetoricians, and with the most distinguished men of
+the republic: he was like one of the family in the house of both the
+Scævolas, and was connected with Crassus and others. He came in a time
+of the greatest excitement, which is one of the lucky circumstances of
+his life. It is very doubtful whether he was what we would call _aide de
+camp_ to Sylla: he does not mention the fact himself; at any rate, it
+can only have been for a short time, and this military career of his had
+no influence upon the rest of his life, as his was anything but a
+warlike mind. He also studied civil law with the great lawyer Scævola:
+young men would get leave to be present in the _Atrium_ of a
+jurisconsult, to listen to the legal decisions and advice which he gave
+there; just as in England one still learns the law to this day, and as
+was formerly done in France, a way of studying which is of infinite
+advantage for able minds. Although Cicero has been reproached with not
+having a systematic knowledge of the law, it was not an empty word of
+his when he said, “If I wished to get up the law, it would cost me only
+a few months;” for he knew an endless number of cases in point.
+
+If we compare Cicero’s veneration for his high born patrons, with his
+affection for P. Sulpicius, whose political views were diametrically
+opposed to those of his older friends, we are somewhat startled; but he
+follows up the truth wherever he finds it, and we may recognise in this
+the inward struggle of his mind. Those old gentlemen were very
+respectable; but they had not highly intellectual minds: P. Sulpicius
+was full of intellect, and as he was a partisan of Marius, there was a
+closer bond between him and Cicero, who felt a patriotic enthusiasm for
+Marius, and, when a youth, even sang of him in a poem. When the
+revolutions began, he was in no danger from either of the parties, as he
+was true-hearted and friendly to both; that of Marius protected him with
+good will, and that of Sylla was not fierce against him: he was grieved
+to see that the wrong was on both sides. Thus, although the distracted
+state of his country well nigh broke his heart, he worked by himself,
+making shift with a sort of neutrality. When the time of Sylla’s rule
+began, he was in his twenty-seventh year, and had already pleaded
+several _causæ privatæ_. The earliest of his orations is the one _pro
+Roscio comœdo_, which is much older than is generally thought, being
+several years earlier than the oration _pro Quinctio_, as Garatoni has
+proved. The oration _pro Quinctio_ seems first to have drawn much
+attention to him, owing to the boldness with which he defended his
+persecuted client: still more did he gain the high esteem of the public
+by the oration _pro Sexto Roscio Amerino_, whom Chrysogonus, a freedman
+of Sylla, wanted to send out of the world. It needed a truly heroic
+courage for a young man not to be afraid of this dangerous favourite of
+Sylla, especially for one who was himself connected with the Marian
+party. He carried his point; but his friends advised him to leave Rome,
+that Chrysogonus might forget him. Thus he went to Rhodes and Asia, and
+completed his study of Greek. What he was deficient in, was the
+knowledge of mathematics, of which he had very little, whereas the
+Greeks at that time regularly made them a part of their education.
+Moreover, he never systematically studied Roman history, and its writers
+were not to his taste. He was fond of poetry, yet only in a limited
+style: his chief favourites in literature were the Greek historians
+Herodotus and Thucydides; he was also well read in Theopompus, Timæus,
+and the rest of these: he enthusiastically admired the Athenian orators,
+in reading whom he felt called upon to vie with them. He had the
+greatest facility for work, an excellent memory, readiness and richness
+of expression, all the talents of a speaker. The predominant faculty of
+his mind was wit, in which he was not equalled by any man of ancient
+times: it was striking, easy, lively and inexhaustible, what we should
+perhaps call the French manner.
+
+As to his personal connexions, he seems in his youth to have been
+without any bosom friend: it was only in his later years that there
+sprang up that pure fine friendship with Atticus which was a true and
+sincere union. His brother, for whom he had indeed much brotherly
+affection and love, was a worthless man, and in no way whatever to be
+compared with him. Nor was he happy in his married life, having allied
+himself, chiefly at the instigation of his friends, to Terentia, a
+domineering disagreeable woman, who exercised an influence over him
+which strangely contrasts with the fact of his never having really loved
+her; for on the whole, owing to his affectionate nature, he was easily
+led by those around him. She egged him on to the most dangerous
+enmities, as for instance, that of Clodius. The men of the oldest
+standing all looked upon him with great esteem, but none of them had any
+hearty love for him.
+
+On his return from Asia, Sylla was dead, the troubles caused by Lepidus
+were over, and a reaction against the tyranny of the oligarchs had
+begun. Such a reaction has in its outset a peculiarly refreshing and
+conciliatory influence; the most different persons agree, and become
+friends. An example of this was seen in France, from the year 1795 to
+1797, when men of the most opposite kind united in their endeavours; and
+also in Germany, at the time when the people rose against French
+tyranny: of ten who had then been sworn allies, there are now perhaps
+not two together. The general feeling at Rome was against Sylla,
+although his party had still the ascendency. This shows how they lost
+their power: they resigned it themselves, being tired of it; just as the
+national convention did, after the death of Robespierre. Very likely,
+people at Rome felt at that time much more comfortable than they had any
+reason for being: the danger without from Spartacus was so great, that
+it was necessary to keep close together.
+
+Although Cicero was a _homo novus_, and had not distinguished himself in
+war, he yet resolved to obtain the highest offices. One step after
+another was given him with the greatest goodwill of the people; and he
+acquitted himself in the most creditable manner, not for the sake of
+mere show, but from the bent of his noble disposition. He was thoroughly
+a man of honour, far above even the thought of anything like meanness:
+to put forth all his powers, and to display them most brilliantly, was
+his generous ambition. The necessity of making himself conspicuous in
+order to rise, was the source of that boastfulness with which he has
+been so often reproached, and which perhaps he would not have had under
+other circumstances. He distinguished himself by his accusation of
+Verres, but yet more by his defences; whereas the other great orators
+were always engaged as accusers. It is quite striking, how many he
+undertook to defend; but he also pleaded for people for whom I could not
+have said one word, but rather would have accused them. This was in many
+cases to be accounted for by his kindliness of soul; as for instance,
+there was in the defence of M. Æmilius Scaurus, the son, an apostrophe
+to the father, that deep hypocrite, who, in his later years, it is true,
+was really the worthy man that he had wished to seem in his earlier
+ones. Cicero had personally much admiration for him, having been kindly
+received by him when a youth; and it might perhaps have immensely
+flattered him to be noticed by such a man. Scaurus was a _grand
+seigneur_, the first man of the republic as _princeps senatus_ and
+censor, and Cicero did not know him from history as we do. Thus I
+confess that a certain great statesman, in whose house I almost lived in
+my youth, appears to me in quite a different light from what he would if
+I had not personally known him. Cicero may after all have been chiefly
+led by the feeling, that he was sparing the manes of a man, who as it
+were had inaugurated him for life, the grief of having his son
+condemned. Vatinius he also defended, after having once pleaded against
+him. Vatinius, however, was not that bad man which he would seem from
+Cicero’s passionate speech; the latter had dealt his blows too hard.
+Cicero had forgiven him, as he could not but pity him when he was in
+such distress; and his gratitude to Cicero, as expressed in his letters,
+shows him to have been no villain. Cicero thought it a dispensation of
+providence, that he had power to take his part: the consciousness of
+being able to give protection by his talent, was the highest delight of
+his life. For having pleaded for Gabinius, he is indeed to be blamed;
+but this was a sacrifice which he made to the republic in order to gain
+Pompey over to the good cause, and it was very hard for him to do. For
+it was the misfortune of that age, that to do good, one had to be
+friendly to very bad people. It is a sad pity that this defence has been
+lost; but the oration _pro Rabirio Postumo_ being a close continuation
+of the same arguments, we may form some notion of that _pro Gabinio_; he
+surely did not make out Gabinius to be innocent. The courts indeed at
+that time were not juries, whose business is only to find out whether
+the defendant is guilty or not guilty, and where a higher authority may
+step in and grant a pardon or commute the punishment; but the
+_quæstiones perpetuæ_ had come into the place of the former popular
+tribunals, and combined both of these functions: they gave a verdict as
+to innocence or guilt, and also had the right of pardoning. This latter
+power must not be wanting in any state, _summum jus_ being only too
+often _summa injuria_: as no one else had it in Rome, the courts of
+justice themselves had to be invested with it. This is the point of view
+from which we are to judge the tribunals and advocates of that time.
+When Kant in his _Kritik der Urtheilskraft_ (Critical Enquiry into the
+Faculty of Judgment) assails the eloquence and the profession of
+advocate, he is in some measure in contradiction with himself; for even
+on this occasion, he has written with the greatest eloquence when
+inveighing against political, and still more against forensic eloquence.
+Before our (German) tribunals, eloquence indeed is not allowable: the
+question in our mode of administering justice being “guilty or not
+guilty,” the Judge has to throw aside anything that might beguile or
+mislead him. If, as has been often proposed, but cannot be carried out,
+there were a board which had to inquire whether there be room for
+pardon, a generous orator pleading for mercy would be very much in his
+place.[4]
+
+Cicero having thus passed through the quæstorship, ædileship, and
+prætorship, was now, in his forty-third year, unanimously chosen consul.
+It cannot be denied that, at the end of his consulship, he became giddy;
+but he entered upon it with cheerful confidence, and the circumstances
+in which he was placed were exceedingly difficult. The tribunes
+everywhere abused their recovered power. The speeches against Rullus are
+some of the most brilliant examples of eloquence, when he demanded a
+small sacrifice from the people, and induced them not to accept the
+bounty which was proffered them in the scheme for the division of the
+lands. Moreover, when the sons of the proscribed (some of whom were of
+the first families, and had become impoverished, inasmuch as Sylia had
+deprived them of all prospect of office), had by the motion of a tribune
+been given to hope that they might recover their honours, he persuaded
+them _concordiæ causa_ to renounce them. The person who from the very
+first withstood him, was Catiline. How Cicero was to be murdered; how he
+discovered those plots; how he saw into the secrets of the conspirators,
+without being seen himself; you may read in his own writings, and in
+Sallust. Matters came to such a pass, that Cicero found it necessary to
+attack Catiline in the senate; whereupon the latter left Rome, which was
+considered a great advantage. He betook himself to Tuscany where one of
+his partisans had gathered together some thousands of armed men, a
+number of vagabonds and outcasts, part of them Etruscans driven from
+their homes, others military colonists and such like. The accomplices,
+however, who had remained behind in Rome were men of the highest
+standing: among others was the prætor Lentulus, who had already been
+consul, but had been struck off from the list of the senate _ambitus
+causa_; so that he had once more to pass through all the offices,
+beginning at the lowest, to be able again to come into the senate. As to
+him, Cicero knew of his guilt for certain; in other cases, the connexion
+was very probable, though it was never proved; in that of M. Crassus, it
+was very likely. Julius Cæsar was also mentioned; yet Cicero believed
+him innocent: it is my conviction, that he could not have engaged in
+anything of the kind, the conspiracy being such, that this is not to be
+thought of. To get such evidence that the crime might, according to the
+Roman law, be _delictum manifestum_, Cicero made use of a stratagem. The
+envoys of the Allobroges, who since Pompey’s return from the war with
+Sertorius, were Roman citizens, and just then were present at Rome to
+negotiate a loan, and to obtain relief, he persuaded to disclose to him
+the offers made them by the conspirators: they were also to get the
+letters of these to Catiline, and then to give them up to him. The
+envoys being thereupon arrested, for the sake of appearance, by the
+prætor Valerius Flaccus, those letters were found among their papers.
+The punishment to be inflicted, was the question now mooted in the
+senate. According to the Roman law, there was no doubt but that, the
+identity of the signatures being proved, the culprits might be condemned
+to death, and this was moved by Dec. Silanus: but Cæsar argued that this
+would be a highly dangerous step; that great odium would be incurred by
+it, as one would have to return to the former mode of wholesale
+executions; that one should rather disperse the men, and keep them
+imprisoned for life in different places. I believe that, if in later
+years the question had been put to Cicero, what would have been best for
+the republic, he himself would have wished that Cato had not spoken,
+however honest a man Cato was: it was a misfortune for the republic that
+those men were executed. That the events are here very much crowded,
+must not surprise us; for the greatest things may happen within a few
+weeks. On the other hand, it startles us when Cicero in the oration for
+Sextius says, “what would have happened, if the conspiracy had been
+discovered later, if Catiline had had time during the winter, and thrown
+himself into the mountains?” This seems enigmatical; for those familiar
+with Cicero’s writings, are aware that he designates his triumph as
+_Nonæ illæ Decembres_, and in Tuscany it is certainly winter in
+December. Yet this comes from the derangement of the calendar; just as
+Cæsar also once betakes himself into winter-quarters in February.
+
+Catiline had joined C. Manlius in Etruria. Cicero adopted the most
+excellent arrangement. Q. Metellus Celer, who was posted with an army in
+the _ager Gallicus Picenus_, marched to the northern slope of the
+Apennines, to cut off the passes which lead from Fæsulæ to Rome. C.
+Antonius, whom Cicero with wonderful cleverness had detached from the
+conspirators, and had quite neutralized by giving up all sorts of
+advantages to him, had likewise the command of an army; but whilst he
+was ill, Petreius, his lieutenant, led the troops into action. Catiline,
+as all retreat from Etruria to Gaul was cut off from him, was obliged to
+accept the battle. He died as he had lived, like a valiant soldier: the
+whole band fought like lions; they fell like the soldiers of Spartacus.
+
+For this consulship, Cicero indeed got thanks for the moment; but
+instead of gaining for him lasting gratitude, it only brought upon him
+enmity and detraction. This is one of the saddest lessons taught us by
+the observation of human affairs. It is quite natural for a
+distinguished man to put forth his claims to acknowledgment; just as the
+striving after truth is a deep-rooted impulse of our nature:—a true
+saint, like Vincent de Paul, could alone have raised himself above such
+a weakness. Plato justly says, “the last garment which the pure man
+doffs, is the love of fame;” and when he does cast it off, he generally
+stands on most dangerous ground. When I bethink myself of the crying
+evil of our age, then I see with pain that there are so few who are bent
+upon seeking deathless fame: this wretched unsatisfying life, which is
+all for the present moment, leads to no good. He who yearns after glory
+from posterity, is sure to be a good man; and even his own age also must
+acknowledge, and must honour him. The only poetical genius among the
+Germans now living, Count Platen, has a painful longing after renown,
+and often speaks of his not being appreciated by the men of his day.
+Cicero was of a morbid sensibility: if it is in the power of a great man
+always to command and to act, he cares less whether he is honoured or
+not; but if he is only able to command the souls of men, and not their
+bodies, he is much more susceptible with regard to such matters. Cicero
+was keenly, and even morbidly alive to anything like a slight; any
+injury, or ill-will, any kind of envy upset him. Unhappily, he tried to
+overcome this by putting himself forward to show to the people what he
+was, sometimes chiding, and at other times remonstrating with them. They
+were certainly the vainest of all men, who in the most highly edifying
+language forsooth! have written on Cicero’s vanity: I am grieved at it,
+as I love Cicero as if I had known him, and also feel hurt by the scoffs
+which even the ancients already uttered against him. A source of great
+heart-burning to him, was the mortification which he suffered from
+Pompey’s indifference. He must have known very little of the latter
+before he went to Asia, and they can only have met during Pompey’s first
+consulship; on what terms of friendliness they were, cannot be known: at
+that time, Cicero was ædile. Afterwards, Pompey was for the most part
+absent, whereas Cicero was always at Rome. Pompey, full of his victories
+over Mithridates, thought of no one in all the republic but himself; and
+when Cicero wrote an unfortunate letter to him in Asia, in which he told
+him of the events in Rome, to make him aware of what he himself had done
+for the good of the country, he answered coldly: he took it as an
+offence, that Cicero should have presumed, in the face of his own
+achievements, to speak of what he too had done for his country. Another
+motive were the aristocratical airs which Pompey was pleased to give
+himself towards a _homo novus_ like Cicero, although his own ancestor
+was but a low musician.
+
+Hardly was Cicero’s consulship at an end, when he met with enmity. The
+whole college of tribunes in the following year, with the exception of
+Cato, was seditious: party names had no longer any meaning, and Metellus
+and Bestia, who belonged to the plebeian nobility, were playing the part
+of demagogues, and attacking him with the greatest impudence. His
+oration for Murena breathes the inward quiet joyfulness, which, just
+after his victory, made him happy for some time: it is by no means
+appreciated as it ought to be, and least of all by those jurists who
+have taken up the gauntlet as knights errant for the great lawyer
+Servius Sulpicius. People never bethink themselves of the state of mind
+in which the speaker is, but they are offended by trifling expressions;
+a thing which has often been the case with myself. This went on for
+centuries; no one understood how innocently Cicero here laughs at the
+Stoic philosophy as well as at the lawyers.
+
+In his later years, Cicero displayed much kindliness towards younger
+men, whom he took by the hand and attached to himself; which was quite
+different from what most of his contemporaries did, Hortensius
+especially. Thus he behaved to Brutus, thus also to Cælius Rufus, a very
+opposite character; Catullus he likewise knew, and was most kind to; nor
+did he repel young men whom he found astray in evil paths, and whom he
+mourned over: such was the highly gifted Curio, a man whom he tried by
+every means to lead to better ways. In the epistles of M. Aurelius to
+Fronto, the Emperor says, “We have no word for φιλοστοργία, nor have we
+the thing itself.” This tenderness of heart which very few Romans had,
+this fatherly and friendly affection Cicero possessed, and therefore he
+was ridiculed as unmanly and soft: his mourning for the death of his
+daughter, arose from this inward depth of feeling. He was not a weak
+character; on the contrary, he showed in great emergencies a very
+decided strength of will: but he was a most impressible being, and
+easily upset; he needed “a nice and subtle happiness,” as Milton calls
+it, and thus the _indignum_ utterly overpowered him. Friedrich Heinrich
+Jacobi was reproached with vanity, irritability, and weakness; he was
+just such a character, and in him Cicero often becomes clear to me.
+
+The event soon happened which gave rise to the misfortunes of his whole
+life. The root of the conspiracy was torn up; but many fibres of it had
+still remained in the ground, and grew up again. P. Clodius was
+descended in the direct line from old Appius Claudius, being the
+youngest of the three sons of one Appius Claudius. The eldest of these,
+who bore the hereditary name of Appius, was a good-natured man, very
+superstitious, narrow-minded, and commonplace, though on account of his
+high rank he was raised to the first dignities. There were also two
+sisters, one of whom was married to Lucullus. Thus Clodius belonged to
+the very noblest aristocracy: but mere nobility was no longer thought
+of, and power was all that men cared for. In that profligate age, P.
+Clodius was among the most abandoned: he is one of those persons who
+have had most to do with the ruin of Rome. At the festival of the _Bona
+Dea_, which, like the Thesmophoriæ, was celebrated only by women in the
+house of the pontifex maximus, he smuggled himself in, in disguise, that
+he might meet with Pompeia, the wife of Julius Cæsar; but he was
+discovered, and tried for it. According to the true Roman law, the trial
+ought to have been before the spiritual court of the pontiffs, where he
+would undoubtedly have been condemned: but we see from this instance
+that the real jurisdiction, except in cases which were strictly
+ceremonial, must have been taken away from them. Clodius wanted to prove
+an alibi, and had the impudence to call in Cicero as a witness. The
+latter is said till then not to have had any quarrel with him, and the
+fellow was so dangerous that he ought to have contented himself with
+declining to give evidence; but Cicero, as we are told, to clear himself
+with his domineering wife of all connection with that family, not only
+bore true witness, but also gave free vent to his wit: he said things of
+Clodius in open court which put him in a ridiculous light, and could not
+but have caused his conviction. But Clodius had bought himself off from
+the condemnation of the Judges; he had actually lodged the money for his
+acquittal. For this day’s work, Clodius never forgave Cicero, and he
+thirsted for revenge.
+
+Pompey now came back to Rome, where he renewed his former behaviour to
+Cicero, treating him not only with indifference but with scorn; and he
+encouraged Clodius to undertake something against him. Clodius, having
+now got a plebeian to make a show of adopting him, stood for the
+tribuneship, and was returned. Such _transitiones ad plebem_ were quite
+lawful: even in former times, no adoption would have been needed at all;
+for one had only to go over to the _plebs_, as many patricians did, when
+all that was required was that the censor admitted them. But people had
+now no longer any clear notions in these things, and Cicero himself
+impugns the validity of that tribuneship.
+
+One of the atrocities of the age was now perpetrated. Ptolemy Auletes,
+who on account of his utter worthlessness had been driven from
+Alexandria, came to Rome; and there he bargained with those who were in
+power about the price of his restoration. The people of Alexandria sent
+a counter embassy with the most bitter complaints, to prove his guilt;
+but Ptolemy was powerful enough, with the connivance of the leading men
+at Rome, to have those who were of highest rank in that Alexandrine
+embassy assassinated: Clodius had a hand in all this. His tribunate took
+place in the year after Cæsar’s consulship.
+
+
+
+
+ C. JULIUS CÆSAR.
+
+
+Cæsar’s consulship (693) is to be looked upon as the true beginning of
+the civil wars; its date is four years after that of Cicero. He had not
+been much talked of until then, although he enjoyed extraordinary favour
+with the people; as yet Pompey and Crassus alone were powerful.—The two
+biographies of Cæsar by Suetonius and Plutarch, are, strange to say,
+both of them ἀκέφαλοι.[5] In the former, there is wanting besides the
+real beginning, the dedication to the then _præfectus prætorio_, a fact
+which we have known since the year 1812. With regard to the latter, as
+far as I am aware, this has not been noticed before; but Plutarch could
+not have altogether passed over his ancestors, the whole of his
+genealogy, and the history of his boyhood and youth, so as to begin with
+Sylla’s attempt to have him divorced from his second wife. For this
+reason, we know hardly anything of his origin. The Julii were an Alban
+clan, and therefore in the earliest times of Rome belonged to the
+_gentes minores_: in the first ages of the republic they are often to be
+met with in curule dignities; but from the fourth to the seventh
+century, the _gens_ is no where to be found. Notwithstanding their being
+patricians, they sided with the popular party. The sister of his father
+having been married to Marius, Cæsar clung from a youth to Marius and
+his memory; just as Plato did to the uncle of his mother. He was married
+to Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, a union which Sylla wanted to break;
+but Cæsar, in an age when all men trembled, showed already the greatness
+of his soul, disdaining, as he did, to stoop and to forsake the wife of
+his love. Her dowry was taken from him, as the property of her father
+had been confiscated; and he had to put up with it: he had also to hide
+himself; and though he was not on the proscription lists, he was closely
+hunted, with Sylla’s knowledge, by what were called the Cornelians, and
+he had to buy his life. He was at that time still very young, having,
+according to the custom of the high born families, been married very
+early; yet there was something so extraordinary about him, that even the
+wild myrmidons of Sylla, and his most eager partisans, could not bear
+the thought of sacrificing such a fine young man. It was only, however,
+with great reluctance, that Sylla consented to his being saved from
+persecution. Cæsar now returned to Rome; but with all his boldness and
+determination, he was exceedingly guarded: it would have been happy for
+Cicero, if he had had Cæsar’s circumspection. As long as Sylla was
+alive, Cæsar, like an industrious youth who was going through his
+studies, had his attention wholly given to literature; and the greatest
+general of his age showed no military inclinations whatever. Nor did he
+serve any military apprenticeship: when he went out as quæstor to Spain,
+he at once took the command of troops; just as if among us, one who had
+never learned the drill, were to lead a brigade. So likewise did General
+Moreau, in his very first campaign, act at once as a general of
+division; Frederic II. also had never been in any school of war. After
+his quæstorship, Julius Cæsar became ædile, when he greatly
+distinguished himself by the pomp which he displayed, although he was by
+no means wealthy. But in these matters, he was very careless: to those
+who lent to him, he gave a pledge in his heart, to repay the debt
+tenfold, when once he should have come into power.
+
+The opposite party were already losing ground in public opinion. He now
+boldly set himself up as the head of the remnant of Marius’ party: thus
+he made over his aunt Julia, the widow of Marius, a brilliant funeral
+oration, the first which was ever spoken for a woman. And as the
+conquering faction had unseemingly destroyed all the monuments and
+statues of Marius, Cæsar one night secretly caused the statue of Marius
+to be raised again in the Capitol, together with a Minerva which crowned
+it, and an inscription in which all his titles were recounted. This
+awakened such affright, that old Catulus was foolish enough to try and
+stir up the senate to take steps against him; but he did it in vain, as
+Cæsar was already too high up in public estimation. He then got the
+prætorship, and in 693, the consulate.
+
+If we place Cæsar before our minds with all his qualities, we find in
+his character a great deal of openness and friendliness. He was a very
+kindhearted man, though not affectionate like Cicero; he wanted to have
+many friends, and there he was quite different from Cicero, who was very
+exclusive: he was indulgent, and formed friendships with many who were
+diametrically opposite to himself, and whose acquaintance was even
+hurtful to his good name. He was free of all envy and jealousy of
+Pompey, though he could not endure the assumed superiority of people who
+were infinitely below himself. Pompey could not bear that Cæsar should
+stand side by side with him, nor Cæsar on the other hand, that Pompey
+should set himself above him:
+
+ Nec quemquam jam ferre potest Cæsarve priorem,
+ Pompejusve parem.[6]
+
+His genius was most versatile: he possessed an unexampled facility and
+power in all that could be done by intellect; he had an excellent
+memory, together with presence of mind, and the firmest reliance on
+himself and his good fortune, being confident that he must succeed in
+everything. Owing to this great facility, most of his acquirements were
+not the fruits of the toilsome drudgery of the school, but of the
+cultivation and exercise of his great talents: thus it was with his
+eloquence and his style. In the very fact that he owed nothing to art,
+and everything to himself, lay the chief secret of his wonderful power.
+He had made himself master of many branches of knowledge; for while they
+interested him, he devoted to them all his energy and attention. He was
+particularly remarkable for his acuteness and keen observation; and it
+is certainly no small honour for grammar that Cæsar was so fond of it:
+his work on analogy would very likely be as much superior to all the
+grammars of that time, as his history was to all other works of the same
+kind which are founded on personal observation. The same originality is
+also manifest in his strategical talents: his sound, strong intellect
+clearly marks its aim, and then finds out for itself the means of
+attaining it. He was no intriguer; of all those plots which were then so
+general, he knew nothing: on the contrary, he was the frankest person in
+the world, which was the very reason why he was often so little on his
+guard. Not a few of the arbitrary acts of which he was guilty, were
+merely the consequences of a former want of caution, of frankness and
+openness. His kindliness of soul, his mildness and humanity, he showed
+after his victory in a manner which could never have been expected from
+him; nor was there anything artificial in it. Augustus was an actor in
+all he did; but Cæsar was always true and open-hearted. Had he lived in
+times when the machine of the state was smoothly going on, and was not
+yet rusty and disorganised, when it was still possible to govern the
+republic with a strong, sound hand,—as for instance, in the days of
+Scipio; or, had he been born on the throne, he would calmly have gone
+through his career, and without destroying anything, have most
+brilliantly reached the goal. But he was thrown upon a time, when as
+Göthe says, “one must needs be either anvil or hammer;” and of course
+the choice was not difficult. Cato might dream as long as he liked, that
+there was still hope with the _fæx plebis_, and that the age of Curius
+and Fabricius were not yet over; Cicero might trim and tack about in
+this republic, if he chose; but Cæsar could not do otherwise than rule
+the circumstances in which he found himself, and he had unremittingly,
+untiringly to advance towards the mark which he had in view. That he was
+unscrupulous in his wars, cannot be denied: his Gallic wars are for the
+most part downright crimes; his conduct towards the Usipetes and
+Tenchteri was shocking, and towards Vercingetorix deplorable, it was
+dictated by an unhallowed ambition; yet he never did anything of the
+kind against his fellow-citizens. His behaviour to the Gauls may indeed
+be accounted for by what we know of the manners of the times. The ruling
+party at Rome behaved towards Cæsar, not only foolishly, but with utter
+injustice: they ought never to have hindered his offering himself from
+Gaul as a candidate for the consular dignity. If they had allowed him
+quietly to get it, matters would not only have gone on better than in
+Pompey’s second and third consulships, but all would very likely have
+passed off peaceably, and even perhaps beneficially for the republic.
+Had it in any way been possible to find a remedy for the disorders of
+the state, Cæsar was the only man to devise it, and to carry it out.
+
+In his behaviour to Cicero, who during his consulship had offended him,
+he shows himself to be a very different person from Pompey, though
+Pompey’s vanity only had been wounded, whereas Cicero had everywhere
+leagued himself with the enemies of Cæsar. Yet the latter did not bear
+him the least grudge; but would gladly have taken him with him to Gaul,
+and there protected him.
+
+As to Cæesar’s style, everybody knows that there is no greater master
+among prose writers in the γένος ἀφελές. The highest acknowledgment is
+what Cicero says of his eloquence: it is _sermoni proprior_, the most
+finished conversation of a highly educated man. Posterity has indeed
+been more just to Cæsar’s genius, than his contemporaries have been;
+Tacitus, however, discerned it.[7]
+
+Cæsar was as a man possessed by fate, who rushed on with a headlong
+impulse of passions, though always benevolent and amiable: he thus got
+entangled in most unfortunate embarrassments. To this feature in his
+character belongs his extravagant prodigality; not for his own
+pleasures, but for the people, which made him dependent upon the rich,
+especially upon Crassus, who advanced him immense sums. If during
+Cæsar’s consulship, there had been a party which had wished honestly to
+attach itself to him, and to rid itself of Pompey’s influence, his year
+of office would have passed without a stain. It was in fact rather a
+loss of time for him; as his real object was the province, which,
+according to the custom of those times, he could only obtain at the end
+of the year. Vatinius, who was then _tribunus plebis_, with a violation
+of the laws which was become common in those days, caused Cisalpine Gaul
+and Illyricum to be given for five years as a province to Cæsar; and to
+this was afterwards added Transalpine Gaul, which at that time was not
+yet a province. Pompey until now had had his province only for an
+indefinite period.
+
+Cæsar enacted several popular laws. He founded a colony in Capua which,
+since its conquest in the Second Punic War, had always been in a strange
+position: the buildings there, and the ground, were the property of the
+Roman republic; the houses might be held on lease, and the land was
+cultivated by hereditary tenants who had to pay the tenth of the
+produce. The state, however, might resume these grants at pleasure, and
+attempts had twice before been made to change the system: the former of
+these was in Cinna’s consulship, on the motion of M. Brutus; and the
+latter in that of Cicero, when Servilius Rullus brought it forward.
+Against this colony, Cicero had already spoken on that occasion; and
+when Cæsar now returned to the plan, he refused being one of the
+commissioners for founding it: Cæsar resented this as a very bitter
+personal affront, and the two were for some time estranged. Yet for all
+that, they would have been friends again, had Cicero chosen to go with
+Cæsar to Gaul. Cicero’s brother Quintus was with him there, and was
+treated by him with the greatest distinction. Cæsar afterwards tried in
+every possible way to show his good feeling towards Cicero; but the
+latter was induced by his evil star to remain at Rome.
+
+Cicero had a great deal of trouble with Cæsar’s colleague, a
+narrow-minded and obstinate, but honest man. The next consuls, L.
+Calpurnius Piso and A. Gabinius, were ἄνθρωποι ἀλιτήριοι: all the evil
+that Cicero says of them is quite true. They bought of Clodius, by
+letting him carry without hindrance his detestable rogations which were
+to revenge himself on Cicero, the provinces of Syria and Macedonia: the
+former of these was for Gabinius, who wanted to restore Ptolemy Auletes;
+the latter for Piso. Clodius now impeached Cicero for having put Roman
+citizens to death without trial; and yet, as we have already remarked,
+it was a case of _delictum manifestum_, in which, by the _lex Porcia_,
+no further judicial proceedings were requisite. There were three _leges
+Porciæ_, the last of which had probably been brought in by L. Porcius
+during the Social War. In former times, any one could evade the popular
+tribunals by going into a _municipium_; but after the citizenship had
+been granted to the Italians, the state of things was necessarily
+altered. The question must now have been, whether men who were full
+Roman citizens were at all liable to capital punishment for any crime;
+and public opinion indeed seems to have answered it in the negative. By
+the _lex Porcia_ therefore, either a Roman citizen could not be put to
+death at all; or if it must be, it was to be done on the spot. According
+to this, Cicero could only be proceeded against _quod civem Romanum
+necasset_, but not _quod indemnatum Romanum civem necasset_.
+
+All kept aloof: Pompey went into the country, and would not see Cicero
+or his friends; Cæsar was in Gaul; Crassus had a bitter spite against
+Cicero for having been mentioned in Catiline’s conspiracy,—as was
+generally believed, with justice, but yet without Cicero’s having
+anything to do with it, as this was said by one of the witnesses. With
+the son of Crassus, however, P. Crassus, who was a very distinguished
+man, Cicero was very intimate; and he loved him notwithstanding all his
+father’s enmity. Cicero could not abide the day of his trial, or he
+would have been lost: the _concilia_ were now in truth little better
+than the rakings together of the dregs of the Roman market and streets,
+and such meetings allowed themselves to be guided by a leader in any way
+he liked. Cicero had therefore to leave the city to save his life. The
+senate, bad as that body was, mutually encouraged each other, showing
+great sympathy for Cicero. Clodius, however, followed up his victory, as
+he saw that the government was quite cowed. He pulled down Cicero’s
+houses; he destroyed his villa; he put up his property for sale, though
+not a soul would buy it; and on the ground where his house had stood, he
+built a small temple to Freedom. The place on the Palatine where it
+stood, I made out within about fifty paces, and I was there often: in
+the reign of the emperor Claudius, the house was rebuilt; but it was
+burnt down again in Nero’s fire. Not only was Cicero himself outlawed,
+but likewise all those who should give him shelter or abet him. Thus he
+was not able to go at all to Sicily, the prætor there, with whom in
+former times he had been on friendly terms, having allowed himself to be
+intimidated: he therefore went to Macedon, where he lived with the
+quæstor Plancius, who behaved to him like a brother. Clodius now kept
+his word to the consuls. Gabinius and Piso got the provinces which he
+had promised them, whilst he himself with the greatest shamelessness
+laid hands on whatever he listed. This went on as long as his year of
+office lasted. In the following year, public opinion declared so loudly
+for Cicero, petitions pouring in from all sides, that he was regularly
+recalled, and received with a triumphant welcome which consoled him for
+the moment;—nay, he deemed himself happier than ever. Yet for all that,
+his misfortune had made a deep impression upon him: the speeches which
+he made just before the year of that calamity, especially that for
+Flaccus his assistant in the affair of Catiline, are clouded with
+anxiety, and with bitter grief at the reward which he received from his
+country, a sorrow which even endangered his life; and this imparts to
+them a peculiar interest. The very next year, that happiness was already
+at an end. The internal condition of Rome became worse and worse. Pompey
+fell out with Clodius, and showed himself friendly to Cicero. Pompey and
+Crassus now wanted to be consuls, against the wishes of all _viri boni_;
+and they carried their point, as Saturninus and Glaucia once did. To
+intimidate Domitius, Cato’s brother-in-law, who likewise stood for the
+consulship, they had him waylaid early in the morning, as he was going
+home, and his servant, who went before him with a torch, stabbed before
+his eyes; thus showing him what he was threatened with, and warning him
+to withdraw from his competition: he was forced to give way.
+
+Now that these two pillars of the aristocracy had thus become consuls,
+they managed, by means of a _Lex Trebonia_, to have provinces granted
+them. From this time, the _gentes_ of the Italians are met with more and
+more in the Fasti. Trebonius is a Lucanian name: to the same class
+belong men like Asinius Pollio, Munatius Plancus, and others, who
+likewise came from Italian towns. The Trebonian law gave Spain with the
+legions quartered there, to Pompey for five years; and to Crassus, the
+war against the Parthians. This time, sin was its own punishment: for
+Crassus found his death in that war, and Pompey also was brought by this
+illegal measure to his fall. To gain the consent of Cæsar, the
+possession of his own province was prolonged to him likewise for five
+years. It is a melancholy fact, that Cicero felt obliged from his
+experience to speak in favour of this assignment, thus making a painful
+sacrifice to necessity.
+
+The anarchy and confusion daily increased. In the year 701, the
+elections were stopped, and what had never been done before, Pompey was
+elected sole consul. While in this capacity, he brought in several laws,
+especially concerning the _res judiciaria_, the details of which,
+however, cannot be made out: thus much is known, that the number of the
+knights from which the jury was taken was considerably increased, and
+the pleadings extended. There was also a law passed against _ambitus_,
+which indeed is a ridiculous one; but it was only intended to check
+those cases which were too gross.
+
+It was shortly before this consulship of Pompey, that Annius Milo, who
+was of an old Roman Syllanian[8] family, and the deadly enemy of Clodius
+met the latter on the road from Rome to what is now Albano. Each of
+them, as was then the custom of men of rank, was accompanied by a great
+retinue; and in the scuffle which then arose, Clodius was mortally
+wounded. On this, a dreadful tumult broke out, and Milo was arraigned as
+a murderer. Pompey was against Milo, whose consulship he wished to
+prevent; he therefore sided with the party of Clodius, and took such
+measures, that Cicero, when pleading for Milo, for the first and only
+time, lost his presence of mind. Milo had to go as an exile to
+Marseilles: he returned from thence during Cæsar’s war, and perished,
+having engaged in an insurrection against the latter.
+
+Thus far goes on the history to the tenth year of Cæsar’s proconsulship:
+he now stood for the consulship, and was thwarted in this by all sorts
+of sophisms and cabals. During the last years, Cicero had been forced
+against his will to accept the proconsulship of Cilicia. It was a very
+dangerous position: on the one hand, he was afraid of the country being
+overrun by the Parthians, who since the death of Crassus had been let
+loose; and on the other, he could not bear to live in an out-of-the-way
+corner, where even the rudiments of Greek learning were hardly to be met
+with, and the gentry themselves had only a short time before been
+captains of pirates. The overthrow of Crassus happened in the fifth year
+of Cæsar’s proconsulship.
+
+The peace between Pompey and Cæsar, which lasted during the absence of
+the latter, was made in a congress at Lucca between Cæsar, Pompey, and
+Crassus, all three of whom came thither with a strong body of followers,
+and settled about the fate of the commonwealth. If may be imagined what
+must have been the condition of a state in which such things could have
+happened. Pompey then married Cæsar’s daughter Julia, who, however, died
+not long afterwards in child-bed: her infant daughter soon followed her.
+This broke again the connexion: had it lasted, Cæsar would certainly not
+have undertaken any war. He was a man of so much heart, that he would no
+doubt have rather borne with anything, if by the war his daughter and
+grand-daughter were at all likely to be injured.
+
+
+
+
+ THE GALLIC WARS.
+
+
+Cæsar’s Commentaries and Hirtius’ supplements are written with such
+conciseness and terseness, that to abridge them still more would leave
+nothing but a reduced miniature outline; and therefore I refer you to
+the work itself. The oftener one reads them, the more one recognises the
+hand of a great master. There remains, however, much to be done for him:
+a critical edition is much wanted. With regard to the Gallic war much
+good is to be expected; not only from the manuscripts already collated,
+of which there are many, but also from those not yet collated, the
+number of which is still greater. The Italian ones, especially those at
+Florence and in the Vatican, are some of them very old, and have for the
+most part not yet been made use of; the English ones, the majority of
+which have been collated, are of very inferior value. The manuscripts of
+the books _De Bello Gallico_ are not to be traced to one single family,
+as is the case with those _De Bello Civili_: in these little is to be
+gathered from the collations; the same gaps are found in all of them,
+and they are likewise ἀκέφαλοι, the first words being patched in, in the
+later times of the middle ages, to hide the defect a little. Davis and
+Oudendorp were very well aware of this. As for the other books, I put
+them up some time ago as the subject for a prize essay, but without
+success: I will tell you my opinion about them. The appended book on the
+Alexandrine war, and the last on the Gallic war, in their style and
+manner evidently betray the same author, that is, A. Hirtius, a most
+accomplished man, to whom we may certainly give the credit of something
+so sterling. To think of Pansa is quite preposterous. It is one of the
+most excellent works which we have in the range of Latin literature; the
+language is most highly classical, being the Latin then spoken by the
+first men of the day. Very different is the book _De Bello Africano_,
+which I unhesitatingly ascribe to C. Oppius. It is indeed clever,
+written by a very good officer, and thoroughly trustworthy; but the
+style is much less elegant. Oppius was the companion of Cæsar in all his
+wars, and one of his dearest friends. Once, while on a journey, they
+both put up for the night at the same cottage, when, Oppius being ill,
+Cæsar gave up to him the only disposable room in the house, and he
+himself slept in the passage. Such traits are quite unstudied, showing
+us Cæsar as he really was. Who wrote the book _De Bello Hispaniensi_,
+heaven knows; certainly a man who did not belong to good society, its
+language being the genuine vulgar idiom of the common Roman soldier: it
+is an extract from the diaries which a dull fellow kept during the war,
+and it is a curious and odd performance of its kind.
+
+When Cæsar came to Gaul, the country was in great commotion. Languedoc,
+Provence, and only since a short time, Dauphiné also and Savoy, were
+subject to the Roman sway; the Allobroges called for Cæsar’s protection
+against the inroads of the Helvetians. This is one of the strangest
+events in the whole of antiquity. A man of high rank prevails upon the
+whole of the nation to break up, and to conquer new abodes in the then
+distracted land of Gaul, promising to lead them into fine countries
+where they might live like gentlemen, whilst the conquered people were
+to till the fields. He might perhaps have felt some dread at the spread
+of the Sueves in the Alps, as they would have been obliged to defend
+themselves against them at a disadvantage, or have to place themselves
+under the protection of Rome. Such a thought as this conceived by an
+individual is not a thing quite so unheard of; but that he could have
+made the whole nation destroy its towns and villages, and that after his
+death, they still followed up his plan, is certainly surprising. Yet
+they did it, and marched with the Tigurini into Southern Gaul. How Cæsar
+now negotiated with the Helvetians; how he blocked up their road to the
+Roman province, and having beaten them in two battles, obliged them,
+after a terrible slaughter in which the Romans revenged themselves on
+the Tigurini for the Cimbric devastations, to capitulate to him; is not
+only generally known, but also told very circumstantially in the first
+book of the Commentaries. The power of the Helvetians having been
+broken, the remnant returned to their home: it was an awful end of a
+fantastic scheme. What may be said to explain and excuse it, is the then
+situation of Gaul, which, quite different from the present compact
+country of France, was parcelled out among a great number of distinct
+tribes. One must distinguish the Aquitanians, who were Iberians, in
+Guienne; the mingled Iberians and Celts, in Languedoc; the mixture of
+Celts and Ligurians on the Rhone; the Ligurians on the coast of
+Provence; and further in the interior of France, the Celts or Gauls. Yet
+all the people between the Garonne in the south, and the Seine and the
+Marne in the north, were not Celts: there certainly were Cymri or
+Belgians already in Basse Bretagne. Their alleged emigration from
+Britain in the fifth century is fabulous. These Cymri were strangers to
+the true Gael or Celts. It is not surprising that they kept their ground
+in Brittany; for originally they had their abodes all along the north of
+the Seine and the Marne, but were afterwards severed from each other by
+the Celts, who pushed on from the south to the north.
+
+In the remaining parts of free Gaul, the Arvernians were of old the
+ruling people; all the rest were dependent upon them, even as the
+nations of the Peloponnesus were on Sparta. And just as afterwards in
+Greece, Athens put up for the hegemony; so likewise the Æduans rose by
+the side of the Arvernians, being encouraged by the Romans, who were
+true to their policy of dividing: they sided with the Romans in the war
+which, in the year 631, the Allobroges and the Arvernians waged so
+disastrously against Rome. It was then that the Æduans got the name of
+brothers and friends of the Roman people, and they grew powerful at the
+expense of the Arvernians. They were now great for some time; but at
+length the Sequani rose in Franche Comté, and on this occasion a German
+tribe, the Sueves, burst into Gaul: the Arvernians never raised their
+heads again. Gaul was an exhausted wretched country. Owing to the many
+emigrations which there had been, its population may have dwindled;
+although, on the whole, emigrations, if they be not too extensive, will
+not weaken a country, even if they have drained it of two-thirds of its
+inhabitants, as the loss will be made up in about seventy to eighty
+years. What may have then induced the German tribes to cross the Rhine,
+is buried from us in the night of oblivion. Very likely, even before the
+Gallic conquest, they had once their dwellings as far as the Alps: in
+the Valais, according to Livy, ere yet the Gauls had settled there,
+there were Germans who must have been overpowered by the Celts: as
+conquerors, the Germans never came thither. Ariovistus, who was in the
+country of the Sequani, took for his Sueves part of the arable land,
+some of which they tilled themselves, and the rest they made the
+conquered inhabitants farm for them: this policy was afterwards always
+followed by the Germans. Against him, the Æduans and the Sequani called
+upon the aid of the Romans, and it was the very difficulty of the
+enterprise which emboldened Cæsar to engage in it. Situated as he was,
+he ought not to have done it; for the year before his consulship,
+Ariovistus had actually been acknowledged by the Roman people as a
+sovereign king. Cæsar marched against him notwithstanding, and won a
+decisive victory near Besançon: most of the Sueves were destroyed, and
+the remnant again crossed the Rhine, whither Cæsar at that time was too
+wise to follow them. There was now, not only the whole country of the
+Gauls beyond the Alps under his rule, but also Cisalpine Gaul, down to
+the frontier of the Romagna; Illyricum, as far as Macedon; and on the
+side of the Barbarians, quite boundless tracts. Here he had seven
+legions, and all the auxiliaries he could get from the allies. We of
+course hear no more of real _socii_, but merely of _auxilia_, which were
+quite a different thing: the _socii_ were armed in the Roman manner, and
+were true legions; whilst the _auxilia_ were formed into cohorts, and
+for the most part retained their national weapons.
+
+There must now have been something which led the Belgians to dread that
+Cæsar would attack them: from his Commentaries, it appears as if the
+Gallic peoples had always been mistrustful and ill-disposed, without any
+reason at all. All the Belgians between the Seine, the Marne, and the
+Rhine, with the exception of the Remi—who were the most distinguished
+among them—were arrayed in arms against the Romans. I suppose that the
+Remi intrigued with these last, that they might thus get the other
+Belgian tribes under their clientship. The weakness of the Gallic and
+Belgian nations lay in their not having a free population: they had only
+priests (Druids), knights, and serfs. These last on many occasions could
+not forget that they were fighting only for their masters, and not for
+their country, although they often indeed behaved bravely;—sometimes
+they even fought with the courage of lions, but there was no
+steadfastness in it. Of a people like the Nervians, one might almost
+surmise that they had no serfs. This Belgian war Cæsar decided in two
+battles, on the Aisne and on the Sombre; whereupon he invaded Brabant,
+then the country of the Nervians. They stood their ground most nobly,
+but yet they were almost entirely exterminated.
+
+The Æduans and the Arvernians now silently acknowledged the supremacy of
+the Romans; and most of the peoples of Gaul, as far as the Ocean, were
+completely subdued. Cæsar was already spreading his troops in extensive
+winter-quarters among the Belgians, from whom he expected to meet with a
+stouter resistance. Thus he got into collision with the Germans, the
+Usipetes and the Tenchteri, having crossed the Rhine, and made war
+against the Belgians on the Meuse. Ever ready to take advantage of such
+an opportunity, he fell upon them; and here he committed the worst act
+of his life. Having entered into negotiations with these tribes, he got
+their chiefs to come to him, threw them into prison, and then attacked
+the host which he had thus deprived of its leaders—a base deed which he
+tries in vain to justify. This business was brought before the senate.
+Cato was for having Cæsar given up to the Germans as one who had broken
+the law of nations, a motion which of course came to nothing.
+
+He also turned himself against the Veneti in Brittany, a seafaring
+people at the mouth of the Loire: on this river, he built a fleet with
+which he overpowered them. The whole of this campaign was conducted by
+him with remarkable skill; yet here also, as in the whole of the Gallic
+war, he behaved with great cruelty. Soon afterwards, he went on his
+first expedition to Britain, where the tin mines of Cornwall had already
+been known for ages. Tin is even now chiefly brought from England and
+the East Indies (from the peninsula of Malacca and the island of Banca);
+a little only is found in the Hartz and the Erzgebirge. The Phœnicians
+did not fetch it from India. An immense quantity of tin was used in
+ancient times, as it was by an alloy with it that copper was made
+fusible. Brass was only of late invention, considerably later than
+bronze, for the founding of which, however, tin is required. Bronze is
+very old indeed, being met with in the temple of Solomon, and even in
+the tabernacle of Moses already. The trade in tin was carried on through
+a twofold channel; either by Cadiz, which was by sea the whole way, or
+else by land, through Narbonne and Nantes. About the rest of Britain
+nobody cared. The country at that time was thought at Rome to be quite
+inaccessible, and Cæsar became smitten with the fancy of conquering
+these untrodden lands. Booty there was little to be gained in that
+undertaking, as he did not go near the tin districts, and Kent and
+Sussex, which he invaded, were very poor: the Romans are said to have
+found there neither gold nor silver, whereas in Gaul there was a good
+deal of money in circulation. He nearly lost his ships, which, being
+badly built, could hardly make their way in these foreign seas: the ebb
+and flow of the tides, especially the strong tides of the Channel, was
+what the Romans knew nothing about. After having defeated the half-naked
+and badly-armed barbarians, he made their seeming submission a pretext
+for going away again. A second expedition was as unsuccessful: yet he
+penetrated beyond the Thames, above London, very likely to the
+neighbourhood of Windsor, got some hostages, and returned. Scarcely,
+however, had he left the island, when that show of obedience ceased.
+
+Twice also did Cæsar cross the Rhine, and that in our own neighbourhood,
+against the Sigambri and the Sueves; both times, however, without
+obtaining any advantage. Yet that it was possible to advance so far into
+those wild forests, is much to be wondered at: as the _Westerwald_ is in
+fact the western part of that immense tract of forests, which reached to
+the heart of Poland, and for some time formed the southern border of the
+Germans against the Celts. Ambition only could have led Cæsar to seek
+for conquests in those countries.
+
+While Cæsar was in Britain, the oppression of the Romans, and the
+lawlessness of the soldiers, caused the grand rising of the Eburones
+under Ambiorix: this was the most propitious undertaking which this
+people could have attempted. A whole legion under L. Titurius was
+annihilated, and another under Q. Cicero nearly so. Had not Cæsar given
+up his somewhat Quixotic expedition to Britain, Q. Cicero would even
+have been utterly lost; luckily, however, he returned. On the other
+hand, the Aquitanians were conquered by Crassus; and thus Cæsar, in the
+beginning of the seventh year of his proconsulship, was master of the
+whole of Gaul. An insurrection then broke out which had been long
+brewing, that of Vercingetorix, and among those tribes which until then
+had always been faithful to the Romans. This war, from its vastness,
+from the rage and dogged determination of the Gauls, and also on account
+of Cæsar’s great generalship in it, highly deserves indeed to be read.
+Cæsar here overcame, by sheer superiority of talent, armies which far
+outnumbered his own. Headed by the Æduans and Arvernians, who, before
+that had always been jealous of each other,—the Æduans, however, rose
+somewhat later,—the peoples from the Saone to the Ocean, and from the
+Loire to the Cevennes, were in open revolt: the Arvernian Vercingetorix
+showed himself worthy of the choice which his nation had made of him.
+The outbreak of the war was attended with barbarity and cruelty: in
+Genabum, the present Orleans, all the Romans who happened to be there,
+were massacred. Cæsar was then in the north of Gaul; but he instantly
+started for the south, the Belgians in his rear remaining perfectly
+still. He reduced Orleans and avenged the murder of the Romans, and he
+also took Bourges, after a long siege and a very brave defence: then he
+penetrated into what is now Auvergne. Near Gergovia, above Clermont, the
+war was for some time at a stand. Cæsar himself suffered a defeat, in
+which he lost a legion, and found himself obliged to raise the siege.
+The Æduans also having now risen, the seat of war was transferred to
+Alesia, between Autun and Langres, in their country. This town, into
+which many thousand Gauls had thrown themselves, Cæsar besieged with the
+utmost skill: on the other hand, he was pressed upon by the great
+Vercingetorix with a powerful army. In one of those skirmishes which
+took place in many points with varying success, Cæsar was once made
+prisoner by the Gauls; but good luck, or rather providence, which had
+destined him to great things, enabled him to escape owing to the folly
+of a Gaul. This was the account which Cæsar himself gave of this
+matter.[9] But it is much more likely, that just as Napoleon, in May
+1800, bribed an Austrian patrol into the hands of which he had fallen
+when reconnoitring, Cæsar also got off by offering money to a Gallic
+soldier. If he told the man that he would give him a million, the fellow
+would be sure to let him go free, as Vercingetorix would at most have
+given him a dram. When, however at last the war was protracted, and the
+famine in Alesia had risen to the highest, so that the troops of the
+Gauls became discontented and deserted; Vercingetorix had the nobleness
+of mind to stand forth in the city, and say, “that they should yield him
+up on condition that their lives were spared.” This stamps him as one of
+the greatest men of antiquity. He went and gave himself up to Cæsar, who
+again behaved vilely. Though Cæsar ought to have been more than a common
+Roman, and to have treated him generously, sending him to a _libera
+custodia_; he bound him in chains, kept him for his triumph, and then
+had him put to death. This is one of those stains from which indeed
+Cæsar is not free.
+
+After this, there were still some smaller insurrections. There was a
+rising of the Belgians, but the time for it was past; and moreover there
+was one of the Bellovaci, in the neighbourhood of Beauvais and Chartres:
+yet it was now very easy for Cæsar to conquer them. We see clearly that
+it was the will of Providence to make the Roman Empire great, and to
+gather all the nations then known under its sway. Had Vercingetorix, who
+could not have been unacquainted with the state of affairs at Rome, kept
+back the outbreak in Gaul for a couple of years, until the heartburnings
+between Cæsar and Pompey had brought on the civil war, Gaul might
+perhaps have recovered her freedom.
+
+
+
+
+ CIVIL WAR BETWEEN CÆSAR AND POMPEY.
+
+
+The way in which Cæsar was situated with regard to the republic at the
+end of his time in Gaul, was indeed so unhappy, that it was not in the
+power of man to bring matters to a good and joyful issue. If it was
+difficult even for Scipio, after his victory, to live as a citizen, and
+he did not quite know how to conduct himself; how much more for a man
+who, for nearly ten years, had been used to rule over vast tracts of
+country with the absolute power of a prince. Such a habit is hard to get
+rid of, as we may perceive in the less important things of our every-day
+life, wherein the change from one situation to another is often fraught
+with endless difficulties. All that Cæsar could have got lawfully, was a
+second consulship: this, however, as affairs then stood, was nothing but
+an empty honour; for what could he have done with himself and with the
+republic? He could indeed have only employed his great intellectual
+faculties by devoting himself in utter retirement to study. He had not
+been in Rome for ten years; and all that he heard from thence from those
+who came to him, was hateful to him, and showed him the government in a
+contemptible light. To live on a footing of equality with inferior, and
+some of them bad men, was what he could not think of without disgust.
+Matters therefore were in such confusion, that they could not possibly
+have righted. His opponents, instead of taking steps towards
+reconciliation, showed, on the contrary, symptoms which must have vexed
+him to the utmost. M. Marcellus, the consul of the year 701, let slip no
+occasion of annoying Cæsar: for instance, he had caused a man from Como,
+to whom Cæsar, by virtue of the full powers given him, had granted the
+citizenship, to be flogged like a common criminal, merely to insult and
+mock at Cæsar. In the following year, C. Marcellus, a cousin of the
+former, was consul with L. Æmilius Paullus, C. Scribonius Curio, being
+also tribune at the same time. Of him we have still some letters among
+those of Cicero: he was a young man of great talent, but of the most
+consummate profligacy. At first, owing to his family connexions, he
+belonged to Pompey’s party; and he was then considered as even a decided
+and very bitter enemy of Cæsar. But Cæsar knew that Curio was over head
+and ears in debt,—as much as two million dollars, we are told, which may
+give us some measure of the magnitude of the Roman fortunes, as well as
+of the vice and prodigality of the times,—and he is said to have gained
+him over by paying his debts. He likewise bought over the consul Æmilius
+Paullus with an immense sum: from this we may see what a mockery of a
+government the system of provincial administration was. The accounts
+were only given in after the triumph had been celebrated: this had been
+the case since the earliest times, and it still remained so, even now
+that the _imperia_ were held for such long periods. What the proconsul
+had gotten for himself, was not thought worth looking into: he had
+merely to show that he owed nothing to the army, and to account for what
+the senate had placed at his disposal from the _ærarium_. Æmilius
+Paullus built with those millions the Basilica Æmilia in the Forum, an
+edifice to which those noble pillars undoubtedly belonged, which, as
+Nibby supposes, stood in the Church of St. Paul until the calamitous
+fire in the year 1823.[10] Curio was uncommonly clever and adroit, and
+he put on an air of perfect impartiality: at first, he even sided
+against Cæsar; then, against both Cæsar and Pompey; at last, he flung
+off the mask, and declared for Cæsar.
+
+With the next year, Cæsar’s proconsulship was to expire. He now, after a
+lapse of ten years, stood for a second consulship, and asked for a
+triumph beforehand; so that he might keep his army together, and disband
+it when that was over, as Pompey had done after the war with
+Mithridates. He wanted to be allowed to become a candidate at the
+consular election while still in his province,—an irregularity which had
+crept in during the seventh century,—and then to lead his army to Rome,
+and triumph. To prevent such a thing, it had been the rule, we do not
+know for how long, that no one who had an army should stand for the
+consulship. His opponents therefore demanded that he should lay down the
+_imperium_; disband his troops, that is to say, give up his triumph; and
+stand for the consulship as a private person. Had he thus delivered
+himself into the hands of his enemies, he was convinced that he would
+have lost his life. Curio now moved that Cæsar and Pompey should both
+disband their troops, and come to Rome as private persons; which was the
+fairest proposal. But the friends of Pompey maintained that, as the term
+of his _imperium_ was not yet come to an end, he ought not to be placed
+on an equal footing with Cæsar. It was the misfortune of Italy that
+Pompey, who was dangerously ill, did not then die: he was indeed so
+popular, or so dreaded, that all Italy prayed for his recovery. Pompey
+seemingly was ready to submit to the humiliation, though indeed he
+complained bitterly of the slight put upon him. Curio’s motion was
+carried by a majority of three hundred against about twenty;[11] but the
+consul Marcellus cancelled the decree. The aristocrats of that day
+professed to uphold the decrees of the senate, whereas in reality they
+wanted to rule the senate with a rod of iron; and so they did not even
+scorn the help of the rabble, being in every sense of the word
+_populaciers_, if it suited their ends: they would raise an outcry
+against rebellion, and yet they were the rankest revolutionists, if
+matters did not go on quite as they wished. Thus the party of Lamennais,
+as soon as the government does anything that they dislike, at once begin
+to preach regicide and revolution. I have heard men of the extreme right
+in France talking like Jacobins, uttering it as their opinion that the
+people of the very lowest class were gifted with an immense deal of
+sense, and that they showed the highest interest in the welfare of the
+country. Curio also did not make his proposal from any good motive: this
+he cannot have credit for, being one of those to whom the worst
+confusion is the most welcome state of things.
+
+The next year, the tribunes were all of them the hireling creatures of
+Cæsar; and among these was he who was afterwards the frightful triumvir
+Antony. Pompey had received the command of Italy, and been authorized by
+the senate to raise an army for its safety, which, however, he was too
+indolent to do. On the first of January, in the year 703, the
+distribution of the provinces was again discussed in the senate; and as
+Pompey had troops in the city, it was decreed under his influence, that
+Cæsar should lay down his _imperium_. The tribunes protested; but so far
+was their protest from being heeded, that they were even threatened with
+personal violence by the consuls: having perhaps magnified the danger,
+they fled to Cæsar at Ravenna, on the frontier of the province of Gaul.
+Cispadane Gaul had, at that time already got the Roman franchise; but it
+belonged notwithstanding to Cæsar’s province. At Rome, Pompey and his
+friends swallowed the most absurd reports. It was said that Cæsar’s army
+was most highly disaffected, that it wanted to be disbanded; that it was
+weak in numbers; that it was worn out by wars:—in short they believed
+whatever they wished. Cæsar had in those parts not more than five
+thousand men with him, partly in order not to alarm the province, partly
+because he did not wish to strip Gaul of troops; now, at length, he gave
+orders that every one should march. What is indeed most inconceivable,
+is that the Gauls were now quite still, and did not move, whereas they
+had revolted when they had ten legions to keep them down: they very
+likely thought that the Romans would themselves destroy each other.
+Cæsar had before that already given up two legions, which were to go to
+Syria. Even at the end of the year, he was still negociating: he had
+offered to retain the command of Illyricum and Gallia Cispadana only,
+with two legions, or even one alone, on the sole condition that Pompey
+should likewise resign his _imperium_. All was, however, rejected:
+Pompey was to be left entirely out of the question, and the letter of
+the law was to be carried out. Now that the tribunes had arrived at
+Ravenna, the _senatus consultum_ was brought, in which Cæsar was ordered
+to come to Rome, and to give up his army to Domitius Ahenobarbus: this
+made him afraid of being prosecuted as soon as ever he came to Rome by
+himself. Passion then got the better of him, and he resolved upon
+starting for Ariminum. It is probably on the other side of Ariminum, in
+the neighbourhood of Cesena, that the bridge over the Rubicon was: the
+people about these places disagree as to which of the small rivers was
+the Rubicon. He was still wavering, not knowing whether he should
+sacrifice himself, or violate the law and save his life; for even then
+he seems to have thought much more of his safety than of dominion. There
+he stood in deep emotion, until he made up his mind to cross the river.
+Thus he arrived at Ariminum, which had opened its gates to him. In all
+that part of the country, nothing was prepared against him: people
+fancied that the times had not changed; and that the troops would
+abandon Cæsar, and go over to Pompey, because the latter had formerly
+been so popular with them. But Pompey had had his day; Cæsar’s soldiers
+even shared the emulation of their general, and were proud of their
+victories. There is not a more remarkable contrast than that which
+thirty years had brought about. Sylla’s war had lasted even to the third
+year, and throughout Italy the two parties were struggling most fiercely
+against each other; but now, there was not a man who cared so much as to
+raise his hand. Cæsar’s small army overran the whole of Italy, without
+meeting with any resistance, as would also happen in these days: the
+habits of the municipal towns were at that time quite as unwarlike as
+those of modern Italy. It may have had something to do with it, that
+Sylla’s legions in the military colonies were no longer inclined to such
+a civil war: from party motives, they ought in fact to have sided with
+Pompey; but it was perhaps the great general whom they liked best. What,
+however, turned the scale, was the utter want of any thing like public
+feeling: people no longer felt any interest either for one party or the
+other, as they were perfectly aware that there was now no regard for
+law, and that matters could not become much worse; and to lose life and
+limb for Pompey’s sake alone, was what they were by no means willing to
+do. Pompey had hoped to make an effect upon the people by high sounding
+words, and to pass off shadows for realities: no soldier’s heart could
+have beaten for him, as it might indeed for Cæsar. He had given himself
+airs as if he could have raised legions by stamping on the ground; but
+when he heard that Cæsar was already marching on the Via Flaminia, he as
+well as the senators had no other thought but that of flight. They had
+only a small army under the command of Domitius Ahenobarbus, the one who
+was to have taken Cæsar’s province. The latter now reached Rome without
+any further check. A short time before, Cicero had returned from
+Cilicia, and he was now the mediator of a peace; but although his
+counsels were the very justest and wisest, no one would listen to him.
+Pompey’s party took it into their heads, that at present it was much
+better not to defend themselves at Rome; that they ought by all means to
+let Cæsar make himself hateful in Italy; and that Pompey, whose
+lieutenants, M. Petreius and Afranius, were in possession of Spain,
+should draw all his forces (seven legions) thence, and concentrate them
+in Greece, and call to his aid all the moneyed resources of the east:
+Spain and Africa were theirs; Gaul would likewise declare against Cæsar;
+and the reaction could not fail to come. Thus they calculated very
+nicely, how they were to crush Cæsar in Italy. Pompey now went to
+Brundusium, and with him all the troops which had not fallen off. L.
+Domitius was besieged by Cæsar in Corfinium, on which his men made a
+capitulation for themselves. Cæsar gladly took most of them into his own
+army, and allowed the rest to go whithersoever they liked; thus leaving
+every one the choice of rising for him or keeping quiet. Domitius was
+completely deserted. At Rome, Cæsar was waited for with fear and
+trembling. Pompey had declared that whosoever was not with him, was
+against him; and every one who wished to stay in Rome, was threatened by
+his partisans with prosecution and proscription after the victory. From
+Cicero’s letters, one may see the monstrous way in which the Pompeians
+wanted to tyrannize over the opinions of the people.
+
+Cæsar went from Corfinium to Brundusium. Pompey had wanted to keep this
+town, that he might have an arsenal, and a landing-place in Italy; and
+he hoped that his rival would not venture upon besieging it. Cæsar had
+hardly a ship, while Pompey, who was master of the east, had at his
+command the whole of the seafaring part of the world then known. The
+latter had collected his fleet in the harbour of Brundusium, where Cæsar
+attacked him with such resolution, that, having the open sea behind him,
+and ships at hand, he was obliged to withdraw from the place, and to
+betake himself to Illyricum. This was of great importance to Cæsar, as
+Brundusium was faithful to the Syllanian interest, which Pompey
+represented. Cæsar now had the treasury at Rome forced open, as the keys
+had been put out of the way: he took out the money, nominated
+magistrates, and dealt as an absolute monarch with the opposition of
+those who, like the tribune Metellus, wanted to play the farce of
+liberty. The people of the capital now expected scenes like those which
+had been witnessed in the time of his uncle Marius; but whoever chose to
+trust him was quite safe: he did not even utter a bitter word against
+any one. But it was not the same in Italy, whenever he could not be
+present; for his soldiers, and not a few of his officers, committed a
+great number of outrages, owing to which the feelings of many were
+turned against him. With his wonted great activity, after having
+arranged at Rome all that was to be settled, he went through the south
+of Gaul to Spain, where the generals did not even march to meet him, or
+block up the way over the Pyrenees. His army was far less than that of
+his opponents, which consisted of seven legions; and he even left part
+of it behind for the siege of Marseilles, that city having wanted to
+keep neutral. He may have had some particular reason to be hard upon it,
+and perhaps he still bore it an old grudge: he now called upon it to
+declare for him, and on its refusal, he detached two legates to attack
+the place. The description of this siege in the second book of the
+_Bellum Civile_ is very interesting, as it shows us the system then in
+use, which was very different from the Greek one. After a long siege,
+and not till Cæsar’s return from Spain, the Massilians were forced to
+surrender. Cæsar did not destroy the town, nor was he guilty of any
+outrage against it; but the inhabitants had to give up their arms, and
+had long to suffer the loss of their freedom. The triumph over the
+Massilians is one of the most shameful things ever done, as they had
+always been the staunch allies of the Romans.
+
+Afranius and Petreius made a stand against Cæsar near Lerida in
+Catalonia, and he had to employ the whole of his art, the victory which
+he gained being properly speaking, a moral one: he caused such a
+desertion in their army, that they were obliged to treat. Afranius, a
+commonplace man, was for coming to terms, but Petreius spurned the very
+thought: he even inflicted heavy punishments on the soldiers who wanted
+to place themselves in communication with Cæsar. This was, however, of
+no avail: he saw that the legions would desert him altogether. The two
+leaders therefore made a capitulation for themselves, and for M. Varro,
+by which they agreed to evacuate the whole of Spain; and they were
+allowed to go free with those who did not wish to serve under Cæsar,
+which, however, most of the men did. Thus Cæsar became master of the
+whole of Spain.
+
+Cato had left Sicily, of which he had had the government as prætor, and
+Curio had taken the command there. The latter went from thence to
+Africa, where he was opposed by the Pompeian general Varus, and by Juba
+king of Mauritania, a client of Pompey. This expedition of Curio’s came
+to a sad end, partly owing to the desertion which broke out among his
+legions, partly owing to his unskilful generalship, and to various
+disasters. Curio at last was killed in a battle with Juba, and most of
+his soldiers were scattered and cut to pieces: some of them made their
+escape to Sicily. Cæsar had nominated himself dictator; in what form,
+cannot be made out with certainty, there being much discrepancy in the
+accounts which we have. He did everything as expeditiously as possible,
+and he passed several welcome and just laws. Among others was one
+concerning debts; a thing which is always necessary whenever there is an
+extraordinary fall in the value of every kind of property, so that a
+debt in money ceases to be what its nominal value expresses. A
+commission was appointed, before which all who had land in Italy might
+have it estimated, and thus made available to pay off their debts. This
+was often done under such circumstances; and no doubt the statement is
+also true that the interest was deducted. A number of other enactments
+were also made to meet the wants of the moment. And now that he had
+brought his army back to Italy, and considerably strengthened it by
+forming the troops which had gone over to him into legions, he marched
+forthwith to Brundusium. It was already about a year since Pompey had
+left Rome, and had gathered around him all the Romans whom he had been
+able to gain over: he had moreover an immense host of auxiliaries, and a
+fleet with which, as Cæsar had nothing to oppose to it, he might have
+been master of the sea, had not his lieutenants been so wretched. He
+wintered in Thessalonica, and his army in Macedon: his chief strength
+lay in his fleet, as the people of Rhodes and other places, and also
+many of the subject Greek towns still kept up their ships:—even the
+whole naval power of Egypt was at his disposal. Having collected all
+this force, he placed it under the command of Bibulus, Cæsar’s colleague
+in the consulship; and thus he hoped to make the passage by sea
+impracticable for Cæsar, so that he would have to go by land through
+Dalmatia, where he would have had to encounter M. Octavius, Pompey’s
+best general. But in this also, Cæsar tried to strike awe into the
+enemy, and he succeeded: to reach Illyricum, he was not afraid to use
+whatever vessels he had, or anything that could only float upon the sea.
+Bibulus was an able man, personally very praiseworthy, who did not
+neglect his duty, but he was deficient in that peculiar activity and
+watchfulness which in such cases are indispensable. One of the
+distinguishing features of Cæsar is that, whenever the utmost speed was
+necessary, though his forces were not quite complete, he would, without
+even a moment’s loss of time, at once strike the blow with whatever he
+chanced to have at hand; and he would try and gain a firm footing until
+he had collected the whole of his army. Thus he passed over to
+Illyricum; and thus he afterwards made his appearance in Egypt without
+the force which could support him, and later again in Africa: this is
+one of the marks of a great general, who calculates not only what he
+risks, but likewise what he can effect by it. Quite unexpectedly, he
+appeared with a small squadron at Oricum, a town on the farthest borders
+of Illyricum and Epirus, behind the bay of Acroceraunia; he landed,
+reduced the place, and immediately set out to attack Apollonia, which
+opened its gates to him. His name went before him, nor did any one
+suppose that he had only a few thousand men with him. Near Apollonia, he
+took up a position; but when an attempt of his against Dyrrachium had
+failed, Pompey tried to drive him back and to surround him. As Cæsar’s
+orders to send the troops immediately after him had not been fulfilled,
+he tried in this dilemma himself to cross, in a twelve-oared boat, over
+the dangerous, stormy sea; but after having struggled for a whole day
+against the currents and the waves, he was at last obliged to yield to
+the storm. Although his commands to follow him were most peremptory, his
+lieutenant Gabinius, whose heart failed him, disregarded them: he went
+round the gulf through Dalmatia, where he was afterwards routed by
+Octavius, and slain. Mark Antony, on the contrary, who ventured to pass
+over, led the troops most successfully close by Pompey’s fleet; for
+Bibulus had a short time before fallen ill, and he was now on the point
+of death. Thus did Antony, with the loss of only a few ships, make his
+passage to Illyricum. But for all that, Cæsar’s force was far inferior
+to that of Pompey, who was stationed near Dyrrachium; and yet he
+advanced against him, and ventured to hem him in by throwing up lines
+and bastions round Dyrrachium. This was an undertaking which Pompey
+could very easily let him go on with; for he got his supplies by sea,
+while Cæsar had no other provisions but those which he could collect by
+forays into the neighbouring country. Here Cæsar tried to finish the
+war; but he was unsuccessful, being repulsed with considerable loss in a
+coup de main against Dyrrachium: Pompey showed determination, and made
+himself master of part of the lines, so that the blockade had to be
+given up. The soldiers were so disheartened that day, that Cæsar
+despaired of the issue: they were certainly in a wretched plight, as
+they had to feed on grass and roots. Grass means here as much as salad:
+the poor in the south very often eat such herbs with vinegar and oil,
+which indeed the soldiers had to do without. Cæsar afterwards said, that
+he would have been routed on that day; and that Pompey would have
+conquered, if he had known how to make use of his victory. But Pompey
+had grown sluggish, and he had lost the faculty of doing anything to
+justify the pretensions which he put forth. After this rebuff, Cæsar was
+unable to go on with the war there any more; and so he ventured upon an
+expedition which, had it failed, would quite as much have been classed
+among fool-hardy freaks as the march of Charles XII. to Pultawa. Leaving
+Pompey in his rear, he betook himself to a country where he had nothing
+to rely upon, but every inch of ground to conquer: he broke up from
+Dyrrachium. No doubt Pompey expected that he would now turn towards
+Illyricum, and there unite himself with the troops of his party: but far
+from doing this, he went to the high mountain ranges between Epirus and
+Thessaly, and without stopping, to Gomphi, near the pass from Janina to
+Thessaly, and took it by storm. By this means, he restored the
+confidence of his soldiers, as they refreshed themselves with the booty.
+The panic caused by the destruction of this town, opened to him the
+whole of Thessaly. Pompey, who had such a superior force of soldiers,
+ought now to have gone to Italy; and the more so, as those legions of
+Cæsar’s which had been formed of the troops which had gone over to him
+in Spain, had partly become mutinous again, while Cæsar, with the fleet
+which he had, could never have reached Italy. But those who were about
+Pompey, were now so full of joy at Cæsar’s having got into a trap by
+going into countries from which he had no way out, that they went after
+him. Terror, however, paved the way for Cæsar: he was quite comfortably
+off in luxurious Thessaly, and having everything in plenty, he was
+enabled to recover himself. He took up his position near the rich town
+of Pharsalus, where for some days the two armies were facing each other,
+and manœuvring: he again got into a very bad plight, as he was in want
+of provisions, and Pompey’s cavalry was much stronger than his own. Here
+again it was now the opinion of the cautious, that Cæsar’s army should
+be allowed to wear itself out more and more by the distress in which it
+was; and this was the opinion of Pompey himself. But his followers were
+so childishly intoxicated with their hopes of victory, that they looked
+upon this judicious advice as disgraceful. The senators, who knew
+nothing whatever of war, deliberated with regard to the battle, how they
+would after the victory divide the advantages among themselves; and
+growing warm, they quarrelled together about who was to have the
+pontificate and the other offices of Cæsar, and also the estates of his
+partisans about to be proscribed. Cæsar was very anxious for a speedy
+decision, being most confident of victory; for he despised Pompey, such
+as he was then, and all his officers, They, on their side, deemed it a
+shame to delay the battle; and they forced it on in such haste, that
+Cæsar had hardly time to call back three legions which he had sent out
+to forage.
+
+Of this battle there are very different accounts, the best of which of
+course is that of Cæsar himself; but we may believe Asinius Pollio that
+the numbers which he gives are exaggerated. We may take it for granted,
+that Cæsar had no more than twenty-two thousand infantry against forty
+thousand infantry of Pompey, who had also an immense number of Greeks
+and Asiatics as _auxilia_: these, however, were of no use whatever,
+being somewhat ashamed to display their incapacity on a field where
+Romans were arrayed against each other. In cavalry also, Pompey was far
+superior to Cæsar in numbers; but the latter had Gallic and German
+horse, whilst Pompey had young Roman volunteers, who perhaps faced an
+enemy for the first time, and were like children against a host of
+veterans. The story of the _faciem feri, miles!_ is not to be taken
+literally. Cæsar had also trained his infantry to stand the shock of the
+cavalry, and the onset of the Pompeians was repulsed by the cohorts; he
+then made the Gallic and German cavalry charge the enemy, which decided
+the battle: they broke Pompey’s left wing, so that his right, which
+until then had fought with considerable success, was likewise forced to
+retire. All fled into the camp, and there these foolish men believed
+that the day was now over. But when they saw that the foe did not stop
+at all to plunder, and that in close order they were attacking the camp,
+the greatest confusion and rout ensued; Pompey started up like a madman,
+and calling out, “Not even here will they leave us quiet!” ran away. All
+dispersed, no one thinking of rallying so much as one cohort. The booty
+was immense, as the camp of Pompey was found to be furnished with
+Asiatic luxury; the tents were bowers, fitted up with carpets and costly
+furniture. The Gauls and Germans gladly availed themselves of the
+opportunity to revenge themselves on the Romans: but Cæsar had already
+issued an order during the battle, that no one should be hurt who did
+not flee nor offer any resistance; and thus most of them threw away
+their arms, and whole cohorts surrendered. It is known from Foggini’s
+Kalendarium, that the battle was fought on the tenth of August,[12]
+according to the calendar of that time: this cannot indeed be the real
+day, which at all events ought to be dated in June.
+
+Pompey fled to Larissa, and having got on board a ship, arrived at
+Mitylene, where his wife Cornelia was staying: his intention was to go
+to Cilicia and Cyprus, and from thence to the Parthians, a most shameful
+resolution! This, however, was opposed by his friends, and he saw no
+other plan, but to flee to Egypt. The right thing would have been to
+have gone to his fleet which was still untouched, and with it to
+maintain Africa; but his spirit was quite broken, and he determined to
+apply to the king of Egypt. Ptolemy Auletes, whom Gabinius had restored
+with Pompey’s connivance, was dead: as he was under obligations to
+Pompey, he had sent him a fleet, which, however, had now returned home
+after the battle. He had left two daughters, Cleopatra and Arsinoë, and
+two sons, who were younger: one of these had somewhat passed boyhood,
+while the other was still a child. The elder of the sons was by his
+will, according to the custom of incest which was rife among those
+Macedonian kings of Alexandria, to marry his eldest sister Cleopatra,
+and to rule with her in common; but being very imperious, and wanting to
+have everything for himself, he expelled her, and war broke out. She
+fled to Syria; and on the borders of Syria and Egypt, near Mount Casius,
+Ptolemy also, with his guardians Pothinus and Achillas was encamped.
+Pompey’s unlucky star brought him to this very coast. On this, L.
+Septimius, who had been left by Gabinius as commander in Egypt, advised
+Ptolemy to murder Pompey, and by this sacrifice to bribe Cæsar to give
+him the crown of Egypt. Such advice was quite to the taste of those
+Alexandrian rulers. L. Septimius was sent with a boat to go out and
+receive Pompey. Though all his companions had their suspicions roused,
+and he himself felt uneasy, yet Pompey was so entirely without a will of
+his own, and so stupified, that after all he chose to go into the boat:
+there he was stabbed, and his corpse was cast unburied on the strand.
+
+Cæsar, continuing his pursuit without stopping, hastened with a few
+followers to Egypt; another great piece of daring! On his arrival, they
+brought him the head and ring of Pompey: history has not forgotten his
+tears. I will not deny that this death saved him from some anxiety; for
+how could he have made peace with Pompey?—the war could not end in any
+other way, but with his destruction;—yet for all that, judging from the
+disposition of Cæsar’s heart, I believe that his tears were sincere. He
+buried Pompey: to have erected a monument would have looked like a
+farce; but his family raised a small, humble monument over him. The name
+of the Pompeii still existed to the time of Tiberius; then it
+disappears. The emperor Hadrian found the statue taken away, and set up
+in a neighbouring temple, the monument itself being nearly buried in the
+sand; and he had it restored. An epigram on the subject, consisting of
+two distichs, is one of the most beautiful left us from antiquity: it is
+certainly genuine, although the second half has been called in question.
+
+ Marmoreo tumulo Licinus[13] jacet, at Cato nullo,
+ Pompeius parvo: credimus esse Deos?
+ Saxa premunt Licinum, levat altum fama Catonem,
+ Pompeium tituli: credimus esse Deos.
+
+Cæsar now went to Alexandria whither his troops were to follow him; but
+his orders could not be carried across to Rhodes, as in the
+Mediterranean the Etesian gales blow from the north-west for about fifty
+or sixty days, until the dogdays, and the ships could not work their way
+against the wind. In the meanwhile, Cæsar had to stay in Alexandria
+among the most insolent and licentious populace in the world, one in
+which the vices of the east and the west were combined: the Macedonian
+Greek population had been mostly exterminated in the reign of Ptolemy
+Physcon, and the Alexandrine-Egyptians only remained, who were a
+detestable race. This rabble now became bold: as Cæsar had only so few
+with him, the eunuch Pothinus, the regent at that time, resolved to
+overpower him. Cæsar was in possession of the royal palace, where he
+entrenched himself as Ferdinand Cortez did in Mexico. An insurrection
+broke out; and the palace was set fire to, on which occasion the library
+of Ptolemy Philadelphus was burnt: the struggle in the streets was
+terrific. The account of how Cæsar then maintained himself,—making head
+against the immense danger which assailed him; destroying the entrance
+to the harbour to the dismay of the Alexandrians; taking the island of
+Pharos, and holding his ground there until he got reinforcements;—is
+given by Hirtius in a most graphic and attractive style. At last, Cæsar
+succeeded in making himself master of Alexandria, and the elder Ptolemy
+was accidentally drowned in the Nile: in short, the Alexandrians
+surrendered, and Cæsar, glad to have done with the war, declared
+Cleopatra queen, by whose arts he had been enslaved, and bestowed upon
+her the whole of the country.
+
+Having now learned that Pharnaces king of Bosporus had invaded Pontus,
+and defeated Domitius, one of his legates; he hastened thither, attacked
+the enemy on the very day that he came up, without even allowing his
+troops to rest, and the Asiatics were routed and scattered. It was then
+that he wrote to Rome the celebrated “_Veni, vidi, vici._”
+
+Cæsar now, for the first time since his departure from Brundusium,
+returned to Rome; and there he set many things to rights. He paid great
+regard to his adherents, and also appointed a provisional government,
+which was much wanted; for his party was a medley of all sorts of
+people, who aimed at the most different ends and objects, and during his
+absence had undertaken the most contradictory things. In the meanwhile,
+the insurrection of Milo, Cælius Rufus, and Dolabella, had taken place,
+and been quickly put down: of this I shall say more further on.
+
+He did not wait long at Rome. Servility proffered him the next
+extravagant honours; the whole power of the state was given him. Yet it
+must be said that men’s minds were very favourably disposed towards him
+on account of his unexpected mildness, whereas Pompey, had he been
+victorious, would undoubtedly have shed seas of blood. As far as he
+possibly could, he protected every one of the opposite party; and he
+also told the chief men about him, that each of them had free leave to
+rescue one of the proscribed, and all such were reinstated in their
+honours: with respect to their property, however, these had much to
+suffer, as it was not in his power to put a stop to all the robberies of
+his partisans. A great number indeed, still remained in exile; yet by
+degrees he let them all return.—The honours granted him by the senate,
+were bestowed three different times: I shall treat of them collectively
+when we come to his last stay in Rome.
+
+While he was still at Rome, he had to deal with a most dangerous
+commotion among his troops, who were eagerly waiting for their triumph.
+His favourite legion, the tenth, which he had left behind in Italy that
+he might take it with him to Africa, broke out in open mutiny; and the
+veterans demanded, not only the payment of their arrears, but also the
+money and allotments of land which had been promised them. Sallust, whom
+Cæsar had sent to them, was ill-treated, and some senators were slain:
+the danger therefore was great. Cæsar had then the courage to let them
+come to Rome: he ordered them to lay aside their _pila_, but to keep
+their swords; and now he fearlessly made his appearance in the midst of
+them. When he harangued them in the Forum, his intrepidity, and the
+confidence which he showed in them, made such an impression on them,
+that they became quite tame. He treated them with contempt, addressed
+them as Quirites, and announced to them that he dismissed them: he
+would, however, allow those who wished to share the honour of the
+campaign to enlist. Upon this, all those who before had been loudly
+clamouring for their dismissal, almost with one voice entreated him to
+let them continue in his service.
+
+He again went with a small army to Africa, where Cato and Q. Scipio, the
+father-in-law of Pompey, Afranius and Petreius, stood forth as the
+leaders of the whole party. Cato had not been present at the battle of
+Pharsalus: he had gone from Dyrrachium to Corcyra, and from thence to
+Cyrene. Here he got together a number of scattered Romans; but his army
+was much more distinguished for the rank, than for the bravery of its
+soldiers. Cyrene had hardly the honour of being a Roman province; there
+he was quite cut off from the rest of the world: he therefore made one
+of the most dreadful of forced marches, through the African desert all
+round the Syrtes, by Tripolis to the province of Africa. He was offered
+the chief command of the army, which was a respectable one; but he
+declined it, and only kept the command of Utica. Allied with him was
+Juba of Numidia, who ruled over the greater part of Jugurtha’s empire:
+in Mauritania, Bogud was king. In the latter country, there was also a
+Roman adventurer, P. Sitius of Nuceria, a remarkable character, and a
+man of great energy: he had formed a regiment of stray fugitives and
+deserters, which had gotten king Bogud the victory against Juba, and the
+ascendency in Africa. (I have treated of this Sitius in my edition of
+Fronto.) He attached himself to Cæsar, who promised to restore him to
+his civil rights; and he made war upon Juba, while Cæsar established
+himself in Tunis. The latter, having gradually received the
+reinforcements for which he was waiting, marched likewise against his
+foes. The campaign lasted several months without being decided, until
+Cæsar took his position near Thapsus, a peninsula with a fortified town.
+The enemy under Petreius, Afranius, Scipio, and Juba, occupied the
+isthmus, surrounding him with overwhelming numbers, and thus cutting him
+off from the mainland. But Cæsar broke through, first defeated the
+Romans, and then Juba, on the same day, and scattered their hosts. As
+soon as the battle was won, the soldiers went over to him in throngs:
+Juba was so utterly done for, that he fled from his kingdom. All was
+lost: Juba and Petreius took away each other’s life; Cato remained
+behind in Utica with a Roman garrison.
+
+If there be indeed a great man in Roman history who deserves his fame,
+it is Cato. Cæsar has tried to disparage his virtue; but this arose from
+a pardonable feeling of irritation. After Cato’s death, Cicero wrote his
+celebrated _laudatio M. Catonis_;—would to heaven that we had it still!
+we should be able to discover from it Cicero’s inmost soul. This work
+does great honour, as well to Cicero, for having had the courage to
+write it, as to Cæsar for having borne with it: one sees how sincerely
+people believed in Cæsar’s magnanimity. When Cæsar says that Cato had
+harmed him by his death, as he had thus robbed him of the pleasure of
+pardoning him, not a word can be added: on the other hand, one may
+easily believe that Cæsar still felt hurt by Cicero’s eulogium. He
+therefore wrote the Anti-Cato, in which he may have displayed a
+bitterness of passion which in real life, he would certainly have as
+little shown to Cicero as to Cato himself. There was nothing that he so
+much wished for as Cato’s friendship, though indeed Cato could not have
+given it him. The Stoic philosophy did not raise up any heroes among the
+Greeks, except the great founders Zeno and Cleanthes himself; but while
+not one Greek statesman professed it, among the Romans, all the great
+and virtuous public men were either its disciples, or at least, like
+Cicero, its admirers. It would be the most detestable misconstruing of
+human virtue, to call Cato’s integrity in question; yet it is quite
+another thing to say that Cato, with his principles and his philosophy,
+did infinite harm to the commonwealth. He wanted stoutly to uphold every
+existing institution, and to allow of nothing that bordered upon
+arbitrary power. It is well known that Cato estranged the Roman knights
+from the senate, and made enemies of them, thus tearing open the wound
+which Cicero with very great difficulty had succeeded in closing: he
+refused to grant the _publicani_ a request which was not at all an
+unfair one, merely because he deemed that this would be favouring them.
+This caused a breach which was never healed. On another occasion, Cato
+was for voting the execution of Catiline and his accomplices; which was
+quite in accordance with the laws, but a most unhappy measure for the
+republic. He did not pay the least regard to existing circumstances, and
+the consequence was, that he made them much worse. But his personal
+character was above all blame: profligates might rail at him; but no one
+dared to slander him, and in this he stood above those times.
+
+Cato had found little happiness in his party, even when Pompey was
+alive; and now that he was dead, his situation was quite wretched. They
+were going on in Africa in the most savage manner, and it was with very
+great trouble indeed that he saved Utica: they had wanted to plunder it,
+on pretence of the inhabitants being friendly to Cæsar, but in reality
+to preserve the goodwill of the soldiers. For this, the inhabitants of
+Utica considered Cato as their saviour, and the town remained quiet, as
+he had pledged himself that it should. When Cæsar appeared before Utica,
+Cato advised every one not to prolong their resistance. The generals,
+and those who were able to bear arms, had fled; so that the garrison
+consisted mostly of old people and gentlemen of rank: he therefore
+counselled them to throw themselves on Cæsar’s mercy, bidding even his
+own son go out and do it. Here he in a fine manner showed himself
+inconsistent, the father getting the better of the Stoic: he said that
+he could not indeed live now, he who had seen the better days of the
+republic; but that his son, who had never known the republic, might
+embark in the new state of things. The night before the town was to open
+its gates, he retired to his room and read the Phædo, surely not to find
+in it the strengthening of his belief in the immortality of the soul,
+and of his hopes:—of this he had no need; for as a Stoic he believed in
+immortality, and moreover the Phædo itself does not give this faith to
+those who have it not:—but as in terrible moments one must find
+breathing-room for one’s feelings, so he sought for support in the
+example of a great man, and he very likely was much more taken up with
+that part of the work in which Socrates’ death is told. He took leave of
+the world, turning his mind to the contemplation of the last hours of
+one of the most virtuous men on earth.
+
+He then gave himself the deadly wound. But he fell from the bed in the
+agonies of death; and when his son and his friends tried to recover him,
+having pretended to slumber, he tore the wound open, and let his bowels
+gush out.—The reduction of the other towns was easy enough.
+
+The son of Juba surrendered to Cæsar, and afterwards had such an
+excellent education bestowed upon him at Rome, that he became one of the
+most learned men of his time. As he undoubtedly was master of the Punic
+language, the loss of his books on historical and geographical topics,
+is very much to be regretted; for in the historical ones, he must have
+given the substance of what the Carthaginians have written.
+
+At Rome, there was a quarrel between Antony and Dolabella, the
+son-in-law of Cicero, to whom he caused much grief: both of them were
+equally bad. Cæsar therefore went thither, and quieted them. From thence
+the successes of Cneius and Sextus, the sons of Pompey, again called him
+away to Spain, whither these had betaken themselves from Africa, that
+they might join a newly formed legion of his which had revolted.
+Southern Spain had taken up arms for the Pompeians; but not with hearty
+agreement among themselves, as in the days of Sertorius. This struggle
+was by far the hardest of any which Cæsar had to go through; it is quite
+extraordinary, how, when all was exhausted, the people now fought with a
+rage which had not been seen until then. The beginning of this war may
+be read in the barbarously written _Bellum Hispaniense_. After Cæsar had
+been obliged for several months to put forth all the resources of his
+mind, to carry on the war within a very limited area in Andalusia and
+Grenada: the seat of the contest was chiefly in the exceedingly strong
+fastnesses of the mountains north of Grenada. Cneius had the chief
+command, and he showed himself here a far more able general than his
+father had been. In the battle near Munda, the anniversary of which was
+yesterday (March 17), Cæsar’s fate hung upon a thread: his troops were
+breaking, and he was already giving up all for lost, when in his despair
+he jumped from his horse, and placed himself in the way of the
+fugitives, calling out to them that if they wished to flee, they should
+cut him down, and not oblige him to outlive such a day. Suwarow behaved
+very much in the same way at the battle of Kinburn, in the year 1787,
+when his soldiers refused obedience in an undertaking which he had
+ordered, because they thought themselves lost. As they now were flying,
+he cried out to them, “Run, run, and leave your general to the Turks, as
+a keepsake of your cowardice!” With the greatest trouble, Cæsar stopped
+his soldiers; but thus he only restored the battle, and he owed his
+victory to the Mauritanian auxiliaries, who attacked and plundered the
+Pompeian camp, which was hardly guarded at all. For when Labienus
+marched with a legion against them, to save the camp and drive them off,
+the other troops, thinking this to be a retreat, fell back, but did not
+run. Cæsar had, after the battle, to destroy them one by one: Cneius was
+wounded and cut down; Sextus remained with the Celtiberians, among whom
+he hid himself until the death of Cæsar, some time after which he once
+more played his part in public life. It was several months before Cæsar
+had reduced the whole of Spain.
+
+On his return from Africa, Cæsar had already had a triumph of four days:
+there was the Gallic triumph, the Pontic, the Egyptian, and the African
+one over Juba, in which no Roman general was mentioned. He had now a
+Spanish triumph, in which the Spanish towns were individually named. The
+former one had highly pleased the Romans; but this one hurt their
+feelings, notwithstanding all the presents given to the people and the
+soldiers, as it was evidently a triumph over their fellow-citizens,
+although none of them were named. Velleius Paterculus states the amount
+of the treasures which Cæsar had brought in triumph to Rome, to have
+been _sexies millies_ (six hundred million _sesterces_ = twenty millions
+of Prussian dollars). This sum is not at all incredible: even if Cæsar
+gave to every soldier twenty thousand _sesterces_ (nearly seven hundred
+dollars), and for all these presents spent even as much as thirty or
+forty million dollars, which are to be added to that sum, the account is
+indeed by no means unlikely. But Appian as he is generally understood,
+states a sum which is quite enormous, even six and a half myriads of
+talents, which would be a hundred million dollars. But here we are not
+to think of Attic, but Egyptian, that is to say, copper talents; and
+thus, though the whole amount does not indeed quite agree with what
+Velleius tells us, there is no longer any exaggeration. Justus Lipsius
+did not know how to reconcile this discrepancy.
+
+Cæsar returned in October 707. The last five months of his life were
+spent partly in his preparations for a Parthian war, and partly in
+making a number of arrangements in civil affairs: even as early as his
+return from Africa he had regulated the calendar, and thus done away
+with a source of intolerable favouritism. In the last times of the
+republic, it was quite a usual thing to intercalate a month at pleasure
+by a mere ordinance. Curio in fact had fallen out with the senate,
+because he too wanted to have a month intercalated for himself, and the
+pontiff refused.
+
+It is one of the inestimable advantages of legitimate, hereditary,
+time-honoured, and unquestioned government, whatever may be its form,
+that it may sometimes outwardly remain inactive when the state is
+concerned. As in most cases it interferes only where it is absolutely
+necessary, and it seems to let things take their own course, it meddles
+very little with people’s affairs; and thus it is also able to allow a
+much higher degree of individual liberty. A government, on the other
+hand, which is called a usurpation, and is but newly established, has
+not only to try and hold its own, but also, in all that it undertakes,
+it has to prove its inherent right to govern, and to establish its
+reputation. Those who are placed in such a position, are forced to act
+from a most grievous necessity; and if this was the case with any one,
+it was with Cæsar. What could he have undertaken in the centre of the
+empire? Modern governments may do many things of which the ancients had
+no notion; and indeed that much cried down, and in many respects baneful
+system of centralization has still this good effect, that it gives the
+activity of rulers a wider range. There remained in truth no measures to
+be carried out by Cæsar, either in Italy or in the provinces; and as he
+had for fifteen years been accustomed to the most prodigious exertions,
+he was now as it were in a state of sloth, unless he could employ
+himself abroad: he must undertake something which would engage his whole
+soul; rest he no longer could. His first thought was war, and that in
+countries where since the time of Alexander, the most brilliant military
+glory was to be earned,—where the unburied bones of the legions of
+Crassus were still to be revenged,—against the Parthians. The Getæ also
+had spread in Thrace, and Cæsar wanted likewise to check them. But his
+grand design was to destroy the empire of the Parthians, and to extend
+that of the Romans as far as India; and in this he would undoubtedly
+have not been unsuccessful. He already felt so near the result, that he
+began to think of what was to be done afterwards; and therefore we may
+consider the statement as a very likely one, that he then meant to march
+through the defiles of the Caucasus and ancient Sythia into the land of
+the Getæ, and to return through Germany and Gaul. These plans of his had
+all of them a gigantic range: he had other projects besides which were
+quite as grand. The harbour of Ostia was bad, and large sea-going
+vessels could not come up the river; he is therefore said to have
+intended to cut a canal from the Tiber, above or below the city, and
+through the Pontine marshes as far as Terracina, which should be
+navigable for large ships to sail up to Rome. He likewise undertook many
+things which were done at once; so much indeed, that we hardly
+understand how he could have accomplished the whole of it during the
+five months which he had still to live. The veterans having now retired,
+he followed Sylla’s unfortunate precedent, and founded a number of
+colonies for them throughout Italy: the old soldiers of Sylla, or their
+children, were many of them driven out, thus reaping the reward of their
+own cruelty, or that of their fathers, to the inhabitants of the
+_municipia_. In Southern Gaul, Corinth, and Carthage, he likewise
+established colonies again. Corinth, however, was a _colonia
+libertinorum_, a thing which it is not easy to account for: everything
+in the place remained a medley, and it has never risen since to any real
+prosperity. He also wanted to cut through the isthmus, a plan which I
+cannot quite understand; owing to the state in which hydraulic
+architecture was then. The work might indeed have been executed by means
+of a succession of locks. That these, however, were employed in great
+canal works among the ancients, we have no proof; yet they were known to
+them. They were brought to their present perfection, as late as in the
+fifteenth century, by the Netherlanders.
+
+With regard to the state, he enacted several measures; among others,
+that of restoring the _jus honorum_ to the children of those whom Sylla
+had proscribed. He had received from the senate the dictatorship for
+life, the consulship for ten years, and the right of filling up at once
+half the offices which the centuries had to give, and recommending for
+the other half those whom he wished to be nominated; so that henceforth
+the election was a mere sham. The tribes still had their elections free.
+Moreover, he made several laws for the relief of debtors, and such like
+purposes. He raised the number of the prætors to ten, and afterwards to
+sixteen; that of the quæstors to forty, which was now more than was
+wanted for filling up the vacancies of the senate: this he had also
+enlarged, though how much is uncertain.[14] He gave the citizenship to
+whom he pleased, and he chose into the senate whom he pleased; so that
+he filled it with his partisans, which caused much dissatisfaction. Yet
+it is a striking fact, that at the time of his death, the majority of
+the senate did not consist of Cæsarians. It is moreover very remarkable,
+that in all his measures there is no trace to be found of his ever
+having wanted to modify the constitution, and to put an end to anarchy;
+for all his changes are in reality but trifling. Sylla meant to do this:
+it is true that he did not attain his end, and the way in which he set
+about it was most stupid; but he at least felt the need of it. Cæsar
+seems not even to have thought upon a remedy for the evil: for his
+increasing by a special edict the number of the patricians, and his
+adding new patrician families to the old ones, is a case which has no
+connexion whatever with the constitution. He did not admit a whole
+_gens_ into the patrician order, but individuals only and their
+children; just as one is ennobled in our days. This had no other object
+than to provide for the filling up of the priestly offices: the new
+_ædiles Cereales_ even remained limited to the _plebs_. Had Cæsar died
+in peace, the state would have been in the same disorganization, as if
+he had never lived; perhaps it would have been still worse off. His
+sound sense and his powerful understanding told him, that the solution
+of the problem was not so easy as Sylla had dreamed; that, on the
+contrary, it was very difficult, the first condition being that he
+should become a prince, a condition which of course would seem quite
+intolerable even in the eyes of many of his partisans, who were quite
+ready to go on with him as fellow-rebels. And in Cicero’s books _de
+Republica_, we may remark throughout his conviction that the Rome of his
+day could not possibly remain any longer as it was, and that it wanted a
+king; yet Cicero undoubtedly said to himself the whole time, that no one
+would listen to his advice.
+
+The title of king had a great charm for Cæsar, as it has had indeed for
+many a practical man, Cromwell among others. It was so managed that when
+Cæsar at the Lupercalia had seated himself on the _suggestum_, Antony
+offered him the diadem, to see how the people would take it; but Cæsar
+made a show of declining it, as the people were alarmed, and thereupon a
+general shout of applause and praise burst forth, which now made it
+impossible for him to do what he wished. Antony then had the diadem put
+upon the statue of Cæsar; two of the tribunes, however, Cæsetius Flavus
+and Epidius Marullus, took it down. Cæsar’s real feelings now betrayed
+themselves; for, he looked upon this as a personal insult, and having
+lost all command of himself, wanted to have them arrested: the least
+that he could be prevailed upon to do, was to deprive them of their
+office and banish them. This made an immense sensation. On the other
+hand, he had himself committed a fault, perhaps from absence of mind.
+When the senate issued those extravagant decrees which conferred upon
+him unlimited power, and a deputation from the whole body now brought
+them to him, he neglected to rise from the curule chair, and saluted
+them but very slightly. This want of courtesy people did not forgive,
+who had granted to Cæsar everything that he could have wished, but still
+expected some sort of acknowledgment in return. Cicero, who certainly
+was no democrat, wrote soon afterwards, _turpissimi consulares, turpis
+senatus, populus fortis, infimus quisque honore fortissimus_. The first
+part of this is true, the latter part exaggerated.
+
+During the last year of Cæsar’s life, Brutus and Cassius were prætors,
+both of whom had formerly been among the leaders of Pompey’s party.
+Brutus was a nephew of Cato. Livia, the mother of the latter, had, after
+the death of her first husband, married Servilius Cæpio; so that
+Servilia was Cato’s half-sister: Servilia was a profligate woman,
+unworthy of her son and brother, and she did not even care for the
+honour of her own daughter. Brutus indeed had very few eminent persons
+in his family after it had become plebeian. In the first years after the
+Licinian law, some Junii are to be found in the Fasti; but they are not
+above mediocrity: at a later period, the family had become truly
+contemptible. M. Brutus especially disgraced his house: after having
+carried on the business of an informer (_accusationes factitabat_), and
+acted a vile part in the time of Marius, he was put to death by Pompey
+in Gaul. Thus, although indeed no Roman family was so illustrious as to
+its _gens_, Brutus was by no means one of those who have been raised by
+great and fortunate circumstances. The training of his youth had,
+however, much effect upon him: his uncle Cato, whose daughter Porcia he
+afterwards married,—it is uncertain whether this was still in Cato’s
+lifetime,—had devoted him from a child to the Stoic philosophy, as if it
+were a religion. Besides this, he had qualities in which Cato was
+wanting, who had a certain scrupulosity and puritanism about him. Brutus
+was free from such qualms as these; he had also a finer and more
+versatile mind, not only endowed by nature with the happiest gifts, but
+likewise highly cultivated. Cato was not one of the distinguished
+orators, which Brutus certainly was; and had the latter lived longer, he
+would undoubtedly have been one of the first writers of Rome. Cicero had
+quite a fatherly affection for him; he saw in him a man who, he hoped,
+would one day become the head and heart of the state.[15] Cæsar’s
+attention also had been drawn to Brutus whom he had known and loved from
+a child: it is indeed quite natural that he should have shown fondness
+for so extraordinary and so amiable a mind; for he had as little of the
+feeling of envy as Cicero himself. The stories which have gone about of
+a connexion of a different kind, have been devised by some stupid
+fellow. Brutus had fought on the side of Pompey at the battle of
+Pharsalus, and Cæsar immediately afterwards inquired if any one knew
+what was become of him; on this Brutus wrote to Cæsar, who being quite
+rejoiced to see that Brutus wished to live, fully trusted him, and gave
+him the government of Cisalpine Gaul, where he greatly distinguished
+himself.
+
+Cassius was considerably older than Brutus, to whom he was related. He
+was a good officer: he bore a very high character in the army; and he
+had as _quæstor_, after the death of Crassus, held Syria against the
+Parthians: yet he was not better than the common run of Cæsar’s
+officers. He too had been in the ranks of the Pompeians, and when Cæsar,
+as he was pursuing Pompey, passed over to Asia, he was lying with a
+squadron of galleys in the Hellespont. Cæsar boldly went in a boat into
+the midst of his fleet, and asked him to go over to his side, which he
+did. Cæsar pardoned almost all his enemies: even Marcellus, who had
+mortally offended him, he forgave at the intercession of Cicero; and as
+far as in him lay, he tried altogether to do away with the consequences
+of the war. This year, Cæsar had appointed both Brutus and Cassius to
+the prætorship, which in fact was a troublesome office, affording but
+little gratification: the only honourable and lucrative prætorship was
+the _prætura urbana_ which formerly was given by lot.[16] This latter
+dignity both of them now tried to get. Cæsar gave it to Brutus, and this
+caused a quarrel between Brutus and Cassius.
+
+A meeting of the senate having been appointed for the fifteenth of
+March, there was a report that the motion was then to be brought forward
+to give Cæsar the crown. Cassius who both hated Cæsar of old, and also
+wished to revenge himself upon him for not having got the _prætura
+urbana_, made the first advances to Brutus, and sounded him as to
+whether he would conspire against Cæsar: in the night, inscriptions were
+left on Brutus’ tribunal and house, which bade him remember that he was
+a Brutus. Brutus at once held out his hand, and agreed to be reconciled.
+They enlisted several others, Cæsarians as well as Pompeians, a complete
+fusion of parties having taken place. Two of the chief conspirators were
+old generals of Cæsar, Decimus Brutus and C. Trebonius, both of whom he
+had raised to high honours: they had served in the Gallic war, and had
+been jointly commissioned to crush the noble town of Massilia. The
+number of accomplices is unknown; but the conspiracy indiscriminately
+comprehended people who had fought against each other at Pharsalus
+(704). No proposals were made to Cicero; but it is a pitiful calumny to
+say that his courage was mistrusted: to slander a great man in such a
+way, is really shameful.[17] They might have been quite sure of his
+courage; what they feared were his objections. Brutus had as fine a soul
+as any one could have, but he was passionate; Cicero, on the other hand,
+had arrived at mature age, and had become a sadder and a wiser man: his
+feelings moreover were of such extraordinary delicacy that he would
+never have betrayed his benefactor to whom he owed his life, a man who
+had always behaved towards him in the handsomest and noblest manner, and
+who had particularly distinguished him before the world as his friend.
+Nor could the conspirators conceal from themselves, that the undertaking
+which they were plotting could not but displease a wise man. Goethe has
+branded the murder of Cæsar as the greatest folly which the Romans ever
+committed; and never was a truer word spoken.[18] Hirtius and Pansa, two
+generous and wise men who were well aware that the republic needed to
+become settled, and not to be stirred up again, had advised Cæsar to
+look to himself, and to keep a body guard; but he disdained to do this,
+saying, that he would not wish to live, if he had always to think of
+preserving his life. He knew well that Brutus might entertain such a
+thought against him, and he spoke of it to his friends; but he would
+add, that his health had indeed been too much impaired, and Brutus would
+surely wait until that frail body of his had gone to decay. And it was
+the general belief that Cæsar would soon transfer his power to Brutus,
+as the most worthy to succeed him. It was while these things were going
+on, that Porcia, when she saw that Brutus was harbouring an important
+secret, and that he did not make her his confidante, inflicted upon
+herself a deep wound with a knife. The wound brought on a fever, the
+cause of which she hid from her husband; and it was only when he
+repeatedly pressed her, that she at last disclosed it, thus giving him a
+proof of her discretion. Cæsar went to the curia, although his own
+forebodings, the dreams of his wife, and the prophecies of the Haruspex
+had warned him of his death: Dec. Brutus basely enticed him thither. The
+conspirators were at first seized with fear, lest their plot should have
+been betrayed. Plutarch now beautifully tells us, how C. Tillius Cimber
+forced his way up to Cæsar, and worried him with his importunity, until
+he got angry; how Casca struck the first blow; and how Cæsar was
+murdered by twenty-three stabs. He lost his life in his fifty-sixth
+year, or after its completion.—I am not yet quite clear as to this
+point; but the latter seems to me more likely, judging from the time of
+his first consulship.—He was born on the eleventh of July, and died on
+the fifteenth of March, between eleven and twelve o’clock.
+
+
+
+
+ STATE OF ROME AFTER THE MURDER OF CÆSAR. TRIUMVIRATE OF ANTONY,
+ OCTAVIAN, AND LEPIDUS. DEATH OF CICERO.
+
+
+The conspirators were so far from having formed a deliberate plan, that
+they were not even agreed as to what was to be done next. In the first
+moment, Cassius demanded that Antony should die; but Brutus was against
+it, declaring that it was enough that one man should have died. In this
+Brutus was evidently wrong, as many besides ought to have been slain, to
+set everything right: at all events, Antony should have been killed, if
+even a shadow of the republic was still to be kept up; for indeed it was
+he, and men like him, who had made Cæsar’s rule hateful. He had been his
+chief instigator to take the diadem, and it is generally acknowledged
+that, if left to himself, Cæsar would have done nothing but good. In the
+height of the tumult, most of the senators took to flight, a few openly
+declared for Brutus and his companions, as tyrannicides. Cicero was one
+of these, which shows no small courage on his part. On neither side were
+people at all aware of what was next to follow. One might have believed
+that the people would have been full of exultation after Cæsar’s murder,
+as public opinion was against him, ever since he had aspired to the
+diadem; yet there is nothing more changeable than man: now that the
+thing which they had wanted was done, the same people who a few days
+before had wished for Cæsar’s death, were bewailing and lamenting him.
+The tumult lasted for some days. Cæsar had been murdered on the
+fifteenth of March; on the seventeenth, the senate met to deliberate on
+the steps which were to be taken in a time of such great excitement. In
+this meeting, Antony behaved quite differently from what had been
+expected, holding out his hand for a reconciliation: people indeed did
+not trust him; yet they believed that he was forced by circumstances to
+act in this way. Cicero came forward as an adviser, and it was decreed
+that an amnesty should be granted for all that was past; just as they
+did at Athens after the time of the thirty tyrants. There was much
+consultation about what was to be done. Brutus and Cassius, as public
+opinion was against them, had betaken themselves to the Capitol to
+escape from the storm; and from thence they began to negotiate: there
+were many of Cæsar’s soldiers in the city, others thronged in, and the
+commotion was very great. The resolutions which were come to, aimed at
+reconciliation; but they were full of contradictions to each other.
+Whilst, on the one hand, there was a strong feeling of admiration for
+the murderers, the decrees of the senate took quite the opposite turn.
+The proposal that Cæsar should be declared a tyrant, and all his acts be
+repealed, was not only rejected by the senate, through fear of the
+veterans, but divine honours were even conferred upon him, and the
+validity of all his ordinances expressly acknowledged. The motion had
+been made that his will should be annulled; but his father-in-law, L.
+Calpurnius Piso, with persevering impudence, carried that it should be
+ratified, publicly read, and executed. Cæsar had bequeathed to the
+soldiers, and to every single individual of the Roman people, great sums
+from his immense treasures; with this one would be sure to rekindle the
+enthusiasm of the soldiers and of the populace for him who was dead.
+Some had wisely requested that the burial should be quite private; yet
+this also was overruled, owing to the boldness of the faction and the
+cowardice of the senate, and it was ordered that he should have a
+stately funeral in the _Campus Martius_. The corpse in an open bier,
+according to the Italian custom, as is still the case at this day, was
+set down in the Forum before the _rostra_; and there his nearest kinsman
+Antony, who was allied to him by his mother Julia, delivered the
+oration, thus working powerfully on the minds of the fickle and
+capricious people: he not only recounted Cæsar’s great achievements, but
+he afterwards showed the wounds, and held aloft the bloody toga pierced
+by the daggers. At this sight, the people became so frantic and enraged,
+that instead of bearing the dead body to the _Campus Martius_, they at
+once built up a funeral pile of the benches and whatever wood besides
+chanced to be at hand, and there they burnt it: they then tore a man to
+pieces, whom they had groundlessly mistaken for one of the conspirators,
+and they stormed the houses of Brutus and Cassius. These had already
+come down from the Capitol on a promise which Antony and Lepidus had
+made on oath; and now they betook themselves to Antium, whilst others
+went down to the provinces of which they were governors. Dec. Brutus
+withdrew to Cisalpine Gaul which had been promised him by Cæsar; there
+he meant to take the oaths of the legions, and to make sure of them: M.
+Brutus was to have had Macedon; Cassius, Syria.
+
+The events of this year (708) are so complicated and various, that it is
+quite impossible to relate them in order. Fr. Fabricius gives a detailed
+account of them in his life of Cicero: the knowledge of them is of
+importance for the Philippic orations.
+
+Cæsar had in his will made the grandson of his sister Julia, C.
+Octavius, his heir _ex dodrante_ after the payment of all legacies; the
+remaining quarter he had bequeathed to his wife’s relations: Antony and
+L. Piso, were not among the heirs. Cæsar’s aunt Julia, had been married
+to Marius; his sister Julia, the wife of M. Atius Balbus, had a daughter
+Atia, who was married to C. Octavius, the son of C. Octavius: this last
+was a worthy man, and but for his early death, would have risen to the
+consulship. Whether these Octavii belonged to those who in former days
+had acted a part in history, especially the colleague of Tib. Gracchus,
+is a point which I do not clearly know. I am, however, inclined to deny
+it, as they are spoken of too positively as having been _ordinis
+equestris_. At the time of Cæsar’s murder, C. Octavius was in his
+nineteenth year, having been born on the 23d of September, 689. Cæsar
+had taken an interest in this young man after his return from Spain; for
+hitherto he does not seem to have bestowed any attention upon him. He
+had settled that he was to accompany him in the Parthian war, and
+thenceforth remain with him to finish his education: until then, he had
+sent him to Apollonia in Illyricum, to get Grecian learning there. The
+Greek language was at that time quite common among the Romans: Cassius
+and Messalla spoke it to each other;[19] and in Cicero’s letters there
+are long passages in Greek, without the writers being themselves aware
+of it: Cicero’s Greek, however, has sometimes a peculiarly foreign air
+about it; it would be interesting to make this at once the subject of an
+accurate research. When Octavius had heard the sad news, he came up to
+Rome, and presented himself to Antony as Cæsar’s heir, ready to enter
+upon his inheritance. This was a most unpleasant arrival for Antony, who
+had the most urgent reasons not to let the property go out of his hands:
+for as he was answerable for it, he had to look sharp that no mistake
+should be made, and that it should be most faithfully administered; just
+as was the case with those with whom Napoleon had deposited the five
+millions. Octavius is the first example which I know of in history of an
+adoption by will; afterwards, this was very often done. Antony now tried
+to deter Octavius: he as well as others represented to him that he had
+better give it up, telling him that he was still too young: his mother
+and his stepfather had allowed themselves to be intimidated. But he
+already had Agrippa for his adviser, a man of whom, at a later period,
+there is a great deal of good to be said, but whose conduct at this
+crisis brought sad consequences upon the republic. But for Agrippa,
+Octavius would have played quite a different part: he would have let
+himself be intimidated; or else would have been overpowered, and Brutus
+would at last have been obliged to take upon himself the dictatorship,
+though perhaps under a different name, as the _dictatura_ had been
+abolished for ever by a decree of the senate. Octavius now attached
+himself to those by whom he hoped to strengthen himself against Antony;
+and as, of course, he could not league himself with the murderers of
+Cæsar, he made particular advances to Cicero, whose hands were clean in
+that affair, and who allowed himself to be entrapped by the deep cunning
+of the young man: for he deemed it impossible that one so young should
+be false; and he always tried to see what he wished, to find in Octavius
+a disposition to consult the good of the commonwealth. Thus arose this
+connexion.—Octavius carried his point, and Antony had to give up to him
+the will and the inheritance, that is to say, as much of the latter as
+was still left; for Antony had already made away with the greatest part
+of the sums which Cæsar had deposited with him. The ill-feeling between
+Octavius and Antony now ran very high: each suspected the other, and
+perhaps with good reason, of trying to murder him. To so great a height
+had the excitement risen, that Cicero resolved to go away to Athens,
+until the first of January of the following year, when Hirtius and Pansa
+were to be consuls: the former of these was a very worthy and able man,
+and really his friend, whilst Pansa was much less eminent, being only a
+commonplace soldier.
+
+This summer Cicero displayed the greatest intellectual activity. He
+began the books _de Officiis_; he wrote the ones _De Divinatione_, _De
+Fato_, _De Gloria_, the _Topica_, and also that huge quantity of
+letters, many of which are no longer extant. I do not know of any
+person, who was so intensely laborious as Cicero, was at that time. A
+common man will under such circumstances be stunned; he only thinks with
+terror of what is before him: Cicero, on the contrary, was aware of
+everything that was going on; but instead of letting himself be made the
+slave of events which he could not check, he turned all his thoughts to
+the intellectual world. This activity was the recreation which he found
+in this grief; it shows the wonderful strength of his soul. Contrary
+winds obliged him to stop at Rhegium.
+
+Antony had, by means of decrees which he had wrung from the senate,
+given Macedonia to his brother Caius, and Syria to Dolabella, who, after
+Cæsar’s death, was consul with him: for himself, he had chosen Cisalpine
+Gaul. All at once, he turned round, and seemed to be quite another man:
+he showed himself friendly to the _optimates_, and most ready to
+conciliate men’s minds; and he enacted laws which aimed at peace. When
+Cicero was told that Antony was doing everything that one could wish,
+his friends earnestly begged him to return, and to reconcile himself
+with Antony. Had Cicero, on his arrival, ventured to appear in the
+senate, notwithstanding the risk there was of his being murdered in it;
+and had he brought himself to speak there to Antony, as if he could
+trust him; he might have prevented a great deal of mischief. Antony was
+embittered against him, and hated him; but he would perhaps after all
+have consented to make friends with him. On the whole, Cicero was guilty
+of a blunder in so loudly expressing his too just abhorrence of Antony’s
+utter profligacy. Antony, though a bad man, might still to some extent
+be gained over; he was at least an open character. Octavian, on the
+other hand, was a thorough hypocrite; and there was much truth in his
+last words at Nola, when he asked, whether he had well acted the comedy
+of his life: for it was all a part which he had got up most carefully
+and deliberately, and which he played with uncommon skill. Dissimulation
+was the master faculty of his mind. Antony, profligate as his life was,
+still did some good-natured, and even generous actions: Cicero could not
+have made a worse choice between the two. He may likewise have uttered
+things, which gave deep offence to Antony, and very often have made him
+the butt of his wit. However this may be, when Cicero did not show
+himself in the senate, Antony broke out against him in the most unseemly
+manner; and this called forth the second Philippic, which was never
+spoken, but written, and being immediately circulated, was devoured with
+the greatest admiration. As Cicero no longer deemed himself to be safe
+at Rome, he now went into the country.
+
+Towards the end of the year, Antony betook himself to Cisalpine Gaul:
+Gallia Transpadana likewise had already received the franchise from
+Cæsar. During the whole of the summer, he went on in the most outrageous
+manner: on the strength of the senate having confirmed the _acta
+Cæsaris_, he did what he listed, pretending that he was acting according
+to commands which he had found among Cæsar’s papers. He granted to
+colonies immunity; gave others the franchise, and to some the _jus
+Latii_; chose his creatures into the senate; and all for money. In the
+same way, he had distributed the provinces.—In Spain, there was Asinius
+Pollio; in Gaul, M. Lepidus and L. Munatius Plancus. Antony betook
+himself to his province, where he tried to tamper with the legions of
+Dec. Brutus, but without success. The Transalpine and Illyrian towns
+showed themselves at first very friendly towards him; but his
+debaucheries and extortions estranged them from him. In the beginning of
+the year 709, the two consuls whom Cæsar had still nominated, Hirtius
+and Pansa, entered upon their office,—so far did Cæsar’s power reach
+even now!—and the senate assigned them the provinces of Gaul and Italy,
+to carry on, in common with Dec. Brutus, the struggle against Antony.
+Octavius had beguiled Cicero to get him the power and insignia of a
+prætor. Antony having, on the other hand, recalled the legions from
+Macedonia, whither they had been sent by Cæsar to be employed against
+the Parthians, two of them went over to Octavian; and they formed the
+nucleus of his force against Antony, and afforded protection to Cicero
+and the other patriots, although there was no one whom they hated so
+much. In the meanwhile, Brutus and Cassius had gone to Greece.
+
+To the last year of Cicero’s life (709), belong the last Philippics,
+which come down to the end of April, besides several of the letters _ad
+diversos_, and also those to Brutus. This collection of epistles, as is
+well known, consists of two portions: an older one, which was very
+likely found in the same manuscript with those _ad Quintum fratrem_; and
+another, which has first appeared in the _Cratandrina_, and is stated to
+have been found in Germany. With regard to these last letters, there is
+a difficulty which cannot be cleared up. Whether they were forged in the
+sixteenth century, or, whether they are really old, I am not able to
+decide: if they are forged, he who did it has produced an incomparable
+masterpiece. And as for the other letters to Brutus in the first part,
+there is likewise a great dispute whether they be genuine or not. That
+they are very old, even as old as the first century, there can be no
+doubt; yet for all that they may very easily have been fabricated, even
+as early as the reign of Augustus, or at least in that of Tiberius: they
+are written by an ingenious man who had a very good knowledge of that
+age. It is nearly a hundred years since the question of their
+genuineness was first mooted by an English editor. Wolf was fully
+convinced that they were spurious; but I would not assert it so
+positively. I should however be glad if they were not genuine, of which
+I am morally convinced, as I am also with regard to the oration _pro
+Marcello_; yet there are still great doubts on the subject. These
+letters show some misunderstanding between Brutus and Cicero; and
+although we must not implicitly rely on them, yet they date so near the
+time itself, and are written so much from contemporary sources, that
+they may be looked upon as authorities.
+
+While the first months were passing, Antony was besieging Dec. Brutus in
+Mutina. All in those parts had now declared against Antony. Modena must
+at that time have been of very great extent, since Brutus with all his
+army lay in it. Antony however, who was very much superior to him in
+numbers, having nine or ten legions, could have starved him out; and he
+was going to compel him to surrender, when Hirtius and Pansa, and C.
+Octavius as prætor, came up with three armies to his relief. Hirtius and
+Octavius first posted themselves in the neighbourhood of Bologna,
+whither Pansa followed with reinforcements: Octavian only had veterans;
+the rest were newly raised legions inferior to those of Antony. The
+latter having marched against the enemy to prevent the junction with
+Pansa, the troops of Pansa and especially the _legio Martia_ which had
+been sent forward to his aid, heedlessly let themselves be drawn into a
+sort of irregular fight in which Antony at first had the worst of it,
+and then the better. When he was on the point of turning this advantage
+into a decided victory, Hirtius came up with reinforcements, and won the
+day. We have still extant an official bulletin of this battle, which was
+sent to Rome, and of which perhaps something must be abated. Pansa was
+severely wounded. As Antony did not stir from his lines, and the
+position of Dec. Brutus was by no means improved; the armies united, and
+ten or fourteen days afterwards Hirtius undertook an attack upon the
+camp of Antony: he broke through the upper lines, and took the camp; but
+he himself was killed in the battle. Dec. Brutus, however, had in the
+meanwhile made a furious sally, and joined the troops of the senate; so
+that Antony was obliged to give up the siege. He might still have kept
+his ground; but he entirely lost his head, and resolved upon leaving
+Italy.
+
+At the end of April, things looked very cheerful in Rome, were it not
+for the death of the two consuls. Octavian’s reputation was then already
+such, that people suspected him of having had the wound of Pansa
+poisoned by his surgeon, and Hirtius killed in the battle, in the midst
+of his soldiers, by assassins: it is true that his moral character was
+by no means too good for such things to be ascribed to him; at any rate,
+great suspicion attaches itself to him, as those deaths left him the
+stage quite free. To the consuls who might have followed, the republic
+could not have intrusted itself. Under these circumstances, C. Cæsar, as
+he is now called, took the command of the armies of the two consuls, and
+Antony, whose army was dispersed, crossed the Alps with a small troop.
+It would now have been in the power of M. Lepidus—an abandoned fellow
+whom Cæsar unfortunately had been intimate with, and who after his
+death, in defiance of all right, had managed to get the _pontificatus
+maximus_—and of Munatius Plancus, to put an end to the whole affair, as
+the two were staying in Gaul, and might have crushed Antony: but this
+they did not wish. Lepidus would not have raised a hand against Antony.
+The latter—perhaps it was a got up farce,—was received in his camp, and
+proclaimed _imperator_ by his soldiers and those of Plancus. This
+happened in the course of the summer, that season beginning in Italy as
+early as the seventh or eighth of May.
+
+In this orphan state of the republic, Octavianus unmasked his real
+sentiments, and got his veterans loudly to demand that the consulship
+should be given him. Before that, he had applied to Cicero, proposing
+that they should be consuls together, in which case he would be entirely
+guided by Cicero’s advice. But Cicero did not fall into the snare: he
+saw that everything was hopeless. These last months after June were the
+most unhappy ones which he had ever known; so that it is no wonder that
+he got so tired of life, and would not even try to escape from death.
+The veterans with threats demanded the consulship for Octavian; but
+Cicero spoke against it quite as resolutely as any other senator. Surely
+here are no signs of cowardice, for which his excessive sensibility has
+indeed too often been mistaken!—They were, however, at last obliged to
+give way, and on the 19th of August, Octavian had himself proclaimed
+consul, together with his cousin Q. Pedius. There was now no more hope
+left for the lovers of their country: the senate was ready for slavery,
+and Cicero withdrew himself altogether. One of the first acts of the new
+consuls, was that frightful _Lex Pedia_ by which criminal proceedings
+were instituted against all the accomplices in the murder of Cæsar.
+Judges were appointed, who were _pro forma_ to summon Brutus, Cassius,
+and the other conspirators; and as these last, of course, did not
+surrender, they were condemned for contempt and proscribed:—they were
+outlawed and a price was set on their heads. This was quite against all
+Roman law; for whoever of his own free will renounced the republic,
+might always save his life. Dec. Brutus, whose army had been made
+disaffected by Octavian, fled to the borders of Gaul, and there he was
+murdered by a guest-friend. Octavian also reproached the senate with
+having ill-treated him, and with having slighted him after the war of
+Mutina; yet as he had the _potestas prætoria_, the senate could not
+indeed have done more for him than it did.
+
+It was now November. Antony returned with Lepidus and Plancus and their
+army, and Octavian marched to the neighbourhood of Bologna to meet them.
+Lepidus, however, acted as a mediator, and the three came together on an
+islet in the river Reno, where they agreed to share among themselves for
+five years the government of the Roman world as _triumviri reipublicæ
+constituendæ_. The idea of such a magistracy was not a new one, as it
+had already been legally instituted once before, after the time of the
+Licinian law,[20] under quite different circumstances: it is also
+possible that on some other occasion there may also have been something
+of the kind. Italy was to be administered by them in common with
+consular power: of the provinces, Lepidus was to have Spain and
+Narbonnese Gaul; Antony, Cisalpine, Lugdunensian, and Belgic Gaul;
+Octavian, Africa, Sicily, and Sardinia. With regard to the eastern
+provinces nothing was settled. And likewise they first began with
+publishing a proscription of seventeen persons. Antony gave up his uncle
+as a victim; Lepidus, his brother,—or rather he demanded his death; as
+for Octavian, the historians say that it was only after a struggle that
+he made up his mind to sacrifice Cicero. Yet this cannot by any means
+have been hard for him to do: on the contrary, it must have been a
+relief to him to get rid of a benefactor, whom he had so beguiled and
+deceived, and to whom he had so often made vows of gratitude and of
+devotion to the republic. And moreover, this is only stated by Velleius
+and those writers who follow the historians of the Augustan age. How
+Livy treated this part of history, we unfortunately do not know for
+certain; but it is very likely that he was more free-spoken than others:
+we are told that Augustus called him a Pompeian, and a fragment also of
+his with regard to Cicero displays much boldness. It is, on the whole,
+astonishing how openly the writers of Augustus’ times—Asinius Pollio for
+instance—spoke out what they thought of the state of things in their
+day: this was partly because it was looked upon as the opinion of
+private persons, and perhaps also because these writings were not
+immediately circulated. A second proscription followed of a hundred and
+thirty senators, which was afterwards still further enlarged. These
+lists were much worse than those of Sylla. These last were the offspring
+of party spirit alone,—plunder was only a secondary object, or at most
+it followed as a thing of course; nor was it even for Sylla’s own
+benefit,—whereas now in most cases there was less of revenge than
+rapacity. Men who had never given any offence whatever, were made
+victims because they were rich, and of every one who was proscribed the
+goods and chattels were confiscated.
+
+Cicero was in his Tusculan villa when the proscription list came out. He
+was undecided whether he ought not at once to await his death; yet he
+let himself be persuaded by his brother to flee. They went to the sea
+coast as far as Astura, to look out for a ship; and thence his brother
+returned, only to be murdered. Cicero took a fishing boat; but being
+tired of life, he had not the least wish to escape, and the murderer was
+welcome to him. Much as he honoured Cato, he did not think it right to
+lay hands on his own life: he therefore wished to leave it to
+Providence, whether he should flee to Sextus Pompey, who was already
+master of Sicily, or to Brutus, or any where else. Had he got to Sex.
+Pompey, he would have very likely died a natural death; for he would
+have lived to see the time when the latter made his peace, and all the
+proscribed persons of note who were with him returned to Rome. But
+Providence willed otherwise. The wind was contrary; he became sea sick,
+and found his wretched life not worth having: the sailors wanted to put
+back, and he allowed them to land near Mola di Gaëta, in the
+neighbourhood of one of his estates, to wait till the storm was over.
+Here he was betrayed by one of his own people, and a centurion,
+Popillius Lænas,—a man of a very distinguished plebeian clan, whose
+crime was perhaps exaggerated by the rhetorical invention that Cicero
+had once defended him,—overtook him. Cicero’s friends had prevailed upon
+him to let himself be carried away in a litter; but when his pursuers
+had come up with him, he ordered it to be set down, and, forbidding his
+slaves to fight for him, he himself stretched out his head to receive
+the deathblow. He died on the seventh of December 709, with great
+courage. His son, who was at that time with Brutus in Macedonia, still
+behaved in such a way as to give hopes of what he would become: he
+afterwards plunged into the lowest sensuality, and the coarsest
+debauchery. For all that, he was a man of much intellect, and he had his
+father’s wit; but he wanted all the moral qualities, which distinguished
+the first Cicero.
+
+I recommend to you Middleton’s Life of Cicero: it is written not only in
+a very fine style, but also in a very fine spirit, whereas Hooke is
+revoltingly unjust to Cicero, and his diffuse work after all is only
+patchwork. Until the time of my youth, Cicero was ever revered as a
+great name, like a god before whom one bows the knee, albeit a θεὸς
+ἄγνωτος. Throughout the whole of the middle ages also, he stood high in
+men’s esteem: great minds, like Dante, St. Bernard, Petrarch and others,
+knew how to enter into his ideas, and could admire him. This feeling
+rose even to a greater height at the time of the revival of learning.
+The mania of the _Ciceroniani_ in the sixteenth century is well known:
+it was held to be quite a heresy to use a phrase which was not to be
+found in Cicero. Some have been made quite dull by it; others, on the
+contrary, have thus formed a noble style: of this Manutius is an
+instance. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, a reaction began:
+people neglected, and even disdained the Latin language and literature,
+whilst the study of Greek got more in fashion. This was carried still
+farther during the first ten years of this century, when distinguished
+philologists would look down upon Cicero with scorn, and sneer at his
+twaddle, especially in his philosophical writings. Nowadays an
+enlightened and just estimation of Greek and Latin philology seems to
+have come into vogue. The philologist’s true standing, according to
+Quintilian’s saying, is to be judged of by his love of Cicero’s Latin:
+on the whole, nothing better can be said of him as a writer than this
+passage of Quintilian. Yet his style is not without its faults: in his
+earlier writings, particularly in the speeches against Verres, there are
+passages which are quite unworthy of him, and which he himself also
+afterwards criticised so severely in his Brutus. In his latest writings,
+on the other hand, he has not gone down, nor become dry; but there is
+always a freshness about him. The real spring-time of his life was the
+time of his prætorship and consulate. After his return, the oration _pro
+Cælio_ is particularly distinguished; in the later ones, we must take
+the distress of the times into account. The famous second Philippic, as
+compared with the rest, has in my opinion been much overrated by the
+rhetoricians: wherever he gives himself up to vehemence, he exaggerates,
+which was not natural to him. His mind in fact was thoroughly
+benevolent, and wherever he shows himself in this light, he is finest.
+M. Seneca in the Suasoria gives us opinions on Cicero by Livy, Asinius
+Pollio, and Cassius Severus, which are most remarkable.
+
+Cicero’s death ends for us this unhappy year. During its course, Brutus
+and Cassius had more and more established their power in the east: the
+former had made himself master of Macedonia, and been acknowledged by
+the legions; the latter whilst Cassius was in possession of Syria, had
+hemmed in Dolabella near Laodicea, and compelled him to surrender. This
+fellow, though he had at Rome as _consul suffectus_ overthrown the
+statue of Cæsar, had afterwards, when in Asia, killed Trebonius, who
+indeed, like Decius Brutus, had formerly been Cæsar’s friend, and
+therefore was one of the most guilty of his murderers: for this, he was
+now condemned as a traitor, and put to death. Cassius was still most
+highly popular in Syria owing to the Parthian war; the legions declared
+for him, and the whole of the country submitted to him. At the end of
+the year, Brutus and Cassius were masters of the whole of the east, of
+the Adriatic sea, of Macedonia, and of Achaia, as far as the frontiers
+of Egypt. Brutus kept C. Antonius, a brother of the triumvir, as a
+prisoner in Macedonia; but when the tidings came of the proscriptions at
+Rome, he had him executed.
+
+In the unfortunate issue of the war of Philippi, we may see the
+irresistible sway of what the ancients called _fatum_: one untoward
+circumstance followed close upon another, and everything which seemed to
+promise well took an unlucky turn. This was especially the case with the
+long expeditions of Brutus and Cassius in Asia. Though indeed these were
+of some advantage to them in bringing in money and soldiers, as they
+could both of them increase their resources and make conscriptions; they
+became notwithstanding the cause of their mishap. The chastisement of
+Xanthus in Lycia by Brutus, the taking of Rhodes by Cassius, and other
+things of the same kind, belong rather to the later Greek history than
+to this. Whilst they were training and recruiting their troops, they
+ought indeed to have kept themselves in Macedon and Greece, and have
+made it impossible for the triumvirs to bring together large masses;
+they would have compelled them to march a long way round through
+Illyricum, and should the enemy have landed at last, they might have
+prevented them from undertaking anything. Thus the chances would have
+been considerably in their favour. Fortune was likewise against their
+fleet. The two commanders, Statius Murcus and Domitius Ahenobarbus, who
+were stationed in the Illyrian waters, do not seem to have neglected
+anything; but the wind was fair for the triumvirs, and they landed two
+or three times in several squadrons on the Illyrian coast, and advanced
+from thence to Macedon. Here Brutus and Cassius had no troops, although
+they were not at all in want of soldiers; so that they must have
+withdrawn them to Thrace. It was not until the armies of Octavius and
+Antony had established themselves in Greece, and had subdued the whole
+of it, that their two antagonists concentrated their forces in Asia, and
+passed over the Hellespont into Macedon. Near Philippi, in the
+neighbourhood of the gold mine of Pangæus, there is between the
+mountains and the sea, where the road leads from Amphipolis to Thrace, a
+narrow defile which the triumvirs had occupied. Brutus was guided by a
+faithful Thracian ally, and so he turned the pass, and encamped over
+against the enemy near Philippi: the fleet was in the western seas.
+Before he started for this march, Brutus, either at Sardis or at Abydus,
+saw the vision which called itself his evil genius, and announced that
+it would meet him again at Philippi. The question now was, what was to
+be done. Cassius, an experienced general, rather shrank from bringing
+matters to a quick decision; but the general voice of the army called
+for the attack. The troops stood faithful to their generals, and no
+desertion took place: it would therefore have been possible to protract
+the war. Had Brutus and Cassius caused themselves to be joined by their
+fleet, which they did not know that they could do, and then acted for a
+considerable time on the defensive, Octavian and Antony would very
+likely have been forced for want of provisions to retreat; but unhappily
+they determined upon giving battle. In the army of Brutus and Cassius
+were the Romans of the highest rank; the greater part of these had been
+proscribed. Most of those who had saved their lives were now with them;
+only a few were with Sextus Pompey in Sicily, who had a large fleet of
+pirate ships, with which, however, Brutus and Cassius, as men of honour,
+and, even for the simple reason that they would thus have made
+themselves hateful to the people, would not unite themselves. The battle
+was fought; Brutus leading the left, Cassius the right wing (or rather,
+according to the ancient way of speaking, the left and right _horns_;
+for the term wing supposes a centre, whereas there were two separate
+armies, which were drawn up close together). In the battle, the _fatum_
+again showed its influence. Brutus overcame the enemy with great ease;
+and the one who distinguished himself most under him, was M. Valerius
+Messalla, a very young man, whom Cicero much loved, and whom he had
+recommended to him. In the reign of Augustus also, Messalla afterwards
+bore a high character. Brutus opposed Octavian; Cassius, Antony.
+Octavian is generally accused—Antony taxed him with it in his letters,
+and in public—of not having taken the least share in the battle; his
+army was utterly defeated. The excuses which are pleaded for him are
+very sorry ones; but as the command had devolved upon Agrippa, it
+certainly had not fallen into worse hands. In the Julian centre, a stout
+resistance was made; the right wing, however, was undeniably beaten, and
+the camp of Octavian taken. That of Cassius was not forced; but his
+troops were routed before it. Owing to the centre standing its ground,
+it was not possible to see the success of the army on the left wing; so
+that Cassius was led to think that all was lost. He sent an officer to
+bring him a report of the state of things on the other side, and after
+waiting a very long time for his return, matters appeared to him so
+desperate, that he bade his servant take away his life. The suspicion
+was already afloat among the ancients, that the slave behaved as a
+traitor, and did this without being ordered. Brutus was very downcast
+about the issue; twenty days passed, and both parties were still in the
+same position to each other as before: all was not yet lost. Had Brutus
+known that on the very day of the first battle his fleet had gained a
+complete victory, he would certainly have sent for it, and would have
+remained firm to his plan of keeping on the defensive. He had much
+trouble to get provisions, and it pained him to see that his troops were
+as lawless as those of the enemy: he had been obliged to promise them
+the plunder of Thessalonica and Lacedæmon in case of victory. On the day
+only that he yielded to the wish of his army to decide the war at once,
+he heard from the prisoners of the victory of his fleet; but
+low-spirited as he was, he would not believe it,—the messengers sent to
+him had been intercepted,—and he let himself be brought to an
+engagement. In this battle, his troops did not behave with the same
+gallantry as before, and they were signally beaten: Brutus escaped with
+a small band to a hill. As he could not reach the sea, and life would
+only be to him a most heavy burthen, he called upon his faithful
+servants to do the last duty to him; and on their refusing it, he fell
+upon his sword.
+
+He was only in his thirty-seventh year when he died: at the time of
+Cicero’s consulship therefore, he was fifteen years old.[21]
+
+Antony at that time saved many a life, whereas Octavian displayed a
+cold-blooded sneering cruelty which was revolting to the feelings: of
+this the strangely impartial account in Suetonius bears evidence. Antony
+had the body of Brutus solemnly buried: it is true that he likewise
+caused the son of Hortensius to be put to death, as he laid to his door
+the execution of his brother Caius. Most of the proscribed who were
+still alive, now killed themselves. Strikingly enough, among these was
+the father of that Livia who afterwards became the wife of Augustus, and
+the whole of whose family belonged to Pompey’s party: her first husband,
+Tiberius Claudius Nero, even tried to get up an insurrection in favour
+of the last of the proscribed.
+
+After the battle, the fleets were still untouched. The army took service
+with the conquerors; many of the soldiers were scattered, many also
+returned unobserved to Italy; especially the young volunteers, among
+whom was also the poet Horace. From Athens, where he was pursuing his
+studies with other young Romans, he had joined the army of Brutus, who
+gave them appointments as tribunes. He was afterwards very badly off,
+until he was recommended to Mæcenas by whose means he got his
+pardon.[22]
+
+
+
+
+THE PERUSIAN WAR. PEACE OF BRUNDUSIUM. PEACE OF MISENUM. EVENTS DOWN TO
+ THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM. END OF THE CIVIL WAR.
+
+
+Octavian led his legions back to Italy. Antony remained in the East, and
+was really master of all the countries on the other side of the
+Adriatic. Immediately after the victory, he behaved everywhere with
+humanity, and what was heard from Italy of Octavian was more terrible
+than what those countries suffered from him: moreover the provincials
+were well accustomed to ill usage, which in this case was after all such
+as might be borne. In Greece, he was forbearing; in Asia Minor only, he
+extorted immense contributions; the inhabitants there had had already
+before to pay to Cassius the tribute for the next five years, and now
+Antony demanded new ones. Yet these countries were always sure to
+recover after a short time.
+
+While he was on his way through these provinces to Cilicia, he summoned
+Cleopatra to come to him: in this he was either led by the fame of her
+beauty, or by pride. Cleopatra, conscious of her irresistible charms,
+repaired fearlessly to him, although she had formerly supported Cassius,
+and done many things besides which must have given offence. With a
+fairylike pomp, on galleys bedecked with gold and purple, she sailed up
+the Cydnus to Tarsus, where she invited Antony to a banquet, who was
+quite dazzled by this enchanting scene:—there were but few Romans who
+understood how to display such splendid luxury. He fell irretrievably
+into her nets, and she went about with him in Asia, and he accompanied
+her to Alexandria.
+
+Whilst he now lay there in the chains of Armida, but not as Rinaldo,
+there arose in Italy a new misfortune which sprang from his love affair
+with Cleopatra. Octavian had led back his legions, and his veterans were
+about as insolent as in the times after the death of Commodus: it is
+surprising how for two centuries these wild beasts, in whose hands was
+the fate of the empire, still let themselves be kept under as subjects.
+Octavian had promised them the most flourishing municipal towns and
+colonies of Italy,—one cannot for certain make out which: in 710, the
+battle of Philippi took place; and in 711, the founding of the Julian
+colonies. (I trust that I shall one day ascertain these military
+colonies, with tolerable exactness.) Every one knows that Cremona, which
+had at first been a Latin colony, and afterwards since the _lex Julia_,
+a _municipium_, had become now—perhaps ever since the time of Sylla—a
+military colony: it was on this occasion that Virgil’s life was
+endangered. The allotments of those days far exceeded the old
+proportions: the fields around for many square miles were parcelled out,
+and a common soldier got from fifty to a hundred _jugera_, a centurion
+double, a tribune three times as much. If however, the territory of a
+place thus doomed would not suffice, there was cut off from a
+neighbouring district as much as was required to complete the
+assignments; for the soldier was everything. Thus when Cremona was
+allotted, a great part of Mantua was taken in, which otherwise would not
+have been divided; and Virgil moreover lived about three (Italian) miles
+from Mantua: from the distance between the two towns, one may learn what
+was the extent of such assignments. One can hardly form an idea of it!
+All the landed property was entirely taken away from the citizens, and
+given to the soldiers, from whom the countryman of course generally had
+his piece of ground again to farm; and perhaps he bought it all back, in
+the course of time, when the new possessor had lived too wastefully.
+
+In Italy there now arose the greatest despair. Places which had not
+offended in the least, nor ever once withstood the Julian party, were
+confiscated just as much as those which had sided with the Pompeians.
+Among those who were driven out, there were no doubt in many instances
+the sons of the old soldiers of Sylla: these were ready to rush to arms,
+and were only looking about for some one who would put himself at their
+head. Two men now declared for them. One of these was the consul L.
+Antonius, a brother of the triumvir, who was seeking for an opportunity
+to overthrow the rival of his brother, in which he was chiefly set on by
+Fulvia, his sister-in-law. Fulvia was a termagant, a furious
+bloodthirsty woman, profligate but clever: to Antony she was attached
+with passionate love, and she had also been faithful to him ever since
+she married him. The late Queen Caroline of Naples, the wife of
+Ferdinand, was by no means unlike her. Fulvia had been a deadly enemy to
+Cicero; now she was jealous of Cleopatra, and brooding over schemes for
+putting everything into confusion, so as to bring Antony back to Italy.
+In Præneste she gave out that the oppressed should be protected. In the
+same manner, Tib. Claudius Nero, the husband of Livia, had stood forth
+in Campania, and he seems to have done it out of humanity and justice.
+Octavian, however, never once lost his head. He was a coward; but by
+degrees he had accustomed himself to look difficulties in the face,
+events having matured him, and therefore, thanks chiefly to Agrippa, he
+now behaved with prudence and address. He turned himself to his
+veterans. Those generals of Antony who were near at hand, showed
+themselves undecided; C. Asinius Pollio in Gaul and Illyria, would not
+declare for Antony, though in his heart he was for him; and thus
+Octavian succeeded in isolating L. Antonius, who with part of the old
+soldiers, with refugees, senators, and knights, and also with Fulvia,
+betook himself to Perugia. There they were blockaded by Octavian, and as
+peace seemed hopeless, they held out to the last: at length, driven to
+it by the most frightful famine, and left by M. Antony to their fate,
+they capitulated. L. Antonius betrayed his party, made up with Octavian,
+and was allowed to go free with Fulvia who now withdrew to Asia. The
+veterans went into the service of the young Cæsar, having hopes of new
+assignments of land, as he promised to take care of them as he would of
+his own men; the newly levied soldiers also went over to him: and thus
+there remained only the unfortunate senators, knights, and inhabitants
+of Perugia, who were obliged to surrender at discretion. Three hundred
+of these, all of them men of rank, were offered up like beasts of
+sacrifice at the altar of Divus Julius; Perugia was set fire to, and
+burned to ashes, either during the pillage, or owing to the despair of
+the inhabitants. The town was afterwards rebuilt as a Julian military
+colony, under the name of Augusta Perusia, as it is still called on
+solemn occasions.
+
+From the year of the Perusian war (712), dates Virgil’s fourth eclogue,
+which is in praise of Asinius Pollio under whose protection he then was,
+probably at Mantua: Asinius was, at that time, all but an enemy to
+Octavian, and very near taking up arms against him. Now that all was
+over, Antony, who had concentrated his troops in Greece, went across to
+Brundusium; and there, by the mediation of Mæcenas and Cocceius, a peace
+was concluded between him and Octavian, by which the civil war was put
+off for nine years. To this period belongs Horace’s journey to
+Brundusium. (The greatest part of his poems were written in his early
+youth, or at least before the battle of Actium: his most poetical time
+was about his thirtieth year.) As a bond of peace, it was agreed that
+Antony should marry Octavia, the widow of C. Marcellus, and half sister
+of Octavian,—not indeed by Atia, and therefore not of the Julian house,
+but by the same father. In the midst of a most corrupt age, and in a bad
+family, she was a noble-minded woman,—a sad example of the hard fate to
+which persons of the highest rank may be subjected. She was an exemplary
+wife: in her behaviour to C. Marcellus, she was spotless; and such she
+was also to Antony, who neglected her in the most shameful way. An
+excellent mother she also was; but she had the misfortune of losing her
+dearest son, the hope of the Roman people: of her children by Antony,
+the Antonia who was afterwards married to Drusus, the son of Livia,
+seems alone to have been worthy of her. Antony got the empire of the
+east as far as the Ionian Sea,—the self-same division which was
+projected under Severus, nearly settled under Diocletian, and at last
+established under the sons of Theodosius; the west was given to
+Octavian; but Lepidus was to have Africa, and doubtless Sicily also and
+the islands between those countries.
+
+But Sicily was then in the power of Sextus Pompey, the younger son of
+the great Pompey. He had, after the battle of Munda, collected a force
+among the Celtiberians, and in the year of Cæsar’s death he carried on
+an indecisive war against Asinius Pollio. When the amnesty was decreed,
+at which time he was at Marseilles, he was recalled together with the
+rest by the senate; the value of his father’s property was to be
+refunded to him, and the _imperium oræ maritimæ_ was promised him. This
+_imperium_, however, he had first to create. When the proscriptions came
+out, he was in great danger: Antony was in possession of his paternal
+mansion on the Carinæ, and for the sake of it, he was already trying to
+have him killed. He did not therefore venture to come to Rome, but
+surrounded himself with all sorts of adventurers, and gathered together
+a swarm of pirates such as his father had crushed,—in fact the sons of
+these, and even in some instances the self-same men: he was their
+natural patron; for, according to Asiatic custom, the conquered placed
+themselves under the protection of the conqueror. Thus he made himself
+master of Sicily, which was still quite a Greek island: his pirates too
+were either Greeks or hellenized Asiatics. He was joined by Statius
+Murcus, with part of the fleet of Brutus and Cassius. With the rest of
+it, Domitius Ahenobarbus carried on the war for two years under his own
+auspices; after this, he united himself with Asinius Pollio, and by him
+was reconciled to Antony, to whom also he then attached himself. Antony
+had, even before the battle of Philippi, been foiled in an attempt on
+Sicily, and moreover Sextus Pompey had very much strengthened himself
+since; Antony therefore and Octavian now began to treat with the latter
+by themselves, taking no heed of Lepidus, whom, without asking his
+leave, they confined to Africa. There was a peace made near the headland
+of Misenum. Pompey went to them on shore, and trusted himself to them
+with some generosity; they, on the other hand, with a magnanimity which
+was otherwise foreign to them, went on board his flagship, and partook
+of a meal with him. One of his commanders wanted on this occasion to cut
+the cables of the anchors, and to seize them; but Pompey ordered that it
+should not be done. By this peace Pompey had Sicily, and as it is stated
+in an account very likely to be true, Achaia likewise, together with
+Sardinia, given up to him; so that he had the heart of the maritime
+dominion. In this possession he peacefully maintained himself for four
+years.
+
+Sextus Pompey is said to have been _sermone barbarus_. He was indeed a
+rough fellow, and had lived abroad from his earliest youth; but we see
+in what a corrupt and neglected state the vulgar tongue must at that
+time already have been. People only who were highly educated spoke well;
+it was a particular refinement, a perfection of language, which, if not
+carefully cultivated, was very liable to degenerate before long. Cicero
+tells us of the _sermo urbanus_ of the time of Lælius, and remarks that
+the ladies of that period spoke an idiom of uncommon elegance.[23] But
+now this refined style was already gone off, as is the case at the
+present day nearly everywhere, even in England and France. Sextus Pompey
+was a mere _condottiere_ like Antony and others: he thought of nothing
+beyond maintaining himself in Sicily and those parts, the restoration of
+the republic being no concern of his. By the peace of Misenum, all the
+proscribed were allowed to return to Rome.
+
+Peace having been thus restored, Antony turned to the east, where
+Labienus had fled over to the Parthians. The latter was one of those men
+whose fate does not inspire any sympathy: he was a seditious tribune in
+Cicero’s consulship, and afterwards a tool of Cæsar’s usurpation. His
+family also was a seditious one: his uncle had been slain with
+Saturninus, and he had tried to avenge him upon C. Rabirius, one of the
+few still living of those who with Marius had stormed the Capitol,
+thirty-seven years having passed since then. Labienus was an intriguer
+from inclination, not from need, as he was very rich: he threw himself
+into the arms of Cæsar, and distinguished himself as an officer in the
+Gallic wars. Afterwards, it is not known for what reason, he went over
+to Pompey, to whom he remained faithful. Then, after the battle of
+Pharsalus, he went to Africa, and from thence to Spain; after which he
+again makes his appearance in the army of Brutus, takes a part in the
+battle of Philippi, and at last betakes himself to the Parthians. He now
+led a Parthian army to Syria, and these barbarians, when commanded by
+one of Cæsar’s comrades, achieved things such as they had never done
+before: yet after gaining several victories, they were at length driven
+back by Ventidius.
+
+The same family policy as that of Labienus is met with at that time in
+more instances than one. That Asinius Pollio was so determined an enemy
+to Pompey, Cicero, Brutus, and the other Pompeian senators, whose
+characters he must otherwise have liked, whereas the Cæsarians were not
+at all to his taste; was owing to nothing else but personal feeling. It
+so happened that when Pompeius Strabo, the father of Cn. Pompey,
+overcame in the Social War the Picentines and Marrucinians, the prætor
+of the Marrucinians was slain, Herius Asinius, the father or grandfather
+of Pollio (very likely his father; for he also called his son again
+Herius Asinius). For this reason, he looked upon Cæsar’s party as the
+Marian one, and attached himself to it as such. This was also the case
+with Munatius Plancus, a man of distinguished intellect, and not to be
+slightingly spoken of; but whom in other respects I cannot uphold. He
+was a Tiburtine, and all the inhabitants of Tibur, Præneste, in short,
+all the Latins, were thoroughgoing partisans of Cinna; so that Munatius
+quite naturally became a Cæsarian, as Cæsar, who was Cinna’s son-in-law,
+might in truth be deemed the representative of his party.
+
+Antony now again withdrew to the East, and being separated from
+Cleopatra, he lived for some time with Octavia, until he obliged her to
+go back to Rome. Whilst he now stayed in Asia, and sometimes also in
+Alexandria, he was allured by the hope of Asiatic trophies; for the
+Romans still smarted under the disgrace of the overthrow of Crassus. The
+Armenian king Artavasdes had made advances to him. The whole of the
+Parthian empire consisted of a number of distinct kingdoms, which in
+reality were vassal principalities, and not mere satrapies of the king
+of kings who kept his court at Ctesiphon near Seleucia. Antony marched
+with a large army through Armenia and Aderbijan to Media, the true Irak
+Ajemi; and there he besieged the town of Phraata. (The geography of
+those parts we know very little of.) His plan was wretchedly devised.
+Owing to the impassable nature of the ground, he had left his battering
+engines behind, with two legions under the legate Statianus to protect
+them; this depot was taken by the Parthian sovereign Phraortes, and the
+two legions were cut to pieces. Afterwards the main army also was so
+closely pressed, that Antony, having narrowly escaped the fate of
+Crassus, had to retreat to Armenia: the fourth part of his army had been
+annihilated, and most of his baggage entirely lost. Antony now returned
+to his revels with his paramour, to whom he gave Cœlesyria, Judæa, and
+Cyprus for her empire, a thing which highly disgusted the Romans. To
+that kingdom, as the coins of Cleopatra show, the puzzling name of
+Chalcis is given, which I cannot account for in any way: it is certainly
+to be understood of this realm, and not of the tetrarchy of a later day.
+
+The life of Antony by Plutarch is a very lengthy one; but there are many
+very remarkable accounts in it, which he had still heard from his
+grandfather or great grandfather, especially about the frightful
+distress which there was in Greece: the parallel with Demetrius is very
+happy. To this period belong the stories of the profligate way in which
+he spent his time, squandering in eastern luxury and pomp the sums which
+he had extorted from the nations. The only feeling that one can have
+with regard to Antony, is that of satisfaction that all is over with
+him. Here he forgets the shame which he had suffered in war. Fortune,
+however, was yet once more favourable to him; for the king of Media
+besought his protection, and showed himself inclined to acknowledge his
+supremacy instead of that of the king of the Parthians.
+
+In the meanwhile, Octavian took up arms against Sextus Pompey. The soul
+of this war was Agrippa, who built a fleet on the Lucrine Lake, which he
+converted into a sort of harbour, where he exercised his ships: a fair
+ground of quarrel did not exist. Twice was the fleet destroyed by
+storms: when it was restored, Agrippa gained a glorious victory near
+Mylæ (Milazzo); but at Tauromenium, Octavian’s ships were utterly routed
+before his eyes, the commanders of the Pompeian fleet, to crown his
+disgrace, being freedmen, Mena (Μηνᾶ = Μηνόδωρος, not Mænas; we know the
+name from Horace’s Epistles)[24] and Menecrates. Octavian’s troops had
+landed under Cornificius, one of his most faithful servants, and had
+likewise been beaten, almost indeed annihilated: Agrippa retrieved
+matters. Another fleet was built, and now Agrippa won a great naval
+victory. Pompey left Sicily, sought the protection of Antony, and staid
+for some time in the Levant. Antony was favourably inclined towards him;
+but whilst he wavered as to whether he should receive him or have him
+executed, Pompey, owing to one of those fatal orders, was murdered by a
+proscribed person in Phrygia, a deed which was yet more shameful, as he
+had formerly made it a point in the peace of Misenum, that all the
+proscribed should be reinstated. Whether the house of the Pompeii became
+extinct with him, or whether the consul Sextus Pompeius in the reign of
+the emperor Tiberius was a descendant of his, is more than I can say.
+
+Cæsar was now master of Sicily. He had called on Lepidus to give him aid
+from Africa; but the latter, who was discontented with the smallness of
+his share, and insolent on the strength of the power which belonged to
+him, had delayed, and had only come over at last with a considerable
+army, when matters had already become very much entangled. He then began
+to quarrel with Cæsar for the possession of Sicily; and he seems to have
+been quite in the right, if in such a division of robbers there can be
+any question at all of right. But Lepidus had neither the respect nor
+the love of any one, not even of his own soldiers; and therefore Cæsar,
+who was his superior in determination and address, betook himself into
+his camp,—the boldest feat of his life!—and called upon the soldiers to
+declare for him. The thing succeeded: the daring recklessness of the
+step, perhaps also the feeling in favour of Cæsar’s adopted son, but
+more especially the hope of a great donation, such as Lepidus was not
+able to give, had its effect. Lepidus was forsaken by all the world.
+Octavian assigned him Circeii for his abode; and thus the whole of the
+west was united under him. In that dreary place near the Pontine
+marshes, which is only beautiful from the sea-side, Lepidus passed the
+rest of his life, having the title, but not the power of a _pontifex
+maximus_.
+
+The immediate cause of the war which ended with the fight at Actium, was
+the divorce of Antony and Octavia. The latter had brought to him very
+rich presents, military stores, and troops which she had raised for him,
+and had gone with them to meet him to Athens; yet he would not see her,
+but ordered her to hand over the presents to his officers, and then to
+go back to Rome. There, however, she was not to dwell in his house,
+although she had even the children of Fulvia with her; and when moreover
+she still went on living as his wife, he sent her a letter of
+divorcement, and married his paramour, which was a great outrage in the
+eyes of the Romans. The war now began under circumstances which left no
+doubt whatever as to what its end would be. Antony indeed had formerly
+been a much superior general to Octavian; but the best commanders were
+now on the side of the latter, who could also recruit his legions, which
+his rival had not the means of doing, as he ruled over quite different
+races of men, and could get nothing better than deserters to fill up the
+ranks of his army with. Where Antony seemed to have the advantage, was
+in his fleet; for the Phœnician and Greek nations were at all times far
+more seafaring than those of the west: had these resources been for ten
+years in the hands of an able man, they might have given him power; but
+owing to the carelessness with which Antony had wasted his means, they
+were useless. The fleet of Octavian consisted of the remnants of
+Pompey’s, and also of the ships which Agrippa had lately built: these
+last were small sailing vessels, whereas Antony had immense rowing
+galleys fitted up with towers and additional decks, rather as if for
+fighting by land, than for manœuvring by sea. Agrippa, who to all
+intents and purposes was Octavian’s admiral, displayed from the very
+first quite an extraordinary activity.
+
+At the entrance of the gulf of Ambracia, near the Corinthian colony of
+Actium, Antonius collected his fleet; so that in the event of a
+favourable issue, he might have the passage open to Italy: the fleet of
+Octavian was lying off the Thesprotian coast. As the fleets faced each
+other, thus also did the two armies at the entrance of the gulf of
+Prevesa. Agrippa undertook several detached enterprises, and by taking
+Leucas and Patræ in the rear of the enemy, made it uncommonly difficult
+for them to get provisions. In the battle, the strength on Antony’s side
+was greatest; and if perhaps he could not have conquered, he might at
+least have stoutly disputed the victory, had not Cleopatra and the
+Egyptian ships taken to flight with womanish cowardice, at a moment when
+nothing as yet was lost. Whether Antony thought in his jealousy that
+Cleopatra meant to sacrifice him and gain over Octavian, or whatever it
+was; forgetting everything else, he followed her in a fast sailing
+vessel, and was received in her royal ship. The whole of the fleet which
+remained, being thus bereft of the strongest ships, was now destroyed by
+that of Agrippa. All was then lost. Antony was in despair: between him
+and Octavian no peace was possible; for the conquered there was nothing
+left but to die. Three days was he angry with Cleopatra, whom he had
+followed to Alexandria; but her power of bewitching him was so great,
+that he made it up with her again. He still tried to deceive himself as
+to the terrible condition in which he stood: he hoped that his land
+force would be more successful, as it was very much attached to him. It
+is remarkable how faithfully in these wars the troops still clung to
+their leaders: it was quite different under the Macedonian successors of
+Alexander, when, even on the field of the battle, the soldiers would
+pass over from one side to the other. After Antony had left his troops,
+though hard pressed by Agrippa, and in spite of all Octavian’s great
+promises, they held out with unshaken fidelity for six days, nor would
+they believe that he was not to return; but when Canidius, his
+lieutenant, also deserted them, they acknowledged Octavian as imperator.
+With this the war was ended: whatever Roman legions there were still in
+the eastern provinces, yielded without a struggle; though indeed there
+were some trifling exceptions, owing to personal motives.
+
+The battle was fought on the second of September 721. This ought to have
+refuted those later writers, like Gellius and Macrobius, who did not see
+with their own eyes, and who would have it that the old rule was still
+held, that no battle could be fought on the days after the calends,
+nones, and ides, without its being unlucky for Rome. At that time, the
+whole state of affairs was unpropitious; but yet, all circumstances
+considered, the victory of Octavian over Antony was the most fortunate
+thing that could have happened. What Horace says of it, is perfectly
+just; and no man of sense, let him think of Octavian what he will, could
+have had any other wish than that he should conquer.
+
+Eleven months passed before the war was quite over. Octavian went back
+to Italy, where new commotions had broken out; for the veterans, who
+were as unruly as ever, were again crying out for allotments of land.
+Agrippa took possession of the eastern provinces; but it was not until
+the spring of the following year, that Octavian marched through Asia
+Minor and Syria to Egypt, so as to force the _claustra_ of the country,
+near Pelusium. There was probably a secret order from Cleopatra to open
+the gates of the place, as she was afraid of war: it is very likely that
+as a vain woman she felt sure that she should be able to enslave
+Octavian, even as she once did Cæsar who was so much against her. The
+only thing that she seems to have been afraid of, was that the war would
+be prolonged, and that Octavian would come to Alexandria quite
+implacable. But Octavian made an attack likewise from the other side,
+from Parætonium in Libya. This, however, was not feasible for a large
+army; for although there were fortified towns in that quarter, the
+country between Cyrene and Alexandria is one of the most inhospitable
+regions in the world. Here Antony had still a number of Roman soldiers,
+both cavalry and infantry, with which he wanted to make a sally; but the
+troops went over to the enemy, all but a few who had no hope left, like
+Cassius of Parma, one of the murderers of Cæsar. Antony therefore made
+up his mind to die; but his end was cowardly and pitiful: the deadly
+thrust was not strong enough, and he lingered on for a considerable
+time, slowly bleeding to death. Cleopatra had shut herself up in her
+palace with all her treasures: Octavian wished very much to get her
+alive for his triumph; but it was feared that she might choose the death
+of Sardanapalus. On the first of August 722, the day that Antony died,
+Alexandria capitulated; and on the morrow, the gates of the town were
+opened to the Roman army. Cleopatra kept the dead body of her lover in
+her room: she wavered between the hope of gaining Octavian, and the
+feeling that she ought not to live any longer. Proculeius, an officer of
+Octavian, of whom also Horace makes honourable mention, gave her his
+word that her life should be spared, and tried to persuade her not to do
+any harm to herself: but when she saw that Octavian would not on any
+account let her come before him, but treated her like a slave; when she
+got no answer to her prayers, that she might still have the countries
+given to her by Antony,—for Egypt, for her treasures, nay even for a
+life of freedom,—then it was, that after having tried several sorts of
+poison, or not having ventured to try them, she put the asps on her
+bosom, and so killed herself.
+
+Thus ended the civil war and the triumvirate: in fact, there had for the
+last years already been no more triumvirate, as Lepidus had been set
+aside. Augustus was now sole ruler of the Roman world. The first of
+August was by a decree of the senate appointed for ever as a holiday,
+under the name of _Feriæ Augustæ_:[25] the month of Sextilis henceforth
+had the name of August, even as Quintilis, in which Julius Cæsar was
+born, had been called after him July. Augustus would have liked better
+to have had September, in which he was born, named after him; but as all
+the great events of his life had happened in August, and in that month
+he had also first entered upon the consulship, the preference was given
+to it. These Feriæ were celebrated with banquets, festivities, garlands
+of flowers, and the like, and were still observed in the days of
+Placidia, and even down to the reign of Pope Leo the Great. It was in
+fact a political festival, but accompanied with libations and other
+religious ceremonies, all of which were kept up on that day to the
+latest times. For this reason, the festival of Vincula Petri[26] was
+(according to Beda and Biondo of Forli) appointed for the first of
+August. In the church of S. Pietro in Vincola on the Esquiline, in the
+baths of Trajan, the chains with which the apostle St. Peter was bound
+in Rome, as well as those which he wore at Jerusalem, are deposited; and
+the public secular holiday, with its feasting and revelry, still
+remains, just as it was on the _Feriæ Augustæ_ of old. Even now, whoever
+is in any sort of clientship in the later meaning of the word, visits
+his patron on this day; the servants in the houses of acquaintances have
+presents given them, as it is with us on the first of January; and the
+people spend the money which they get in treating themselves. When first
+I lived in Italy, I was very much annoyed at this impudence, until I
+found in Biondo that it was the keeping up of a most ancient custom.
+There are many of these usages in modern Rome, which have their origin
+from the remotest antiquity. Down to the last century, it was still the
+practice to carry a carved image of the Virgin on a certain day out of
+the city, and to wash it in the river Almo, as was formerly done with
+the image of Cybele. A number of such old customs are now become
+obsolete; for instance, an image was carried from one church to another,
+and back again, by way of paying a visit. The festival of the first of
+August has been called, all through the middle ages to this very day,
+_Feragosto_.
+
+Here ends the old Roman history: the last contest was the death
+struggle, and from henceforth the history changes its character. Here I
+hope also to end my (large) work. The events which followed, down to the
+fall of the empire, may most suitably be divided into the histories of
+the several emperors, the first of whom the ancients themselves quite
+rightly deemed Augustus to have been; for Augustus he was now already
+called. Yet there is still to be described the transition from an
+usurped _tyrannis_ into a regularly constituted monarchy.
+
+
+
+
+ROME A MONARCHY. EASURES OF AUGUSTUS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION OF HIS POWER.
+
+
+Augustus had already been more than once invested with the consulship.
+His first was in 709; the second, which he immediately afterwards
+resigned, was ten years later; two years afterwards came his third; the
+others, down to the eleventh, followed year by year: he was altogether
+thirteen times consul. It was soon after the end of the war of Actium,
+that he behaved as if he wanted to lay down his power as dictator. This
+was, as every body knew, a farce; nor could he have been taken at his
+word, as the whole army had sworn obedience to him, and besides the
+soldiers, no citizens were under arms. And no man in his senses could
+have wished him to resign his authority: for, if under far more
+favourable circumstances, when very many eminent men were living, and
+people were still quite accustomed to the republic, the free
+constitution had not been able to stand its ground, and the state was
+ruled by individuals; how should it now have held its own, if Augustus
+had given up his power: some one else, and very likely some more
+unworthy person, would have been placed at the helm; and thus there
+would only have arisen new civil wars. The senate therefore may have
+been quite in earnest when beseeching him; and Augustus may also have
+put on a serious face, as he hoped thus to have his former cruelties
+forgotten. To show the exact date of the rise of his power might be
+impossible, or at least very difficult. The name of _Imperator_ was
+now—this was a peculiar form of flattery—given him as a _prænomen_; so
+that instead of C. Julius Cæsar Octavianus, he was now called Imperator
+Julius Cæsar Octavianus: from thence, _Imperator_ was always the
+_prænomen_ of the Roman emperors; as we may see from the coins. In the
+second century, this was forgotten: in official style indeed one said
+Imperator Antoninus Augustus, but otherwise Imperator M. Antoninus
+Augustus as well. Octavian in fact wished to have Romulus as a kind of
+_agnomen_; but as some took umbrage at this, it was resolved on the
+motion of L. Munatius Plancus—who now distinguished himself by his
+flatteries, just as had been done among the Greeks with regard to their
+Macedonian rulers—to call him Augustus, which the Greeks at once
+translated into Σεβαστός. The dictatorship was offered to him; but he
+declined it: this may have been owing to superstition, from which he was
+not free. It is possible that Sylla’s and Cæsar’s ends frightened him;
+but perhaps also, the thing seemed to him to be too straightforward, and
+it pleased him as it were to play with it. But he was named consul every
+year, if he chose: they wanted to make him sole consul; but he refused
+it, and rather wished to have two consuls to help him: this again was
+opposed by the senate; “one besides him was already too much.” At the
+same time, the proconsular power out of Rome was given him over the
+whole of the empire, and he could always exercise it by deputy; so that
+he was enabled to give away the provinces at his pleasure. With the
+censorship, he got the privilege of excluding from the senate, or
+calling into it, any one whom he chose. By virtue of his office of
+tribune, he could annul the decrees of the senate, and interfere with
+every act of all the magistrates: moreover it gave him the _provocatio_
+from all judicial decisions, which is the source of the modern appeal.
+He was tribune for life, and as such had the right of calling the senate
+together, of making motions, and of putting matters to the vote: this
+first began in the seventh century, and no one was now startled at
+it.[27] To Lepidus he left indeed the name of _pontifex maximus_; but
+after his death, he had that dignity also conferred upon himself, and
+thus he engrossed the whole authority of the spiritual law. Moreover, he
+had, by means of the tribunician and censorial powers, the supreme
+control over the _ærarium_; so that, by an artificial accumulation, all
+the powers of government, with the exception of the administrative ones
+of the præetors and consuls, were concentrated in his person.
+
+When Augustus, after the battle of Actium, tried to give a new form to
+the state, he, for the sake of appearance, went back in everything to
+the ancient form. Cæsar took into his own hands half of the elections,
+and at last even all of them; but Augustus restored the elections which
+were held by the _comitia_, though the _Candidati Cæsaris_ now stood, of
+whom it was an understood thing that they were to suffer no _repulsa_.
+The poets of that time, for instance Horace, speak of the _ambitio
+Campi_, and of the uncertainty of the elections, in language which one
+could only have used in the days of the republic; and there is some
+truth in it: for Augustus did not give himself the trouble, or did not
+take it upon himself to meddle with all the elections. This was so much
+the case, that owing to Egnatius Rufus in particular a tumult arose; as
+the latter, in defiance of the person who represented Augustus, and in
+violation of the _leges annales_, stood for the prætorship, just after
+he had been ædile; and also, immediately after his prætorship, for the
+consulship: to such a degree was the show of liberty kept up! Yet, after
+all, assemblies of the people were in reality confined to those
+elections. Of _plebiscita_ no mention is made in earnest in the reign of
+Augustus: for we cannot reckon that to be one, which Pacuvius, a
+tribune, brought forward to have the month of Sextilis called August. Of
+laws, there were several passed: the form in which this was done, was
+that a decree of the senate was laid by the consuls before the
+centuries, and approved of by the latter. This, as there is reason to
+believe, may have lasted until some time in the reign of Tiberius, to
+judge from the _Lex Julia Norbana_: afterwards we do not hear any more
+of laws properly so called.
+
+Cæsar had already introduced a host of adventurers into the senate, and
+Antony a great many more; and it was just the same in the times of the
+triumvirate. Augustus now caused it to be made known, that those who
+felt that they were not fit for the senate, had better to leave it of
+their own free will; so that he might not have to strike them off the
+list: whoever acted thus should be treated in the most considerate
+manner. A few only, not more than about fifty, did so. As this was not
+enough, he put out a great many more: but not to hurt their feelings,
+and because he feared for his life from their offended vanity, he left
+to them the _latus clavus_ and the first seats in the theatre; which was
+a great consolation for those wretches. He raised the _census
+senatorius_, which for an indefinite period had been double the _census
+equestris_, to a million sesterces: at the same time, he behaved
+liberally, and to those whom he wished to keep in the senate, he made up
+what was wanting from the public means. The senate had until then its
+regular sittings three times a month, and extraordinary ones only when
+summoned; Augustus reduced these to two, and gave it holidays during the
+months of September and October. Even now, the whole of October is still
+the vacation time at Rome; after the end of September, no more business
+can be done: under the emperors, all the courts of law had vacations in
+the autumn, which was a thing quite unknown in the days of the republic.
+In the senate, nothing else could be taken in hand but what the consul
+laid before it, as to him belonged the _jus relationis_. Augustus,
+however, was also _princeps senatus_; and as such he revived the claim
+he had by the old forms to the _jus relationis_, a right which had been
+dropped in the later times of the republic. He now formed for himself
+another and more select council of state, which had previously to
+discuss all those matters that were to be brought before the senate.
+Anything like a debate in the senate is no more to be thought of: all
+that was proposed, was sure to pass; there was nothing else done but
+making fine phrases and compliments.
+
+The extraordinary powers which Augustus had, he caused to be given him,
+after the battle of Actium, first for ten years; then, for five; then,
+once more, for five; then, three times, for ten years: in the very
+beginning of the third decennium, he died. The tribunician authority he
+had given him for life. The senate had formerly been, for their Roman
+subjects, the supreme court to judge political crimes; and this
+privilege Augustus left to it, so as to shift the odium thereof from
+himself upon the senators: it afterwards became their chief business.
+With the taxation, the senate had nothing whatever to do, as Augustus
+had the control over the finances of the whole empire, and could raise
+or lower the taxes. In Italy itself there was no land-tax, even as with
+us there is none on the seignorial estates; but indirect taxes were
+paid, and of these there was a variety, as, for instance, on legacies
+and bequests, and when slaves were made free. Even as the hereditary
+Stadtholder of Holland was Captain General and high Admiral, so was
+Augustus master of the whole army, that is of the forty-three or
+forty-seven legions, and of the innumerable _auxilia_, about 400,000 men
+in all: over these, the senate had not the slightest power, not even
+over the enlistment of them. The provinces in which no troops were
+regularly stationed, and which therefore did not belong to the military
+department, (Italy, as the country of the sovereign people, was excepted
+from all these regulations,) came under the care of the senate: these
+were Asia, Africa (so far as it was not subject to Juba), Gallia
+Narbonensis, Hispania Bætica, Achaia, Macedon, Bithynia, Cyprus, Crete,
+and Cyrene.[28] For himself, Augustus kept by far the larger and richer
+share, namely, Spain, all but Bætica; Gallia Lugdunensis and Aquitaine;
+the countries north of the Alps, Rhætia, and Vindelicia; Dalmatia,
+Pannonia, (Thrace had a king,) Mœsia; Pontus, (Cappadocia had a king,)
+Cilicia, Syria, and Egypt: the revenues of these provinces may have
+hardly been sufficient to keep the armies which lay there in fortified
+camps. The senate had two proconsular and ten pro-prætorian provinces;
+but it was not until five years after a man had been consul or prætor,
+that he could be admitted to cast lots with those who were to preside
+over the provinces. Augustus made some wholesome changes with regard to
+the arbitrary rule which was exercised in the provinces; certainly in
+his own provinces, yet very likely also in those of the senate. Until
+then, all governors had unchecked power to take whatever they pleased:
+he was the first to assign fixed appointments to these functionaries.
+His governors, whom he chose indiscriminately from the senators, _viri
+consulares_, _prætorii_, and knights, were called _legati Augusti_: as
+we learn from coins and inscriptions, their official title was _legati
+pro Consule_, _Prætore_, and so forth. The senatorial governors were as
+before, for one year; those of Augustus, for an indefinite period; for
+four, five, or even ten years. This was a very happy change for the
+provinces; yet the ones which had an imperial governor, were much better
+off than those which were senatorial: in these last, we are sorry to
+meet with _actiones repetundarum_; even as late as the second century;
+in fact their whole establishment was but a pageant for which the
+subjects had to pay dearly. There was a double _ærarium_, that of the
+senate, and that of the emperor: how far the latter had also the
+disposal of that of the senate, is more than we can tell. Among the
+proofs of Augustus’ thoughtfulness, are to be reckoned measures like the
+_Lex Ælia Sentia_, by which a stop was put to those disgraceful
+emancipations which brought down the franchise to the very lowest
+slaves. The way in which the Roman citizens were spread far and wide,
+was prodigious: the franchise reached much beyond the frontiers of
+Italy, and Narbonnese Gaul, and a great many places in Spain, had
+likewise the privileges of citizenship. Such provincials could not,
+however, get into the senate. Yet even to this rule there were
+exceptions: as early as in the days of Cæsar, some of them had been
+brought into it; and under Augustus there were yet more, especially from
+Provence, where Latin was spoken very early, so much so indeed that the
+country itself was called _Italia altera_.[29] The number of the _capita
+civium_, as is given at that time,—somewhat more than four
+millions,—seems to us frightfully small; for we are not to look upon it
+as that of the fathers of families, as all free men who in their
+sixteenth year had put on the _prætexta_ must be reckoned therein. One
+quite shudders at the falling off of the population, and by this again
+we learn how great was the rage and fury of the civil wars.
+
+Among the praiseworthy regulations which he made, are also those about
+the police of Rome. The state of the capital was awful. Since the days
+of Sylla and the proscriptions, no one at Rome was sure of his life, nor
+was there any kind of police: to see this, we have only to read the
+orations of Cicero _pro Cluentio_, _pro Milone_, _pro Sexto Roscio
+Amerino_; in Suetonius, we meet with accounts of bandits (_grassatores_)
+openly showing themselves in Rome with their short swords. Augustus,
+with great determination, put that down. We see what consequences will
+arise, when old institutions are allowed to go on without being modified
+according to the wants of the times: that which at first was wise and
+expedient, in after days becomes perverted and mischievous. Augustus
+made a new division of the city. Rome had kept all its municipal
+arrangements even as Servius Tullius had left them: it had four regions,
+and also the liberties of the Aventine, as a sort of suburb: the real
+suburbs were quite neglected. These four regions had _vici_, and this
+perhaps was also the case with the other districts: all police matters
+there were under the charge of the _ædiles plebis_, which was quite
+insufficient. Augustus, without troubling himself about what was old
+town, new town, _pomœrium_, and so forth, now divided the whole extent
+of the city, as it was then really inhabited, into fourteen regions:
+over each region he placed a magistrate, and it had likewise a number of
+_vici_, every one of which was presided over by a _magister vici_. This
+division proved excellent, and by it security was restored in Rome.
+Owing to the extension of the empire, the Roman magistrates, who at
+first had been the magistrates of a city, could now no longer give their
+time to city business; and therefore several _magistratus minores_ had
+been established: but these offices had no authority, and they were in
+the hands of freedmen, as no man of any rank would have anything to do
+with them. Some years after the battle of Actium, Augustus instituted a
+_præfectus urbi_ in whom the whole of the city administration was
+concentrated: this place he bestowed according to his own pleasure; L.
+Piso held it for twenty years. The good done by this magistracy, and his
+most happy choice of the person who filled it, was one of the chief
+causes which gained for him the affection of the inhabitants of the
+capital. Moreover he set up a sort of _Gensd’armerie_, _vigiles_,
+_cohortes urbanæ_, which had to act and to be at hand whenever it was
+wanted; as when there was a riot, a fire, in short, anything serious.
+The men were in barracks, thus forming a sort of garrison which he might
+keep without its making any show. He also established a _præfectura
+ærarii_, very likely, not only for his own _ærarium_, but also for that
+of the senate: at least, the imperial treasury afterwards absorbed the
+other which had formerly been managed by quæstors. For all these offices
+he chose, from a εὐπρόσωτος αἰτία, _equites Romani_, not senators: these
+last, cringing and fawning as they were, still had a mighty opinion of
+their own dignity.
+
+By a _lex Julia_, the courts of justice had been entirely restored into
+the hands of the knights. This law he maintained; but he prodigiously
+increased the lists of the jury (the decuries), inasmuch as for petty
+cases he admitted persons of less fortune than the _census equester_
+required.
+
+Italy had accidentally grown into one mass. At first, it had not reached
+beyond the south; but by little and little it had been stretched further
+to Cisalpine Gaul: Etruria and Umbria thus belonged to it, whilst the
+Rubicon was the boundary between it and the provinces. Augustus now
+extended it, as was right, to the Alps, and this Italy he divided into a
+number of regions. What was the meaning of these regions, cannot be made
+out; but one would almost believe that they must have had some reference
+to the quæstors, of whom, at that time, there were forty to collect the
+revenue, and also ten prætors. Whether presidents besides were given to
+such districts, like the consulars appointed by Hadrian, and the
+_correctores_ under Severus; is a thing of which there is no trace to be
+met with in the reigns of Augustus and his immediate successors. By this
+I do not, however, mean to say, that they had not some sort of
+authorities over them; for the supposition that the region must have had
+a corresponding office is so very natural. At a later period, we find in
+inscriptions and in books very many notices, which bear upon the
+subject; but at this time, none whatever.
+
+Augustus had a huge private fortune. He possessed whole principalities,
+of which Josephus gives us a very striking example in the will of Herod,
+who bequeathed his property to the family of the Cæsars: such kings and
+tetrarchs very often left all that they had to the emperors. The
+stewards of the countries which belonged to these last, were the
+_procuratores Cæsaris_: they were generally knights, but never senators;
+they might even be imperial freedmen, though perhaps this was not yet
+the case under Augustus. In the provinces, the emperor was so absolute,
+that Augustus, for instance, changed the whole registration of land in
+Gaul without asking any body’s leave, were it only for form’s sake. The
+soldiers all swore fealty to the emperor, certainly also to the
+_imperium populi Romani_; but no one was bound to the consul. The
+establishment of the prætorian cohorts was no innovation. There had been
+such troops from the earliest times, being a sort of guards or
+orderlies, like the “_guides des généraux_” during the French
+revolution: they are to be met with in the Punic wars, and also in the
+civil wars, on both sides; and they had arisen out of the former
+_evocati_. Augustus had taken them back with him, and had founded
+twenty-eight military colonies, as a means of checking any popular
+movement; and that he might likewise curb these veterans themselves, he
+formed the _cohortes prætoriæ_, which in Italy represented in fact the
+armed Roman people: they were chiefly enlisted, or raised by
+conscription, from the districts of Latium which had been the
+strongholds of the Marian party. At first, he kept them scattered in
+Italy, so as to cause no alarm; but by degrees they were drawn nearer
+and nearer, until at last the _castrum prætorium_ before the city was
+built. Under Augustus there were about eight thousand of them.
+
+Formerly the provincials were called to arms only in cases when a
+province was threatened; henceforth from the subjects of all the
+provinces of the emperor, many of whom had the lesser Roman franchise,
+cohorts were formed, which we hear of under the name of _auxilia_, and
+which may have made up about the half of the army. _Socii_ are no more
+spoken of at all. The legions, with regard to the organization of which
+in those days one is quite in the dark, had to serve a regular term of
+sixteen years; afterwards, they still remained for some time under the
+_vexilla_ as a reserve, and then they were to have land assigned them.
+This system of allotments was Augustus’ work, as was also the increase
+of pay. Hitherto the soldiers had got the old pay of a hundred and
+twenty _denarii_, or twelve hundred _asses_, yearly; Cæsar doubled, and
+Augustus trebled it. This was, after all, not much, about sixty dollars
+of our money; and as the price of everything at Rome had then immensely
+risen, it was not a large pay for fellows like these who had the throne
+in their gift. Still, owing to the number of soldiers, it was a burthen
+which the state could hardly bear, as even Tiberius, who was a very able
+ruler, already acknowledged.
+
+
+
+
+ LITERATURE.
+
+
+Roman literature reached perfection through Cicero and with him, even as
+our own did through Lessing, and we may almost set down the year 680,
+when Cicero was in the prime of his life, as the epoch in which it made
+this step; the language shared likewise in this decisive advance.
+However much there may be of the beautiful in earlier times, yet there
+is always something wanting, even in Cicero’s first writings; but all
+that was coarse and clumsy is now thrown off, and nothing remains but
+the pure and polished language. With the greatest justice, the Latin of
+Cicero has been acknowledged as the very best: it is, after all, the
+language which was spoken by the well educated in his day, and had we
+more of Cornelius Nepos than the _Vita Attici_, there again we should
+also find Ciceronian latinity. As yet, Latin prose had been altogether
+weak and unequal, being sometimes spun out, and sometimes cramped:
+Cicero alone gave it its perfection. His influence also on his
+contemporaries is incalculable: there is no doubt but that the finish of
+Cæsar’s style is to be attributed to him and to his age.
+
+There was then a host of distinguished writers and men of genius; and
+though of some of them we know but little, they are not for that the
+less eminent. I do not, however, mean to say that all who at that time
+were remarkable in literature, are to be reckoned among the classical
+writers; some of them, especially the older contemporaries of Cicero,
+are quite in the spirit of the earlier age: thus among us, Winkelmann,
+as to his style, belongs to the period before Lessing. So likewise
+Varro, who for his immense learning and reading in Roman matters—in what
+was Greek, this may not have been so great—had such a high renown, is,
+in all that is left of him, not at all like one who lived in the same
+age with Cicero: he is as strong a contrast to him as Mascov, Mosheim,
+and Reimarus were to Lessing. Nigidius Figulus also was very likely a
+writer of the same kind. The real bloom of Roman literature consisted of
+men who were younger than Cicero, and whom he beheld springing up around
+him. One of these was the orator M. Cælius Rufus, whom we may still
+judge of even from his letters: his language was like that of Cicero for
+excellence. Curio’s letters do not make the same impression upon me: yet
+they are not of importance enough for one to be able to give a positive
+opinion about them, and I would rather trust Cicero’s own judgment, who
+assigns him a very high rank. C. Licinius Calvus, a contemporary of
+both, was an orator and a poet as well: him also Cicero greatly
+esteemed; and if Quintilian does not think favourably of him, Tacitus,
+on the other hand, says that he really had talent as an orator.[30] He
+died young. Sallust was considerably younger than Cicero, and of the
+same age with Cælius, Calvus, and Curio: he went his own way, living in
+the past, and the language and style of his contemporaries remained
+foreign to him. As he was not conversant with the language as it was
+spoken, it is no wonder that his style has quite a different air from
+what we find in theirs: as an historian, he is all that one could wish.
+That Priscian charges some of those men with archaisms, is nothing at
+all against them.[31]
+
+This was truly the age of the poets. Living at the same time, but not
+quite of the same standing, were Lucretius, Catullus, and Calvus, the
+rival of Catullus, the greatest poets of that day. Lucretius, whom men
+have long tried to exclude from the poets altogether, is now at length
+acknowledged in his high excellence as such; not but what, had he chosen
+a more favourable theme than that wretched philosophical system, he
+might have done far greater things. But the greatest poet Rome ever had,
+is Catullus. He never strains after words or expressions: poetry flows
+from his tongue, it is with him the very language which the impulse of
+the moment brings out; every thought, every word of his, is the
+expression of what he actually feels. He has the same perfections as the
+Greek Lyric poets down to Sophocles, and is fully equal to them. Other
+poets there were, who, though undoubtedly his inferiors, were still
+eminent. If we had C. Helvius Cinna; if we had other poems than those
+still extant of Valerius Cato (whose _Diræ_ are still very doubtful); if
+we had Valgius,[32] and Ticida; we should read them with considerable
+pleasure, we should acknowledge still more that the age was rich in
+distinguished men, even though they were not equal to Catullus: and this
+is certainly more than can be said of any other period. Poetry is now
+becoming inured to the strict rules of metrical forms: the greater poems
+are composed in hexameters; the smaller lyric pieces, in foreign or
+Greek measures; and the old Latin forms are laid aside. The hexameter is
+rightly constructed, and the _cæsuræ_ carefully observed: in trifles
+only, the Roman poets of those times have some peculiarities to which
+they take a fancy; as for instance, in the construction of the
+pentameter. Dec. Laberius, the well known composer of mimes, no doubt
+was very original: this sort of poetry consisted very much of
+improvisation, being like the _Sermones_ of Horace. Furius Bibaculus was
+very pleasing; Varro Atacinus, the translator of Apolonius Rhodius, is
+by no means to be despised. Comedy had quite gone down, not even
+mediocrities being mentioned.
+
+This full bloom of poetry fades away at the time of Cæsar and Cicero’s
+death, and a new generation takes the place of the old one. Few eloquent
+men of that period survive; Asinius Pollio, for example, who when Cæsar
+died, was about thirty-four years of age, and therefore had already
+formed his mind. As a writer, however, he belongs to a somewhat later
+date, after the war of Brundusium; for it was not till then that he had
+completely retired from public life. From the fragments of him in Seneca
+the father, we may gather that his style was very unequal, but that he
+sometimes could write very well, especially when impelled by passion; as
+he did with justice against the Pompeians, and with great injustice
+against Cicero. His was a soured and embittered nature, without any
+kindly feelings. Another skilful orator was Munatius Plancus. Hirtius
+indeed still belongs to the former age, but is not the less excellent:
+he is a most elegant writer, although his whole life was spent in the
+midst of arms. Asinius Pollio is the connecting link between the two
+generations (which might be called _proventus_,[33] φορά); just as
+Lessing is between Klopstock, Winkelmann, Kant, Kästner, Gellert,
+Cramer, on the one side, and Göthe, Voss, Friederich Leopold von
+Stolberg on the other, not reacting upon those who were older than
+himself, but paving the way for the rising generation. Thus Asinius
+stands between the time of Cicero and Virgil; for the latter may indeed
+be mentioned as his contemporary.
+
+It is a very just remark, that it is incorrect to speak, as we do in
+Germany, of the Augustean age; we ought only to call it the Augustan
+age, Αὐγούστειοι being met with in Greek authors[34] only. Except in the
+case of Livy, prose had entirely fallen off: besides him, there was only
+Messalla, of whom, however, nothing is left to us. And the cause of this
+lay in the state of things at that time, as is shown by Tacitus in his
+excellent _Dialogus de Oratoribus_. Prose was in times of old always
+developed by oratory; it was poor as soon as people ceased to speak in
+public. For this, however, there was no more a free opportunity: the
+_rostra_ were dumb, the _curia_ was hushed, and if there were still any
+speeches, they were only λόγοι ἐπιδεικτικοί,—dismal signs of the times!
+The only field therefore for prose was history, which was written by
+Asinius Pollio and Livy: Valerius Messalla alone, who was much older
+than Asinius, and about the same standing as Virgil, was of any
+importance as an orator. It may also be that he was more remarkable for
+his nobleness of mind and his personal excellence, than for
+extraordinary talent.
+
+To the first half of the reign of Augustus, belong the brilliant days
+of Virgil and Horace, and of many other contemporaries of less
+eminence. In Horace poetry is still lyric; but afterwards it loses
+this character. It adapts itself more and more to the Greek; the old
+licences of metre are altogether set aside, and the Greek being law in
+everything, it is a mere translating of the Greek: it is Grecian
+poetry in Latin words. The language—except in particular cases, for
+the sake of embellishment,—carefully eschews every obsolete phrase,
+and the written phraseology is in perfect harmony with the spoken one.
+Though Virgil says _olli_, _aulai_, he never does so in the Bucolics
+and Georgics, but in the Æneid; and that from the same grammatical
+reasons which the Alexandrian writers had for their rules for the
+Greek epic style.
+
+Virgil was born on the fifteenth of October 682, and he died in 733, on
+the twenty-second of September; Horace was born on the eighth of
+December 687, and he died the twenty-seventh of November 744. We cannot
+allow of the adoration with which the later Romans regarded Virgil: he
+is wanting in that fertility and richness of invention which his theme
+required. His Eclogues are far from being a happy imitation of
+Theocritus, as they try to produce something on the Roman soil which
+could not be there. Theocritus’ shepherds have sprung from true
+Siculian, and not from Greek materials; they bear the stamp of genuine
+nationality: Daphnis is a Sicilian hero. But when Virgil wishes to
+transfer them to the sky of Lombardy, he places Greek names and Greek
+peculiarities in a spot where they could not exist at all. More happy is
+his didactic poem on husbandry: he keeps himself in a middle sphere, and
+one cannot speak otherwise than in its praise. The whole of the Æneid,
+from the beginning to the end, is a misconceived idea: but this does not
+prevent its being full of beauties in its details; and it also displays
+a learning from which the historian can never glean too much. No epic
+poem can be successful, unless it be a lively, hearty narrative of some
+achievement of which the whole story has become a kind of national
+heir-loom. It is a silly remark of a still living historian, that an
+epic poem would never tell with the people, unless the subject were
+sufficiently old: if the events are such as every one knows, and as can
+be made to receive a certain impress of originality without losing their
+own distinguishing character, then they are fit for epic poetry, and for
+the arts in general. This is the reason why subjects from Sacred History
+are so well adapted for the historical painter: it is because the
+beholder understands at once what the artist wants to represent, and is
+able to bring to mind the whole of the associations with which the
+picture is connected. Subjects from mythology are far more hazardous,
+inasmuch indeed as the artist himself, and with him the many, are too
+little acquainted with them, and they cannot therefore but seem somewhat
+unmeaning: in ancient times, however, such mythological subjects were as
+much household words among the people as the Sacred History is with us.
+Generally known events in modern history would now be perfectly well
+suited to be dealt with by the artist. So long as in a nation there be
+legends which every body is sure to sing and know by heart, there will
+always be something which one may choose as one thinks good, and pick
+out as the subject for an epic poem. Thus the epos makes choice of a
+single part, whilst the cyclic poem, on the other hand, takes in a whole
+series of tales. Such is the wretched Pharsalia of Lucan. Virgil took a
+Latin story, and dove-tailed it into Greek legends; whereas had he
+wanted to have anything out of the Roman legends, he ought to have
+treated it in the Italian style: this might indeed have been very
+difficult, as that kind of knowledge was no longer general; but it would
+have been the only means of making a poem with much life in it. Virgil
+is one of the remarkable instances of the way in which a man can miss
+his true calling. His was lyric poetry. The little poem on the _Villa
+Syronis_ and the _Si mihi susceptum fuerit decurrere munus_, show that
+he would have been a poet like Catullus, had he not made the mistake of
+wishing to write nothing but Grecian-Latin poems. It is a pity that
+posterity so much overrated the very work which was but a failure; yet
+we may well account for it, as people were not able to compare it with
+Homer, whom they did not know at all, and its extraordinary beauties had
+their full effect. Nor was the superiority of Catullus acknowledged
+until the end of the eighteenth century. The first who spoke without
+prejudice about Virgil, was Jeremy Markland: amidst a terrible outcry,
+as if he had committed high treason, he openly said what he thought. It
+was certainly no affectation that Virgil wished to burn the Æneid; that
+poem was the task of his life, and he had in his last moments a feeling
+that it was a failure. I am glad that he did not do so; but still we
+must in all things learn to keep our judgment free, and even then we
+cannot but love and honour him. It may be that the tomb on Posilipo,
+which during the whole of the middle ages was already shown as that of
+Virgil,—yet I know not why,—is not his, and that the laurel on it may
+have been replanted many a time; but notwithstanding, I have gone to see
+it as a pilgrim, and the laurel branches which I also plucked off at his
+grave, are dear to me as relics.
+
+Venusia, the birthplace of Horace, was a Latin colony, founded between
+the third Samnite war and that of Pyrrhus. This town, which had always
+been true to the Romans, is mentioned by Appian (whose accounts of this
+are very trustworthy) among those which revolted in the Social War: it
+must therefore have lost its Latin character, and, like the other
+peoples in those parts, have rather become Lucanian and Oscan in
+feeling. Horace says, that he went to school with the sons of
+centurions: this is a hint that Venusia must have been a military
+colony, and in fact one of Sylla’s, which may be accounted for by that
+rebellion. Moreover, when Horace wrote the second book of his
+_Sermones_, a new military colony must have been established there; for
+Ofellus, whom Horace when a boy had still seen well off, had had his
+allotment of land given away to a soldier. Horace’s father was a
+_libertinus_; the cognomen of Flaccus, if the father had it as well,
+would prove that he was not of foreign, but of Italian race: his father
+may indeed have been taken prisoner in the Social War, and sold for a
+slave; for otherwise the children of freedmen have different names. The
+father gave his son a very liberal education: when Brutus came to
+Greece, Horace, who was twenty-two years old, was staying at Athens
+whither his father had sent him. He with several other young Romans
+entered the army, and, what was an immense honour for the son of a
+freedman, was promoted by Brutus to be a tribune. This raised a good
+deal of envy; but it shows him to have been a distinguished young man,
+as there were at that time not more than six tribunes to every legion.
+After the battle of Philippi, he made his escape like many others, and
+was perhaps under the protection of Messalla; then he went to Rome,
+where he was recommended to Mæcenas, who soon became exceedingly fond of
+him, interesting himself for him even more than he did for Virgil: this
+kindness of Mæcenas, Horace received with great gratitude. Mæcenas made
+him a present of a small farm on the Sabine hills, where, as he had
+indeed but few wants, he lived retired and happy: in his latter years
+especially, he was almost always there. The life of Horace by Suetonius
+is very interesting; and from this work, as well as from the poet’s own
+writings, Wieland in his commentary, particularly on the Epistles, has
+said many very fine things on his personal character and his position in
+the world, and has cleared him of many a calumny: he has shown that
+Horace deserves the reproach of being a flatterer far less in truth than
+Virgil, as unfortunately we cannot help allowing. His praises are the
+outpouring of a general feeling, which he very fairly shared with other
+persons of his day. Wieland moreover points out how he tries to keep
+himself from being dependent on Mæcenas, and to push the golden chains
+aside as far as he could do so without seeming ungrateful. Augustus was
+not at all pleased when Horace did not dedicate to him the first book of
+the _Sermones_, and also when he wanted to have him for his secretary
+and he declined it: he could not have hidden from himself, that Horace
+was one of those who, notwithstanding all the good that he had done,
+would not forget his former life, and always judged of him by it.
+Wieland calls our attention to a letter of Augustus, in which he betrays
+how much he felt Horace’s indifference, and says, _An vereris ne apud
+posteros infame tibi sit quod videaris familiaris nobis esse?_ We can
+hardly have the odes in chronological order: some of them were written
+very early, perhaps even as far back as the time that he lived in
+Athens: of many indeed it is impossible to give the exact date; and
+though most of them were composed before the war of Actium, the first
+three books were not published till afterwards. Some of the _Sermones_
+also belong to a very early period: the earliest that we have of his, is
+perhaps the banquet of Nasidienus, that is to say, Salvidienus,
+according to the undoubtedly correct remark of the scholiast; just as
+Malthinus stands for Mæcenas, so that the fictitious name has the same
+quantity as the real one. Against a man who had become unfortunate,
+Horace would not have written after his execution; and therefore the
+poem must date soon after the battle of Philippi, 710. To the last years
+of his life belong the fourth book of the Odes, and the second of the
+Epistles.
+
+Horace, as a poet, was once admired beyond all bounds; but for the last
+thirty years or more, he has not had justice done to him. His imitations
+from the Greeks are of wonderful beauty, and they have also much in them
+which is his own. Yet for all that he has many faults. When searching
+for an original expression, he sometimes contents himself with another
+which is none of the most appropriate or the most terse: if one keeps
+this remark well in mind, many of Bentley’s emendations fall to the
+ground. Moreover he has two great failings. One is quite annoyed at his
+misappreciation of the earlier writers; the times had quite changed, and
+hence he took a dislike to many things because they were strange in his
+day, more especially to archaisms. How he could have been blind to the
+merits of Plautus, is quite inconceivable: the age to which he belonged
+had wrought on him the same effects which difference of nationality has
+on other men; many an expression may have quite gone down to the common
+people, and thus have become vulgar, so that Horace was shocked by it.
+This feeling may have been much increased by his disgust at those who
+made a ridiculous parade of quaintness, playing the same farce as the
+exaggerated admirers of the middle ages among us. And besides this,
+painful is the impression which is made upon us by the irony of Horace’s
+Epicurean philosophy, owing to which he, in fact, looks upon everything
+as a folly, and tries to sneer at everything, treating what is most
+venerable with irreverence: this becomes at last a bad habit with him.
+Yet there is excuse for this in the age in which he lived; in better
+times, it would not have been thus. One sees in him a mild and quiet
+man, who in truth was always constrained and reserved; the wild,
+reckless Catullus, with his loud laugh, and his loud wailings, comes
+more home to our hearts: the same tone which there is in Horace may also
+have been that of Menander, and the latest Athenian comedy. Horace did
+not choose to let his heart bleed, and thus he puts us indeed into a
+sadder frame of mind. When a real good is lost for the people, one
+should not deaden the feelings to it, and try to make the world
+thoughtless; but one should carry the grief for it within one’s breast,
+and let it have free course, yet without cherishing or artificially
+fostering it. “He who has lost a real good,” says Friederick Leopold Von
+Stolberg, “has often much left to him, if he retains the consciousness
+of what he has lost.” Horace with all this is still ever noble and
+amiable: he has only misunderstood an unhappy age. He lived nearly to
+his fifty-seventh year.
+
+Of the same standing as Horace was Tibullus an _Eques Romanus_: he was
+one of those whose fortune had somewhat suffered in those stormy times.
+The year of his birth is unknown to us: from an epigram which is
+ascribed to Domitius Marsus (_Te quoque Virgilio comitem non æqua,
+Tibulle_, &c.), we merely gather that he died soon after Virgil. Yet
+there is some doubt about that epigram: the way in which Horace
+addresses Tibullus, seems to bespeak a contemporary. Of Tibullus, the
+first two books are not to be doubted; but the third cannot possibly be
+his, although the name of the author can hardly be Lygdamus: for it may
+only be substituted for the right one, as being of the same quantity.
+Thus it is also with the names of women: that of the mistress of
+Propertius, whom he calls Cynthia, was Hostia; that of Tibullus’ Delia,
+was Plania. Owing to party spirit, people will not admit the truth of
+Voss’s remark, that in the third book there is quite a different
+metrical character, and also quite another turn of expression: he who
+does not see this, is in my opinion no judge of questions either of
+grammar or of metre. A distich has been rejected as spurious because it
+clashes with the chronology of Tibullus: the poet of the third book was
+born, like Ovid, in 709, under the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, as
+he says himself:—
+
+ Natalem primo nostrum videre parentes,
+ Cum cecidit fato consul uterque pari.
+
+These verses cannot be struck out. The fourth book is just as little
+Tibullus’ own: the panegyric on Messalla is the production of some poor
+fellow who was in want of a patron, and certainly not that of a knight.
+Both books, the third and the fourth, are by authors who are inferior to
+Tibullus. The smaller poems which bear the names of Sulpicia and
+Cerinthus, may be Tibullus’ own; but they are almost too good to be his:
+there is too much strength and boldness in them. To me, Tibullus is an
+unpleasing poet: this womanish and maudlin grief, this unantique
+sentimentality, are mistaken tones of Mimnermus, which to me are
+unbearable; and above all, in a Roman.
+
+Somewhat older perhaps than Horace was Cornelius Gallus, a man of rank
+who had also tried his fortune in war, and whom Augustus had appointed
+governor of Egypt, in which post indeed he behaved shamefully. He must,
+however, have had his amiable qualities, as Virgil was so fond of him,
+and introduced his praise in the fourth book of the Georgics: it was to
+replace it, that the poet had afterwards to put in the episode of
+Aristæus. Having been convicted of very disgraceful things, Gallus put
+an end to his own life. He had translated Euphorion, and written
+elegies, of which, however, one line only remains. He must have been a
+distinguished poet, though what goes under his name, all but a few
+fragments, is not genuine. If he is called _durior_, this perhaps
+implies that he had the old language and versification of Catullus and
+Lucretius, which Quinctilian might indeed have found harsh.
+
+One who also lived at the same time as these men, was Varius. Of him we
+have unfortunately but a few verses; the ancients, however, ranked him
+with Virgil and Horace among the great poets of that age; he was
+especially renowned for his tragedy of Thyestes. This is a very unhappy
+subject; and I am afraid that there was a good deal of rant in that
+piece, and that it stood in the same relation to Greek tragedy as the
+Æneid to the Iliad. The tragic poets of that age in all likelihood no
+longer had before them the old Athenian tragedy, like Pacuvius and
+Attius, but the Alexandrian; for what was called the Pleias, was
+certainly something quite different from the old tragic poets. One may
+get an idea of it from Seneca, whose pieces are certainly not of Roman
+home-growth, but evidently formed after foreign models: his lyrical part
+is limited to anapæsts, and very rarely contains quite simple strophes
+of four lines. If I had the choice, I would rather have Varius’ poem _De
+Morte_ than his tragedy.
+
+This was the noble group of the poets of that age, such as seldom have
+met together in this world. These poets Augustus found living when he
+made himself master of the state; they have passed the shortest part of
+their lives under his rule. But now a second generation arose, which is
+really to be called the Augustan. It begins with Propertius, whose poems
+are evidently imitations from the Alexandrian school; whereas Horace
+kept to the older lyric style, although Virgil already begins to follow
+somewhat in the track of the poets of Alexandria and Pergamus.
+Propertius must have been born about 700. He was a native of Umbria, and
+his youth was about the time of the assignments of land: it was his
+ambition to be the Roman Callimachus or Philetas.
+
+Much greater than he,—in fact, of all the Roman poets whose works have
+come down to us, by far the most poetical after Catullus,—was Ovid, born
+in 709. Virgil is evidently disheartened by his lot; Horace’s mind was
+painfully distracted in another way, as he fondly loved Brutus;
+Tibullus, with his feeling heart, was weighed down by evil times;
+Propertius was so affected by the early loss of his property, that free
+enjoyment of life and perfect ease never returned to him: but as for
+Catullus, on the other hand, the unbounded freedom of his humour sprang
+from the independence of his fortune. His father must have been one of
+the most eminent men in his province; he was a guest-friend of Cæsar.
+Ovid was born with one of the most happy dispositions that heaven can
+give, at a time when the troubles of the Perusian war could only reach
+him in his cradle; he was in his thirteenth year when Cæsar Octavianus
+conquered at Actium: thus his lightheartedness and cheerfulness arose
+from the circumstances of the age in which he lived. On this we are all
+of us dependent: my own tone of mind is quite different from what it
+would have been had I been born thirty years sooner or later. Ovid was a
+young man of rank and wealth at Sulmo, who began the world adorned with
+every gift of mind and body: a greater facility no man could have, and
+in this respect, he is among the very first poets. In Schiller’s poems,
+one may every where remark his struggle with the forms of verse, and the
+toil with which he worked; whilst in Goethe’s early productions,
+everything is as if written off-hand. The Greek lyric poets also are
+never far-fetched; it is as if they could express themselves only in the
+way in which they did, and in none other: Horace, unlike them, is
+plodding, and it is but seldom that anything, as it were, bubbles out of
+him. In Ovid, all comes fresh from the heart: his faults, which also run
+through his poetry, are well known. The cause of his misfortune is a
+riddle which no human sagacity will ever be able to make out; and the
+endless stories which have been spread about it are but so many
+absurdities. The utter depression of his mind during his abode in Tomi
+has been turned into a reproach against him; but I am rather struck with
+admiration, that in this dreadful exile among barbarians, his freshness
+and liveliness forsook him so little.
+
+One of his contemporaries was Cornelius Severus, of whom we have a
+fragment which strengthens the opinion that had he lived longer, he
+would have become an eminent epic poet, infinitely superior to Lucan.
+
+Pedo Albinovanus must also have been distinguished. Whether he is the
+author of the poem to Livia on the death of her son Drusus, seems not to
+be so certain as is generally believed.
+
+Livy was born in the consulship of Cæsar, 693, and lived to his
+seventy-fifth, or seventy-seventh year;[35] he thus reached far into
+Tiberius’ reign. I have already spoken of him before. History was the
+only thing that one could then write in prose; eloquence had sunk into
+wretched declamation, or mere lawyer’s pleading. He was fifty years of
+age, or somewhat older, when he began to write his history. The
+unfavourable opinion which Asinius Pollio gave of him, certainly arose
+from party spirit, as the latter could not abide anything that was
+Pompeian. Livy’s great fame, in which no one of his day has equalled
+him, is all built upon his historical work; and this is the reason why
+he is not once mentioned in Horace: very likely, he lived at first as a
+teacher of rhetoric in complete retirement. A man came all the way from
+Cadiz to Rome to see him.
+
+In the literature of the Cæsarian period, I forgot to mention Dec.
+Laberius, who was very distinguished and original as a writer of mimes.
+If men like Laberius and P. Syrus acted their mimes themselves, these
+were evidently a kind of improvisation, a description of poetry which
+was akin to the _sermones_ of Horace, and partook very little of the
+peculiarities of dramatic verse. P. Syrus also ranked very high. Comedy
+had at that time quite gone off; we do not even meet with mediocrities.
+Of tragedies, the Thyestes of Varius only is mentioned.—Valgius also
+belongs still to the time of Virgil.
+
+The political weakness of Greece in those days, before the might of
+Rome, is not greater than the absolute nullity of Greek literature as
+compared with the richness of the Roman one. The Greeks were then
+nothing but rhetoricians and grammarians, though these certainly deserve
+an honourable mention: of poems, there are none worth speaking of; even
+of epigrammatic talent there never yet was such a dearth: only a few
+wretched epigrams date from that age. Dionysius of Halicarnassus stands
+alone as a man distinguished for sense and judgment: it is therefore not
+to be wondered at, that the Romans in this respect also felt superior to
+the Greeks; and they did not perhaps feel it as much as they should have
+done. In the latter days of Augustus, literature again went down hill
+most rapidly; and under Tiberius it had completely run itself out. Those
+who were the leaders of taste, and brought on the silver era, were Greek
+rhetoricians, mostly from the Levant. From old Greece, as far as I know,
+Plutarch is for many centuries after Polybius the only writer of
+eminence.
+
+
+
+
+ PRIVATE LIFE OF AUGUSTUS. AGRIPPA. MÆCENAS. FAMILY CONNEXIONS.
+ BUILDINGS.
+
+
+The very many statues and busts which yet remain of Augustus, bear out
+the statement of Suetonius, that he was an uncommonly fine man. His
+_decora facies_ he still had even in his old age; we may trace the
+likeness in his busts throughout the different periods of his life. He
+is so beautiful that I very nearly got his bust; but his personal
+character deterred me. He was however a remarkable man in every respect.
+What he was reproached with by the ancients, was want of courage; but
+this is an imputation which is easily made, especially if there is some
+foundation for it after all; yet there were, on the other hand,
+instances also in which he undeniably showed courage. In the war of
+Philippi, there is indeed some ground for such a charge: at Mutina, he
+perhaps was guilty of treachery; but in the Pompeian war, no reproach of
+the kind attaches to him. He was a bad general, and had no more luck in
+the field than he had in his domestic relations. His falseness and
+cruelty, I have before described; yet he had also his good qualities: he
+was a friend to his friends, and put up with many things from them;
+which considering his pride, is very surprising: towards Agrippa and
+Mæcenas, he was neither faithless nor unthankful. In his domestic
+relations, he was regardless of character. He had at first been
+betrothed to Antony’s stepdaughter Clodia, but the match was broken off;
+then he married Scribonia, who bore him Julia of unhappy notoriety; and
+then he put her away, and compelled Tib. Claudius Nero, who had once
+been proscribed as a partisan of Brutus, and who was also one of the
+best of the family of the Claudii, to give up to him Livia. Livia, whose
+ambition and thirst of power for her own family knew no bounds, and who
+shrank from no crime, had gradually gotten the most absolute sway over
+Augustus. However much he sought to bring back purity of morals, he
+himself was a thorough profligate; and this Livia winked at. They were
+married to each other nearly fifty years; and the longer they lived
+together, the greater became her power. She must have been wondrously
+beautiful in her youth, and amazingly clever: for a long course of
+years, she strove with quiet patience to get the dominion for her race;
+and for this purpose she estranged Augustus from the whole of his
+family. The only child she had borne him was still-born. So long as
+Octavia, the half-sister of Augustus, and one of the most respectable of
+the later Roman matrons, was alive and had prospects for her son
+Marcellus, who was married to Julia, she herself seemed to have been
+altogether set aside. But after the death of Marcellus, Agrippa became
+more powerful than ever, though he had already gained such an
+ascendancy, that Augustus, had he not loved him much, must have been
+afraid of him; and now the emperor bound him to him by the marriage with
+Julia, because he really feared him: Julia had by Marcellus one daughter
+only. Agrippa was much older than Augustus, with whom he had been as a
+sort of tutor in Apollonia; it is not unlikely that Cæsar had meant him
+to accompany his nephew as _custos_ to the Parthian war, as was
+generally done when the youthful Roman at seventeen first joined the
+army: thus Lollius went with C. Cæsar. Before that time, nothing is
+mentioned about him, nor can any one tell where he came from; in Cæsar’s
+campaigns, he is not once named: he is said to have been _ignobili_,
+even _humili loco natus_. He afterwards shows himself to have been an
+experienced general. Augustus’ best time was that during which Agrippa’s
+influence was paramount with him; that is to say, almost the whole
+unbroken period from the battle of Actium to the death of Agrippa, whom
+no one accuses of having had any share in the earlier crimes of his
+pupil. It is he, above all men, who gave the state its form; he is, more
+than Augustus, the author of the most useful institutions,—perhaps also
+of some artful ones, but certainly of all that had any good in them.
+Besides which, there was something grand about him. We have but one
+building left of his, the Pantheon, which indeed is the finest relic of
+ancient Rome. He had a genius for vast and magnificent works, for roads,
+canals, aqueducts, baths: he so laid out the whole of the Campus
+Martius, that Strabo is quite in ecstacies whilst describing it. In the
+war against Pompey, he displayed tried ability: moreover, he then built
+a fleet and the _portus Julius_. He was thrice consul, and openly laid
+claim to the highest honours: for he looked upon them as his due, being
+anything but cowed and daunted before Augustus. He died, I believe, in
+740; Mæcenas in 744, in the same year as Horace.
+
+The friendship of Augustus was shared with Agrippa by C. Cilnius
+Mæcenas, of the illustrious Etruscan house of the Cilnii (_Etrusci
+reges, reges atavi_):—it must have been a δυναστεία; the name is also
+met with innumerable times on monuments at Arretium. This clan must have
+had the Roman franchise even before the _lex Julia_; for as early as
+Livius Drusus, a Mæcenas, as we are told by Cicero,[36] was already
+among the _equites splendidissimi_. Horace seems to hint that the
+forefathers of Mæcenas’ line, both on the father and mother’s side, had
+been raised to the highest magistracy in the days of Etruscan freedom:—
+
+ “—_quod avus tibi maternus fuit atque paternus,
+ Olim qui magnis legionibus imperitarent_:”
+
+in all likelihood, both of these branches belonged to Arretium: Mæcenas
+himself was merely a Roman knight. With posterity, he has earned the
+honour of having been a patron of the poets: we may rejoice that he
+showed kindness to Horace and Virgil, without indeed troubling ourselves
+about his motives for it, which we have no means of finding out. He was
+a strange man, an epicurean in the very worst sense; and he unblushingly
+avowed it, as he set up ease and comfort as the highest good in life. He
+displayed a more than womanish love of life; for though in a wretchedly
+broken state of health, he was glad to live, even in torture, if only
+live he could (_vita dum superest, bene est_). There was also something
+childish and trifling about him: he had a foppish delight in trinkets
+and jewels, for which Augustus often laughed at him. To the latter, he
+was a convenient friend and a most agreeable companion; and for all
+honours he expressed an epicurean contempt, looking upon Agrippa’s love
+of distinction as folly. Yet for all that, he may have cared not a
+little for having influence; whenever Augustus consulted him, he got
+very sensible advice. Once only he behaved in a manly way. When
+Augustus, in the time of the triumvirate, or in that of the Perusian
+war, was seated on his tribunal, and was pronouncing one sentence of
+death after another, Mæcenas sent him a note with the words “Get up
+then, you executioner!” This looks like a man whose heart is much better
+than his philosophy.
+
+As long as these two men and Drusus, the younger son of Livia, were
+alive, even as Tacitus already remarks, Augustus’ government was really
+praiseworthy; but after their death there was a change for the worse.
+Augustus in his earlier years had very precarious health, and his life
+was several times endangered by illness; one of these was in Gaul, and
+another was that from which Antonius Musa recovered him by cold baths:
+it was not until about his fiftieth year, that his health became better.
+Long before this, whilst Marcellus was yet a child, and he himself still
+very young, he had once, when he thought himself dying, given his ring
+to Agrippa: in his will he had made no arrangements about the succession
+to his throne. When Marcellus grew up, differences arose between him and
+Agrippa. Velleius, who when he chooses to speak out, hits off many
+characters with masterly touches, says of Agrippa, “_Parendi, sed uni,
+scientissimus_.” To Augustus, he would submit himself; but against all
+those who rose after him, he was very bitter, nor would he be the
+servant of Marcellus who was much younger than himself: in all
+likelihood, had Augustus died then, he would not have scrupled to put
+Marcellus and the sons of Livia aside. Once Agrippa altogether withdrew
+to Mitylene, where he would have nothing more to do with the affairs of
+Rome; yet the way in which men paid their court to him in the east,
+showed clearly that they all looked upon him as their future master. But
+Marcellus died in his twenty-third year, and a great hope of the Roman
+world seems to have died with him; Agrippa now incontestably stood in
+the first place, and Augustus gave him in marriage his daughter Julia,
+the widow of Marcellus. Yet though this alliance went far to secure the
+succession for him and his sons, it very sadly embittered the last years
+of his life, owing to the shameful depravity of his wife; for he kept it
+secret from Augustus, who was very fond of his daughter. Agrippa died
+before Augustus’ eyes were opened to Julia’s conduct, and left three
+sons, one of whom was born after his death, and a daughter, Agrippina,
+who afterwards became the wife of Germanicus. She had all the pride and
+fine qualities of her father; she was an admirable woman, not unlike
+Octavia. The two eldest sons, Caius and Lucius, Augustus adopted into
+the family of the Cæsars, as he meant one of them, namely Caius, to
+succeed him. Whilst these young men were growing up, Julia was married
+to the eldest step-son of Augustus, Tiberius Claudius Nero. This young
+man had quite the character of the Claudian race: he was uncommonly
+proud of his high birth, and he held Augustus himself to be nothing
+better than a municipal upstart from Velitræ, who had been adopted into
+the Julian family; the _gens Julia_ he certainly looked upon as below
+the _gens Claudia_, and therefore upon his marriage with Julia as a
+match which was beneath him. Above all, he was deeply galled by the
+infamous life of Julia, though for fear of Augustus, he did not dare to
+complain of her. Being on bad terms with Augustus, he withdrew on some
+pretext or other to Rhodes, by which indeed he left the field open for
+Agrippa’s family. At Rhodes he lived for seven years, in the course of
+which the profligate life of Julia was discovered, and Augustus now
+treated her with unrelenting harshness: he had her transported to
+Pandataria. (Drusus had already died in Germany, a year before his elder
+brother went to Rhodes.) In vain did Tiberius repent of the rash step
+which he had taken; Livia for a whole year was unable to bring about a
+reconciliation, Augustus having been so much hurt by his going away that
+he would not hear of him, nor see him, although he had asked for leave
+to return. Augustus now employed L. and C. Cæsar in public business:
+Lucius was sent to Gaul and Spain, to superintend the registration of
+the land; Caius to Armenia. This Caius Cæsar, Velleius speaks of in such
+a way, that, though to pay his court to Tiberius, he may have
+represented some things as worse than they were, we may well believe
+that he was good for nothing, and that the Roman empire would have been
+as unhappy under him, as it was under Tiberius himself. In Armenia,
+where he had executed Augustus’ commissions, he was treacherously
+wounded by an Asiatic, who very likely was got to do it by the king of
+the Parthians. From this wound he never could recover, and it was
+generally thought by the ancients that it was poisoned by Livia: this is
+perhaps nothing but prejudice; bus it is quite possible. Lucius had
+already died before him, and it is pretty certain that it was _dolo
+novercæ_. Tiberius, on his return after seven years, was completely
+master of the field; and of Agrippa’s family, Agrippa Postumus and
+Agrippina were all that was left: that the former of these might not be
+altogether set aside, he adopted him together with Tiberius 754. From
+that time, Tiberius was heir presumptive; and it was not long before he
+got the _tribunicia potestas_: as for Agrippa Postumus, he was still a
+boy, an insignificant fellow, who did not stand in the other’s way.
+
+It is a well known boast of Augustus, that he had found Rome brick, and
+had left it marble; and this was not saying too much: what is still left
+of his buildings bears it out. He has built an immense deal, and stamped
+upon Rome quite another character; his buildings were in a style of
+extraordinary grandeur, which altogether ceases in the later ones, the
+Colosseum alone excepted. There still remains what was formerly called
+_Forum Nervæ_, but what Palladio in his day, and among the moderns Hirt,
+have recognised as the _Forum Augustum_. The judicious Stefano Piali has
+shown that the three colossal pillars which were formerly thought to
+have been portions of the temple of Jupiter Stator, are of Augustus, and
+belonged to the _Curia Julia_. The great wall round the _Forum
+Augustum_, proves that at that time the old grand style was still
+prevalent, which lasted until the reign of the emperor Claudius, and
+first changed under that of Nero: thus people came to fancy that that
+wall was of the age of the kings. By Augustus himself was built the
+Mausoleum, the inside work of which still lasts indestructible; by
+Agrippa in Augustus’ reign, the Gate of St. Lorenzo and the Pantheon,
+besides the Theatre of Marcellus,—where the Palazzo Savelli is, in which
+I used to live,—in the old massive Greek-Etruscan style which had long
+been out of date in Greece: hard by is the Portico of Octavia, of which
+the entrance is still standing. Whatever on the Palatine is said to be
+of Augustus, is at best very problematical: of the temple of Apollo
+there is nothing left. Augustus was the first to bring the Carrara
+marble into use. A great number of high roads, both in Italy and in the
+provinces, and very magnificent aqueducts were made by him; among
+others, that of Narni, which indeed is built of brick. Notwithstanding
+all these great buildings, and all this magnificence, no one felt
+burthened, as the Romans paid scarcely any taxes but a few indirect
+ones; and therefore it is no wonder that Augustus was exceedingly
+popular. We must also take into the account the gloomy forebodings with
+which men looked upon Tiberius: the words of Horace, _Divis orte bonis!_
+came from his heart; people prayed in right earnest to Heaven for his
+preservation.
+
+
+
+
+ WARLIKE ENTERPRISES OF AUGUSTUS. HIS DEATH. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE
+ EMPIRE.
+
+
+The first foreign war which he waged, happened between the peace of
+Brundusium and the battle of Actium. It was a campaign against the
+Dalmatians, and he displayed in it considerable activity, and personal
+courage, being wounded himself. The task of subduing these countries was
+exceedingly difficult; but he broke the power of the Dalmatians who
+dwelt on the coast. Soon after the battle of Actium, the Cantabrian war
+began. Very nearly the same countries which afterwards held out against
+the Moors, Biscay, Asturias, the north of Gallicia, and the confines of
+Leon, held out also then. Augustus set himself the task of extending the
+Roman empire as far as the sea, the Rhine, and the Danube. During the
+first year, he was, partly by illness, and partly by business, kept in
+Gaul, where he settled the affairs of the province; in Tarragona also,
+he fell sick once more, and was thus delayed in his campaigns. We have
+no details of these wars: Appian became tired here, and perhaps he did
+not find them in any Greek writer. Augustus’ memoirs must have had very
+little value, as hardly any notice is taken of them: he also tried
+poetry; but as far as we may judge from his letters, he was a tasteless
+and worthless writer. In the third year, the Asturians and Cantabrians
+made their submission, and gave hostages. The Basques maintain that they
+still have a poem on this war in their own language; and Wilhelm Von
+Humboldt possesses a copy of it, which I only know from his
+translation.[37] I hold it to be as little genuine as the poems of
+Ossian; Humboldt is of a different opinion, yet he decides nothing. How
+should anything have been preserved among the Cantabrians about this
+war, which after all was of no importance whatever to them? On the
+Moorish wars, which must have been much more important to them, nothing
+whatever remains. Nowhere else, either among Germans or other nations,
+have accounts of the Roman wars been preserved: when Wittekind of Corvey
+wrote, all memory of them had entirely vanished, and this was certainly
+the case there as well. The Cantabrians, goaded by the ill treatment of
+the Roman governors, revolted again; thus it took some more campaigns
+before they were altogether subdued. Augustus founded several
+colonies,—Cæsar Augusta (Saragossa), Julia Emerita (Merida, down to the
+Arabian times a first-rate town), Pax Augusta (Badajoz), Pax Julia
+(Beja), Legio (Leon).
+
+About the time of this war, Tiberius, who was no longer a youth, carried
+on another in Dalmatia, which he reduced. Before that, a Roman governor
+named Crassus, had already made war in Mœsia, and had driven back the
+Sarmatians across the Danube, and extended the empire as far as that
+river. Pannonia likewise had submitted during the Dalmatian campaign of
+Tiberius.
+
+It was between the Dalmatian and Cantabrian war, that Augustus shut the
+temple of Janus: according to Suetonius, he seems to have closed it
+thrice; yet this may have been a mistake. It had been done once before
+in the Mythic age of Numa; and again, between the first and second Punic
+wars, in the consulship of T. Manlius Torquatus, 517.
+
+Augustus had before this already directed his attention to the Alpine
+races, such as the Salassians and all the tribes of Rhætia in the widest
+sense of the word,—even from the valley of Aosta, all through the Valais
+and the Tyrol, as far as Noricum, which had a king, and kept under Roman
+protection: they were mostly of Etruscan stock. It is my belief that the
+abodes of the Rhætians did not reach at farthest beyond the valley of
+the Upper Inn, whilst the Vindelicians dwelt on the northern slopes of
+the Tyrolese Alps, from the valley of the Lower Inn to the Danube. These
+last were of Liburnian race, as were also the Pannonians, who were
+neither Illyrians nor Gauls, and were called Pæonians by the Greeks,
+from whom we likewise learn that they had a language of their own. The
+Helvetians had submitted since the days of Julius Cæsar; of the
+subjugation of the Rhætians and Vindelicians under Drusus and Tiberius,
+we know but very little: the accounts which we have of it, are very
+vague and confused. Yet Von Hormayr has made up a romance from them,
+wishing to prove that Italian and German Tyrol ought to hold together:
+the notion is a correct one, but is not to be deduced by treating
+history in this way; nor did he do any good by it. It is evident that
+the war was carried on by the Romans according to a regular plan; and
+that the attacks were made from Italy, and on the other side from the
+Lake of Constance. The Romans everywhere penetrated by degrees through
+the inmost recesses of the Alps, where at that time there were no
+carriage roads, but only footpaths, as was likewise the case in the
+middle ages; and they so completely reduced those tribes, that they
+never made an attempt to raise their heads again. It was then that
+Augustus founded in Vindelicia the city of Augsburg, a colony of
+veterans, like all the colonies which he now established. At this time,
+they began to let the veterans settle where they had been encamped in
+war; and thus they gradually became peaceful citizens: afterwards their
+sons were liable to military service on better terms. As for the exact
+period when this new arrangement began, I do not think that any thing
+can be found about it in the ancient writers. Owing to these conquests
+in the Alps, there now arose the German wars in 740: now first the
+Romans could act on the offensive in Germany. The Sigambri, it is true,
+had made before that an inroad into the country beyond the Rhine, from
+whence they were driven back, but without any permanent result. Until
+then, the Romans had never reached farther than the Westerwald; new they
+attacked the Germans from the Lower Rhine and from the Danube: that they
+never came to the Upper Rhine, but went up no higher than the Lahn on
+the Lower Rhine, shows that Swabia was not as yet a German country, and
+that it was first made so by the Alemanni. These wars we would gladly
+detail more fully; but unfortunately Dio Cassius is mutilated here. In
+the Venetian manuscript, from which the rest are derived, the gaps have
+been disguised to take in the buyers, and this has been copied in all
+the others: the defective fragments discovered and edited by Morelli,
+but which are not found in the common editions, give one a little light,
+but only very little. In one of these campaigns, as Roth conjectures,
+Domitius Ahenobarbus may for the first time have crossed the Elbe in
+Bohemia; whereas formerly most of the expeditions were led from the
+Lower Rhine against the Elbe. Their wars were carried on by Nero
+Claudius Drusus (the younger brother of Tiberius), who made three
+campaigns: he crossed the Weser, and penetrated towards the Elbe. He
+reduced the Bructeri, the Sigambri who were then so renowned, the
+Cherusci and other tribes: this is all that we know of his wars. Nor in
+any of these accounts is there once the name of a locality given; for
+the enemy had no towns, and the villages were swept away, and are not
+mentioned by the Romans: the Germans did not possess any strong places
+in which they could hold out, and their only protection was the
+impassable nature of the country. Being unable to stand their ground
+against regular tactics, they were almost always beaten by the Romans in
+the field; whole districts were laid waste, the women and children
+dragged away into slavery, and the men hunted down and killed like wild
+beasts. Although Drusus is praised for his humanity,—and considering
+that he was a Roman, justly so,—yet he was ἀλιτήριος against Germany,
+and he may have done the people as much harm as Varus himself did. He
+died in his camp, Tiberius being strongly suspected of having been the
+instigator of his murder: but this after all may only have been believed
+on account of the hatred which he had against the family of his brother,
+especially against Germanicus. At most, Tiberius might have been afraid
+lest Drusus should dream _de reddenda re publica_, a fine day-dream
+which Germanicus really fostered. Drusus had a monument on the Rhine,
+which for generations was held sacred both by Romans and foreigners:
+where it was is now unknown.
+
+After his death in 745, Tiberius took the command. But soon afterwards
+followed his absence of seven years, during which little happened except
+that the Bructeri defeated the legate M. Lollius, annihilated his
+legion, and took his eagles. When Tiberius returned from Rhodes, his
+stepfather bestowed upon him the command in Gaul, that he might complete
+the conquest of Germany. Tiberius subdued the Sigambri, Bructeri, and
+Cherusci, and penetrated as far as the Elbe: there he was joined by the
+Roman fleet, which had either been equipped in the Ems, or had come from
+the Rhine to the Ems. How far it went up the Elbe cannot be made out; it
+may be that it got as far as Magdeburg, yet the Roman galleys were not
+able, like steam-boats, to run against the stream. After these
+campaigns, Tiberius again left Germany, as his predecessor had done, and
+as many of his successors did after him. The Romans wished to crush the
+Germans; but it did not seem worth their while to keep the country.
+
+Whilst the tribes about the Hartz, and in the Thuringian forest, had
+their country invaded by the Romans, there existed in Bohemia the great
+kingdom of Marbod, which is indeed a perplexing phenomenon: we read of a
+large city in this realm, of an army of seventy thousand men, and of a
+body guard. Moeser rightly observes, that one is not to believe the
+Germans of those days to have been less civilized than the peasantry of
+Westphalia and Lower Saxony are now; only they were wanting in the
+refinement of those who live in towns:—their houses were certainly built
+like the worse ones which we have; the dwellings of the princes were
+very much the same as the buildings of the middle ages. Nothing is more
+preposterous than to take them for rude savages, when they were merely
+rough country people. Venantius Fortunatus, in his poem to Radagunda,
+speaks of the fallen splendour of the kingdom of her house, and of the
+bronze covered palaces of her forefathers, the Thuringian kings. There
+were indeed some things different from what they are now: in winter, for
+instance, they had certainly to burn candles by day, and when it rained
+to shut up everything with boards, because they had no glass windows;
+yet this was the case in Rome itself where there are houses of this kind
+to this day. Marbod, however, must have really had a civilized kingdom.
+He had immigrated with his Sueves into Bohemia, and subdued the Celtic
+Boians there: his seventy thousand men betoken something feudal. Against
+Marbod, Tiberius now armed himself; he meant to attack him on two sides,
+himself advancing from Noricum and Vindelicia, and Sentius Saturninus
+from the Rhine through Northern Germany, the Hercynian, and the
+Thuringian Forests. The Romans made great preparations, laying down for
+many miles, across the Dutch and Westphalian fens, large wooden
+causeways and wooden bridges—the bridge over the Elbe near Hamburgh—of
+which remains are found even to this day: the wood has stood exceedingly
+well, except that it has become black in the bogs. It was then that the
+consequences of the dissensions among the Germans began to show
+themselves. The northern Germans did not trust Marbod, and were afraid
+of losing by him their freedom, like the Marcomanni: these he had once
+left in the lurch, and hence they were so broken down, that they could
+not now come to his help. But whilst Tiberius was preparing himself for
+the attack, Dalmatia and Pannonia revolted. During this insurrection
+which lasted for three years, Marbod remained inactive: the Getæ also,
+and the Dacians, who had formerly often crossed the Danube, and fallen
+upon the Roman frontiers, now kept still, luckily for Rome, which
+otherwise might have been brought into fearful trouble. Augustus, quite
+appalled, trembled at the danger: it was reckoned that there were two
+hundred thousand men able to bear arms among these tribes; two
+Dalmatians, both of them called Bato, and a Pannonian, Pinnes, were
+their leaders. Velleius, who served in this war, tells us of their high
+state of civilization, especially of the Pannonians, nearly all of whom
+had Roman manners and spoke Latin: they must have been very much akin to
+the Romans, otherwise this would be hardly conceivable, as the Roman
+dominion there was still so recent. In this war the rebels spread as far
+as Macedonia, once driving back a Roman army which had come from Asia;
+and it was only by the extraordinary bravery of their soldiers that the
+Romans gained the victory after all. At last the nations fell out, and
+one of the Batos treacherously gave up the Pannonian general Pinnes to
+the Romans. The Pannonians were the first who submitted, and the Romans
+seem to have granted them very favourable conditions. Tiberius was now
+free to go against Marbod, who would have thus met with his punishment
+for having kept aloof, had not another event taken place.
+
+The whole of the country between the Rhine, the Westerwald, and the
+Elbe, was about the year 760 brought under the rule of Rome: the Chauci,
+who dwelt in East-Friesland and Oldenburg, and the other inhabitants of
+the marshes were quite as much subdued as the Bructeri and Cherusci in
+Westphalia Proper. Quintilius Varus, who was of an old and illustrious
+patrician house, and an able general, but had made himself notorious for
+his shameful rapacity, quite thought himself the governor of nations
+which only recked fear and force. For him Arminius—whom we generally
+call Hermann, but whose name was probably not this, but Armin—laid a
+trap most cleverly. As things then stood, it was very difficult for the
+Germans who had no towns, to make head against the Romans: the German
+cavalry was superior to that which the Romans had of their own; but the
+Gaulish cavalry, which had the advantage of better horses, and of more
+complete armour, thenceforth constituted the flower of the Roman army,
+in which it had such a preponderance, that the terms which belonged to
+the cavalry service, were almost all of them of Celtic origin: so
+paramount was Gallic influence on discipline! Cunning against tyranny is
+all fair; so that I cannot blame Arminius in the least for what he did:
+the Germans had been most unjustly made war upon by the Romans, whom
+they could not possibly meet with open force. Arminius had in many Roman
+campaigns served with German cavalry, and very likely had distinguished
+himself in the Pannonian war: he was a perfect master of the Latin
+tongue, had the Roman franchise, and the rank of a knight; and, by dint
+of the greatest perseverance, he, as well as his fellow conspirators,
+had gained the unbounded, and even childlike confidence of Varus. Varus
+had made for himself a stationary camp, where, as in a Roman province,
+he held a court of justice which was a means for enriching himself; like
+the law-courts of the oppressive high bailiffs in Switzerland. The Roman
+soldiers were wont to purchase leave of absence and discharge, as was
+formerly the custom in the German army; for just as it was in France
+before the revolution, they then only got part of their pay: thus there
+might have been many of them roving about the country. There seemed to
+be the most profound peace, and the Germans made Varus believe that they
+felt indeed quite happy in their growing civilization; but when he was
+thus off his guard, and a great part of the soldiers gone perhaps away
+on furlough, some tribes in Lower Saxony revolted, as it had been
+arranged; so that Varus was got to draw near those countries. The
+conspirators persuaded him to turn off from the highways (_limites_)
+which led from the Rhine to the Lippe, and through Westphalia as far as
+the Weser;—these were straight roads cut through the woods, not yet
+paved indeed, but laid with logs; and when he had ventured sufficiently
+deep into the impassable forests, the insurrection broke out on all
+sides. He then tried to get back to the _limes_, and above all, no
+doubt, to the chief Roman stronghold in that part of the country, Aliso
+on the Lippe, in the neighbourhood of Hamm. The spot where Arminius
+routed Varus is no more to be ascertained: the only sensible way of
+tracing it, is to find out the direction in which the roads may have
+been laid down from the principal posts; yet even thus much cannot be
+made out, as the difficulties were every where pretty nearly the same:
+we might, however, perhaps take Cologne as such a starting point. It is
+infinitely harder to give an opinion on this subject, than on Hannibal’s
+passage across the Alps. On the first day, Varus was attacked on all
+sides; he lost a good deal of baggage, and with much trouble entrenched
+himself in a strong position for the night. The following day, he
+continued his march; but his columns were already seized with panic, so
+that in the evening when they wanted to pitch their camp, they were
+scarcely able to make head against the enemy’s attack: Varus and several
+of his chief officers, overcome by their despair, now put an end to
+their lives, dreading the account which they would have to give. It was
+then perhaps that Numonius Vala—very likely the one to whom Horace
+addresses one of his Epistles[38]—and three _alæ_ separated themselves
+from the infantry, and tried to cut their way out; but they also were
+overpowered, as they deserved to be for having deserted their own
+comrades. On the third day, the whole army was annihilated; three
+legions and as many _alæ_ (the cavalry attached to a legion), together
+with ten cohorts, were cut to pieces: a legion consisted of six thousand
+foot, and three thousand horse. The Germans took an awful vengeance upon
+their oppressors, in which there was moreover a great deal of
+superstition, many of them being sacrificed to the gods.
+
+Of this victory the Germans, owing to their want of union, could not
+make the use which would have been desirable, and which Armin wished. It
+is true that very many Roman forts were taken and destroyed, and much
+besides may have been done, as the Romans have undoubtedly left many
+disasters untold; yet notwithstanding all this, Nonius Asprenas kept the
+left banks of the Rhine with two legions: the everlasting lamentable
+dismemberment of Germany, checked in this case also its progress,
+although its peoples tried to rise. Cædicius held out in Aliso, until at
+last he found an opportunity, when the Germans were dispersed, of
+fighting his way out with the rest of his brave men to the Rhine, where
+he stopped the advance of the enemy. Owing to the victory not being
+followed up on the side of the Germans, Germanicus was afterwards
+enabled to wreak his vengeance in his unhallowed expeditions.
+
+The news of the disaster of Varus came like a thunderbolt on Augustus,
+who was one of those men who are given to fear the worst. At Rome it was
+thought that the Germans would cross the river, and destroy the legions
+on the Lower Rhine, and that the Gauls would also take up arms and unite
+with the Germans; so that a war in the Alps seemed near at hand. No
+doubt Augustus expected also that Marbod would rise; but the latter, who
+had here an opportunity of gaining eternal glory, shamefully kept quiet,
+for which he afterwards ended his days a prisoner at Ravenna. Augustus
+wished to make a general levy; yet he met with great difficulty, owing
+to the inconceivable aversion to military service which had all at once
+arisen among the Italians: in Marius’ times one might have raised as
+many legions as one wanted. Fathers maimed the hands of their children,
+to make them unfit for service; soldiers were taken from the lowest
+ranks of society; attempts were made to enlist freedmen; patrons were
+induced to emancipate strong slaves on condition of their entering the
+army: whereas formerly slaves were punished with death, if they presumed
+to take unto themselves the honour of military service. Tiberius had
+orders to set out in all haste for Gaul: Nonius Asprenas has the merit
+of having checked the tide; Tiberius went on with the work. Afterwards,
+Germanicus, the son of Drusus, was sent in his stead, who at once took
+measures for an offensive war. But Augustus did not live to see it.
+
+Augustus was now full of days, but his health had very much improved: he
+had in fact, during the last third of his life, little or no illness at
+all. Thus he had gently become an old man, and was quite under the
+thraldom of his wife, who grew worse as she grew older, and shut out
+from all access to him every one who was not subservient to her. Towards
+her own son Drusus, she may indeed have had the feelings of a
+step-mother; to Germanicus at least she bore a deadly hatred. Germanicus
+and Agrippina were patterns of domestic excellence; their married life,
+at a time when every trace of the virtues of home had been lost, when
+elsewhere marriage was merely a bond of indifference, and often even of
+hatred, was most remarkably beautiful:—it was because Germanicus was
+fondly attached to his wife and his children, that he became an object
+of hatred to his grandmother. Livia did not at all like Tiberius’ own
+son Drusus, as he was too friendly with his adopted brother Germanicus,
+though otherwise he had quite the character of his father. Augustus
+passed the last years of his life in the consciousness of being
+enthralled: he was unhappy in more than one respect, and in this life
+already he had to suffer for many of his misdeeds; the overthrow of
+Varus put him utterly beside himself. Tiberius was going to Illyricum,
+and Augustus wished to meet him at Beneventum: he had passed several
+summers at Capreæ in the bay of Naples, the most paradise-like spot in
+the world, thus to recover from his cares and troubles, while the
+mildness of the climate would prolong his life. Here he fell sick, and
+was brought to Nola where he died on the 19th of August 765, fourteen
+years after the birth of Christ. The Romans laid a great stress on his
+having died the self-same day as that on which he had got the consulship
+for the first time by force; and on his having had as many consulates as
+Marius and Valerius Corvus together: to take any such things, is silly.
+He died as sure in the possession of his rule as any king who was born
+to a throne, and he gave his ring to Tiberius, who already had the
+tribunician power: no sensible man could doubt that the latter would now
+take the government upon himself.
+
+The corpse was buried with almost godlike honours. From Nola to Bovillæ,
+the decurions of the towns bore it on their shoulders; and the _equites
+Romani_, from Bovillæ to the city itself. Tiberius and his son Drusus
+spoke the funeral orations from the _rostra vetera_ and _nova_, near the
+Curia Julia; and afterwards too, all such orations, and the
+proclamations of the emperors, were delivered from the new _rostra_.
+
+The extent of the Roman empire when Augustus died, was as follows. He
+had once entertained the idea of conquering Britain; but he had given it
+up. The empire, however, was not bounded by the Rhine, but Holland and
+the adjoining Frisian countries were at that time under the power of the
+Romans; farther to the south indeed, as far as the Lake of Constance,
+the Rhine really formed the boundary, which from thence ran along the
+Danube to Lower Mœsia. But here the Romans were not masters of the
+river’s banks, as the Sarmatians often crossed it: the frontier was more
+to the south; Tomi (Kustendji) actually lay outside of the contiguous
+Roman empire. The so-called wall of Trajan,—it improperly bears that
+name,—along the old branch of the Danube, the salt water near Peuce, was
+very likely now built by Augustus; the country north of it, the
+Sarmatians overran without resistance: in Trajan’s days, even Moldavia
+and Wallachia, nay the whole range of land to the Dniester was subject
+to the Roman sway. In Asia, Cappadocia was still a kingdom under Roman
+supremacy; Armenia likewise in some measure acknowledged the _majestas
+populi Romani_; the Parthians had very much abated of their pride, and
+there were hostages of theirs among the Romans, whilst the standards of
+Crassus had been given back by Phraates; it is of this that Virgil and
+Horace speak: in a certain sense therefore, the dominion of Rome
+extended to the borders of India. The real boundary, however, in the
+East was the Euphrates: Syria, Egypt, Libya, and old Africa were Roman;
+and the eastern part of the Numidian coast, which had Cirta for its
+capital, was a Roman province. The Numidian kingdom had been overthrown
+by Cæsar; but the learned Juba had by way of compensation been presented
+by Augustus with western Algiers and Morocco, the realms of Bocchus. The
+rule of the Romans reached beyond Fezzan; they might easily have come as
+far as the negro countries. Those negro states on the rivers in the
+interior of Africa, may at different times have acknowledged Rome’s
+supremacy,—at least by embassies and tributes: we know of a caravan-road
+to Fezzan and Cydamus; the Garamantes are the inhabitants of Garama in
+Fezzan; (here there is a mistake in d’Anville’s map;) a short time ago,
+Roman ruins and inscriptions were found there by Ouseley. Once, the
+Romans had made an expedition against the Blemmyans in Dongola with
+success; another, under Ælius Gallus, against Yemen on the Arabian
+coast, was an utter failure.
+
+The number of Roman citizens had very much increased in the western
+provinces, from which also the legions were principally recruited. There
+were in fact forty-seven legions, and a corresponding number of cohorts
+under arms. In Italy, there were only levies in cases of emergency; and,
+on the other hand, the army became more and more made up of the
+_auxilia_ and cohorts. Far more than nine-tenths of it were certainly
+new citizens. The franchise, however, was now of little worth; nor was
+it even always attended with exemption from taxes.
+
+As a civil law-giver, Augustus aimed at a different object from what
+Cæsar did, who had wished to bring within bounds the wide range of the
+Roman laws and to have them worked up into one grand whole; just as Peel
+wants to do with the common law of England. This undertaking was very
+praiseworthy, however perilous and thankless a task it may be to make
+new codes of laws; but it is quite a different thing to bring the
+existing laws into harmony with each other. Augustus’ legislation, on
+the other, hand, was a new and arbitrary one. The _Lex Ælia Sentia_ is
+to be commended: in other enactments, he was wishing to struggle against
+the stream of custom and the monstrous immorality of the age. An
+aversion had sprung up against lawful wedlock, and the citizens lived in
+concubinage with their female slaves, whose children likewise became
+slaves, and mostly remained so; or at best, became freedmen: thus the
+free population had very considerably dwindled. One may say, that in the
+guilds of the different crafts, nineteen out of twenty were freedmen;
+this is shown by the names on the _alba_ found at Pompeii. Augustus was
+quite right in setting his face against such a state of things; but the
+way in which he did it in the _Lex Julia_ and the _Lex Pupia Poppæa_,
+was by most wretched make-shifts which only betrayed how helplessly he
+was striving against the stream: their definitions of honour, of the
+_jus trium liberorum_, and such like were of no use.[39]
+
+
+
+
+ TIBERIUS.
+
+
+If in the latter part of the history of the republic, the end of an
+accomplished career still affords an interest, although a painful one;
+even this ceases in the subsequent history of the emperors, in which we
+no longer find any more of that which charmed us in the earlier times:
+it is the history of a huge, corrupted mass, wherein brute force alone
+has weight; and in which the doom of a hundred millions of men, and even
+more, rests with one individual, and with the few who are next about
+him. The western part of this world still keeps up a sort of unity,
+though a feeble one, in the language which is common to the educated
+classes, yet in the provinces degenerates into a jargon; in the east,
+the Greek nationality is again established. It was a state of things of
+which no power on earth was able to check the march: from the war with
+Hannibal, there is nothing but struggles to bring about a crisis; a
+hundred years later, even this ceases. There was henceforth but a play
+of mechanical powers, all those that had life in them had entirely
+vanished. Nature is no longer able to bring about a crisis: it is a
+dying away by inches; an undefined, but deadly disease was at work,
+which could not fail to bring on the end. For the history of the world,
+this period is very remarkable; but as the history of a nation and of a
+state, it is sad and cheerless. In its practical application, it is
+still more important than that of the republic; for it is indispensably
+necessary for all branches of learning, especially divinity and
+jurisprudence. It was not therefore without reason that people formerly
+bestowed so much care on the study of the history of the emperors: the
+knowledge of this indeed is but too much neglected. I can, however, only
+give a very slight sketch of it now.
+
+The first part of the history of the emperors, we should have in the
+greatest masterpiece which perhaps antiquity has produced, had we the
+complete work of Tacitus, who has written it from the death of Augustus
+down to Trajan; first, the _Historiæ_, then the _Annales_, which reach
+from the death of Augustus to the accession of Galba. It is the general
+belief that the _annales_ ended with the sixteenth book; I have
+elsewhere recorded my own opinion as to this point: it is more likely
+that there were twenty books. As far as Tacitus will reach, it would be
+foolish to seek for another source; where he is wanting we must avail
+ourselves of Dio Cassius, who, however, is also somewhat mutilated here,
+and of Suetonius, who indeed is a most wretched help. His idea of
+writing the history of those times in biographies, is quite correct; but
+he was not able to carry it out: he did not know what he would be at;
+and therefore there is no keeping in his work, and he rambles from one
+thing to another. Tacitus, in his Tiberius, has before him an anterior
+history; but what work, is uncertain: perhaps it was that of the father
+of the philosopher Seneca, which in all likelihood was one of the best;
+or that of Servilius Nonianus. With regard to the personal character of
+Tiberius, there are excellent materials in Velleius Paterculus, one of
+the most ingenious writers, whatever may be thought of him in other
+respects: he has much of the mannerism of the French writers of the
+eighteenth century, with their affectation, and pretension to wit.
+Leaving the badness of the man out of the question, he has much
+experience, has seen a very great deal, and tells it well; wherever he
+has no motive for perverting truth, he is not only trustworthy but an
+excellent authority: his narrative is strikingly beautiful.
+
+Tiberius was the eldest son of Tiberius Claudius Nero and of Livia
+Drusilla: his father was quæstor with Cæsar, but afterwards joined the
+republicans, to whom he seems to have been staunch and true; after the
+battle of Philippi, he declared for L. Antonius and Fulvia, 711, as he
+had to expect no mercy from Augustus. (Tiberius was born in the year 710
+according to Cato.) On the unfortunate issue of the Perusian war,
+Claudius fled with his family to Naples, and from thence to Sextus
+Pompey in Sicily; Tiberius was then in his second year, and his life was
+in the greatest danger. The father did not stay with Pompey, who
+offended him, but fled to Antony in Greece: he got his pardon at the
+peace of Brundusium, and returned to Italy. Livia Drusilla was daughter
+of one Livius Drusus, who, however, was not directly descended from the
+consul and tribune of that house: his real name was Appius Claudius
+Pulcher, and he was adopted by Livius; so that both by father and
+mother’s side, Tiberius came from the race of the Claudii, all the
+terrible qualities of which he had inherited. Soon afterwards, Augustus
+compelled Nero to give up to him his wife, who was with child at the
+time, and brought forth Drusus in the Palace. Tiberius, being the
+step-son of the Emperor, was brought up as a child of the very highest
+rank; yet no one ever thought of the possibility of the dominion of the
+world passing over to him. Augustus had hoped for some time to have
+children by Livia; and when this expectation was not fulfilled, he built
+his hopes on the children of Julia, his daughter by Scribonia, and
+especially on her husband M. Marcellus, and her children by Agrippa.
+Tiberius, who had a Greek philological education, displayed
+extraordinary talents which he helped besides by industry. Being at an
+early age employed in business, he had the _quæstura Ostiensis_, and
+then he was sent to Armenia. In everything that he did, he showed
+himself very able, and public attention was aroused to his eminent
+qualities: he was as much distinguished as a general, as he was as a
+civil governor. But people very soon remarked in him a great want of
+openness, with a leaning towards vice, which he practised in secret, and
+hid from the eyes of the world. Reserved and moody, he had no friend,
+nor did he trust a soul but his mother: he was especially on his guard
+against all those who stood between him and Augustus, and from Agrippa
+and Marcellus he stood aloof. This mistrust, for which as much cause may
+have been given to him as he himself gave to others, had the most
+injurious effects on his character; very like those which were seen in
+the Emperor Paul. Tiberius, and also his brother Drusus, and his nephew
+Germanicus, were first-rate generals. Nature had done very much for him:
+he had great judgment, wit, and industry; indestructible health; a very
+happily and beautifully organized body; a tall majestic figure; a fine
+head: his statue and that of Augustus are the finest among those of the
+emperors. He also spoke extraordinarily well. After the death of
+Agrippa, who was his avowed enemy, his mother Livia and Augustus, the
+latter of whom placed his reliance more and more upon him—conceived the
+plan of marrying him to Julia, a most profligate and abandoned woman:
+Tiberius was very loth to make up his mind to this match, although it
+brought him nearer to Augustus. Caius and Lucius Cæsar, her two sons
+adopted by Augustus, were then still living, who indeed stood between
+him and the lordship of the earth. The conduct of his wife lowered him
+in the eyes of the world in a way which he could not bear, and made him
+the laughing-stock of the Romans: he therefore wanted to go to Rhodes,
+as he did not think that he could do anything against Julia. There were
+at that time plots in the family of Augustus like those in the houses of
+Cosmo of Medicis and of Philip the Second: its members hatching
+conspiracies and intrigues against each other. Augustus would not hear
+of his going away; but Tiberius insisted upon it, which Augustus took
+exceedingly ill. Before this, Tiberius had distinguished himself in
+Rhætia, Vindelicia and the first Pannonian war. Seven years passed away,
+ere Livia, after the death of C. and L. Cæsar, could manage to get the
+consent of Augustus to his return: for he so hated him, that many
+thought to please the Emperor by treating Tiberius with contempt. In the
+meanwhile, Julia was condemned and banished by her father himself: yet
+even this did not change anything in the position of Tiberius; Livia’s
+rule only became unbounded by degrees. Drusus was likewise dead. When
+Tiberius at length came back, he was adopted with Agrippa Postumus; the
+latter, however, was soon banished for his brutal ways. Tiberius now
+obtained the tribunician power, and was regularly made known to the
+world as the one who was next to the throne: he sat on public occasions
+by the side of Augustus, though indeed it was not openly proclaimed that
+he was to be his successor. All this time, he was of great service to
+the Roman state: the danger threatening from Marbod arose, and then the
+insurrection of the Pannonians and Illyrians. These last Tiberius
+overpowered with great difficulty; and he was likewise successful
+against the Germans, whose hopes he baffled after the death of Varus. In
+the year 765 (14 after Christ), Augustus died at Nola, and Tiberius, who
+was on his way to Illyricum, was in all haste called back by a messenger
+from his mother. In the will, Tiberius was left heir of two-thirds; with
+regard to the commonwealth, however, Augustus had not said a word, as if
+he had no decision to make on this point. Yet every possible precaution
+was adopted to preserve the power for Tiberius; the prætorian cohorts,
+as soon as ever Augustus was dead, took the oaths to him. As Tiberius
+held the tribunician power, which was the symbol of supreme authority,
+he was able to call the senate together whenever he liked, and to put a
+stop to anything that was hostile to him. When the corpse of Augustus
+had been brought to Rome, and his ashes entombed in the Mausoleum, the
+funeral orations having been spoken by Tiberius and his son Drusus; the
+step was still to be taken by which Tiberius had to put himself in the
+possession of the supreme power. He now showed at once a remarkable
+duplicity: he was not a coward on the field of battle; yet he was
+uncommonly afraid of attempts upon his life. He had carried his
+dissimulation to a pitch of refinement, being one of those persons who
+can never make up their minds to speak out, but must be guessed; like
+Cromwell, to whom he otherwise has no resemblance: such men are not
+seldom met with in every-day life, and they are quite unbearable.
+Tiberius wished to have before the world the appearance of a moral man,
+and yet to give himself quietly up to all sorts of excesses: he never
+uttered what he really thought, for fear of saying something too much.
+With this character, he played the farce with which the work of Tacitus
+most painfully begins. There it is told at some length how he refused to
+take the reins of government, and made the senate urge him to do it for
+the sake of the common good. When he saw that he tired the people, he
+yielded so far as to compel them to force him.
+
+The first beginning of his reign is marked by a mutiny of the troops in
+Illyricum and on the Rhine. It was one of the institutions of Augustus,
+that the legions had permanent camps on the frontiers, in which they
+were stationed until the men were superannuated: after having served a
+number of years, these were for some time longer to be kept up as a
+reserve _sub vexillis_ in the provinces, as Augustus wanted to have as
+many old soldiers who had seen service as possible; and then at length
+they were to become quite free, and the whole legion was disbanded, and
+a military colony established for it. This system was a terrible one for
+the provinces and for the soldiers; but in a military point of view it
+was admirably suited for the protection of the empire. Now were new
+legions first formed and sent out. Yet what had been promised the
+soldiers, had not been made good to them, and they had had to remain
+much longer under arms than they ought: in this state of things, the
+soldier became the terror of every one, being himself frightfully
+oppressed and plundered by his officers. The detailed account of this
+outbreak in Tacitus, is excellent. Drusus overcame the danger in
+Illyricum; Germanicus, on the Rhine. In reality, however, the government
+had to give way: the ringleaders were punished, but the rest got their
+relief, and had the advantages of the reserve secured to them.
+
+A very great change which took place at the first beginning of Tiberius’
+reign, was the abolition of the popular elections, and the transferring
+of them to the senate,—a change which after all was so completely a
+form, and a farce, that Tacitus hardly bestows a word upon it: it had no
+longer any reality; if it had, it would have been useful. The so-called
+people which in the days of Augustus held the _comitia_ on the Campus
+Martius, was the smallest and worst part of the nation; whereas the
+senate was the choice of it from all countries, particularly from all
+Italy.—Of much importance was the drawing up of a list, according to
+which the governments were to be given.
+
+Tiberius’ reign of twenty-three years is anything but rich in events: in
+the very first years only, Germanicus’ wars in Germany give it some
+interest. For these, however, I must altogether refer you to Tacitus.
+The wars were carried on as far as the Weser, with a very large military
+force: one cannot understand how such masses should have been used
+against tribes which had no fortified towns whatever, and therefore were
+utterly unable to offer any resistance; nor yet that they should have
+produced no effect. The Germans could not stand their ground in the open
+field; and so they fled into the woods and impassable parts of the
+country. It is moreover strange that the Romans make here the same
+mistake over and over again: they try to overawe the enemy by striking a
+great blow in the interior, and thus they hope to subdue them; then they
+build some military roads with bridges over the marshes in Overyssel, in
+Lower Münster, and on the Lippe. The only means would have been slowly
+to advance; but this perhaps did not seem to them worth the trouble, and
+they might thus have only got the country as a waste. We (Germans) may,
+however, thank Heaven that Tiberius from jealousy called back Germanicus
+after his last brilliant achievements. He seems not to have had much
+desire to conquer Germany: shrinking from great undertakings, he merely
+tried to maintain the frontiers. The tactics of the Germans show that it
+is most absurd to look upon them as having been few in number and
+uncivilized; for they encountered the Romans in quite regular battles,
+and carried on the war with much ability. But Tiberius did all for
+peace, as he could not bear that generals under him should distinguish
+themselves; he even put up with humiliations: thus, for instance, he
+shut his eyes to the slight which he had had to suffer in Armenia and
+Parthia, even the expulsion of the king whom he had himself given to the
+Parthians. The historical interest of his reign is therefore entirely
+confined to what happened in his own family, and to affairs at home.
+
+Tiberius, at that time, had a son of his own, Drusus, and an adopted
+son, Germanicus the child of his brother. Drusus must have been a fine
+young man; but Germanicus was the idolized hero of the Romans, a worthy
+son of a worthy father,—the hero of the German wars,—a great and noble
+soul. It may indeed have been a fanciful freak in Drusus, to ask
+Augustus to restore the republic which would not have been able to hold
+its ground for one year; but that wish could only have sprung from a
+lefty and generous mind. Germanicus declined the offer of the legions,
+who, after the death of Augustus, called upon him to take the
+government; he remained faithful to his adoptive father, although he
+certainly could not have loved him. Tiberius, on the other hand, had no
+faith in virtue and purity of heart; so he removed him from the scene of
+his triumphs, and recalled him to Rome. But his ill humour was yet
+increased, when Germanicus, on his return thither, met with an
+enthusiastic reception from the people. As Tiberius was conscious of the
+vices and the tyranny which he kept hidden from the world, he hated a
+man like Germanicus; he shrank from a contrast with his single-minded
+nephew: yet it may just as well have been fear for the interests of his
+son, as the pain of seeing by his side one so good as Germanicus, while
+he himself felt his own utter depravity. Germanicus now had, like
+Agrippa before him, the commission of superintending the _res Orientis_,
+the eastern frontiers and provinces; but he died shortly afterwards.
+Whether he died from poison or from natural causes, is a question with
+regard to which the ancients themselves were in the dark; yet I rather
+believe that his death was natural, as the accounts point rather to
+witchcraft than to poison, and those who chose the former expedient—to
+which, owing to the superstition then prevailing in Rome, people were
+very much inclined—would not have been likely to try the other. It is
+credible enough that Piso had attempted his life; but what is quite
+unaccountable, is that he could have fancied that conduct like this
+could be left unpunished by such a prince as Tiberius was. He indeed
+thought to curry favour with Tiberius by his insolence to Germanicus;
+yet he could not but have seen, that if ever the matter came to be
+talked of, Tiberius would sacrifice him: for although the emperor might
+in his heart have been rejoiced at the deed, he would, notwithstanding,
+have been obliged, before the world, to avenge it on the very man who
+had dared to act up to his wishes. Even Tacitus, in his time, had great
+doubts on this subject, the most contradictory rumours about it were
+then afloat. Thus, the Dauphiné deemed her husband, the Dauphin, the son
+of Louis XV., to have been poisoned by the Duc de Choiseul, which
+nowadays is less credited. The Dauphin, being religious, and even
+somewhat bigoted, was very hateful to the Duke, who was a very gay man
+and a freethinker, and who did not wish the expulsion of the Jesuits to
+be thwarted by the Dauphin, nor his own power to be shaken. There were
+indeed some motives for the crime; but it does not follow thence that it
+was really committed, and I certainly doubt it. Piso’s poisoning
+Germanicus, might have been winked at by Tiberius; but his insulting and
+publicly reviling him, was an offence against the _majestas_ which he
+could not have overlooked when his adopted son was in the case: and
+moreover that Piso, when Germanicus was sent to succeed him, would not
+give up the province of Syria, but drew together his troops and prepared
+to march to Rome, is the most puzzling event in Roman history. Piso and
+his wife Munatia Plancina, a daughter of the orator Munatius Plancus,
+were condemned, and the secret was buried with them. There were some
+suspicion that Livia herself had suggested the plan of poisoning
+Germanicus: she was horrible enough not to spare her grandson, and it
+may be that she did not care at all about offending Tiberius.
+
+Soon after the death of Germanicus, began the prosecutions for _crimen
+majestatis_,—those never to be defined charges against which no man
+could shield himself; for it was a crime which, as early as the
+republic, had the most different meanings, and indeed might have been
+applied to anything: whoever had brought any calamity upon the state,
+was wont to be thus prosecuted. In the reign of Augustus, by a law which
+we do not know, an offence against the _imperator_ was made a _crimen
+majestatis_, as formerly those against the republic had been. All trials
+for this were conducted before the senate, which in fact was only a
+condemning machine in the hands of the tyrant; just as the National
+Convention was under Robespierre. Many things were classed under the
+head of _crimen majestatis_, which in reality did not belong to it at
+all; as for instance, amours with princesses. At first, that charge was
+met with very seldom indeed under Tiberius; but gradually there grew up
+a herd of informers who made it their business to bring to judgment any
+one who had given offence to the emperor. Tiberius himself acted a
+neutral part; but the senate got more and more into the frightful habit
+of condemning whenever it was at all agreeable to the emperor.—On the
+whole, however, the state during the first nine years of Tiberius was in
+a very happy condition: there were very few condemnations indeed; and in
+several of these cases the persons whom they affected were hardly
+deserving of sympathy. Tiberius lived in retirement, but with dignity
+and great outward decorum, treating the first men of the nation with
+much distinction. Augustus was not a close-fisted manager; at the end of
+his reign he was even in financial difficulties; but he regularly
+published the accounts of the year before: this was not kept up by
+Tiberius, who laid by huge hoards. The indirect taxes in Italy were
+raised, and some new ones brought in. This state of things lasted as
+long as old Livia lived; and as yet apprehensions were felt only by
+those who were sharp-sighted enough to foresee the clouds which would
+gather when she was once dead. Tiberius stood in fear and dread of his
+mother to the very end of her days, and all affection between them had
+now for a great while been no more: she was a terrible woman; and yet
+her life was a blessing for Rome,—at least for those who had forgotten
+the old times. After her death, Tiberius had nothing to restrain him: he
+dropped the virtues which he had formerly displayed owing to his
+diligence while under the authority of another to whom he had to give
+account; he allowed his activity to flag, and became quite lost in his
+hateful and gloomy disposition. The only enjoyment he had in life, was
+in most infamous lusts; and a man advanced in years, who gives himself
+up to shameful pleasures, must irretrievably sink into the basest state
+of worthlessness.
+
+Napoleon is said to have once told a deputation of the Institute that
+Tiberius had been very hardly dealt with, and that Tacitus had been
+unjust to him. Napoleon was far from being a learned man, his knowledge
+was all picked up; but Roman military history he knew very well. He must
+have said,—“if we form our opinion of Tiberius only from Tacitus, and
+deem him to have been an infamous, brutal voluptuary, and a tiger of
+cruelty, then we have not a correct idea of him; for Tiberius was in his
+youth, and even up, to his fiftieth year, a great general and statesman.
+None of his _vitia subdola_ came to light before that time; and whilst
+he kept the energetic and good qualities of his disposition in full
+play, he behaved as if he were quite another man.” This view is a
+perfectly true one. Tiberius’ only friend was Ælius Sejanus, the son of
+Seius Strabo, a Vulsinian, _equestri loco natus_; him he made _præfectus
+prætorio_. Sejanus’ character has a great likeness to that of his
+master, and he ought not to be looked upon with contempt: he was an
+excellent officer, a man of great strength of will, of courage and of
+much talent; but without any sort of principle. To him alone Tiberius
+unbosomed himself; and he knew how to make the emperor feel quite
+comfortable, and to lead him to yield himself up entirely to his own
+propensities: Tiberius’ mind was at rest while Sejanus gave him security
+against those whom he was most afraid of, namely, his own family, and
+the few grandees who still remained. Sejanus increased the prætorian
+cohorts; and he suggested to Tiberius the plan of concentrating them in
+the _Castrum Prætorianum_ (a citadel outside the wall of Servius
+Tullius, but in what is now the very midst of the city); just as the
+Italian tyrants were wont to do. This is the most momentous event in the
+history of the emperors. The prætorians now became the real sovereigns,
+like the janissaries at Algiers; so that they are the pivots on which
+the Roman history turns, down to the times of Diocletian: by this means,
+Rome was converted into a military republic, which was generally dormant
+except when the occupant of the throne was changed. Sejanus aimed at
+nothing less than supreme power. Drusus was yet alive and had children;
+Germanicus had left three sons; and a brother of his, who afterwards
+became the Emperor Claudius, was likewise still living: the whole of
+this family, Sejanus wished to root out, and so he seduced the wife of
+Drusus, Livilla, a daughter of the elder Drusus. With her help, he
+poisoned Drusus; after which he also cruelly made away with the sons of
+Germanicus, Caius alone excepted, who was still a child, and whom he
+kept in reserve. He gave Tiberius such confidence, that he withdrew from
+Rome to Capreæ, there to wallow in his lusts; and in the meanwhile he
+himself ruled in Rome. Prosecutions now were rife, and here begin the
+frightful annals of the reign of Tiberius: the lists of those who are
+condemned to die, are made up of men, who were all of them more or less
+eminent, although all were not precisely respectable; Tiberius therefore
+deserves to be called the very pattern of a tyrant. Much must be laid to
+the charge of Tiberius personally; but much also to that of Sejanus,
+whose influence increased more and more. The banishment of Agrippina is
+his work; the last tortures, however, which were inflicted on her, were
+after his death.
+
+This went on, until at last Sejanus became suspected by Tiberius, and
+very likely with good reason; for Sejanus at best would have waited for
+his death, and then at the head of the Prætorian cohorts have made
+himself master of Rome. Tiberius himself had raised Sejanus to be his
+equal; among the Prætorian cohorts, sacrifices were already offered to
+the latter as well as to the emperor. But it now happened that a still
+worse being got near Tiberius: virtue and genius could not have shaken
+down Sejanus; this was done by a yet more wicked man than he, by one who
+had not his great qualities, but analogous vices. Tiberius expressed his
+dread of a conspiracy, and gave out that he wanted to go to Rome: but he
+only came into the neighbourhood, and sent orders to arrest Sejanus;
+which was done with consummate cunning. There was a _verbosa et grandis
+epistola_, in which one might remark that he was aiming at something,
+with some cuts at Sejanus; at the conclusion was the warrant for the
+arrest. Macro who had been made _Præfectus Vigilum_, surrounded the
+senate with his people. Sejanus was now seized in the senate, and on
+this, men showed themselves in the most hateful light: all those who but
+that very morning had fawned for a gracious look of his, now started up
+and raised an outcry against him as one guilty of high treason, calling
+for his immediate execution, so that the cohorts might not hear of it.
+He was instantly strangled. Tiberius now slaked his thirst for blood by
+persecuting the followers and friends of Sejanus. Yet those who were
+not, were also persecuted; for things did not grow better but worse:
+Macro now ruled just as tyrannically as Sejanus, and, like him, was
+master of the detestable old man. He was, however, not a whit more
+faithful to him. C. Cæsar, the son of Germanicus, generally known by the
+name of Caligula, linked himself to Macro by the most infamous tie; and
+assured him that he should hold under him the very highest power, just
+as he had under Tiberius, if he would but rid him and his family of the
+old man. And there is scarcely any doubt but that the death of Tiberius,
+who in his seventy-eighth year lay sick not far from the headland of
+Misenum, was hastened, either by poison which the physicians gave him,
+or by strangulation. In fact they thought him dead; and when he rallied,
+he is said to have been strangled. This was in the twenty-third year of
+his reign (37 after Christ).
+
+
+
+
+ CAIUS CÆSAR, OTHERWISE CALIGULA.
+
+
+Germanicus and Agrippina had three sons and three daughters: of the
+sons, two had been murdered in the reign of Tiberius; the youngest only,
+Caius, survived. Caius was not born on the banks of the Rhine; but, as
+Suetonius satisfactorily proves, at Antium, and thence he was sent out
+to his father’s camp: so that the history of his childhood is indeed
+connected with this neighbourhood. After the death of his father, he got
+into the power of his adoptive grandfather Tiberius; and this old man,
+who, after all had never lost his judgment, very soon recognised in him
+the monster which he really was; nor did he make any secret of it. Caius
+could not hide from himself that his life was in danger, and it may be
+that fear had very early made him mad; but his madness was so malignant
+and wicked as to leave no doubt of the utter baseness of his nature. He
+saved his life by the greatest servility towards Tiberius and those who
+were in power, which, as matters stood, was the most sensible thing that
+he could have done. Afterwards he attached himself to Macro, and with
+his aid he rid himself of Tiberius. He had been little seen in public.
+He was a handsome young man, very like his father, and he was in his
+twenty-sixth year: the memory of his father, and his own good looks, got
+for him a most favourable reception; so that no one was so
+enthusiastically welcomed as he was. The nickname of Caligula, like that
+of Caracalla, has passed into common use; but neither of them is to be
+met with in ancient writers instead of the real name: no contemporary
+called the son of Septimius Severus, Caracalla. The name of Caligula was
+only given him by the soldiers when a child; his real name was Caius
+Cæsar, and the former one is beneath the dignity of history. All who had
+seen much of Caius at the court of Tiberius, perceived a deep cunning in
+him, and foreboded the worst wickedness: yet they were but very few. His
+first acts were, on the contrary, such as to give the public at large
+great hopes of him. The illusion, however, very soon vanished. Suetonius
+is very explicit with regard to him: he is a writer who has little of
+the antique about him, and he indulges in anecdotes and details, being
+quite unable to impart method and unity to his work; so that his
+biographies are rambling performances, and contain numberless
+repetitions. He is a man of shrewd judgment but a bad writer; one sees
+in him an age in which the classical in arrangement and style is waning
+fast.
+
+Caligula was really a madman. The worst human depravity would not
+account for all the things which he has done: his true nature is
+expressed in the words “abortion of dirt and fire,”[40]—a shocking
+combination of obscenity and cruelty. Juvenal is reproached with having
+chiefly undertaken in his writings to describe depravity; yet indelicate
+as he was, his disgust was excited, and he did not dwell on it with
+pleasure. Suetonius, on the other hand, was without doubt infected with
+the profligacy of his time. Suetonius himself is uncertain what to
+believe of Caligula’s insanity, whether it was mere satanic malignity or
+the satanic malignity of madness; but he mentions a circumstance which
+is decisive, namely, that he scarcely ever slept, which is a sure
+symptom. Sleep is given to us yet more to keep up the powers of the
+intellect, and the elasticity of the mind, than for the strengthening of
+the body. It is now twenty years since Christian VII. of Denmark died, a
+prince whose state was well governed for a long time, so that his
+madness was little noticed, but who under other circumstances would have
+shown himself a Caligula: he also was afflicted with sleeplessness, and
+was often seen for whole nights walking up and down in his room. Some
+Asiatic princes also have been insane, among the Mahommedans and
+Persians but especially among the Tartars. In Caligula’s day, moreover,
+there were no means, and, above all, no religious ones, for the
+treatment of insanity.
+
+There was at that time at Rome the most absolute military despotism.
+For, owing to the Prætorians, it was quite impossible to undertake
+anything against the Cæsar: they were well paid and kept, and would have
+cut down senate and people, if they had set themselves against the
+emperor; so that the condition of the empire was like that of a place
+which is taken by the most ruthless barbarians. In the first years of
+his reign, the emperor wasted in the most senseless way a treasure of
+one hundred and thirty millions of dollars which Tiberius had left; this
+hoard being exhausted he extorted money by confiscations, and this also
+was squandered again. During the reign of Tiberius, there had been peace
+with the Germans for twenty years, ever since the recall of Germanicus;
+Caligula, however, wishing for once to enjoy the pleasure of a campaign,
+marched to the German frontier, and there he waged war like a madman.
+Yet this was the least evil which Rome suffered. He also undertook some
+gigantic structures: near Puzzuoli, a dyke may still be traced, which he
+quite uselessly and absurdly built across the harbour, to throw a bridge
+across it. He caused himself to be worshipped as a god.
+
+Whilst now the empire was goaded into despair for nearly four years, the
+Prætorian officers, some of whom had every day to appear before him,
+when he would mock and ill treat them, formed a conspiracy, and he was
+slain to the great joy of the senate and people.
+
+The mad idea was now taken up of restoring the republic, and especially
+by the consuls whom Caligula had appointed. They called the senate
+together; shame and disgrace were denounced against Caligula; and during
+the first hours people talked with great spirit and enthusiasm. But they
+were soon at a loss how to arrange matters; and still more so when it
+was known that the Prætorians would not hear of any other ruler than a
+monarch. Claudius, who in a tumult had hid himself, was drawn from his
+hiding-place by the Prætorians, and dragged into the camp; and there,
+after having passed the night in fear of death, he was proclaimed
+emperor. The _cohortes urbanæ_ declared for the republic; but they were
+not able to stand against the power of the Prætorians, By the following
+morning already, people were glad that Claudius was emperor.
+
+
+
+
+ TIBERIUS CLAUDIUS DRUSUS CÆSAR.
+
+
+The emperor Claudius, uncle of Caligula and brother of Germanicus, had
+never been adopted by Tiberius; whereas all the other emperors were, by
+a fiction, the sons of their predecessors. He had preserved his life in
+the reign of Caligula only as it were by a miracle; and he was then
+fifty years of age. Whilst of Caligula we can but speak as of a monster,
+Claudius deserves our deepest pity; yet he has done very bad things
+which betoken a turn for evil, though this indeed was only developed by
+his misfortunes. Even his mother Antonia, a daughter of the triumvir
+Antonius, called him a _portentum hominis_; he was an ἀτελέστον; he had
+capacities and talents; yet he was deficient in what really constitutes
+human reason, whence, in a psychological point of view, he was a real
+curiosity. Although he had a desire of knowledge, application, memory,
+and a taste for science and literature, he was wanting in judgment and
+discretion, so that he often said and did things which were downright
+stupid: it is as if a thick rind had grown round his better nature,
+which he but seldom broke through; there are a great many absurdities of
+his on record. Suetonius is very instructive with regard to him, very
+aptly describing his character by the Greek words ἀβλεψία and μετεωρία.
+The Greeks always have most adequate expressions to draw characters;
+those phrases mean a thoughtless absence of mind and a want of
+reflection, when one says what is most preposterous, and one leaves
+untold what ought to have been told: there was a complete disproportion
+between his thoughts and his power of uttering them, and this it is,
+what those Greek words admirably express. By the whole of his family he
+was knocked about, being the brother of those distinguished persons who
+possessed the whole love of the family. Old Augustus, who always felt
+such circumstances keenly, wished to keep him altogether aloof from the
+public gaze, whilst his grandmother Livia treated him with peculiar
+harshness and imperiousness. The unfortunate youth took this to heart.
+Had he been brought up with kindness, he would have become a good,
+plodding, and somewhat weak-headed man: as it was, he became vicious,
+and the feeling that he was despised made him a coward; so that he
+always kept in the background, and whenever he at all wished to put
+himself forward, it was but to meet with a failure. Thus he found his
+only comfort in literature. Livy, whose kind heart may even be seen from
+his work, had great pity on him, and, trying to find him some
+occupation, encouraged him to write history. Now, as he knew a great
+many things, he deemed himself to be called upon to write the history of
+the civil wars; and he told it in such an honest manner, that his family
+got very angry with him. Afterwards, he wrote memoirs of Augustus, which
+they allowed to pass muster, but so as only to despise their author. He
+was indeed thoroughly honest; yet he always got little thanks for it.
+Augustus would not give him any employment, on account of his dreadful
+stupidity; Tiberius, although he did not care much for him, gave him
+even the consulship. He was married more than once. The profligacy of
+the female sex at that time went beyond all bounds: Augustus had striven
+in vain to repress it; Tiberius promulgated some legal decisions against
+it, yet without any result. Claudius therefore was highly unfortunate in
+this respect also; he attached himself very affectionately to the women
+who betrayed and disgraced him.
+
+Thus Claudius, generally despised, had reached his fiftieth year when
+Caligula was murdered. His behaviour as emperor at first was reasonable
+and good; he made no one smart for the childish attempt to restore the
+republic, there was a general _abolitio dictorum factorumque_. A few
+only of the murderers of Caius he had executed, although they had
+deserved very well of the Roman world. He also was the first who, on
+entering upon his power, gave a _donativum_ to the soldiers. Caius
+already had undertaken the government, without repeating that farce
+which Tiberius still played; Claudius also forbore to do so. His reign,
+which lasted fourteen years, was at first truly a relief after that of
+Caius; people felt comforted, and cherished hopes, whilst he on his side
+made many good regulations. Yet he was altogether without any will of
+his own; had he had an honest friend whom he could have entirely relied
+on, his rule might have been good and praiseworthy. But he did not go
+beyond the walls of his palace; he only sought to amuse his ladies, and
+lived almost exclusively with slaves and freedmen, as he was generally
+despised by men of rank. He was in fact of a kind and loving temper; but
+he was shy and timid. Slaves now stood forth as his advisers and
+friends; just as Don Miguel’s most intimate confidant is his barber.
+Very likely, Polybus, or Polybius, before whom Seneca humbled himself,
+was far from being altogether contemptible;—the Greek slaves received a
+very good education in the Roman houses; if they had good abilities,
+they were very accomplished. Pallas and Narcissus, on the other hand,
+were men of a different stamp; thoroughly bad, and of insatiable
+rapacity, they plundered the empire. By the influence of these men, and
+owing to his unhappy marriage with Agrippina, his own brother’s
+daughter, who was very beautiful, but who had not a trace of the virtues
+of her parents, he was ruled with absolute sway. She, being without
+virtue and shame, by her intrigues succeeded in getting him to adopt
+Nero, her son by her first marriage, although Claudius had a son of his
+own, Britannicus. Hence it was that his reign became so disgraceful and
+disastrous; a large number of innocent men were also put to death under
+his rule, though not so many as under other emperors. Whenever Narcissus
+demanded a victim, Claudius was his tool; so that his life was one
+continual degradation.
+
+There were, however, considerable works executed in his reign. The
+finest and most magnificent aqueduct which has been carried on to Rome,
+the _Aqua Claudia_, was built by him; and there is no doubt but that in
+the restoration of the city in the fifteenth century, it might have been
+completely repaired. Other relics also of his buildings are in the very
+grandest style; the two great arches, known under the name of the _Porta
+Maggiore_ are undoubtedly his. He likewise accomplished the draining of
+the Lake Fucinus into the Liris, which Augustus had given up in despair:
+the fallen in vaults may still be seen. At first, some mistakes were
+made in the levelling, and an attempt to let off the water miscarried;
+but the fault was soon remedied.
+
+He undertook a warlike expedition against Britain, a country which no
+one had thought anything about since the time of Julius Cæsar; and he
+extended the boundary of the Roman empire thus far. He himself led the
+army over, and established a province which comprised the greater part
+of south-eastern England, and in which colonies and _municipia_ were
+soon founded: from thence the subjection of Caledonia was afterwards
+effected. He died, being undoubtedly poisoned by his wife Agrippina; for
+she wanted to secure the succession for her son Nero, as she knew that
+Claudius was sorry that he had adopted him, and wished to reinstate
+Britannicus in his rights. He had always been unhappy,—fortune indeed
+had been too hard upon him,—and he died despised and laughed at; an
+instance of which we have in the _Ludus de morte Claudii Cæsaris_
+(incorrectly called ἀποκολοκύνθωσις) written by Seneca.
+
+
+
+
+LITERATURE AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS. MORAL CONDITION OF ROME AND THE
+ PROVINCES.
+
+
+Already in the time of Augustus, a dearth in literature begins which is
+a striking contrast to the great number of poets in the days of the
+dictator Cæsar: not one poet can be named who was young in the latter
+years of Augustus. I could not undertake to explain this; yet it is a
+phenomenon which has very often been repeated in modern times. But prose
+was likewise barren. Even in the best days of Roman literature, the
+influence of the Greek Rhetoricians had become very considerable, and
+the writers after Cicero, Cæsar, and Sallust, are not altogether free
+from the effects of these school exercises: many passages may be shown
+in Livy, which he would not have written had he not passed through the
+declamation school. But in the later times this influence became still
+more powerful, and of this period we may get the best idea from the
+_Suasoria_ and the Controversies of the elder Seneca: those symptoms
+then broke out, which are described in Tacitus’ excellent dialogue _de
+Oratoribus_. From this school, of which it was the sole task, without
+regard to the contents of a work, without any subject-matter to awaken
+thought, to make an effect merely by unexpected turns, a swell of words,
+far-fetched thoughts, and a jingle of periods, arose the era of Seneca;
+for it must in justice be ascribed to him. The elder Seneca still
+belongs to a different age, and he remembers very well the earlier and
+better taste. From what he writes to his sons, it may be seen to how low
+an ebb taste had then fallen: he rails at them for their fondness for
+the new manner, but has himself already acquired a sort of relish for
+it: he wrote his Controversies when an old man upwards of eighty. The
+philosopher Seneca is the most remarkable character of that time, and
+one of the few eminent persons living in it: not to be unjust to him,
+one must know the whole range of that literature to which he belonged,
+and then one sees how well he understood how to make something even of
+what was most absurd. To the self-same school of literature belongs the
+elder Pliny, although his is quite a different mind: this is what is
+called the _argentea ætas_. This sort of division is very silly; one
+should divide Roman literature quite differently: it is a senseless
+thing to put Tacitus, Seneca, and Pliny side by side; they do not bear
+the smallest resemblance to each other. This literary period began as
+early as the reign of Augustus, and it lasted down to that of Domitian,
+when absurdity reached its height; only we have lost its _coryphæi_,
+such as Aufidius, and others. Tacitus does not by any means belong to
+this rabble, as the earlier school continues along with a modern one.
+
+Seneca is a man of real genius, which after all is the main thing: his
+influence upon literature has been a most beneficial one; and this I say
+the more readily, as I dislike him so much. The opinion Dio Cassius
+gives of him, has a great deal in it which is true and correct; but it
+is exaggerated, and much too bitter. His affected and sentimental style,
+strikingly reminds one of a French school, of which Rousseau and Buffon
+were the founders, and which owing to its faults would be quite
+unbearable, had it not originated from men of such transcendent talent.
+Seneca, however, is not to be compared with either of them for loftiness
+of intellect. _Diderot’s Essai sur le règne de Claude et de Néron_, is a
+very remarkable book, and the contrast between him and Dio Cassius is
+highly interesting: his too was a very ingenious mind, and his manner
+was like that of Seneca, as he also was but the creature of his age. In
+the time of Nero, lived Lucan, whose poetry is of the school of Seneca,
+a striking proof how much more intolerable this mannerism is in poetry
+than in prose. Bernardin de St. Pierre and Chateaubriand are of the same
+school: it would be still more bearable, did it not always fall into
+moralizing sentimentality, which is the case with the former, whilst
+Chateaubriand is neither more nor less than a bad Lucan. The latter kept
+his ground until late in the middle ages, and was immensely read, almost
+as much as Virgil: people were divided into the Virgilian and Lucanian
+school. The true restorator of good taste in Rome was Quintilian, who is
+by no means to be reckoned as one of the _argentea ætas_. With that
+insupportable mannerism Nero also was tainted; whose talent no one can
+deny, but who, wherever he was not a fiend, showed himself strange and
+wrong-headed. In prose the same tone pervaded history also: Fabius
+Rusticus, who was so much read, has undoubtedly written likewise in the
+Annæan manner.
+
+The empire was, on the whole, in a prosperous condition. Certain it is
+that during the eighty years after the battle of Actium, in a time of
+profound peace, and of great vitality, which only required that there
+should not be any devastations and destructions,—men felt very
+comfortable and happy, and recovered their strength. Caligula’s
+exactions, it is true, were very hard to bear; yet they did not so very
+much check this development: the population after the wars was certainly
+more than doubled, the towns became filled with inhabitants, and the
+wastes were peopled. Unhappy Greece alone remained a wilderness, even to
+the reign of Trajan. Such countries as had fallen into the hands of the
+farmers-general,—who, using them as pastures, would not rebuild the
+towns, nor allow of any tillage,—lay waste; yet they were gardens indeed
+in comparison with what they were at the time of the battle of Actium.
+It was just the same in Italy; there the fields were cultivated by
+bondmen, and the population was indeed restored by slaves who were
+imported, though it increased in quite a different ratio from what it
+did in the provinces, where it was recruited by _ingenui_. It is not
+mere declamation in Lucan, when he says with regard to the state of
+Italy,
+
+ _Rarus et antiquis habitator in urbibus errat._
+
+Marriage, although it was so easy to dissolve, was distasteful to most
+persons, so that they lived in concubinage; the many freedmen whose
+names are found on the inscriptions of that period, are the children
+whom the masters had by their female slaves. This gave rise to those
+celebrated laws, the _Lex Julia_ and the _Lex Papia Poppæa_. The
+degeneracy and profligacy of the freeborn female citizens was so awful,
+that many a man who was no profligate, may have found a much more
+faithful and estimable partner in a slave than in a Roman lady of high
+birth; and thus it was looked upon as a point of conscience not to
+marry. Hence there were now many more born slaves and _libertini_ than
+there were freeborn citizens; besides which, in the great houses,
+innumerable hosts of bought slaves were kept. In the provinces, where
+the _parsimonia provincialis_ was still reigning, there was no such
+disproportion: these had a population of _ingenui_; in some it was also
+restored and recruited by the military colonies;—such a soldier, though
+he may formerly have been a brigand, might after all have turned out
+quite a respectable man, after having once got a home of his own. These
+men made the use of the Latin language more general. Nor could this be
+helped: for what was spoken in those countries was but a jargon, from
+which the people did their best to wean themselves; and they were none
+the worse for it. The main object of the provincials could not have
+been, and indeed was not, anything else but to become Romans. In the
+midst, therefore, of the most detestable tyranny, the vital energies of
+the countries bordering upon the Mediterranean revived. The tyranny of
+the governors was, however, far less than what it had been in the times
+of the republic; at least, it was so under Tiberius, in whose reign a
+fraudulent proconsul would certainly not have been acquitted.
+
+
+
+
+ NERO.
+
+
+After the death of Claudius, Nero, then a youth of seventeen years,
+mounted the throne without any opposition: whether Claudius had still
+made a disposition in favour of Britannicus, can no longer be made out.
+Nero was endowed by nature with bountiful gifts; he had a talent for
+music and the fine arts, and also for mechanics: there is no reason to
+doubt that in music he was a virtuoso. He was a pupil of Seneca. At
+first, he gave birth to the fairest hopes; yet even thus early, it was
+difficult for farsighted people to believe in them, who felt sure that a
+viper’s brood must be vipers. His mother Agrippina was the unworthy
+daughter of the worthy Germanicus, and the worthy sister of Caligula;
+his father, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, was quite her match, and he said
+himself, that from him and Agrippina a monster only could have been
+born. The whole of the Roman world shared in this foreboding; and
+therefore people were so much the more astonished at Nero’s behaving at
+first like the disciple of Seneca and Burrhus. The latter was a fine
+honest man of the old school, and a good officer, who was appointed by
+Nero as _præfectus prætorio_; Seneca was a refined man of the world, who
+busied himself a great deal about virtue, and may also have looked upon
+himself as an old Stoic, believing for certain that there was not a more
+clever and virtuous man living than himself: yet this did not prevent
+his giving himself every moment a dispensation from his virtue. The
+influence of these two men during the first years of this reign was
+decided; but the beautiful dream of Nero’s amiability was very short, as
+both of these tutors were very soon set aside. The first impulse was
+given by the profligacy to which Nero had yielded himself up from his
+earliest youth; and then by his mother, who left no means untried to
+keep her son in a state of dependence. She was opposed by Burrhus and
+Seneca: the former withstood her out of love for his country; the latter
+perhaps from the same motives, but just as much from personal grounds,
+Agrippina being his enemy. When this change took place, cannot be
+exactly ascertained. The progress of it—the personal connexions in which
+Nero lived; the influence of Poppæa Sabina, a woman of high rank and
+wonderful beauty, but tainted with the profligacy of her age, in whose
+nets he was irretrievably entangled; the still more baneful influence of
+his mother—is described by Tacitus: I will not speak of Nero’s
+degeneracy and unbounded depravity; all of it is too well known,—his
+name alone is enough. He resolved to murder his own mother, against whom
+he bore a grudge; and after an unsuccessful attempt, he carried out his
+purpose, owing, as Dio represents it, to Seneca’s instigation. That the
+speech which he caused to be read on that subject in the senate, was
+composed by Seneca, is an undoubted fact.
+
+Though Nero now raged without restraint, and every day steeped his hands
+more and more in bloodshed, Tacitus does not look upon it as certain,
+that he had the city set on fire: on the contrary, he takes it for an
+idle rumour. It looks like Nero’s madness, that during the fire he got
+up upon the tower of Mæcenas, and in the attire of a tragedian sang the
+Ἰλίου ἅλωσις to the lyre: at all events, it may have been a welcome
+thing to him to be now able to build Rome anew. This fire, which lasted
+six whole days, is of very great importance in history: an immense
+number of monuments of every kind, historical records, works of art, and
+libraries, utterly perished; the larger half of Rome was destroyed, or
+at least very much damaged; the streets were all laid out in straight
+lines, and made broader, and they were built up in a new style, which
+gave the city quite a different appearance. The great fire at
+Constantinople, under Leo Macellas[41] in the fifth century of our era,
+has likewise had a most ruinous effect on Greek literature.
+
+After this fire, Nero gave loose to his boundless prodigality and love
+of building; and for this purpose he extorted money from the whole of
+the Roman world. He built, what is called his “Golden Palace,” which
+extended from the Palatine, where afterwards the temple of Venus and
+Roma[42] was erected by Hadrian, to the baths of Titus, which, to speak
+more correctly, are those of Trajan: Vespasian had it destroyed for the
+sake of the remembrances connected with it. Some parts of the walls may
+still be found in the substructions of the baths of Titus: it was a most
+beautiful pile of masonry, with a coating of the finest marble: we are
+to imagine it to have been like a fairy palace in an eastern dream.
+
+After this, Nero also had Seneca executed, whose manly end somewhat
+redeems the weakness of his life. Bareas Soranus and Thrasea Pætus were
+likewise made to die: the latter was preceded by his wife Arria, who
+gave him the example of a courageous death.
+
+In Nero’s days, the Roman empire had not such rest as under Claudius.
+During the reign of the latter, the Romans had carried on wars in
+Britain, where they had established themselves, and had reduced a large
+part of the country into the form of a Roman province. From the despair
+of the Britons, we may see that the condition of a province, while it
+was yet new, and especially in a poor country, was one of great
+hardship; for it was only by great extortion that anything worth naming
+could be wrung from it. Hence arose the insurrection of the Britons
+under the great queen Boudicea as Tacitus calls her; according to Dio
+Cassius, Bunduica. This war at first was disastrous, and, to say the
+least, very serious indeed: the Romans were utterly beaten; their
+fortresses were demolished, two of their towns were taken, and many of
+them were slain. Suetonius Paullinus at last with great difficulty
+crushed the rebellion; Boudicea killed herself, and the Britons again
+bowed beneath the Roman yoke. Thus that outbreak paved the way for the
+complete conquest of Britain; and the Romans were now already masters of
+England, with the exception of Yorkshire and Lancashire, and the
+northern provinces: Anglesea also was Roman.
+
+Another war was waged by Corbulo against the Parthians in Armenia, where
+a younger dynasty of the Arsacidæ was seated on the throne. This war
+Corbulo carried on with unfaltering success, conquering Artaxata and
+Tigranocerta, and obliging Vologæsus to sue for peace. The last scion of
+this race of kings, Tiridates, was forced to receive Armenia as a fief
+from Nero; for which purpose he had to come to Rome, where he met with a
+splendid reception. His appearance in Rome is one of those events of
+which the memory has survived in the traditions of the middle ages: he
+is mentioned, for instance, in the _Mirabilia Romæ_; and there is a
+legend—which, of course, is quite unfounded—that he brought the statues
+of Castor and Pollux, the work of Phidias and Praxiteles, as a present
+to Rome. The thanks which Corbulo earned for his victories, was death.
+He was undoubtedly one of the best Romans of that age; he was a man free
+from every craving of ambition, true and conscientious. His bust was
+found about forty years ago; its features are noble.
+
+Nero now passed from one mad freak to another. I am inclined to believe,
+that he was not morally accountable for all of this, as insanity seems
+to have been hereditary in his family: Caligula was his uncle. Many
+things that he did were merely contemptible; as for instance, his going
+like a stroller through the Greek towns, where he tried to win the
+prizes, either as a musician, singer, or poet, in the public contests,
+or else in the horse-races, putting himself on a level with the other
+competitors. This would have been the most innocent of his pranks, were
+it not that he also robbed Greece of its works of art. The _præfectus
+prætorio_, Tigellinus, who had been appointed in the room of Burrhus,
+was at that time the most infamous of all those men who had any energy:
+the world was rid of him by the rising of Galba and Vindex.
+
+In the thirteenth year of Nero’s reign, the first real attempt was made
+to overthrow his rule: a former conspiracy of Calpurnius Piso, in which
+Seneca also had perished, was a mere court plot in which no troops had
+any share. Nero had undertaken his journey through Greece to gratify his
+vanity: and whilst he everywhere caused himself to be crowned there as a
+conqueror, a rebellion broke out in Gaul under Julius Vindex, an
+Aquitanian of rank. The Gauls who had received the Roman franchise, bore
+all of them at that time the _prænomen_ of Julius, either after Julius
+Cæsar or Augustus; just as in Asia all had the name of Tiberius Claudius
+(thus, without a doubt Tib. Claudius Galenus). This has given rise to
+confusion in the system of Roman names: Julius Agricola, although a
+native of the Roman colony Forum Julii, may likewise have sprung from
+Gallic ancestors, which Tacitus, of course, says nothing about. Julius
+Vindex had the rank of a Roman senator; and by his wealth and his
+influence he set an insurrection on foot, which had quite a different
+character from a former rising in the reign of Tiberius: his object was
+simply as a Roman to shake off the yoke of Nero, not to sever Gaul
+itself from Rome. He met with very great sympathy, and had already
+spread his rule from Aquitaine as far as Besançon. The history of that
+time is in a very wretched state, as Tacitus is wanting, and nothing is
+left of Dio but the abridgment of Xiphilinus. Near Besançon, Vindex met
+T. Virginius Rufus, the commander of the German troops, a distinguished
+man, one of the few disinterested and true patriots which Rome still
+had. The latter was afraid that such a rising in Gaul, although it had
+the deliverance of Rome for its object, might cause the dismemberment of
+the empire; so they made a truce, and agreed to acknowledge the
+authority of the senate. The German troops wished to have Rufus for
+emperor; but he refused: Vindex, on the other hand, was slain in a
+tumult which had broken out between the two armies.
+
+In the meanwhile, Servius Sulpicius Galba was proclaimed emperor in
+Spain: in that country there was only one legion, though there were many
+veterans out of whom a militia might be formed. Galba sprang from one of
+the most distinguished Roman houses. The _prænomen_ Servius was quite an
+heir-loom among the Sulpicii, as Appius was among the Claudii: yet it
+had altogether vanished as a _prænomen_, and had almost become a nomen,
+so that sometimes another _prænomen_ is put before it; which indeed is
+incorrect, but may be accounted for. Of Galba’s character we do not know
+much; had we but Suetonius, we should be at a loss how to form any
+notion of him, as Suetonius himself has no insight into character, being
+nothing but a pleasing and lively teller of anecdotes; some light is,
+however, thrown on Galba by the beginning of the _Historiæ_ of Tacitus.
+Galba had the respect of the army; he had been, when in his best days, a
+good general, and for those times at least, a blameless governor: but
+now he was in his seventy-first year, and had fallen under the influence
+of unworthy people, especially of freedmen. This sort of petty courts,
+composed of freedmen, had a great deal to do with the demoralized state
+of the Roman world. On the whole, there was in the Roman empire a bitter
+hatred against Nero, except among bloodthirsty men, of whom there were
+not a few: these rather liked him. Galba began his march, and soon
+formed new legions from the Romans and Italians who came to hand.
+According to the obscure accounts which we have, it appears that he now
+availed himself of the pretence that the Gauls were rebels against the
+majesty of the Roman senate, although under Vindex they had risen
+against the tyrant only; and he allowed his troops to plunder the
+southern Gallic towns. Virginius Rufus declared for him, and they both
+of them now crossed the Alps by different roads. Not a sword was drawn
+in behalf of Nero, although the prætorians were devoted to him: the
+passes of the Alps opened without a blow being struck, and the rebel
+armies drew nigh to the capital; on which Nero found himself abandoned
+by every one. The senate quickly passed from its former cringing
+servility into defiance and contempt; Nero fled from his palace, and
+took refuge in the farm-yard of one of the retainers of his household,
+where he hid himself, and, with the greatest reluctance, and with
+uncertain hand, inflicted on himself a deadly wound. Against him and his
+memory, every possible condemnation was denounced; yet his dead body was
+buried after all.
+
+
+
+
+ SERVIUS SULPICIUS GALBA. M. SALVIUS OTHO. A. VITELLIUS.
+
+
+Galba entered Rome. Had he shown himself open-handed, he might easily
+have won men’s hearts; but he gave offence on every side. He partly
+protected Nero’s companions from public animadversion, and partly
+punished them. Then he behaved like a miser. Economy was certainly
+necessary; but he overdid it, as he gave no donation whatever to the
+prætorians, and a very niggardly one to the troops which he had brought
+with him. He moreover displayed hatred and mistrust towards the
+prætorians, although he had dismissed his own soldiers, except a few
+whom he billeted in the city. The prætorians, being ten thousand strong,
+were masters of his life; so that he ought to have driven them out, and
+decimated them as accomplices in the cruelties of Nero. The most
+powerful person in the city, to the disgrace of the age, was M. Salvius
+Otho; a man without any illustrious ancestry, whose station was entirely
+owing to Nero’s favour; a coxcomb of the then world in the most
+disgusting sense, and this implied much more depravity in ancient times
+than in our days; the associate of many of the profligacies of
+Nero:—cruelty, however, cannot be laid to his charge with certainty. He
+was rich, pleasing, what is called amiable; and he had that affable
+manner, which could not but have the greatest influence upon the minds
+of the prætorians. These therefore saw in him the man who could make up
+to them for Nero, whom they began to miss more and more. Galba, who
+already knew that the German troops on the Upper Rhine under Cæcina and
+Fabius Valens had become mutinous, and would not acknowledge him, tried
+to strengthen himself by adopting Calpurnius Piso, a distinguished young
+Roman. But that choice was an unfortunate one, as Piso had nothing to
+recommend him, but his high descent and his spotless character. Had not
+Galba been weakened by old age, his government might have become quite
+praiseworthy; but he lost the affection of all good men, not only by his
+avarice, but also because justice was shamefully abused and sold under
+his name by his favourites Vinius, Laco, and Icelus. Otho had reckoned
+on being himself adopted; whatever choice therefore Galba might have
+made, it would have been his ruin, if it were not Otho: yet the old
+soldier had after all too much love for his country to choose him. By
+dint of deep dissimulation, Otho got the prætorians to declare
+themselves at the moment when he wanted to call upon them. This was
+done. The city being at that time quite open, the prætorians marched in,
+and went straight to the forum. Galba, who had appeared in person with
+Piso to restore tranquillity, was stabbed before the German troops could
+have been moved into the town; and Otho was proclaimed emperor.
+
+The senate was still respectable enough to abhor this election; but yet
+nothing better was to be looked for from Vitellius, whom the troops on
+the German frontier had proclaimed: he was by far the more vulgar and
+worthless of the two. His beastly gluttony alone distinguished him; and
+it is quite inconceivable, how Galba could have given him the chief
+command of the troops in Germany. He had a sort of popularity from his
+father, who had been thrice consul and likewise censor: the latter must
+have been a goodnatured man; for though he disgraced himself by the most
+abject flattery to Claudius, he was an enemy to no one, and therefore
+enjoyed the favour of the people. This favour passed on to the son, who,
+however, spent the whole of his life in brutal sensuality and vulgarity.
+He was at that time already fifty-seven years old, nor could he be said
+to have made a better use of his youth: it is very likely that Cæcina
+and Valens merely wished to put him forward for the moment, as, they
+might afterwards get him out of the way, and decide which of them should
+succeed to the throne. Vitellius was profusely liberal to the soldiers:
+he flattered them by granting them everything, while old Galba wanted to
+allow them nothing but what was absolutely necessary. He marched forth
+against Italy; the quickness with which he approached shows the
+readiness with which the Roman soldiers could move, and also the
+excellence of the high roads. Otho raised an army; Vitellius met with
+resistance on the frontiers from the legions in Mœsia and Pannonia, who
+thought it presumptuous in the German troops to try and force an emperor
+upon them. On these therefore Otho could rely, and likewise on the
+armies in the East, where at that time there had been as yet no rising.
+Italy was then the most defenceless part of the whole empire, there
+being hardly any troops there but the prætorians: with these Otho took
+the field. Cæcina and Valens had already passed the Alps, before Otho
+with his hastily collected force had reached the Po. The first battle
+was in favour of his cause. Otho ought now to have protracted the war,
+as he had much greater resources and far more money, and he could also
+reckon on getting reinforcements; but to his misfortune, he resolved
+upon giving battle near Bedriacum, in the neighbourhood of Cremona, and
+there he was worsted. All was not, however, lost; yet Otho made up his
+mind to put an end to his life, telling those who survived him, to make
+their peace with the conqueror as they best could. People generally look
+upon this as the act of a noble-minded man, who does not wish blood to
+be shed for his honour; which is the view which Tacitus also seems to
+take: I cannot see anything in it but the act of a most effeminate soul,
+for which the effort of a long struggle, the suspense between fear and
+hope, is the hardest lot to bear. Such characters are not unseldom met
+with: as, for instance, persons who are very fond of money, will often
+rather forego a great deal, than bring upon themselves the worry of a
+troublesome lawsuit. Juvenal looks upon Otho’s deed with just as little
+respect. Nor has Tacitus in his heart thought higher of Otho than he
+really deserves; for we must indeed consider that when a great writer
+describes a truly tragical act, it may easily happen that he does it
+with an emotion which is widely different from his moral judgment. Otho
+died in his thirty-seventh year, on the ninety-fifth day after his
+proclamation. Galba had reigned seven or eight months.
+
+Vitellius took possession of Rome, and of the palace of the Cæsars; and
+giving himself the appearance of an avenger of Galba, although he had
+himself rebelled against him, he caused upwards of a hundred prætorians
+to be put to death. Yet, leaving aside his contemptible character,
+things did not at first go on as badly as had been expected. Soon,
+however, (A. D. 70.) his tranquillity was disturbed by the news of the
+rising of the Mœsian legions: these were to have come to the aid of
+Otho, and had wished to do so; and they were now commanded by a most
+ambitious tribune, Antonius Primus. At the same time, he was informed
+that the Syrian and the Parthian legions, the former under T. Flavius
+Vespasianus, the latter under Licinius Mucianus, refused to acknowledge
+him. Yet both of these last-named insurrections were far off; both
+armies also had enough to do, the one with the Parthians, the other with
+the Jews, and they could not leave the country where they were without
+leaving the frontiers open to the inroads of the enemy. It is also quite
+inconceivable to me, how the legions could have been withdrawn from the
+Rhine to Italy, without the barbarians attacking the frontiers. There
+are some traces of treaties having been concluded; but that treaties
+should have been made at all, is the very thing which we cannot
+understand: it would seem that since the times of Caligula a peaceful
+intercourse had sprung up, and that the Germans had lost every longing
+for an offensive war. The tract of country between the Upper Rhine and
+the Upper Danube, may even then have been Roman, although the ditch with
+the rampart and palisades (_limes_) was not dug till a later period.
+
+T. Flavius Vespasianus, who, with all his faults must be looked upon as
+the _instaurator rei publicæ_, was at that time engaged in the Jewish
+war. There is a dark stain upon him, which cannot be washed away; but
+otherwise his faults are very pardonable. The rebellion of the Jews had,
+even as early as the reign of Claudius, been stirred up by ill usage and
+usurpation. There are few struggles which so deserve the attention of
+posterity as this: I should like, on account of its awful greatness, to
+tell it at full length; but time forbids, and also what is most
+momentous in it belongs rather to Jewish than to Roman history. I refer
+you to Josephus, whose book, in spite of its many defects of language,
+is one of the most interesting historical works that have been left to
+us of antiquity. I also class it with Cæsar’s Commentaries among the
+most instructive, owing to the light which it throws on the tactics of
+the Romans, and their method of besieging places. Josephus was a
+Pharisee, and this he cannot throw off;—not such a bad one indeed as
+those of the gospel; but still the leaven of the Pharisees is in
+him;—besides which, he has an unbearable national vanity, to gratify
+which he distorts many a fact in the earlier history; this we can
+scarcely term anything else than falsifying. His numbers bespeak eastern
+magniloquence; they are evidently impossible. Everywhere he shows
+himself an Asiatic, notwithstanding all his Greek learning: for with the
+exception of some ever recurring mistakes, he writes very good Greek. He
+is generally spoken of as Flavius Josephus; and no doubt he was called
+Titus Flavius Josephus after the emperor who gave him his liberty and
+the Roman citizenship.
+
+Vespasian was then with a strong army in Judæa, where the Jews were
+making a desperate and heroic resistance. He was of low origin: his
+grandfather was the first of his race who had somewhat risen from
+obscurity, and not being vain, he had no illustrious pedigree forged for
+him. He himself, being then in his sixtieth year, had passed through the
+evil times of Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, during which he had to put
+up with many a hardship: he had shared in the slavery of the world, and
+occasionally had to play the part of an involuntary slave. As a
+distinguished officer, he had risen step by step without a stain of
+cruelty or injustice upon him; which is so much the more to his honour,
+as he was so very fond of money. The cradle of his race was Nursia in
+the high Sabine mountains, whence also Sertorius came; there the old
+Italian stock had been preserved purest: to both of these applies
+Fronto’s expression _Nursina durities_. In the Roman army, he was
+generally known and respected.
+
+Mucianus in Syria belonged to one of the highest Roman families, the
+Licinii, and he was also descended from the Mucii: yet he knew that high
+birth had lost its influence; besides which, he was effeminate, and had
+tact enough to feel that he was inferior to Vespasian: they were very
+different men. After having formerly been on bad terms, Mucianus now
+held out his hand to the stern, harsh Vespasian. Mucianus, without being
+bad, had caught the vices of his set; he had little ambition, and deemed
+it wiser to be under an emperor of his own choice. Vespasian, on the
+other hand, was free from the faults of the great world, having rather
+the virtues which are peculiar to the lower classes: he had acknowledged
+Galba; but after his death he began to think of taking the throne for
+himself, being conscious that he was fit for it. Yet there was no need
+for him to decide in the matter himself, as Antonius Primus, with the
+Mœsian legions, encountered and defeated the army of the generals of
+Vitellius near Cremona. In Rome, the insurrection had likewise already
+broken out. Here Vespasian’s brother, T. Flavius Sabinus, was præfect;
+and his younger son, Domitian, was kept as a sort of hostage. Against
+these Vitellius was at first irritated; then he was frightened, and
+wished to capitulate; after the battle of Cremona especially, he was
+quite mild: but when afterwards different symptoms showed themselves, he
+again veered round and wanted to arrest them. They fled to the Capitol,
+which, however, was taken, and for the second time since Sylla, burned
+to ashes: Domitian had a very narrow escape. At Rome, the anarchy was
+complete. When in those days a man wanted to descend from his throne, he
+was not able to save his life; for there were no convents then, as in
+the Byzantine period. Vespasian’s party had been gradually forming; and
+it gained strength owing to the successes of the victorious army, which
+straightway marched to Rome, where the maddest excesses were now
+committed on both sides. The conquerors took possession of the city
+without meeting with any resistance, and Vitellius was murdered.
+
+
+
+
+ T. FLAVIUS VESPASIANUS. TITUS. DOMITIANUS.
+
+
+Under these circumstances, Domitian, a very young man hardly twenty,
+seized upon the government in the absence of his father: his elder
+brother Titus remained in Judæa, and it was a long time before Vespasian
+came to Rome. Many ruthless deeds were done in the meanwhile, rather
+from personal vengeance than party motives. Although Vespasian himself
+had many good qualities indeed, his party was no better than the
+opposite one; just as it was in the latter part of the thirty years’
+war, when the Swedish, French, and Imperial armies were equally lawless
+and destructive. The dismal history of these little men is wonderfully
+told by a great one, who, however, makes none of them his hero.
+
+Vespasian came to Rome very late, which had led to not a few bad
+consequences: the city was all this while under the rule of a most
+profligate and tyrannical youth, who showed himself even then to be what
+he afterwards turned out. Some of the senators, especially Helvidius
+Priscus,—a man who, however, was not at all in keeping with his
+time,—allowed themselves to be drawn into an altogether ill-timed
+“_fronde_” against the government, a plot alike unfortunate for
+themselves, for Vespasian, and for the empire. Under these
+circumstances, a feeling began to gain ground in Gaul, the symptoms of
+which already displayed themselves before. As early as in the reign of
+the emperor Tiberius, there had been a most senseless rising of the Ædui
+under Julius Sacrovir; then came that of Vindex, in which a national
+Gallic feeling manifested itself, being very likely the reason why
+Virginius Rufus had him murdered and his army of Gauls scattered: the
+act of that Roman general thus appears morally in a very bad light. The
+death of Vindex must be looked upon as an event, which did not quell the
+national spirit of the Gauls, but rather kindled it still more. We have
+not indeed any complete or adequate notion of the state of Gaul under
+the Romans: that country cannot possibly have been otherwise than in a
+thriving condition, even from the times of Cæsar; of southern Gaul, this
+is certain. All our knowledge of Gaul is limited to the few things said
+about it in history, and to what we are told in Pliny and Strabo: these
+two, however, only speak of the _civitates_, without making any mention
+whatever of the smaller places; and they leave us without the least
+information as to their internal affairs. Here we trace them merely from
+the beginning of Tacitus’ account; for otherwise they are not to be met
+with in history until the end of the third century, which is treated of
+by the wretched _Scriptores historiæ Augustæ_: the itineraries also give
+only a few places on some of the high roads. For this reason, Gaul on
+our maps looks like a newly cultivated country with a few towns: this,
+however, is merely the accidental effect of the scantiness of our
+information. The East, on the other hand, being constantly spoken of in
+history from the Macedonian era down to the fifth, and sixth centuries,
+the maps of Asia Minor and Syria are dotted all over with towns. Gaul
+was under the Romans a well tilled and thickly peopled country: there
+are found in many parts of France ruins of very considerable towns, the
+names of which are quite uncertain or altogether unknown. Thus a short
+time ago, in the neighbourhood of Montbeliard, magnificent ruins were
+discovered of a place which very likely is only to be met with in an
+itinerary, and even there with a doubtful name only: the excavations
+near Valenciennes, and in Normandy and elsewhere, betoken towns of great
+extent, and evidently of much population. To fill up the gaps of the
+geography of ancient Gaul, one should keep to the documents of the
+Merovingian and Carolingian periods, in which the places had Latin and
+Gaulish names of old date: for then there were no new towns built, as it
+was a time of destruction. The population of Gaul had been nearly
+annihilated by the Cimbric wars, and afterwards it had again severely
+suffered under Cæsar; but for one hundred and ten years, there had been
+peace, during which the population in so favoured a land must have
+doubled or trebled. We are not to suppose that there was the same
+prosperity as in France in the German countries along the banks of the
+Rhine; for these were undoubtedly far behind in civilization: they were
+very like Germany Proper, being densely peopled, and having many
+villages, but hardly any towns. Their population has most incorrectly
+been reckoned with that of Gaul; but it was thoroughly German ever since
+the times of Cæsar, perhaps even much earlier still; it never belonged
+to Gaul, except politically under the Romans. A boundary line had been
+settled between the Romans and the Germans,—probably by treaties,—namely
+the country between the Meuse and the Waal, the _insula Batavorum_,
+which was subject to the Romans: there was a Roman garrison there, but
+the natives had not yet adopted the Roman language and manners. From
+these Batavians the rebellion of Civilis arose, which spread over the
+German provinces of the Roman empire and over France, the Lingones
+taking the lead. The insurrection was very dangerous, as the German
+tribes on the right bank of the Rhine declared for it; some of them more
+actively, and others more sluggishly, being hindered only by their own
+division and dissensions, and by all sorts of jealousies and petty
+quarrels. The Roman generals, on the other hand, opposed them with great
+resolution. Still less union than among the Germans with each other, was
+there between the Germans and Gauls; whereas the Gauls and Romans were
+much more akin, as the great men among the Gauls had adopted the Roman
+language, and Roman manners generally prevailed among them. How the
+rebellion ended, we do not exactly know, as Tacitus’ histories are
+broken off just here: that the insurgents were put down, is self-evident
+from the condition in which they were afterwards; and it is also
+expressly told us by Xiphilinus. Domitian, even before the arrival of
+Vespasian, took upon himself the command in those parts; but he had no
+share in the subjugation of the rebels, which was accomplished by the
+generals of his father.
+
+Vespasian reigned for more than nine years, and his rule was thoroughly
+beneficial. It is difficult to judge of him, as Tacitus fails us here.
+Suetonius is a very sorry painter of character, and his opinions are of
+as little worth as those of the _Scriptores historiæ Augustæ_: in fact,
+he has no turn whatever for writing history. He is a learned man, and he
+does not write badly; but he cannot take a wide view. The earlier times
+are better handled by him; for there he had books before him: without
+books, however, he was not able to do much; and thus the times which he
+had seen himself, or about which he had been told by those who had seen
+them, are the very worst written. His work was certainly published
+before Tacitus’ _Historiæ_ came out; for had he had them before his
+eyes, he could not possibly have described the anarchy after Nero’s
+death in so wretched a way: it must have been a work of his youth, and
+not indeed of the time when he was secretary of state under Hadrian. We
+are in a sad plight here, and moreover the materials for the history of
+the emperors are throughout very bad: if we had Dio, we should be all
+right; but we only have the pitiful abridgment of Xiphilinus. We can
+therefore only dwell on single traits.
+
+Suetonius praises Vespasian, and yet he tells us things which either do
+away with the praise, or which ought not to have been recorded, as they
+were mere rumours: when we compare both of these statements together, we
+are justly astonished, and therefore feel uncertain on more than one
+point. Thus much may we look upon as borne out by facts. Vespasian was
+wanting in the higher qualities of the soul, nor had he such a heart as
+Trajan had; but he was still a very worthy person for the time in which
+he lived, being an honest and just man, especially in a negative sense,
+and one who was not guilty of tyranny: only some isolated instances of
+extortion are mentioned of him. His morals were as spotless as could
+ever have been expected in times like those. After the death of his
+first wife, he lived in a sort of left-handed marriage with a woman of
+low estate, to whom he, however, granted all the honours of a lawful
+wife, and with whom he was happy: she must indeed have been an excellent
+woman. He quite loathed the debauchery and the awfully vulgar and
+wasteful gluttony which had become so common among the Romans: luxury
+had then thrown itself into the fashion of extravagant feasts, got up at
+the maddest cost. Vespasian, on the contrary, who had kept his old
+simple tastes unaltered, reclaimed his subjects, as well by his example
+as by the open expression of his disgust, from this way of living: he
+thus brought about a reform in Roman life which is remarkable in
+history: Never again did this reckless prodigality become as rife among
+the Romans, as it had been in the times before Vespasian: it is true, as
+we see from Ammianus’ excellent description, that in the fourth century
+it was again to be found among the great men; but Vespasian had struck
+at the roots of it. He ruled the state with great care and
+conscientiousness, putting down every sort of waste, and getting the
+confused finances in order: he showed no mistrust towards the governors,
+though, on the other hand, he would uphold the provinces against them.
+Yet the feelings of a refined soul were unknown to him: he did nothing
+to foster intellect, and he had an antipathy to men of education and
+philosophers, as well as to those who were something more than mere men
+of business: these he considered as useless, and even had a hostile
+feeling against them. Helvidius Priscus, who personally and
+intellectually, by his mind and his acquirements, certainly was one of
+the first men of Rome, professed to be of the Stoic philosophy. The
+Roman Stoics had a spice of republicanism in them which was ill suited
+to the age; and this gave birth to an unpardonable petulance, which
+could lead to no good. Helvidius was blind to the good qualities of
+Vespasian, and gave himself up to an utterly useless opposition. In this
+he cannot be excused; but what is worst of all, Vespasian conceived such
+a spite against him, that he had him put to death: it was the most noble
+blood of the Roman state which he then shed. Otherwise he kept himself
+pure from blood: on several occasions, when he had received no such
+provocation, he even showed himself truly mild. He was also grateful,
+and overlooked a great deal in Mucianus and others. Antonius Primus
+likewise lost his life, but deservedly: he had made the revolution for
+Vespasian that he might thus rule the Roman empire himself; and when he
+did not find this answer, he plotted against him. Suetonius particularly
+charges Vespasian with avarice; yet it is by no means certain whether
+there is any truth in this. He is said to have declared that the state
+wanted for its support _quadringinties millies_, that is to say, two
+thousand millions of dollars. This seems quite absurd. Even if we
+conceive all the countries of the empire as it was then, to have been as
+thriving as France and Italy are now, it seems scarcely possible that
+such a sum should have been raised. Nor can we understand what it should
+have been wanted for, although there was an army of about four hundred
+thousand men, and these received treble pay, a _denarius_ a day. That
+number cannot be correct. It is true that he spent much in building; but
+building is not after all one of the necessary expenses of the state. In
+the reign of Vespasian, very great works were completed in Rome and
+elsewhere: nor were they merely what could not be dispensed with; but
+such also was their magnificence that they were a lasting honour to the
+empire, like the Colosseum and the temple of Peace. This does not agree
+with his _sordidissima avaritia_; and such facts are to be set against
+the anecdotes of Suetonius. Vespasian died when upwards of sixty-nine.
+
+The government had in reality been carried on under him by his son
+Titus, who on his return from Jerusalem had reached his thirty-second
+year. Vespasian himself felt no vocation for it. Titus may have had the
+guilt of many of the unrighteous deeds which were done in Vespasian’s
+reign, however strange the contrast may seem between his own rule and
+this administration: before his father’s death, he was very unpopular;
+people looked upon him but with fear and dread. What was afterwards so
+much praised in him, so that he was even called _deliciæ generis
+humani_, was after all nothing but his openhandedness: he seems to have
+wished to gladden the hearts of those about him by his liberality, and
+to load them with presents. In this way he employed the treasures
+hoarded up by his father, who had kept for himself the management of the
+finances. Perhaps there is no ruler who has done more real good to the
+Roman world than Vespasian. One of his fine qualities was the openness
+of his disposition: owing to this he placed full trust in Titus, made
+him _præfectus prætorio_, and quite gave up to him a part of the
+government. How very different this is from the behaviour of eastern
+princes, who always utterly mistrust their sons! Titus was by no means
+popular: some violent and also cruel deeds are laid to his charge;
+Cæcina, for instance, who played a great part among the Vitellians, was
+killed by his orders. Yet it is said that proofs of a conspiracy of his
+against the house of Vespasian had been discovered.
+
+The fears which people had entertained of Titus, were not justified
+during his reign. With his accession his whole bearing changed; and the
+leading features in his character were benevolence and affability, which
+in a prince are always prized much higher than any other quality: let a
+prince be kind to those about him, and he may forget all his other
+duties. His father had been exceedingly frugal; Titus, on the contrary,
+was generous, even profuse. The former had spent great sums on buildings
+only: he had restored Rome; he had altered the senseless edifices of
+Nero, the golden house in particular; and he had built the huge
+Colosseum, which, although destined for a dismal purpose, was quite to
+the taste of the Roman populace. Vespasian did not live to see the
+dedication of the Colosseum, which was celebrated by Titus only. The
+extravagance displayed in it, had none of the old simple grandeur; but
+as was the case in the whole time of the emperors, and even in the last
+stage of the republic, there was something whimsical and repulsive about
+it. Goethe has a very nice remark on this subject in the _Farbenlehre_
+(Science of Colours).[43] Even women had to fight to death as
+gladiators; but Titus’ humanity did not reach so far as this.
+
+His reign was perfect tranquillity abroad, and great comfort in Rome;
+but it was visited with calamities. There was an immense fire in the
+city, besides the catastrophe of Herculanum and Pompeii, when Vesuvius,
+which had been quiet since the time of the Greek settlements, all at
+once began to throw up fire—fortunately for us.
+
+The love of the people for Titus was the more decided, as they were by
+no means mistaken with regard to Domitian.
+
+Domitian was a bad son and a bad brother, and there is no doubt of his
+having sought the life of his father and his brother; especially of the
+latter, who, however, never tried to avenge himself upon him, and even
+treated him with confidence. Domitian is one of those men, who are too
+lightly thought of because they are bad. What he is reproached with may
+be true, that he showed himself a coward in war; although this is still
+problematical: that his boundless vanity led to no corresponding
+achievements, is certain; his cruelty, his falseness, are beyond a
+doubt; yet for all that he ought not to be estimated too low. He was a
+very accomplished man, and of a decided talent for literature.
+Rutgertsius has already remarked, that the paraphrase of the _Phænomena_
+of Aratus commonly ascribed to Germanicus, is by Domitian, who as
+emperor had taken the name of Cæsar Germanicus, as it was more
+illustrious than that of the Flavii. That it cannot have been the
+adopted son of Tiberius, is evident from the way in which the poet
+speaks of his father, whom he introduces as a ruler, and as one who had
+had the apotheosis. I believe that the poem was written in the time of
+Titus. It is very respectable as to its general composition, poor as the
+subject is. Moreover, although Quintilian may have said too much in what
+he tells us of Domitian, and this exaggeration may have been slavish and
+in the court-style of despotism; still he certainly would not from mere
+flattery have praised what was thoroughly worthless. Domitian had a
+taste for Roman literature, which has done good: he established the
+great endowment for rhetoricians which Quinctilian received, and he
+instituted the _Agon Capitolinus_ in which poets were crowned: Roman
+literature, therefore, took a fresh start in his time. Not to speak of
+Tacitus, who was then a youth, and of Pliny, the younger,—however little
+one may admire him,—who was growing up (many well educated people of his
+day wrote as well as he did); there is Statius belonging to that age,
+whose _Silvæ_ are among the most agreeable works of antiquity which are
+left to us, there is Juvenal, who was also one of the greatest minds,
+but who bore a deadly hatred to Domitian. We see from Domitian’s poem,
+that he was against the false taste of his times. He slighted Statius;
+yet for this we are not so much to accuse him of partiality, as to
+acknowledge the correctness of his judgment. Statius is great in his
+little poems, which are some of those genuine effusions which are tinged
+with the true spirit of the country: one enjoys them particularly, when
+one reads them in Italy. But his Thebais is a cold, laboured poem, quite
+bombastic and unbearable: it is the one with which he did not win the
+Capitoline prize.
+
+As all wasteful prodigality had been rooted out under Vespasian, and
+Roman life had been brought back to frugality, the good consequences
+were lasting, and Domitian also kept in this path. He was by no means a
+spendthrift, being profuse only to the army, the pay of which he raised
+to four hundred and eighty denarii, and that, it seems, from cowardice:
+for this he tried to make up by lessening the number of the troops,
+which was not at all suited to the circumstances of the times. In the
+East indeed there was profound peace with the Parthians, weakness having
+manifested itself among them, as is always the case in Asia when states
+have reached a certain point of greatness: the Parthians, therefore,
+left the Romans unmolested, as long as these did not attack them. War
+was, however, waging on the northern frontier. Tacitus’ Agricola throws
+some light on this; it is one of the greatest masterpieces of biography
+which we have from antiquity. Agricola completed the conquest of
+Britain: he went beyond the two Firths against the Highland hills, and
+built a fleet with which he sailed round Scotland, and visited the
+Orkney islands. This is the brilliant military epoch of Domitian. To
+this circumnavigation of Scotland the statue of Oceanus seems to refer,
+which all through the middle ages lay at the entrance of the _Forum
+Martium_.[44] A statue of the Rhine likewise belongs to the time of
+Domitian.
+
+In his earliest youth, in the days of the insurrection of Civilis,
+Domitian had been in Gaul; as emperor, he conducted a war against the
+Chatti in the country about the Mayne. Could one but rely here on the
+medals, and on the flatteries of Martial, he got the surname of
+Germanicus most rightfully; but the historians all agree in this, that
+with regard to those victories the nation was imposed upon. Yet even
+then the war may not have been without advantage to the Romans. Certain
+it is that the Germans on the right bank of the Rhine were not able to
+make head against their legions; nor is it to be wondered at: for an
+ill-trained militia could not stand its ground against the Romans, and
+moreover the unhallowed dissensions among the Germans were as
+mischievous as ever. War was likewise waged on the banks of the Austrian
+Danube, where nations such as the Marcomanni and the Sueves, of which we
+have heard nothing for a long space of time, again make their appearance
+feebly allied with Slavonic tribes; and indeed they showed themselves to
+be formidable.
+
+The most important war under Domitian, was that against the Dacians, the
+same race as the ancient Getæ, who as early as Alexander’s time had
+driven the Scythian tribes before them. Since Diceneus (in the reign of
+Augustus) the great Dacian monarchy in Transylvania, and very likely
+almost the whole of Wallachia and part of Moldavia and the Banat, had
+arisen. They were rich, owing to their mines; and we see from the column
+of Trajan, that they were not at all looked upon as barbarians, but that
+they were even held in higher esteem than the Germans: they had
+fortified towns and wooden houses, such as are still common in the
+Tyrol. Their king Decebalus was a man of much greatness of character,
+and worthy of ruling his nation in such critical circumstances. They had
+a well organized constitution, and an aristocracy, who by way of
+distinction wore either caps or long hair: they were withal a brave and
+free people. Since the days of Augustus, they had often threatened the
+Roman frontier; and as soon as Rome felt weak, they burst into Mœsia: to
+Pannonia, perhaps, they did not come; for the country between the Theiss
+and the Danube was nothing but deep marshes. Lower down, towards
+Pressburg, it was inhabited partly by Gallic, and partly by German
+tribes. Of Domitian’s Dacian wars, we have but very confused accounts;
+Xiphilinus and Zonaras entirely pass over the details. We know thus
+much, that once at least the Romans suffered a great defeat, and that
+the Dacians overran Mœsia. But such wars, even when successfully carried
+on, always in the long run became dangerous to these peoples; and
+therefore Decebalus concluded a peace in a form which seems to us
+humiliating. This does not, however, prove much, as such was the general
+custom in wars against the Romans. Domitian could now take the name of
+Dacicus, and, after his great losses, return in triumph to Rome.
+
+From the time of this campaign, Domitian’s cruelty displayed itself more
+and more. Before this, some individuals had already been put to death
+either on suspicion, or because he hated them; an insurrection also had
+broken out under L. Antonius Saturninus in _Germania Superior_, that is
+to say, Alsace and Suabia, as far as the _limites_: these districts were
+covered with Roman troops, and Saturninus had himself proclaimed emperor
+by them, but was conquered by L. Appius Maximus, and paid for it with
+his life. Domitian’s cruelty was within the bounds of human nature,
+being different from that of Caligula and Nero. Caligula was mad, and
+Nero very nearly so; they were downright brutes, and their cruelty, to
+use an expression of Aristotle’s, was παρὰ φύσιν: to characters like
+these, the rules of morality do not apply; they are degenerate specimens
+of humanity. Domitian’s cruelty was that of a thoroughly bad man; it
+sprang from human passions, from envy, malice, and the mere love of
+mischief: avarice there was none in it, as this is rather an eastern
+vice. In the senate, at that time, there were men who were worthy of
+being the friends of Agricola and Tacitus: Herennius Senecio had written
+the life of Helvidius Priscus; Arulenus Rusticus, that of Pætus Thrasea;
+and their writings displayed much warmth of heart. Maternus and others
+were likewise authors, though perhaps not altogether free from
+declamation; but literature had now again some reality in it, and it was
+that very reality which gave offence to the tyrant. Then arose the
+horrible class of the informers, the description of which is one of the
+most interesting things in Pliny’s letters: they were a very different
+set from the _delatores_ of Tiberius’ reign. These men are justly
+abhorred in a moral point of view; but they were men of intellect, and
+some of them of no common talent. The great mass was in the days of
+Tiberius much worse than it was now; and so it was, of course, with the
+victims: for though the women, as we learn from Juvenal, were still
+thoroughly depraved, the men, owing to the length of their training in
+the school of hardship, had become better and more energetic. Domitian
+was even present at the _delationes_: the informers were ingenious,
+well-bred persons, who lived in good society, and also turned their
+talents against equally distinguished, but noble-minded people. The time
+was awful; it passed, as Tacitus says, in silent dread: the impression
+which it made on a great mind, is incomparably described in the
+introduction of the Agricola and in the _Historiæ_.
+
+Particularly fearful were the three last years of Domitian. Had his rage
+been only directed against the better men, he might have lived longer;
+but he also turned it against the bad and fierce ones, against Prætorian
+officers and his own wife Domitia, who had offended him, and whom he had
+offended. Then was the conspiracy formed against him, and he was stabbed
+by the officers of his guards.
+
+He had built the _Forum Palladium_ near the _Forum Augustum_, and
+established government offices and courts of Justice there: part of the
+wall and the hall are still preserved as monuments of that age. He also
+erected many other magnificent buildings.
+
+
+
+
+ M. COCCEIUS NERVA. M. ULPIUS TRAJANUS.
+
+
+The histories of Nerva and of Trajan are some of those which are
+comparatively the most imperfectly known to us, although these two
+emperors have so gladdened the hearts of the Romans by their rule, and
+theirs was an age of the best Roman literature, an age of which moreover
+so many other monuments are come down to us. Tacitus evidently has not
+described this period: he says that he had kept it for when he was old;
+to excuse himself for not writing contemporary history, as he could
+certainly not have praised it unconditionally. Trajan himself has
+written memoirs, especially of the events of the Dacian war; but no
+author of any note has dwelt upon this important history.
+
+Nerva was much beyond sixty, and a venerable consular and senator: how
+he came to be proclaimed, we know not. When proclaimed, he was gladly
+received by the senate, and the prætorians assented to the choice. He
+set forth the principles on which he would govern, and he remained true
+to them. But he was very cautious in making reforms: for being old, he
+did not venture to undertake much, or to give provocation to the
+prætorians; and therefore he punished so few of the informers who under
+Domitian had been a curse to mankind. This gave offence and disgust to
+many honourable men, while it raised the courage of many bad ones: the
+feeling of actual happiness was chilled by the consciousness that all
+these men were still alive and in office, and that they might one day
+again become dangerous. The consequence of this weakness of Nerva’s was,
+that those who wished to continue the time of Domitian, now used their
+influence in the senate to do anything they liked. Junius Mauricus
+therefore, when the death of an informer was talked of at a party at the
+emperor’s, said, “Yes, if he were still alive, nothing would be done to
+him; but he would be in company with us.”[45] The præfect Casperius
+called upon the soldiers to demand the murderers of Domitian from Nerva;
+and on his refusal they seized them by force, and two of them were most
+horribly ill-used: they then compelled Nerva to express his approval of
+it in the senate.[46] Nerva, feeling his own weakness, had recourse to
+the same means as Galba to strengthen himself in his old age: but he
+made a much more happy choice than the former had done,—he adopted
+Trajan.
+
+Hispania Bœtica was by this time quite Latinized, and Latin only was
+spoken there, at least in the towns; just as West Prussia and Silesia
+are Germanized. Italica, in the neighbourhood of Seville, was one of the
+earliest settlements in those parts; it was founded by Roman soldiers of
+the Scipios, who chose to remain in a country in which they had lived a
+number of years, and got families by Spanish wives: the town, being
+constituted as a colony or a second-rate _municipium_, became very
+thriving. It was the birthplace of Trajan and Hadrian: Trajan’s family
+was one of the most distinguished there. M. Ulpius Trajanus was the son
+of a man of note: his father had in the reign of Nero already attained a
+high rank in the Roman army, and was much looked up to; the son became
+known and honoured even in the times of Domitian, which were so little
+favourable to the display of excellence. A happier choice Nerva could
+never have made; it was received with joy and respect by the Prætorians
+themselves. At that time, Trajan was in Rome; but he soon went to
+Germany where his head-quarters were at Cologne. Our knowledge of the
+affairs of Germany in those days is very scanty; the relations of that
+country with the Romans were still strikingly peaceful. The name of a
+place on the military road from the Main to Augsburg, _Aræ Flaviæ_,
+proves that (probably under Domitian) the Romans had already taken
+possession of this _sinus imperii_. Whether the rampart and ditch,
+which, beginning from the Westerwald, reached along the Lahn, the
+Taunus, and the Main, to the Altmühl, was or was not made at that time,
+the country was at all events subject to the Romans. Free German tribes
+were dwelling only in Franconia, the Upper Palatinate, Hesse, and
+Westphalia; Suevia, in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, was not yet
+under the Roman rule; the Frisian tribes were subdued under Tiberius,
+but they afterwards became free. In the days of Nerva, there was a
+little war in Suabia; of this the only trace is to be met with in an
+inscription which speaks of the _Victoria Suevica_. The boundaries of
+the several tribes are most distinctly given in the Germany of Tacitus,
+where we see how they did not interfere with each other.
+
+Nerva, who reigned but one year and a half, died, A. D. 98, in his
+sixty-sixth year. The empire was so firmly settled, that Trajan,
+although absent in Cologne, could quietly step into the imperial dignity
+as if it were an inheritance: he did not come to Rome until the
+following year; but allegiance was yielded to him everywhere. He now
+soon showed his energy, as he laid hold upon the ruffians whom Nerva had
+spared: a few only atoned for their guilt with their lives, by far the
+greater part being exiled to the rocks of the Mediterranean. He took a
+still bolder step when he brought the Prætorians to account, who had had
+a share in the late misdeeds; and had the ringleaders executed. By this
+means, his rule was completely strengthened. His reforms were gentle,
+nor did they reach much beyond individuals: he reduced the taxes,
+especially taking off those which had been laid as a penalty on the
+provinces; and he must have got the finances into excellent order, as
+Hadrian after him was able to remit such immense sums. Whilst he thus
+lightened the burthens of the world, he had not only money for expensive
+wars, but also for the most costly works: he never was embarrassed for
+money. The details of the care which he took of the provinces, and also
+the principles of his administration, we may glean from the tenth book
+of Pliny’s Epistles: the good emperors checked the arbitrary rule of the
+governors by looking themselves into what was done. It was part of
+Trajan’s happiness, that his father, who was in a hale old age, still
+lived many years to see the successes of his son, and to have his heart
+gladdened by his glory: such fine family affection had never been seen
+in the Roman world before. He was married to an excellent wife in
+Plotina, who, however, did not bear him any children: the praise of this
+woman far outweighs those few anecdotes which look very like gossip. His
+sister Marciana was likewise most respectable, a true matron. And to
+these two ladies, a considerable improvement in the Roman manners is
+certainly owing: all the empresses, since Livia—with the exception of
+Vespasian’s wife, who as a freed woman could not indeed appear in
+society—had exercised a most baneful influence upon morals. The open
+shamelessness which was quite the fashion, was now put a stop to.
+
+Trajan’s true bent was for war and for great works. This, as the empire
+was then situated, was by no means to be found fault with. Whilst he
+gave occupation to his subjects and his armies, he imparted a higher
+tone to the age in which he lived: if such a universal empire continues
+to have peace, torpor and stagnation must be the consequence. Trajan’s
+wars and victories were certainly beneficial to the Roman state; the
+only question was, Whither were they to lead?—There was no stopping
+short; and hence it may be seen, how wretched is such a dominion over
+the world.
+
+The cause of his first war, was one which to Roman feelings appeared a
+just one. Domitian had made peace with Decebalus on condition of paying
+a tribute; this tribute Trajan would not pay, and Decebalus, conscious
+of his power, declared war, A. D. 101. His empire comprised
+Transylvania, the mountain districts of Moldavia and Wallachia, and
+perhaps also the plains of the latter country and of Upper Hungary; in
+the plains of Moldavia and Bessarabia he in all likelihood ruled over
+the Sarmatians: his frontiers cannot be accurately laid down. This
+mighty and strong country was inhabited by a most warlike, free, and
+civilized people, whose prince was a worthy match for Trajan. The war
+lasted for three years, until Trajan, by taking the capital, compelled
+Decebalus to conclude a peace, the terms of which are fully known to us
+from the pillar: the Roman prisoners and deserters were to be given up,
+and Decebalus had to pay a large war-contribution,—which was not hard
+for him to do, as Dacia was rich in silver,—and he was still left as an
+independent prince in his kingdom. Some years afterwards, the war broke
+out again. The peace was a very oppressive one; its heavy burthens were
+only felt after it was concluded, when the insolence of the Roman
+governors made matters unbearable; and as the Dacians repented of what
+they had done, Rome declared war once more. Decebalus fell; and in the
+second campaign, Dacia was made a province, which it continued to be
+down to the times of the Goths. In the heart of the country, a number of
+Roman colonies were established; one, for instance, in its capital,
+Zarmizegethusa, under the name of _Colonia Ulpia_; and also especially
+in Transylvania and the mountain districts of Moldavia and Wallachia: no
+traces of any are found in the plains. And so firmly did the Roman rule
+take root there, that to this day, after the most varied vicissitudes,
+the language spoken in Wallachia is but a corruption of Latin, although
+Rome was only mistress there for a hundred and fifty years. The
+Wallachs, however, spread further towards Pindus in Macedon, and into
+Greece and Epirus: they are a mysterious people. From the many ruins and
+inscriptions in it, one may see that Dacia was a very flourishing and
+civilized country.
+
+There now followed some years of peace, which certainly did not make him
+happy. When therefore the Parthian king had deposed the king of Armenia,
+which was subject to the doubtful sovereignty of Rome and Parthia, and
+had raised a kinsman of his to the throne; Trajan, availing himself of
+the opportunity, took up arms, marched into Armenia, and received the
+homage of Parthamasiris, the king set up by the Parthians. With this he
+was satisfied, the king having come to his camp, and received back his
+kingdom from him as a fief, which it in truth may be called. But Trajan
+went on with the war. It is a pity that we do not know its history in
+detail: like the Dacian wars, it must have been rich indeed in great
+achievements, as nature opposed immense difficulties. Thus much seems
+clear, that Trajan took Armenia for the base of his operations, and
+penetrated towards the lower Tigris. There he reduced, not only
+Seleucia, but also Ctesiphon, the capital of the king of kings; and he
+came as far as the ocean, that is to say, the Persian Gulf. Here he
+either began to feel the difficulties in the way of his darling wish to
+conquer the whole of the Persian Empire; or it was with him as with many
+a great general who waged war for its own sake, finding pleasure in it,
+that he became tired of war, and thought that he should be able at any
+time to return to it. Thus it was with Napoleon, in whose case it saved
+the world. He was sometimes sick of war; and as he then wished to rest
+himself for some months in Paris, he would make peace, meaning to renew
+the war afterwards: he liked moreover to let people somewhat raise their
+heads once more, and then, when they had recovered their strength a
+little, to beat them again with so much the greater glory. Thus Trajan
+also felt induced to grant peace to the Parthians, after having given
+them Parthamaspates, one of their pretenders, for a king. The Parthians,
+as individuals, deserve but little of our esteem: they were barbarians,
+and they gained their civilization only from the Greek towns. Persia did
+not rise into eminence till it was ruled by Sassanides. At this time,
+the Parthians had vassal-kings in the different countries, and the king
+himself with his court travelled from one of these to the other, and was
+entertained by them: his proper residence was at Ctesiphon.
+
+Trajan, however, was not yet able to make up his mind what to do. He
+then set about the conquest of Arabia. From inscriptions and coins, and
+from the things there which had not existed until his time, we may
+conclude that he made Arabia Petræa on the eastern coast of the Red Sea
+down to the Gulf of Acaba—even as far as Medina, if Medina were not
+included—a Roman province, and received the homage of the Arab tribes
+between the Euphrates and Syria. He had in the treaty of peace caused
+the Parthians to give up to him the supremacy over Osroëne, Mesopotamia,
+and Kurdistan: Edessa likewise was incorporated into the empire. Thus he
+reserved for himself the groundwork for a future war, just as Napoleon
+did: he undoubtedly meant, should he live long enough, to extend the
+frontier as far as to India; or at least, to leave the conquest for his
+successor.
+
+Nubia, between Egypt and the upper cataract, was likewise subjected in
+the reign of Trajan to the Roman sway, under which it remained for a
+hundred and fifty years. Moreover Fezzan between Tripoli and the town of
+Bornu on the Niger were Roman; which is proved by the inscriptions at
+Gharma.
+
+Whilst Trajan could not make up his mind to leave the East, he also
+stayed for a considerable period in Cilicia; and there he fell sick at
+Selinus, which was afterwards called Trajanopolis, and died in the
+sixty-first, or sixty-fourth year of his life, A. D. 117. His ashes were
+brought to Rome, and enshrined there in a golden urn beneath the
+triumphal pillar. In the last months of his life, he had adopted
+Hadrian; or Plotina had spread a report of his having done so. This was
+undoubtedly a happy thing for Rome: for although Hadrian in his after
+life was guilty of sad misdeeds, it was owing to his ill state of
+health; so that he was hardly accountable for them. He was a near
+kinsman of Trajan and a most able man.
+
+
+
+
+ ART AND LITERATURE UNDER TRAJAN.
+
+
+Trajan’s buildings are works, which are not only to be noticed in the
+topography of Rome, but belong to history as great achievements.
+Apollodorus of Damascus was his great architect, whose likeness I had
+the pleasure of discovering: it is the figure of a man in a Greek dress,
+presenting to the Emperor, who is seated, a drawing on a scroll; and it
+is on the bas reliefs of the arch of Constantine, the upper part of
+which is undoubtedly taken from the arch of Trajan. In the early times
+of the republic, art had the finish of the Etruscan school, owing to
+Etruscan artists; before the first Punic War, painting also flourished
+in Rome. Then followed the imitation of the Greeks, of which we cannot
+give a positive opinion. In the reign of Augustus, the material began to
+be of paramount importance, notwithstanding which the style was still
+grand: instead of the good freestone from the quarries of the
+neighbourhood, people would have nothing but marble. In the temple of
+Mars Ultor, all the columns are of marble. Otherwise Augustus, on the
+whole, still built many great works of the stone of the country; and
+this was yet done even as late as Claudius. But in the course of time,
+the taste for foreign marbles became more and more decided: Phrygian,
+Numidian, and other marbles were now used. In Nero’s days, Greek
+architecture with marble pillars was in fashion; and the material was
+looked upon as the chief thing, which in architecture is perfectly
+absurd. With the exception of the Colosseum, all the buildings of Titus
+and Domitian’s time are overdone; though highly finished, they want
+distinctness of character: the impression of grandeur is quite lost.
+Under Trajan, architecture acquires new splendour and dignity; which was
+owing to that Greek whom we have named: in a new form, it went to work
+with the treasures of the whole of the immense empire; so that it never
+signified whether it cost some millions more or less. Trajan either made
+or completed noble highways; he paved the Via Appia from Capua to
+Brundusium with basalt; he drained the Pontine marshes as far as they
+can be drained, and built the harbour of Centumcellæ (Civita Vecchia);
+the conviction must even then have been come to, that the Tiber was
+continually filling the harbours of Ostia and Portus with silt. He built
+baths at the hot springs of Civita Vecchia, and made the mole and
+harbour of Ancona: for the Tyrrhenian maritime towns were entirely
+destroyed, though it is not known when. The greatest of his buildings
+are at Rome, such as the _Forum Ulpium_ and therein the _Columna
+Cochlis_. The slope of the Quirinal Hill, which reached almost as far as
+the Capitol, was for a considerable length lowered upwards of a hundred
+and forty feet (it may be that I do not quite remember the exact
+measure[47]): this height is marked by the pillar. It was his object to
+place the government offices in his Forum. The _Forum Ulpium_, like the
+_Forum Augusti_ before it, was not, as formerly, an open space, which
+now would no longer have had any meaning: we know for certain, that the
+finance department, and all that belonged to it, had its offices there:
+the whole was like a city of palaces. In the middle stood the column,
+round which was twined a representation of the two Dacian wars of Trajan
+in bas relief. Although these bas reliefs have suffered from fire and
+lightning, they are still quite excellent, as this branch of the art was
+then at its height: they are in exquisite taste. These figures are also
+of value in an historical and antiquarian point of view, as they give us
+representations of weapons, armour, dresses, and buildings of which
+otherwise we should not have known anything. Within, there are steps
+which lead to the top; and beneath, there is a vault in which the ashes
+of Trajan were laid: of the latter nothing more is to be found. On the
+top was the bronze statue of Trajan: this was taken down in the times of
+barbarism, and Sixtus V. replaced it by a statue of St. Peter. In the
+Forum round it, two gigantic buildings in the form of _basilicæ_ have
+been brought to light by the clearings made by the French. The
+magnificence of these, beggars all description: among other things,
+there are floors in them of the most beautiful Numidian marble. At the
+entrances of the Forum, there arose triumphal arches; which we only know
+from coins: it may be that Constantine despoiled one of these, and had a
+piece of it patched into his own triumphal arch.
+
+Under Hadrian also, costly buildings were erected; as for instance, the
+temple of Venus and Roma: but unluckily he had no taste, and following
+his own whims, he exercised a baneful influence. Of the time of
+Antoninus Pius, we have ruins which are much less beautiful; and under
+M. Antoninus, there remains of sculpture only the art of casting in
+bronze: his bronze statue is excellent; but the sculptures on the arch
+of Antoninus are far inferior to those of Trajan’s reign. In the
+triumphal arch of Severus, a most dreadful falling off is to be seen:
+even the proportions are neglected, as people were no longer able to
+draw. The spread of Christianity is unjustly reproached with having
+driven out the fine arts: they had already died away before that.
+
+But Trajan’s age was just as great in literature. Tacitus, it is true,
+stands quite alone; he is one of those mighty minds which are no
+creatures of any age. Yet even the mightiest souls feel the influence of
+their age, which still gives them their tone and their impulses, though
+it does not make them what they are. It is quite useless to ask Who was
+Tacitus’ teacher?—he was taught by the sorrows of his times. His great
+soul was deeply wounded by the horrors of Domitian’s reign, the distress
+of which was followed under Nerva and Trajan by a refreshing period. The
+first edition of the Agricola was written by him in the latter years of
+Domitian, as he says in the wretchedly corrupted beginning of the second
+chapter: (of the correctness of my emendation I have not the least
+doubt.[48]) He afterwards revised the work. One may see here all the
+greatness of the man, though it is struggling with the difficulty in
+finding utterance, which arises from a decided aversion to
+diffuseness,—from a striving after terseness without any affectation,
+from a wish to express with the greatest conciseness nothing but the
+thought itself, nor even to waste a word, notwithstanding a great
+richness of ideas, This is most displayed in Tacitus’ earlier writings;
+in the life of Agricola, and in his Germany. He did not want to write
+large books, but only small treatises; and yet he wished to take in them
+the complete description of his subject, all the fulness of his thoughts
+was to be laid before his future reader. The real work of his life,
+which he began later,—evidently later even than the _Germania_,—are the
+_Historiæ_, the most finished performance of his that we know of: had we
+them entire, we should see him passing through all the various styles of
+history. There he did not condense; but he told his story at full
+length, and with much detail: there is no reason to doubt that these
+histories comprised the whole of the thirty books mentioned by St.
+Jerome. After he had finished this work, he wrote the Annals besides, so
+as to give a full account of the times of the Cæsars from the completion
+and establishment of the _principatus_, after the farce of the
+republican forms had been put an end to. These he wrote concisely,
+throwing out some particular parts only in bold relief: the nearer he
+approached the _Historiæ_, the more diffuse he must have become. At the
+latter end of Nero, he certainly went as much into detail as in the
+_Historiæ_. Tacitus is not difficult to understand when one has once
+entered into his way of thinking: it is pitiful to hear people complain
+of him and Sallust for affectation and mannerism. If we compare the
+wonderful symmetry in Tacitus and Sallust with Livy, we see that they
+for their times were far greater masters of style than the latter; for
+whenever he takes upon himself to be argumentative, as in the preface
+and in the passage on the triumph of Cornelius Cossus in the fourth
+book, he becomes infinitely harder than any part of Tacitus. Livy wishes
+there to be short and pithy, and he is unintelligible: the last named
+passage is the most difficult which I know of in the good Latin prose.
+Wherever he is not trying to be concise, he is very easy.
+
+At the side of Tacitus, who stands quite alone,—as did Æschylus and
+Sophocles, as did many a lyric poet, and as did Lessing, who among our
+German prose writers has not found his equal,—but whose transcendent
+merits were not acknowledged by his age, as men were glad to soothe
+their feelings by placing a number of people on a par with him; Pliny
+the Younger was mentioned in his day. Pliny’s letters are
+psychologically most interesting; they give one much insight into the
+human mind. He was one of the most good natured of men, but exceedingly
+vain: before the eyes of the public, he had a strong feeling of his own
+greatness and classicality. Although in conversation with his friends,
+he certainly used to criticise Tacitus, and to deplore his defects; in
+his letters to him, he is full of humility, and makes himself infinitely
+small, just that Tacitus might be favourably disposed towards him, and
+extol him highly: he would say that the public always named him and
+Tacitus together; but that he himself was well aware how much indeed
+Tacitus was his superior. His letters are most instructive, and give us
+an invaluable picture of the times; and we recognise in Pliny himself a
+benevolent and useful man, who makes a very good use of his large
+fortune, one who was an excellent civil governor, but never free from
+childish vanity: he always tells his friends the good which he does, of
+course in the strictest confidence, and these letters are afterwards
+published. Notwithstanding all this, he is a man of much understanding
+and talent, being strikingly like the Parisian writers of the eighteenth
+century: whole phrases in him are quite French, as the late Mr. Spalding
+has rightly observed. He is therefore hardly to be translated into
+German; but he may be rendered most beautifully into French. One may see
+from these letters, that a sort of current coin of intellect had then
+come into use; and this was indeed a matter of course in a time which
+had been preceded by a host of eminent men: a great many thoughts had
+become common property, so as to belong to the whole generation, and a
+chord which had once been struck by a man like Tacitus, could not but
+vibrate for a long time. Moreover, it was an age of comfort and of
+cheerfulness after long depression. Every thing in it had thus been
+brought to a level of mediocrity, and the self-same persons, under
+different circumstances, would in all likelihood have been very little
+indeed. We may judge of them in some measure from Florus, who lived in
+the reign of Trajan. The earlier history was already so far behind them,
+that people only wanted to have a general notion of it. The book is
+quite a book of the time; insufferably frivolous, and displaying a
+shocking want of taste, and an utter ignorance of the actual state of
+things.
+
+Before Trajan’s time, Greek literature had long been dead; in the reign
+of Augustus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus was accomplished as a critic and
+as an historian; in that of Tiberius, Strabo was eminent for his
+practical turn for history. Yet these stand quite alone. Under Domitian,
+Greek literature began to be restored by the schools of the
+rhetoricians, who assume quite a different character. Dio Chrysostom of
+Prusa is really an author of uncommon talent, whose speeches for the
+most part painfully impress us by the triflingness of the matter of
+which they treat: everywhere we find in him an excellence of language, a
+pure, though acquired Atticism, over which he has a wonderful mastery.
+There is not a more amiable mind than his: he is not vain, like a
+rhetorician, and yet he is conscious of his powers. He was an unaffected
+Platonist whose whole soul was in Athens: by-gone Athens was all the
+world to him, and for it he forgets Rome and its rulers.
+
+He is succeeded by Plutarch of Chæronea, whose amiability every one must
+know and appreciate, although it is easy enough to see his defects as an
+historian, and the weakness of his eclectic philosophy. Notwithstanding
+this, there is no saying how much we owe him; and it is impossible to
+read him but with the highest pleasure. His language is far less perfect
+than that of Dio.
+
+By these two men, Greek literature was raised again; and though they had
+no successors to equal them, yet we may date from them a new era. The
+real Alexandrine literature must be deemed to end with the death of
+Eratosthenes in the reign of Ptolemy Evergetes: the period from
+Aristarchus to Dio, is an intermediate one which has no distinct
+character. In Rome under Augustus, a bad Greek literature became in
+vogue, the Greek “_abbés_” (or language-masters) having corrupted every
+body’s taste, as the French did ours in the last century: Livy stands
+forth like a great man in that age. The fancy for what was Greek, even
+though this had no longer a literature, spoiled Rome until the time of
+Seneca: much mischief was also done by the fondness for sophistry. Then
+follows Quintilian as the restorer of pure taste in Roman literature:
+from him to Tacitus, there is a new classic era. Yet this epoch did not
+last: the Greek school raises its head again, and fascinates the Romans
+anew. Under Hadrian, the Greek language once more becomes prevalent, and
+is generally written by all persons of education; under the Antonines,
+all is hellenized.—The taste is changed; the antiquarian fondness for
+the quaint and for Grecian phraseology, becomes the ruling fashion of
+the day.
+
+
+
+
+ HADRIAN. T. ANTONINUS PIUS. M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS.
+
+
+Hadrian was married to the niece of Trajan, the daughter of his sister
+Marciana; which was the cause of his election. Even if Plotina forged
+the deed of Hadrian’s adoption by Trajan, she did no harm: at all
+events, that the election was not contrary to the wishes of Trajan,
+everything tends to prove. Of Hadrian it was said by those who came
+after him, that it was uncertain whether he should be classed among the
+good princes or the bad ones. He committed cruelties which cast a foul
+stain on his memory; but, on the other hand, he did an immense deal of
+good. But if we keep before us as an excuse for these cruelties, the
+state of mind into which he was thrown by his last illness, there is
+scarcely any other reign which was so beneficial to the Roman world as
+his. No prince before him had looked upon himself as the emperor of the
+whole Roman empire, but as the sovereign of Rome, or at most of Italy:
+in the provinces, the care of the Cæsars extended only to military
+affairs. This was in some measure the case even under Trajan.
+
+Hadrian had properly speaking no war, or at most petty wars on the
+frontiers: there were also some disturbances from the Moors; but these
+were soon quelled. For the sake of preserving peace, he first of the
+Roman emperors gave subsidies to the border nations. Of Trajan’s
+conquests, he only kept Dacia; those which had been gained from the
+Parthians, he abandoned. The twenty-two years of his reign were free
+from any calamity worth mentioning. One of his first acts was to remit
+900,000,000 sesterces (45,000,000 dollars) of arrears of taxes; whether
+this was to his subjects directly, or to the publicans, has not been
+made out. Much remains to be done for the history of the Roman financial
+system; for that of the land-tax, Savigny has done a great deal, and
+done it well.
+
+Hadrian extended his benefits over all the countries of the Roman
+empire: he travelled over the provinces, from the cataracts of Egypt to
+the Scottish borders. There is not, perhaps, a province which he did not
+visit.
+
+The outbreak of the Jews in Cyprus and Cyrene, where great numbers of
+them were settled, was a very fierce one. They had made an attempt
+before; but now the struggle was carried on with unbridled fury by
+Barkochba: the Jews fought with the greatest courage, though it was only
+for vengeance, as they knew all the while that they should perish at
+last. All that remained of that hapless nation in Palestine was
+extirpated, with the exception of the Samaritans, and Jerusalem was
+rebuilt as a military colony under the name of Ælia Capitolina, a name
+which, remarkably enough, has been kept up to this day: the Arab writers
+do not call the place Jerusalem, but either the Holy City or Ilia. No
+Jew was allowed to come near it, not even so much as to get a sight of
+Mount Moriah.
+
+Whilst travelling through the provinces, Hadrian built everywhere great
+works. In Britain he erected the wall against the Caledonians for the
+protection of the province, which now already began to be Romanized,
+though indeed the Gaelic and Cymric elements of the population were
+likewise preserved. But above all, it was on Athens, which he
+enthusiastically loved, as well as on Greece in general, that he
+showered his benefits. He adorned Athens with works, the like of which
+had not been wrought for the city since the times of Pericles; he
+finished the Olympiëum, built a theatre and an entire new town, and even
+had himself invested with the dignity of an _Archon Eponymus_. In the
+last years of his life, he fell into a state of melancholy; and then, on
+the one hand, he sought for aid to secure the succession of the empire,
+and on the other, he gave way to sudden outbursts of anger and to
+mistrust, and was thus led to put many persons to death. He was an enemy
+to the Roman senate, which, however, in all likelihood was a set of
+presumptuous, overbearing, disagreeable people, who besides were
+enormously rich: it had now already come to pass, that in these wealthy
+families the senatorial dignity was handed down as an inheritance from
+father to son. Then it was that Hadrian first adopted a young man named
+Ælius Verus, in whom, however, he was unaccountably mistaken. On this
+occasion an immense _congiarium_ was given to the people. Most happily
+for Rome, this unworthy fellow died a short time afterwards; on which
+Hadrian chose T. Antoninus (Pius), whom he had already thought of
+before, a grandson of Arrius Antoninus, the friend of Nerva, and an
+altogether blameless man.
+
+Among the remarkable features of Hadrian’s reign, is the foundation of
+the system of Roman jurisprudence in its later form, the drawing up of
+the _edictum perpetuum_, and the further development of the law by means
+of imperial edicts. It is a new epoch in Roman jurisprudence; the
+_responsa prudentum_, now that they were given in the name of the
+emperor, acquired a real authority. The emperors had even since Augustus
+had a sort of council of state; but Hadrian put the _consistorium
+Principis_ on a surer footing: a regularly settled form that body never
+had. The _præfectus prætorio_ henceforth is a lawyer and not a military
+man, a strange combination in the manner of the East.
+
+The decline of literature under Hadrian becomes yet more marked than it
+had been under Trajan. The inscriptions are in a quite barbarous Latin,
+the grammatical forms being utterly disregarded, and all the cases
+jumbled together. I have seen at Rome an inscription of the time of
+Hadrian, which is composed in a real _lingua rustica_. Just so, we have
+in Egypt inscriptions, which pass for Greek, but are entirely barbarous.
+Such inscriptions, although still to be met with in Italy only far and
+between, are yet enough to show in what a state the population was even
+then, the gaps which had been made in it by the civil wars, having been
+filled up by myriads of slaves. A jargon was formed in the altogether
+desolate parts of Italy, from whence it also spread to Rome; just what
+happened in the case of the Wends, when about a hundred and fifty years
+ago they were compelled to speak German. This is the _lingua rustica_,
+or _vulgaris_, like that of the black slaves in the American colonies.
+People of rank, no doubt, still spoke Latin; they learned it as the
+English in the colonies do their own language, after having spoken when
+children that of the Creoles. I do not doubt in the least that Pliny and
+Tacitus, even if they knew a _lingua rustica_ at all, talked to each
+other as they wrote. A language which is grown poor, as ours did after
+the thirty years’ war,[49] tries to recruit itself from books and from
+the earlier writers. The latter were therefore read for the sake of
+their language; the older the style, the more valued was the writer.
+Hence indeed it was that Plautus, Nævius, Ennius, whom people in
+Seneca’s time still held in such contempt, were now read with so much
+favour: the older the language, the purer it was deemed. This fondness
+for them caused the most correct authors to be neglected; as for
+instance, Cicero was for Cato and Gracchus. The contempt for the older
+writers, certainly lasted from Virgil to the end of the first century of
+our era. In like manner, not a very long while ago were Walther von der
+Vogelweide and Zacharias Theobald extolled among us as models, the
+former for poetry, the latter for historical writing. Hadrian, being
+himself a lover of the _antiquitas_, contributed by his example to this
+revival of the ancient literature; but he did much more in favour of
+that of the Greeks. Greek had no doubt also kept itself more alive: in
+Athens, the people in all likelihood did not yet speak at all
+barbarously. There were very few Greek writers indeed, and Hadrian only
+brought them out too much. To write Greek poetry got into fashion more
+than it had ever been, and he gave pensions for it; as for instance, to
+the lyric poet Mesomedes.
+
+The taste for archæology and old-fashioned language called forth a
+writer like Gellius, from whom we may learn much. He is somewhat later
+than Pliny; his book must be dated from the reign of M. Antoninus. His
+ignorance of his own age is quite inconceivable: he knows nothing about
+Roman institutions, so that he also most ludicrously misunderstands the
+ancients, being one of those who, to use Goethe’s words, “see the world
+but on a holiday.” Yet he has not even the least knowledge of antiquity
+itself, nor any notion of the law, or in fact of human life: thus for
+instance, he has no idea of what a colony is, although there were
+hundreds of them in his times. Hence his many mistakes, however
+agreeable an author he may be otherwise. A man of the same stamp is
+Fronto, the tutor of M. Antoninus: it is remarkable how he makes his
+pupil read authors merely for the sake of their phrases, leading him to
+hunt after words, as he calls it himself. Former rhetoricians had tried
+to produce an effect by a subtle combination of thoughts; but now it was
+to be done by out-of-the-way words and forms. Fronto’s hatred against
+Seneca really arises from a feeling of being entirely incapable of such
+refinement as his.
+
+There were, however, some people besides, who combined both refinement
+of thought and refinement of expression. Seceding from the Roman school,
+they formed the African one, to which belonged Apuleius and Tertullian,
+and which lasted to the middle of the third century, until the time of
+Arnobius. This African school is most incorrectly spoken off as having
+had quite a dialect of its own, the peculiarities of its diction are all
+of them expressions of the most ancient Roman language, which it
+collected and made use of. The same thing was about this time to a
+certain extent the case with the Greeks; and this may then have given
+rise to many a collection of glosses in Latin as well as in Greek: the
+abuse of it is shown in the Lexiphanes of Lucian. Apuleius and
+Tertullian, however, are men of the highest talent: Apuleius, who writes
+in a remarkably lively style, is undoubtedly to be placed among the
+first geniuses of his age. His Apology, in which the quaint expressions
+are not so heaped together as in the Metamorphoses, shows with what
+eloquence he could speak and write, so long as he did not strive to be
+over-refined. Old words which were becoming obsolete, are here and there
+to be met with even in Sallust and Tacitus, but very sparingly and
+without abuse: the later writers sow them broadcast. How the African
+school with all its peculiarities arose, is perhaps more than we can now
+tell; yet Carthage was in the western world so decidedly the second city
+after Rome, that one may easily understand, how in literature also it
+stood in marked opposition to it: there was very much the same
+difference which there is now between Paris and Geneva. In the
+provincial towns, like Madaura, Hippo, and others, Punic was still
+spoken; and thus it was that the change into the Arabic became so easy
+in those parts. It is very likely that the present language of Tunis is
+by no means Arabic in reality, but that it still contains much of the
+Punic: many Latin elements are preserved in it; as for instance, the use
+of the preposition _de_ to express the genitive.
+
+Greek literature kept rising: the eastern world, owing to Hadrian’s
+partiality, had not only got to a far greater height of literary wealth
+and originality, but also of pride and vanity. Then arose the witty
+Lucian, who indeed has been overrated for some time, but whom we should
+by no means make light of. His pure Attic style calls forth our
+admiration, as he certainly spoke nothing but Syriac until he had grown
+up to be a young man. On the whole, all the eastern world at that time
+went on cheerfully, whilst the West moved sluggishly: the East had
+ceased to look upon itself as subdued, since the right of Roman
+citizenship already extended over millions, every emperor conferring it
+on new countries. In the days of the Antonines also lived Lucian, Galen,
+Pausanias (who indeed is less ingenious, but very useful and important
+for us), Aristides, that most disagreeable writer, and the whole school
+of Greek rhetoricians who looked upon themselves as forming the second
+grand era of eloquence. These wrote after the ancient models, but alas!
+there is nothing in their works: whenever they have something to write
+about, they show no want of talent. This is also the case with the Latin
+writers. Apuleius shows talent wherever he has a subject, as in that
+eccentric book, the Metamorphoses, and in his Apology; and so does
+Tertullian, as for instance, when he writes against the theatre, having
+a truth to deal with. On the other hand, Aristides’ declamation on the
+battle of Leuctra is really insufferable. Tertullian should be read much
+more generally by philologists, and so should the Fathers on the whole;
+for this we have before us the bright example of such great men as
+Scaliger, Hemsterhuys, Valckenaer, and others. We cannot thoroughly know
+the history of those times, unless we study the writings of a Justin
+Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, and Athenagoras.
+
+There is no pile of building in earlier Rome more colossal than the
+_moles Hadriani_, of which we know for certain that the tower with all
+its inscriptions was still in existence in the middle ages: Procopius
+tells us that the statue of the emperor was thrown down at the siege of
+Rome by the Goths. The destroyer did his worst; but the huge masses are
+yet standing, so that it is now the largest building which has been
+left, and even in its shattered state it is still noble. Of Hadrian’s
+villa, about two miles from Tibur, there remain to this day immense
+ruins, which, notwithstanding their strange outlines, have kept their
+extraordinary beauty: a great number of very fine statues have been dug
+up there. Where the gardens were, some exotic plants have grown wild. Of
+Hadrian as an author, we have nothing but a few verses, which are found
+in his life by Spartianus; a doubtful epigram on his favourite horse
+Borysthenes, (as for myself, I think it to be genuine;) and some Greek
+verses. He has, however, written much poetry.
+
+He was succeeded by T. Antoninus Pius, whom he would not have adopted,
+had M. Aurelius been grown up. To this boy, Hadrian’s attention was
+directed even from his early childhood: his real name was Annius Verus;
+but on account of his unflinching love of truth Hadrian called him
+Verissimus. But as he was well aware that a youth of such tender years
+was not yet fit for the throne; he adopted the husband of the sister of
+Verus’ father, whose chief recommendation in his eyes was this
+connexion. T. Antoninus Pius was married to Galeria Faustina, the sister
+of Annius Verus the elder. The Roman names are now so confused, that it
+is with the greatest trouble that one is able to find one’s way among
+them. T. Aurelius Antoninus came originally from Nemausus (_Nismes_) in
+the province of Gaul, Italy having even then almost entirely ceased to
+furnish princes. His history is one of those which are least known to
+us. The seventieth book of Dio Cassius was already lost when Zonaras and
+Xiphilinus made their abstracts; so that we are indeed confined to the
+wretchedly written lives in the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_. His reign
+lasted more than twenty-two years. His personal character was very good:
+his surname of _Pius_ he earned by getting divine honours granted to
+Hadrian when he died, in spite of the violent irritation which was felt
+against him. His reign was not as undisturbed as the one before it had
+been. He had some wars on the borders, besides which there were risings
+among the Britons and the Moorish tribes of mount Atlas; moreover, there
+was a rebellion of the Jews, and there were hostilities with the
+Parthians. These wars were in many places insurrections, which more than
+anything proves the oppression of the people by the governors. His reign
+was disastrous, owing to awful earthquakes: the destruction of Rhodes,
+Smyrna, and other Ionian towns, mentioned by Aristides, took place at
+this time. If we can venture to make conjectures from the very few
+memorials which have been left to us, we may say that Antoninus was a
+very well-meaning, good man, but a commonplace person, and anything but
+a great prince. He seems to have laid the foundation of that steady
+decline which we see in the days of M. Antoninus.
+
+The golden age of jurisprudence still went on in his time. Gaius, it is
+certain, already wrote in the last years of his reign; Appian, the
+beginning of the writings of Galen, and Sextus Empiricus are of the same
+date. The manufactures of Egypt, especially of Alexandria, were most
+flourishing indeed, even under Hadrian; above all, those of linen,
+cotton, and glass. Astronomy also and mathematical geography had reached
+a high standard.
+
+He was succeeded by M. Antoninus: of the adoption of this Marcus, there
+are two different accounts. The generally received one is that T.
+Antoninus adopted him together with Lucius Verus, the son of L. Verus;
+according to the other, Marcus had to adopt Verus as his son. The former
+of these is supported by the fact of their being called _Divi fratres_;
+on the other hand, Verus in a letter to Marcus, speaks of Antoninus as
+“_pater tuus, avus meus_.” It may be that M. Antoninus adopted Verus as
+his son, and afterwards gave him to his father for adoption. The real
+name of the elder Verus was Commodus and Antoninus Verus; but they
+changed names, and the firstborn son of Verus was called Commodus. If
+there ever was spotless virtue, it was that of Marcus. There cannot be
+greater kindness, modesty, conscientiousness, and mastery over self,
+than was seen in this noble-hearted man: he certainly was the best of
+his age. We may behold him from his early childhood, recognising him
+even in the wretched life which has been written of him; moreover we
+have the many busts which have been taken at the different ages of his
+life, from his twelfth, sixteenth, twentieth year to his death: there is
+in every one of these the same virtuous expression. Formerly we knew him
+as a full-aged man from his golden book the Meditations, in which indeed
+there are things which give us pain, as we thence discover that he was
+not happy; but even in his trouble we cannot but love him for his fine
+soul. Particularly interesting is the first book. Now again we see him
+also in his correspondence with Fronto as a grown up youth, in the first
+cheerful years of the spring tide of life, and, as far as his nature
+would allow, very happy indeed. Afterwards, we find him sorrowful and
+weighed down by the burthen of his duties, of which, however, he never
+would let himself neglect any: he was an excellent husband and father,
+and an enthusiastic disciple of his master, who was infinitely below
+him; and when his eyes had been opened with regard to this, he yet
+returns to him that he might not slight or offend him, coaxing him, and
+asking his advice when he had no need for it. His education is
+remarkable; the range it took was immense: it is quite incredible what
+an amount of knowledge was placed before him, and with what zeal he
+applied himself to it. As his teacher of rhetoric, he had Fronto, who,
+at that time, had the greatest reputation as an advocate, and who in his
+own way was training him to be a rhetorician. He had also a Greek of the
+same stamp, Herodes Atticus, who was, however, much more a man of the
+world than the old pedantic Fronto. Marcus Antoninus read a vast deal of
+the classical literature of the two languages; and until his twentieth
+year, the whole of his attention was directed to grammar and literature.
+He had a great liking for the older writers before Cicero, preferring
+Plautus, Ennius, and Nævius, to Virgil and Horace. Soon afterwards, in
+his twenty-second year, he became acquainted with a man whom he looked
+upon as his true guardian angel, sent to him by Heaven. This was Junius
+Rusticus, of whose personal character we know nothing beyond what M.
+Antoninus himself says of him in his first book. However inferior Zeno
+may have been to Plato and Aristotle, the Stoics were the only
+philosophers at that time who were worth anything: the Platonists had
+sunk into _Thaumaturgi_ and _Theurgi_; the Peripatetics had fallen to
+nothing; but the Stoics were ever able to rise again, owing to their
+moral discipline. That really great man, Epictetus, had already lived
+and taught. Arrian was likewise a distinguished man; and in his
+philosophy also, he was worthy of the better ages of Greece. Epictetus
+infused a new life into the Stoic philosophy; though indeed it was not
+of long duration, as the minds, which until then had been attached to
+Stoicism, now turned themselves towards Neo-Platonism and Christianity.
+Stoicism opened to M. Antoninus a new world; and it is this which gives
+the otherwise childish letters of Fronto such an indescribable interest:
+they throw light upon the state of mind of the youth, who cast rhetoric
+aside in disgust, and sought his only happiness in philosophy, in the
+insight which it opens into virtue and eternity, and not in its
+dialectical juggleries. He bore the task of government, just as
+religious men say that one should take up the cross and bear it. Living
+wholly for the state and the government, and unremittingly fulfilling
+his duties as a general, he complains of not being able to conceive one
+cheering thought. No prince was ever so loved by his subjects, that is
+to say, by one half of the world, as he was by his: the people of Syria
+and Egypt are to be excepted, who indeed had never seen him, and were
+little inclined to him. The whole of the West, on the other hand, adored
+him: this is shown by the countless busts which are found of him. Men of
+the same age, as a mark of love, would in those days call each other
+_frater_; younger ones would call their elders _pater_; and so loveable
+was he, that all who knew him in the least placed themselves on this
+affectionate footing with him. His demeanour to the senate was just as
+if he looked upon it as the old senate, the real seat of Roman
+sovereignty, and upon himself as a mere _magistratus_.
+
+This excellent man was very unhappy: a gloomy fatality seemed to weigh
+upon him in every relation of life. The times became very troubled. The
+long peace had destroyed military discipline, and relaxed the energy of
+the Roman armies; sensuality, the love of pleasure, and sloth, had risen
+to a dreadful height. The German nations, pressed upon by the Sclavonic
+races, were obliged to throw themselves into the arms of the Romans,
+wherever these were strong enough to protect them; or else to invade the
+Roman territory, as was done by the Marcomanni and Quadi, who now
+crossed the Danube. On the other side, the Parthians in the East burst
+into Armenia, which in fact owed allegiance to both states; and when
+they had become masters of it, they also marched from thence into the
+Roman territory, and cut to pieces a legate with one or two legions.
+This happened in the beginning of his reign.—Another of his misfortunes
+was his having L. Verus for his adopted brother, a man who wallowed in
+luxury and debauchery: he was the true counterpart of Caligula and Nero,
+only he could not as yet display the same cruelty as they did, being
+kept under by Marcus.—Aurelius was also unhappy in his wife Faustina,
+the daughter of Antoninus; yet more than he himself was aware of: he
+loved her dearly, especially as the mother of his children; but she was
+by no means worthy of him. He had perhaps the good fortune of having
+never been awakened from his delusion as to her real character, always
+seeing her as he wished to see her. It is also possible that her morals
+may have been drawn in darker colours than her actions would warrant;
+yet there cannot be any doubt as to what her feelings were.
+
+Against the Parthians, he sent L. Verus, that he might give him an
+opportunity of deserving well of the empire. But Verus stayed at
+Antioch, and in four campaigns he only once crossed the Euphrates. His
+generals, Statius Priscus, Avidius Cassius, and Martius Varus, carried
+on the war in a very brilliant manner: they decided it in the three last
+campaigns, and Cassius even conquered Seleucia. To the Parthians a peace
+was granted, the conditions of which, however, are not known to us.
+
+When Verus returned from the East to Europe, this part of the world, for
+the first time after several centuries, was visited by the plague. The
+last mention of a real plague had been in the year of the city 461; in
+the year 167 after Christ, the eastern pestilence made its appearance,
+spreading over Asia Minor, Greece, Italy, Gaul, in short, over the whole
+of the West: perhaps Africa alone was not reached by it. It swept away
+countless victims; and there is no doubt but that the epoch in
+literature and art which marks the reign of Antoninus, is owing to this
+plague. A similar effect was produced by the epidemic in the
+Peloponnesian War on Athens, and by the black death in the year 1348 on
+Germany and Florence.
+
+What rendered M. Aurelius’ reign most unfortunate, besides the plague,
+which had been occasioned by the Parthian war, was the war with the
+German nations. Since the days of Augustus, the Germans on the borders
+only had made inroads against the Romans, whose frontier reached beyond
+the whole of the country south of the Maine, even as far as the
+Spessart: Franconia, Swabia, and the Palatinate on the other side,[50]
+were Roman; and the Romans went from Frankfort to Ratisbon on highways
+which they themselves had laid down. The old inhabitants of these
+southern countries were either wholly Gauls, or at least outnumbered by
+Gallic settlers: the population, however, was but scanty. At the time
+when Tacitus wrote, there was evidently a peace, and even much
+intercourse with some of the tribes, as for instance, with the
+Hermunduri: during the whole of the first century, only the Sigambri and
+the Bructeri had taken a share in the risings of the nations on this
+side of the Rhine, and that was in the reign of Vespasian. This may have
+still been the case under Hadrian, who already gave yearly subsidies to
+the peoples there. When Pius was on the throne, a war against the Chatti
+is spoken of, which on the side of the Romans was a defensive one. It
+was evidently the advance of the Sclavonic nations from the East, which
+set the Germans in motion: in the reign of Marcus, they had broken up
+everywhere; and while they were flying from the enemy, they threw
+themselves on the Romans. Then did the Marcomanni come forth most
+gallantly, though indeed it was for the last time: they were at length
+either annihilated, or they were changed into tribes of a different
+name. The Marcomanni, Quadi, Chatti, and a number of other peoples,
+together with the Sarmatians, who were strangers and otherwise hostile
+to them, for the first time, broke through the Roman frontier from Dacia
+to Gaul, and cut their way to Rhætia and Aquileia. Xiphilinus throws
+little or no light on this: with the help of coins alone, which from the
+time of Hadrian are a very good guide, something may be made out; but
+even then there is great uncertainty. It is clear that the war against
+the Marcomanni had two different epochs, which were interrupted by a
+truce or a peace, in which the places taken were given up: the second
+war broke out in the last years of Marcus. On the magnificent bas
+reliefs of the monumental column erected to M. Aurelius, which, however,
+is very much damaged, there are many representations which tell
+favourably for the Romans; as for instance, barbarous princes who made
+their submission to him. One cannot believe that this was invented to
+flatter him, as he never would have tolerated anything of the kind.
+There is no doubt but that the war during the last years turned out a
+victorious one for the Romans; yet it was full of immense difficulties
+for them. If Marcus had lived longer, he would certainly have made
+Marcomannia and Sarmatia a province.
+
+The progress of this war was interrupted by the rebellion of Avidius
+Cassius. This Avidius Cassius is a remarkable man; yet we are so much in
+the dark as to these times, that we do not even know his descent.
+According to some, he was a native of Cyprus or Syria; but it is more
+generally thought that he was sprung from the _gens Cassia_, either in
+the male line, or through a woman of that house who had married into his
+father’s family: the latter case was possible, even if he was a native
+of the East. It is, however, somewhat unlikely that an Asiatic should
+have had the chief command of an army. So long as the Latin language was
+spoken, it mattered not from what country a man came, whether he was a
+Spaniard, an African, or a Roman; but it was otherwise with the peoples
+of the East, who spoke Greek: that these should have risen to the
+highest offices, is not to be believed. Cassius was distinguished as a
+commander. The discipline of the Roman army had long fallen off, and the
+legions seem at that time to have been recruited from the military
+colonies and from the _limes_: this was owing to the long peace under
+Hadrian, and to the unwarlike rule of the pious Antonine. It was
+particularly in the East, that the legions had degenerated. They
+remained stationary in the same place; and being constantly recruited,
+whilst the veterans of course were discharged, they became a sort of
+resident janissaries in the border countries. This was quite a senseless
+arrangement, and one cannot understand how Trajan could have tolerated
+such a thing. They should have been kept in camps; but they were most of
+them quartered in the towns, as at Antioch, and elsewhere. Syria is an
+exceedingly fine and lovely country, and there they became thoroughly
+demoralized. Yet among these very legions, Cassius had at this time
+restored discipline; and he had led them to victory in a war against the
+Parthians who had made a most successful attack: these last, though they
+likewise had degenerated, had still an excellent cavalry. The proconsuls
+in the senatorial provinces were changed; but the _legati pro Prætore_
+in the imperial ones very often remained the whole of their lives in the
+same province: thus also Cassius remained here a very long time, and was
+highly popular throughout the East, even as far as Egypt. He was yet
+perhaps more so with the people than with the army, in which, though the
+best men were proud of him as a distinguished commander, he practised a
+Cassian _severitas_. By part of his army, and by the population, he was
+proclaimed emperor, as a report is said to have got abroad that M.
+Aurelius was dead. It was a misfortune for the empire that this report
+was not true; for Cassius was perfectly equal to the management of
+affairs, and the empire would thus have been spared the shameful reign
+of Commodus. That Cassius should have dreamt of restoring the
+republic,[51] is not to be believed of so able a general; but he meant
+to govern the empire according to the principles of his predecessors.
+Thirty days[52] had not passed, before Cassius was murdered by a
+centurion, the tidings having come in the meanwhile that Marcus was
+still alive: this murder plainly proves that part of the army disliked
+the strictness of the general. The provinces unwillingly returned to
+their obedience. That Faustina had a share in the rebellion of Cassius,
+as a biographer wants to make us believe, has been most convincingly
+disproved by others. The letters of Faustina and Marcus are very
+interesting; but one is already shocked at their Latinity: several
+obsolete forms are met with over and over again; as for instance,
+_rebellio_ instead of _rebellis_, like the old _perduellio_ instead of
+_perduellis_. There are, however, no historical sources more wretched
+than the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_. They are without any exception
+altogether silly; and they put together the most glaringly impossible
+things, without being at all startled by it. To separate the several
+_Vitæ_ from one another, is quite impossible.
+
+M. Aurelius went to the East to set all right again. He forbore to
+punish the rebellious provinces, although, the senate was very ready to
+do so. His mildness was even shown towards the son of Cassius, whom he
+wished to save, but who was murdered without his knowledge: the other
+children he actually saved; and he would not allow their estates to be
+confiscated. There are some remarkable letters of Cassius in which he
+expressed his discontent at the rule of Marcus, whom he calls
+_dialogista_. We cannot wonder at this: it is quite possible, that a
+practical man of sterling ability, like Cassius, should have found that
+Marcus, notwithstanding his private virtues, was not fit for his
+dignity; for although the latter most conscientiously devoted himself to
+public business, he had no heart for ruling, and was always much more
+inclined towards other pursuits. There is another passage in his letters
+worthy of attention, in which it is said, that Marcus was a
+noble-hearted man, but that he was not able to judge of those about him;
+so that any one who gave himself out to be a philosopher, would get hold
+of him, and try under this disguise to serve his own ends. Just so was
+Julian likewise taken in by any one who called himself a philosopher;
+and so has been many a prince in our own times by the Tartuffes.
+
+Some additional light is now thrown on the state of things under M.
+Aurelius by the fragments of Fronto. These letters, however trifling
+their literary value may be, are of very high historical importance. The
+weakness of Marcus for many people, and above all for Faustina, shows
+that he carried several of his virtues even to excess, more especially
+his virtues as a husband and a father. Fronto lets himself be used as a
+tool by Faustina to set aside the will of an old aunt, the younger
+Matidia, because she had not left in it anything to the empress. Marcus
+answers him in a remarkable note, in which he thanks him. We do not know
+how the matter ended; but there can be no doubt that he really set aside
+the will. This weakness must also have been displayed towards many other
+persons besides Faustina.
+
+In short, the condition of the empire at home was not good, and the
+disasters abroad were great: the plague must have remained in Italy and
+in the West; Africa it did not visit, as may be seen from the writings
+of Tertullian. It is the same plague as that which is met with again
+under Commodus; nor are there any grounds for doubting the statement of
+Dio, who was a Roman senator, that two thousand men were buried every
+day at Rome. The population had in some measure recovered its losses
+since the times of Augustus, under whom it had very much dwindled, but
+there was now again as awful a destruction of life.
+
+The virtues of Marcus have certainly done much harm: even his great
+favour and indulgence towards the senate had many evil consequences; for
+the senate was bad. The Emperor died on the Marcomannian frontier in his
+camp, March A. D. 180, after a reign of nineteen years, his son Commodus
+being at that time nineteen years old. The only reproach ever made
+against him, was that in his reign the exclusiveness of a court began to
+show itself: the former emperors, down to Antoninus Pius, had still
+looked upon themselves as being only as it were the first magistrates of
+the state. This did not certainly come from one like him, who valued men
+according to their intrinsic worth, but from the overbearing Faustina.
+
+There were yet several excellent generals in the army, such as
+Pescennius Niger in the East, and L. Septimius Severus on the Illyrian
+frontier: in the administration, Helvius Pertinax was distinguished, who
+afterwards became emperor. Claudius Severus also seems to have still
+been alive; an excellent man he was, if we may judge from what is told
+us by Marcus, on whom we may rely in this instance, although he was
+elsewhere mistaken. There still was much intellectual life and
+refinement lingering in the world, especially in the East: in Italy it
+was waning fast. Gellius wrote in the reign of M. Aurelius, and indeed
+only after the death of Fronto, which was brought on by the plague
+somewhat about the year 169: (it is decidedly wrong to give it an
+earlier date.) This book shows the grammatical and rhetorical tendency
+which then prevailed: we see in a remarkable manner how the existing
+institutions had no influence whatever on him.
+
+
+
+
+ COMMODUS. PERTINAX. DIDIUS JULIANUS. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS.
+
+
+Had not Marcus been so weak, he would hardly have allowed Commodus to
+become his successor: he must have seen how coarse and void of all
+virtue the youth was, and he should have come to the resolution of
+adopting one of his leading generals. The idea of the empire’s being an
+heir-loom, was scarcely yet a settled one; but Marcus established it.
+
+Commodus was a handsome and active young man, of great strength and
+nimbleness of body; and thus he was led to choose the roughest
+amusements, as archery, fencing, and such like. At first, he checked
+himself, and matters went on smoothly enough in the track of his father;
+but he soon followed his own nature. It was not long before he gave up
+the government to the prefect M. Perennis, who ruled in the most
+oppressive manner, quite in the Asiatic style. This ended in a sedition,
+and Commodus sacrificed his minister and favourite to the mutineers.
+Soon afterwards, he was attacked by an assassin, whom his sister Lucilla
+is said to have employed against him, but who told him that he had been
+set on by the senate; whereupon Commodus began to wreak his vengeance on
+that body. His means of ingratiating himself had been his profuse
+liberality, especially to the _plebs urbana_ and the soldiers: this, as
+we see from the coins, was very often repeated, and thus the treasures
+of the empire were completely drained. At the death of Pius, there were
+2,700 million of sesterces (135,000,000 dollars of our [Prussian] money)
+in the treasury; but this had been spent in the wars of Marcus, who had
+even sold the valuable things in his palace, so that he should not be
+obliged to lay on new taxes. Commodus now also began to shed blood, that
+he might have more money to throw away. His reign is detestable, and it
+is impossible to dwell on it. After Perennis was sacrificed, our
+interest is excited by the similar fate of Cleander, a freedman: it does
+not, however, seem quite credible, that he was _præfectus prætorio_. The
+cavalry of the prætorians and the _cohortes urbanæ_ had now already
+begun to have brawls with each other; which proves in what a distracted
+state things then were. The city cohorts, which took the part of the
+town against the prætorians, had the best of it; and Commodus would have
+been murdered at Lanuvium,[53] whither he had retired on account of the
+plague, had not his sister Fadilla and his concubine Marcia, pointed out
+to him the danger in which he was. He only escaped by sacrificing
+Cleander.
+
+His tastes were now no longer confined to the sports of the chase; but
+it was the pride of his later years to come forth as a gladiator, and he
+called himself Hercules. His head which he put on the colossal statue of
+the god of the Sun, is undoubtedly still preserved, and it is very
+beautiful. His mad decrees are the dreams of a tyrant. When he wanted,
+on the Calends of January, to march at the head of the gladiators from
+the _ludus gladiatorius_ to the Capitol, and thus take possession of the
+consulship without auspices; he was led in his wrath to proscribe Lætus
+and Marcia, who had most strongly urged him not to do so. This, however,
+was betrayed to them by a dwarf; on which Marcia gave Commodus a cup of
+poison, and she also sent a strong wrestler to strangle him. The senate
+and people now vented their hatred by cursing and reviling his memory;
+but the prætorians grumbled, as they were fond of him for his weakness.
+It was spread abroad that he had died of apoplexy.
+
+The _præfectus prætorio_ Lætus now proclaimed old Pertinax, who was
+already upwards of sixty, emperor. A worthier man than he, could not
+have been chosen: he had distinguished himself as a brave, although not
+precisely as a great general; but it was especially for his
+administrative talent and his sterling character, that he was known and
+respected. He had Marcus’ virtues without his faults, and he would
+therefore in time have even excelled him as a ruler; for with all his
+heart and soul he threw himself into the business of the state. The
+people rejoiced at his election: but only part of the senators did, as
+he was not of noble race; and the soldiers tolerated him indeed, but
+they did not like him. On the first of January 193, he entered upon the
+government; before the end of March in the same year, he was already
+murdered.
+
+After his death, as the story goes, the prætorians put up the empire to
+the highest bidder. This is most likely a gross exaggeration. It was a
+generally received custom for every new ruler to give the prætorians a
+_donativum_; and as Sulpician and Didius Julianus were trying at the
+same time to get the sovereignty, it is quite natural that the largeness
+of the donation turned the scales. Sulpician who was in the camp,
+promised twenty thousand sesterces for every prætorian; but Julianus,
+who was at the gates of the city, offered twenty-five thousand. The
+prætorians opened the gates to the latter, and acknowledged him as
+emperor. Julianus here appears still more contemptible than he really
+was, as he had quite as good prospects of ascending the throne as any
+one else, and he was really innocent of the death of Commodus. He had
+not been a bad governor of a province, and there is on the whole, not
+much against his personal character: he was a very rich, but at the same
+time, a very vain man, and he had, as a governor, distinguished himself
+in his campaign against Dalmatia. It was not with his own treasures,
+that he bought the empire; but with those of the state: yet the fierce
+ill-will which he thus aroused against himself, was owing to his having
+so openly applied to the prætorians, thereby letting them know the
+secret of their power, and the fact that they were masters of the
+government. As Dio here is mutilated, and Herodian was a foreigner, and
+a frivolous writer; most of the circumstances are to be gleaned from the
+_Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_, who, however, are wretched beyond all
+conception. They contain, notwithstanding, many a detail which even
+Gibbon has overlooked.
+
+Even before this, Clodius Albinus, who commanded in Britain, had been on
+bad terms with Commodus. The offer which the latter had once made him of
+taking the title of Cæsar, in case any accident should happen to
+himself, he had declined; and, on the other hand, he seems, even before
+the death of the tyrant, to have shielded himself by means of his army
+against any of his attempts. As for Pertinax, he had neither
+acknowledged nor rejected him. After the death of Pertinax, the British
+and Gallic legions proclaimed Albinus; the German and Pannonian ones,
+Septimius Severus; and those of the East, Pescennius Niger. The senate,
+on the whole, was for Albinus; the people, and some of the senators, for
+Pescennius Niger; whilst Severus had in Rome a comparatively small
+number of partisans, and Julianus had every one against him: the senate
+could not abide him, because he had made himself dependent on the
+prætorians. Pescennius could not advance, as Severus was blocking up his
+way. The latter acted with indefatigable energy: three months after the
+death of Pertinax, he was at Terni. No one raised his hand to uphold
+Julianus, and the prætorians themselves scarcely made an attempt to
+defend their own creature: for they were now as cowardly and mutinous as
+the Janissaries in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries down to the
+time of their destruction. The senate swore fealty to Severus, who
+entered Rome with his army: the populace was panic-struck; Julianus was
+put to death; and the prætorians were disarmed, and disbanded in
+disgrace. Upon this, Severus immediately turned himself towards the
+East.
+
+Septimius Severus was a most remarkable man: he came from Leptis, an old
+Punic colony in which a Roman _conventus_ had settled. There is no doubt
+but that the Septimius Severus to whom Statius addressed a poem (the
+_Leptitani_), was an ancestor of his. He was thoroughly Punic, and
+indeed his sister, when she came to Rome, spoke nothing but broken
+Latin: these places in Africa had so completely retained their foreign
+character, that Punic was the prevailing language, even in the towns:
+Severus, however, both in Greek and Latin was a good writer. We have of
+his only one undoubted letter, which, although he wrote it in a passion,
+is very well written: he also composed memoirs, which unfortunately have
+been lost.—He was then in his forty-seventh year, and in every
+department, whether of administration or of military command, he had
+greatly distinguished himself. A marked feature in his character was his
+leaning towards foreign religions, astrology, and soothsaying: these
+things, on the whole, were now getting more and more into vogue, thus
+paving the way for the Christian religion. Many took this up as they
+would any other theurgy, as the Orphic or such like; and therefore it
+also now begins to emerge from obscurity. Severus’ reign was exceedingly
+favourable to Christianity, with which his empress, Julia, a Syrian
+woman, was particularly struck. Unction being at that time often applied
+as a remedy, Severus also had received it in a violent illness; and as
+he thought himself to have been cured by it, he gave protection to
+Christianity in the instructions issued to his lieutenants. He was an
+uncommonly handsome man; his countenance was so dignified and noble,
+that it prepossessed all who beheld it. The great charge brought against
+him, is that of cruelty, which showed itself after the downfall of
+Albinus: forty-one senators had to atone with their blood for their
+connexion with the latter, and Spartianus also mentions women and
+children. This wretched writer cannot, however, be relied on: he is so
+careless as to make Caracalla the son of Severus by his first wife.
+
+The war of Pescennius Niger is of a peculiar character. If we call to
+mind how Avidius Cassius in his time met with such favour in the East,
+and how widely the eastern and western world were kept apart by
+difference of language; we are led to believe that the East wished even
+then to sever itself from the West. Niger had in the days of Aurelius
+gained much renown as a general, being indeed highly thought of as a
+strict disciplinarian. Notwithstanding this, he was a kindhearted man,
+quite different from Severus, and generally respected. Severus crossed
+the Hellespont, and overcame a general of Pescennius near Cyzicus; then
+he followed up his victory, and defeated Pescennius himself at Issus,
+where the latter was slain. The whole of the East submitted. Byzantium
+alone stoutly held out in quite an unaccountable manner, and was
+completely destroyed after a siege of three years. Perhaps the
+Byzantines had so grievously offended the emperor, that they were afraid
+of some severe punishment; or, perhaps, being conscious of the
+importance of the site of their city, they wanted it at that time
+already to become the capital of the world.
+
+During this war, Severus had gained over Albinus. The latter, a man
+without any sort of talent, was also an African, but made pretensions to
+being sprung from the Postumii: Severus, however, in a letter which has
+been preserved by Spartianus, taxes him with having merely assumed this
+name, saying that he was not even of Italian extraction. This commander
+was indeed a most insignificant person, and Severus very easily
+overreached him by offering him the dignity of Cæsar: he let himself be
+won over by this gross deception, and he flattered himself with the hope
+that Severus, although he had children of his own, would bequeath him
+the empire after his death. When Pescennius had fallen, Severus changed
+his tone; and an attempt to murder him, either actually made or only
+intended, moved him to declare war against Albinus. Britain, Gaul, and
+Spain, must have been united under Albinus, who went over to Gaul:
+Severus, after having narrowly escaped defeat, with the utmost
+difficulty gained a victory near Lyons, where Albinus was mortally
+wounded, and soon afterwards breathed his last. This victory, Severus
+followed up with the greatest cruelty. The rashness of the senators with
+regard to Albinus is quite extraordinary: they must have believed in the
+chances of his success, and they had now to pay dearly for it. In Spain
+and Gaul also, the men of rank who had let themselves be gained over by
+Albinus, were punished with death. After this slaughter, Severus’ reign
+was not only glorious and brilliant, but also mild and gentle.
+
+The German tribes had somehow or other been kept quiet since the time of
+Marcus; but with the Parthians there was twice war. Once the emperor led
+his army against Adiabene, the country east of the Tigris, and Arabia,
+which, like Osroëne, Media, and others, were distinct vassal kingdoms
+under Persian supremacy: this campaign, Severus conducted without being
+at war with the Parthians themselves. The second time, however, he
+directly attacked the Parthians; and then was the flourishing city of
+Ctesiphon, which the Parthians had built over against Seleucia to humble
+it, taken and sacked by Severus: it is strange that he did not make this
+country a province. He made peace, and gave back Babylon; but kept
+Adiabene, and more especially Mesopotamia, subject to his supremacy:
+under Marcus the Euphrates had been the boundary river. The Roman
+emperors had always to wage war, owing to the very immensity of the
+empire which otherwise would have sunk into utter effeminacy. He had
+afterwards another war besides in Britain, and it is surprising that he
+should have thought it necessary to bring such vast forces of imperial
+Rome against the weak Caledonian barbarians on the Scottish border. In
+this war, he took with him his two sons, the elder of whom, Caracalla,
+was at that time twenty-two years old, while Geta was several years
+younger: the former was with him as his colleague, the other as Cæsar
+(he is the first who is mentioned on inscriptions with the title of
+_nobilissimus_). Before his death, he also raised both of them to be
+_Augusti_, and made them heirs of the empire.
+
+Severus had by his own power caused himself to be adopted as the son of
+M. Aurelius, without meaning thereby to deceive any one, except perhaps
+the lowest of the people; it being merely a fiction by which he wanted
+to designate himself as the lawful possessor of the empire, calling
+himself _M. Antonini filius, T. Pii nepos_, and so on as high up as
+Nerva: he therefore gave his eldest son, M. Bassianus, the name of M.
+Antoninus. This name, or _Divus Antoninus, Imperator noster Antoninus,
+Antoninus Magnus_, is in the Pandects always to be understood of this
+Caracalla. That last appellation is in fact so generally bestowed on him
+only by the moderns: in the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_ it is met with
+only once, and that in the form Caracallus, which is a popular nickname:
+I am very loth to use it. Both of the young princes were the sons of
+Julia Domna, a Syrian woman whom Severus is said to have married because
+she was recommended to him by the astrologers, as her horoscope pointed
+out that she was destined to be a princess.[54] Julia was a remarkable
+person: she was a woman of great cleverness, but of very lax morals. She
+has, however, atoned for her faults by her misfortunes.
+
+It is a great pity, that we know so little about the measures of
+Severus. That he made great changes, especially in the administration of
+Italy, is quite evident. It must have been he who placed _correctores_
+over each of the regions; or it may be, one _corrector_ over several
+united regions. Probably they had the jurisdiction in their own
+districts. What was the nature of the jurisdiction in Italy after the
+_Lex Julia_, is shrouded in the greatest darkness: something, however,
+must have been done to get rid of the inconveniences which had arisen.
+The whole of this matter is still to be investigated: inscriptions and
+laws might indeed throw some light on it. Yet what were the functions of
+these _correctores_ on the whole, is difficult to make out. Even as
+early as under the emperors who came immediately before Hadrian, traces
+are met with of commissions by virtue of which the jurisdiction of Italy
+was given by districts to people of rank. The _Præfectus Urbi_ had even
+since Hadrian’s days (though not before) a district of a hundred Italian
+miles round Rome: this is, however, as yet, but a conjecture of mine.
+Hadrian appointed consulars to them in due form. Antoninus Pius also
+kept them up for some time: afterwards, they were again abolished. From
+the reign of Severus, we regularly meet with the _correctores_ in Italy.
+
+
+
+
+ M. ANTONINUS CARACALLA. MACRINUS. ELAGABALUS. ALEXANDER SEVERUS.
+
+
+After the death of Septimius Severus (211), M. Bassianus, as he is
+called after his maternal grandfather,—or M. Antoninus as he is called
+in consequence of the fiction of his adoption; or Caracalla, as he is
+called by the moderns; had together with his brother, Geta, taken upon
+himself the government; the younger, however, being subordinate to the
+elder. Neither of them was noble-hearted or praiseworthy; yet Geta
+excites the greater interest of the two, because of his having become
+the victim: still, it is not at all clear that he was better than the
+other. It is hardly possible to form an opinion of him. The hostility
+between the two brothers broke out soon after the death of their father:
+their feelings towards each other became very bad, which was chiefly
+owing to the malice of the elder one, and they were already about to
+divide the empire. But as this would have been to the disadvantage of
+the younger, who was to have had a far smaller empire in the East; their
+mother made a last attempt to bring about a reconciliation between them,
+but in vain. Caracalla seemed to listen to her proposals; but this was
+only a stratagem to entice his brother into a place where he could
+murder him. In the apartments of the mother, the reconciliation was to
+have been brought about: Geta was stabbed in her arms. By this murder,
+the minds of men, which even then had begun to be quite Asiatic in
+feeling,—inconceivably so indeed,—were not much affected. Even the
+mother, although Geta had been her darling son, did not, after what had
+happened, change in her behaviour to her elder one; but she seemed to
+look upon Geta’s death as an unavoidable dispensation of fate.
+
+In the year 212, Caracalla gave himself up to the most wanton cruelties
+and extortions: these last were still more systematic than those of
+Commodus, who practised them in Rome only, whereas Caracalla carried
+them on at the same time in the provinces. It is a very just remark of
+Gibbon’s, that the tyranny of the Roman emperors weighed most heavily on
+Rome, and was less felt in the rest of Italy, and least of all in the
+provinces, which were sometimes worse off under the good emperors than
+under the bad ones. Caracalla, however, unfortunately for the provinces,
+travelled through them, and there his savage rage was yet greater than
+at Rome itself; he brought with him fell bloodshed into those hapless
+countries,—into Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt,—and drove the
+inhabitants to despair: the only thing that he cared for, was to satisfy
+his soldiers. The prætorians had been re-established by Severus, but on
+quite a different footing. Whereas formerly they had been a sort of
+janissaries, only that they did not leave Rome, it being even doubtful
+whether they ever accompanied the emperors in their wars; Severus now
+formed an entirely new guard, of three or four times the strength of the
+old one, as many indeed as thirty or forty thousand men; these he picked
+out from the legions, and he gave them double pay and higher rank. Under
+Severus and Caracalla they were no longer left behind in Rome, but they
+accompanied the emperors on their journeys and expeditions: thus
+Caracalla took them with him to the East. The most dreadful of
+Caracalla’s deeds was the massacre at Alexandria, where he enticed the
+inhabitants to come out of their city; made them feel quite secure; and
+then ordered his soldiers to slaughter them all. The people of
+Alexandria had provoked him, as they had done almost all the emperors,
+even the best of them: Alexandria and Antioch were the seats of wit,
+which spoke out in the theatres, or was placarded in pasquinades. They
+had now lashed the Roman tyrant for the murder of Geta, and this he
+never forgave.
+
+Caracalla granted the right of citizenship to all the subjects of the
+Roman empire; that is to say, the _peregrinitas_ was abolished
+throughout the whole of it: thus the _vicesima hereditatum_, which had
+until then been raised from Roman citizens, was made general, and he
+moreover raised it into a _decima_. Yet the _Latini_ still remained
+after this; only there was no more _peregrinitas_ for communities: in
+the case of freedmen, however, a different law might apply. Caracalla
+raised the taxes to an intolerable height, merely that he might have the
+means of winning the hearts of the soldiers: Severus had already said
+that the emperor who was sure of the army had nothing to fear.
+
+Like Commodus, Caracalla had a taste for gladiatorial arts; but he was
+small in size, and not so handsome as Commodus. He had a silly kind of
+fondness for Alexander the Great; and if we may judge from the busts, it
+must be acknowledged that there was some likeness between them: the
+province of Macedon was, therefore, the only one to which he did any
+good. He formed a phalanx of Macedonians, and also assumed the name of
+Magnus: in the law books, he is often spoken of as Magnus Antoninus. Led
+by this feeling, he also went like Alexander to the East, to overthrow
+the Parthian empire; and he had his Macedonian phalanx with him.
+Everywhere he showed a very strong leaning towards anything that was
+Greek, a taste which may have been very much owing to the fact of his
+having a Syrian mother. The war against the Parthians he brought on,
+without having real cause for it. According to Herodian, he was guilty
+of an act of monstrous treachery: he invited Artabanus to a conference,
+and then tried to surprise him, and murdered a number of Parthians.
+These accounts, however, are all of them very doubtful in their details.
+Severus had already taken possession of Osroëne, where the reigning
+dynasty had been established for three hundred years: in the legend, an
+Abgarus betakes himself to our Saviour, beseeching him for his aid in a
+sickness. The king Abgarus at this time, was a vassal of the Parthians:
+Caracalla expelled him, and converted Osroëne into a Roman province.
+Whilst he was engaged here in preparations for a war against the
+Parthians themselves, he was murdered, in the year 217, at the
+instigation of the _præfectus prætorio_ M. Macrinus, who had found his
+own life to be threatened. The soldiers, however, heard of the death of
+their emperor with indignation, and Macrinus had to try every means to
+deceive them as to his share in it; whereupon he was proclaimed emperor.
+
+Dio’s and Herodian’s accounts of Macrinus, which are in his favour, may
+be much better relied upon than the nonsense of the _Scriptores Historiæ
+Augustæ_. Yet if Macrinus wished to be a praiseworthy prince, his
+character as such depended upon his getting the mastery over his
+soldiers: for their lawlessness had frightfully increased under
+Caracalla, as he let them do what they listed without punishing them.
+Macrinus, therefore, began to reform them, introducing discipline, and
+trying by degrees to lessen the concessions of Caracalla; and thus he
+either disbanded whole legions as veterans, and enlisted new ones on
+fairer conditions, or, which seems to me more likely, he merely filled
+up the old ones by new recruits. By this, however, he made himself
+hateful to them. They would not put up with it; and hence arose a
+rebellion. Hereupon young Avitus came forth. They might, however, have
+found another leader, Maximin perhaps, if Avitus had not presented
+himself.
+
+Julia Domna had, after the death of her son, been condemned to seclusion
+by Macrinus, and she had herself put an end to her own life. Her sister
+Mæsa also had been banished. The latter had two daughters, both of them
+married in Syria: the names of the husbands were Roman, but the children
+were thorough Syrians, or Syrian-Greeks. The husband of Soæmis, the
+elder sister, was Sextus Varius Marcellus: this name, and the high
+offices which he held, lead to the conclusion that he was a Roman. The
+husband of the younger sister, Mamæa, was called Gessius Macrianus.
+Soæmis had a son and several daughters; Mamæa, a son and a daughter. The
+son of Soæmis was Avitus, afterwards M. Aurelius Antoninus, generally
+known by us as Elagabalus (corruptly Heliogabalus, as the name has
+nothing whatever to do with ἥλιος): he also bore the name of Bassianus,
+as people at that time often dropped their names, and as often took new
+ones. This Elagabalus was now seventeen years of age at most, quite a
+Syrian, and priest to the god Elagabalus at Emesa, where some aerolites
+which had fallen in the neighbourhood were worshipped. This young man,
+Mæsa and his own mother Soæmis declared to have been the offspring of an
+adulterous intercourse with Caracalla. Mæsa collected her immense riches
+at Emesa, and taking advantage of the discontent of the soldiers began
+to bribe them. Very many of them espoused her cause. Macrinus at first
+held this defection to be of no consequence; but quite contrary to all
+expectation, the fondness of the soldiers for Caracalla was transferred
+to Elagabalus, from whom besides they looked for a new donation. Had
+Macrinus now acted at once, he might yet have had the best of it; for in
+the decisive battle, the prætorians displayed greater bravery than was
+thought to be in them. But he gave himself up too soon for lost; and he
+fled from the fight with his son Antoninus Diadumenianus to Asia Minor,
+where he was overtaken and beheaded by the order of the young tyrant
+(218).
+
+The name of Elagabalus is branded in history: even Caligula and Nero,
+when compared with him, appear in a favourable light. Caligula was not a
+beast like him; Nero undoubtedly had talents; but there is nothing
+whatever to redeem the vices of Elagabalus. The infamy of his reign is
+appalling. His extortions, which were spent on the gratification of the
+maddest fancies, were beyond everything; and yet the Roman world might
+have deemed itself happy, if he had only extorted. There were fewer
+actual cruelties; but he was ready for any wickedness: his only real
+passion, and one which ruled him, was zeal for the glorification of his
+idol Elagabalus, whom, as the god of the Sun, he wanted to place instead
+of Jupiter Capitolinus on the throne of the gods in Rome, and whom he
+exclusively worshipped. Even the soldiers were so disgusted with him, as
+to execrate him; and they would have murdered him as early as in 221,
+had he not, by the advice of his grandmother Mæsa, adopted as Cæsar his
+cousin Alexianus, who was afterwards called Alexander Severus.
+
+This Alexander, if Lampridius is correct, was now no longer a child,
+being seventeen years old: according to Herodian, he was but thirteen or
+fourteen. He was the very reverse of his cousin: for his was a noble
+soul, like that of Marcus, the only difference being that of a fine
+Asiatic disposition when compared with an European one. He was a
+thorough Asiatic: being born in Phœnicia, he had first to learn Latin at
+Rome; so that he was always looked upon there as a _Græculus_, as one
+who was not a Latin. It is impossible to have a better will and a more
+beautiful mind than this young man had: the innocence which beamed forth
+from his countenance, gained him even the hearts of the soldiers, who,
+rough as they were, seemed to have a sincere regard for him. When
+Elagabalus now tried to get rid of him, and at the same time sought his
+life, a rebellion arose, owing to a report having been spread of
+Alexander’s death; and even when the mistake had been cleared up, the
+riot was put down only with difficulty. But as Elagabalus, conscious of
+his own worthlessness, could not disguise from himself that Alexander
+was far more liked than he was, he took steps in right earnest, to
+destroy his cousin; whereupon the rebellion broke out afresh with
+irresistible fury, and Elagabalus was killed (222). His dead body was
+flung into the river, and his memory cursed.
+
+The reign of Alexander Severus lasted thirteen years, until 235. It is
+one which we are in danger of representing in too fair a light, as it
+seems that several authors have written a sort of Cyropædia on him. His
+personal amiability and kindness, his zeal to do his duty, cannot be
+called into doubt: his model was Marcus. But as Marcus was weak towards
+Faustina, so Alexander was still weaker towards his mother. We read, on
+the one hand, that he lightened the taxes; but on the other, _exempla
+avaritiæ_ are told of Mamæa. Now, although this _avaritia_ may perhaps
+have consisted in her hoarding treasure and jewels after the manner of
+the East, the reproaches against her, and the complaints of his weakness
+for her, were loud and general.
+
+In the reign of Hadrian, we already meet with a council of state; and
+though in the days of Septimius Severus it seems to have again fallen
+into oblivion, we now see it completely organized as a regular branch of
+the government, a standing board which had the management of every
+matter of importance: its chief minister was the great Domitius
+Ulpianus. This man was perhaps a kinsman of the emperor’s, as he was of
+Tyrian origin, and he may thus have risen: he was not, however, born in
+Tyre, as I have shown in another place.[55] A Syrian could not have
+written as he did, nor have made himself such a master of the science of
+Roman law. He might however have been indeed related to the imperial
+family, and yet have now been living at Rome for a long time.
+
+Alexander’s rule, and his endeavours for the general good, were thwarted
+by insurmountable obstacles, owing to the power of the soldiers. These
+he had to bring under control: but they were mutineers like the
+janissaries; and this was now the case with the whole army, and no
+longer with the prætorians alone. If we may believe some scattered
+anecdotes, Alexander with all his gentleness displayed great firmness on
+many occasions; yet he tried in vain to protect Ulpian. Papinian had
+been murdered by Caracalla; Ulpian was slain by the soldiers before the
+eyes of the emperor, who could hardly succeed in bringing Epagathus, the
+ringleader of the mutiny, to punishment.
+
+Marcus had driven back the German nations; in the reign of Commodus,
+peace had been made with them; and in that of Severus, we also find
+nothing about German wars; the Romans seem to have been in possession of
+the _limes_ (the palisadoed ditch). But now the Germans began to
+advance; and I am inclined to believe that the pale was broken through
+in the time of Alexander Severus, as at the close of the war against
+them, its seat was on the Rhine, and they must therefore have forced the
+outworks. Unfortunately, we know next to nothing of the geography of
+those parts: in many places in Swabia, we meet with remains of Roman
+fortresses, the names of which are quite unknown to us. But even before
+this, a great revolution had called away the emperor to the East. This
+was the downfall of the Parthian dynasty, one of the unluckiest things
+that could have happened to the Roman empire. The catastrophe is easily
+accounted for. When a nation of shepherds gets the rule over a
+cultivated region, as was often the case in Asia, it gradually loses its
+bravery and sinks down to the level of those whom it has enslaved; yet
+its sway will still last for some time. Parthia was a feudal kingdom, of
+which Media, Babylonia, and other countries were fiefs with dynasties of
+their own. In former times, the Parthians were very unequal enemies to
+the Romans; but since the days of Marcus and Septimius Severus, their
+power was broken: probably the conquest of Ctesiphon in the year 198,
+had shaken the empire so much that its subjects thought of freeing
+themselves from its yoke. Our chief guide here is the most authentic
+history of Agathias. The Parthians must have utterly lost their
+nationality: their light cavalry, for instance, is but very seldom
+spoken off in their later times. We generally deem the insurrection of
+the Persians against the Parthians to have been like that of the
+Persians under Cyrus; but there was the same difference between the
+Parthians and the other races, as there is at present between nomads and
+the inhabitants of towns. The Persians who now shake off the yoke of the
+Parthians, must therefore have been chiefly the Tadjicks (inhabitants of
+towns) of the Iran race, whose abodes began at the Oxus. In Cyrus’
+times, the Medes and Persians were two essentially distinct nations; but
+the Medes must since then have become quite Persians, as they had now
+one and the same language: Irak Ajemi has in all likelihood still
+preserved the language of the Medes. A research as to this matter, would
+be exceedingly interesting. In the struggle, the particulars of which
+are altogether unknown to us, the Persians succeeded in shaking off the
+thraldom of the Parthians; and these last vanish away, and we know not
+what has become of them. On this, the Persian empire came forth anew,
+and the old institutions were many of them restored: the Parthians had
+ruled like barbarians over a civilized nation, oppressing it, checking
+the exercise of its religion, and troubling the Persian worship of the
+elements by their promiscuous idolatry. The Persians who restored the
+empire, were headed by Ardaschir, son of Babek, who reckoned himself one
+of the race of Sassan, which gave rise to the silly story. The departure
+of the Parthians has been commemorated by a bas relief and an
+inscription. Ardaschir also restored the old fire-worship, but, to the
+great deterioration of its pristine purity, with a number of foreign
+rites; and therefore the Byzantines are quite right in saying that the
+later worship of the Persians was very different from the former one.
+The centre of the empire also was no longer the province of Persis: it
+was, on the contrary, removed from the Tigris to Ctesiphon, although
+Ardaschir and others after him have set up monuments at Persepolis. Susa
+had perished; Ecbatana was insignificant. Ardaschir, called by the Greek
+Artaxerxes, now that the empire was restored, and the nation was
+conscious of having achieved a great deed, at once asserted his claims
+against the Romans, whose decline could not have escaped his notice: he
+demanded the cession of all the countries to the Hellespont, because
+Asia belonged to the Persians, just as Europe might to the Romans: the
+answer of the Romans, of course, was war. In the issue of it, we have a
+remarkable example of the little reliance which we can place on the
+details of this history. Herodian’s account,—which is borne out by its
+intrinsic probability,—is that the Romans undertook the war with three
+armies; the first, on the right banks of the Euphrates; the second in
+Media; the third in Mesopotamia, to keep up the connexion between the
+two. He also says that the first, after a brave fight, had been obliged
+to retreat owing to the difficulty of the country; that the second had
+been entirely destroyed; and that the third moreover, which the emperor
+himself commanded, had not achieved its purpose. This statement is
+contradicted by an official letter of the emperor to the senate, wherein
+he boasts of the greatest successes over the enemy, for which the senate
+awarded him the honour of a triumph. Gibbon and Eckhel are quite of
+different opinions here. Eckhel takes a very high stand among the
+critical historians of our time, both for his learning and the
+excellence of his judgment. His works are far from being appreciated as
+they ought to be. His chronological criticisms have done much for the
+history of the Roman emperors, and there are few of the modern labourers
+in the field of ancient history to whom I owe so much as to Eckhel.
+Still, I am compelled to agree with Gibbon’s opinion. Eckhel deems it
+impossible that the report to the senate should have been a figment; but
+the vague and ambiguous expressions of this document tell very strongly
+against him: they are only meant to cover the defeat of the emperor.
+Herodian lived so shortly after that time, and in all that he really
+knows, he is a writer of so much judgment, that it would be wrong in
+this not to believe him rather than the _bulletin_ of the emperor. As
+Severus returned to Rome for his triumph, he must have concluded a peace
+with the Persians, in which Rome certainly made a sacrifice: for until
+the time of Gordian there is actually peace, and Maximin moreover
+engaged in no undertaking on the eastern frontier.
+
+
+
+
+END OF ALEXANDER SEVERUS. MAXIMIN. GORDIAN, FATHER AND SON. MAXIMUS AND
+ BALBINUS. GORDIAN III. PHILIP. DECIUS.
+
+
+Even if Severus had fought successfully, the movements of the barbarous
+tribes along the northern frontier would soon have recalled him. We know
+that he went from the East to the Rhine; and there, as we are told by
+Herodian, he gave the army cause for complaint, many hardships being put
+upon the soldiers, who felt that there was not a strong hand to lead
+them. A mutiny broke out, which was headed by Maximin, the first
+barbarian adventurer who rose to the imperial throne. Hitherto the
+rulers of Rome had been only of noble race, with the exception perhaps
+of Macrinus, of whom we do not at least know it for certain. Pertinax
+was not indeed of noble birth; but he had risen from dignity to dignity,
+and was among the men of the highest standing when he was proclaimed
+emperor. Maximin, on the contrary, was nothing but a soldier of fortune
+who had risen from the lowest ranks of society: he was born in Thrace of
+barbarian parents, his mother being an Alanian woman and his father a
+Goth; at least, so we are told by the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_. He
+had enlisted as a common peasant under Septimius Severus, and was
+distinguished for his gigantic frame and his Herculean strength, to
+which were added all the qualities of a good subaltern officer.
+Septimius Severus promoted him from one step to another; and under
+Alexander also he got a legion to bring into order, which had been
+utterly disorganized. He restored its discipline, and yet was popular:—a
+man who in so demoralized an army gains such influence, though all the
+while so strict and even cruel, must needs have real talent, and a true
+soldier’s nature. He did not try to make up for the defects of his
+education; he was the first ruler, who was not only without any literary
+acquirements whatever, but who did not even understand Greek: for the
+Thracians spoke the Wallachian language, an Italian _volgare_, and Greek
+was only spoken in the seaports, and in the larger inland towns, as in
+Adrianople. The attention of the court was so much directed to Maximin,
+that Severus even thought of marrying his own sister to his son, an
+amiable and well-bred young man; only the emperor took umbrage at the
+coarse manners of the father. The life of Alexander Severus in the
+_Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_ is a ridiculous, lying panegyric: he
+certainly was an amiable, noble-hearted prince, and did not in the least
+deserve his fate; yet it is not to be overlooked that, by neglect and
+mismanagement, he gave occasion for discontent. The rebellion broke out,
+and Severus was murdered, A. D. 235, as was also his mother Mamæa, who
+accompanied him everywhere, to rule him everywhere.
+
+Now again followed a terrible time. It is quite evident that Maximin was
+animated by an intense revolutionary hatred against everything
+distinguished as aristocratic, just like the ruthless terrorists in
+France. All persons of polite education and manners, and especially the
+senators, were the objects of his passionate fury: it is true that the
+senators may have been, not a venerable body, but a most contemptible
+set; yet this is no excuse for cruelty. Maximin disdained to come to
+Rome; which was a happy thing, as he would have ordered a massacre, just
+as Caracalla did at Alexandria. He waged war on the banks of the Rhine,
+of the Upper and Lower Danube, and everywhere, as one may suppose, with
+success: that he got permanent possession of the country beyond the
+_limes_, is doubtful. He freed Dacia from the inroads of the barbarians,
+and carried on war against the Sarmatians, with regard to whom it is not
+certain whether they dwelt on the banks of the Lower or of the Middle
+Danube. But while he now was afraid of no one, but put people to death
+on the first suspicion there arose in Thysdrus, a provincial town in
+Africa, an outbreak of despair: the ministers of tyranny were murdered,
+and the two Gordians, father and son, able and brave officers, of whom
+the father was advanced in years, were proclaimed, either Augustus and
+Cæsar, or both of them as Augusti.
+
+The insurrection was but a shortlived one. Mauretania had taken no share
+in it; and thus Capellianus, the lieutenant of Maximin, quickly got
+together an army of Moors, although, properly speaking, these may never
+have been subjected to the Roman rule, which did not extend beyond the
+towns on the coasts: there was nothing, however, more easy than to make
+them take up arms by holding out the hope of booty; for instance, they
+had once before, in the reign of M. Antoninus, invaded Spain. He marched
+on Carthage, where, although the Gordians had made a bad use of their
+time, the younger ventured to go out against him, but was defeated with
+his incapable troops: they both of them lost their lives. The fate of
+Carthage, as well as the time that the insurrection lasted, is shrouded
+in darkness. Eckhel has critically proved, that all these events, down
+to the deaths of Maximus and Balbinus, must be made to fall between from
+about the end of March to the end of August: Gibbon’s chronology is
+certainly incorrect, and it contains impossibilities. Yet the question
+is still beset with great difficulties, which, however, may be cleared
+up some day by coins and monuments.
+
+The senate at Rome had recognised the Gordians, an act in which we see
+nothing of the usual behaviour of the cowardly, unwarlike aristocrats.
+It appointed twenty commissioners to preside over the armaments; and the
+prætorians were gained over, who had remained behind at Rome, and who
+very likely were neglected by Maximin: all the provinces moreover were
+called upon to declare themselves against the tyrant. The whole of Italy
+armed itself for a war of despair, and all the towns were fortified,
+when there came the dismal tidings of the defeat and death of the
+Gordians. On this, two of the commissioners, Maximus and Balbinus, were
+elected emperors; whether it was, that it was deemed necessary to have a
+division of labour; or to moderate the supreme power; or what seems to
+me most likely, to unite two parties. Balbinus, if in that time we may
+still draw conclusions from names, was a man of rank, and of the house
+of the Cælii: his name was D. Cælius Balbinus, and that of his
+colleague, M. Clodius Pupienus Maximus.[56] Balbinus remained behind at
+Rome; Maximus went to Ravenna, where he raised an army against Maximin,
+with which, however, he very wisely did not go out and face him. He
+ordered all the bridges over the many rivers in Lombardy to be broken
+down, and Aquileia was strongly fortified and garrisoned. It was
+defended with the courage of despair, the inhabitants being resolved
+upon holding out to the last; the country far and wide was abandoned,
+and every soul was in the town: Maximin, on the other hand, tried all he
+could to make this base of the enemy his own; the siege was protracted,
+and he was murdered here with his innocent son by the soldiers, who were
+already in want of provisions, and suffered greatly from the fevers
+which had seized them in that damp country. It is remarkable that he had
+a very amiable and kindhearted wife, and just as excellent a son, who,
+perhaps, would have become one of the best emperors.
+
+With regard to the time when Maximin fell, Tillemont’s and Gibbon’s
+chronology is impossible. According to the general account, it would
+seem as if Maximin had, like Sylla, gone on for the whole of a year with
+the war on the Danube, while Italy was in rebellion: this, however, is
+incorrect. Maximin had but his army for him. It is very likely that one
+province after the other fell away from him, which alone accounts for
+the miscarriage of his expedition: the whole of the Roman world must at
+last have declared against him. The most undeniable proof of this is to
+be found in a letter of the consul Claudius Julianus to Maximus and
+Balbinus, in which he expressly says that all the soldiers had given
+them adoration; and this letter was written even before the death of
+Maximin.
+
+At the demand of the people, owing to the popularity of the Gordians, a
+grandson—very likely by a daughter of old Gordian—was now elected Cæsar
+besides the two emperors Maximus and Balbinus. The Gordians bore the
+family name of the Antonii, and were reckoned among the genuine
+aristocrats: we must not, however, thence conclude that they were
+related to the triumvir. Maximus returned in triumph to Rome. He and
+Balbinus were both of them praiseworthy princes: but the soldiers were
+exasperated at the victory of the senators, who annoyed them in the most
+senseless manner, and they very soon murdered the emperors.
+
+After their death the empire fell into the hands of young Gordian only,
+who was now proclaimed Augustus. How young he was, cannot be made out.
+We only know this, that he had a _præfectus prætorio_ who at all events
+was no Roman, called by the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_,
+Misitheus,—quite an apocryphal name, which Casaubon has already proved
+to have been an impossible one. In Zonaras it is Timesicles, which
+indeed we may well believe it to have been: there is also said to be a
+Latin inscription remaining,—it is, however, uncertain whether it refers
+to him,—in which the name is given as Timesitheus, which is the most
+plausible of all. In the reign of Gordian, the northern frontiers were
+disturbed; yet this does not seem to have been of any consequence. Of
+far greater importance were the Persian affairs, by which he was called
+to the East, where, if we may place any trust in the coins, he defeated
+the Persians and earned triumphal insignia. The war, however, was not
+yet brought to an end, and he remained still in Asia.
+
+There he was murdered by the _præfectus prætorio_, M. Julius Philippus,
+a native of Roman Arabia, from Bostra in Arabia Petræa. He is called an
+Arabian; but he was not a Bedouin, his native place being a _colonia
+Romana_, so that perhaps he may have been a Syrian or a Greek, having in
+all likelihood belonged to the cohort of the Idumæi, east of the
+Jordan.[57] It may be that he got on at Rome in the time of the Syrian
+rulers Julia Domna and Alexander Severus. He became the murderer of his
+unoffending, well-meaning, amiable young prince, whose good luck had
+departed at the death of his father-in-law Timesitheus. It was generally
+believed that the latter also had owed his death to the arts of Philip.
+
+Philip made an honourable peace with the Persians, for which there was
+need, as the storm was already lowering heavily over Rome. He is
+remarkable, because in his reign the thousandth anniversary of the city
+was celebrated with great pomp; but still more remarkable because
+ecclesiastical history generally assumes him to have been a Christian.
+But Eckhel observes from his coins that he could not really have been a
+Christian, as they bear too many heathen emblems and images of gods.
+This is partly the case also with Constantine, who had the god of the
+Sun on his coins, and may likewise have had rather a confused sort of
+faith. That there is something in the story of Philip’s having declared
+himself for the Christian religion, is proved with tolerable probability
+from Origen’s having addressed letters to him. There is a tradition in
+church history, that he had done public penance, and received absolution
+for the murder of his prince. At any rate, it does not follow from his
+deeds that he was not a Christian. His birthplace Bostra lay in the
+neighbourhood of Pella, the real centre of the Jewish-Christians, and
+there, of course, the Christian religion was already firmly established.
+Of great moment for Rome were the brilliant secular games. This indeed
+is very heathenish; but Philip may have been but a catechumen, and by
+availing himself of a common casuistry, have sinned during that festival
+in the hope of a late baptism. The rest of his government is blameless;
+no charge, in fact, is brought against him. He reigned from 243 to 248,
+in which latter year several rebellions broke out against him. The
+Pannonian and Mœsian legions having proclaimed Marinus[58] emperor, and
+soon afterwards murdered him, Philip sent Decius thither, who, certainly
+without any shadow of truth, made himself out to be descended from the
+Decii: to derive him from these, was merely a compliment which was paid
+to him. His name was Q. Messius Trajanus Decius,[59] and he was born in
+Illyricum. That country was very extensively colonized; so that he may
+very likely have come from one of the Roman military colonies: the
+population there had become thoroughly Roman. Decius warned Philip not
+to put him in a position in which he might be compelled to break his
+faith; but Philip insisted upon so doing. What Decius had expected, took
+place: he was forced by the soldiers to accept the throne, and to go to
+Italy. Even here, he is said to have once more repeated his offer.
+Philip was killed in a fight between the two armies in the neighbourhood
+of Verona.
+
+Decius is looked upon as a hero by the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_ and
+by Zosimus, a zealous partisan of paganism; but he is just as much hated
+by the writers of ecclesiastical history for his cruelty to the
+Christians, against whom indeed he was the first, after a long pause, to
+set on foot a fierce persecution. The motive for it, in all likelihood,
+was a sort of antagonism to the tendencies of his predecessor. What
+Dodwell has asserted is strictly true, that the accounts of the numbers
+of the victims are exaggerated; but the persecution of Decius was in
+right earnest, and it interrupted the peace which, with the exception of
+some little casualties, the Christian Church had long enjoyed. The Roman
+see remained vacant for a year and a half; and Decius is represented to
+have said, that he would rather allow an emperor to be chosen by his
+side than a bishop. This shows how much the Christians had already
+increased. Their number was great among the middle classes at Rome,
+Carthage, Alexandria, and above all, at Antioch: in the East, they were
+scattered; in the West, there were hardly any in the country, but they
+were in the towns, especially in the large cities. The greater part of
+Gaul knew nothing of this religion, except at Arles, Marseilles, and
+some other chief towns: the acts of the martyrs of Lyons are quite
+authentic. Just as little as in Gaul, does Christianity seem to have
+spread in Spain; in Africa, there was at an early period a numerous and
+zealous church; in Greece proper, there were few Christians; in the
+Ionian towns, on the other hand, there were many.
+
+
+
+
+ STATE OF THINGS AT HOME. FINE ARTS. LITERATURE.
+
+
+I make a pause in the middle of the third century, to give a general
+view of some leading points. There is now a circumstance which begins
+from this time to be strikingly seen. Most of the sepulchral
+inscriptions which we have, are from the end of the first to the middle
+of the third century; and of these the great majority are to the memory
+of freedmen, there being about ten _libertini_ to one _ingenuus_. The
+fine marble tombs of the great families were most of them destroyed
+during the middle ages, and they are now very scarce: the stones were
+used for building at the time of the restoration of the city. As the
+names of free men were everywhere getting confused from the beginning of
+the third century, there is indeed hardly a tomb, after the first half
+of the third century, in which _libertini_ are to be met with. The
+importation of slaves must have stopped, and therefore the custom of
+having households of them must have immensely fallen off: the
+development of the system of colonies must have absorbed the greater
+part of them.
+
+Moreover, at this time, the difference between imperial and senatorial
+provinces is done away with. Severus is said to have taken the provinces
+from the senate, thereby paving the way for the arrangements made by
+Diocletian and Constantine.
+
+In former days, before I had mooted the subject, the Roman literature of
+the first half of the third century was thought to have been already
+quite barbarous, which was indeed the case with the fine arts.
+Historical plastic art, of which we have specimens in the bas reliefs on
+the spiral columns, is at its height under Trajan, and still keeps up
+even as late as the Antonines. Of Antoninus Pius, I know but one
+historical bas relief, which, however, is wretched: under M. Antoninus,
+this art had risen again. Architecture was already in its decline under
+Hadrian, as this emperor had a corrupt taste, being fond of mannerism
+and an artificial style. The statue of M. Antoninus on horseback is a
+noble work: if the horse is less to our liking, this is perhaps because
+the race itself to which it belongs does not seem to us at all
+beautiful; for indeed the whole is full of spirit and life. But this is
+also the last masterpiece: even as early as Trajan, art is merely
+historical, nor is there any monument left in which the ideal of a grand
+and creative style is to be seen. As for painting, it was now indeed
+quite gone, as Petronius expressly remarks; some works of this class,
+which are still to be found, are detestably bad: its decline became
+complete owing to the rise of mosaic, which now began to be employed. Of
+the age of Severus and Caracalla, there are still very fine busts; of
+Severus also, there are still very fine statues; but the bas reliefs on
+the triumphal arch of this emperor are already thoroughly bad: those on
+the small arch which was erected by the _argentarii_, are quite
+barbarously misdrawn, scientific skill and the eye for proportion are
+lost. After the time of Caracalla, we have not one good bust: they are
+all misshapen, though some of them may indeed be likenesses. The coins
+also become more and more barbarous.
+
+The literature of the great jurists has reached its height, and at the
+same time its end, in Papinian and Ulpian, both of whom, _diversis
+virtutibus_, are of transcendent greatness: Paullus ought never to be
+spoken of in the same breath with them. They are both of them excellent
+likewise with regard to language; for although some small mistakes may
+be found in it here and there, it is truly Roman. It is remarkable that
+they had no successors; just as with Demosthenes oratory is at its
+height, and then dies away; just as after Thucydides, no historian of
+the same spirit rose up again. A long while afterwards, there followed
+Hermogenianus and others, who were mere compilers. The scientific
+arrangement of the law gave rise to the legislation of the imperial
+secretaries, whose statutes, however, are most detestably drawn up: we
+may indeed thank our stars, that their verbosity is curtailed in the
+code.—With regard to the _belles lettres_, I have shown, and I look upon
+it as an established fact, that Curtius belongs to the time of Severus
+and Caracalla: he is an author who already writes quite an artificial
+style, an imitation of Livy. Still later, in the reign of Alexander
+Severus, perhaps even in that of Gordian, lived the most witty, but most
+profligate, Petronius Arbiter, in whom Mamæa is distinctly alluded to.
+The excellent Hadrian Valesius was the first who drew attention to this:
+the prelate Monsignor Stefano Gradi violently opposed him at first; but
+he afterwards set an honourable example by giving up his own opinion,
+and making the proof complete. I have added some further arguments,
+which both of them had overlooked, such as the passage concerning Mamæa,
+and likewise an epitaph which is evidently of the time of Severus.
+Petronius’ language—leaving aside those passages in which he makes
+people talk, as they really then spoke, in the _lingua rustica_—bears
+the marks of the age of which it is the true living expression. He is
+the greatest poetical genius of Rome since the days of Augustus; but one
+sees how his talent was quite confined to the romance and the poetry of
+every-day life.
+
+In the middle of the third century, Rome was in everything already
+sinking into a state of barbarism: even the characters on the
+inscriptions are of a barbarous shape, and the lines are crooked and
+slanting.
+
+
+
+
+ INVASION OF THE GOTHS. DEATH OF DECIUS. GALLUS TREBONIANUS ÆMILIAN.
+ VALERIAN. GALLIENUS. THE THIRTY TYRANTS.
+
+
+Decius, although he may have been a very praiseworthy prince, bears the
+stain of persecutions. His reign was the era of the great break up which
+began with the Germans, who for seventy years had kept tolerably quiet.
+The whole of the north of Germany was now in motion, and the Franks made
+their appearance on the Lower Rhine. With regard to the origin of the
+Franks, on which go much has been written, I think the opinion to be a
+very likely one, that the Sigambri on the right banks of the Rhine, and
+in Westphalia, called themselves Franks, and that they formed a state of
+their own distinct from that of the Saxons. The Swabians, who are partly
+called Sueves, and partly Alemanni, make their appearance on the Maine.
+Yet the grand break up caused by the Goths, dates from the reign of
+Decius. Over the whole subject of their migrations, hangs the greatest
+uncertainty. Did they come, as the Icelandic traditions would make us
+believe, from the South to the North; or the reverse, as the traditions
+in Jormandes would show? I believe that the question cannot in any way
+be decided. We can only say thus much, that a large Gothic empire
+existed in the beginning of the third century, in the south-east of
+Europe.
+
+The invasion of the Goths was made partly by land through Dacia, partly
+in skiffs across the Black sea; like the attacks of the Russians on
+Constantinople in the tenth century. Of the detailed account of the
+Athenian Dexippus, we have unfortunately nothing but fragments in the
+_Excerpta de Sententiis_ and _de Legationibus_, besides a few in
+Syncellus. It is impossible to analyse these invasions in detail: I
+should not venture to divide them, like Gibbon, into three great
+expeditions. They overpowered the kingdom of the Bosporus, and destroyed
+the towns on the northern coast of Asia Minor: they advanced also as far
+as Cappadocia. Another expedition subdued the Thracian Bosporus which
+since the destruction of Byzantium lay quite open. It is a proof of the
+utter lethargy of the Roman Empire, that no attempt was made to fit out
+any ships of war, to destroy the vessels of the barbarians. The most
+thriving Bithynian cities, Nicomedia, Prusa, Chalcedon, and others, were
+destroyed after the death of Decius, and with far more cruelty than the
+Goths displayed in later times.
+
+We must, however, return to the history of Decius, and go on with it.
+Even some time already before this, when the Goths made their inroad
+across the Danube, they were met by Decius. Dexippus wrote this history
+down to the reign of Claudius Gothicus. The Goths besieged Nicopolis;
+and when Decius relieved this town, they crossed the ridges of the
+Hæmus, and took Philippopolis. After they had taken it, Decius again met
+them in mount Hæmus, and cut off their retreat, when they wanted to make
+a treaty for a free departure, and even to return the booty and
+prisoners; but Decius refused, and whilst they were thus driven to
+despair, he fared as king Frederick did at Kunersdorf. The Goths were
+drawn up in three lines, two of which were already broken; and if Decius
+had properly followed up his advantage, and taken such a position that
+he might have dispersed those who were already beaten, and surrounded
+the rest, he might have destroyed the whole army. But the unlucky star
+of Rome led him to attack the third line, which was drawn up behind a
+marsh or narrow paths and dykes, in a position where all the bravery of
+the legions was in vain. He met with a defeat in which he and his son
+lost their lives. This overthrow was decisive; but the Goths likewise
+had suffered considerable loss, and they were glad to conclude with
+Gallus Trebonianus, who had been proclaimed emperor, a treaty by which
+he paid to them a considerable sum to be allowed to march off free.
+Whether he also granted them abodes in Dacia, is more than I will take
+upon myself to decide.
+
+Gallus went to Rome, where he took as his colleague Hostilianus, the
+nephew or son of Decius, who, however, died soon afterwards. As Gallus
+now reigned despised by every one for the disgraceful peace which he had
+made; Æmilianus, the governor of Illyricum, rose against him in the
+East, and leading his army into Italy, gained a victory on the borders
+of Umbria and the Sabine country, in the neighbourhood of Spoletum, and
+Gallus lost his life. The latter, in his turn, had an avenger in
+Valerian; who had been called out of Germany to his aid, and who came
+indeed too late to save, but soon enough to avenge him: Æmilianus was
+deserted, and probably murdered by his own soldiers.
+
+Valerian now ascended the throne. Great things were expected from him;
+yet his reputation was wholly undeserved, and we behold nothing but
+disaster in his reign. Decius had had the strange idea of restoring the
+censorship to improve the public morals, and the senate with one voice
+had named Valerian censor; but Decius’ death happened so soon, that
+nothing followed from the appointment. Valerian took for his colleague
+his own son P. Licinius Gallienus, from which name we are not to suppose
+that there was any relationship to the old Licinii of the best times of
+the republic. Rome was in those days already quite accustomed to the
+system of having colleagues; for as the emperor was often at the
+farthest end of the empire, it was necessary that some one should carry
+on the government for him. From all sides, the Franks, Alemanni, and
+Goths now broke in, each nation by itself; and at the same time, the
+Persians also, under king Sapor, crossed the eastern frontier. The
+history of Valerian is very obscure and scanty: whether his catastrophe
+took place in the year 256 or 260, cannot be made out.
+
+The Franks had established their kingdom on the Lower Rhine, and they
+held both banks of the stream as far up as Coblentz; the Swabians had
+broken through the entrenched barrier, and taken possession of what is
+now Suabia, or rather the country from the neighbourhood of the Lahn
+even to Switzerland. The Juthungi, who are mentioned in this time only,
+are perhaps so called from the reigning dynasty of the Lombards, and
+merely mean this people; for the names which end in _-ing_ and _-ung_,
+are always names of dynasties. The Goths forced their way in swarms of
+boats, either by the Danube or the Dniester, into the Roman seas,
+without the Romans ever once opposing to them a fleet. These were
+devastations like those of the Normans in the ninth and tenth centuries.
+They plundered the whole of Achaia; they sacked and burned Corinth,
+Argos, and Athens, which, after many ages, now distinguishes itself
+again. A spirited band under the _strategus_ Dexippus, the same who
+wrote this history, left the town for the mountains; and when it had
+been taken, they came down from thence, and surprised the Gothic fleet
+in the Piræeus, avenging their city in a manner which does one good to
+hear. Dexippus must have been an able man, although his history is a
+work of bad rhetoric.
+
+Just as unhappily, and far more disgracefully besides, did things go on
+in Mesopotamia and Syria. Valerian, who was opposed to Sapor himself,
+was brought into a most disadvantageous position, where he met with the
+fate of General Mack near Ulm: he capitulated and became a prisoner, and
+he is said to have been very shockingly treated. Whether Asiatic
+ruthlessness went to the length of having him flayed alive, cannot be
+decided by us: it was also a disputed point, even among the ancients.
+The Persians now burst like a flood over Syria and Cappadocia, and near
+Cæsarea they all but fell in with the Goths: Antioch was taken and
+sacked. Those who escaped from the sword, were led away into bondage,
+with a barbarity like that of Soliman at the siege of Vienna, when two
+hundred thousand men lost their life or their freedom: the city was then
+get fire to. The same fate befel Cæsarea, after a noble defence. The
+towns on the Persian frontier alone had preserved their walls; but in
+the interior, in Greece, and in Asia Minor, no one had ever thought of
+the possibility of an enemy, and therefore the walls had been allowed to
+go to ruins, or had been pulled down.
+
+The whole of Syria was overrun and conquered,—a few strong towns only
+may have held out; but in the midst of the desert, Palmyra, unobserved
+by the rest of the world, had risen by degrees into an important
+commercial mart, and from this city, half Syrian and half Arab, there
+had grown up a power which made head against Sapor. Under the lead of
+Odenathus, who is justly reckoned among the great men of the East, it
+was able to fight for its existence, and to hold its own. Odenathus
+defeated the rear of Sapor, and was not afraid of facing him in the open
+field. All the Arabs from the interior having joined him, as it seems,
+he is called _Princeps Saracenorum_ (from ‏شرق‎ to rise, ‏مشرق‎ the
+East; as Yemen, the right hand, reckoning from Mecca): the name of
+Saracens is to be met with long before Mohammed. Odenathus must have got
+together a great force. On the other side also of the Persian empire,
+diversions must have been made of which, however, we know nothing: for
+the relations of the Persians with their eastern neighbours are
+altogether hidden from us.
+
+Valerian died in captivity. Gallienus is reproached for having made no
+attempt to ransom his father; but, ought he to have done so by giving up
+provinces? This is the time of the so-called thirty tyrants, a term
+which has been exploded long ago. Gallienus was a worthless prince,
+living only for his lusts, and seeking to take his ease in the midst of
+the most dreadful calamities. He always remained in possession of Italy
+and of the Noric and Illyrian frontier, and, with hardly an exception,
+of Greece and Africa: (for a short time only, his authority in Ægypt was
+disputed). In the East, Syria and the eastern provinces of Asia Minor
+remained under the rule of Odenathus, and after his death, under that of
+his great widow Zenobia: these were in some measure acknowledged by the
+senate and by Gallienus, so that the latter even had a triumph for the
+victories of Odenathus. From 256, or 260, to 268, Gallienus reigned
+alone; but in the meanwhile Gaul, Britain, and Spain, even the whole of
+what was afterwards the _Præfectura Gallica_, were torn away by
+Postumus, and became a compact territory having its own princes: these
+may be called emperors with as much right as Gallienus himself, although
+this would be contrary to Roman orthodoxy. Postumus was a very eminent
+man: he ruled over this great empire nearly ten years, and, if we may
+rely on his coins, gained a succession of brilliant victories over the
+Barbarians, particularly the Alemanni, and the Franks. The Alemanni must
+at that time have undertaken a wide wasting expedition as far as Spain,
+perhaps in the service of one of the then Emperors. The real name of
+Postumus is M. Cassianus[60] Latinius Postumus. He has left behind him a
+noble reputation; but the misfortunes of Gaul already now begin, as is
+proved by the destruction of Autun, which from that time lay in ruins
+until the reign of Diocletian: Spain also was devastated by the
+Barbarians. At Mentz, Ælianus[61] had usurped the imperial title; but he
+was conquered by Postumus, who in his turn lost his life when he would
+not let his soldiers pillage that city. He was succeeded by Victorinus,
+(his full name is M. Piavvonius Victorinus,) a brave but profligate
+general, whose outrages brought upon himself death from the hands of a
+deeply injured man. Then followed Marius, a common armourer, and after
+him a great Gallic lord, C. Pesuvius Tetricus, who was acknowledged
+throughout the whole of what was afterwards called the Gallic
+Prefecture, and maintained himself there until the reign of Aurelian.
+Here it is plainly to be seen how the division into prefectures was
+altogether founded upon circumstances, and by no means an arbitrary one.
+The nation now consists of Latinized Celts and Latinized Iberians, who
+were distinguished from the Italians by very decided peculiarities of
+their own.
+
+The empire of Palmyra, as Eckhel justly remarks in opposition to Gibbon,
+did not reach beyond Egypt and the countries of the Levant: Egypt
+perhaps it only comprised in the last years, under Claudius Gothicus.
+From coins especially, one may learn much, although they are often
+enigmatical, that is to say, they give us enigmas to solve which but for
+them would have never come to us at all. In Illyricum, Africa, Egypt,
+even in peaceful Achaia, pretenders now arose, whose rule indeed lasted
+but a short time, yet they most sadly distracted the empire. The whole
+of the state, in fact, now consisted of three distinct masses. In the
+first place, there was the empire of Rome; secondly, there was the West
+or Gallic empire; and thirdly, that of the East. In Gaul, even very far
+back indeed, as early as the days of Augustus and Tiberius, a marked
+spirit of independence might have been observed, whereas Spain was much
+more sincerely united to Rome: in the East, it was quite the reverse,
+just as in Gaul. Treves was even at that time the seat of government, as
+perhaps it was also under Postumus and Victorinus, although they often
+lived at Cologne: Neuwied is called on the inscriptions _Victoriensis_,
+which may have some connexion with Victorinus and his mother Victoria.
+The _Porta Nigra_ at Treves belongs to this time. It is a Roman gate, on
+each side of which there are basilicas: the whole building is of no
+older date. The capital of such an empire might well have had large
+structures. Taste had already fallen to a very low ebb.
+
+
+
+
+ CLAUDIUS GOTHICUS. AURELIAN. TACITUS. PROBUS. CARUS.
+
+
+A northern pretender, Aureolus, having marched from Rhætia against
+Milan, Gallienus fell during the siege of this town, most likely by the
+hands of his own men. He was a curse to the Roman empire, and his death
+was its deliverance. After him came a great man, M. Aurelius Claudius,
+who received the well-earned name of Gothicus. This emperor had to face
+a new invasion of the Goths, who burst in by the Propontis, and once
+more destroyed Cyzicus. These now made their appearance in Macedon,
+besieged even Thessalonica, and from thence marched into the interior of
+the country. There they met with Claudius, and they wished to retreat
+back again to the Danube; but Claudius defeated them near Nissa, on the
+borders of Bulgaria and Servia, in a great battle in which they were all
+but annihilated. New hordes, however, were always pouring in, the East
+and West Goths being now joined by the Vandals; and Claudius, while
+going on with the war against them, died at Sirmium in the middle of his
+career, either of the plague or of an epidemic caused by the war. The
+seat of the disease seems to have been in Mœsia, where it did great
+havoc, both among the Romans and among the Goths. He was succeeded by
+Aurelian.
+
+The victory of Claudius over the Goths had ensured the safety of the
+Roman empire, although he still left much undone. The empire of Palmyra
+evidently was friendly, and it protected the eastern frontier: with
+Tetricus, the relations were at least perfectly peaceful. Claudius
+himself had recommended Aurelian as the ablest of his generals, and the
+senate and the army swore allegiance to him. Aurelian did great things
+during the five years of his reign (until 273): he restored the empire.
+One might be tempted to apply to him the remarkable passage in
+Curtius;[62] but it is not to be believed that such pure Latin should
+have still been written in his reign. Gibbon must have thought this less
+unlikely, as far at least as regards the time of Gordian, for which he
+decides; but the passage on Tyre,[63] to have any meaning at all, must
+be referred to the times of Septimius Severus and Caracalla. Although
+Aurelian is no ideal of a character, yet there is much in his reign
+which gives one pleasure, like every age in which anything that has
+fallen into ruin has been restored. But unhappily there are also here no
+sufficient sources; all is obscure: the imperial history, on the whole,
+is much more so than that of the republic; we are much better able to
+reconstruct the history of the twelfth and thirteenth century from the
+chronicles. The accounts we have of Aurelian, although they may be
+strung together, form no history: the coins are far safer authorities
+for this time, and with these the statements of our wretched historians
+cannot be made to agree. Gibbon has done everything that was possible,
+nor will his work ever be surpassed.
+
+Aurelian passed the five years of his reign in an activity which beggars
+belief, going from one frontier to another, and from war to war. At
+first, he wisely made peace with the Goths, to whom he gave up the
+claims of Rome on Dacia. This country may have been in a condition like
+that of Gaul in the fifth century. The Romans may have kept their ground
+only in the impassable places of Transylvania, which he now evacuated,
+there being no hope left of driving back the Goths who had made inroads
+almost everywhere. The population of Dacia had been so much weakened by
+the wars, that the country could not be kept: those who wished to leave
+it, now settled in Bulgaria which thereby gained strength.—The war
+against the great Zenobia, who was already dreaming of nothing less than
+an Asiatic empire, was decided by two battles, at Antioch and at Emesa.
+As Zenobia could stand her ground against the Persians, but not against
+the Roman legions, her infantry must have been bad: it may be that she
+had formed in Syria a militia which overawed the Persians, whereas the
+Romans, who did not wish to give arms into the hands of the borderers,
+carried on the war with the aid of mercenaries. Zenobia’s defence of
+Palmyra did not answer the expectation which was entertained of her
+courage; for she fled and was taken prisoner. In her captivity, she
+showed herself to be an Asiatic woman, by sacrificing her best advisers
+as having beguiled her into bad policy: among these was the ingenious
+Longinus. As without doubt, even at that time, there was in many minds
+the idea of a Greek Asiatic Empire, an intellectual Greek like Longinus
+may indeed have suggested such a thought to his princess. It was one of
+the acts which have stained Aurelian’s purple, that he had this
+distinguished man put to death; and still worse was his giving up
+Palmyra to destruction on account of a rebellion of its inhabitants.
+
+Thus the East was again tranquillized, the peace with the Persians being
+secured until the times of Carus, as it seems, by treaties. Aurelian now
+returned to Europe to reunite the West with the empire; whereupon he was
+met by Tetricus, who felt that his own life was not safe among the
+mutinous soldiers, and wished to get himself out of this position: but
+the soldiers of Tetricus fought with such spirit in the neighbourhood of
+Chalons, that one may see how national was their cause, and how
+determined was the wish for separation. It is remarkable that the French
+historians have never understood nor discerned the national development
+of France, which always renewed itself from the time of Julius Cæsar;
+just as they also have ever overlooked the distinctly marked difference
+between the literature of Northern and Southern France. It cannot be
+accurately made out, whether it was now, or somewhat sooner or later,
+that the German tribes broke through the frontier. The Alemanni,
+Lombards (Juthungi), and Vandals—the first two at least—passed the Po
+and threatened Rome: they were defeated near Fano (_Fanum Fortunæ_),
+very nearly in the same neighbourhood where Hasdrubal fell in the second
+Punic War.
+
+Aurelian, who could not live without war, was on the eve of renewing
+that against the Persians: but he was murdered while on his march, at
+the crafty instigation, it is said, of an infamous secretary whose fraud
+he had found out. This story, however, is perhaps one of the many tales
+which were devised to screen the guilt of the real perpetrators: another
+conspiracy had already been discovered once before. The army bewailed
+him, and determined that none of the leading men who had had a share in
+his murder should reap any advantage from it. This accounts for the
+strange demand which the army made to the senate, to appoint the
+successor of Aurelian. The senate mistrusted this, or it was afraid that
+the soldiers might repent; but the latter are said to have so
+steadfastly stood by their declaration, that the empire remained for
+eight months without an emperor, nor did any one arise in the provinces.
+
+At last,—so we are told,—Tacitus, the _princeps senatus_, was elected,
+who was distinguished for everything that could at all distinguish a
+senator,—immense fortune, of which he made a good use; a blameless life;
+administrative skill; and in his youth, military valour. On his
+election, he gave the senate the promise that he would look upon himself
+as its servant; whereupon the senators already began to give themselves
+up to their daydreams of freedom and power. The emperor was now to be
+their first servant; all rule and might was to be in the hands of the
+senate, and the republic was to be restored:—in a word, they expected to
+be like the senate of Venice. But that dream lasted but a short time.
+Tacitus went to the army in Asia Minor. The statement of his advanced
+age rests on the authority of the latest Greeks, and deserves little
+credit: the earlier writers say nothing about it. How they could then
+have elected an old man in his seventy-sixth year, is scarcely to be
+understood, as they needed a military prince. This reminds us of the
+Roman Cardinals, who elect an aged Pope to have so much more the hope of
+succeeding him themselves. Although Tacitus carried on the war against
+the Alans with success, the Romans were not yet rid of their causes for
+uneasiness in that quarter. When he died at Tarsus, in all likelihood it
+was quietly in his bed, of illness or exhaustion: murder seems not to be
+thought of. After his death, the throne was usurped by his brother
+Quintilius,[64] to whom however the legions refused obedience.
+
+They proclaimed Probus emperor, who is the most excellent of the Cæsars
+of that age. Quite as great a general as Aurelian, he still at the same
+time turned his mind to the protection of the empire against foreign
+foes, and to raising it at home from the wretched condition into which
+it had fallen. He had many rebellions to put down, but he had especially
+to wage war against the Alans, the Franks, the Alemanni, and the
+Sarmatians. The Franks he drove back into the marshes of the
+Netherlands; and he not only defeated the Alemanni, but he also crossed
+the Rhine, and regained the Suabian empire: he is likewise said to have
+repaired the _limes_. We are told that he wanted to form Germany into a
+province, which at that time was much more feasible than it had been
+before: for the southern Germans had already become much nearer to the
+Romans in their manners. Had Diocletian given himself the same trouble,
+and established a Roman power in the south of Germany, he might perhaps
+have succeeded.—It would have been possible to collect the Germans into
+towns, and to accustom them to a regular city life, for in the reign of
+Valentinian, we find them afterwards on the banks of the Neckar already
+settled in larger villages and in fortified towns, and no longer in
+scattered cottages. Probus achieved an incredible number of great
+undertakings in every quarter, crossing the empire from one frontier to
+the other with the power and speed of lightning: rest, during the five
+years of his reign, he never once enjoyed; but, on the other hand, he
+was unspeakably beloved by his people. Once also he triumphed in Rome,
+as Aurelian had likewise done: yet his coins not only bear the legend,
+_Invicto Imperatori Probo_, but also _Bono Imperatori Probo_. The
+soldiers only became estranged from him, because he made their work too
+hard, as he exacted from them, besides all their military duty,
+task-service for the restoration of the provinces. Like Aurelian and
+Decius, he came from the neighbourhood of the _Limes Illyricus_, being
+perhaps descended from military settlers; and therefore he wished to
+revive tillage in the neighbourhood of Sermium, and to drain the fens.
+To this unwholesome labour he kept the soldiers, employing them in
+digging the drains. As he did not yield to any representations made to
+him, the soldiers can scarcely be blamed when in their despair they
+would bear the heavy yoke no longer. He was murdered in the year 282;
+yet they still wept over his loss.
+
+After his death, they raised the _præfectus prætorio_ Carus to the
+throne. Whether Carus was born at Rome, or in Illyricum, or at Narbonne,
+we do not know: in a letter which is still extant, he calls himself a
+Roman senator,—a proof that the _senatus consultum_ in the reign of
+Gallienus, that no senator should be a general, must have been something
+different from what is generally believed, and even Gibbon thinks it to
+have been. Perhaps Gallienus only took away from the senators the
+government of the provinces with the _imperium_, so that this was put an
+end to altogether, except in the short time of the reign of Tacitus; but
+even then, he did not shut them out from every kind of military command.
+As Carus also was quite in his element when there was a war, he led his
+soldiers against the Persians with the most signal success; and this was
+the last war but one in which this was the case: he is said to have
+retaken Ctesiphon; but this cannot be positively asserted. However this
+may be, Persia had lost the power which she had in the days of
+Ardaschir; and the Persian king Bahram, who was paralysed by fear, was
+quite unable to make head against the Roman army. Carus penetrated very
+far beyond the Persian frontier. Here he is said to have been struck by
+lightning in his tent:—whether this be true, or whether he did not
+rather fall by the hands of assassins, we cannot make out for certain.
+The soldiers, however, could not be got to advance any further: the omen
+of the _prætorium_ struck by lightning was too dreadful. Numerian the
+son of Carus, a well educated and well-bred young man, good-hearted but
+unwarlike, was in the camp; the other one, Carinus, had remained in
+Rome: the latter was another Commodus, being a profligate and a tyrant.
+Numerian died, and the _præfectus prætorio_, Arrius Aper, is said to
+have concealed his death to found his own dominion on it. But it was
+detected; and it was laid to the charge of Aper by the Illyrian
+Diocletian, who was backed by the favour of the army. Being the most
+distinguished of the generals, he put forth claims to the throne: as for
+Carinus, he had made himself so hateful by his profligacy, that the army
+would not hear of him. Diocletian stabbed Aper with his own hands. A
+female soothsayer had told him that he should ascend the throne, if he
+killed an _aper_; and therefore in all his hunts, he had tried to kill a
+wild boar. The oracle now came true. Carinus gathered together the
+legions of the west, and great battle in Mœsia decided the fate of the
+throne. For when Carinus was on the point of gaining the victory, he was
+stabbed by a man whom he had foully wronged; and the soldiers now
+acknowledged Diocletian, who had been all but beaten, as their emperor,
+285.
+
+
+
+
+ DIOCLETIAN. LITERATURE AND GENERAL STATE OF THE THEN WORLD. MAXIMIAN.
+ HIS SUCCESSORS. CONSTANTINE.
+
+
+The reign of Diocletian forms a great epoch in Roman history. He shows
+himself everywhere a distinguished man: although we may censure many of
+his plans, yet even to have made an attempt is a proof of that ability
+which shines forth in everything that he did, and in the whole of his
+reign. There now follows a time which, when compared with the former
+ones, is one of recovery, and which lasted about an hundred years, down
+to the battle of Hadrianople (378). During this period, the government
+is settled in one dynasty, and the establishment of the Christian
+religion is greatly facilitated. One great source of relief was, the
+ceasing of some years, ever since Probus, of the frightful plague which
+had so long wasted the Roman empire. It had first made its appearance in
+the reign of M. Antoninus and L. Verus, when, however, it was far from
+spreading over every part of the world; even in the time of Septimius
+Severus, as we know from Tertullian, it had not yet visited Africa:
+about the middle of the third century, until just before the reign of
+Decius, epidemics are mentioned. The real terrible plague broke out in
+the days of Decius (249), although I would not take it upon myself to
+say that it did not exist previously: in the reign of Commodus, and also
+of Caracalla, there was a very fierce plague at Rome; but in that of
+Decius it spreads all over the Roman empire, making dreadful ravages
+even in Africa and Egypt as well. Thus it still continues. Claudius dies
+at Sirmium of the plague in 270, and in the days of Gallienus and
+Valerian its fury is unabated: as many as two thousand people are said
+at times to have died at Rome in one day. Dionysius the bishop tells us
+that, when the plague had left off in Alexandria, the number of all the
+grown up persons from fourteen to seventy, was not greater than what had
+formerly been the number of those who were between forty and seventy;
+whence it follows, that about the third part only—not, as Gibbon states,
+one half of the inhabitants had remained alive. From the beginning of
+this period, date the last writings of Saint Cyprian, and his remarkable
+treatise against Demetrian, in which this great mortality is distinctly
+acknowledged: even at that time, people had begun to lay this decrease
+of the human race to the charge of the Christians. After the black
+death, as Matteo Villani, a contemporary writer, remarks, when people
+thought that they should have everything in abundance, just the reverse
+took place, namely a grievous famine, owing to there not being men
+enough to till the fields. This also happened now; and it was even yet a
+great deal worse, as the finest countries were laid waste by the ravages
+of the barbarians.
+
+In the same proportion as the world was made desolate, did intellect
+also decay. Until the middle of the third century, the western world was
+very civilized; we still meet with distinguished poetical talent, and
+jurisprudence reached its highest state of development: but after that
+time, down to the days of Constantine, we already find throughout it the
+most downright barbarism: in the plastic arts, the decline begins even
+as early as in the times of Septimius Severus, the busts alone being
+still somewhat tolerable. As for poems, that of Nemesian on the chase,
+and the eclogues of Calpurnius in the reign of Carinus, are very
+characteristic of the age: it is sheer verse-making. Prose is no longer
+to be met with. There is indeed not one writer of it worth mentioning,
+except Lactantius the contemporary of Constantine, who has made the
+style of Cicero quite his own: even as Curtius is a reproduction of
+Livy, so is Lactantius of Cicero. Yet the man himself is also
+interesting: in his seventh book, he shows real imagination. Before him
+lived Arnobius, who is instructive and useful, his erudition being of
+great value to us; but he is without originality.
+
+In the East, a different class of writers had arisen. Instead of people
+trying, as in the second and third centuries, to reproduce the ancient
+Attic, the language of Plato and Demosthenes, which Dio Chrysostom and
+several others after him had done; there sprang up in the third century,
+from the times of Ammonius in Syria, the so-called New-Platonism, a
+system which aimed at higher things, and from the intellect which there
+was in it, was widely different from the rhetorical school before it.
+But it became thoroughly unreal, inasmuch as its votaries tampered with
+the hallowed mysteries of former times, being ashamed of them in their
+old form, and had foisted in what was altogether foreign to it.
+
+Of the events which now follow, I can give you but an outline, such as
+every one ought to know by heart. Too great a stress was formerly laid
+on such a chronological skeleton of history; yet it ought not to be
+altogether neglected: the succession of the Roman emperors, with the
+dates of their reigns, is what every one ought to have in his memory.
+Diocletian had reigned for about a year, when, without any external
+cause, he took his countryman Maximian as his colleague. Of Diocletian
+we have many hostile accounts; but they are very much exaggerated, nor
+are they the only ones. It is said that his father had been a slave, or
+at best a freedman; by this, however, a _colonus_, perhaps is meant,
+that is to say, a serf from the Dalmatian frontier. He cannot himself
+have been a slave, as slaves were not yet at that time received in the
+legions: the derivation of his name from Doclea, a town on the Dalmatian
+frontier, is a very likely one indeed. Diocletian had risen in the army
+by his own merit, a fact which sufficiently refutes the charge of
+cowardice brought against him as well as many other great generals, such
+as Napoleon. Against the latter also this charge is highly unjust. He
+often wanted moral courage, as, for instance, on the 19th of Brumaire;
+but the courage of a general he had. He is taxed with cowardice in cases
+when he did not choose to place himself in a position in which he could
+neither see nor hear, and thus neglect his duties as a general; but in
+so doing he was perfectly justified. Only he ought to have died at
+Waterloo: his leaving that battlefield can never be excused.—Diocletian
+was, on the whole, a mild man. On two occasions only, he laid himself
+open to the charge of cruelty,—in his chastisement of the rebels at
+Alexandria, and in his persecution of the Christians, to the latter of
+which he was beguiled in his old age by Galerius. Maximian, on the
+contrary, was a coarse and cruel man, who murdered the Roman nobles to
+get held of their treasures; or because he had been offended; or else
+because their very rank annoyed him: for the senate seems now to have
+become more and more hereditary.
+
+Diocletian, who was a man of uncommon shrewdness, could not disguise
+from himself, how highly dangerous it was to keep jarring elements
+together by force. He therefore bethought himself of what would seem the
+strange plan of healing the many splits between the East and the West by
+a distinct government for each under different princes, they being,
+however, so united by one common centre, as still to form one whole.
+This worked well so long as he reigned himself. The legislative power,
+the consulship, and the high offices were to be in common: but in both
+parts of the empire there was to be a distinct _Augustus_; and by the
+side of every Augustus a _Cæsar_ as his coadjutor, who was to succeed to
+the throne after his death. The latter clause was to prevent the throne
+from being kept vacant, or being given away by the soldiers. It would
+seem that the senior Augustus had the right of naming the Cæsars. The
+_Præfectura Galliarum_ (which consisted of Gaul, Britain, and Spain),
+together with Mauretania, was to have a Cæsar; Italy and Africa were
+placed under the immediate rule of the Augustus. The countries on the
+Danube, Pannonia and Mœsia (afterwards the _præfectura_ of Illyria),
+were likewise under a Cæsar: the other Augustus had the whole of the
+East. All these were ingenious combinations: but they showed by their
+result, what such combinations will generally lead to.
+
+Diocletian reigned for twenty years (from 285 to 305), and then by his
+paramount influence, he got Maximian to resign his dignity at the same
+time with him (May 1st, 305); so that, while he was yet living, the
+machine might be set up anew. The Cæsar in the East, Galerius, and his
+colleague Constantius, were both of them Illyrians. The former was a
+common soldier who had gotten the surname of _Armentarius_ from having
+been a drover; the other (to whom we do not give the name of Chlorus, as
+it is only to be found in Byzantine writers, and not even in the earlier
+ones, nor on coins; and as we are not able to make out its derivation)
+was of high birth, his father being a man of rank in the diocese of
+Illyricum, and his mother a niece of the Emperor Claudius Gothicus. The
+two were of a very different stamp. Constantius was an accomplished and
+well educated gentleman; Galerius was a rough fellow: both of them,
+however, were distinguished generals, though indeed Galerius was the
+bolder of the two. This division led afterwards to that of the empire
+into prefectures: not only every Augustus, but also every Cæsar had his
+_præfectus prætorio_; whence arose the four dioceses, each of which had
+a _præfectus_, as we see at a later period, there being traces of it
+even in the times of Justinian. Of the other measures of Diocletian, we
+shall mention here but the following. He transplanted the ceremonial of
+the East into his court: neither of the two emperors, however, resided
+at Rome; Maximian lived at Milan; Diocletian, in Nicomedia. Whatever may
+be said of Constantine, he was a great man: one of the many traits which
+mark him as such, is his not overlooking the situation of Byzantium. If
+those who founded Chalcedon were called blind by the oracle, Diocletian
+also is among the blind. In those eastern parts therefore, in which
+Asiatic manners spread more and more, Diocletian completely adopted the
+etiquette of the East.
+
+The most important events in this reign, are the revolt of Britain under
+Carausius; a rising in Egypt; and the Persian war, the most glorious for
+a long time which the Romans had waged, and even the last glorious war
+of all.
+
+Carausius—the admiral of a fleet stationed at Bononia (Boulogne) to keep
+in check the Franks and other tribes in the Netherlands, who had already
+begun to carry on piracy—revolted; made himself master of Britain; and
+assumed the title of Augustus. After having once been even acknowledged
+by Diocletian and Maximian, he was murdered by his own soldiers: his
+successor Allectus, who seized the reins of government after him, was
+overpowered by Constantius.—The reduction of Egypt was achieved by
+Diocletian himself: after a long siege, Alexandria had to surrender at
+discretion, and was severely punished.—Against Persia, Galerius had the
+command for two campaigns; and though, at first, he suffered a defeat,
+he afterwards gained a decided victory, routing and scattering the
+Persians, whose king was obliged to make peace. Armenia was recognised
+as a tributary dependency of Rome; Aderbidjan, with Tauris its capital,
+was given up by Persia to Armenia; Rome likewise gained the countries
+south of Lake Van as far as Mosul to the east, that is to say the
+countries on the Euphrates and Tigris, even beyond the eastern banks of
+the latter river. This happened A. D. 296, four years after the
+appointment of the _Cæsares_. Time hinders me from dwelling on the
+persecutions of the Christians by Diocletian; so that I shall only
+remark that Diocletian and his counsellors, going against the stream,
+and quite heedless of the wants of the age (even looking upon the matter
+in a worldly point of view), sought to crush the Christian religion.
+This led them to that shocking persecution, which, however, was not so
+frightful as we are wont to believe it to have been. Dodwell is right in
+saying that it was nothing to what the Duke of Alva did in the
+Netherlands. Yet it was after all a struggle against the tide: for
+whenever a people wills a thing in good earnest, it does not allow
+itself to be kept back. Annihilation or slavery alone are able to stop
+its onward march.
+
+The results of the new measures were like those which we have seen
+during the last forty years in Europe, where constitutions have been
+drawn up, which when brought to bear on life and its real business, have
+worked quite differently from what had been expected. After Diocletian
+and Maximian’s resignation, Constantius and Galerius succeeded as
+_Augusti_, and the places of the Cæsars became vacant. As the _Augusti_
+were bound to make Milan or Nicomedia their abode, Constantius remained
+in Gaul, where his court was generally at Treves. In his stead, a Cæsar
+was to be appointed, who had to rule over Africa and Italy; and
+Galerius, claiming the right of nomination, made choice of another
+Illyrian named Severus: over the East he set his own nephew Maximinus
+Daza, a common soldier, to whom he gave the administration of Syria and
+Egypt, while he himself remained in Nicomedia, and kept Illyricum,
+Greece, and Asia Minor. The persecution of the Christians went on at a
+fearful rate, but without any effect; so that at last it was even
+obliged to slacken.
+
+Diocletian remained quiet during all these changes; but old Maximian did
+not approve of them. He returned from Lucania to Rome, where he again
+came forth as an Augustus, and got the senate to proclaim his son
+Maxentius a Cæsar instead of Severus. Soon afterwards, Constantius died,
+and the legions proclaimed his son Constantine Augustus; but Galerius,
+who had formerly plotted against his life, wished to acknowledge him as
+Cæsar only, and on the other hand, appointed Severus Augustus, and set
+him on against Maximian and Maxentius. But Severus died in his attempt
+to invade Italy, and Constantine for the present submitted to the
+degradation.
+
+Constantine was the son of Constantius’ first wife Helena, a woman of
+low birth from Roussillon, whom her husband had been obliged to put away
+that he might marry Theodora, a stepdaughter of Maximian. Constantine
+was thirty-two years old, when his father died. He is a truly great man,
+and on him the attention of the whole of the then Roman world was
+directed. Though not an accomplished scholar, neither yet was he an
+untaught barbarian, as he spoke Greek and Latin.
+
+Whilst Constantine contented himself with establishing his power in the
+three western provinces, Galerius undertook to avenge the death of
+Severus on Maxentius. He therefore came with an army to Italy, and
+advanced as far as Narni; but there he found himself so closely hemmed
+in by the forces of old Maximian, and so little supported, that he had
+to retreat and make peace. How it was concluded, we have in truth no
+account whatever. After the death of Severus, Galerius had given up
+Illyricum to Licinius, and had bestowed on him at the same time the
+title of Augustus; the east he had assigned to Maximinus Daza: he
+acknowledged Constantine as Augustus. Thus the Roman world had no more
+Cæsars, but six _Augusti_,—Galerius, Licinius, Maximin in the east;
+Maximian, Maxentius, and Constantine in the west. Notwithstanding this,
+there was no peace, and the artificial combination of Diocletian proved
+insufficient. Maximian had given his daughter Fausta in marriage to
+Constantine, who therefore divorced himself from his first wife
+Minervina. But dissensions arose between Maximian and his son Maxentius.
+Maxentius, who was a fell tyrant in the style of Caracalla, had no
+dutiful feelings towards a father who had raised him to the throne; and
+he answered the claims of his father to rule the state, by the counter
+demand that he should retire from public affairs. The prætorians, whom
+Maxentius had brought out again from the obscurity into which Diocletian
+had thrown them, decided that Maxentius should reign alone. Maximian now
+went to his daughter in Gaul, where at first he met with a friendly
+reception; but he soon got embroiled with Constantine. When the latter
+tried to secure himself against him, Maximian, who was not able to stand
+his ground at Arles, fled to Marseilles, where he was besieged, and
+delivered up as a victim by his own troops. He fell into Constantine’s
+power, who made him kind promises; notwithstanding which, under the
+pretext of his having set on foot a conspiracy, he was soon afterwards
+put to death.
+
+Shortly after began the war of Constantine with Maxentius, so memorable
+for its important consequences in history, and not less memorable for
+the triumphal arch of Constantine and Raphael’s painting of the battle.
+Maxentius ruled Italy as a tyrant, and the oppression of the people had
+increased. Italy had hitherto been free from the land-tax, having only
+indirect taxes and a legacy duty to pay; but Maxentius, to whom this,
+and the revenues raised from Africa, did not yet appear sufficient,
+proceeded to lay a land and an income tax on Italy. Then was Constantine
+called upon for help.—In the meanwhile also, Galerius had died, and the
+European part of his empire had been taken by Licinius, and the Asiatic
+by Maximin.—Constantine, at the head of a greatly superior force,
+crossed Mount Cenis; defeated the troops of Maxentius near Turin;
+marched against Verona, a very strong fortress; besieged it and beat an
+army which came to its relief; took it, and advanced by the Via Flaminia
+towards Rome. Maxentius met him three Italian miles from the Porta
+Collina, near Ponte Mollo. But his whole army was routed and himself
+killed; and Constantine, amid the general exultation, took possession of
+Rome.
+
+Soon afterwards, a war broke out in the East between Maximin and
+Licinius, Their forces encountered near the Thracian Heraclea, when
+Licinius conquered with a considerably weaker army: Maximin surrendered
+at discretion in Tarsus, and was condemned to die. There were now but
+two emperors left, Constantine in the west, Licinius in the east.
+Between these two, before long, the first war arose, A. D. 314, in which
+Constantine gained the victory at the battles of Cibalis and Mardia, and
+Licinius sought and obtained peace on condition of giving up Illyricum,
+Macedon, and Greece; so that he had only left to him the Asiatic
+countries, Egypt, and Thrace, such a large and rich dominion, that no
+state of modern Europe is to be compared to it. After nine years (323),
+a new war broke out, although Licinius was married to Constantia a
+half-sister of Constantine, and had children by her. For this struggle,
+Licinius had equipped a fleet, as had also Constantine: it was the first
+war since the battle of Actium, in which the Roman Emperors brought
+fleets into action. Constantine gained a victory near Adrianople; and
+Crispus, his son by Minervina, who commanded the fleet, decided the war
+by the battle of Scutari, and forced the Hellespont. Near Chrysopolis,
+he crossed over to Asia, and again beat the enemy’s reserves: on this,
+Licinius fled to Cilicia. Here he capitulated. Constantine at first
+promised him his life; but he did not keep his word: nay, after some
+time, he even had Licinius, the son of his own sister, a guiltless and
+most hopeful boy, likewise put to death. Here Constantine first showed
+signs of cruelty, from which he had hitherto kept himself quite free.
+
+Thus the whole world was again brought into unity. The rest of
+Constantine’s reign is not very rich in remarkable events. He carried on
+wars against the Goths and Sarmatians, the latter of whom dwelt in those
+days from the Theiss to Moravia, whilst the Goths were masters of Dacia.
+The Sarmatians make their appearance as the lords of vanquished Germans;
+and these serfs, when arms are put into their hands, take advantage of
+the opportunity to rid themselves of the yoke. Now were the Sarmatians
+obliged to apply to the Romans for protection, and they were scattered
+in all directions under the name of Limigantes: hence a Sarmatian colony
+as far off as the Moselle, is mentioned by Ausonius. Constantine
+undoubtedly ruled from the Roman Wall in Scotland to the borders of
+Khurdistan, and to Mount Atlas, just as Diocletian did.
+
+The restoration of the Empire had begun under Diocletian, and it must
+also have quite recovered under the rule of Constantine and his sons.
+One great drawback, however, was the very heavy weight of taxation which
+Diocletian had devised and Constantine had completed, and the system of
+indictions. A province was valued in the lump, and assessed at a fixed
+sum, which was divided into _capita_ (quotas); and these _capita_ were
+imposed in an arbitrary manner, sometimes several of them on one man,
+and sometimes one on several persons. The details of this system are not
+yet sifted as much as one would wish, although Savigny has written a
+very fine treatise on the subject.[65] The chief revenues were those
+which were derived from the land-tax, and from personal taxes. These
+burthens daily became more oppressive as the expense of the army
+increased, which was more and more composed of mercenaries. It is
+evident that the value of every kind of produce had now quite fallen
+off, and with this the complete change of the monetary system was
+connected. In the third century, silver of a very bad standard was
+coined, but the currency was not changed: the state seems to have paid
+in bad silver, and to have required gold in exchange at the rate of good
+old silver. The sesterces are done away with, and henceforth we meet
+with the _aurei_, which were formerly mentioned only in connexion with
+the pay of the soldiers, and even then but seldom. This most wretched
+coinage, of which all the collections of the kind in Europe may afford
+specimens,—these chiefly belong to the times between Valerian and
+Probus,—gave occasion for a great deal of counterfeit money, of which
+the dies and the whole apparatus have every now and then been found in
+France. The bad money also accounts for the strange story in Aurelian’s
+life of an insurrection, of which the master of the mint is said to have
+been the prime mover. Aurelian, in fact, may have tried to bring in
+again the good currency, whereas the master of the mint, on his side,
+may have found his profit in the bad money; just as Itzig and others did
+in the Seven Years’ War. Constantine, however, made the _aureus_
+lighter, in the ratio of 72 to 45, which, as it was a very great relief
+to the rate payers and to those who were in debt, was a very wise
+measure. On the whole, there are among his laws not a few sensible and
+beneficial ones. Others, on the contrary, are mischievous; for instance,
+he pressed very hardly upon the municipalities.
+
+Historians say that in the beginning of his reign, Constantine was
+_optimis principibus accensendus_; but afterwards _mediis_, or _vix
+mediis_. Gibbon judged of him with great fairness; otherwise, he has met
+with scarcely any but fanatical admirers or detractors, and the manner
+in which he was idolized by the Eastern church is so bad, that one might
+easily go into the other extreme. The war against Maxentius was a
+benefit, and the subjects also of Licinius were freed by his defeat from
+a very harsh master. The death of Licinius, on the other hand, and that
+of Crispus, are very ugly facts: but we ought not, after all, to be
+harder upon Constantine than upon others. His motives in establishing
+the Christian religion are something very strange indeed. The religion
+there was in his head, must have been a rare jumble. On his coins, he
+has the _Sol invictus_; he worships pagan deities, consults the
+_haruspices_, holds heathen superstitions; and yet he shuts up the
+temples and builds churches. As the president of the Nicene council, we
+can only look upon him with disgust: he was himself no Christian at all,
+and he would only be baptized when in _articulo mortis_. He had taken up
+the Christian Faith as a superstition, which he mingled with all his
+other superstitions. When therefore eastern writers speak of him as an
+ἰσαπόστολος, they do not know what they are saying; and to call him even
+a saint, is a profanation of the word.
+
+In other respects, Constantine was not a bad man. He had much about him
+which was like Hadrian, except only as to learning, in which he was very
+deficient; for though indeed he knew Greek very well, he was destitute
+of every literary accomplishment: the increasing irritability of the
+last years of his life, which betrayed him into deeds of cruelty, he has
+in common with Hadrian. Well known is the unfortunate death of his son
+Crispus, whom he first banished to Pola, and then caused to be executed:
+but as yet no proof has been brought to show that he died innocent. His
+father refused him the title of Augustus, and he was also the son of a
+repudiated wife; so that hence may have arisen feelings of jealousy
+against the children of Fausta, his brothers, and he may thus have been
+drawn into a plot against his father. Yet, even then, his death must be
+deemed a shocking event. There is another story, which is that
+Constantine’s wife Fausta was suffocated in a bath by his orders.
+Against this, Gibbon has raised very weighty objections, as even after
+Constantine’s death, Fausta was still alive: in the accounts, she is
+represented as a Phædra. In the meanwhile, Constantine had founded a new
+Rome in Constantinople, of which the situation is so fine. With his
+three half brothers, Constantius, Dalmatius, and Hannibalianus, he lived
+in exemplary harmony. Hannibalianus died without issue; Dalmatius had
+two sons, Hannibalianus and Dalmatius; Julius Constantius likewise had
+two, Julian and Gallus: he himself had three sons, Constantine,
+Constans, and Constantius. He now, towards the end of his life, divided
+the empire among these three sons and the children of Dalmatius; and he
+died at Nicomedia, after having completed his darling city of
+Constantinople, A. D. 337.
+
+
+
+
+THE SUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE. JULIAN THE APOSTATE. JOVIAN. VALENTINIAN
+ I. VALENS, GRATIAN. VALENTINIAN II. THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. MAXIMUS.
+
+
+It would seem that people are wrong in thinking it strange that
+Constantine should also have appointed Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. He
+did it, not because they had any claims; but without doubt that he might
+be able, if any dissensions should arise between his sons, to throw one
+weight more into the scale; so that his family might, at all events be
+kept on the throne. His wish to promote harmony was not, however,
+fulfilled. The causes of the outbreak are by no means clear, nor do we
+know how it happened that the provisions of the will were not adhered
+to: the statements which have been made about it, may have some truth in
+them, but they sound rather apocryphal. Just as little can we make out
+how far Constantius was guilty: heathens and orthodox Christians unite
+in their hatred against him, which is perhaps the reason why he seems to
+us still blacker than he really was. In short, there broke out a
+military insurrection at Constantinople; the will of Constantine was
+declared to be a forgery; the brothers of Constantine, and the two
+princes Dalmatius and Hannibalianus were killed, and with them the
+_præfectus prætorio_ Ablavius, and many other followers of Constantine.
+The division was now made in the manner which we have already seen in
+the times of Aurelian and Diocletian: Constantine, the eldest brother,
+who was twenty-one years of age, got the West, and had Gaul, Spain, and
+Britain; Constans, who was twenty, the _præfectura Italiæ_, and also
+Illyricum; and Constantius, who was a youth of seventeen, the
+_præfectura orientis_. Constantius was soon involved in a war with Sapor
+king of Persia, which lasted with uninterrupted ill success from 337 to
+361. Constantine and Constans likewise soon became at feud, as the
+former demanded from his brother the cession of Africa as a compensation
+to maintain the balance of power, because Constans had Illyricum and
+Dalmatia:—it seems that Constantine likewise had Rhætia and Noricum.
+Constantine (who on coins is called _junior_) burst upon the states of
+Constans from the Norican frontier; but soon met with a decisive
+overthrow, and lost his life. Constans now took possession of the West,
+for which Constantius may have had a slight compensation in Illyricum.
+Constans enjoyed his triumph for some years, but at last had his reward.
+He was a worthless prince. Of the three brothers, Constantius seems to
+have been the most bearable, although he himself also was not good for
+much: he was entirely under the government of his chamberlains the
+eunuchs, who, quite in the Persian fashion, held the first place in his
+court. Constans was a profligate, violent man, and thus he gave rise to
+much exasperation in Gaul where he resided. In that country lived
+Magnentius, a general of barbarian origin, altogether rude and
+illiterate, who very likely could not even read nor write:—such a thing
+would have been impossible in the second century, and it is a proof of
+the utter degeneracy of the times, that such ignorant people could
+become generals. Magnentius raised a rebellion at Autun, on which
+Constans fled, trying to reach the sea so as to cross over to Africa;
+but before he was able to embark, he was overtaken and slain at
+Illiberis (also called Helena) in Roussillon by the horsemen of his foe.
+Against Magnentius, another general, Vetranio, arose in Illyria; but he
+sought to connect himself with Constantius, and being welcomed as a
+friend and enticed into a conference, he had to lay down his diadem at
+the feet of his ally, who was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers. On
+this occasion, Constantius did not show himself cruel. He now marched
+against Magnentius, and near Mursa (which is now Essek in Sclavonia), he
+won a victory over a superior force: in this battle, he seems to have
+behaved well. Magnentius then fled to Italy: but every body there
+zealously espoused the cause of Constantius, and he afterwards lost
+another battle in Gaul; so that no other choice was left him but to take
+away his own life. Constantius was now sole ruler again.
+
+In the meanwhile, the affairs of the East had got a great deal worse. Of
+nine great battles in the Persian war, eight were decidedly unfavourable
+to the Romans: the night-engagement alone near Singara, was somewhat of
+a success; but even then their attack upon the camp was likewise a
+failure. Constantius gave his cousin Gallus the name of Constantius, and
+the dignity of Cæsar: he may even have thought of adopting the children
+of his uncle, as he had not any children of his own. Julian and Gallus,
+the sons of Julius Constans, had by a lucky chance been preserved in the
+general tumult after Constantine’s death, the former of these being six,
+and the latter twelve years old at the time of their father’s murder:
+Constantius’ having no children had saved their lives. They were removed
+from the court, and kept prisoners in a castle of the old Cappadocian
+kings near Cæsarea, not being allowed to go out of the bounds of the
+district; they, however, received a careful education, for which Julian
+was most happily fitted, but Gallus had no capacity whatever. In this
+manner they lived, until Constantius (when he marched against
+Magnentius, an affair which engaged him for two years) sent for Gallus,
+and must have adopted him. He made him Cæsar, and gave him the command
+of the East, where Sapor was carrying on the war very sluggishly, having
+perhaps plenty to do on the borders of India, and on the banks of the
+Oxus. Gallus made a very bad use of his good luck: he and his wife
+Constantina, the daughter of the great Constantine, were equally savage
+and cruel, and the East suffered severely. When Constantius had ended
+the war in the West, the grievances of the East reached his ears. Gallus
+had murdered two commissioners of the emperor, who had been sent to
+watch him: this deserved to be punished. He was summoned to
+Constantinople without his having any the least foreboding of what
+awaited him; in Thrace, he was separated from his legions, which in the
+meanwhile were made to take the oaths to Constantius; then he was
+arrested, and brought to trial, and, as he was not able to clear
+himself, executed at Pola, where Crispus also had been put to death.
+
+The emperor now sent (A. D. 355) for Julian, who by the Christian
+writers is called _Apostata_, παραβάτης, while the few pagan ones of
+later times, Eunapius, Zosimus, and Libanius, speak of him with
+enthusiastic epithets, and cannot exalt him too highly: he was
+twenty-four years of age. Constantius proclaimed him emperor, on which
+he went to court with a trembling heart, expecting to meet there with
+his death; but he found a friendly reception, and even a protectress in
+the empress Eusebia. He was married to the princess Helena, who in all
+likelihood was much older than himself. He had some time before that
+been set free from captivity, and allowed to reside in Ionia and at
+Athens, for which last place his heart yearned. He was a true Greek,
+having always lived in Hellenized countries. Greek was his mother
+tongue: he thought and felt like a Greek, Latin being to him as a
+foreign language. Constantius bestowed on him the command of Gaul, the
+whole of which land he himself, for the sake of making a diversion in
+his war against Magnentius, had brought into a wretched plight by
+abandoning it to the Alemanni and the Franks. Of this they had made a
+fearful use: Cologne, Mentz, Treves, Tongres, all the towns in Roman
+Germany were sacked and burned to ashes; the whole country was thrown
+into a state of desolation from which it did not recover. The Franks
+were already settled in northern Brabant, and the Alemanni on both banks
+of the Rhine; the Roman _limes_ was lost altogether. Julian, although
+the forces which he had were most ill-fitted to free Gaul from these
+enemies, fulfilled his task very well: the Roman discipline was very
+much fallen off, so that the soldiers looked upon their antagonists as
+one would upon a superior foe; and besides this, the intrigues at court,
+perhaps without any fault of Constantius, were busily employed in
+foiling Julian’s undertaking. In five campaigns, he marched as Cæsar
+against the Germans, and won brilliant victories over the Franks and the
+Alemanni; but though he more than once crossed the Rhine, he never
+penetrated far into Germany. At the end of his warfare, he had regained
+possession of the _limes_ from Helvetia to the Lower Rhine: yet he was
+obliged to leave the Franks in Belgium, though indeed they acknowledged
+the supremacy of Rome, and furnished troops for which she paid money.
+After these splendid successes, when he had gotten the love of the
+soldiers and the provincials, the intrigues at court revived: they
+wanted to take away from him the most considerable part of his army; his
+soldiers were to leave him, and to set out for the East. But as these
+had become quite domesticated in the province, being bound to it by
+family ties, inasmuch as on the whole they had been changed about but
+little; they were filled with despair when they were told to march,
+and—so say Julian and his partisans—giving loose to their ill humour,
+they renounced Constantius and had proclaimed Julian emperor. Now it is
+indeed possible that the agitation originated with the soldiers; at
+least, there is nothing said anywhere to the contrary: but, for all
+that, I cannot believe that he was so amazingly conscientious as he
+makes himself out to have been, especially as with all his great
+qualities, there was a good deal of ostentation about Julian. Certain it
+is that he made overtures to Constantius, and that he wanted to be his
+colleague as Augustus; but Constantius, although he had no children of
+his own, was foolish enough not to enter into them, and chose rather to
+embark in a civil war, when Sapor had already taken Singara and Amida,
+and was now threatening the whole of the East. Blood would have been
+shed, had not his death luckily put a stop to it. Constantius, who often
+kept his court at Antioch, was on his way from thence to Constantinople,
+travelling in the wake of his army, when he died in Cilicia, whilst
+Julian was already approaching.
+
+Constantius’ reign is particularly remarkable for the Arian persecution
+of the Homoousians and the orthodox party, especially of the great
+Bishop Athanasius. The latter displayed in it a wonderful strength of
+character, and the most striking power over the minds of a vast
+population: of this one may find the details in the ecclesiastical
+history of that lover of truth, the Abbé Fleury. During his reign,
+likewise, was the Arian council of Rimini held, which was directed
+against that of Nice; but other councils, particularly in Julian’s days,
+very soon renounced it.
+
+Julian’s is an ever memorable name, which has sometimes been overrated
+beyond measure, and on the other hand cried down in the most unworthy
+manner. Distinguished men of most opposite minds have during the last
+fifty years turned their attention to him; first of all, Gibbon, who was
+not, however, carried away by his anti-christian feelings, but very
+readily acknowledges his weak points; then Eckhel in his work on coins,
+wherein he shows so much candour of judgment, that I altogether refer
+you to him; and last of all, Neander, whose treatise on Julian is
+excellent.
+
+Julian was a man of uncommon talent: one has only to read his writings
+to see this. He was truly Attic; since Dio Chrysostom, Greece has not
+had such an elegant Attic writer: he is far superior to Libanius. That
+he was a distinguished general, a humane and paternal ruler in Gaul,
+is beyond all doubt: he was also great in delaying to march against
+Constantius, that in the meanwhile he might still fight against the
+barbarians, so as to hinder them from breaking out. The purity of his
+morals was spotless; his passions were completely under control: his
+only happiness was to live entirely in thought. Yet, leaving aside the
+truth of the Christian religion, we cannot but acknowledge that the
+attempt to revive Paganism was a downright absurdity. Heathenism, as a
+real popular faith, had long since been dead; its place had been taken
+by Neo-Platonism, the groundwork of which indeed was Monotheism, and
+which was ingeniously tricked out with a good deal of eastern
+demonology and theology, with theurgy and thaumaturgy. All the old
+legends of the gods had been allegorized: people saw in Homer and the
+other old writers everything but what the Greeks had seen in them. Had
+the religion still lived in tradition, it would have still been able
+to make a struggle, now it was impossible. This artificial,
+new-fangled system, which itself was partly borrowed from
+Christianity, was at most suited for one or two Metaphysicians.
+Besides Julian and his counsellors and court-philosophers, such a
+creed could not have numbered five hundred or a thousand followers:
+moreover there was in the provinces a crowd of negative partisans, who
+only cared to oppose Christianity. It was, therefore, in fact a
+counter-revolutionary undertaking: he wished to introduce a hierarchy
+into paganism, to create quite a new heathen religion which was much
+nearer Gnosticism than that of the Hellenes, to which indeed it was
+diametrically opposed. As it was impossible for him to carry this
+through, he was driven to use tyranny and craft; and yet he could not
+succeed after all. Christianity was certainly far from being the faith
+of the majority as yet; but it had firmly taken root.
+
+The lines of Prudentius[66] on Julian are the best thing which has been
+said of him, doing the greatest honour, both to him who made them, and
+to him on whom they were made:—
+
+ ——_Ductor fortissimus armis,
+ Conditor et legum celeberrimus, ore manuque
+ Consultor patriæ;——
+ Perfidus ille Deo, sed non et perfidus orbi._
+
+The absurdities of Julian in the whole of this undertaking are manifest:
+hence arose his follies and his tyrannical acts, however mild he may
+otherwise have been. The late Count Stolberg thought that the whole life
+at the court of his uncle Constantius, which was looked upon as
+Christian, was his full excuse. Julian with a cruel sneer forbade the
+Christians to read the classic authors in their schools: “Ye despise
+them,” said he, “and ye will have nothing to do with the heathen gods;
+well then, ye ought not to know anything of their literature either.” In
+many particular cases, he showed the greatest partiality; not only when
+the pagans again took possession of the temples which had been shut up,
+and of the estates which belonged to them, but also in actual
+litigations. Real persecutions were out of question; but religion was
+made a source of suffering.
+
+Having already set out for the East against Constantius, he continued
+his march even after his death. He staid for a year in Antioch, where
+his philosophical strictness came into conflict with the frivolity and
+luxury of the people. Since the days of Hadrian it had been the fashion
+to wear beards; but, as Constantine and his sons used to shave, Julian,
+so long as he was at court, was obliged to do the same: in Gaul,
+however, he let his beard grow again, as it was a badge of the Greek
+philosophers; and for this the people of Antioch now railed at him, From
+Libanius and John Chrysostom, we learn that they were a thoroughly good
+for nothing set, having all the vices of an overgrown city. By them he
+was now received with hatred: there may have been, ever since the time
+of Constantius, a hostile party to him in the place; his simplicity,
+which indeed was carried to the verge of affectation, was offensive to
+them. Another thing in his way, was the Christian religion, which,
+although in the East it certainly was still that of the minority, had
+both life and energy, whilst the other religions were split by
+dissensions. There is no denying that Constantine’s Christianity was an
+abortion; but he became a Christian, because in the empire of Galerius
+and Licinius the sect of the Christians was the most numerous: the West
+was attached to him, even without it, from his father’s time. In Rome,
+the fashionable world were still polytheists; but of the people properly
+so called, many thousands already professed the Christian faith.
+Constantine had the advantage which the leaders of exclusive bodies
+always have: hence also arose such a powerful party against Julian. To
+this quarrel we owe the Misopogon, one of the prettiest pieces which
+Greek literature has produced during the period of its revival. Here, as
+well as in his _Cæsares_, Julian shows a good deal of wit and
+liveliness.
+
+He now undertook the war against Persia, which seems to have been
+interrupted hitherto by other wars. The plan was beautifully devised,
+only he had reckoned a great deal too much on everything turning out
+well. He intended to march with his army along the banks of the
+Euphrates, where supplies could always be procured by means of the
+river; then to transport his fleet by canals into the Tigris, and thus
+strike a deadly blow into the heart of the enemy: it was perhaps his
+object to make Babylon a province. From Nisibis in Mesopotamia,
+Procopius and Sebastian were to cross the Tigris and join him in the
+plains of Armenia. Then he made sure that the Armenians, from whom, in
+the last years of Constantine the Great (or under Constantius),
+Aderbidjan had been wrested by Sapor, would advance against Media; and
+no doubt he also reckoned upon the Iberians, whom Sapor had again
+brought under his rule. But in Armenia and Iberia, Julian’s religious
+opinions were in his way: the Armenian princes were Arsacidæ and
+Christians, and therefore hostile to the Persians even because of their
+bigoted Magianism; yet they were still more hostile to the Ἀποστάτης.
+They would have been little inclined to give him help, even if a man
+like Tiridates, who gained such distinction in Galerius’ war, had been
+at their head; but they were now governed by a prince of very little
+spirit. The Armenians therefore kept neutral; the Iberians even showed
+themselves to be the foes of the Romans. Procopius and Sebastian met
+with immense difficulties in their undertaking, and they were not the
+men to overcome them. Julian marched down along the Euphrates; but he
+had started on his expedition too late. For the summer is so hot there,
+that he ought to have set out even in the midst of winter, so as to
+reach Babylon in the real season of spring, that is to say, in March or
+April; for in the middle of April, summer begins in those countries, and
+they have already got in the harvest. But he did not set out before
+March, when he came down the Euphrates: his approach struck the Persians
+with the utmost dismay. After having reduced two strong towns, he
+arrived before Ctesiphon, where he expected to find Procopius and
+Sebastian waiting for him. Thus far, all his operations are masterly,
+and they show his great skill as a general; but he had not thought that
+Ctesiphon was so strongly fortified as it really was: (its
+fortifications must have been erected since the time of Carus, as
+Trajan, Septimius Severus, and Carus had taken it). He became convinced
+that he should not be able to effect anything here with his army; yet
+this conviction came too late. He was quite right in not attempting to
+storm the place, as his soldiers wanted him to do: his fatal blunder was
+not a military one. Sapor had repeatedly sued for peace in the most
+pressing manner; but Julian wished, as it would seem, altogether to
+destroy the Persian empire, so that he might no more be hindered by a
+war in the East when facing his enemies in the West and in the North.
+The Persian empire still continued to be made up of vassal kingdoms, and
+therefore it would certainly have been possible to dismember it. But he
+ought, after all, to have contented himself with the peace which was
+within his reach, and thus in all likelihood he might have obtained the
+cession of Aderbijan,—perhaps even more than that, everything indeed but
+Babylon; but he was dreaming of a success, with regard to which the
+scales fell from his eyes eight days after the last ambassadors had left
+him. While Sapor was arming with great energy, Julian was unable to do
+anything against Ctesiphon, and the army of Procopius did not come up:
+he now found himself obliged to retreat. As it was impossible to drag
+the fleet up the river, he resolved upon destroying it and leading the
+army back again across the hills of Assyria. This retreat in the hot,
+burning plains, surrounded by the Persian cavalry, in the dogdays, under
+the sky of Babylon, was an almost hopeless undertaking: harassed by
+continual skirmishes he was obliged to leave behind every one of the
+killed and wounded; all the stragglers died, the Persians spoiling the
+water for them. Nevertheless the army might have held out for five days
+longer, when it would have reached the high ground where it would have
+been safe; but on the 26th of July, Julian was mortally wounded: his
+death caused the deepest dejection. Whether he was killed by a traitor,
+or by one of the enemy, is a question which it is quite useless to enter
+into: the joy of his domestic enemies was at least greater than that of
+his foreign ones. As it was found necessary to proceed to an election at
+once, the _præfectus prætorio_, Sallustius, unfortunately for the
+empire, declared that he was too old to take upon himself the imperial
+dignity; and thus the choice fell upon Jovian. The new emperor concluded
+a peace, giving up Nisibis and the five provinces beyond the Tigris; and
+at this price, Sapor granted him a free retreat and the needful supplies
+for his army.
+
+Jovian seems to have been a very commonplace kind of man, of whom,
+however, on the other hand, not much ill can be said: great merit is due
+to him for his edict for absolute freedom of belief, as he himself was a
+Christian. At the end of a year and a half, while following the army
+into the West, he died suddenly at Ancyra. The reports of a violent
+death are not to be trusted, any more than that of his having died from
+having used a pan of burning charcoal.
+
+After his death, there was again the same difficulty about the election
+of his successor. His son being an infant, the consulship was then for
+the first time profaned by a child being inscribed in the Fasti.
+Sallustius again declined to be elected, and so Valentinian, an
+Illyrian, who had greatly distinguished himself in the Persian war, came
+to the throne (365). It is remarkable that in all these appointments we
+meet no more with any trace of donations: in the case of Probus, they
+had already been lowered to a tenth (twenty _aurei_ = 100 dollars); now
+in the fourth century, we no longer find any at all. Valentinian, a few
+weeks after his accession, took Valens, his brother, as his colleague:
+in this he gratified the wishes of the public, who, however, would have
+looked for an able man, such a one, for instance, as Dagalaiphus.
+Valentinian is a remarkable being, one of those characters of which it
+is difficult to give a brief opinion. Distinguished as a general, he
+raised up the state again when it was rapidly sinking; and he won
+splendid trophies in a war with the Alemanni and Franks, and also in a
+war with the Sarmatians. He also kept order in his realm. Many
+praiseworthy laws and decrees of his are still extant; and although he
+was himself an uneducated man, he did what he could for science and
+learning: he also severely punished tyrannical governors and reckless
+judges. But he was cruel; and whenever he was offended, or suspected a
+conspiracy, he gave free vent to his rage. It may therefore be supposed
+that the higher classes did not feel comfortable under his rule, whilst
+the common people, on the other hand, were fond of him. His brother
+Valens was not bloodthirsty, but implacable and cruel; and the more
+implacable, the more cowardly he was. His government was far from doing
+the good which that of Valentinian did; besides which, he was a
+fanatical Arian, and exerted all his power to crush the Homoousians or
+Athanasians. For this reason, the memory of his reign is deservedly
+hateful with the writers of the Church. Valentinian was also an Arian;
+but he always allowed a just liberty in matters of faith, oppressing
+neither heathens nor Athanasians. From year to year, the Christians went
+on increasing; and Manichæism also spread, though not at the expense of
+orthodoxy, but of the old gnostic sects, which daily dwindled more and
+more. Against the foreigner, the empire was powerful: with Persia, it
+was at peace, and old Sapor remained quiet. Valentinian had two sons: by
+his first wife he had Gratian, and by his second Valentinian II., an
+infant. Gratian was an amiable boy, and great care was bestowed upon his
+education. Valentinian, who had much good sense, had keenly felt his own
+want of learning; but it is not to be wondered at, that owing to this
+deficiency he erred in the choice of a master. He thought that he had
+found in Ausonius an excellent tutor for Gratian; just as Antoninus had
+been mistaken in Fronto.
+
+At the death of Valentinian in 375, Gratian was seventeen years of age,
+and really able to hold the reins of government. During the first years
+of his reign, his rule was all that one could wish; for he behaved with
+justice and lenity, and allowed of religious freedom. Taking possession
+of Italy and the West, he left the East to his uncle Valens, upon whom
+there soon fell a fearful visitation. The Goths, who since the days of
+Claudius and Aurelian had settled in Dacia, invaded the Roman empire
+under Hermanric, whose memory has been handed down in the Heldenbuch,
+and in the Icelandic Sagas.—The lay of the Nibelungen is originally
+Gothic, from which language it has been paraphrased.—Whether Hermanric
+belongs to the time in which Jornandes places him, is a question hard to
+answer; I for my part rather believe him to have been much earlier: but
+an historical person he is. In short, there was once upon a time a great
+Gothic empire in the South-east of Europe, which was destroyed by the
+Huns. I am likewise convinced that De Guigne’s idea of the early history
+of the Huns is incorrect: they were a powerful nomadic people of
+Mongolian race, quite distinct from the Southern Asiatics and the
+Europæans; and they make their appearance like the other nations of the
+tablelands of Upper Asia.
+
+The Goths were divided into three tribes, the Ostrogoths, the Visigoths,
+and the Gepidæ. They were anything but uncivilized, and as a people they
+had been Christians much sooner than the inhabitants of the Roman
+empire: when they overran it, the great majority of them had already
+embraced Christianity. It is now certain that the Huns, from reasons
+which are unknown to us, pushed their way to the Danube, driving the
+Goths before them. Among the latter, the Visigoths were the most
+numerous: they had a national civilization of their own, and already
+possessed an alphabet invented for them by Ulphilas. Being unable to
+resist the Huns, they in their distress now besought the Romans, with
+whom they had long been at peace, to harbour them within their empire.
+It would then undoubtedly have been the true policy of the Romans, to
+put forth all their strength to keep the Visigoths as they were, by
+fighting for them in their own country: but this was not thought of at
+all, the only question being, whether they should be received or not.
+They were admitted, though on condition that they should lay down their
+arms and disperse themselves throughout the empire. But this proved to
+be impossible. The fear of the Huns driving them onwards, they threw
+themselves into skiffs and on rafts, caring only to get over; and on the
+other hand, the Romans who had been stationed to receive them, were not
+sufficient for the duty, and moreover were guilty of much dishonesty:
+for they allowed themselves to be bribed to let the barbarians keep
+their arms. Nothing was done that ought to have been done, and
+everything was done that ought not to have been done. The Goths were not
+dispersed, but allowed to remain together; yet all the while they were
+treated with cruelty and plundered: though a promise had been made to
+supply them with necessaries until they were settled, it was taken
+advantage of by the Romans to extort exorbitant prices from them. This
+the Goths bore with great patience; (there were then as yet only the
+Visigoths, the Ostrogoths being still in the mountains:) they must have
+been immensely rich, as the Romans made them pay quite incredible sums.
+At last, however, they were goaded into fury by this ill treatment; and
+at Marcianopolis (in the neighbourhood of Schumla), the insurrection
+broke out, and soon became general. At the head of the Visigoths, who
+had no kings, were two judges, one of whom, Fritigern, a really great
+man, conducted the war in a resolute manner. While the infatuated Romans
+had never thought it possible that their crimes should have led to such
+consequences, the whole of these Goths were all at once under arms, and
+they overran Mœsia and Thrace. They in vain made attempts against
+several towns, as for instance, Philippopolis; but the open country lay
+entirely a prey to them. The dismay was dreadful. The Ostrogoths, who
+soon followed, rushed into the places which the Western Goths had left;
+yet otherwise the Goths of the East and those of the West are in every
+respect two essentially different peoples.—Valens, now roused from his
+listlessness, secured for himself a peace with Persia, and led the
+legions of the East into the field: the Goths were besieging Adrianople.
+He then summoned Gratian from the West to his assistance. Had he waited
+for his arrival, it would perhaps have been still possible to withstand
+the whole shock of this migration of nations. The Visigoths were one
+great mass of warriors, amounting to nearly two hundred thousand
+fighting men; and had they failed against Adrianople, the change of the
+world would not have happened as it did. Valens, although he was
+anything but a general, conducted the war, being resolved upon venturing
+what he ought never to have risked. This he did, however, from jealousy
+against Gratian, who was approaching in forced marches, after having
+already gained a brilliant victory over the Alemanni; and instead of
+waiting for a few weeks to be joined by him, he undertook the attack
+single handed. Thus the battle was completely lost: two-thirds of the
+Roman army were killed, and among them Valens himself. The Goths now
+overran the whole diocese of Illyricum, and Thrace, extending their
+inroads even as far as the gates of Constantinople: it is true that they
+were not able to possess themselves of the towns; but the open country
+was thoroughly laid waste by them, from the Adriatic to the Black Sea,
+and to the borders of Greece. Six years now follow, the history of which
+is utterly obscure.
+
+When Valens had fallen, Gratian, seeing the impossibility of undertaking
+alone the defence of the whole Roman world, called Theodosius to be his
+colleague. This resolution of Gratian’s does him great honour, as it
+proves him to have been capable of the feelings of a great man.
+Theodosius was the son of a most distinguished person, who in the
+earlier days of Gratian had recovered Britain and Africa, but had been
+put to death, though guiltless, on a malignant charge. He was a native
+of Spain, a province which had likewise given birth to the Emperors
+Trajan and Hadrian, to whom, however, he was not related: he came from
+the neighbourhood of Valladolid; the other two were from Seville. He is
+rightly surnamed the Great: he achieved great things in a great manner,
+being indeed the last great emperor, if we set aside Majorian whose
+unlucky star was too powerful for him. His defects were passion and
+rage, which, however, were allied to his great qualities; but his worst
+fault was, that after great exertions, he would often give himself
+entirely up to sloth, and in matters of government become the tool of
+many an unworthy man, to whom he had given his confidence. Theodosius
+had a task at which one shudders: with the remaining forces of the
+Eastern empire,—for the West was no longer able to support him,—he was
+to keep the Goths at bay. Yet he not only set them bounds, but he also
+succeeded in disarming them by means of treaties of which we have no
+knowledge: in a series of campaigns in which he cut off one tribe from
+the other, he so managed to break them up, that they yielded to the
+supremacy of Rome. But they remained, as it seems, in Northern
+Illyricum, in Mœsia, and in Servia, where they dwelt in the country,
+while the towns remained Roman. In Illyricum, there are still to this
+day the genuine descendants of the old stock. The Goths lived there
+under the Roman sovereignty, and they bound themselves to serve the
+empire, as Theodosius found them very useful in his wars, and likewise
+there were always Gothic troops in the Roman service: yet they were not
+tributary, but in fact received a tribute under the name of pay. Matters
+had been thus settled, more especially since the year 384; and so they
+remained until the death of Theodosius (395).
+
+The first war into which Theodosius was brought, was in consequence of
+the hapless fate of Gratian, who had lost the popularity which he had
+enjoyed in the beginning of his reign. For though he was still an
+amiable, good youth of blameless morals, Gratian had really ceased to
+reign: leaving business to take its own course, he had given himself up
+to the frivolous pleasures of the chase; and he surrounded himself with
+barbarians, favouring the Alans, and neglecting his native subjects, who
+were thus made to rebel against him. At this crisis, there also broke
+out a revolt of the troops in Britain under Maximus: Gratian was slain,
+and Maximus was proclaimed Emperor, and acknowledged by the whole of the
+West. He now offered his friendship to Theodosius, who wisely accepted
+it. Maximus was a mild prince: blood he only shed when instigated by the
+clergy to religious persecutions. For four years, the friendship
+remained undisturbed; Valentinian II. (an infant under the guardianship
+of his mother Justina), Maximus, and Theodosius, being now the three
+Augusti. But Maximus took upon himself to cross the Alps, and rob
+Valentinian of his territory. The youth fled with his mother to
+Thessalonica, where they were received by Theodosius, who was induced by
+the extraordinary beauty of the princess Galla to interest himself for
+the family, and to bring Valentinian back to Italy. Maximus was defeated
+at Aquileia, abandoned by his troops, and put to death; and Theodosius
+gave the whole of the West to be the government of his brother-in-law
+Valentinian, who seemed to have all the good qualities of his father,
+without any of his faults. But he was ill-fated. A Frank general named
+Arbogastes, the commander of his army, rose against him, as the Mayors
+of the Palace did against the Merovingian kings. Valentinian tried to
+withstand him, but to his own ruin. He happened then to be at Vienne in
+Dauphiné, and there he was strangled by Arbogastes. The latter now
+placed on the throne one Eugenius, a courtier of rank, who was _tribunus
+notariorum_, that is to say, very much what we would call a cabinet
+councillor. Against him, Theodosius now led his army: the decisive
+battle was again fought (394) near Aquileia; and there Theodosius
+displayed all that talent of his as a general, of which the fine lines
+in Claudian tell.[67] He knew how to make the most different
+peoples—Goths, Alans, Huns—useful for his ends, and willing to devote
+themselves in his cause. The elements also fought for him; a
+thunderstorm is said to have hastened the successful issue of the
+battle.
+
+The West was now won by Theodosius, and he became emperor of the whole
+of the empire. In his last years, he had the weakness to let himself be
+entirely guided by Rufinus his favourite, who was his _præfectus
+prætorio_. Rufinus was insatiably avaricious and bloodthirsty; so that
+even before the death of Theodosius, he caused weeping and wailing
+throughout the whole of the empire: here was seen a really noble-hearted
+prince under whom the empire was very badly ruled. Antioch once roused
+the wrath of the emperor; but Libanius and St. Chrysostom still
+succeeded in appeasing him: on another occasion, however, he gave loose
+to his rage, and was obliged to do penance. The division of the empire
+had under existing circumstances already become so natural, that
+Theodosius likewise decided upon it: yet he was inexcusable in dividing
+it between his two incapable sons, especially as Honorius was not more
+than eleven years old, on which account he gave him Stilicho for
+guardian. But the hereditary principle had now so firmly rooted itself,
+that Theodosius took it for granted that Stilicho would keep up the
+empire for his son, just as in our times a minister or general might do.
+
+
+
+
+ LITERATURE AND FINE ARTS.
+
+
+In Rome, from the time of Diocletian down to Theodosius, there was the
+greatest poverty of literature. Of poets, we have in the whole of this
+period only Ausonius, who is bad beyond belief: it was but the
+veneration of the French philologists of the sixteenth century which
+raised him to some consideration; he is quite as bad as the most
+wretched poets of the middle ages. In prose also there is a grievous
+dearth. About the middle of the fourth century, arose the writers of
+epitomes, such as Eutropius and Victor; nor is it unlikely that the
+epitome of Livy likewise dates from that time: these men have not a
+spark of genius. On the other hand, the Latin grammar has its beginning
+in that form in which we know it. Its real father is Donatus, the master
+of St. Jerome: Charisius does not belong to his school, but is
+independent; he is an encyclopedist who gives one a general view of the
+older works. Diomedes also is a writer of the fourth century. To the
+latter end of it likewise belongs Servius, who bears the stamp of his
+age, which was the condensing of everything into summaries. The only
+part of his commentary which we have in a genuine form, is that on the
+two first books of the Æneid: the rest we have in an abridgment only,
+which very likely was made in the seventh or eighth century. Another
+writer of the same kind is Festus, who has arranged the work of Verrius
+Flaccus in alphabetical order: he is very useful to us, although he does
+not everywhere understand Verrius. Nonius Marcellus is very likely
+somewhat later; yet he belongs to the same school of grammarians, to
+which the impulse had now been given. Lastly, at the end of the fourth
+century, Macrobius also flourished.
+
+The better Roman prose begins after Theodosius. Ammianus Marcellinus, an
+ingenious writer although not always correct, still belongs to the reign
+of Theodosius. He is particularly honest and high-minded: he had himself
+served as a soldier, and he is what a historian ought always to be, a
+man of experience. From Alexander Severus down to Diocletian, no one had
+written history in Latin: in the reign of the latter, at the beginning
+of the fourth century, were what are called the _Scriptores Historiæ
+Augustæ_, who are beneath criticism. From thence again, down to
+Theodosius, there is not one. Ammianus is a Greek of Antioch, and one
+sees at once that he is a foreigner.—The rhetoricians still continue:
+Marius Victorinus, bad as he is, has made an epoch in his time. Of the
+school of the rhetoricians, the præfect Symmachus remains to be
+mentioned, whose letters are altogether got up after the pattern of
+those of Pliny, and are without any historical substance. His Panegyric
+also is of a school which reminds one of Pliny. Now, on the whole, the
+Panegyrists get into vogue, such as Eumenius, Pacatus, and others;—a
+wretched kind indeed of literature; people were no more ashamed of
+flattering.—Of poetry, not a trace is found until the time of
+Theodosius, except the epigram on the base of the obelisk of
+Constantius, and that on Constantine which was placarded as a lampoon.
+
+With Theodosius, a new life is infused into Latin literature. Now arose
+Claudian, a Greek of Alexandria, who at first also wrote Greek. There
+are few instances besides of foreigners having written in a strange
+tongue so well as he did; except, perhaps Goldoni:[68] M. Antoninus also
+writes very good Greek. Claudian’s language is everything that one could
+wish: one can see that he made Latin his own with heartfelt liking. He
+is a true poetical genius, although tainted indeed with the mannerism of
+the later Greek poets; he is a wonderful master of mythology, and is
+gifted moreover with great facility and brilliancy of language:
+sometimes he is lascivious. One reads him with about the same
+gratification as one does Ovid: John Matthias Gesner was very fond of
+him. Claudian’s influence was very great, and a particular school of
+poets followed in his steps: one of his disciples was Merobaudes, whose
+fragments I had the good luck to discover at St. Gall. The language of
+Merobaudes, although he is a native of the West, has much in it that is
+faulty; yet he is a man who does not merely hunt for words, but whose
+words are the expression of his feelings. He is quite enthusiastic for
+Aëtius. The same Merobaudes is no doubt the author of a most beautiful
+poem, which is contained in Fabricius’ _Poëtæ Christiani_,[69] a poem of
+as great depth as any can have. He seems likewise to have been the
+author of another poem on the miracles of Christ, which is placed among
+those of Claudian, who was a heathen Greek, whilst the other was a
+Christian. At the close of the century, comes Sidonius Apollinaris, whom
+Gesner rightly calls a great genius. His Latinity is Gallic with a
+sprinkling of Romanic, and we see from him that the common language was
+very different from the classic style: but for all that we find him to
+be a man of most varied acquirements. There were, however, at that
+period also some writers of history, as the times were stirring, and
+afforded a good subject; but the greater part of them have been lost: of
+Renatus Profuturus,[70] a fragment which is still extant, gives one a
+very favourable impression.
+
+But an entirely new literature was the Christian one, which has not yet
+been noticed and brought out as much as it deserves. Lactantius, of whom
+we have already spoken, is of great importance. Ambrose and others are
+less so as writers. Two great men, moreover, are St. Jerome and St.
+Augustine; who indeed are giants: what I know of them entitles them to
+high praise. The literary and critical writings of St. Jerome have not
+much in them: but in the rest he has liveliness, versatility, an immense
+range of learning, and, even in his old age, a rich vein of wit, which
+is a leading trait in him: were he not a writer of the Church, he might
+have shone by his wit in the same manner as Pascal did. Augustine is a
+truly philosophic mind, as strongly actuated by a yearning after truth
+as any of the great philosophers: his language also is very noble. He is
+by no means witty, like St. Jerome; but he is eloquent, and in many
+places admirable. The latter half of the fourth, and the whole of the
+fifth century, are a classical era for Christian literature. Sulpicius
+Severus’ Church history is a masterpiece; and of this time are also the
+poems of Cælius Sedulius and Claudius Mamertus. The full life of the
+Gallic period was in this century: Gaul, in spite of all its
+misfortunes, had a glorious era for the intellect. The writings of
+Salvian, who was a priest or bishop of Marseilles, are very remarkable.
+He wrote on the government of God, and _contra avaritiam_; and though
+his language is Gallican, and his rhetorical turn may subject him to
+censure, he is exceedingly interesting on account of his political
+feelings which are quite different from those of Orosius. He lays bare
+the whole misery of the age; yet he makes no sanctimonious exhortations,
+but inveighs against those who in better times had neglected the
+favourable moment, and against the rich: this political indignation
+against the mighty ones of the earth, is quite a particular feature of
+his. There is a downright republican bias in him, which is remarkable in
+a psychological as well as in an historical point of view: it is evident
+what many even in the Church were now driving at, as the Church
+contained at that time many republican elements of which Salvian is
+quite aware. What he really aims at, is community of goods under the
+administration of the presbyters. Prudentius is in order of time the
+first of the Christian poets; yet his poems are but middling. The
+greatest Christian poet is Pope Hilary, who is undoubtedly the author of
+a poem which was formerly ascribed to St. Hilary, whose, however, it
+cannot be, as it appears from the dedication, that it belongs to the
+fifth century. Its subject is the creation, and it is full of poetical
+spirit: it is quite in the manner of Lucretius, whom he evidently took
+for his pattern; and though there are faults in the language and
+prosody, it is the work of a fine poet. He was the friend of the great
+Pope Leo, by whom he was sent as a delegate to the mad Council of
+Ephesus, there to speak words of peace and reconciliation. Pope Leo’s
+writings should also be read by posterity: he is a very ingenious
+writer, and, taking him altogether, a great man.
+
+The Greek literature of the fourth century is quite rhetorical: in the
+fifth, it rises again, and poets and historians come out. These last are
+headed by Eunapius, who is followed by a διαδοχή of historians—Priscus,
+Malchus, Candidus, and others. The Neo-Platonic philosophy likewise went
+on flourishing, and poetry also revived in the fifth century. The
+establishment of the eastern empire evidently had a beneficial effect on
+literature.
+
+Architecture had already quite fallen off in the fourth century.
+Constantine’s buildings are most barefaced robberies: his arch is taken
+from that of Trajan, and all that is of his time, is below criticism.
+Painting is quite supplanted by mosaic, which, however, at that time was
+beautiful: in the chapel of Pope Hilary there is some very fine mosaic
+work. This was peculiar to the west, although there is no doubt but that
+the art originated in Alexandria.
+
+On the whole, ignorance and indifference to literature increased more
+and more among the higher classes, whilst the memory of the olden times
+had been entirely lost.
+
+
+
+
+DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE. HONORIUS, ARCADIUS. STILICHO. ALARIC. RADAGAISE.
+ ADOLPHUS. CONSTANTINE. GERONTIUS. PLACIDIA. VALENTINIAN III. BONIFACE.
+AETIUS. GENSERIC. ATTILA. PETRONIUS MAXIMUS. AVITUS. RICIMER. MAJORIAN.
+SEVERUS. ANTHEMIUS. OLYBRIUS. GLYCERIUS. JULIUS NEPOS. ORESTES. ROMULUS
+ AUGUSTULUS.
+
+
+Theodosius left two sons, Arcadius, who was eighteen, and Honorius who
+was eleven years of age. Honorius, he committed to the guardianship of
+Stilicho; and he intrusted Rufinus with the government of the East,
+which had fallen to the lot of Arcadius.[71] Stilicho, it is certain,
+was not of Roman extraction, and this is all that we know of his
+descent: he must have greatly distinguished himself in the wars of
+Theodosius, as he had risen to the rank of _magister utriusque militiæ_.
+Theodosius had married him to Serena, the daughter of his brother and
+his own adopted child, who is therefore called _Regina_ by the writers
+of that age. Stilicho was completely master in the West; whereas in the
+East, Arcadius, supported by Eutropius, tried to rid himself of the rule
+of Rufinus. The latter, who had set his heart upon marrying his daughter
+to Arcadius, had been baffled by a clever court intrigue; but, as his
+eyes were soon opened, he continued to hold unshaken sway. When,
+however, Stilicho availed himself of the pretext of leading back the
+troops of the East which were still in Italy, Rufinus was panic-struck,
+and got an order from the emperor that Stilicho should not move: the
+latter therefore respectfully drew back, and sent the troops alone to
+the East. They then advanced: Rufinus was taken by surprise, and
+surrounded and murdered in the Field of Mars near Constantinople. His
+power forthwith chiefly fell into the hands of the eunuch Eutropius.
+
+Alaric now came with the Visigoths from the East to the West. Soon after
+the death of Theodosius, he rose against the Roman empire, and carried
+the war again into Greece, crushing the little life which still lingered
+in that country, which was then, as in the days of Decius and Gallienus,
+completely trampled under foot. But here we take leave of the East.
+Stilicho brought assistance and defeated Alaric, who, however, escaped
+him, crossing with his booty the bay of Crissa near Rhium: this proves
+him to have been a great man. Soon afterwards, Alaric made his peace
+with the eastern empire, and was appointed _magister militum_ in
+Illyria, under which title he became in fact an imperial præfect. How he
+got that dignity, and how he lost it; and at what time Illyricum ceased
+to be in the hands of the Goths, and came again to be embodied in the
+eastern empire, is quite an enigma. On the whole, the migration of the
+nations, when one searches closely into it, gives ground for queries and
+riddles which are never to be solved. The history of those times is so
+imperfectly known, that it is not possible to decide even things which
+are some of the most important points. The eastern Goths, perhaps also
+the Gepidæ, are in the days of Valens likewise in the diocese of
+Illyricum; in the period after Attila, in the reign of the emperor
+Marcian, they are in two kingdoms on the banks of the Danube:[72] where
+have they been in the meanwhile? Under Attila, they are said to have
+been in Pannonia; but the question is then, in what part of Pannonia?
+they cannot have been on the north of the Danube. The whole epoch is
+very confused, and new materials are not to be found; yet I believe that
+by carefully and closely sifting the existing materials, many a question
+might be solved which Gibbon and others did not even put to
+themselves.—Alaric, not unlikely at the instigation of the eastern
+empire, now appears in the West. Honorius then held his court at Milan,
+which since Maximian had often become the abode of the emperor, and a
+regular capital; yet Milan, although very strongly fortified, and in the
+midst of a large plain, could not feel safe to Honorius, and therefore,
+when Alaric was advancing from Aquileia, he fled across the Alps. But at
+Asti in Piedmont he was already hemmed in by the Goths, when Stilicho
+came to his rescue, bringing with him all the forces that he could
+muster: these, however, consisted almost wholly of barbarians. Not only
+literature and creative genius, but also the spirit of bravery had died
+away: the Italians were now a mere helpless rabble; there was no making
+troops out of them. Even in our days, the States of the Church and
+Naples could not make head against a determined army of six thousand
+men: a few thousand Algerines might sack Rome, if they were but aware of
+this weakness. On Easter Day, Stilicho with his army fell upon the Goths
+near Pollentia in Montferrat, and gained a victory: fanaticism brought
+it as a crime against him that he had given battle on the holy day. The
+Goths, though not dispersed, had to think of retreating. Alaric,
+however, made a bold forward movement against Rome; but was pursued by
+Stilicho, and, after a second unlucky fight, concluded a convention by
+which he withdrew from Italy. Honorius had a triumph, and built a
+triumphal arch, which was still standing in the fourteenth century,
+when, alas! it was demolished. There exists another monument of that
+time, the inscription on a gate (_Porta S. Lorenzo_), in which one sees
+the traces of Stilicho’s name, who restored the walls, _egestis
+immensibus ruderibus_. Aurelian in fact had fortified Rome; but as the
+walls had got since then into a very bad state, they were now once more
+repaired. It was no doubt on this occasion, that the _Monte Testaccio_
+was thrown up, as before that time the city wall was quite buried under
+a mass of rubbish: it is a marsh which has been filled up with
+potsherds.
+
+Soon after Alaric had retreated to Illyricum, a new calamity burst upon
+Italy. Radagaise, who is said to have likewise been a Goth, but had no
+kindred with the Ostrogoths, came down with Sueves, Vandals, and other
+tribes, who were not yet Christians, and therefore much more cruel than
+the Goths. They swept down from the Alps through unhappy Lombardy, and
+laid siege to Florence, where Stilicho again went forth against them,
+and forced them back with unaccountable skill into the Apennines. How
+these hordes could so tamely have allowed themselves to be driven back,
+is more than we are able to understand. Most of them died of want; Many
+surrendered, and were sold in great masses.
+
+Thus Italy was saved for the time. The eastern empire, although at peace
+with Persia, did not take the least share in the dangers and distresses
+of the West. It had been necessary to send for troops even from the
+borders of the Rhine, and from Britain; and thus the latter cast itself
+off from the Roman empire. The troops on the Rhine were greatly
+weakened, and could not withstand the attacks of the Alemanni,
+Burgundians, Sueves, Vandals, and Alans, who in 407 forced the passage
+across the Rhine, and overran Gaul. This most unhappy country was
+suffering frightfully beneath a weight of taxation which was made still
+heavier by the system of solidary pledge, the commonalties being bound
+to make good the whole amount of what was laid upon them. The decurions,
+who were mostly chosen from the richest men, were directly answerable
+for the money, and if they could not pay it, torture was even used to
+force them: in their turn, they might exact it from the rate payers.
+People, therefore, had rather be sold for slaves than accept such a
+dignity; and this gave rise to a series of laws for compelling the
+acceptance of the decurionship, most of the enactments of which are to
+define what pleas for exemption are not to be taken. This burthen, of
+which no remission was granted, had as early as in the third century
+stirred up the peasants’ wars, of which we meet with the first traces in
+the reign of Gallienus: from thenceforth they never leave off again. The
+rising of the _Bagaudæ_ (thus these peasants are called) has much
+puzzled the French antiquaries: there were entire districts which took
+up arms in self-defence against the extortions of the government. We
+know little or nothing of what the Gauls had now to suffer from the
+barbarians. A warlike spirit, however, was sooner roused among them than
+in Italy: Auvergne truly became a land of warriors, and defended itself
+against the inroads of the enemy. When Gaul had been thoroughly ravaged,
+the invading hordes turned themselves towards Spain. The Sueves, Alans,
+and Vandals, altogether withdrew from Gaul; but the Burgundians remained
+behind in Burgundy, Franche Comté, Savoy, and afterwards also in
+Dauphiné: at that time, they had the country of the Æqui and the
+Sequani, and the west of Switzerland. The Sueves and Vandals in Spain
+were quite independent of the Roman empire, and always kept hostile to
+it; the Burgundians, on the other hand, who were a small nation in a
+large territory, submitted in some sort to the supremacy of the Roman
+emperor, as to a liege lord, in consideration of his allowing them to
+live there.
+
+Stilicho was loudly reviled because he could not save Gaul; and moreover
+he had awakened the mistrust of Honorius and his court ever since his
+son Eucherius was grown up. Honorius had married one after another two
+daughters of Stilicho, Maria and Thermantia; and as the former of these
+had died without issue, and no one thought that Thermantia would have
+children, it had been the more generally believed that Stilicho would
+make his son emperor. Yet there is not a shadow of proof that Stilicho
+sought the life of Honorius: he would much rather have waited for his
+death, when it would have been quite the regular course for Eucherius to
+succeed. Stilicho indeed was the mainstay of the empire: he alone kept
+Alaric in awe. Honorius notwithstanding conspired against him,—just as
+Louis XIII. did against one of his subjects,—and, after having first got
+up an insurrection of the army, he sent assassins to fall upon him in
+his palace. His friends having been slain before him, Stilicho fled into
+a church; but was dragged out of it and murdered, as was also his son:
+Serena his widow, was condemned to death by the base senate.
+
+To Alaric the murder of Stilicho became a pretext for again invading
+Italy. Honorius now took up his abode in the inaccessible city of
+Ravenna, which at that time was built on islands, like Venice now, being
+separated by lagunes from the main land, with which it was only
+connected by an isthmus. Without troubling himself to besiege Ravenna,
+Alaric marched on the Flaminian road against Rome, which he blockaded.
+Here, before long, the most horrible famine was seen: people murdered to
+feed on the corpses, so that even children are said to have been eaten
+by their own parents: besides which there broke out a plague, the
+necessary consequence of this state of things. At last a capitulation
+was concluded, though one cannot understand why Alaric acceded to it:
+perhaps he did so because the summer had already come on, and was
+severely felt by the army, which may likewise have suffered from
+epidemics. Rome having ransomed itself, negociations for peace were to
+be set on foot between the court of Ravenna and Alaric, it being
+proposed that the emperor should appoint Alaric commander-in-chief of
+the whole of the western empire. As these negociations did not lead to
+any result, Alaric turned himself for the second time towards Rome. The
+senate fell off from Honorius; Alaric proclaimed Attalus, the _præfectus
+prætorio_, emperor, and marched with him to Ravenna; and Honorius was so
+faint-hearted as to acknowledge Attalus as his colleague. When, however,
+in the meanwhile, reinforcements had landed in the port of Ravenna, and
+Attalus had fallen into disgrace with the Gothic chief, Honorius again
+broke off the negociations, and Alaric returned for the third time to
+Rome. On the 24th August, 410, was that awful burning of Rome which is
+still so famous in the world’s history, the Salarian gate, which is yet
+standing, having been opened to the Goths by treachery. Although Rome
+had to suffer many of the horrors of a town taken by storm, little blood
+was shed: many were led away as prisoners. The lust and rapine of the
+Goths hardly knew any bounds: the inhabitants were racked to make them
+show where they had hidden their treasures. The churches only were not
+plundered. After a pillage of three days, the evacuation began, which
+was completed by the sixth day. Alaric marched to Rhegium, intending to
+go also to Sicily; but he turned back. Two years after the taking of
+Rome, he died in Cosenza. (To this refers the beautiful poem of Count
+Platen, “The Tomb at Busento.”) The command of the army fell to his
+brother-in-law Adolphus, who, quite unlike Alaric, had a fondness for
+the Romans: he left Italy and marched to Languedoc. On both sides of the
+Pyrenees, over part of Languedoc and Catalonia, he reigned as an
+independent prince, the ally of the Romans. There he married Placidia,
+Honorius’ sister, who had been led away as a captive, and who now so
+closely knit the alliance, that it changed into real friendship.
+Adolphus, who had already led his troops into Spain, where he conquered
+the Vandals, Sueves, and Alans, and drove them into Asturias, Galicia,
+and Lusitania; gave back to the Roman empire the provinces which he did
+not occupy himself. He also did very good service against Jovinus, a
+usurper, and his brother Sebastianus.
+
+In Britain, whilst Alaric was in Italy, an officer of the name of
+Constantine had been proclaimed Augustus by the soldiers, and had been
+favourably received in Gaul. Against him arose Gerontius, another
+usurper, who placed Maximus, a friend of his, on the throne; but in Gaul
+there came forth an army of Honorius under Constantius, ostensibly to
+the assistance of Constantine, which was quite a sound policy.
+Constantius compelled Gerontius and Maximus, who were besieging Arles,
+to put an end to their own lives; then he afterwards went on with the
+war against Constantine, and thus regained Gaul and Spain for the
+Romans. For this, after the death of Adolphus, he was rewarded with the
+hand of Galla Placidia. The friendship between the Western Goths and the
+Romans now ceased again: Singeric and Wallia broke off with them, and
+the Visigoths, who were very jealous of their independence, returned to
+their former attitude towards them. Thenceforth, except that her coasts
+were pillaged by Genseric, Italy had peace until the invasion of Attila:
+yet we may easily imagine how little she was able to recover herself.
+Honorius died in 423.
+
+Placidia had borne to Constantius two children, Placidus Valentinianus
+and Justa Grata Honoria, both of them a curse to the empire. Constantius
+indeed had extorted from Honorius his being acknowledged as Augustus;
+but he died immediately after, even before Honorius, at whose death
+Placidus was a boy of not more than four years old, and therefore not
+capable of taking to himself the throne. Arcadius also was already dead,
+and his rule was nominally in the hands of his very youthful son,
+Theodosius II., who his whole life long never became his own master, but
+really was in those of Pulcheria, the new emperor’s sister: thus the
+East was very badly governed. Galla Placidia fled with her children to
+Constantinople; but before succours arrived from thence, the government
+was seized by a usurper, Johannes, the first emperor with a Christian
+name.[73] He reigned two years. Theodosius, on the other hand, bestowed
+the crown on his cousin, the boy Valentinian III., and sent two armies
+to Italy under Ardaburius and Aspar, both of whom were Isaurians. This
+undertaking did not succeed at first, the fleet having been scattered by
+a storm; but Aspar advanced unresisted through Illyricum, which seems to
+have returned again beneath the sovereignty of the emperor, and Johannes
+was deserted by his troops, and Placidus[74] Valentinian proclaimed
+emperor. His mother Placidia now governed the West, in a way which
+indeed was not much to her credit, though things became worse after her
+death in the middle of the century, when her son ruled alone. Rome was
+then richer in distinguished men than it had been in the times of the
+better emperors; above all are the names of Boniface and Aëtius, neither
+of whom could have outvied the other without causing the fall of the
+empire. Who Boniface was, is little known: he seems to have been an
+Italian. Aëtius was from Scythia, that is to say, Lower Mœsia, somewhere
+in the neighbourhood of Silistria, and of Latin blood, notwithstanding
+his Greek name: his father was a man of rank who lost his life owing to
+treachery, or some tyrannical act of Alaric. The age of Aëtius cannot
+exactly be ascertained: he must have been between fifty and sixty, or
+more than sixty when he died; for as a young man he was with Alaric and
+the Huns as a hostage, and often afterwards as an ambassador: he
+commanded their respect, being their equal in bravery, and yet having
+the advantage of superior civilization as well. He was an extraordinary
+man, and those who were in power ought to have allowed him to have his
+own way; just as the Athenian people did Alcibiades: but he was by no
+means without blemish, and he behaved unjustly and spitefully towards
+Boniface, by which he brought the empire into great trouble. His
+influence over Placidia and Valentinian being unbounded, he got
+Boniface, who was governor (_comes_) of Africa, recalled, and summoned
+to Ravenna where the court then was. As Boniface had to expect to lose
+his life if he went, he formed the accursed resolution of calling the
+Vandals, who at that time were in the west of Spain, over into Africa:
+they came under Gonderic, and the consequence was the devastation of
+Africa from the Straits of Gibraltar to Carthage. No German people has
+carried on war with such faithlessness and doggedness: hitherto Africa
+had suffered but little. They found support among the Donatists, who had
+been driven to despair by a frightful persecution, though they were only
+impracticable seceders who had gone out in Diocletian’s reign on account
+of the election of a bishop: these were a rude sect, but noble-hearted
+fanatics, and they were horribly dealt with. There is no doubt that
+their persecution lasted even later than this, and that the Arabs in
+their turn found partisans among them: they looked upon the barbarians
+as their deliverers. Their example may well be a lesson to those who
+shut their eyes to the misery to which intolerance, or, rather, to call
+it by its right name, injustice gives birth: the dreadful persecution of
+the Donatists had now lasted more than a hundred years. Genseric, who
+had succeeded his brother Gonderic, took the whole country, with the
+exception of a few places (429). The Moorish tribes he left alone; they
+were perfectly free: the Vandal rule only extended over the province of
+Tunis, and the maritime towns. The eyes of Boniface were now opened to
+the fearful calamity of which he had been the cause, and he tried in
+vain to check the stream. He met with confidence from Placidia, who in
+this instance behaved nobly: she sent him troops, which, however, were
+beaten in two decisive battles. After some years a truce, and then a
+peace was made, in which Rome gave up the greatest part of Africa; all
+indeed but Carthage, and some other places. This peace the faithless
+Genseric did not keep; but, on the contrary, took advantage of it to
+make himself master of Carthage.—Carthage, next to Rome, was the largest
+town in the Western Empire, being to that capital, as Hadrianople was to
+Constantinople. Its extent was considerable, and it was built on the
+spot where the gardens of Old Carthage had been, outside the walls of
+the old town. Salvian of Marseilles shows what a place it was; yet he
+says, that one ought rather to rejoice at its having been taken by the
+barbarians, than grieve over it, as immorality had reached the highest
+pitch, and it was inconceivable how the city could have called itself
+Christian. In former times, Christianity had certainly done a great deal
+of good to many individuals; but since the masses had adopted it, the
+church was no longer a select community, and therefore it had ceased to
+have any influence upon morals. It is remarkable how thoughtlessly at
+that time whole towns became christian, just as if a new ruler were
+proclaimed, the people remaining at heart as bad as they ever were. It
+is the greatest misfortune for the world and for Christianity itself,
+that Constantine should have been in such haste to make the faith
+universal: the hierarchy thus grew worse and worse, and although there
+were still Popes like Leo the Great, there were likewise many bad
+bishops.
+
+The Vandal fleets from Africa pillaged Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and
+also the coast of Italy. This piracy was a fresh calamity for Italy,
+which had already begun to recover a little from its sufferings,
+although many parts had indeed remained waste, and the mass of the
+population had given themselves up as serfs to the great lords. And as
+ill luck would have it, most of the Roman nobles had their estates in
+Africa; so that these families, whose wealth sounds quite fabulous, were
+utterly ruined, as Genseric confiscated everything.
+
+A new storm came from another quarter, even the Huns who had formerly
+driven away the Goths. Of their abodes in the times of Theodosius and
+his sons, we have no certain trace; perhaps they dwelled in the country
+between the banks of the Don and the borders of Wallachia: during the
+first years of Theodosius, they are to be found on the banks of the
+Danube, and even beyond the Theiss, as far as Pannonia. Concerning all
+these points, our sources are too scanty: as for the hypothesis of De
+Guignes, who traces them from China, I have already branded it as false;
+it is a view which in this day is justly rejected. The Huns being now
+met with as far as Pannonia, the Pannonian frontier must have been lost
+by the Romans. Bledas and Attila (Bledel and Etzel), the two sons[75] of
+Rugilas, appear with a formidable power as the kings of the Huns: the
+description of the might of Attila, however, is one of the weak points
+in Gibbon, as he believes the rule of Attila to have reached as far as
+China. It is indeed very likely that his sway extended beyond the Don
+even to the Volga: the German peoples paid homage to him, as one may see
+from our own poems; and as they were treated by him with forbearance,
+the lays are not bitter upon him. The main strength of his empire,
+according to a very correct remark of Friedrich Schlegel, was in German
+tribes: he himself, as Jornandes describes him, was a Mogul, and
+surrounded by Moguls. Yet this Mogul tribe is comparatively weak; so
+that, immediately after his death, the German tribes are free again.
+Until the middle of the fifth century, Attila had turned himself against
+the eastern empire only, which he made to suffer dreadfully by
+devastation, disgraceful treaties of peace, and tribute: Servia, and the
+greater part of Bulgaria, he altogether changed into a desert. The Huns
+carried on their frightful and bloodthirsty havoc in quite a different
+manner from the Goths, for instance: they were in the true sense of the
+word, destroyers. The western empire, being hard pressed by the Vandals,
+was not able to aid that of the East in this distress: there was even a
+sort of friendly relation between the former and the Huns, namely, by
+means of presents. Aëtius, having been banished, had betaken himself to
+the Huns, from whence, however, he returned: under their protection, he
+laid the foundations of his power in the empire, until he was so firmly
+established that he could do without them. He had revived the authority
+of Rome beyond all expectation: in Gaul, he had reduced the distant
+countries on the coast, which had made themselves independent; he also
+restored the frontier of the Rhine, though indeed the Franks still
+dwelled from Belgium to the Saone, and the Burgundians lived under their
+own kings, being tributary to the Romans. Provence, however, part of
+Dauphiné, Lower Languedoc, Lower Loire, Auvergne, and the north-west of
+Gaul, as well as Spain on the side of the Mediterranean, with the
+exception of Catalonia, were subject to the latter: the Visigoths had
+the South. No European country is so torn in pieces as the western
+empire then was: the countries there were for the most part covered with
+heaps of ruins, even as a land brought down to the deepest misery; of
+which we may form an idea by reading the poems of Logau at the end of
+the Thirty Years’ War.
+
+Attila had been led by a quarrel with a Frankish royal house to march
+into Gaul. Here Aëtius united with the feeble forces of the empire
+against him, the warriors of the Visigoths, the ruling party of the
+Franks in Gaul under Merovæus, and the Burgundians: nearly all his
+troops were barbarians, but the spirit was his. Attila laid siege to
+Orleans, which was on the point of surrendering, and it would have been
+destroyed like the places on the banks of the Rhine, when Aëtius and
+Theodoric the king of the Visigoths came to its relief. Attila fell back
+into Champagne (_Campi Catalaunici_). The decisive battle in the year
+451, is wrongly called the battle near Chalons, which I do not at all
+look upon as certain: _Campi Catalaunici_ mean Champagne; so that it
+does not necessarily follow that the battle was precisely near Chalons.
+In this mighty combat, Attila led the barbarians of the East, the
+majority of them being German tribes, against the barbarians of the
+West. Yet Aëtius had to contend not only against superior numbers, but
+also against treachery, as the Alans, who were placed in the centre of
+his host, gave way, and the Huns were enabled to break through his
+ranks. The Visigoths were about to be overpowered, Theodoric being dead;
+but Thorismund, his heir, made a decisive charge and Aëtius also
+conquered at last. The Huns were not driven back, but retreated behind
+their rampart of waggons, where Aëtius did not venture to attack them;
+so that both parties retired. The numbers which have been given of those
+who were killed and taken prisoners, are beyond all belief.
+
+When the winter was over, Attila made his appearance in Italy. Here
+Aëtius could only oppose to him the feeble, uncertain forces of a land
+which had become utterly unwarlike. Aquileia, Padua, and other towns
+were destroyed; all who did not flee, were murdered: people took refuge
+in the marshes, which was the occasion of the founding of Venice. The
+details which we have concerning the first tribunes of Venice, &c., are
+fabulous. Attila had been invited by the princess Honoria into Italy.
+
+The death of Attila, which soon followed, would perhaps have given rest
+to Italy, had not Aëtius, the only support of Rome, met with his death
+at the same time. Aëtius, had he wished to rebel, might long ago have
+taken the throne for himself; but he was satisfied with being the
+acknowledged and actual ruler of the empire: his title was that of
+Patrician; but he is also mentioned in the chronicles as _Dux
+Romanorum_. His younger son Gaudentius was betrothed to Eudoxia, the
+daughter of Valentinian, both of them being very young; without doubt
+Aëtius thereby wished to secure the succession for Gaudentius.
+Valentinian, however, who was not yet old, expected that this would put
+an end to his own dominion; and therefore he formed a plot against
+Aëtius. The latter, suspecting nothing, went to the imperial palace at
+Rome on the Palatine, and there Valentinian stabbed him with his own
+hand: very likely, no one was allowed to present himself with arms
+before the emperor, as was the case in Constantinople. His son also, and
+many of his friends were murdered. One is tempted to think that this led
+to the rise of Ricimer; at least, he very soon after is met with in
+Aëtius’ place. Rome was now deprived of the great man, who alone could
+guarantee the safety of the empire: all the successors of Valentinian
+were merely emperors in name. Valentinian filled the measure of his
+wretchedness by an outrage on the wife of Petronius Maximus. He
+treacherously decoyed her into the palace, to gratify his infamous
+lusts; and by this deed he drove the injured husband into a conspiracy.
+Valentinian was murdered in the Field of Mars, and Petronius was
+proclaimed emperor.
+
+Petronius’ wife having died in the meanwhile, he compelled Valentinian’s
+widow, Eudoxia, to marry him. She, however, had loved her former husband
+in spite of his profligacy, and she brooded over schemes of revenge: she
+invited Genseric to come to Rome and to achieve its conquest. This was
+so easily done, that one wonders at his not having made it before, and
+frequently afterwards: the co-operation of the empress is quite evident.
+When Genseric appeared, the clergy and the senate went out to meet him,
+imploring his mercy: whereupon he promised not to destroy the people.
+Notwithstanding this, the outrages of the soldiers were nearly as wanton
+as if the city had been taken by sword; only there was not quite so much
+bloodshed. Fourteen whole days was the city pillaged: all the silver,
+all the bronze was taken away; the golden plates, and the gilt tiles on
+the Capitol, nay, all that had any value, and could be moved, was
+carried away to the Vandal ships at Ostia. Petronius himself was slain
+in the tumult. The conquerors had left Rome exhausted, like a body bled
+to death: the senate had not even the spirit to proclaim a new emperor.
+
+And now, the senator M. Mæcilius Avitus, a very rich and accomplished
+nobleman in Auvergne, declared himself emperor in Gaul, and crossed the
+Alps. No one indeed had really proclaimed him. The state of things had
+become very strange: it was not the army in the province, that
+proclaimed the emperor; but a peculiar right had then sprung up by
+which, when there was no hereditary claim, the senate would elect, the
+people give its assent by acclamation, and the soldiers acknowledge the
+choice. Avitus came to Rome, and was recognised; but Ricimer, a Sueve of
+royal race, was even then all-powerful there. All the barbarians who
+acted a part in Rome, must not be looked upon as mere savages: they were
+Christians, and understood and spoke the _Volgare_, which even then came
+nearer to the modern Italian, than to the Latin; and they were quite as
+civilized as our own ancestors were in the middle ages. Some few of them
+had a tinge of classical knowledge, like Theodoric the Visigoth and the
+younger Alaric; but it was otherwise with Ricimer and those of his
+class, who undoubtedly had a hearty contempt for the Roman civilisation.
+All those Germans, alas! were not a whit better than the degenerate
+Italians: they were just as faithless, just as cruel. Ricimer soon
+became false to Avitus; and the latter took possession of the see of
+Placentia, from whence he also soon fled: he seems to have died a
+natural death, owing to a sickness brought on by the persecutions which
+he had had to suffer.
+
+In the room of Avitus, Ricimer set up a man of a character such as was
+no more to be looked for in those days of Rome’s decline—Majorian, who,
+as it seems, was an Italian born, (457). However unwarlike the Italian
+people then was, it yet produced distinguished generals, as we may see
+in the cases of Aëtius and Majorian. The latter undoubtedly deserves the
+high character which Procopius gives him; Sidonius, his epitaph, his
+laws, the individual traits recorded of him, all redound to his praise.
+Procopius says that he had surpassed all the Roman emperors in
+excellence: he had a great mind, and was of a highly practical turn. For
+four whole years he still stood his ground, and was actually master by
+the side of the faithless barbarian Ricimer, who had the main forces of
+the empire at his disposal. The Visigoths in Upper Languedoc and in
+Catalonia, owned his personal greatness, and paid homage to him and to
+the majesty of the Roman empire which he had restored. The Vandals being
+the curse of that empire, he planned an expedition against them, for
+which he had made extraordinary preparations: he was resolved not to
+grant them any terms, but to crush them. And they must needs have been
+overpowered, but for treachery at home. It is quite evident that Ricimer
+betrayed him, and was the cause of Genseric’s getting the Roman fleet at
+Carthagena set on fire. Notwithstanding this, Majorian concluded an
+advantageous peace, which at least secured the coasts of Italy and
+Sicily. On his return, at the instigation of Ricimer, a rebellion broke
+out against him: he was obliged to renounce the throne, and a few days
+after he ceased to live (461).
+
+Ricimer’s absolute sway under a nominal emperor, lasted until 467,
+during which seven years a quite unknown emperor, Libius Severus, had
+the empty name of sovereign. Ricimer had an army, enlisted from what
+were called the _fœderati_ (all sorts of German tribes), and he looked
+upon Italy as his realm; yet he was in a critical position, as he had to
+protect Italy; for he could not have kept it against Genseric. His power
+was limited. What still belonged to the Romans in Gaul and Spain, was
+subject to the _Magister militum_ Ægidius, a very distinguished man, and
+a Roman, who had made himself independent, and ruled over Spain and part
+of Gaul. Marcellinus, another commander, an old and faithful servant of
+Aëtius, had become prince of Illyricum. Ricimer, after the death of
+Severus (465), ruled alone; but not beyond Italy. As, however, that
+country still continued to be a prey to the pirate-ships of the Vandals,
+Ricimer allowed the senate to apply to the emperor Leo at
+Constantinople, and to ask him to appoint an emperor under his
+supremacy, and to come to the aid of the empire.
+
+Leo named Anthemius, the son-in-law of his predecessor Marcian, and whom
+he was glad to get rid of; sent him with a considerable body of troops;
+and made preparations for a grand expedition against the Vandals. By the
+death of Ægidius, the prefecture of Gaul was reunited with Italy; and
+Marcellinus also had placed Illyricum again under the supremacy of the
+emperor. On the side of Italy, Sardinia was wrested out of the grasp of
+the Vandals; Basiliscus, a general of the east and a brother-in-law of
+Leo, led a considerable army against Carthage; and another was sent
+against Tripolis. The plan was a brilliant one, and the beginning of the
+undertaking successful; but Genseric, who always got the advantage by
+discovering those who would sell themselves, now also warded off the
+decisive moment by craftiness. There is some suspicion that even
+Basiliscus sold himself; perhaps Ricimer also was guilty again. However
+this may have been, the expedition proved a total failure. Ricimer and
+Anthemius now fell out, although Anthemius had married his daughter to
+Ricimer; and thus the help which had been expected from the eastern
+emperor, only became the source of still greater calamity. Ricimer now
+kept his court at Milan; Anthemius lived at Rome: they were implacable
+enemies, nor did the attempt to reconcile them lead to any result.
+
+A new pretender to the crown, Olybrius, the husband of the younger
+daughter of Valentinian, who besides such claims had also those of the
+_gens Anicia_, now offered himself to Ricimer. The latter caused him to
+be proclaimed. Anthemius, however, would not give up Rome; on which
+Ricimer laid siege to it for three months, when he at last burst in over
+the bridge, and it was taken by storm, and had to suffer all the horrors
+of a conquered city. As the marriage of Ricimer with the daughter of
+Anthemius had been the last brilliant moment for Rome, thus the present
+calamity was the most awful one, being indeed far more terrible than
+when it was taken by the Goths and Vandals: Pope Gelasius speaks in very
+strong terms of the horrors which were perpetrated on this occasion.
+Anthemius himself lost his life: Ricimer and Olybrius survived him only
+a few months. There seem to have been epidemics, of which there is also
+mention.
+
+Now Gundobald, the king of the Burgundians, who had taken Ricimer’s
+place, in his capacity of Patrician appointed a Roman of the name of
+Glycerius, emperor. Against him, however, the court of Constantinople
+sent Julius Nepos, another Roman of rank, who with some assistance
+from Constantinople got possession of Rome and Ravenna. Glycerius
+abdicated; but Nepos was refused obedience by Orestes, a Roman from
+Noricum, who had been great even in the days of Attila. At this time,
+after Gundobald had left Italy, Orestes was Patrician, that is to say,
+commander-in-chief. Although a Roman by birth, he had been brought up
+among barbarians, and had adopted their language, manners, dress, and
+way of living: from reasons which we cannot account for, he conferred
+the imperial dignity upon his son Romulus, who had received his
+strange name from the father of his mother, a count Romulus in
+Noricum. Nepos, that he might be acknowledged by the Visigoths, had
+already given up the Roman lands in Gaul, even more than those
+barbarians were able to occupy: the people of Auvergne abandoned the
+hopeless idea of resistance; but in the north of Gaul, between
+Burgundy and the settlements of the Franks, a considerable part of the
+country was still Roman, though separated from the bulk of the empire
+ever since the death of Ægidius. That territory was now subject to
+Syagrius, and it yet lasted ten years longer than the western empire,
+until it was likewise broken up by Clovis. Romulus, who was not called
+Augustus, but Augustulus, was the last emperor. Against him the
+barbarian tribes, stirred up by Odoachar, a German prince, arose in
+rebellion: they demanded, over and above their exorbitant pay, no less
+than a third of all the lands, like the Visigoths and Burgundians, to
+be allotted on a tenure of military service. As Orestes would not
+grant this, they revolted, and, wanting to have a ruler who was one of
+themselves, proclaimed Odoachar king. He defeated Orestes and his
+brother in two battles, and they both of them lost their lives.
+Odoachar marched to Ravenna, and Romulus surrendered to him: he was
+treated with humanity, as he received a liberal maintenance, and the
+_Lucullianum_ in Campania was assigned to him as his residence.
+Whether he died there of a natural death, is more than we know.
+
+Thus ended the Roman empire.
+
+
+
+
+ FINE ARTS AND LITERATURE.
+
+
+Of the fifth century some buildings are still preserved. The noble
+church of St. Paul, although built up by the robbery of other fabrics,
+was yet in a grand style, and put together with much taste: the robbery
+is described in a statute of the emperor Majorian who forbade it. A
+hundred and fifty years ago, there still existed, in the church of S.
+Agata di Goti, a mosaic from which it appeared that this church was
+built and dedicated by Ricimer.
+
+But the history of the Roman nation is not yet run out, although the
+Romans have ceased to be a state. Even literature survives, not only in
+Rome, but also at Ravenna. We have still a number of small detached
+poems, epitaphs, inscriptions on churches, many of which are ingenious
+and fine: one can see that the times were not yet barbarous. Boëthius
+was worthy of the best ages of literature. To the seventh and the eighth
+centuries belong several of the schoolmen who are left to us; for
+instance, Acron and Porphyrio. The Roman law continued to be much more
+decidedly in force than is generally believed. A description of the
+lingering influence of the Roman mind would be highly interesting and
+much to be desired.
+
+
+
+
+ INDEX.
+
+
+ _Abdera_, subject to Macedon, ii, 203.
+
+ _Abdera_, Phœnician settlement in Spain, ii, 59.
+
+ _Abgarus of Osroëne_, iii, 258.
+
+ _Ablavius, præfectus prætorio_, iii, 304.
+
+ Ἀβλεψία, iii, 181.
+
+ ABORIGINES, the same people as the Siculians, i, 101;
+ the nominative singular must have been _aboriginus_, 101;
+ emigrate from Achaia to Latium, 101;
+ Varro’s opinion of them, 103;
+ their villages were scattered on hills, 110.
+
+ _Abyssinian Annals_, from the thirteenth century, contain a piece of
+ contemporary narrative, i, 125.
+
+ _Acarnanians_ apply to Rome for help against the Ætolians, ii, 49;
+ call upon Philip for help against the Athenians, 149;
+ part of them Ætolian, 150;
+ united with Macedon, 151;
+ a separate state, 163;
+ become Roman, 175.
+
+ ACCENSI, i, 441;
+ are armed in the battle of Veseris, 442.
+
+ _Accius._ See Attius.
+
+ _Acerræ_ reduced by the Romans, ii, 56;
+ the story of the extermination of the senate unauthenticated, ii, 65;
+ taken by Hannibal, 107;
+ conquered by the Romans, as periœcians of Capua, 114.
+
+ _Achæans_ sink into utter insignificance owing to the treason of
+ Aratus, ii, 145;
+ undertake a war against the Ætolians, in conjunction with Philip,
+ 145;
+ dependent on their allies, 145;
+ the extent of their rule, 151;
+ unwarlike, 151;
+ bitterness against Rome, 172;
+ three factions among them, 206;
+ outrages of the Roman party after the victory over Perseus, 217;
+ more than a thousand Achæans sent to Rome, 217;
+ the state of its affairs at the time of the third Punic war, 248;
+ they defeat the Lacedæmonians, 250;
+ extent of their power, 250;
+ oppose the unjust demands of the Romans, 252;
+ scattered near Scarphea, 254;
+ their country changed into a Roman province, 256;
+ their constitution, 256;
+ conf. _Ætolians_.
+
+ _Achæan towns_, twelve of them, i, 111.
+
+ _Achaia_, belonging to the Achæan league, ii, 151;
+ plundered by the Goths, iii, 280.
+
+ _Achillas_, guardian of Ptolemy, iii, 63.
+
+ _Achradina_, a quarter of Syracuse, ii, 117.
+
+ _C. Acilius_, a Roman senator, writes Roman annals, down to the war
+ with Antiochus, i, 23;
+ his work translated into Latin by a certain Claudius, 23, and ii,
+ 121, 199.
+
+ _Acrocorinth_ occupied by the Romans, ii, 162;
+ evacuated, 172.
+
+ ACTA DIURNA, a sort of town gazette, which also contained the acts of
+ the senate, i, 9.
+
+ ACTA MARTYRUM, spurious, felt quite a particular pleasure in devising
+ and relating the most horrible tortures, ii, 26.
+
+ ACTIONES REPETUNDARUM, for which formerly special _quæsitores_ were
+ appointed, are from the seventh century to be judged according to
+ the common course of law, ii, 297.
+
+ _Actium_, battle of, iii, 111.
+
+ _Actius._ See Attius.
+
+ _Addiction_, i, 229, 523.
+
+ _Aderbidjan_ given up by Persia to Armenia, iii, 296;
+ wrested from the latter by Sapor, 313.
+
+ _Adherbal_, general of the Carthaginians, ii, 32.
+
+ _Adherbal_, son of Micipsa, ii, 310;
+ taken by the Romans under their protection, 311;
+ beset by Jugurtha in Cirta, 311;
+ murdered, 312.
+
+ _Adiabene_, the country east of the Tigris, iii, 253;
+ subject to the supremacy of the Romans, 254.
+
+ _Adige_ had fords in it, ii, 331.
+
+ _Adis_ (Adin), ii, 21.
+
+ _Administrative offices_, no other kind of knowledge was requisite in
+ Rome for holding them, but the _artes liberales_.
+
+ _Adolphus_, Alaric’s brother-in-law, commander of the Visigoths, iii,
+ 334;
+ reigns on both sides of the Pyrenees, 334;
+ married to Placidia, 334.
+
+ _Adoption_ by will, first known example of it, iii, 84.
+
+ _Aduatici_, Cimbrian tribe on the Lower Rhine, ii, 333.
+
+ _Æacidas_, father of Pyrrhus, i, 352;
+ attached to Olympias, 352;
+ driven out of his kingdom by Alexander, 352;
+ expelled from Epirus by Cassander, 553.
+
+ _Ædiles_, a plebeian magistracy, i, 241;
+ a general Latin magistracy, 241 and 405;
+ are charged with all the police matters in Rome, iii, 123.
+
+ ÆDILES CEREALES limited to the plebs, iii, 75.
+
+ ÆDILES CURULES elected in the place of the old _quæstores parricidii_,
+ i, 405;
+ their office is held by plebeians also, 405;
+ it becomes a _liturgy_ in the Greek acceptation of the word, 405;
+ their attributes, 405;
+ they are chosen by the _comitia tributa_, 406;
+ they take upon themselves the burden of the public festivals, ii, 43;
+ the holding of the ædileship in turns by the two orders done away
+ with, 269.
+
+ _Ædui_ get the hegemony in Gaul, iii, 42;
+ brothers and friends of the Roman people, 42;
+ rising against Tiberius under Julius Sacrovir, 202.
+
+ _Ægation islands_, victory of the Romans over the Carthaginian fleet,
+ ii, 38.
+
+ _Ægidius_, _magister militum_ in Gaul and Spain, iii, 344.
+
+ _Ægina_ taken by the Romans, ii, 146;
+ sold by the Ætolians to Attalus, 146;
+ given up to Eumenes, 163.
+
+ _Ælia Capitolina_, iii, 230;
+ the name has been kept up to this day 230.
+
+ _Ælianus_, (Lælianus), emperor, conquered by Postumus in Mentz, iii,
+ 282.
+
+ _Æmilianus_, governor of Illyricum, proclaimed emperor, defeats Gallus
+ Trebonianus on the borders of Umbria, iii, 279;
+ murdered, 279.
+
+ _Æmilianus._ See Scipio.
+
+ _Æmilius._ See Lepidus.
+
+ _L. Æmilius_, consul in the war of the Cisalpine Gauls, ii, 52.
+
+ _Mam. Æmilius_, said to have limited the censorial power to eighteen
+ months, i, 336.
+
+ _Q. Æmilius_, general against the Etruscans, i, 506;
+ relieves Sutrium, 507.
+
+ _L. Æmilius Barbula_, consul against Tarentum, i, 551.
+
+ _Q. Æmilius Papus_, i, 548.
+
+ _Q. Æmilius Paullus_, reduces the Illyrians, ii, 57;
+ μισόδημος, having been wrongfully accused after the Illyrian
+ campaign, 98;
+ mortally wounded in the battle of Cannæ, 102.
+
+ _L. Æmilius Paullus_, son of the former, brings in Greeks for the
+ education of his children, ii, 199;
+ consul, 212;
+ defeats Perseus in the battle of Pydna, 213;
+ is not to be ranked among the great men, 216;
+ his triumph, 218.
+
+ _L. Æmilius Paullus_, consul, iii, 49;
+ bought over by Cæsar, 50;
+ builds the Basilica Æmilia, 50.
+
+ _Æneas_, according to Nævius, arrives with on ship only, i, 106;
+ earliest traditions concerning him, 106.
+
+ _Ænianians_, subjected to the Ætolians, ii, 151.
+
+ _Ænos_, Macedonian, ii, 203.
+
+ _Æquians_, are Opicans, i, 98;
+ _gens magna_, 275;
+ march from the Anio against Rome, 275;
+ war of them in the year 323, 343;
+ their power broken by Postumius Tubertus, 344;
+ receive their deathblow from the Gauls, 384;
+ in the first Samnite war allied to the Latins 436;
+ conquered, receive the right of Roman citizenship, 505.
+
+ _Æqui Falisci_, i, 361.
+
+ _Æquimælium_, the place where the house of Sp. Mælius had stood, i,
+ 338.
+
+ _Ærarii_, i, 180, 333;
+ had very likely to pay a war-tax for the _pedites_ to carry on
+ trades, 515.
+
+ _Ærarium_, the chest of the plebeians, i, 233;
+ of the senate and of the emperor, iii, 121.
+
+ _Æschines_, i, 248.
+
+ _Æsculetum_, place of meeting of the _populus_ outside the town, i,
+ 269.
+
+ _Æsernia_, colony, i, 535; ii, 106;
+ conquered, by the Samnites, 356;
+ seat of the Italian government, 358.
+
+ _Aëtius_, iii, 336;
+ from Lower Mœsia, 336;
+ with the Huns, 340;
+ his achievements, 340;
+ against Attila, 340;
+ defeats Attila, 341;
+ his death, 341;
+ his title is _Patricius_ and _Dux Romanorum_, 341.
+
+ _Ætna_, eruption in the year 354, i, 357.
+
+ _Ætolians_ and Achæans united against Demetrius, ii, 48;
+ divide Acarnania with Alexander of Epirus, 49;
+ treat the embassy of the Romans with scorn, 49;
+ war of Philip and the Achæans against them, 145;
+ they are humbled by it, 145;
+ free, 145;
+ alliance with the Romans, 146;
+ deserve praise after the Lamian war, 146;
+ they sink afterwards into a state of barbarism, 146;
+ attacked by Philip, they conclude a very disadvantageous peace, 147;
+ hostile to Macedon, 150;
+ extent of their possessions, 150;
+ they have isopolity with many places in Elis and Messene, 151;
+ misunderstanding with Rome, 152;
+ dissensions between them and the Romans after the battle of
+ Cynoscephalæ, 160;
+ their vanity, 160;
+ side with Antiochus, 167;
+ defend Ambracia, 174;
+ peace, 175;
+ outrages of the Roman party after the defeat of Perseus, 216.
+
+ _Ætolian_ cavalry is bad, i, 440.
+
+ _Afranius_, Pompey’s general in Spain a commonplace man, iii, 54;
+ defeated near Lerida, 56;
+ in Africa, 67.
+
+ _Africa_, numerous and zealous church there, iii, 273.
+
+ _African school_, iii, 234;
+ has no peculiar dialect, 234;
+ its origin unknown, 234.
+
+ _Agathias_, his history is most authentic, iii, 263.
+
+ _Agathocles_ employed by the Tarentines, i, 461;
+ his character, 575;
+ shows the weakness of the Carthaginians in Africa, ii, 17.
+
+ _Agathyrsians_, i, 369.
+
+ AGER LIMITATUS, its law on the _tabula Heracleensis_, seems to have
+ been similar to that which was in force at Rome, i, 269.
+
+ _Ager publicus_, i, 243; ii, 270;
+ one instance only of any thing like it in Greece, i, 253;
+ occupation of it, 253;
+ _agrum locare_ and _agrum vendere_ are synonymous, 254.
+
+ _Agis_, PROXENUS of the Romans at Tarentum, i, 551.
+
+ _Agon Capitolinus_ instituted by Domitian, iii, 210.
+
+ _Agrarian law_, i, 250;
+ peculiar to the Romans, 253.
+
+ _Agricola Julius_, from Forum Julii, may have sprung from Gallic
+ ancestors, iii, 193;
+ completes the conquest of Britain, 211.
+
+ _Agrigentum_ laid waste by the Carthaginians, i, 576;
+ independent, 576;
+ destroyed by the Carthaginians, ii, 4;
+ condition at the outbreak of the Punic wars, 10;
+ sacked, 12;
+ taken by the Romans, 119;
+ its several devastations, 119;
+ afterwards restored, 119.
+
+ _C. Agrippa_, iii, 147;
+ adopted by Augustus, 147;
+ sent to Armenia, 147;
+ Velleius’ character of him, 147;
+ murdered there, 148.
+
+ _L. Agrippa_ adopted by Augustus, iii, 147;
+ sent to Gaul and Spain, 147;
+ his death, 148.
+
+ _M. Agrippa_ Octavian’s adviser, iii, 85;
+ conducts the war against Sextus Pompey, 109;
+ victory near Mylæ, 109;
+ marries Julia, 143, 146;
+ his influence on Augustus, 144;
+ his buildings, 144;
+ Augustus gives him his ring, 146;
+ differences between him and Marcellus, 146;
+ Velleius’ saying of him, 146;
+ withdraws to Mitylene, 146;
+ his death, 146.
+
+ _Agrippa Postumus_ adopted by Augustus, iii, 148.
+
+ _Agrippina_, Agrippa’s daughter, wife of Germanicus, iii, 146;
+ her virtue, 146, 160;
+ banished by Sejanus, 176.
+
+ _Agrippina_, wife of the Emperor Claudius, her character, iii, 183;
+ daughter of Germanicus, 188;
+ mother of Nero, 189;
+ murdered, 189.
+
+ _Agron_, king of the Illyrians, ii, 47.
+
+ _Agylla_ receives the worship of Greek heroes, i, 147;
+ is called Cære by the Etruscans, 147;
+ Conf. Cære.
+
+ _Ahenobarbus._ See Domitius.
+
+ _Aisne_, battle, iii, 44.
+
+ _Alans_, iii, 288;
+ cross the Rhine, 331;
+ withdraw from Gaul, 332;
+ conquered by Adolphus, 334;
+ treachery towards Aëtius, 341.
+
+ _Alaric_, king of the Visigoths, iii, 329;
+ defeated by Stilicho, 329;
+ appointed _magister militum_, 329;
+ appears in the West, 330;
+ defeated near Pollentia, 330;
+ withdraws from Italy, 330;
+ blockades Rome twice, 333;
+ dies in Cosenza, 334.
+
+ _Alaric_, the younger, his classical knowledge, iii, 343.
+
+ _Alatrum_, town of the Hernicans, i, 247.
+
+ _Alba_, on the Alban lake, capital of the ruling conquerors, i, 107;
+ its historical existence, 108;
+ shares with the thirty towns the flesh of the sacrifices on the Alban
+ Mount, 108;
+ religious reference of Roman _gentes_ to Alba, 113;
+ its destruction is historical, 125;
+ not the least connexion between it and Rome, 126;
+ its destruction by the Latins is most probable, 128.
+
+ _Alba_ on the Lake Fucinus, from thence the Sacranians issued, i, 107;
+ Roman colony, 505;
+ Syphax dies there as an exile, ii, 137;
+ Perseus and his sons live there in captivity, 245;
+ and likewise Bituitus, king of the Allobroges, 308.
+
+ _Albans_ had the dominion over Latium, i, 108;
+ their reception into Rome is probably historical, 125
+
+ _Albanian_, the modern Albanian language is like the ancient Illyrian,
+ ii, 57.
+
+ _Alban kings_, their chronology is a forgery of L. Cornelius Alexander,
+ i, 107.
+
+ _Alban lake_ drained, i, 356–359.
+
+ _Albenses_ (_Populi_), in Pliny, i, 107.
+
+ _Albinovanus_ makes his peace with Sylla, ii, 282.
+
+ _Albinovanus_ Pedo, iii, 140.
+
+ _A. Albinus_, surrounded in Africa, ii, 315.
+
+ _Albinus Clodius_, the title of Cæsar offered to him by Commodus, iii,
+ 250;
+ proclaimed emperor by the British and Gallic legions, 250;
+ his descent, 253;
+ overreached by Septimius Severus, 253;
+ defeated near Lyons, his death, 253.
+
+ _Sp. Albinus_, consul, ii, 315.
+
+ _Album_, explanation of the term, i, 6.
+
+ _Alcæus of Messene_, epigrams of his, ii, 160.
+
+ _Alcibiades_, the bravest Athenian, i, 296.
+
+ _Alemanni_, iii, 277;
+ break into the Roman empire, 279;
+ must have undertaken an expedition as far as Spain, 282;
+ pass the Po, 287;
+ war of Probus against them, 288;
+ on both banks of the Rhine, 310;
+ force the passage across the Rhine, 331.
+
+ _Aleppo_, famine there, i, 338.
+
+ _Alesia_, between Autun and Langres, iii, 47.
+
+ _Alexander VI._, Pope, lays down a division of countries in the new
+ world between Spain and Portugal, i, 413.
+
+ _Alexander_, L. Cornelius, a freedman of Sylla, i, 107.
+
+ _Alexander_, king of Epirus, the treaty with him is the first connexion
+ between Greece and Rome, i, 458;
+ family connexions, 463;
+ unites the Greek towns of Lower Italy in a confederacy, 464;
+ quarrels with the Tarentines, after which he carries on the war as an
+ adventurer, 464;
+ is slain near Pandosia, 465;
+ treaty with the Romans, 465;
+ usurps the kingdom of Æacidas, 552.
+
+ _Alexander the Great_, the embassy of the Romans to him seems not to be
+ a fiction, i, 469;
+ embassy of the Samnites and Lucanians, 469;
+ of the Iberians, 469;
+ whether the Romans knew of him, 469;
+ has done little in comparison with Hannibal, ii, 67.
+
+ _Alexander_, son of Pyrrhus, ii, 49 and 50.
+
+ _Alexander Severus_, formerly called Alexianus, adopted by Elagabalus,
+ iii, 261;
+ his character, 261;
+ the authors seem to have written a sort of Cyropædia on him, 262;
+ weak to Mamæa, 262;
+ Ulpianus his minister, 262;
+ displays great firmness on many occasions, 262;
+ his war against the Persians, 265;
+ contradictions concerning it, 265;
+ goes to the Rhine, 266;
+ mutiny of the troops, 266;
+ murdered, 267.
+
+ _Alexandria_, its population, iii, 64;
+ massacre under Caracalla, 257;
+ seat of wit, 257;
+ many Christians there, 273;
+ reduced by Diocletian, 296.
+
+ _Alexandrines_, drive Ptolemy Auletes away, iii, 28.
+
+ _Alexandrine literature_ must be deemed to end with the death of
+ Eratosthenes, iii, 228.
+
+ _Alexianus._ See Alexander Severus.
+
+ _Alexo_, an Achæan, discovers a plot in the Carthaginian camp before
+ Lilybæum, ii, 30.
+
+ _Alfatarians_, i, 419.
+
+ _Algidus_, a cold rugged height, its situation, i, 277.
+
+ _Aliens_ were better treated in the Germanic states, than in the
+ ancient world and in France, i, 167.
+
+ _Alia_, battle on the, was fought July 16th, i, 373;
+ an historical event, 376;
+ site of the river uncertain, 376;
+ description of the battle, 377.
+
+ _Aliphera_ during the war of Hannibal well affected to Macedon, ii,
+ 145.
+
+ _Aliso_ on the Lippe, very likely in the neighbourhood of Hamm, iii,
+ 157.
+
+ _Allobroges_, are pure Celts, i, 370;
+ their country at the time of Hannibal, ii, 79;
+ their abodes, 308;
+ acknowledge the _majestas populi Romani_, 79;
+ Roman citizens, iii, 23;
+ their envoys at the conspiracy of Catiline, 23;
+ call for Cæsar’s protection against the Helvetians, 41.
+
+ _Alps_, their extent in Polybius, ii, 77.
+
+ _Alpine tribes_, their treachery to Hannibal, ii, 78.
+
+ _Alumentus_, Latin form for Laomedon, ii, 194.
+
+ _Alva_, Duke of —’s cruelty in the Netherlands, iii, 297.
+
+ _Amazirgh_, ii, 5.
+
+ _Ambiorix_, leader of the Eburones, iii, 46.
+
+ _Ambitio Campi_, iii, 118.
+
+ _Ambitus_, laws against it, ii, 227, 318; iii, 13, 38.
+
+ _Ambracia_ yielded to Pyrrhus by the son of Cassander, i, 554;
+ residence of Pyrrhus, 555;
+ siege, ii, 174;
+ given up to the Romans, 175.
+
+ _Ambrones_ join the Cimbrians, ii, 324;
+ they are most likely Ligurians, 324;
+ defeated by Marius, 329.
+
+ _Ambrose_, iii, 325.
+
+ _America_, state of things before the constitution of Washington, ii,
+ 248.
+
+ _Americans_, beat the English fleets by means of masses, ii, 14.
+
+ _Amida_ taken by Sapor, iii, 309.
+
+ _Amiternum_, leagued with the Samnites, taken in the third Samnite war,
+ i, 535.
+
+ _Ammianus Marcellinus_, an ingenious writer, iii, 323;
+ a native of Antioch, 324.
+
+ _Ammonius_, iii, 293.
+
+ _Amphilochia_ yielded by the son of Cassander to Pyrrhus, i, 554.
+
+ _Amphipolitans_ receive the Chalcidians and drive out the old Athenian
+ colony, i, 419.
+
+ _Amulet_, iii, 355.
+
+ _Amulius_, i, 112.
+
+ _Amynander_ drives the Macedonian garrisons from Athamania, ii, 203.
+
+ _Anagnia_, town of the Hernicans, i, 247;
+ loses its political existence, 503;
+ becomes a municipal town of the second class, 503;
+ receives a provost from Rome to administer justice, 503.
+
+ _Anaitis_, her temple in Comana plundered, ii, 407.
+
+ _Ancient literature_ revived, iii, 232.
+
+ _Ancona_, the March of, a country with a very temperate climate, and
+ exceedingly healthy, ii, 94;
+ its constitution in recent times, 398;
+ its mole and harbour built by Trajan, iii, 223.
+
+ _Ancus Marcius_, his conquest very credible, i, 125;
+ he is a Sabine, 131;
+ establishes Latins on the Aventine, 131;
+ founds the colony of Ostia, 132.
+
+ _Andalusia_, the Latin language, forbidden there by punishment of
+ death, dies away within a hundred years, i, 145;
+ Latinized, ii, 258.
+
+ _S. Andreas_ IN BUSTA GALLICA, church in Rome, i, 384.
+
+ _Andriscus._ See Pseudophilip.
+
+ _Andronidas_, ii, 248.
+
+ _Q. Anicius_, a Prænestine, plebeian ædile, i, 495, 521.
+
+ ANNALES BERTINIANI, FULDENSES, etc., their arrangement, i, 5.
+
+ ANNALES MAXIMI _or_ PONTIFICUM, i, 5;
+ for the earlier times restored afterwards, 6;
+ according to Servius divided into eighty books, 8;
+ Cicero’s opinion on them, 8;
+ one may form an idea of them from the passages which Livy quotes from
+ them at the end of the tenth book, 8;
+ Livy’s copy began with the year 460, 8;
+ according to Diomedes they were still continued in his time, 9;
+ the probable cause of their having ceased in the times of P. Mucius
+ is the publication of the _acta diurna_, 9;
+ destroyed in the burning of the town by the Gauls, 83.
+
+ _Annius of Viterbo_, his forgeries, i, 141.
+
+ _Antagoras_, ii, 198.
+
+ _Anthemius_, emperor, iii, 345.
+
+ _Antibes_ (Antipolis) conquered, ii, 220.
+
+ _Antigonea_, founded by Pyrrhus, the present Argyrocastro, ii, 153;
+ _fauces Antigoneæ_, 153;
+ victory of Flaminius, 155.
+
+ _Antigonus Doson_ (Epitropus), guardian of Philip, i, 144;
+ in the last years of his guardianship the Macedonian empire recovers,
+ 145.
+
+ _Antigonus the One-eyed_, killed in the battle Ipsus, i, 553.
+
+ _Antigonus Gonatas_, abandoned by his troops, i, 569;
+ again appointed king, 569;
+ marches to Argos, 569;
+ decay of the Macedonian empire during the later years of his reign,
+ ii, 144.
+
+ _Antioch_, the seat of wit, iii, 257;
+ many Christians there, 273;
+ sacked by the Persians, 280;
+ battle, 286.
+
+ _Antioch_, the people of, their frivolity and luxury, iii, 311;
+ rouse the wrath of Theodosius, 322.
+
+ _Antiochus Epiphanes_, his character correctly described in the book of
+ the Maccabees, ii, 207;
+ his connexion with Perseus, 211;
+ war against Egypt, 220;
+ his last disease, 390.
+
+ _Antiochus the Great_ of Syria, allies himself with Philip III. against
+ Ptolemy Epiphanes, ii, 147;
+ conquers Perinthus, Ephesus, and Lycia, 148;
+ bears unjustly the surname of the Great, 165;
+ better than the princes of his house who had the same name, 166;
+ extent of his rule, 166;
+ negociations of the Romans with him, 167;
+ rejects Hannibal’s advice, 170;
+ lands in Greece, 171;
+ battle of Thermopylæ, 173;
+ returns to Asia, 173;
+ his fleet commanded by Hannibal, 175;
+ conquered near Myonnesus, 175;
+ evacuates the Chersonesus, 176;
+ falls back into Lydia, 176;
+ offers to conclude a peace, 177;
+ battle of Magnesia, 178;
+ peace, 179.
+
+ _Antiochus Hierax_ war against Ptolemy Euergetes, ii, 182.
+
+ _Antiochus Soter_, ii, 166.
+
+ _Antiochus Theos_, an utterly infamous prince, ii, 166.
+
+ _Antipater_ L. Cœlius. See Cœlius.
+
+ _Antiquities_, the study of Roman antiquities makes rapid progress in
+ the beginning of the 16th century, i, 68.
+
+ _Antium_, at first Tyrrhenian, afterwards Volscian, i, 223;
+ sprung from the same stock with Rome and Ardea, 223;
+ conquered in 286 by the Romans, 274;
+ receives a Volscian colony, 274;
+ opposition; the old citizens call in the Romans, 274;
+ receives a colony of Romans, Latins, and Hernicans, 274;
+ _Antiates mille milites_, 274;
+ restored to the Volscians, 286;
+ severed from Rome, 390;
+ a marine colony, 450;
+ its fate after the Latin war, 450;
+ laid waste, ii, 372.
+
+ _Antonia_, daughter of M. Antonius and Octavia, Drusus’ wife, iii, 104;
+ mother of the emperor Claudius, 181.
+
+ _M. Antoninus_ marries one of his daughters to Pompeian, a Greek, i,
+ 62;
+ in his reign, there remains only the art of casting in bronze, iii,
+ 224;
+ his real name Annius Verus, 236;
+ called by Hadrian, Verissimus, 236;
+ different accounts concerning his adoption, 237;
+ his beauty, 238;
+ character, 238;
+ meditations, 238;
+ correspondence with Fronto, 238;
+ stoicism, 239;
+ love of his subjects, 239;
+ his monumental column very much damaged, 242;
+ goes to the East, 245;
+ _dialogista_, 245;
+ Avidius Cassius’ opinion on him, 245;
+ his death, 246;
+ he sells the valuable things of his palace, 248;
+ his equestrian statue, a noble work, 275;
+ writes very good Greek, 324.
+
+ _M. Antoninus Magnus_, son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254;
+ see Caracalla.
+
+ _T. Antoninus Pius_, grandson of Arrius Antoninus, adopted by Hadrian,
+ iii, 231;
+ emperor, 236;
+ married to Galeria Faustina, 236;
+ a native of Nemausus, 236;
+ his history little known to us, 236;
+ his surname _Pius_, 236;
+ his wars, 236;
+ his character, 237.
+
+ _Antoninus Diadumenianus_, son of Macrinus, iii, 260.
+
+ _Antonius._ See Primus.
+
+ _C. Antonius_, consul, Cicero’s colleague, iii, 24.
+
+ _C. Antonius_, brother of the triumvir, receives the province of
+ Macedon, iii, 86;
+ executed by Brutus, 96.
+
+ _L. Antonius_, brother of the triumvir, places himself at the head of
+ the malcontents against Octavian, iii, 102;
+ the Perusian war, 103;
+ makes up with Octavian, 103.
+
+ _M. Antonius_, consul, ii, 339;
+ orator, 349, 373.
+
+ _M. Antony_, tribune of the people, iii, 52;
+ makes his passage to Illyricum, 59;
+ quarrels with Dolabella; both of them equally bad, 70;
+ offers to Cæsar the diadem, 76;
+ his behaviour after Cæsar’s murder, 82;
+ delivers a funeral oration for Cæsar, 83;
+ is not among his heirs, 83;
+ administers Cæsar’s property, 84;
+ makes away with the greatest part of the money, 85;
+ chooses Cisalpine Gaul for his province, 86;
+ shows himself friendly to the _optimates_, 86;
+ although a bad man he might be gained over, 86;
+ incensed against Cicero, 87;
+ besieges Dec. Brutus in Mutina, 87;
+ goes to Gaul, 90;
+ imperator, 90;
+ triumvirate, 91;
+ battle of Philippi, 97;
+ his moderation after the war, 99;
+ falls into the nets of Cleopatra, 101;
+ peace of Brundusium, 103;
+ marries Octavia, 104;
+ gets the empire of the east, 104;
+ unsuccessful attempt against Sicily, 105;
+ of Misenum, 105;
+ campaign in Media, 108;
+ divorce from Octavia, 110;
+ marries Cleopatra, 110;
+ his fleet, 111;
+ battle of Actium, 111;
+ his death, 113.
+
+ _Antonius Musa_, physician of Augustus, iii, 146.
+
+ _Antrodoco_, the defiles of —, disgracefully abandoned by the
+ Neapolitans in 1821, i, 477.
+
+ _d’Anville_, his maps of Italy to be recommended, i, 76;
+ characteristics, 76;
+ C. Niebuhr always spoke of him in the highest terms of
+ acknowledgment, 77.
+
+ _Anxur_, i, 344;
+ conf. Terracina.
+
+ _Aous_, river, ii, 153.
+
+ _Apennines_, geologically different from the mountain ranges of
+ Southern Italy, ii, 8;
+ ways leading through them to Italy, 52;
+ roads through them, 89.
+
+ _Aper._ See Arrius.
+
+ _Apollodorus of Damascus_, his likeness is the most ancient of an
+ artist which we have, i, 61; iii, 221;
+ architect of Trajan, iii, 221.
+
+ _Apollonia_, dependent on the Romans, ii, 48, 153; iii, 58, 84.
+
+ _Appeal_ to the people, done away with, ii, 297;
+ it had only been allowed for _judicium publicum_, 297;
+ source of the modern appeal, iii, 117.
+
+ _Appia Aqua_, i, 518.
+
+ _Appian_ has borrowed from Fabius, i, 20;
+ closely follows the track of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 20;
+ his sources, 252;
+ a jurist from Alexandria, lives in Rome during the reigns of Hadrian
+ and Antoninus Pius, greatly befriended by Fronto, 60; iii, 237;
+ his history arranged after the _Origines_ of Cato, i, 60;
+ he knew well how to choose his sources, 60;
+ his ignorance particularly of geography, 61;
+ editions, 61;
+ on the _ager publicus_, 252;
+ the groundwork of his history of the second Punic war, is taken from
+ Fabius, ii, 62;
+ is the only source for the third Punic war, 240;
+ has copied from Polybius, 240;
+ otherwise below criticism, 240.
+
+ _Appian_ road built, i, 517, 518.
+
+ _Apuleius._ See Saturninus.
+
+ _Apuleius_, to be placed among the first geniuses of his age, iii, 234;
+ shows talent wherever he has a subject, 235.
+
+ _Apulia_, description of the country, i, 477;
+ clothed in winter with fine and excellent grass, 478;
+ joins Pyrrhus, 557;
+ a mild, sunny district, ii, 95;
+ a breeze rises there every afternoon from the east, (the sea), 102;
+ part of it falls away from the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, 107;
+ under arms in the Social war, but without having any share in the
+ Italian state, 352.
+
+ _Apulians_ of the same stock as the Opicans, i, 99.
+
+ _Aqua Appia._ See Appia.
+
+ _Aqua Claudia_, the finest Roman aqueduct, iii, 189.
+
+ _Aqua Marcia_, ii, 339.
+
+ _Aqua Marrana_, i, 188.
+
+ _Aquæ Sextiæ_, first Roman colony beyond the Alps, ii, 308;
+ gets the Roman franchise in virtue of the _lex Julia_, 354.
+
+ _Aqueducts_ of the emperors are of brick, with a cast of mortar in the
+ middle, i, 138;
+ of the Romans, 518;
+ of Appius, 518.
+
+ _Aquila_, town in Latium, founded in the middle ages, i, 77.
+
+ _Aquileia_, besieged by Maximin, ii, 269;
+ battles, 321;
+ destroyed, 341.
+
+ _Aquitanians_ are pure Hispanians, i, 367;
+ of the Iberian race, in Guienne, iii, 42;
+ conquered by Crassus, 46.
+
+ _Arabia_, vassal kingdom of Persia, iii, 253;
+ Arabia Petræa, made a Roman province by Trajan, 220.
+
+ _Aræ Flaviæ_, on the military road from the Main to Augsburg, iii, 216
+
+ _Aratus_ sacrifices Corinth and the liberty of Greece, not to let
+ Cleomenes have the authority which was due to him, ii, 145.
+
+ _Aratus_, the poet, ii, 199;
+ the paraphrase of the phænomena is by Domitian, 209.
+
+ _Arbiter_, one only was needed in criminal causes, ii, 297.
+
+ _Arbogastes_, a Frank general, commander of the army of Valentinian
+ II., rises against him, iii, 321.
+
+ _Arcadians_, an essentially Pelasgian people, i, 96.
+
+ _Arcadia_, its position completely changed, i, 390;
+ Achæan, ii, 151.
+
+ _Arcadius_, iii, 328.
+
+ _Archelaus_, commander of the army of Mithridates in Greece, ii, 369;
+ defends himself in the Piræeus, 375.
+
+ _Archidamus_ of Sparta employed by the Tarentines, i, 461;
+ killed on the day of the battle of Chæronea, 463.
+
+ _Archimedes_ builds a ship for Hiero, which is sent by the latter to
+ Alexandria, ii, 17;
+ defends Syracuse, 117.
+
+ _Architecture_, its different stages of development, iii, 222;
+ its decline under Hadrian, 275.
+
+ _Archytas_, the Leibnitz of his age, i, 461;
+ seven times called to the office of general, 461.
+
+ _Ardaburius_, iii, 336.
+
+ _Ardaschir_, son of Babek, of the race of Sassan, king of the Persians,
+ iii, 264;
+ restores the old fire-worship, 264;
+ sets up monuments in Persepolis, 264;
+ is called by the Greeks Artaxerxes, 265;
+ war against the Romans, 265.
+
+ _Ardea_, the war of Tarquin the Proud against Ardea is fabulous, i,
+ 198;
+ is of the same stock with Rome and Antium, 223;
+ insurrection, 343;
+ make head against the Gauls, 381.
+
+ _Ardeates_, the decision between them and the people of Aricia was
+ pronounced by the Curies, i, 94.
+
+ _Ardyæans_ in northern Illyricum, are under the protection of Rome, ii,
+ 146;
+ overcome by Philip, 146;
+ their country ceded to him by the Romans, 147.
+
+ _Arevaci_, a Spanish people, ii, 220;
+ a tribe of the Celtiberians, 260.
+
+ _Argolis_ Archæan, ii, 151, 163.
+
+ _Argos_, a Pelasgian word, probably meaning town, i, 101;
+ synonymous with Peloponnesus, 101;
+ also for Thessaly, 101;
+ the republican party calls in Pyrrhus against the aristocrats, 569;
+ the latter summon Antigonus to their aid, 569;
+ devastated by the Goths, iii, 280.
+
+ _Argyrocastro_, very important pass, ii, 147;
+ the old Antigonea, 153.
+
+ _Aricia_, in a grove before its gates, was the sanctuary of the Latins,
+ i, 186;
+ Porsena defeated there, 213;
+ after the Latin war it does not receive the franchise, but becomes an
+ independent municipium, 448;
+ laid waste by Marius, 372.
+
+ _Ariminum_, colony of, ii, 50;
+ opens its gates to Cæsar, iii, 53.
+
+ _Ariobarzanes_, Persian governor of Pontus, ii, 360;
+ king of Cappadocia, 363, 407.
+
+ _Ariovistus_, ii, 43;
+ acknowledged by the Romans as a sovereign king, 43;
+ defeated near Besançon, 43.
+
+ _Aristænus_, Achæan strategus, ii, 156.
+
+ _Aristæus_, a Pelasgian hero from Arcadia, i, 96.
+
+ _Aristarchus_, the period from him to Dio Chrysostomus is an
+ intermediate one, which has no distinct character, iii, 228.
+
+ _Aristides_, Ælius, a most disagreeable writer, iii, 235;
+ his declamation on the battle of Leuctra, 235.
+
+ _Aristion_, sophist, tyrant of Athens, ii, 364.
+
+ _Aristippus_, tyrant of Argos, i, 569.
+
+ _Aristobulus_, historian, i, 470.
+
+ _Aristobulus_, pretender to the crown of Judæa, made prisoner by
+ Pompey and led in his triumph, iii, 11.
+
+ _Aristocracy_, as it was in the earliest times in Rome, i, 164.
+
+ _Aristocrats_, their hypocrisy, ii, 87.
+
+ _Aristonicus_, a bastard son of Eumenes, usurps the throne of Pergamus,
+ ii, 266;
+ defeats Crassus, 267;
+ overcome by Peperna, 267.
+
+ _Aristotle_, ii, 6;
+ the text of his Politics is derived from a single MS. of the
+ fourteenth century, 6.
+
+ _Armenia_, nature of the country, iii, 7;
+ acknowledges the _majestas populi Romani_, 161;
+ vassal kingdom of the Romans and Parthians, 240;
+ recognised as a tributary dependency of Rome, 296.
+
+ _Armenians_, Gibbon’s remark on the change in their character, iii, 7;
+ slight Tiberius, 170;
+ their princes are Arsacidæ and Christians, 313.
+
+ _Arminius_, iii, 156;
+ a Roman knight, 157.
+
+ _Arnobius_, his erudition is of great value to us, iii, 293.
+
+ _Arpi_, chief town of Apulia, i, 477;
+ returns to the side of the Romans, ii, 110;
+ taken by Hannibal, 120.
+
+ _Arpinum_ conquered by the Samnites, i, 501;
+ reconquered by the Romans, 504;
+ municipal town, large and important; a Cyclopian town; birthplace of
+ Marius and Cicero, iii, 15.
+
+ _Arretinian_ vessels of baked red clay, i, 135.
+
+ _Arretinus_, Leonardus, i, 67.
+
+ _Arretium_ makes peace with Rome, i, 509;
+ governed by the Cilnians; besieged by the Gauls, 546;
+ razed to the ground, ii, 383;
+ military colony, 385.
+
+ _Arria_, wife of Thrasea Pætus, iii, 191.
+
+ _Arrian_, a distinguished man, iii, 239.
+
+ _Arrius Aper_, præfectus prætorio, iii, 290.
+
+ _Arsacidæ_, the younger branch of them on the Parthian throne in
+ Armenia, iii, 191.
+
+ _Arsia_, the forest of, the battle there is purely mythical, i, 208.
+
+ _Arsinoë_, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, iii, 62.
+
+ _Artabanus_, king of the Parthians, iii, 258.
+
+ _Artavasdes_, king of Armenia, iii, 107.
+
+ _Artaxata_ conquered, iii, 191.
+
+ _Artillery_, its masses mark the decline of intellectual spirit and
+ humanity in warfare, ii, 17.
+
+ _Art_ in Rome, i, 498;
+ its decline in the third century, iii, 295.
+
+ _Arulenus._ See Rusticus.
+
+ _Aruns_, a common Etruscan name, i, 136.
+
+ _Arvernians_, have the _principatus Galliæ_ at time of the second Punic
+ war, ii, 125;
+ defeated by the Romans, 308;
+ they never raise their head again, iii, 42.
+
+ _Arx_ of Rome climbed by the Gauls, i, 383.
+
+ _Arymbas_, prince of the Molossians, i, 552.
+
+ _As_, is worth one stiver and a half (²⁵³⁄₄₀₀ penny sterling), i, 181.
+
+ _Asconius Pedianus_, a writer of first-rate historical learning, ii,
+ 385.
+
+ _Asculum_, battle, i, 564;
+ massacre of the Romans, ii, 352;
+ victory of the Romans, 356.
+
+ _Asiatics_ were merely archers, i, 176.
+
+ _Asia_, kingdom of, ii, 183;
+ province, 267;
+ its division in the seventh century, 361;
+ chastised by Sylla, 377;
+ the name of Tiberius Claudius a general prænomen there, iii, 193.
+
+ _Asinii_ are Marrucinians, ii, 300.
+
+ _Asinius_, Herius, father or grandfather of Asinius Pollio, iii, 107.
+
+ _Asinius Pollio_ taxes Livy with Patavinity, i, 51;
+ is said to have still been living after C. Cæsar’s death, 52; iii,
+ 37, 60;
+ in Spain, 87;
+ his frankness, 92;
+ his opinion on Cicero, 95;
+ does not declare for Antony, though in his heart he is for him, 93;
+ protects Virgil, 93;
+ enemy to Sextus Pompey, 104;
+ united with Domitius Ahenobarbus, 105;
+ the motives his conduct, 107;
+ his style very unequal, 129;
+ forms the connecting link between two generations, 130;
+ historian, 130;
+ his opinion of Livy may have arisen from party spirit, 141.
+
+ _Asclepieum_, a hallowed place in Carthage, ii, 243.
+
+ _Aspar_, iii, 336.
+
+ _Aspis_, town in Africa, ii, 20;
+ conf. Clupea.
+
+ _Assignatio_, i, 256.
+
+ _Associations_ in the states of the ancients, i, 160.
+
+ _Astapa_ rising against Rome, ii, 129.
+
+ _Astronomy_, flourishes, iii, 237.
+
+ _Astura_, river, the position of which is not known; battle, i, 447.
+
+ _Asylum_ on the Capitol, i, 116;
+ the old tradition of the asylum has reference to the clientship, 170.
+
+ _Atella_, i, 453;
+ as periœcians of Capua conquered by Rome, ii, 114.
+
+ _Atellan plays_, ii, 194;
+ extemporised, 194.
+
+ _Athamania_, Macedonian, ii, 203;
+ the Macedonian garrisons driven off by Amynander, 203.
+
+ _Athanasius_, bishop, iii, 309.
+
+ _Athens_, the registers of mortgages very prolix there, i, 333;
+ pay of the soldiers since Pericles, 351;
+ alone raises itself to general Greek patriotism, 461;
+ wishes for peace in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, ii, 475;
+ its relations to its allies change about Ol. 100, after the battle of
+ Naxos, 248;
+ the character of the _Demos_ much changed in the Peloponnesian war,
+ 514;
+ unfortunate expedition to Sicily, 574;
+ had in the Peloponnesian war and immediately after no other ships but
+ penteconters, triremes and _lembi_, ii, 12;
+ fallen to the lowest ebb, 48;
+ keeps aloof from all political activity, 146;
+ alliance with Rome; isopolity, 148;
+ cenotaphs, very likely referring to the second Illyrian war, 149;
+ involved in hostilities with Philip, 149;
+ temples pulled down, tombs demolished, 149;
+ applies to its allies, especially to Rome, 149;
+ has still some schools, but poesy and even the art of speech dead,
+ 152;
+ a separate state, 163;
+ treated by the Romans, down to the times of Sylla, with particular
+ favour, 163;
+ receives Scyros, Delos, Imbros, Paros, 164;
+ quarrels with the Oropians, 249;
+ remains a _libera civitas_, 256;
+ opens its gates to Mithridates, 364;
+ the communication with the Piræeus seems not to have been free since
+ the times of Antigonus Gonatas, 376;
+ a small hamlet in the time of Pausanias, 376;
+ anarchy, iii, 13;
+ adorned by Hadrian, iii, 230;
+ receives a theatre and an entire new town, 230;
+ burned and sacked by the Goths, 280.
+
+ _Athenagoras_, iii, 235.
+
+ _Atia_, married to C. Octavius, iii, 83.
+
+ _Atilius._ See Regulus, Serranus.
+
+ _C. Atilius_, consul, goes to Sardinia, ii, 52;
+ lands at Pisa, 54;
+ killed near Telamon, 55.
+
+ _A. Atilius Calatinus_, ii, 16.
+
+ _Atina_, conquered by the Romans, i, 496;
+ probably gets the rights of citizenship by the _Lex Julia_, ii, 354.
+
+ _C. Atinius Labeo_, Trib. Pleb., ii, 269.
+
+ _Atintanians_ conquered by Philip, ii, 145;
+ their country given up by the Romans, 147.
+
+ _M. Atius Balbus_ married to a sister of Cæsar, iii, 83.
+
+ _Attalus_ of Pergamus conquers Lydia, ii, 146;
+ allied with Egypt, 148;
+ his fleet combined with that of the Romans, 155;
+ defeats the Galatians, 182.
+
+ _Attalus_, brother of Eumenes, ii, 221.
+
+ _Attalus_, præfectus prætorio, proclaimed emperor by Alaric, iii, 383.
+
+ _Attalus Philometor_ of Pergamus, ii, 266;
+ bequeaths his kingdom to the Romans, 266;
+ leaves a treasure, 283.
+
+ _Atticus_, T. Pomponius, his annals were only tables, i, 35;
+ is also called Cæcilius, 39;
+ friend of Cicero, iii, 18.
+
+ _Attila_, son of Rugilas, iii, 339;
+ the main strength of his empire is in German tribes, 339;
+ devastates the Eastern empire, 339;
+ goes to Gaul, 340;
+ lays siege to Orleans, 340;
+ battle in the _Campi Catalaunici_, 340;
+ in Italy, 341.
+
+ _Attic law_ belongs to a later time when the forms were already very
+ polished, i, 296.
+
+ _L. Attius_, author of _prætextatæ_, ii, 195;
+ of tragedies, 393;
+ form of his poems, 393;
+ is not called Accius or Actius, 393.
+
+ _Attius Navius_, augur, i, 139.
+
+ _Attius Tullius_ in Antiam, ii, 288.
+
+ _Auerstedt_, battle, ii, 91.
+
+ _Cn. Aufidius_, a contemporary of Cicero in his youth, wrote history in
+ Greek, i, 23.
+
+ _Aufidius Bassus_, iii, 185.
+
+ _Aufidus_, river near Cannæ, ii, 99.
+
+ Αὐγούστειοι, iii, 130.
+
+ _Augsburgh_, the guilds are there the ruling power in the fourteenth
+ century, i, 168;
+ of fifty-one houses, thirty-eight become extinct in one hundred
+ years, 446;
+ the chambers (_Stuben_); the meetings of the houses, 539;
+ founded, iii, 152.
+
+ _Augural system_, i, 256.
+
+ _Augural divinations_, an inheritance of the Sabellian peoples, i, 154.
+
+ _Augurs_, their number doubled by Numa, two Ramnes, and two Tities, i,
+ 124;
+ are to represent the three tribes, 130;
+ later number, 130.
+
+ _August_, month of, its name, iii, 114.
+
+ _Augustan_ age, not Augustean, iii, 130.
+
+ _St. Augustine_, one of the greatest minds, i, 224;
+ exaggerates, 535;
+ the Punic language is his mother tongue, ii, 5;
+ as writer, iii, 325;
+ his eloquence, 326.
+
+ _Augustinus_, Antonius, i, 312.
+
+ _Augustus_ assigned to every region a certain number of _vici_ without
+ counting how many there were of them, i, 172;
+ was an actor in all he did, iii, 32, 86;
+ named, 115;
+ his consulships, 116;
+ wants to lay down his power as dictator, 116;
+ _Imperator_ as _prænomen_, 117;
+ not altogether free from superstition, 117;
+ proconsular power over the whole of the Roman empire given him, 117;
+ censor, 117;
+ tribune, 117;
+ pontifex maximus, 118;
+ purifies the senate, 119;
+ _princeps senatus_, 119;
+ has the control over the finances of the whole empire, 120;
+ assigns fixed appointments to the governors of the provinces, 121;
+ _legati Augusti, pro consule, pro prætore_, 121;
+ new division of the city, 123;
+ his division of Italy, 124;
+ his private fortune, 124;
+ his power absolute in the provinces, 125;
+ founds military colonies, 125;
+ his susceptibility towards Horace, 135;
+ an uncommonly fine man;
+ there are many busts and statues extant of him, 142;
+ a remarkable man, 142;
+ his courage, 142;
+ a bad general, 142;
+ his good qualities, 142;
+ his domestic relations, 143;
+ a thorough profligate, 143;
+ Livia’s influence on him, 143;
+ his physical constitution, 146;
+ incensed against Tiberius, 147;
+ his buildings, 148;
+ campaign against the Dalmatians, 149;
+ against the Cantabrians, 149;
+ his memoirs little notice taken of, 150;
+ poetry, letters, 150;
+ shuts the temple of Janus, 151;
+ German wars, 152;
+ the defeat of Varus puts him utterly beside himself, 160;
+ his death, 160;
+ his burial, 161;
+ not a close-fisted manager, 173.
+
+ _Aurei_, iii, 302.
+
+ _Aurelian_, emperor, yields Dacia to the Goths, ii, 147;
+ general of Claudius Gothicus by whom he is recommended as emperor,
+ iii, 284;
+ obscurity of his history, 285;
+ peace with the Goths, 285;
+ war against Zenobia, 286;
+ against the soldiers of Tetricus, 286;
+ defeats the Germans near Fano, 287;
+ murdered, 287;
+ insurrection of a master of the mint, 302;
+ fortifies Rome, 330.
+
+ _C. Aurelius Orestes_, Roman commissioner in Achaia, ii, 249.
+
+ _M. Aurelius Antoninus._ See Elagabalus.
+
+ _Aureolus_, pretender, iii, 284.
+
+ _Auruncians_, their invasion twice told by Livy, i, 222;
+ Auruncians and Ausonians are the same, 223;
+ advance as far as Latium, 224;
+ subjected, 435;
+ their cities destroyed by the Romans, 494.
+
+ _Ausonius_, tutor of Gratian, iii, 316;
+ a bad poet, 323.
+
+ _Auspices_ are valid for the plebes only in later times, i, 270;
+ were taken for the centuries and curies only, 406.
+
+ _Austerlitz_, battle, false reports concerning it, i, 222, 531.
+
+ _Autun_ lies in ruins until the reign of Diocletian, iii, 282.
+
+ _Auxilia_, iii, 125.
+
+ _Aventine_ and Palatine hostile, i, 113;
+ the city of the plebeians, 115;
+ Latin settlement there under Ancus, 132;
+ always occupied by the plebeians, 311;
+ a sort of suburb of Rome, iii, 123.
+
+ _Aventinus_, John, quotes some verses from the Nibelungen (Waltharius),
+ i, 13.
+
+ _Avidius Cassius_, iii, 241;
+ his descent, 243;
+ restores discipline, 244;
+ victorious against the Parthians, 244;
+ proclaimed emperor, 244;
+ murdered, 244;
+ his son murdered without the knowledge of M. Antoninus, 245;
+ his letters, 245.
+
+ _Avitus._ See Elagabalus.
+
+ _Avitus_, Flavius Mæcilius, emperor, iii, 343;
+ takes possession of the see of Placentia, 343.
+
+
+ B
+
+ _Badajoz_, founded, iii, 150;
+ conf. Pax.
+
+ _Bagaudæ_, iii, 332.
+
+ _Bagradas_, river in Africa, iii, 21.
+
+ _Bahram_, king of the Persians, iii, 290.
+
+ _Balearic isles_ subject to the Carthaginians, ii, 5;
+ subdued by the Romans, 307.
+
+ _Ballistæ_ invented at Syracuse, i, 354.
+
+ _Barbarians_ never fought in dense masses, i, 176.
+
+ _Barbatus._ See Horatius.
+
+ _Barbié du Bocage_, i, 76.
+
+ _Barbula._ See Æmilius.
+
+ _Barkochba_, iii, 230.
+
+ _Bardylis_ creates in the days of Philip an empire in Illyria, ii, 46.
+
+ _Barka_, meaning lightning, the Syriac form, ii, 35.
+
+ _Bartholomæus_, i, 67.
+
+ _Basbretons_ belong to the race of the Cymri, ii, 322.
+
+ _Basilicæ_, ii, 190;
+ Basilica Æmilia, iii, 50.
+
+ _Basiliscus_, general of the eastern empire against Carthage, iii, 345.
+
+ _Basques_ are still dwelling north of the Pyrenees, i, 367.
+
+ _Basque poem_ on the Cantabrian war, iii, 150.
+
+ _Basreliefs_, the art of Basreliefs is at its height under Trajan, iii,
+ 274;
+ thoroughly bad on the triumphal arch of Severus, 275.
+
+ _M. Bassianus_, son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254.
+ See Caracalla.
+
+ _Bassianus._ See Elagabalus.
+
+ _Bassus._ See Aufidius.
+
+ _Bastarnians_, i, 369;
+ their abodes, ii, 204;
+ their movements, 211.
+
+ _Bastulans_ in Spain, Μιξοφοίνικες, ii, 59.
+
+ _Bato_, two men of this name leaders of the Dalmatians, iii, 155;
+ one of them treacherously gives up Pinnes to the Romans, 156.
+
+ _Battle_, oblique line of, ii, 101;
+ order of, i, 441.
+
+ _Bautzen_, battle, i, 428.
+
+ _Bayle_, i, 3, 70.
+
+ _Beaufort_, i, 3;
+ his work on the Roman antiquities recommended, 72, 269, footnote;
+ his _Dissertation sur l’incertitude des quatre premiers siècles de
+ l’histoire Romaine_, 72;
+ the war of Porsena and the time of Camillus beautifully handled by
+ him, 211;
+ shows that the peace of Porsena is quite a different thing from what
+ the Romans would make us believe, 211;
+ on Camillus, 382;
+ on the Licinian laws, 396;
+ on Regulus’ death, ii, 25.
+
+ _Ul. Becker’s_ treatise on the history of the war of Hannibal is a
+ valuable work, ii, 64.
+
+ _Bedriacum_, in the neighbourhood of Cremona, battle, iii, 197.
+
+ _Beja_ founded, iii, 150;
+ conf. Pax.
+
+ _Belgians_, not unmingled with Gaels, ii, 322;
+ war against the Romans, iii, 44;
+ they had no free population, 44;
+ defeated in two battles, 44;
+ conf. Cymri.
+
+ _Belli_, name of a tribe of the Celtiberians, ii, 261.
+
+ _Bellovaci_, iii, 48.
+
+ _Bellovesus_, leader of the Gauls, i, 368.
+
+ _Benedict_ of Soracte, chronicle, i, 9;
+ gives a detailed account of an expedition of Charlemagne to
+ Jerusalem, 86.
+
+ _Beneventum_, battle, i, 568;
+ Roman colony, ii, 106.
+
+ _Beni Tai_ are ten thousand families who cannot all descend from Edid
+ Tai, i, 159.
+
+ _Bentley_ ran down at Oxford, i, 42, 71.
+
+ _Bergamo_, a Rhætian town, ii, 32.
+
+ _Bern._ See Lucerne.
+
+ _St. Bernard_, the great, there is everlasting snow on it, ii, 78.
+
+ _St. Bernard_, the little, is the mountain over which Hannibal passed,
+ ii, 78;
+ has no glaciers, 78;
+ is in summer a green Alp, 78.
+
+ _Bernard_, the holy, iii, 94.
+
+ _Berosus_, is genuine, ii, 1.
+
+ _Besançon_, battle, iii, 43.
+
+ _Besieging_, Greek art of, first applied by the Romans at Lilybæum, ii,
+ 30.
+
+ _Bestia._ See Calpurnius.
+
+ _Bibulus_, Cæsar’s colleague, commander of Pompey’s fleet, iii, 58.
+
+ _Biondo_ of Forli, iii, 114.
+
+ _Bithyas_, Carthaginian general in the third Punic war, ii, 241.
+
+ _Bithynia_, ii, 181, 377;
+ the monarchy broken up, iii, 1.
+
+ _Bituitus_, king of the Arvernians, ii, 308.
+
+ _Bledes_, (Bledel,) son of Rugilas, iii, 339.
+
+ _Blemmyans_ in Dongola, Trajan’s expedition against them, iii, 162.
+
+ _C. Blossius_, teacher of the Gracchi, ii, 270;
+ author of Rhintonian comedies, 270 (conf. the footnote);
+ anecdote of him, 287.
+
+ _Boardingbridges_, ii, 14, 17.
+
+ _Bocchus_, king of the Mauritanians, ii, 321.
+
+ _Bochart_, one of the last highly gifted French philologists, i, 94;
+ his hypothesis concerning the influence of the Phœnicians is carried
+ too far, 95.
+
+ _Bœcler_ is to be reckoned among the ornaments of Germany, i, 70.
+
+ _Bœotians_, independent in appearance only, under the supremacy of
+ Macedon, ii, 151;
+ drawn by Flaminius into a league with Rome, 156;
+ a separate state, 163;
+ kill the leader of the Macedonian party among them, 172;
+ join the Achæans in their war against the Romans, 253;
+ pay a tribute to Rome, 256.
+
+ _Boëthius_, iii, 348.
+
+ _Bogud_, king of Mauritania, iii, 67.
+
+ _Bohemund_, his conduct in the crusades, ii, 65, footnote.
+
+ _Boians_, defeated near the lake Vadimo, i, 547;
+ in Italy, ii, 51;
+ submit to the Romans, 56;
+ beat a Roman legion and keep the survivors shut up in Modena, 83;
+ extent of their territory, 83;
+ they seize three Romans of rank, 83;
+ send ambassadors to meet Hannibal, 83;
+ defend themselves against the Romans with distinguished bravery, 164;
+ destroy Placentia and Cremona, 165;
+ are probably exterminated, 165;
+ _desertum Boiorum_, 165;
+ are said to have had a hundred and twelve cantons in Italy, 165;
+ independent, iii, 3.
+
+ _Bolæ_ or _Bola_, i, 344.
+
+ _Bolingbroke_, Lord, i, 281.
+
+ _Bolivar_, ii, 369.
+
+ _Bologna_ has a _palatium civium_ and a _palatium communis_, i, 168;
+ conf. Bononia.
+
+ _Bona Dea_, her festival is only celebrated by women, iii, 27.
+
+ _Boniface_, iii, 336;
+ seems to have been an Italian, 336;
+ recalled from Africa by the influence of Aëtius, 336;
+ calls the Vandals into Africa, 337.
+
+ _Bononia_, the colony has the obligation to serve in war, ii, 384;
+ conf. Bologna.
+
+ _Bononia_ (Boulogne sur Mer), iii, 296.
+
+ _Bosporus_, kingdom of the, conquered by the Goths, iii, 278.
+
+ _Bosporus_, Thracian, lay open since the destruction of Byzantium, iii,
+ 278.
+
+ _Bostra_, in Arabia Petræa, iii, 271;
+ _colonia Romana_, 271;
+ in the neighbourhood of Pella, 272.
+
+ _Boudicea_, (Bunduica), queen of the Britons, iii, 191.
+
+ _Bourg_, i, 167.
+
+ _Bourgeois_, i, 167.
+
+ _Bourges_, taken by Cæsar, iii, 47.
+
+ _Bovianum_, the most thriving town of the Samnites, taken by the
+ Romans, i, 500;
+ in Strabo’s time a small place, 500;
+ battle, 504.
+
+ _Bozra_ (Βύρσα), original name of Carthage, ii, 2.
+
+ _Brabant_, the towns there neutral in the war between Spain and the
+ Netherlands, i, 391.
+
+ _Brandenburg_, the Vandal (Wendish) tongue forbidden on pain of death,
+ i, 145.
+
+ _Brandy_, there was none except in Egypt;
+ the process of distillation depicted on the walls of Thebes, ii, 86.
+
+ _Brass_ is only of late invention, iii, 45.
+
+ _Bremen_, duchy of, the equestrian body there dwindled within fifty
+ years to half its number, i, 140.
+
+ _Brenin_ means in Welsh and Bas Breton a King, i, 366.
+
+ _Brescia_, Rhætian town, ii, 52.
+
+ _Bretagne_, the immigration from Britain in the fifth century is
+ fabulous, iii, 42.
+
+ BRITAIN, is according to a tradition one of the most ancient seats of
+ the Celts, i, 366;
+ thought inaccessible, iii, 45;
+ neither gold nor silver found there, 45;
+ Claudius’ expedition, 134;
+ province, 134;
+ insurrection under Nero, 191;
+ wall against the Caledonians erected by Hadrian, 230;
+ the two elements of the population preserved, 230;
+ rising under Antoninus Pius, 236;
+ war of Septimius Severus, 254;
+ revolt of Carausius, 296;
+ casts itself off from the Roman empire, 331;
+ the usurper Constantine, 334.
+
+ _Britannicus_, son of Claudius of his first marriage, iii, 183.
+
+ _Britomaris_, chieftain of the Sennonian Gauls, i, 546.
+
+ _Britons_, their name transferred to the English, i, 143.
+
+ _Bronze_ is met with in the temple of Solomon, and even in the
+ tabernacle of Moses, iii, 45.
+
+ _Bructeri_ reduced by Drusus, iii, 153;
+ defeat the legate M. Lollius, 153;
+ subdued by Tiberius, 154;
+ rising under Vespasian, 242.
+
+ _Brundusium_, Roman fortress, i, 571;
+ Roman colony, ii, 106;
+ faithful to the Syllanian interest, iii, 55;
+ peace, 103.
+
+ _Bruttians_, the Oscan part of them sprung from the Sabine stock, i,
+ 120;
+ their insurrection, 153;
+ their origin, 419;
+ league themselves with the enemies of Rome, 545;
+ acknowledge Rome’s supremacy, 571;
+ fall off again, ii, 107;
+ gain over Locri, 107;
+ are deprived of their constitution, 186;
+ nearly the whole country under Honorius was pasture land, 264.
+
+ _Dec. Brutus_, general of Cæsar, conspires against him, iii, 79;
+ entices him into the curia, 80;
+ withdraws to Cisalpine Gaul, 83;
+ besieged in Mutina, 89;
+ the war of Mutina, 89;
+ murdered, 91.
+
+ _Brutus_, Dec. Junius Callaicus, peace with the Lusitanians, ii, 260.
+
+ _Brutus_, L. Junius, legends concerning him, i, 82, 198;
+ the name is Oscan, 198;
+ given him because he was a plebeian, 199;
+ _Tribunus Celerum_, 199;
+ plebeian, 200;
+ the statement that plebeians had been introduced by him into the
+ senate, 334.
+
+ _Brutus_, M. Junius, the father, brings forward a motion concerning the
+ colony of Capua, iii, 34.
+
+ _Brutus_, M. Junius, i, 200;
+ beloved by Cicero, iii, 26;
+ prætor, 76;
+ prætor urbanus, 78;
+ nephew of Cato, 76;
+ marries Cato’s daughter, 77;
+ introduced by him into the Stoic philosophy, 77;
+ his character, 77;
+ fights at Pharsalus, 78;
+ is intrusted by Cæsar with the government of Cisalpine Gaul, 78;
+ goes to Greece, 88;
+ outlawed, 91;
+ makes himself master of Macedonia, 95;
+ battle of Philippi, 97;
+ sees the vision, 95;
+ victory of his fleet, 98;
+ defeated; takes his own life, 99;
+ his age, 99.
+
+ _M. Brutus_ carries on the business of a sycophant, iii, 77.
+
+ _Bubulcus._ See Junius.
+
+ _Bunduica._ See Boudicea.
+
+ _Burgundians_ cross the Rhine, iii, 331;
+ remain in Gaul under Roman supremacy, 332.
+
+ _Burning glasses_, the destruction of the Roman fleet by means of them,
+ doubtful, ii, 117.
+
+ _Burrhus_, Nero’s tutor, præfectus prætorio, iii, 189.
+
+ _Busta Gallica_ near the Carinæ were still shown in Cæsar’s times, i,
+ 384.
+
+ _Busts_, after the time of Caracalla no busts were made, iii, 275.
+
+ _Buxentum_, it is uncertain whether it became Roman after the Samnite
+ war, i, 505;
+ conf. Pyxus.
+
+ _Byng_, admiral, shot by the English, ii, 109.
+
+ _Bysacene_ belonged to Carthage as early as in the days of the Roman
+ kings, ii, 229.
+
+ _Byzantines_, fought in their most brilliant days with very small
+ ships, ii, 17.
+
+ _Byzantium_ allied with Chios and Lesbos, ii, 145, 151;
+ with Egypt, 148;
+ destroyed by Septimius Severus, iii, 252;
+ conf. Constantinople.
+
+
+ C
+
+ _Caia Cæcilia_, wife of Tarquinius Priscus, i, 37;
+ her image in the temple of Semo Sancus, 37;
+ filings from the girdle of her brazen image were used as remedies,
+ 37.
+
+ _Cæcilius_ mentioned by Strabo is very likely Dionysius of
+ Halicarnassus, i, 39.
+
+ _Cæcilius_, see Atticus, Metellus, Statius.
+
+ _Cæcina_, Etruscan historian, i, 191.
+
+ _Cæcina_ is a gentile name, ii, 403, footnote.
+
+ _Cæcina_, iii, 195, 197;
+ killed by the order of Titus, 208.
+
+ _Cæculus_, founder of Præneste, i, 137.
+
+ _Cædicius_, iii, 158.
+
+ _Q. Cæditius_, ii, 16.
+
+ _Cæles Vibenna_, i, 88, 118, 129;
+ _condottiere_, 155;
+ an historical person, 191.
+
+ _Cælius_ joins Romulus in his war against the Sabines, i, 117.
+
+ _Cælius_, Mount, foundation of the town on it, i, 129.
+
+ _Cælius Antipater._ See Cœlius.
+
+ _Cælius Rufus_, judicious, ii, 379;
+ beloved by Cicero, iii, 26;
+ his insurrection, 65;
+ his language like that of Cicero for excellence, 127.
+
+ _Cæpio_, proconsul, ii, 259.
+
+ _Cæpio_, proconsul, his army destroyed by the Teutones and the Cimbri,
+ ii, 325.
+
+ _Cæpio_, Q. Servilius, proconsul, murdered at Asculum, ii, 351.
+
+ _Cære_, formerly called Agylla, i, 147;
+ gets isopolity, 152.
+
+ _Cærites_, according to Diodorus, conquer the Gauls, i, 383;
+ give up part of their territory to Rome, 416.
+
+ _Cærite citizenship_ (sympolity), i, 535.
+
+ _Cæsar_, C. Julius, his fondness for Marius, ii, 327;
+ his consulship to be looked upon as the beginning of the civil wars,
+ iii, 28;
+ married to the daughter of Cinna, 29;
+ does not stoop to Sylla, 29;
+ the greatest general of his age, 30;
+ declares for Marius’ party, 30;
+ consul, 31;
+ his character, 31, 58;
+ had no military schooling, 31;
+ his work on analogy, 32;
+ his style, 33;
+ not one witty saying of him is recorded, 33;
+ gets Gaul as a province, 34;
+ founds a colony in Capua, 34;
+ estrangement between him and Cicero, 34;
+ his province belonged to him for five years, 37;
+ congress at Lucca, 39;
+ his commentaries, 39;
+ much to be expected from the MSS. for his _bellum Gallicum_, 40;
+ the MSS. _de bello civili_ to be traced to one single family, not so
+ those _de bello Gallico_, 40;
+ the other books, 40;
+ war with the Helvetians, 41;
+ against Ariovistus, 43;
+ victory near Besançon, 43;
+ conquers the Belgians, 44;
+ his conduct to the Usipetes and Tenchteri, 44;
+ victorious against the Veneti, 45;
+ goes to Britain, 45;
+ second expedition thither, 46;
+ crosses the Rhine twice, 46;
+ puts down the insurrection of Vercingetorix, 46;
+ made prisoner by the Gauls, 47;
+ has Vercingetorix put to death, 48;
+ is required to lay down the _imperium_, 51;
+ crosses the Rubicon, 53;
+ reaches Rome, 54;
+ to Brundusium, 55;
+ acts in Rome as a sovereign, 55;
+ goes to Spain, 56;
+ siege of Massilia, 56;
+ defeats Afranius and Petreius near Lerida, 56;
+ dictator, 57;
+ his law of debts, 57;
+ goes to Illyria, 58;
+ fails in his attempt against Dyrrachium, 58;
+ his bold march to Gomphi, 60;
+ battle of Pharsalus, 61;
+ the numbers which he gives are exaggerated, 61;
+ buries Pompey, 63;
+ the Alexandrine war, 64;
+ enslaved by Cleopatra, 65;
+ marches against Pharnaces, 65;
+ returns to Rome, 65;
+ meeting of the troops, 66;
+ surrounded in Thapsus, 67;
+ his victory, 67;
+ his Anti-Cato, 68;
+ goes to Spain, 70;
+ battle of Munda, 70;
+ his triumphs, 71;
+ regulates the calendar, 72;
+ plans a war against the Parthians, 73;
+ other plans, 73;
+ his places of honour, 74;
+ aspires to the title of king, 76;
+ want of courtesy to the senate, 76;
+ loves Brutus, 77;
+ pardons almost all his enemies, 78;
+ murdered, 80;
+ divine honours conferred upon him, 82;
+ his will, 83;
+ the finish of his style to be attributed to Cicero, 127;
+ his aim as a law-giver, 162.
+
+ _C. Cæsar._ See C. Agrippa.
+
+ _C. Cæsar_, called _Caligula_, son of Germanicus, conspires against
+ Tiberius, iii, 177;
+ not born on the banks of the Rhine, but at Antium, 177;
+ his madness, 177;
+ favourable reception from the Romans, 178;
+ the name of Caligula is not to be met with among the ancient writers,
+ but was only given him by the soldiers when a child, 178;
+ his sleeplessness, 179;
+ his waste, 179;
+ his war against the Germans, 179;
+ murdered, 180.
+
+ _Cæsar_, L. Julius, consul, author of the _lex Julia_ concerning the
+ franchise of the Italians, ii, 354.
+
+ _Q. Cæsar._ See L. Agrippa.
+
+ _Cæsar augusta_ (Saragossa), colony founded, iii, 150.
+
+ _Cæsarea_, a bashaw there forbids to speak Greek, i, 145;
+ destroyed by the Persians after a noble defence, iii, 281.
+
+ _Cæsetius Flavus_, tribune of the people, takes the diadem from Cæsar’s
+ statue, iii, 76.
+
+ _Calabria_, nearly the whole of it under Honorius is pasture land, ii,
+ 265.
+
+ _Calagurris_, siege of, ii, 403.
+
+ _Calatinus._ See Atilius.
+
+ _Calendar_ in Cæsar’s times, more than eighty days behind hand, ii,
+ 344; iii, 23;
+ regulated, 72.
+
+ _Cales_, colony, i, 455; ii, 106;
+ occupied by the Romans, i, 497.
+
+ _Caligula._ See C. Cæsar.
+
+ _Callicrates_, Roman party-leader in Achaia, ii, 209, 216.
+
+ _Callimachus_, ii, 198.
+
+ _Callicula_, mount, ii, 96.
+
+ CALONES, i, 178.
+
+ _Calpurnius_, his eclogues, iii, 292.
+
+ _L. Calpurnius Bestia_, ii, 314;
+ condemned, 316.
+
+ _M. Calpurnius Flamma_, ii, 16.
+
+ _Calpurnius._ See Piso.
+
+ _Camarina_ conquered by the Carthaginians, i, 575;
+ destroyed, ii, 4.
+
+ _Calvus_, C. Licinius, poet and orator;
+ Quinctilian’s and Tacitus’s opinion of him, iii, 127;
+ conf. Licinius.
+
+ _Cameria_, a _colonia Romana_, forms a separate community, i, 279.
+
+ _Camers_, treaty with Rome, i, 509;
+ Umbrian name of Clusium, 528.
+
+ _Camillus_, L. Furius, compelled by the Curies to go into exile, i, 94;
+ fictitious victory of his, 222;
+ his alleged condemnation by the tribes, 304;
+ appointed dictator, 356;
+ general against the Faliscans, 361;
+ accused of having enriched himself from the Veientine booty, 362;
+ goes to Ardea, 363;
+ probably condemned by the centuries, 363;
+ dictator, 380;
+ his appearance in Rome whilst the money was weighed to the Gauls,
+ fictitious, 382;
+ a second Romulus, 385;
+ dictator, to counteract Manlius Capitolinus, 394;
+ at the age of eighty appointed dictator against the Licinian
+ rogations, 402;
+ makes a vow to build a temple to _Concordia_, 402.
+
+ _Campanians_, their people is formed, i, 343;
+ Campanian legion at Rhegium, 573;
+ overpowered, 574;
+ properly speaking, in rank equal to the Romans, 572.
+ See Capua.
+
+ _Campania_, extent of the country, i, 424;
+ has a large _ager publicus_, ii, 282.
+
+ CAMPANUS, CAMPAS, appellatives derived from Capua, i, 161, 424.
+
+ _Campbells_, five thousand of them looked upon the Duke of Argyle as
+ their cousin, i, 159.
+
+ CAMPI CATALAUNICI, Champagne, not Chalons, iii, 340.
+
+ CAMPI RAUDII, battle, ii, 332.
+
+ _Camunians_, are of Etruscan race, i, 145;
+ stand their ground against the Gauls, 369.
+
+ CANDIDATI CÆSARIS, iii, 118.
+
+ _Candidus_, historian, iii, 327.
+
+ _Canidius_, lieutenant of Antony in the battle of Actium, iii, 112.
+
+ _Cannæ_ in Apulia, destroyed by earthquake, ii, 92;
+ battle, 99;
+ seems to have been fought before the second of August, 99;
+ the first satisfactory description given by Swinburne, 100;
+ fifty to sixty German miles distant from Rome, 103;
+ the surviving soldiers have to stay a long time in Sicily, 377.
+
+ _Canosa_, Prince of, witty but eccentric, ii, 298.
+
+ _Cantabrians_, are according to the ancients of different race from the
+ Turdetanians, according to Humboldt of the same, ii, 60;
+ a free nation, iii, 1;
+ Augustus’ war against them, 149.
+
+ _Canusium_, chief town of Apulia, i, 477.
+
+ _Canvassing_, for the first time met with under the second decemvirate,
+ i, 299.
+
+ _Capellianus_, lieutenant of Maximin in Mauritania, iii, 268.
+
+ _Capena_, its situation, i, 348, footnote;
+ disappears entirely, 362.
+
+ _Capenates_, hasten to the help of the Fidenates, i, 347.
+
+ _Capital punishment_, i, 316.
+
+ CAPITE SENSI, i, 178.
+
+ CAPITIS DEMINUTIO, i, 177.
+
+ _Capitol_, i, 378;
+ burned to ashes under Sylla, under Vitellius, iii, 201.
+
+ _Cappadocia_, kingdom of, ii, 361; iii, 121;
+ quarrels about the succession decided by Mithridates, ii, 360, 362;
+ given up by Mithridates, 377;
+ not completely surrendered, 407;
+ kingdom under Roman supremacy, iii, 161.
+
+ _Capreæ_, the most paradise like spot in the world, iii, 160.
+
+ _Capua_, founded in the year 283 by the Etruscans, i, 148, 342, 419;
+ history of the Etruscan colony, 420;
+ the Campanians ask for the help of the Romans, 420;
+ _equites Campani_, 420, 453;
+ shuts its gates from Pyrrhus, 560;
+ Hannibal master of it, ii, 104;
+ enjoys isopolity with Rome, under its own government, 104;
+ wealthy, 104;
+ _effeminate_, 104;
+ separates from Rome and forms a league with Hannibal, 104;
+ three hundred Campanians serve with the Romans in Sicily, 104;
+ put the Romans to death in overheated bath rooms, 105;
+ besieged by the Romans, 111;
+ taken, 113;
+ colony founded by Jul. Cæsar, iii, 34.
+
+ _Caput_, the place where the liver is grown to the midriff, in Italian
+ _capo_, i, 440.
+
+ _Caracalla_, eldest son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254;
+ this appellation is so generally bestowed on him only by the moderns,
+ in the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_ it is Caracallus, 254;
+ emperor, 256;
+ murders his brother, 256;
+ his cruelty, 256;
+ travels through the provinces, 257;
+ massacre at Alexandria, 257;
+ grants the right of citizenship to all the subjects of the Roman
+ empire, 257;
+ his taste for gladiatorial arts, 258;
+ war against the Parthians, 258;
+ his fondness for Alexander the Great, 258;
+ murdered, 259;
+ fine busts of his age, 275.
+
+ _Carausius_, revolts against Diocletian, iii, 296.
+
+ _Carbo_, E. Papirius, an unworthy disciple of Tib. Gracchus, ii, 288;
+ his character, 288;
+ leaves his party, 306;
+ consul, 306;
+ takes away his own life, 306.
+
+ _Carbo_, Cn. Papirius, consul, defeated near Noreia by the Cimbrians,
+ ii, 324.
+
+ _Carbo_, Cn. Papirius, joins Sylla, ii, 371;
+ consul, tyrant, 375;
+ consul, 380;
+ war in Etruria, 382;
+ flies to Africa, 383.
+
+ _Carchedon_, ii, 2.
+
+ _Caria_, belonging to Egypt, ii, 145;
+ to the Rhodians, 183;
+ taken from the latter by the Romans, 219.
+
+ _Carians_, after the destruction of Troy, push forward from the
+ interior country to the coast of Asia Minor, i, 144;
+ had attained to a considerable degree of civilization, even before
+ they were hellenized, ii, 2.
+
+ _Carinus_, son of Carus, profligate, iii, 290.
+
+ _Carmen_, formula, i, 93.
+
+ _Carmentalis Porta_, i, 263, footnote.
+
+ _Carnians_, i, 369;
+ attacked in Noricum by the Cimbrians, ii, 323.
+
+ _Carnot_, opposes masses to the thin lines of the enemy, ii, 14.
+
+ _Caroline_, Queen of Naples, iii, 102.
+
+ _Carpenters_, i, 177.
+
+ _Carseoli_, Roman colony, i, 505.
+
+ _Carthage_, _Carthaginians_, oldest alliance with Rome, i, 195;
+ renewed several times, 573; ii, 3;
+ spreads in Sicily, i, 566;
+ inclined to conclude peace with Pyrrhus, 566;
+ attack Pyrrhus on his passage to Italy, 567;
+ alliance with Rome, 574;
+ fleet of one hundred and twenty ships before Ostia, 574;
+ fleet appears in the roadstead of Tarentum, 574;
+ conquer Gela, Camarina, and other towns, and encamp before Syracuse,
+ 575;
+ peace with Dionysius, 575;
+ is a colony of Tyre, ii, 1;
+ date of its foundation, 1;
+ origin of the legend of the bullock’s hide, 2;
+ was originally called Kartha chadta, new town, 2;
+ dependence upon the Libyan peoples and Tyre, 2;
+ makes its first appearance as a power about the middle of the third
+ century of Rome;
+ conquered by Malcus, 3;
+ against Gelon of Syracuse and Theron of Agrigentum, 3;
+ chronological objections to this statement, 3;
+ confined in Sicily to Motye, Panormus, and Solois, 4;
+ after the defeat of the Athenians, Carthaginians send a considerable
+ army over to Sicily, 4;
+ besiege Syracuse under Agathocles, 4;
+ peace on the basis of the river Himera forming the boundary, 4;
+ extent of their rule in the beginning of the first Punic war, 4;
+ factories on the coast of Algiers, 5;
+ constitution, 5;
+ the Hundred and Four, 6, 168;
+ mode of taxation of the subjects, 7;
+ they keep mercenaries, and have only a cavalry of their own, 7;
+ they were probably drawn up in a phalanx, just like the Greeks 10;
+ they had family-names and bye-names, 10;
+ their generals are very bad at the beginning of the war, 11;
+ reverse near the Liparian isles, 15;
+ had pulled down the walls of all the towns from fear of rebellions,
+ 20;
+ treatment of the subjects, 20;
+ never employed their citizens as soldiers, but only as officers, 30;
+ try to get a loan from Ptolemy, 35;
+ their distress after the first Punic war, 44;
+ war of the mercenaries, 44;
+ new peace with Rome, 46;
+ their rule deeply hated in Africa, very easy in Spain, 59;
+ their weakness is this, that they have no national army of their own,
+ 59;
+ their empire in Spain, 61;
+ their generals not only keep their office for life, but they also
+ bequeath it at their death to others as an heir-loom, 61;
+ are at the beginning of the second Punic war in possession of
+ Andalusia and the greater part of Valencia, 70;
+ boundaries of their empire there, 70;
+ their fleet makes its appearance off the coast of Etruria, 70;
+ have commissaries in the camp of Hannibal, 73;
+ have no fleet of any importance in the beginning of Hannibal’s war,
+ 73;
+ their army encamps in the neighbourhood of Syracuse, to relieve it,
+ but is destroyed by the unwholesome air, 117;
+ they make proposals of peace, 137;
+ take a Roman fleet during the truce, 139;
+ the democratical element is considerably on the increase after the
+ second Punic war, 168;
+ Ordo judicum, the Hundred and Four to be compared with the
+ state-inquisition of Venice, 168;
+ war with Masinissa, 229;
+ extent of territory, 230;
+ their arms given up to Rome, 233;
+ last demands previous to the third Punic war, 233;
+ despair, 233;
+ topography, 234, 239;
+ siege, 241;
+ they build a new fleet, 241;
+ conquest of the town, 243;
+ colony of C. Gracchus, 301;
+ their library given to the Numidian kings, 310;
+ conf. _Hamilcar_, _Hannibal_, etc.
+
+ _Carthage_, Roman, its situation, ii, 240;
+ colony established by Cæsar, iii, 74;
+ the second city of the Western Empire, 234, 338;
+ literary opposition to Rome, 234;
+ many Christians there, 273;
+ profligacy of the people, 338.
+
+ _Carthagena_, _Carthago nova_, founded by Hamilcar or Hasdrubal on
+ account of the silver mines, ii, 59;
+ important place of arms, 124;
+ taken, 124.
+
+ _Carthalo_, Carthaginian ambassador not received by Rome, ii, 106.
+
+ _Carus_, _præfectus prætorio_, raised to the throne, iii, 289;
+ descent, 289;
+ war against the Persians, 290;
+ his death, 290.
+
+ _Carvilius_, Sp., completes the reduction of Samnium, i, 569.
+
+ _Carvilius_, Sp., brings forward a motion during the war of Hannibal,
+ to complete the Roman senate, i, 342.
+
+ _Casca_, iii, 80.
+
+ _Cascans_, name of the conquering people in Italy, i, 104;
+ _cascus_, quaint, 105.
+
+ _Casilinum._ See Casinum.
+
+ _Casinum_, town of the Samnites, i, 480;
+ fortified, 497;
+ confounded with Casilinum, ii, 96;
+ Roman colony, 106.
+
+ _Casperius_, præfect, iii, 215.
+
+ _Cassander_ expels Æacidas from his kingdom, 553.
+
+ _Cassius_, prætor, iii, 76;
+ his character, 78;
+ quarrel between him and Brutus, 78;
+ demands the death of Antony, 81;
+ spoke Greek, 84;
+ goes to Greece, 88;
+ outlawed, 91;
+ in possession of Syria, 95;
+ battle of Philippi, 97;
+ death, 98.
+
+ _Cassius, Dio._ See Dio.
+
+ _C. Cassius Hemina_ wrote a history of Rome, i, 26.
+
+ _C. Cassius Longinus_, honoured as the justest man, goes as
+ commissioner of inquiry to Africa, ii, 314;
+ patrician, 315.
+
+ _L. Cassius Longinus_, defeated by the Cimbrians and Teutones, ii, 324.
+
+ _Sp. Cassius_, his league with the Latins, i, 220, 246, 248;
+ his agrarian law, 256;
+ executed for high treason, 257;
+ question of his guilt or innocence, 257;
+ his family goes over to the Plebs, 258;
+ a son or grandson of his is tribune of the people, 325.
+
+ _Cassius of Parma_, one of the murderers of Jul. Cæsar, iii, 113.
+
+ _Cassius Severus_, his opinion on Cicero, iii, 95.
+
+ _Cassubians_ are Sclavonians, speak Wendish to this day, i, 367.
+
+ _Castes_ in the ancient states remained always exclusive, i, 158.
+
+ CASTRA CORNELIA, ii, 135.
+
+ CASTRUM PRÆTORIANUM, iii, 125, 175.
+
+ _Catalaunici._ See Campi.
+
+ _Catamitus_, Latin form instead of Ganymedes, ii, 194.
+
+ _Catana_, an ally of Carthage, i, 578;
+ opens its gates to the Romans, 581;
+ Roman, ii, 116.
+
+ _Catapults_ invented in Syracuse for Dionysius, i, 354.
+
+ _Catiline_, become a popular character, iii, 12;
+ his character, 13;
+ his object, 13;
+ Cicero’s saying of him, 14;
+ an action _repetundarum_ brought against him, 14;
+ Cicero’s attack on him in the senate, 22;
+ he leaves Rome, 22;
+ in Etruria, 22;
+ his death, 24.
+
+ _Cato_, M. Porcius, Censorius, his _Origines_, i, 26;
+ treated the Roman history ethnographically, 26;
+ plan of his work, 26;
+ fragment _de sumtu suo_, ii, 190;
+ his character, 191;
+ conquers the heights which command the Thermopylæ, 173;
+ carries on wars in Spain, 201;
+ his cunning, 201;
+ interests himself for the Rhodians, 219;
+ brings an impeachment against Galba, 224;
+ urges in the senate that Carthage should be destroyed, 231;
+ learned Greek only late in life, 191.
+
+ _Cato_, M. Porcius, of Utica, his vote in Catiline’s affair, iii, 23,
+ 68;
+ dreams of olden times, 32;
+ votes for having Cæsar given up to the Germans, 45;
+ leaves Sicily where he was prætor, 56;
+ in Africa, 66;
+ takes the command of Utica, 66;
+ his character, 67;
+ death, 69.
+
+ _Cato_, Valerius, his Diræ are very doubtful, iii, 129.
+
+ _Catullus_ means by _gens Romulique Ancique_ the _Populus_ and the
+ Plebes, i, 171;
+ Cicero’s kindness to him, iii, 26;
+ is the greatest poet Rome ever had, 128, 136;
+ his superiority not acknowledged until the end of the eighteenth
+ century, 133;
+ in independent circumstances, 139.
+
+ _Catulus_, Q. Lutatius, consul, defeats the Carthaginians near the
+ Ægatian islands, thereby putting an end to the first Punic war, ii,
+ 39.
+
+ _Catulus_, Q. Lutatius, consul, a fair author, left memoirs in Greek,
+ ii, 328;
+ falls back upon the Po, 331;
+ victory near Vercelli, 332;
+ death, 373.
+
+ _Catulus_, Q. Lutatius, head of the aristocracy, ii, 395;
+ an honest man, 396;
+ wants to have steps taken against Cæsar, iii, 30.
+
+ _Cavalry_, always the worst part of the Roman army, i, 440, 559;
+ Thessalian cavalry excellent, 559;
+ the Roman was in the battle of Zama superior to that of the
+ Carthaginians, ii, 141.
+
+ _Cavalry service_, the terms belonging to it of Celtic origin, iii,
+ 156.
+
+ _Cauca_, its horrible fate, ii, 223.
+
+ _Caudinians_, sprung from Sabine stock, i, 120;
+ seem to have declared for Hannibal, whilst he was still on his march
+ to Capua, ii, 107;
+ carry on the Marsian war, 358.
+
+ _Caudium_, i, 421;
+ the capital of the Caudine Samnites, 487;
+ battle in the Caudine passes, 488;
+ what the yoke was, 490;
+ the peace ratified in Rome, 490;
+ broken, 491;
+ the town razed to the ground, 534.
+
+ _Caulonia_, i, 458.
+
+ _Celer_ slays Remus, i, 115.
+
+ _Celeres_, the patrician knights, i, 199.
+
+ _Celtiberians_, mixture of Celts and Iberians, i, 367;
+ a brave people, ii, 60;
+ their country, 202;
+ peace of Gracchus, 60;
+ won over by Viriathus, 258;
+ war with the Romans, 260;
+ their tribes, 260;
+ seem to have had republican institutions, 260;
+ oppose the Cimbrians, 325.
+
+ _Celtiberian_ war, ii, 223.
+
+ _Celts_, some of their tribes keep their ground in Spain longer than
+ others, i, 146;
+ had Greek letters, 366;
+ according to tradition, Britain one of their most ancient seats, 366;
+ met with in Britain, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, 366;
+ possessed once the whole of Spain with the exception of Andalusia,
+ besides southern France, Ireland, and part of England, 367;
+ driven by the Iberians across the Pyrenees into Aquitain, ii, 60;
+ barbarians, 71;
+ destroyed south of the Po, 164.
+
+ _Cenis_, (Mount,) there was, in times of old, no road over it, ii, 77.
+
+ _Cenomanians_, place themselves under the protection of the Romans, ii,
+ 52;
+ between the Adda and the Lago di Garda, 55.
+
+ _Censors_ would place a plebeian in the equestrian body as a mark of
+ distinction, i, 179;
+ are already elected in conformity with the law of the twelve tables,
+ 328;
+ the first censors are not mentioned as consuls either in the _Fasti_
+ or the _libri magistratuum_, but only in one of the _libri
+ lintei_, 328;
+ have jurisdiction, 332;
+ the consuls are said to have formerly had their functions, 332;
+ their office, 333;
+ their registers are double, 333;
+ deprived of their arbitrary sway, 335;
+ their power had no reference to the patricians, 335;
+ they had also a moral control, 336;
+ two plebeians are censors, ii, 266.
+
+ _Censorinus._ See Marcius.
+
+ _Censorship_ established, i, 328;
+ plebeians first entitled by law to hold it, 446.
+
+ _Census_ in Rome required very extensive book-keeping, i, 4;
+ affected realized property only, 179;
+ was not a property-tax, but a land-tax, 179;
+ before the Gallic calamity, 375;
+ the Attic census was a real property-tax, 179;
+ the census disturbed, ii, 344;
+ the _census senatori_ is raised to a million sesterces, iii, 119.
+
+ _Centenius_, ii, 93.
+
+ CENTESIMÆ, i, 388.
+
+ _Centoripa_, independent after the first Punic war, ii, 41.
+
+ _Centumcellæ_, (Civitavecchia,) harbour built, iii, 222;
+ baths at the hot springs, 223.
+
+ CENTUMVIRI, judges in questions of MEUM and TUUM, i, 404;
+ plebeian judges to decide in all cases concerning Quiritary property,
+ 313.
+
+ _Centuria_, a square in assignations, i, 256.
+
+ _Centuries_ and tribes, originally the same thing, i, 140;
+ the centuries of Servius Tullius, 174;
+ they could not vote on any subject which had not been laid before
+ them by the senate, 184;
+ no one could get up and speak in them, 184;
+ could legally transact business on the _dies comitiales_ only, 269;
+ a grand national court of justice, 303;
+ decrees of the senate are laid before them, as late as in Tiberius’
+ times, iii, 119.
+
+ _Centurions_, non-commissioned officers, i, 434.
+
+ _Cephalenia_, laid waste by the Romans, i, 175.
+
+ _Ceraunian_ rocks, sudden squalls there, i, 556.
+
+ _Ceres_, bread distributed at her temple, i, 183; ii, 295.
+
+ _Ceremonial_ of the East, transplanted by Diocletian into the Roman
+ court, iii, 295.
+
+ _Cerinthus_, iii, 138.
+
+ _Cethegus_, P. Cornelius, ii, 200;
+ outlawed with Marius, surrenders to Sylla, ii, 382.
+
+ _Cetræ_, linen coats of mail, ii, 10.
+
+ _Chæreas_ writes a history of the first Punic war, spoken of with
+ censure by Polybius, ii, 62.
+
+ _Chæronea_, the battle there, and the downfall of the Latins takes
+ place in the same year, i, 457;
+ battle in which Sylla defeats the Asiatics, 375.
+
+ _Chalcedon_, destroyed by the Goths, iii, 278;
+ oracle concerning its foundation, 296.
+
+ _Chalcis_, pillaged, ii, 155;
+ evacuated by the Romans, 163;
+ joins the Achæans in the war against Rome, 253;
+ destroyed, 255.
+
+ _Chalcis_, name of Cleopatra’s empire in Asia, ii, 108.
+
+ _Champagne_, has calcareous soil, ii, 99.
+
+ _Charilaus_, i, 473.
+
+ _Charisius_, encyclopedist, iii, 323.
+
+ _Charles_, Archduke of Austria, his military talent, i, 553.
+
+ _Charles_ XII., his march to Pultawa, iii, 60.
+
+ _Charlemagne_, fabulous accounts of his expedition to Jerusalem, across
+ the Alps, and others, in the chronicles, i, 86;
+ is stated to have driven all the Lombards out of Italy, 222;
+ in his laws the period is fixed, during which the people are bound to
+ service, 350.
+
+ _Charops_, a chieftain of the Epirote republic, betrays Philip, ii,
+ 154;
+ brought up in Rome, 209.
+
+ _Chateaubriand_ neither more nor less than a bad Lucan, iii, 186.
+
+ _Chatti_, in the country about the Mayne, Domitian’s expedition against
+ them, iii, 211;
+ defensive war of the Romans, 242.
+
+ _Chauci_, iii, 156.
+
+ _Chersonesus_, belonging to Egypt, ii, 145;
+ fortified by the Romans, ii, 167;
+ situation, 176;
+ abandoned by Antiochus, 176.
+
+ _Cherusci_ reduced by Drusus, iii, 153;
+ by Tiberius, 154.
+
+ _China_, the old books are destroyed, but restored from the memory of
+ old men and the supplements of the astronomers, i, 7
+
+ _Chios_, in confederacy with Byzantium, ii, 145;
+ allied with Egypt, 148;
+ sea fight, 148;
+ free, 151;
+ in a league with Attalus, 152.
+
+ _Choiseul_, Duc de, iii, 72.
+
+ _Christian_ VII. of Denmark, his insanity shown by his sleeplessness,
+ iii, 179.
+
+ _Christian literature_, iii, 325.
+
+ _Christian religion_ taken up by many like any other theurgy, iii, 251.
+
+ _Christians_, persecution of, iii, 273;
+ by Diocletian, 297.
+
+ _Christianity_, its spread unjustly reproached with having driven out
+ the fine arts, iii, 224;
+ Severus’ reign favourable to it, 252;
+ increase of the number of Christians, 273;
+ in the west in towns only, not in the country, 273;
+ in the east in minority, but with life and energy, 312;
+ its working, 338.
+
+ _Chronographies_ of the Greeks, i, 5.
+
+ _Chronology_ of the earliest Roman history made according to a system
+ of numbers, i, 84;
+ in the first thirty years of the republic there are wanting in Livy
+ three pairs of consuls, given by Dionysius, 306;
+ the war of Porsena is to be dated ten years later than is generally
+ stated, 215;
+ no fixed date for the battle at the Regillus, 219;
+ the story of Coriolanus placed in a wrong time, 244;
+ irregularity in the Fasti at the tribuneship of Lucinius and Sextius,
+ 399;
+ the conquest of Rome by the Gauls is thought by the ancients to have
+ happened under Archon Pyrgion (Ol. 98, 1), 400;
+ chronology is very unsettled towards the end of the fourth century on
+ account of the uncertain change of the magistrates, 407;
+ Cato’s chronology is followed by Livy, 407;
+ and likewise by Polybius, 533;
+ that of Cato to be preferred to that of Varro, 533;
+ a perfectly satisfactory Roman chronology possible only from the time
+ of the first Punic war, 533;
+ according to Cato the birth of Christ happens in the year 752, 546.
+
+ _Chrysogonus_, ii, 390; iii, 17.
+
+ _Chrysostomus_, Dio, see Dio.
+
+ _St. Chrysostom_ appeases the emperor Theodosius, iii, 322.
+
+ _Cibalis_, battle, iii, 300.
+
+ _Cicero_, M. Tullius, the MSS. of the books _de legibus_ have all of
+ them, in the fifteenth century, been copied from one single MS, i,
+ 8;
+ the books _de Divinatione_ exist only in bad MSS, 21;
+ little versed in Roman history, 21;
+ incorrect sometimes with regard to the prænomens, 21;
+ the books de _Oratore_ and _Brutus_ are corrupted in many little
+ passages, 28;
+ the MSS. of Brutus do not date higher than 1430, 28;
+ speaks unfavourably of Licinius Macer, 33;
+ was unsuited for the task of writing history, 36;
+ a revolution in literature has been brought about by him, 172;
+ seems to have seen the tablets of Sp. Cassius, 220;
+ the old writers not to his taste, ii, 196;
+ the introduction of the _Somnium Scipionis_ not historical, 239;
+ taken in by the hypocrisy of those in power with regard to the affair
+ of the Gracchi, 283;
+ is to be blamed as the author of erroneous opinions on many subjects,
+ 285;
+ explanation of the _duodecim coloniæ_ in the oration _pro Cæcina_,
+ 302;
+ as a youth of seventeen introduced by his father into the presence of
+ the statesmen of the age, 313;
+ mistaken with regard to L. Opimius, 316;
+ his love for Marius, 327;
+ does not allow himself to be overawed, 337;
+ oration _de imperio Cn. Pompeii_, not _pro lege Manilia_, iii, 9;
+ defended Catiline before a court of justice, 14;
+ his youth, 15;
+ had in poetry all his life long the old Roman tinge, 16;
+ unwarlike, 16;
+ his knowledge of the law, 16;
+ the inward struggle of his mind, 17;
+ orations _pro Roscio Comædo_, _pro Quinctio_, _pro Roscio Amerino_,
+ and others, 17;
+ goes to Rhodes, 17;
+ defects of his education, 17;
+ his wit, 18, 33;
+ his friendship with Atticus sprung up only in later years, 18;
+ his marriage, 18,
+ the source of his boastfulness, 19;
+ accusation of Verres, 19;
+ orations for and against Vatinius, for Gabinius, for Rabirius
+ Postumus, 20;
+ answer of the Delphian oracle on him, 21, footnote;
+ consul, 21;
+ orations against Rullus, 21;
+ his sensibility, 24;
+ oration for Murena, 26;
+ attaches young men to himself, 26;
+ not a weak character, 26;
+ against Clodius, 27;
+ tacks between the two parties, 32;
+ speaks against a colony in Capua, 34;
+ estranged from Cæsar, 34;
+ leaves Rome, 36;
+ his house pulled down, rebuilt by the emperor Claudius, burnt down
+ again in Nero’s fire, 36;
+ recalled, 36;
+ oration for Flaccus, 37;
+ speaks for the assignment of the provinces to Pompey, Crassus, and
+ Cæsar, 37;
+ loses his presence of mind in pleading for Milo, 38;
+ proconsul of Cilicia, 39;
+ tries to mediate the peace between Cæsar and Pompey, 39;
+ in his books, _de Republica_, his conviction of the want of a king
+ distinctly to be remarked, 75;
+ his affection for Brutus, 77;
+ for Virgil, 77;
+ slander against him, 79;
+ his Greek has a foreign air about it, 84;
+ allows himself to be entrapped by Octavian, 85;
+ _de Officiis_, _de Divinatione_, _de Fato_, _Topica_, _de Gloria_,
+ 85;
+ stops at Rhegium, 86;
+ opposition against Antony, 86;
+ second Philippic, 87;
+ the question of the letters to Brutus being genuine or forged, 88;
+ oration _pro Marcello_, 88;
+ his death, 94;
+ his literary character, 94;
+ his oration _pro Cælio_, 95.
+
+ _Cicero_, M. Tullius, the son, iii, 94.
+
+ _Cicero_, Q. Tullius, a worthless man, iii, 18;
+ with Cæsar in Spain, 35;
+ nearly destroyed by the Eburones, 46.
+
+ _Ciceroniani_, iii, 94.
+
+ _Cid_, the romances of him have more historical matter in them than
+ many others, i, 85.
+
+ _Cilicia_, iii, 8;
+ well suited for pirates, 9;
+ hardly the rudiments of Greek learning to be met there, 69.
+
+ _Cilnii_, iii, 144.
+
+ _Cimber_, C. Tillius, iii, 80.
+
+ _Cimbrians_ did not come from Jutland, but from the East, i, 370;
+ their first appearance in the Roman empire, ii, 308.
+
+ _Cimbri_ and _Teutones_ on the frontiers of Italy, ii, 322;
+ their descent, 322;
+ on the middle of the Danube, 323;
+ march into Gaul, 324;
+ defeat the Romans, 324;
+ turn towards Spain, 325;
+ go round the northern range of the Alps, 328;
+ burst upon Italy, 330;
+ remarks on their passage over the Adige, 331;
+ defeated at Vercelli, 332;
+ destroyed, 333.
+
+ _Ciminia silva_, i, 506, 508.
+
+ _Cincinnatus_ L. Quinctius, alleged cause of his poverty, i, 281;
+ the poem on his dictatorship, 282;
+ brings about the condemnation of Volscius, 284;
+ dictator, 338.
+
+ _C. Cincius Alimentus_ wrote Roman history in Greek, i, 22;
+ made prisoner in the second Punic war, 22;
+ had from Hannibal an account of his passage over the Alps, 22;
+ called _maximus auctor_ by Livy, 22;
+ wrote _de Potestate Consulum_, and on the Roman Calendar in Latin,
+ 22;
+ made researches on the monuments of ancient times, 108;
+ the second Punic war formed the exclusive substance of its work, ii,
+ 62;
+ excellent, 63.
+
+ _Cineas_ goes to Tarentum, i, 555;
+ his character, 555;
+ how far he might be called a pupil of Demosthenes, 555;
+ comes to Rome, 561;
+ his uncommon tact and extraordinary memory, 561.
+
+ _Cinna_, L. Cornelius, consul, attached to Marius, ii, 369;
+ heads the democracy, 369;
+ aims at absolute power, 370;
+ at the head of the Italians, 370;
+ deprived of his consulship, 370;
+ returns to Rome with Sertorius, 371;
+ defeats Cn. Pompeius, 372;
+ consul for the second time, 373;
+ killed by his soldiers, 375.
+
+ _Cinna._ See Helvius.
+
+ _Circeii_, colony of Tarquin the Proud, i, 197;
+ at the time of Sp. Cassius still a Latin town, 246, 344;
+ the colony restored, 345.
+
+ _Circus Flaminius_ was for the plebeians what the Circus Maximus was
+ for the patricians, i, 312.
+
+ _Circus Maximus._ See Circus Flaminius.
+
+ _Cirta_, capital of Syphax, ii, 131.
+
+ _Cité_, i, 167.
+
+ _Cities_, large cities are always a proof of immigration, i, 103;
+ spring up in Germany, particularly after the tenth century, 167.
+
+ _Citizens sine suffragio_ were not received in plebeian tribes, i, 174.
+
+ _Citizenship_, its rights and obligations probably ceased at the
+ sixtieth year, i, 181.
+
+ _Cittadini_, corresponding to _Populus_, i, 166.
+
+ _Civilis_, rebellion, iii, 204.
+
+ CIVITAS SINE SUFFRAGIO, i, 448.
+
+ CIVITATES FŒDERATÆ, in the provinces, ii, 41.
+
+ CIVITATES LIBERÆ, in the provinces, ii, 41.
+
+ _Clans_ of the Highlanders are called after individuals, i, 159.
+
+ _Clapperton and Denham_ hear, in the interior of Soudan, of the
+ insurrection in Greece, i, 469;
+ meet among the Tuarics with an alphabet which is quite distinct from
+ the Arabic, ii, 310.
+
+ _Classes_ in the Lombard towns, i, 161.
+
+ _Classis_, a host of heavy armed men, i, 177, footnote.
+
+ _Clastidium_, battle, ii, 56;
+ between Piacenza and Alessandria, 57.
+
+ _Claudian_ of Alexandria, a true poetical genius, iii, 324.
+
+ _Claudian family_, the character for insolence hereditary in it, ii,
+ 34.
+
+ _Ap. Claudius_, consul, 233;
+ his opposition against the Plebes, 272.
+
+ _Ap. Claudius_, the decemvir president of the senate, i, 307;
+ his crime against Virginia, 309;
+ dies in prison, 316.
+
+ _Ap. Claudius_, goes over to Sicily, i, 580.
+
+ _Ap. Claudius_, proconsul, his forbearance at Capua, ii, 113;
+ prætor, negotiates with the Syracusans, 115.
+
+ _Ap. Claudius_, father-in-law of Tib. Gracchus, ii, 279.
+
+ _Ap. Claudius Cæcus_, the grammarians still knew his moral maxims, i,
+ 16;
+ Cicero read a speech of his against Pyrrhus, 16;
+ his character, 512;
+ places freedmen in a mass among the tribes, 514;
+ enters them on the rolls of the senate, 516;
+ his list was never made use of, 517;
+ claims the censorship during five years, 517;
+ makes the Appian road, 517;
+ cuts a canal through the Pontine marshes, 517;
+ brings an aqueduct to Rome, 518;
+ is said to have undertaken his works without any authority from the
+ senate, 519;
+ opposes Volumnius, 527;
+ turns the scales with regard to the proposals of Cineas, 561.
+
+ _Claudius_, Emperor, writes history, i, 87;
+ fragment of a speech of his on the Lugdunensian tablets, 87;
+ his stupidity, 88;
+ honest, 191;
+ without any sort of criticism, 192;
+ hides himself, iii, 180,
+ brother of Germanicus, 180;
+ character, 181;
+ writes memoirs of Augustus, 182;
+ consul, 182;
+ unfortunate in marriage, 182;
+ ruled by slaves and freedmen, 183;
+ his buildings, 183;
+ expedition against Britain, 184;
+ his death, 184.
+
+ _M. Claudius Glycia_, son of a freedman, appointed dictator by P.
+ Claudius, ii, 33;
+ resigns his dignity, 34.
+
+ _P. Claudius_, son (grandson?) of Claudius Cæcus, leads reinforcements
+ to the Romans in Sicily, ii, 31;
+ his defeat near Drepana, 32;
+ is condemned to severe punishment for having appointed the son of a
+ freedman dictator, 33;
+ his sister condemned, 34.
+
+ _Q. Claudius._ See Quadrigarius.
+
+ _Claudius_, M. Aurelius Gothicus, emperor, a great man, iii, 284;
+ defeats the Goths, 284;
+ his death, 284.
+
+ _Clavus_ knocked in by the dictator on the Ides of September, i, 237.
+
+ _Cleanthes_, iii, 68.
+
+ _Clement_ of Alexandria, iii, 235.
+
+ _Cleomenes_, ii, 145;
+ destroys Megalopolis, 248.
+
+ _Cleonymus_, in the pay of Tarentum, i, 461;
+ forces the Lucanians to make peace, 510;
+ taken into pay by one of the Sicilian parties against Agathocles of
+ Syracuse, 511;
+ seizes upon Corcyra, 511;
+ marches to Venetia and against Padua, 511;
+ dies in Sparta at an advanced age, 511.
+
+ _Cleopatra_, sister of Ptolemy Philometor, ii, 221.
+
+ _Cleopatra_, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, iii, 62;
+ flies to Syria, 63;
+ declared Queen by Cæsar, 65;
+ goes to Cilicia to join Antony, 101;
+ receives Cœlesyria, Judæa, and Cyprus, from Antony, 108;
+ married to Antony, 110;
+ takes to flight in the battle of Actium, 111;
+ tries to gain over Octavian, 113;
+ her death, 114.
+
+ _Clientes_ (_cluentes_), from _cluere_, to hear, i, 170.
+
+ _Clientship_, earliest origin of it, i, 117;
+ its nature, 263;
+ different causes of its origin, 170;
+ its dangerous character, ii, 42.
+
+ _Clients_, are in the curies, i, 226;
+ enter into the tribes, 304;
+ appear in the centuries, 327.
+
+ _Clisthenes_, takes the _Ager Atticus_ as the basis for the division of
+ the Athenian people, i, 172.
+
+ _Clitarchus_, historian, i, 469; ii, 392.
+
+ _Clivus Publicius_, leads from the Circus to the Aventine, i, 305.
+
+ CLOACA MAXIMA, i, 138;
+ equal in extent and bulk to the pyramids, 138;
+ of hewn Alban freestone, 138;
+ uncertain whether built by Tarquinius Priscus, or by his son
+ Superbus, 138;
+ described, 188.
+
+ _Clockius_, i, 55.
+
+ _Clodia_, Antonius’ stepdaughter, betrothed to Augustus, iii, 143.
+
+ _Clodius._ See Albinus.
+
+ _P. Clodius_, brother-in-law of Lucullus, plays the mutineer against
+ him, iii, 8;
+ his descent, 27;
+ his profligacy, 27;
+ adopted by a plebeian and made tribune, 28;
+ sells the government of the provinces, 35;
+ impeaches Cicero, 35;
+ slain, 38.
+
+ _Clœlia_, her flight, i, 214.
+
+ _Clovis_ not allowed to appropriate to himself any exclusive share in
+ the booty, i, 204.
+
+ _Cluilia Fossa_, i, 108, 127.
+
+ _Cluilius_, general of the Albans, i, 127.
+
+ _Clupea_ (Aspis), town in Africa, ii, 20;
+ taken by the Romans, 20;
+ rises against Carthage, 44.
+
+ _Clusium_, in the war of Porsena, the chief town of the Etruscans, i,
+ 131;
+ Gauls before the town, 372;
+ destroyed, ii, 383.
+
+ _Cluver_, Philip, his _Italia Antiqua_ and _Sicilia_, i, 75.
+
+ _Cocceius_, iii, 103.
+
+ _Cœlesyria_ detached from Egypt, ii, 221.
+
+ _Cœlius._ See Cælius.
+
+ _L. Cœlius Antipater_, i, 36;
+ lived in the middle of the seventh century, many things in Livy,
+ particularly the romantic accounts to be traced to him, ii, 63;
+ Cicero speaks slightingly of him, 63, 308.
+
+ COHORTES URBANÆ, iii, 123.
+
+ _Coins_, of Sybaris preserved, i, 4;
+ are very good guides of history since the time of Hadrian, iii, 242.
+
+ _Cologne_, there were there three orders, each of fifteen houses, i,
+ 161;
+ the second and third order were admitted to offices later than the
+ first, 162;
+ seat of the government of Gaul, iii, 283;
+ devastated, 308;
+ chronicle of Cologne excellent, i, 13, 125, 202.
+
+ _Collatinus_, chronological impossibility of the accounts of him, i,
+ 81;
+ goes to Lavinium, 136;
+ patrician consul, 202.
+
+ _Collin_, battle, the employment of the oblique line of battle
+ dangerous, ii, 101.
+
+ _Colline gate_, its locality, i, 411;
+ battle, ii, 382.
+
+ _Colonia Ulpia_, iii, 219.
+
+ _Coloniæ Romanæ_, exclusively Roman colonies, i, 346;
+ in southern Italy, ii, 106.
+
+ _Colonial system_ of the Romans, i, 417;
+ of the Greeks, 417;
+ of the Samnites, 418;
+ of the Spaniards in Mexico, 420;
+ development of the Roman system, iii, 274.
+
+ _Colonies_, Latin, i, 104;
+ their history, ii, 384;
+ conf. i, 452;
+ twelve out of thirty had furnished no contingent during the
+ expedition of Hannibal, ii, 187;
+ south of the Po, 200;
+ twelve of M. Livius Drusus, 302;
+ Julian, iii, 101.
+
+ _Colonies_ sent into conquered towns, how it was done, i, 250.
+
+ _Colosseum_ built by Vespasian, iii, 207;
+ its dedication celebrated by Titus, 208.
+
+ _Colossus_ on the Capitoline hill, i, 498.
+
+ _Columna rostrata_, the general representations quite unauthentical, it
+ was perhaps cast from the beaks of conquered ships, ii, 15;
+ the inscription is not the original one, but restored by Germanicus,
+ 16.
+
+ _Comana_, temple of Anaitis, ii, 407.
+
+ _Comedy_ had quite gone down in the time of Augustus, iii, 129, 141.
+
+ COMITIA TRIBUTA have the initiative in passing laws, i, 201.
+
+ _Comitium_, junction of the Roman and the Sabine senates, i, 118.
+
+ COMMENTARII PONTIFICUM, i, 10;
+ are not as old as they would have us believe, 10.
+
+ _Commercium_, explained, i, 171.
+
+ _Commodus, emperor_, iii, 247;
+ his character, 247;
+ his prodigality, 248;
+ calls himself Hercules, 248;
+ murdered, 249.
+
+ _Commune_, Italian for Plebs, i, 166, 168.
+
+ _Communication_ was much easier in ancient times than in the twelfth
+ and thirteenth centuries, i, 469.
+
+ _Communism_, iii, 326.
+
+ _Community_, right of, i, 165.
+
+ _Companies of trade_ traced back to Numa, i, 177.
+
+ _Compsa_ in the country of the Hirpinians destroyed, ii, 406.
+
+ CONCILIABULA, i, 450.
+
+ CONCILIUM POPULI equivalent to curies, i, 395.
+
+ CONCIO ADVOCATA could take place at any time, i, 270.
+
+ _Concordia_, temple of, i, 403.
+
+ _Concubinage_, iii, 163, 187.
+
+ _Confederacy_, the northern, declares for the Samnites, i, 501.
+
+ _Congiarium_ given to the Roman people, iii, 231.
+
+ _Connubium_ did not exist between patricians and plebeians, i, 171,
+ 280;
+ not allowed by the Twelve Tables, 300.
+
+ _Conquered_ place themselves, according to Asiatic custom, under the
+ protection of the conqueror, iii, 105.
+
+ CONSACRAMENTALES, i, 266.
+
+ CONSCRIPTI, i, 334.
+
+ _Conscription_, i, 181.
+
+ _Consecrations_ for death a well known Roman custom, i, 379.
+
+ CONSISTORIUM PRINCIPIS, put on a surer footing by Hadrian, iii, 231.
+
+ _Constans_, son of Constantine, iii, 304;
+ gets the præfecture of Italy and Illyricum, 305;
+ conquers the West, 305;
+ his death, 305.
+
+ _Constantia_, Constantine’s half-sister, married to Licinius, iii, 300.
+
+ _Constantina_, daughter of Constantine, wife of Gallus, iii, 307.
+
+ _Constantine_, emperor, son of Constantius, had a confused sort of
+ faith, had the god of the Sun on his coins, iii, 272, 303;
+ a great man, 295, 298;
+ proclaimed emperor, 298;
+ son of Helena, 298;
+ not a barbarian, 298;
+ acknowledged by Galerius as Augustus, 298;
+ marries Fausta, daughter of Maximinian, 298;
+ his war against Maxentius, 299;
+ triumphal arch, 299;
+ defeats Maxentius, 299;
+ war with Licinius, 300;
+ victory near Adrianople, 300;
+ wars against the Goths and Sarmatians, 300;
+ weight of taxation, 301;
+ character of his reign, 302;
+ his Christianity, 302;
+ his increasing irritability, 303;
+ causes his son Crispus to be executed, 303;
+ founds Constantinople, 303;
+ his buildings, 327.
+
+ _Constantine_, JUNIOR, son of Constantius, iii, 304;
+ emperor of the _præfectura Galliæ_, 305;
+ dies, 305.
+
+ _Constantine_, an usurper, proclaimed Augustus in Britain, iii, 334.
+
+ _Constantinople_, the great fire in the fifth century had a most
+ ruinous effect on Greek literature, iii, 190;
+ its foundation, 303.
+
+ _Constantinus Porphyrogenitus_, ii, 251.
+
+ _Constantius_, Cæsar in the West, iii, 295;
+ the name of Chlorus is not to be found in contemporary writers, 295;
+ Augustus, 297;
+ his wife Helena, 298;
+ marries Theodora, daughter of Maximian, 298.
+
+ _Constantius_, Julius, half-brother of Constantine, iii, 303.
+
+ _Constantius_, son of Constantine, iii, 304;
+ receives the PRÆFECTURA ORIENTIS, 305;
+ war with Sapor, 305;
+ the most bearable of the three brothers, but swayed by his eunuchs,
+ 305;
+ victorious against Magnentius, 306;
+ war against Julian, 309;
+ dies in Cilicia, 309;
+ his persecution of the Homoousians, 309.
+
+ _Constantius_, general of Honorius, iii, 334;
+ marries Galla Placidia, 335.
+
+ _Consualia_ were kept in August, i, 117.
+
+ _Consulars_ under Hadrian appointed to the jurisdiction of Italy, iii,
+ 255.
+
+ _Consular armies_, their strength in the war of Hannibal, ii, 98.
+
+ _Consular election_ by the centuries not absolutely certain, i, 207.
+
+ _Consuls_ were first called _prætores_, i, 203;
+ etymology, 203;
+ the candidates in the earliest times proposed by the senate, 205;
+ had absolute sway extending from one mile beyond Rome, 235;
+ inaugurated on the first of August, 238;
+ elected by the curies, 242;
+ one of them elected by the centuries, 243, 260;
+ their office suspended during the rule of the decemvirs, 298;
+ their title introduced instead of that of prætors, 312;
+ their election restored to the centuries with the reservation of its
+ being confirmed by the curies, 313;
+ had the power of inflicting fines, 339;
+ one plebeian and one patrician consul, 403;
+ enter their office regularly in spring only after the Punic wars, and
+ in the last years of the republic in August, 407;
+ both might have been chosen from the plebeians, according to a law,
+ passed in the war of Hannibal, which was not acted upon, 432;
+ carried out only in the year 580, 432;
+ during the second Samnite war they enter upon their office in
+ September, 493;
+ had the power of deciding the number of auxiliaries, which the allies
+ had to furnish, 572;
+ have the right of appointing a dictator, ii, 33;
+ might freely dispose of the _manubia_, 184;
+ the privilege that one of the consuls should always belong to one
+ order, done away with in the war of Perseus, 190;
+ arrested by the tribunes, 226;
+ under Sylla a patrician and a plebeian, 387;
+ do not leave Rome during their year of office, owing perhaps, to a
+ regulation of Sylla, 396;
+ have the JUS RELATIONIS, iii, 119.
+
+ _Consus_, the god of counsel, i, 117.
+
+ _Copais_, lake, its drains choked up, i, 357;
+ at present merely a marsh, 358.
+
+ _Cora_ and _Pometia_ fall into the hands of the Auruncians, i, 222,
+ 223;
+ Cora retaken, 344.
+
+ _Corbulo_, carries on war successfully against the Parthians, iii, 191;
+ executed, 192.
+
+ _Corcyra_, besieged by the Illyrians, ii, 47.
+
+ _Cordova_, Gonsalvo de, formed the Spanish infantry, ii, 259.
+
+ _Corfinium_, in the country of the Pelignians, under the name of
+ Italica, chief town of the Italian state, ii, 352;
+ takes its old name again, 358.
+
+ _Corinth_, well affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii,
+ 145;
+ dependent on Macedon, 145;
+ the most flourishing of all the Greek towns, 153;
+ given up by the Achæans to Philip, 155;
+ restored to the Achæans, 162;
+ separated from Achaia, 250;
+ taken by Mummius, 255;
+ colony established there by Cæsar, iii, 74;
+ plundered and burnt by the Goths, iii, 280.
+
+ _Coriolanus_, placed in a wrong time, i, 244;
+ Cn. or C. Marcius, 244;
+ cannot have conquered Corioli, 244;
+ very likely of the lesser clans, 287;
+ his story as commonly told, 287;
+ his presenting himself to Attius Tullius entirely copied from the
+ visit of Themistocles to Admetus, 288;
+ centre of the emigrants, 291.
+
+ _Corioli_ destroyed, i, 275;
+ at first Latin town, afterwards Volscian, 288.
+
+ _Corneille_ forms the link between the antique and the classic in
+ French literature, ii, 292.
+
+ _Cornelia_, daughter of the elder Scipio, mother of the Gracchi, ii,
+ 270.
+
+ _Cornelians_, Sylla’s body guard, ii, 390.
+
+ _Cornelius._ See Alexander, Cethegus, Cinna, Merula, Rufinus, Scipio,
+ Severus, Sylla.
+
+ _Cn. Cornelius_, general of the Romans, at a great disadvantage near
+ the Liparian isles, ii, 15.
+
+ _A. Cornelius Cossus_, consul, i, 425;
+ surrounded, 429.
+
+ _A. Cornelius Cossus_, military tribune, conquers Lars Tolumnius, i,
+ 348.
+
+ _Cornelius Nepos_, a native of the country beyond the Po, i, 365;
+ his chronological accounts very highly valued, 365;
+ we have of him but the life of Atticus, iii, 126.
+
+ _Corn magazine_ established by C. Gracchus, ii, 296.
+
+ CORNU does not mean wing, but half, i, 440.
+
+ _Coronea_, burned to ashes, ii, 210.
+
+ CORPORALES RES, i, 179.
+
+ _Corporations_ come, in Italy, into the place of municipal
+ constitution, i, 120.
+
+ CORRECTORES, iii, 255.
+
+ _Corridors_, in the Roman houses without windows, lit up with
+ candelabras, ii, 349.
+
+ _Corsica_, settlements of the Carthaginians, ii, 5;
+ given up to the Romans, 46, 220.
+
+ _Cortez_, Ferdinand, iii, 64.
+
+ _Cortona_, its inhabitants not at all different from the neighbourhood,
+ i, 143;
+ peace with Rome, 509.
+
+ _Ti. Coruncanius_, the first plebeian pontifex maximus, i, 523;
+ enjoyed the reputation of profound wisdom and knowledge of law, 348;
+ his son, ambassador to Illyria, murdered, ii, 47.
+
+ _Cossus._ See Cornelius.
+
+ _Cothon_, harbour of Carthage, ii, 240.
+
+ _Cotta_, Roman consul, defeated by Mithridates, iii, 5.
+
+ _Cotton_, manufactures of, iii, 237.
+
+ _Council of state_, iii, 120;
+ under Hadrian, 231;
+ completely organized under Alexander Severus, 262.
+
+ _Court_, its exclusiveness begins to show itself under M. Antoninus,
+ iii, 246.
+
+ _Court days_, there were thirty-eight of them in the year of ten
+ months, i, 520.
+
+ _Craftsmen_, excluded from the tribes, i, 177.
+
+ _Crassus_, Roman governor, war in Mœsia, iii, 151.
+
+ _Crassus_, M. Licinius, consul, conqueror of Spartacus, ii, 404, 406;
+ reconciled to Pompey, 404;
+ victory near Petilia, 406;
+ not unlikely that he used Catiline for his own ends, iii, 14;
+ his connexion with Catiline very likely, 22;
+ has a bitter spite against Cicero, 35;
+ consul for the second time, 37;
+ finds his death in the war against the Parthians, 37;
+ congress at Lucca, 39.
+
+ _Crassus_, P. Licinius, general against Perseus, ii, 208;
+ defeated by him, 208.
+
+ _Crassus_, P. Licinius, father-in-law of C. Gracchus.
+
+ _Crassus_, P. Licinius, arises against Carbo, ii, 303;
+ his talent as an orator, 303;
+ goes over to the senate, 303;
+ put to death, 373;
+ is the first who sent for marble pillars from Greece, 395.
+
+ _P. Crassus_, son of M. Crassus, very intimate with Cicero, iii, 36.
+
+ _Crassus_, P. Licinius Mucianus taken prisoner by Aristonicus, ii, 267;
+ his rapacity, 267.
+
+ _Cremera_, the settlement of the Fabii on its banks an ἐπιτειχισμός
+ against Veii, i, 262.
+
+ _Cremona_, Roman colony, ii, 57, 75;
+ destroyed by the Boians, 165;
+ Latin colony, then a _municipium_, and at last a military colony,
+ 101;
+ victory of Antonius Primus over the troops of Vitellius, 200.
+
+ _Crete_, independent, torn in factions, applies to Philip for his
+ mediation, ii, 148, 151;
+ its inhabitants were at all times robbers by land and by sea, iii, 9.
+
+ CRIMEN MAJESTATIS, iii, 173.
+
+ _Criminal causes_ had to be tried before the prætor, i, 404.
+
+ _Criminal law_, its principles among the ancients, i, 318.
+
+ _Crispians_, T. Quinctius, consul, defeated by Hannibal, killed, ii,
+ 119.
+
+ _Crispus_, son of Constantine, executed, iii, 303.
+
+ _Critolaus_ at the head of affairs in Achæa, ii, 252;
+ his death, 254.
+
+ _Crixus_, leader in the Servile war, ii, 406.
+
+ _Cromwell_, a great question whether he was an honest fanatic or an
+ impostor, ii, 123; iii, 12;
+ the title of king had a great charm for him, 76;
+ wanted always to be guessed, 168.
+
+ _Croton_, i, 459, destroyed by the Romans, 567;
+ taken by Hannibal, which completes its ruin, ii, 107;
+ head-quarters of Hannibal, 134.
+
+ _Crustumeria_, i, 216.
+
+ _Ctesiphon_, near Seleucia, capital of the Parthian kings, iii, 108;
+ taken by Trajan, 220;
+ built by the Parthians to humble Seleucia, ii, 254;
+ taken and sacked by Severus, 254;
+ by its conquest the empire so much shaken, that its subjects thought
+ of freeing themselves from its yoke, 263;
+ centre of the Persian empire, 264;
+ is said to have been taken by Carus, 292;
+ strongly fortified in Julian’s time, 313.
+
+ _Cumæ_, i, 453;
+ its earliest history very obscure, 149;
+ was looked upon as wonderfully old, 150;
+ Etruscans throw themselves upon it, 214;
+ destroys the naval power of the Etruscans with the help of Hiero,
+ 342.
+
+ _Cuman traditions_, i, 213.
+
+ _Cumberland_ has its name from the Cymri, traces of the Cymric language
+ were found there as late as a hundred years ago, ii, 322.
+
+ _Curia Hostilia_, the sunset was seen from its steps, i, 270.
+
+ _Curies_ condemned Manlius to death, pronounced the disgraceful
+ decision between the Ardeates and the people of Aricia, compelled
+ Camillus to go into exile, i, 94;
+ receive their names from the thirty ravished Sabine maidens, 117;
+ in Greek φράτραι, unions of clans in certain numerical proportions,
+ 119;
+ intermediate link between the clans and the tribes, 161;
+ their turn decided by lot, 162;
+ it was permitted to get up and to speak in them, 184:
+ condemn Cassius, 257;
+ could transact business only on the _dies comitiales_, 269;
+ voted VIVA VOCE, 266;
+ no previous notice needed to be given, 269;
+ could not do business without a SENATUS CONSULTUM, 269;
+ meet for the last time, 542;
+ give their sanction beforehand to the decrees of the centuries, 446;
+ had originally the right of declaring war and peace, 340.
+
+ _Curies_ & _Centuries_ could be convoked only on certain days, i, 322.
+
+ _Curio_, C. Scribonius, highly gifted, is in vain led to better ways by
+ Cicero, iii, 26;
+ tribune of the people, 49;
+ bought over by Cæsar, 50;
+ takes the command in Sicily, 57;
+ killed in battle in Africa, 57;
+ falls out with the senate, because he wanted to have a month
+ intercalated for himself, 72;
+ Cicero assigns to him a high rank as a writer, 127.
+
+ _M. Curius Dentatus_, Roman general against the Sabines, i, 535;
+ quarrels with the senate, 537;
+ his poverty, 538;
+ refuses to take a greater share in the booty, 537;
+ draining of the lake Velinus, 538;
+ goes to Etruria, 546;
+ Roman general in the battle of Beneventum, 568.
+
+ _M. Curtius_ belongs to the time of Severus and Caracalla, writes in
+ imitation of Livy, iii, 276, 283.
+
+ _Curule Dignities_, no one should hold two of them at the same time, i,
+ 433;
+ one could only be re-elected to it after the lapse of ten years, 433.
+
+ CURULIS MAGISTRATUS, who was allowed to make use of a carriage, i, 326;
+ CURULIS JUNO, 329;
+ CURULIS TRIUMPHUS, 329.
+
+ _Cyclades_, formerly belonging to Egypt, in an unsettled state, ii,
+ 151.
+
+ _Cyclic poems_, iii, 132.
+
+ _Cyclopian_ walls, i, 146.
+
+ _Cymri_, or Belgians, not a mixture of Celts and Germans, as Cæsar has
+ it, i, 367;
+ probably the oldest inhabitants of Britain, 368;
+ their migration, 368; ii, 322;
+ in Basse Bretagne, iii, 42;
+ their original abodes, 42.
+
+ _Cynoscephalæ_, situation, ii, 157;
+ battle, 158.
+
+ _Cynthia_, mistress of Propertius, her true name is Hostia, iii, 137.
+
+ _St. Cyprian_, iii, 292.
+
+ _Cyprus_, the Phœnician settlements there are of very early date, i, 1;
+ Egyptian, 221; iii, 3.
+
+ _Cyrene_, colonized from Thera, i, 102;
+ Egyptian, ii, 221;
+ inscriptions in three languages found there, 310;
+ Cæsar there, iii, 66.
+
+ _Cythera_, the Phœnician settlements there later than those of Cyprus,
+ ii, 1.
+
+ _Cyzicus_, true to the Romans in the war of Mithridates, ii, 364;
+ besieged by Mithridates, iii, 6;
+ destroyed by the Goths, 284.
+
+ D
+
+ _Dacians_, war under Domitian, iii, 212;
+ the same race as the ancient Getæ, 212;
+ are rich, no barbarians, 212;
+ constitution, 212;
+ first war with Trajan, 218;
+ second war, 219;
+ freed by Maximin from the inroads of the barbarians, 268;
+ given up to the Goths, 285.
+
+ _Dagalaiphus_, iii, 315.
+
+ _Dalmatians_ subdued, ii, 220, 307;
+ campaign of Augustus against them, iii, 149;
+ reduced by Tiberius, 150;
+ revolt, 154.
+
+ _Dalmatius_, half-brother of Constantine, iii, 303.
+
+ _Dalmatius_, son of Dalmatius, iii, 304.
+
+ _Damasippus_, prætor, causes all the partisans of Sylla to be put to
+ death, ii, 381.
+
+ _Damaratus._ See Demaratus.
+
+ _Dante_ feels for the men of the Roman era, as an old Roman would have
+ done, i, 79; iii, 94.
+
+ _Daphnis_, a true Sicilian hero, iii, 131.
+
+ _Dardanus_, i, 96.
+
+ _Daughters_ could not convey gentilician rights, i, 112.
+
+ _Daun_, by no means an inferior general to Fabius, ii, 68.
+
+ _Dauphin_, son of Louis XV., iii, 172.
+
+ _Death_, the black death, iii, 241;
+ famine after it, 292.
+
+ _Debt_, bondage for debt without nexum, i, 233.
+
+ _Debt_, the Roman system of debts in later days entirely borrowed from
+ the Greek law, i, 388.
+
+ _Debtors_, law of debtors of Servius Tullius, Tarquinius Superbus, and
+ Valerius, i, 228;
+ that of Servius not contained in the _Jus Papirianum_, 228;
+ that of the patricians liberal, that of the plebeians strict, 228;
+ it was the general law of antiquity, that the borrower could pledge
+ himself and his family for debt, 228;
+ law of debtors of P. Licinius, 398.
+
+ _Debts_ regulated, i, 413.
+
+ _Decebalus_, greatness of his character, iii, 212;
+ peace with Domitian, 212;
+ first war with Trajan, 219;
+ his empire, 219;
+ conquered, 219;
+ second war, 219;
+ falls, 219.
+
+ DECEM PRIMI taken from the Ramnes, i, 124;
+ held the government when there was no king, 124.
+
+ DECEMVIRI CONSULARI POTESTATE LEGIBUS SCRIBUNDIS, i, 298;
+ five of the second decemvirs are plebeian, 299;
+ the first represented the _decem primi_ of the senate, 299;
+ the second a συναρχία after the pattern of the archons of Attica,
+ 299;
+ their composition, 299;
+ those of the second year were probably chosen for several years, 306;
+ keep a guard of an hundred and twenty lictors, 307.
+
+ _Decemviri stlitibus judicandis_ first appointed in the century, i,
+ 313.
+
+ _Decemvirs_ for the Sybilline books are half of them plebeians, i, 401.
+
+ _P. Decius Mus_, tribune, saves by his boldness the arm of Cn.
+ Cornelius Cossus, i, 429;
+ devotes himself to death in the battle near Veseris, 443.
+
+ _P. Decius Mus_, consul, in the third Samnite war, i, 525;
+ devotes himself to the infernal gods, 530.
+
+ _Decius_ Q. (C.), Messius (Quintus) Trajanus, born in Illyricum, iii,
+ 272;
+ overcomes Philip in the neighbourhood of Verona, 273;
+ considered by the heathen writers a hero, hated by the Christian
+ ones, 273;
+ persecution of the Christians, 273;
+ relieves Nicopolis, 278;
+ defeated, loses his life, 278.
+
+ _Decuries_, i, 120.
+
+ _Decurions_, town magistrates, i, 120;
+ in Gaul, iii, 331.
+
+ DEDITIONEM FACERE, i, 212.
+
+ _Deguigne’s_ opinion on the earlier times of the Huns incorrect, iii,
+ 317.
+
+ _Delia_, in Tibullus, her real name Plania, iii, 137.
+
+ _Delictum manifestum_, no trial required in case of one, ii, 297.
+
+ _Delos_, given up to Athens, ii, 164;
+ conf. Delphi.
+
+ _Delphi_ and Delos, the centre of union of the Hellenic world, i, 97;
+ the sending of the sons of Tarquinius thither a later invention, i,
+ 198.
+
+ _Damaratus_ brings the fine arts to the Tyrrhenians in Etruria, i, 116;
+ a Bacchiades from Corinth, i, 133.
+
+ _Demesne_ in the occupation of the patricians, i, 227.
+
+ _Demetrias_ occupied by the Romans, ii, 163;
+ evacuated by them and occupied by the Ætolians, 171;
+ taken possession of by Philip, remains Macedonian until the fall of
+ that empire, 172.
+
+ _Demetrius II._, father of Philip, ii, 144.
+
+ _Demetrius_, son of Philip, hostage in Rome, ii, 161;
+ ambassador to Rome, 203;
+ favourable to the Romans, 203;
+ poisoned, 205;
+ delivers Andriscus to the Romans, 245.
+
+ _Demetrius_, the false, not an impostor, ii, 245.
+
+ _Demetrius_ Pharius, governor of Corcyra, gives up the island to the
+ Romans, ii, 47;
+ guardian to the king whilst a minor, 57;
+ conspires against Rome, 57;
+ commits piracy against the Cyclades, 57;
+ escapes to Macedon, 57.
+
+ _Demetrius Poliorcetes_, i, 198;
+ a great genius spoiled, 553;
+ allied with Ptolemy Soter, 553;
+ put in possession of the throne of Macedon, 554.
+
+ _Democracy_ established in Rome by the Hortensian law, i, 322.
+
+ Δῆμος equivalent to plebes, i, 166;
+ afterwards the whole mass of the people, 169.
+
+ _Demosthenes_, i, 248;
+ slander against him, iii, 79;
+ in him oratory is at its height, 275.
+
+ _Dempster_, led astray by Annius of Viterbo and Inghirami, i, 141.
+
+ _Denham._ See Clapperton.
+
+ _Diæus_ at the head of the affairs at Achaia, ii, 252, 254, 255.
+
+ DETERIOREM PARTEM SEQUI, i, 280.
+
+ _Dexippus_, his fragments, iii, 277;
+ heroism against the Goths, 280.
+
+ _Diadumenianus._ See Antoninus.
+
+ _Diana._ See Janus.
+
+ DICENEUS, iii, 212.
+
+ _Dictator_, law UT EI EQUUM ESCENDERE LICERET, i, 330;
+ formerly selected by the patricians out of a number of candidates
+ proposed to them, i, 415;
+ appointed by the consul, ii, 33.
+
+ _Dictatorship_, properly a Latin magistracy, i, 221;
+ the imperium for six months only, 221;
+ probably referred to a league with Latium only 221;
+ its object, 235;
+ fallen into disuse, ii, 303.
+
+ _Diderot_ ESSAI sur le règne de CLAUDE ET DE NÉRON, iii, 186.
+
+ DIES DIFFISUS, i, 270.
+
+ _Dimalus_, (double mountain,) capital of the Illyrians, ii, 57.
+
+ _Dinon_, ii, 219.
+
+ _Dio Cassius Cocceianus_, his careful language derived from Fabius, i,
+ 20; ii, 63;
+ MSS., iii, 152;
+ Dio Chrysostom, probably his grandfather on the mother’s side, i, 61;
+ lives forty years in Rome and then retires to Capua, 62;
+ writes the history of Commodus, 62;
+ twice consul, 92;
+ spends twelve years in collecting materials, and ten in writing his
+ history, 62;
+ had a true vocation for writing history, 62;
+ draws from the very fountain-head, 62;
+ his character, 62;
+ no friend to tyranny, 63;
+ his style not free from faults, 63;
+ how much is still preserved of his works, 64;
+ Venetian MS. of the last books, 64;
+ editions, 66;
+ the seventieth book lost when Zonaras, and Xiphilinus made their
+ extracts, iii, 236;
+ his opinion of Seneca has much truth, but is exaggerated, 186.
+
+ _Dio Chrysostom_ has started the question of the existence of Troy, i,
+ 94;
+ a native of Prusa, an author of uncommon talent, iii, 227;
+ his pure Atticism, 227;
+ character, 227.
+
+ _Diocles_, an unknown Greek writer i, 111.
+
+ _Diocletian_, emperor, murders Aper, iii, 290;
+ conquers Carinus, 291;
+ takes Maximinian as his colleague, 293;
+ cannot himself have been a slave, 293;
+ derivation of his name, 293;
+ his character, 294;
+ his system of government, 294;
+ resigns his dignity, 295;
+ resides in Nicomedia, 296;
+ reduces Egypt, 296.
+
+ _Diodorus Siculus_ contains many notices concerning Roman history,
+ which he can only have taken from Fabius, i, 20;
+ the later ones from Polybius, 38;
+ then from Posidonius and others, 38;
+ the Roman history is to him only a secondary affair, 47;
+ writes the ancient history in synchronistical order, 37;
+ concludes before the civil war to avoid giving offence, 37;
+ writes his history after Cæsar’s death, 38;
+ Scaliger’s opinion concerning the time in which it was written, 38;
+ his writings falsified, 38;
+ the halves of two books entirely wanting, 65;
+ uses Roman sources in the Greek language, 373;
+ his account of the Samnite war perhaps borrowed from Fabius or
+ Timæus, 493;
+ the Etruscan war from Fibius, 508;
+ his notices of Carthage probably from Timæus, ii, 2;
+ from Philinus of Agrigentum, 26;
+ has not read Nævius, 26.
+
+ _Diœceses_ of the Roman empire, iii, 294.
+
+ _Diomedes_, grammarian, iii, 323.
+
+ _Dion_, i, 575.
+
+ _Dionysia_, the feast of the vintage, i, 550.
+
+ _Dionysius of Helicarnassus_, publishes his history in the year 743, i,
+ 39;
+ his rhetorical writings excellent, 39;
+ he is probably the person mentioned by Strabo under the name of
+ Cæcilius, 39;
+ his history comprises the period from the earliest times to the first
+ Punic war, 39;
+ Ἐκλογαὶ Διονυσίου, 39;
+ makes himself abridgment of his works, 39;
+ MSS. in existence of the first ten books, 39;
+ the eleventh book, 39;
+ editions and translations, 41;
+ character of his works, 43;
+ does not know Livy, 45;
+ the account of Naples falling into the power of the Romans, taken
+ from Neapolitan Chronicles, 46;
+ conf., iii, 141;
+ an accomplished critic and historian, 227;
+ at the time of the consuls he has more materials than he gives, i,
+ 124;
+ observes that the Etruscan has no resemblance to the Latin, 142;
+ is mistaken as to the relative positions of the _plebs_ and the
+ _populus_, 172.
+
+ _Dionysius_, tyrant of Syracuse, i, 575;
+ peace with Carthage, 575;
+ and ii, 4.
+
+ _Dionysius_ the younger, i, 575; ii, 4.
+
+ _Diophanes of Mitylene_, friend of Tib. Gracchus, ii, 287.
+
+ _Dioscuri_ appear in the battle at the Regillus, ii, 217.
+
+ _Directory_, French, in the year 1799, ii, 379.
+
+ _Disproportion_ in the division by numbers avoided by the ancients, i,
+ 46.
+
+ _Dittmarsch_, 3 × 10 houses, i, 161;
+ example from its history, 291;
+ the chronicles begin about a hundred and fifty years before the
+ conquest of the country, 202;
+ sudden wealth, ii, 189.
+
+ _Dium_, part of it set fire to by Perseus, ii, 211.
+
+ _Documents_ had no legal validity among the Romans, unless the accurate
+ date was affixed to it, i, 5.
+
+ _Dodona_, centre of union for the Pelasgian races, i, 97.
+
+ _Dodwell_ very seldom hits upon the right conclusion, i, 45;
+ often spoils by his subtleties what he has well begun, 106.
+
+ _Doges of Venice_, forty in five hundred years, i, 83.
+
+ _Dolabella_, son-in-law of Cicero, iii, 65;
+ quarrels with Antony, both of them equally bad, 70;
+ holds the province of Syria, 86.
+
+ _Dolabella_, P. Cornelius, i, 546;
+ falls upon the country of the Sennonian Gauls, 546.
+
+ _Dolopians_, Ætolian, ii, 151;
+ Macedonian, 203.
+
+ _St. Domingo_, insurrection under Jean François, ii, 205.
+
+ _Domitia_, wife, of Domitian, iii, 214.
+
+ _Domitianus_, T. Flavius, Vespasian’s younger son, iii, 200;
+ usurps the government in absence of his father, 201;
+ takes upon himself the command of Gaul, 204;
+ seeks the life of his father and brother, 209;
+ a very accomplished man, 209;
+ the paraphrase of the Phænomena of Aratus ascribed to Germanicus is
+ by Domitian, 209;
+ takes the name of Cæsar Germanicus, 209;
+ establishes the endowment for rhetoricians, 210;
+ institutes the AGON CAPITOLINUS, 210;
+ raises the pay of the army, 210;
+ his expedition against the Chatti, 211;
+ war against the Dacians, 212;
+ defeat, 212;
+ peace, 212;
+ takes the name of Dacius, 212;
+ his cruelty, 212;
+ stabbed, 214;
+ his buildings, 214.
+
+ _Domitius_, Cato’s brother-in-law, iii, 37.
+
+ _Domitius Ahenobarbus_ commands the fleet of Brutus and Cassius, iii,
+ 96;
+ carries on the war under his own auspices, 105;
+ unites himself with Asinius Pollio, 105;
+ reconciled to Antony, 105.
+
+ _Domitius Ahenobarbus_ crosses the Elbe for the first time in Bohemia,
+ iii, 152.
+
+ _Cn. Domitius_, ii, 308.
+
+ _Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus_ transfers the nomination to the pontificate
+ and other priestly offices from the Colleges to the tribes, ii, 342.
+
+ _Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus_, Nero’s father, iii, 189.
+
+ _L. Domitius Ahenobarbus_, general of Pompey, iii, 53;
+ besieged by Cæsar in Corfinium, 54.
+
+ _Donatists_ support the Vandals in Africa, iii, 337.
+
+ DONATIVUM, the first to the soldiers given by the emperor Claudius,
+ iii, 182;
+ the custom given up, 315.
+
+ _Donatus_, father of the Latin grammar, iii, 323.
+
+ _Double state_ in Rome, i, 122.
+
+ _Drakenborch_, i, 57.
+
+ _Drepana_, excellent harbour, ii, 30;
+ discomfiture of the consul Claudius there, 32.
+
+ _Droit d’Aubaine_, i, 167.
+
+ _Druids_, rulers of the Gauls, i, 575;
+ and iii, 44.
+
+ _Drusus_, Nero Claudius, younger son of Livia, iii, 145;
+ wars in Germany, 153;
+ unfortunate for Germany, 153;
+ his death, 153;
+ his monument on the Rhine, 153;
+ a first-rate general, 156;
+ is said to have asked Augustus to restore the republic, 171.
+
+ _Drusus_, son of Tiberius, iii, 160;
+ delivers the funeral oration for Augustus, 161;
+ suppresses the mutiny of the troops on the Rhine, 169;
+ his wife Livilla, 175;
+ poisoned, 175.
+
+ _C. Duilius_, naval victory of Mylæ, ii, 15;
+ his triumph and honours, 15.
+
+ _M. Duilius_, tribune, proclaims an amnesty, i, 319;
+ refuses in the name of the tribunate to accept any votes, 325.
+
+ _Duker_, i, 57.
+
+ _Duris of Samos_, i, 532.
+
+ DUUMVIRI NAVALES, i, 498;
+ this dignity abolished, 549, note.
+
+ _Dyme_ taken by the Romans, ii, 146.
+
+ _Dyrrachium_, iii, 58.
+
+
+ E
+
+ _Earthquake_, i, 536;
+ in the year of the battle at the Trasimenus, ii, 92.
+
+ _Ebb_ and flow of the tides almost unknown to the Romans, iii, 45.
+
+ _Eburones_ rise against the Romans, iii, 46.
+
+ _Ecbatana_, iii, 265.
+
+ _Ecetræ_, the south-eastern capital of the Volscians, i, 274.
+
+ _Echetus_, prince of the Sicilians in Epirus, i, 100.
+
+ _Eckhel_, his worth as a critical historian, iii, 265.
+
+ _Eclipse_, in Cicero de R. P., fifteen years before the Gallic
+ conflagration, seen at Gades, i, 7;
+ from it, all the preceding ones are calculated backward, 8;
+ that in the year 350, the first one really observed, which occurred
+ in the annals, 83.
+
+ _Ecnomus_, battle, ii, 19.
+
+ _Ecthlipsis_, ii, 198.
+
+ _Edetanians_, inhabitants of Valencia, ii, 71.
+
+ _Edicts_, imperial, iii, 231.
+
+ EDICTUM PERPETUUM, iii, 231.
+
+ EDOCERE PLEBEM, i, 270.
+
+ _Egeria_, wife of Numa, melts in tears at his death, and gives his name
+ to a well, springing from them, i, 125.
+
+ _Egnatius Gellius_, leads the Samnites to Etruria, i, 527;
+ falls, 532.
+
+ _Egnatius Rufus_, tumult, iii, 118.
+
+ _Egypt_, the eighteenth dynasty of Manetho is historical, i, 7;
+ had a white population before conquered by the Æthiopians, ii, 5;
+ extent of the empire in Asia and Europe, 145, 147;
+ at war with Syria, 145;
+ retains Cœlesyria, 145;
+ on friendly terms with Rhodes, 148;
+ its extent at the end of the seventh century, iii, 2;
+ its manufactures very flourishing under Hadrian and the Antonines,
+ 237.
+
+ _Egyptian towns_, in Asia Minor, abandoned by Philip, apply to
+ Antiochus for aid, ii, 167.
+
+ _Elagabalus_, god of the sun, iii, 260.
+
+ _Elagabalus_, corruptly Heliogabalus, iii, 260;
+ bore also the names of Avitus, M. Aurelius Antoninus, Bassianus, 260;
+ priest of the god Elagabalus, 260;
+ character, 260;
+ adopts Alexianus (afterwards Alexander Severus), 261;
+ killed, 261.
+
+ _Elatea_ besieged by Flaminius, ii, 155.
+
+ _Elbe_, Roman armies go up the Elbe, iii, 154.
+
+ _Elections_, transferred from the people to the senate, iii, 169.
+
+ _Elective princes_, Newton assigns seventeen years as an average for
+ the reign of each, i, 83.
+
+ _Eleans_, independent and leagued with the Ætolians, ii, 151;
+ separate state, 163.
+
+ _Elephants_ opposed by burning arrows, i, 568;
+ may have been introduced from India, ii, 23, note;
+ brought to Rome, 28.
+
+ _Elis_, the history of its constitution offers a close parallel to that
+ of Rome, i, 306, note.
+
+ _Embassy_ to Athens to collect the Greek laws, ii, 295, note.
+
+ _Embolon_, ii, 18.
+
+ _Embratur_ (imperator), the highest magistrate of the confederation, i,
+ 422.
+
+ _Emesa_, aerolites which fell in the neighbourhood worshipped, iii,
+ 260;
+ battle, 286.
+
+ _Emigrations_, if not too extensive, will not weaken a country, iii,
+ 42.
+
+ _Emissarius_ of Alba still preserved, i, 108.
+
+ _Empresses_ exercised a baleful influence upon morals, iii, 218.
+
+ _Enchelians_, about the fortieth olympiad, burst into Greece, and
+ plunder Delphi, i, 146.
+
+ _England_, the war against France in the year 1793 popular again, then
+ unpopular, then again, in the years 1798 and 1799, popular in the
+ highest degree, i, 475.
+
+ _English_, the English in the colonies learn English, after having in
+ childhood spoken the language of the creoles, iii, 232.
+
+ _English government_ claims a veto in the election of the Irish (Roman
+ Catholic) bishops, i, 242;
+ the Chancellor decides in Equity, 255.
+
+ _English Rebellion_, the Irish Papists and Scotch Presbyterians,
+ overpowered by Cromwell, join the old cavaliers, living abroad with
+ the royal family, i, 225;
+ the liberties of the Dissenters greater immediately after the
+ revolution than they were twelve or fifteen years before, 225.
+
+ _Enna_, the community slaughtered by the Romans, ii, 116.
+
+ _Q. Ennius_, composes his annals about the commencement of the war with
+ Perseus, i, 23;
+ division of his work, 23;
+ accompanies M. Fulvius Nobilior into the Ætolian war, 24;
+ born in 513, and died 583, 24;
+ his vanity, 24;
+ fragments extant bespeak a poetical spirit, 24;
+ his history of the kings taken from Livy, 24;
+ his fragments collected by Hieronymus Columna, and Paul Merula, 25;
+ a Roman citizen, ii, 197;
+ friend of Scipio Fulvius Nobilior and the first men, 197;
+ his metres, 198;
+ introduces the hexameter, 198.
+
+ _Epagathus_, the ringleader of the mutiny against Ulpian, iii, 263.
+
+ _Ephesus_ falls to the lot of Syria, ii, 148;
+ the residence of Antiochus, 167.
+
+ _Epictetus_, a truly great man, iii, 239.
+
+ _Epicydes_, emissary to Hieronymus from Hannibal, ii, 114;
+ the chief power placed in his grasp, 116.
+
+ _Epidamnus_, dependent on the Romans, ii, 48.
+
+ _Epidaurus_, embassy to the temple of Æsculapius, i, 537;
+ snakes kept there, 537.
+
+ _Epidius Marcellus_, one of the tribunes, takes the diadem from the
+ statue of Cæsar, iii, 76.
+
+ _Epipolæ_, a quarter of Syracuse, ii, 117.
+
+ _Epirotes_, their conjunction with the Pelasgians, i, 96;
+ less skilled than the Greeks in steering their ships, 556.
+
+ _Epirus_, Pelasgian, but hellenized, i, 458;
+ the power of the kings very much limited, as in Lacedæmon, 552;
+ very likely fallen into the hands of Neoptolemus, a son of Alexander
+ the Molossian, 553;
+ the Æacidæ extirpated, ii, 151;
+ republic, 151;
+ revenge of the Romans against the Epirotes, 215.
+
+ Ἐπιτείχισις, i, 349.
+
+ _Epitaph_ of the Scipios, i, 91.
+
+ _Epitome_ of Livy, perhaps nothing more than a collection of the heads
+ which were written in the margin, i, 58;
+ bears the name of Florus, inappropriately, 58;
+ conf., iii, 323.
+
+ _Epos_, conditions of its success, iii, 132.
+
+ _Equestrian centuries_, i, 180.
+
+ _Equestrian order_, its census, i, 298.
+
+ _Equites_, the statement of their pay having been lowered improbable,
+ i, 435;
+ probably they got a fixed pay, 435;
+ bankers, 515.
+
+ _Era_ of the beginning of the consulship originates undeniably with
+ Gracchanus, i, 34.
+
+ _Eratosthenes_, ii, 199.
+
+ _Erbessus_, the arsenal of the Romans, ii, 11.
+
+ _Erinna_, poem on Rome, i, 110, note.
+
+ _Ernesti_, i, 73.
+
+ _Erythræ_, a free town, i, 183.
+
+ _Eryx_, (Monte San Giuliano,) ii, 9;
+ mastered by the Romans, 35;
+ by Hamilcar, 36.
+
+ _Etesian gales_, in the Mediterranean, blow from fifty to sixty days
+ until the dog days, iii, 64.
+
+ _Etruscans_ have two sorts of sæcula, i, 83;
+ monuments, 141;
+ an indigenous people, call themselves Rasena, 142;
+ traditions of Herodotus and Hellanicus concerning them, 142;
+ had an aristocratical constitution, 145;
+ came down from the Alps, 145;
+ part of them subject to the Romans, 186;
+ absurd to think that they were forced by the Gallic conquest to
+ retire from the plain into the Alps, 145;
+ are said to have taken three hundred Umbrian towns, 146;
+ have once inhabited Switzerland and the Tyrol, 146;
+ settle first in twelve towns in Lombardy, 147;
+ found or enlarge twelve towns in the Apennines, 147;
+ the extension of their sway belongs to the age of the last kings of
+ Rome (Olymp. 60 to 70), 148;
+ found Capua, 148;
+ decline in the beginning of the fourth century, 148;
+ their war against Cumæ is mythical, 150;
+ passage over the Tiber, 250–280, 150;
+ a king reigns in each of their towns, 151;
+ assembly of their towns near the temple of Voltumna, 151;
+ in common enterprises a king chosen, whose supremacy all the others
+ acknowledged, 151;
+ one city often usurped the leadership, 151;
+ the twelve cities send to Tarquinius Priscus the insignia of
+ leadership, some say, to Servius Tullius, 151;
+ they have all the distinguishing features of an immigrating people,
+ 152;
+ the oligarchical form of government makes them powerless against
+ Rome, 152;
+ territorial aristocracy with vassals, 152;
+ unfavourable accounts of them in circulation among the Greeks, 153;
+ a people of priests, devoted to soothsaying, especially from
+ meteorological and astronomical phenomena, 153;
+ show themselves unwarlike, 154;
+ their luxury, 154;
+ their books dated too early, 192;
+ king of each town had a lictor, 221;
+ their naval power destroyed by the people of Cumæ, 342;
+ fighting against the Gauls, 390;
+ the Etruscan league dissolved, 390;
+ declare against Rome, 499;
+ the good faith with which they keep their truces, 505;
+ armed after the Greek fashion, 507;
+ take the Gauls in their pay, 526;
+ defeated near the lake Vadimo, 547;
+ probably get favourable conditions from Rome, when the latter is
+ threatened by Pyrrhus, 561;
+ have a law of their own, 572;
+ are during the Social war a short time under arms, ii, 350, 358;
+ get the franchise, 358;
+ their connection with the Romans, 358;
+ Sylla takes away from them the right of citizenship, 382.
+
+ _Etruscan fortifications_, i, 147.
+
+ _Etruscan inscriptions_ are all found in the interior of the country,
+ i, 144.
+
+ _Etruscan literature_, decidedly older than that of the Romans, i, 155;
+ the value of their books known only from the Veronese scholia on the
+ Æneid, 191.
+
+ _Etruscan language_, entirely different from Latin, i, 136;
+ explained in the most arbitrary manner, 142.
+
+ _Etruscan vases_, i, 134.
+
+ _Eubœa_, well affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii, 145;
+ dependent on Macedon, 151;
+ a separate state, 163.
+
+ _Eucheir_ and _Eugrammos_ accompany Damaratus from Corinth, i, 135.
+
+ _Eucherius_, son of Stilicho, iii, 332.
+
+ _Eudamidas_, a son of his is nominal king of Sparta, ii, 145.
+
+ _Eudoxia_, wife of Valentinian, forced to marry Petronius, iii, 342;
+ invites Genseric to Rome, 342.
+
+ _Eudoxia_, daughter of Valentinian, iii, 341.
+
+ _Euganeans_, friendly to the Romans, ii, 56.
+
+ _Eugene_, Prince, reads the order, not to fight, after the battle only,
+ i, 508.
+
+ _Eugenius_, TRIBUNUS NOTARIORUM, Emperor, iii, 321.
+
+ _Eugrammos._ See Eucheir.
+
+ _Eumenes_, son of Attalus, ii, 163;
+ rules only over Pergamos and some Ionian and Mysian towns, 178;
+ becomes a great king, 183;
+ hostile to Philip, 203;
+ complains of Perseus to the Romans, 207;
+ comes to Rome, 207;
+ attacked by assassins at Delphi, 208;
+ espouses the interests of Perseus, 211;
+ his brother implores for him the mercy of the Romans, 221.
+
+ _Eunapius_, iii, 327.
+
+ _Eunuchs_, iii, 305.
+
+ _Eunus_, leader of the slaves in Sicily, ii, 265.
+
+ _Eutropius_ seems to have made an epitome of an abstract of Livy, i,
+ 59;
+ iii, 323.
+
+ _Eutropius_, eunuch, iii, 329.
+
+ _Evander_, the founder of learning and civilization among the Italians,
+ i, 110;
+ inventor and teacher of the use of letters, 111;
+ has his palatium on the Palatine, 116.
+
+ _Excerpta de Legationibus, de Virtutibus et Vitiis, de Sententiis_, i,
+ 65, 66.
+
+ _Exile_ is no punishment, does not imply the loss of citizenship, i,
+ 305.
+
+ _Eximere diem_, i, 270.
+
+ _Extravagance_ of Titus’s times has something whimsical and repulsive
+ in it, iii, 208.
+
+
+ F
+
+ _Faber_, Tanaquil, i, 57.
+
+ _Fabian family_, very accomplished, i, 15.
+
+ _Fabii_, represent the Tities, i, 259;
+ reconciled to the plebeians, 262;
+ declare that the agrarian law must be granted to the plebeians, 262;
+ their settlement on the Cremera, 262;
+ their destruction, 262;
+ have a gentilician sacrum on the Quirinal, 264;
+ three Fabii sent as ambassadors to the Gauls, and afterwards chosen
+ as military tribunes, 373.
+
+ _Fabius, Cæso_, elected consul by the plebeians, i, 262.
+
+ _Fabius Dorso_, is said to have offered in the sight of the Gauls a
+ gentilician sacrifice on the Quirinal, i, 381.
+
+ _Q. Fabius Gurges_, son of Rullianus, i, 533.
+
+ _Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogricus_, ii, 308.
+
+ _Q. Fabius Maximus_, commander in the second Punic war, ii, 62;
+ his character, 67;
+ dictator, 94;
+ saves Minucius, 97;
+ Hannibal’s opinion of him, 110;
+ his opposition to Scipio, 132;
+ conf. 67.
+
+ _Fabius Maximus Rullianus_, seems to have written his own history, i,
+ 15;
+ his character, 482;
+ conquers the Samnites, 483;
+ condemned to death by Papirius Cursor, 484;
+ victorious as consul, 485;
+ unfortunate in the battle of Latulæ, 494;
+ proclaims Papirius Cursor dictator, 501;
+ gains a victory near Allifæ, 501;
+ relieves Sutrium, 508;
+ march through the Ciminian forest, 509;
+ conquers the Etruscans at Perusia, 509;
+ combines the Libertini into four _tribus urbanæ_, 522;
+ takes from thence his surname Maximus, ii, 67;
+ conducts the war in Samnium, i, 525;
+ proceeds to Sentium, 529;
+ his strategy, 530;
+ obtains permission to go out as legate to his son, 534.
+
+ _Fabius Maximus Servilianus_, an annalist of note, i, 21.
+
+ _Fabius Pictor_, his history written in Greek, i, 15;
+ was ambassador to Delphi, 18;
+ wrote the history of the war of Hannibal, 19;
+ Polybius taxes him with partiality to the Romans, 19;
+ writes against Philinus, 19;
+ his work held in exceedingly high estimation, 19;
+ one of the sources of Ennius, 24, 518, ii, 199;
+ his work a summary of the two first Punic wars, 62;
+ wrote Ol. 148, 1 (565 A. U. C. according to Cato), i, 400;
+ statements in Appian, taken from Fabius, ii, 62.
+
+ _Fabius Pictor_, the painter, painted the temple of Salus, i, 18, 498;
+ must have been familiar with the Greek language and manners, 19;
+ his son ambassador to Alexandria, 19.
+
+ _Fabius Pictor_, Numerius, spoken of by Cicero, i, 21.
+
+ _Fabius Pictor_, Servius, mentioned by Cicero, i, 27;
+ probably ought to be Sextus Fabius Pictor, 28.
+
+ _Fabius Rusticus_, i, 58; iii, 186.
+
+ _Fabius Valens_, iii, 195, 196.
+
+ _C. Fabricius Luscinus_, the first instance of a Greek town (Thurii)
+ having raised a statue to a Roman, i, 546;
+ taken by the Samnites, 550;
+ friendship of Pyrrhus, 563;
+ consul, 565.
+
+ _Fabricius_, Fr., Life of Cicero, iii, 83.
+
+ _Fabricius_, POETÆ CHRISTIANI, iii, 325.
+
+ _Factio Barcina_, ii, 61.
+
+ _Factio forensis_, i, 516.
+
+ _Fadilla_, sister of Commodus, iii, 248.
+
+ Φαίσολα, ii, 353.
+
+ FÆSULÆ, ii, 383.
+
+ _Falerii_, a Tuscan town, i, 121;
+ destroyed, ii, 44.
+
+ _Faliscans_, come to the aid of the Vaientines, i, 348;
+ are Volscians, 361;
+ had a language of their own, 361;
+ war of the Romans against them, ii, 44.
+
+ _Families_, exclusive families become quickly extinct, i, 140.
+
+ _Family principles_ and characters hereditary, ii, 280.
+
+ _Family records_, i, 93.
+
+ _Family events_ noted in Bibles, i, 5.
+
+ _Family policy_, iii, 107.
+
+ _Famine_, breaks out in Rome, i, 337.
+
+ _Fannius_, i, 36;
+ his memoirs, ii, 309.
+
+ _C. Fannius_, ii, 271;
+ consul, 303.
+
+ _L. Fannius_, envoy of Sertorius to Mithridates, ii, 408.
+
+ _Fano_ (FANUM FORTUNÆ), defeat of the Germans, iii, 287.
+
+ _Farnese_, Pietro Luigi, i, 198.
+
+ _Fasti_, the Romans had an era, A REGIBUS EXACTIS, i, 5;
+ gap in them, 206;
+ interpolated, 206.
+
+ _Fasti Capitolini_, i, 9, 68, 69.
+
+ _Fasti triumphales_, i, 9.
+
+ _Fausta_, daughter of Maximian, wife of Constantine, iii, 298;
+ the report of her having been suffocated in a bath is untrue, 303.
+
+ _Faustina_, the daughter of Antoninus Pius, wife of M. Antoninus, iii,
+ 240;
+ her share in the rebellion of Cassius a fiction, 244;
+ her letters, 244;
+ takes advantage of the weakness of M. Antoninus, 246.
+
+ _Faustulus_, i, 113.
+
+ _Fehmern_, law of inheritance there, i, 302.
+
+ _Female sex_, its degeneracy and profligacy in Rome, iii, 187.
+
+ _Fenestella_, i, 34.
+
+ _Feragosto_, iii, 115.
+
+ _Ferentarii_, i, 441.
+
+ _Ferentina_, her grove the place of assembly for Latin towns, i, 129.
+
+ _Ferentines_, seem to have declared for Hannibal, whilst on his march
+ to Capua, ii, 107.
+
+ _Ferentinum_, a place formerly Hernican, i, 344.
+
+ _Ferentum_, a Hernican town, i, 247.
+
+ _Ferguson_, not capable of any deep inquiry, i, 4, 72.
+
+ FERIÆ AUGUSTÆ, iii, 115.
+
+ _Feriæ Latinæ_ do not originate with a Tarquinius, but with the LATINI
+ PRISCI, i, 185;
+ afterwards an assembly of all the Latin nations, 196, 451;
+ the whole of the Roman magistracy present at the solemnity, ii, 351.
+
+ _Feronia_, feast of the Ausonian peoples at her temple, i, 350.
+
+ _Ferucci, Francesco_, his achievements at the siege of Florence by
+ Charles V., ii, 235.
+
+ _Festus_, very trustworthy on the subject of Roman antiquities, as he
+ makes extracts from Verrius Flaccus, i, 130; iii, 323.
+
+ _Fetiales_, form of their demand, i, 126;
+ their number twenty, 131
+
+ _Feudal system_, i, 252;
+ in the kingdom of Marbod, iii, 55.
+
+ _Fezzan_, under Trajan, was Roman, iii, 221.
+
+ _Ficanians_, i, 171.
+
+ _Ficulea_, i, 391.
+
+ _Fidenæ_, holds out against the Sabines, i, 121;
+ a Tyrrhenian town, expels the Roman COLONI, 347;
+ throws itself into the arms of Veii, 347;
+ destroyed, 348.
+
+ _Fidenæ_ and _Ficulea_ send out armies against Rome, i, 391.
+
+ _Fides_, a goddess of great importance among the Romans, i, 229.
+
+ FIDES PUNICA cannot be entirely denied, i, 579.
+
+ _Fiducia_, i, 522.
+
+ _Fimbria_, C. Flavius, legate to Valerius Flaccus in the Mithridatic
+ war, murders him, ii, 376;
+ destroys Ilium, 376;
+ takes away his own life, 377.
+
+ _Finance department_, its place in the Forum Ulpium, iii, 223.
+
+ _Fir-Bolgs_, in Ireland, not old Belgians, but a Danish colony, i, 99;
+ form the third immigration in Ireland, 99, note;
+ the Cyclopian walls in Ireland attributed to them, 99.
+
+ _Flaccus._ See Valerius.
+
+ _Flaccus_, Etruscan historian, i, 193.
+
+ _Flaccus_, M. Fulvius, chosen tribune, ii, 288;
+ appointed triumvir for the establishing of colonies, 301;
+ takes resolute steps, 305;
+ killed, 306.
+
+ _Flaccus_, M. Fulvius, consul, hinders Hannibal from surprising the
+ city, iii, 112;
+ his cruelty to Capua, 113.
+
+ _Flamininus_, L. Quinctius, brother of Titus, his cruelty, ii, 190;
+ Cato expels him from the senate, 190.
+
+ _Flamininus_, T. Quinctius, consul, marches against Philip, ii, 153;
+ well imbued with Greek learning, 154;
+ conquers by means of the treason of Charops near the _Fauces
+ Antigoneæ_, 154;
+ unites with the Ætolians, 155;
+ besieges Alatea, 155;
+ battle of Cynoscephalæ, 157;
+ is too irritable, 161;
+ peace with Philip, 161;
+ freedom granted to the Greeks at the Isthmian games, 162;
+ sullies his fame, 172;
+ lends himself to the office of demanding from Prusias the giving up
+ of Hannibal, 194.
+
+ _Flaminian_ highway lengthened, ii, 200.
+
+ _C. Flaminius_, tribune, his bill for the division of the _Ager
+ Gallicus Picenus_, ii, 50;
+ gains a battle against the Insubrians, for which he is unjustly
+ reproached with bad generalship, 56;
+ consul, 87;
+ his law concerning the owning of ships by senators and their sons,
+ 88;
+ charges against him, 88;
+ battle of Trasimenus, 92;
+ falls, 93.
+
+ _Flamma._ See M. Calpurnius.
+
+ _Cn. Flavius_, Scriba, i, 516, 520;
+ inscribes the days on which _legi agi posset_, on a tablet of plaster
+ (ALBUM), 520;
+ publishes the FORMULÆ ACTIONUM, 521;
+ ædile, 521;
+ reconciles patricians and plebeians, 521.
+
+ _Flavius._ See Fimbria.
+
+ _Flavius._ See Sabinus.
+
+ _Fleury_, ecclesiastical history, iii, 309.
+
+ _Florence_, before the revolution in 12th century, there were hundred
+ BUONI UOMINI, i, 120;
+ has three times four and twenty houses, 161;
+ its seven old guilds, 168;
+ the guilds the ruling power in the thirteenth and fourteenth
+ centuries, 168;
+ the coat of arms of the city and of the commonalty placed side by
+ side, 168;
+ _Capitano di parte_ and _capitano del popolo_, 168;
+ the Guelphs and the Ghibellines fight against each other in the
+ streets, 237;
+ the freemen of the district of Florence before the year 1530, 448;
+ ORDINANZA DELLA GIUSTIZIA, 542;
+ very likely risen as a military colony out of old Fæsulæ, ii, 384;
+ besieged by Radagaise, iii, 331.
+
+ _Florianus_, brother of the emperor Tacitus, iii, 288, note.
+
+ _Florus_, Roman history, i, 58;
+ speaks of the earlier wars with derision, 349;
+ is a _homo umbraticus_, 331;
+ lives in the reign of Trajan, 227;
+ opinion of his works, 227.
+
+ _Flue_, Nicholas von der, i, 125.
+
+ FŒDERATI, iii, 344.
+
+ _Fœnus unciarium_, i, 388;
+ contradiction between Livy and Tacitus cleared up, 388.
+
+ _Fog_ during the battle of the Trasimene lake, ii, 92;
+ common there at that time of the year, 92.
+
+ _M._ [_C._] _Fonteius_, murdered in Asculum, ii, 351.
+
+ _Formiæ_, to be derived from ὅρμος, i, 110, 453;
+ severely punished by the Romans, 466.
+
+ FORTES and SANATES, the clause referring to them in the Twelve Tables
+ applies to Tibur, i, 279.
+
+ _Fortifications_ of two kinds in central Italy, i, 146.
+
+ _Fortunes_ in Rome, ii, 192.
+
+ FORTUNA MULIEBRIS, corresponds to the FORTUNA VIRILIS, her temple in
+ the _Via Latina_, i, 244;
+ belongs to an earlier period than that of Coriolanus, 287.
+
+ _Forum_, was originally a marsh, i, 188;
+ the province of a præfect called forum, 450.
+
+ _Forum Appii_, i, 518.
+
+ _Forum Nervæ_, more correctly Forum Augustum, iii, 148.
+
+ _Forum Olitorium_, lay low on marshy ground, i, 518.
+
+ _Forum Palladium_, built by Domitian, iii, 214.
+
+ _Forum Ulpium_, iii, 223.
+
+ _Fossa Quiritium_, i, 188.
+
+ _Fox_, negotiation with Napoleon in the year 1806, i, 565.
+
+ _Franchise_, the system of its being given to the lowest slaves, put a
+ stop to by Augustus, iii, 122;
+ not always attended with exemption from taxes, 162;
+ the right extends over millions in the East, 235.
+
+ _France_, time of prosperity under Henry IV., i, 345;
+ the right side in the Chamber of Deputies, 516;
+ the national development, which always renews itself from the time of
+ Julius Cæsar, never understood by the French, iii, 286.
+
+ _Frankish kings_, their power consisted of the comitatus, i, 204.
+
+ _Franks_, their origin, iii, 277;
+ break into the Roman territory, 279;
+ their kingdom on the Lower Rhine, 280;
+ Probus wages war against them, 288;
+ settled in Northern Brabant, 308;
+ acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, 308;
+ dwell from Belgium to the Saone, 340.
+
+ _Freedmen_, in the tribes and the senate through Appius Claudius Cæcus,
+ i, 516;
+ combined by Fabius in the four _tribus urbanæ_, 522;
+ number of them, iii, 163;
+ had much to do with the demoralized state of the Roman world, 194;
+ very often mentioned in inscriptions until the middle of the third
+ century, 274.
+
+ _French army_ on its retreat from Russia, ii, 80;
+ that of 1812 inferior to that of 1807, 106.
+
+ _French literature_, difference between Paris and Geneva, iii, 234;
+ marked difference between the literatures of Northern and Southern
+ France, 287.
+
+ _French restoration_, state of feeling in France at its beginning, i,
+ 308.
+
+ _Fregellæ_, colony, i, 456, 467;
+ importance of the place, 491;
+ in possession of the Samnites, 491;
+ conquered by the Romans, 496;
+ fortified by them, 497;
+ Pyrrhus takes it by storm, 562;
+ Roman colony, ii, 106;
+ the people very brave, 112;
+ destroyed, 291.
+
+ _Freinsheim_, John, his supplements to the books of Livy, i, 70;
+ to be reckoned among the ornaments of Germany, 70;
+ lives entirely in his books, ii, 347.
+
+ _Frederic II._, emperor, his will to be traced in his laws, i, 301.
+
+ _Frederic the Great_ after the battle of Kunersdorf, i, 560; iii, 278;
+ eight and twenty years old when he conquers Silesia, ii, 64;
+ has an aversion to sieges, 93;
+ writes his memoirs in French, 328;
+ has never served any military apprenticeship, iii, 30.
+
+ FRENA, the curbs and bits of the Romans exceedingly cruel, i, 484.
+
+ _Frentanians_, i, 419;
+ separate themselves from the Samnites, 476;
+ true to the Romans in the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109.
+
+ _Freret_, his scepticism, i, 4.
+
+ _Friesland_, the landed estates rated according to pounds, i, 179;
+ the seven maritime provinces, 110.
+
+ _Frisian tribes_, subdued under Tiberius, become afterwards free, iii,
+ 216.
+
+ _Fritigern_, leader of the Visigoths, iii, 318.
+
+ _Fronto_, tutor of M. Antoninus, iii, 233, 245;
+ correspondence, 238;
+ importance of his letters, 245;
+ the year of his death, 247.
+
+ _Frusino_, a Hernican town, i, 247, 502;
+ receives a Roman provost to administer justice, 503.
+
+ _Fucinus_, Lake, called at present Celano, i, 103.
+
+ _Fuffetius Mettius_, general of the Albans, i, 127;
+ traitor to Rome, 128.
+
+ _Fulvia_, wife of M. Antonius, iii, 102;
+ withdraws to Asia, 103.
+
+ _Cn. Fulvius_, i, 528, 529.
+
+ _Cn. Pulvius_, proconsul, defeated by Hannibal near Herdonia, ii, 119.
+
+ _M. Fulvius Flaccus._ See Flaccus.
+
+ _Q. Fulvius Flaccus._ See Flaccus.
+
+ _C. Fundanius_, a Roman general, his deportment towards Hamilcar, ii,
+ 37.
+
+ _Fundi_, i, 453;
+ joins with the Privernates against Rome, i, 466;
+ severely punished by Rome, 466.
+
+ _Furius Bibaculus_, iii, 129.
+
+ _Furius._ See Camillus.
+
+
+ G
+
+ _Gabii_, Tarquinius Superbus takes it by stratagem, i, 197;
+ alliance with Rome, 197;
+ devastated in Dionysius’ time, 275.
+
+ _Gabinius_, Cicero’s defence of him, a sacrifice made to the republic,
+ iii, 20;
+ consul, 35;
+ ἀλιτήριος, 35;
+ buys the province of Syria of Clodius, 35;
+ routed by Octavius, 59.
+
+ _Gades_, older than Carthage, ii, 1;
+ treated as a dependent, 5;
+ treachery against Mago, 128;
+ alliance with the Romans, 128.
+
+ GÆSATI, from _gæsum_, a javelin, ii, 55.
+
+ _Gaius_, his error, ii, 41; iii, 237.
+
+ _Galations_, i, 370;
+ called Gallo Grecians, ii, 181;
+ live in thirty free towns, 181;
+ defeated by Antiochus Soter, 182;
+ attacked and defeated by Attalus, 182;
+ besieged by Cn. Manlius, 182;
+ retain the Celtic language down to the time of Augustus, 182;
+ their origin, 322.
+
+ _Galba_, Sulpicius, his conduct towards the Lusitanians, ii, 224;
+ impeached by Cato, 224.
+
+ _Galba_, P. Sulpicius, devastates Dyme, Oreus, and Ægina, ii, 150;
+ consul, conducts the war against Philip, 150.
+
+ _Galba_, Servius Sulpicius, proclaimed emperor in Spain, iii, 193;
+ light thrown on Galba by Tacitus’ Historiæ, 194;
+ he was old and under the influence of unworthy people, 194;
+ marches against Gaul, 194;
+ his covetousness, 195;
+ adopts Pisa, 195;
+ murdered, 196.
+
+ _Galenus_, his name was, without doubt, Tiberius Claudius Galenus, iii,
+ 193;
+ lived in the times of the Antonines, iii, 235, 237.
+
+ _Galeria Faustina_, sister of the elder Annius Verus, iii, 236.
+
+ _Galerius_, the Cæsar in the East, iii, 295;
+ his surname Armentarius, 295;
+ campaign against Persia, 296;
+ marches against Maxentius, 298.
+
+ _Galla_, sister of Valentinian the second, iii, 321.
+
+ _Galla Placidia._ See Placidia.
+
+ _Gallia Cisalpina_ appears too large on the maps, i, 371.
+
+ _Gallia Cispadana_, united by the _Lex Julia_ as to political rights
+ with Italy, ii, 165; iii, 52.
+
+ _Gallienus_, P. Licinius, son and colleague of Valerian, iii, 279;
+ a worthless prince, 281;
+ acknowledges the empire of Palmyra, 282.
+
+ _Gallo Grecians._ See Galatians.
+
+ _Gallus_, son of Julius Constantius, iii, 304;
+ holds the name of Constantius, and the dignity of Cæsar, 306;
+ prisoner in Cæsarea, educated, 306;
+ executed, 307.
+
+ _Gallus Ælius_, iii, 162.
+
+ _Gallus_, Cornelius, governor of Egypt, Virgil introduces his praise in
+ the fourth book of Georgics, iii, 138.
+
+ _Gallus Trebonianus._ See Trebonianus.
+
+ _Garamantes_, inhabitants of Garama in Fezzan, iii, 162.
+
+ _Gauda_, iii, 3.
+
+ _Gaudentius_, son of Ælius, iii, 341.
+
+ _Gaul_ dreadfully devastated by the Cimbri and Teutones, which accounts
+ for its weakened state in the time of Cæsar, ii, 324;
+ rebellion in Cæsar’s time, iii, 41;
+ an exhausted country, 42;
+ much money in circulation, 45;
+ Gallia Transpadana receives the franchise from Julius Cæsar, 87;
+ registration of land changed, 125;
+ their fine cavalry, 156;
+ the surname of Julius given to all who bore the Roman franchise, 192;
+ condition under the first emperors, 202;
+ abandoned by Constantius to the Alemanni and the Franks, 307;
+ literary importance, 326;
+ misery, 326;
+ Roman possessions in the north, 346.
+
+ _Gaul_, a Gaul and a Gallic woman, a Greek and a Greek woman
+ sacrificed, i, 150.
+
+ _Gauls_, Roman citizens, presented by the emperor Claudius with the
+ right of admission into the senate, i, 87;
+ Gauls and Ligurians less like than Gauls and Cymri, 99;
+ the Gallic migration in the time of Tarquinius Priscus, 364;
+ their friendly reception among the Ligurians, 364;
+ can only have passed the Little St. Bernard, or over the Simplon,
+ 365;
+ the Cymri distinct from the Celts but of the same stock, 367;
+ their migrations, 368;
+ in the inmost recesses of the Adriatic, 369;
+ in Sirmium, 369;
+ origin of their war with Rome, 373;
+ their resemblance to the Highlanders of the present day, 374;
+ already changed in the time of Cæsar, 374;
+ their appalling cruelty, 374;
+ have the feudal system and a priestly government, 375;
+ the account of their wealth exaggerated, 375;
+ the whole army not in Rome, but some in the country, 381;
+ try to storm the capital, 381;
+ called back by an insurrection of the Alpine peoples into Lombardy,
+ 382;
+ willing to withdraw on payment of a ransom, 382;
+ march into Apulia from Rome and offer aid to Dionysius, 384;
+ the Gallic conquest must be placed four years later than it has been,
+ 400;
+ the Sennonian Gauls appear in the year 393, 408;
+ migrate as far as the Anio, 409;
+ wander even to Apulia, 409;
+ appear before the Colline gate, 411;
+ third invasion in the year 405, 414;
+ retire to the Alban hills, the Monte Cavo, 414;
+ must have gone more than once to Apulia, 468;
+ peace with Rome, 499;
+ peacefully settled in the Romagna, 526;
+ their impetuosity, 531;
+ the Sennonian Gauls defeat Metellus, 546;
+ their land devastated by Dolabella, 546;
+ the whole nation exterminated, 547;
+ their migrations no more turned against Italy but against Thrace and
+ Macedon, 547, 565;
+ fight in great masses, ii, 10;
+ the Sennonian territory, 50;
+ war with the Romans, 52;
+ conquer near Φαίσολα, 53;
+ their armour, 55;
+ conquered near Telamon, 55;
+ routed near Clastidium, 56;
+ leagued with Hannibal, 75;
+ rebellion of the Gauls, 83;
+ march to Thrace, 181;
+ in Asia, 181;
+ war in the Alps with Rome, 220;
+ the Cimbri not Gaels, but akin to the Cymri, 322.
+
+ _Gaurus_, a mountain near Nuceria not far from Cumæ and the promontory
+ of Misenum, i, 427;
+ Valerius encamps there, 429.
+
+ _Gela_, conquered by the Carthaginians, i, 575;
+ destroyed, ii, 4.
+
+ _Gellius._ See Egnatius.
+
+ _A. Gellius_, a very clever man, enjoying the literature of the earlier
+ times, i, 32;
+ refutation of his errors, iii, 112;
+ his book must be dated from the reign of M. Antoninus, 233;
+ ignorance of his own age and of antiquity, 233;
+ writes after the death of Fronto, 247.
+
+ _Cn. Gellius_, a credulous, uncritical writer, should be placed in the
+ second half of the seventh century, i, 28, 117.
+
+ _Gelon_, in 262, at most only prince of Gela, i, 286;
+ comes to the throne of Syracuse after the battle of Salamis, ii, 3;
+ son of Hiero, 114.
+
+ _Genabum_, the present Orleans, iii, 47.
+
+ Γένη in Attica, their number 360 is in imitation of the solar year, i,
+ 82.
+
+ _Geneva_, the heart of the town is the _cité_, the _bourg_ the suburbs,
+ its inhabitants _bourgeois_, i, 167;
+ its institutions, 437;
+ constitutional struggles, ii, 347.
+
+ _Genitives_ of _-um_, instead of _-orum_, come from an old contracted
+ nominative, i, 160;
+ in _-i_, of words of the third declension, 270, note.
+
+ _Genseric_, Gonderic’s brother, king of the Vandals, iii, 337;
+ faithless, 337;
+ conquers Rome, 342;
+ burns the Roman fleet at Carthagena, 344;
+ treachery, 344.
+
+ GENTES (γένη), national division with the ancients, i, 157, 158;
+ definition by Pollux, 159;
+ by Cicero, 159;
+ had lost much of their consequence in Cicero’s days, 159;
+ their number always fixed, 161;
+ all the families in it were not noble, 165;
+ send their representatives into the senate, 300.
+
+ GENTES MINORES, i, 162.
+
+ _Genthius_, king of Illyricum, ii, 211;
+ imprisoned, 215.
+
+ _Gentile names_, Etruscan in -na, ii, 403, note.
+
+ _Cn. Genucius_, a tribune of the people, arraigns the former consuls
+ and is murdered, i, 267;
+ his law, 517.
+
+ GENUS and GENS, the same word, i, 160.
+
+ _Geography_, mathematical geography flourishing, iii, 237.
+
+ _Gepidæ_, a tribe of the Goths, iii, 317;
+ in Illyricum, 329.
+
+ _Gergovia_ above Clermont, iii, 47.
+
+ _Germans_, the first mention of them doubtful, ii, 56;
+ mentioned in the Servile war among the rebellious slaves, 405;
+ had not, in earlier times, a geographical but personal distinction of
+ rights, i, 228;
+ in Phrygia, ii, 182, note;
+ confederation, 248;
+ style of literature at the time of the seven years’ war, 392;
+ extent of the nation, iii, 3;
+ cross the Rhine, 43;
+ probably had their dwellings as far as the Alps before the Gallic
+ conquest, 43;
+ wars in the time of Augustus, 152;
+ divisions, 154;
+ had no towns, 156;
+ their cavalry better than the Roman, 156;
+ conquered by Germanicus, 170;
+ Caligula’s enterprise, 179;
+ lose all longing for an offensive war after the time of Caligula,
+ 198;
+ war against Domitian, 211;
+ tribes dwelling in Franconia, the Upper Palatinate, Hesse, and
+ Westphalia, 216;
+ in general commotion in the time of M. Antoninus, 242;
+ war of Maximian, 268;
+ war with Decius, 278;
+ their manners approaching those of the Romans, 288;
+ their tribes overrun Gaul, 331;
+ pay homage to Attila, 339.
+
+ _Germany_, general prosperity before the thirty years’ war, i, 345;
+ population and frontiers, 370.
+
+ GERMANIA SUPERIOR, Alsace and Suabia, iii, 213.
+
+ _Germanicus_, son of Drusus, sent against the Germans, iii, 159;
+ lives with Agrippina in domestic happiness, 160;
+ a first-rate general, 166;
+ puts down the mutiny of the troops on the Rhine, 169;
+ his wars in Germany, 170;
+ called back by Tiberius, 170;
+ meets with an enthusiastical reception from the Romans, 171;
+ dies, 171;
+ the paraphrase of the Phænomena of Aratus, ascribed to him, is by
+ Domitian, 209.
+
+ _Gerontius_, iii, 334.
+
+ _St. Gervais._ See Geneva.
+
+ _Gesner_, John Matth., i, 71.
+
+ _Geta_, second son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254;
+ murdered, 256.
+
+ _Getæ_ and Goths, often mistaken for the same people, i, 99, 369;
+ spread in Thrace, iii, 73, 212.
+
+ _Ghadames_, divided by a wall into two parts and connected by a gate,
+ i, 188.
+
+ _Gibbon_, iii, 285.
+
+ _Gisgo_, ii, 142.
+
+ _Glabrio_, M. Acilius, consul, appears in Thessaly;
+ battle near Thermopylæ, ii, 173;
+ turns against the Ætolians, encamps near Heraclea, 173.
+
+ _Glareanus_, startled at the contradictions in the old history, i, 3,
+ 56;
+ examines Livy freely, 68.
+
+ _Glass manufacture_, iii, 237.
+
+ _Glass windows_, not used in old times, i, 154.
+
+ _Glaucia Servilius_, his wit, ii, 335, note;
+ killed, 340.
+
+ _Glaucias_, prince of the Taulantians, i, 553.
+
+ _Glosses_, collection of, iii, 234.
+
+ _Glycerius_, emperor, iii, 346.
+
+ _Goethe’s_ opinion of the murder of Cæsar, iii, 79;
+ his off-hand style, 140;
+ his remarks on the extravagant luxury of the Roman empire, 208.
+
+ _Gomphi_, iii, 60.
+
+ _Gonderic_, leads the Vandals, iii, 337.
+
+ _Gordianus I._ and _II._, rival emperors of Maximin, iii, 268;
+ both of them lose their lives, 268;
+ acknowledged by the senate, 269;
+ belong to the family of the Antonii, 270.
+
+ _Gordianus III._, Cæsar, iii, 270;
+ Augustus, 270;
+ defeats the Persians, 271;
+ murdered, 271.
+
+ _Gothinians_, spoke Gallic, i, 370.
+
+ _Goths_ migrated, according to some, from Scandinavia to the South,
+ according to others the reverse, i, 102;
+ under Vitigis they were cowards, 374, 468;
+ their devastations in the time of Belisarius, 519;
+ their slothfulness, ii, 182;
+ uncertainty on the subject of their migrations, iii, 277;
+ their empire in the beginning of the third century in the South-east
+ of Europe, 277;
+ they invade the Roman empire, 277;
+ conquests, 278;
+ besiege Nicopolis, 278;
+ take Philippopolis, 278;
+ combat with Decius, 278;
+ treaty with Gallus Trebonianus, 278;
+ break into the Roman empire, 279;
+ burst in by Propontis, destroy Cyzicus, 284;
+ appear in Macedon, 284;
+ met by Claudius, 284;
+ peace with Aurelian, 285;
+ Constantine’s war against them, 300;
+ invade the Roman empire under Hermanric, 317;
+ divided into three tribes, 317;
+ beseech the Romans to receive them into the empire, 317;
+ conf. _Getæ_, _Ostrogoths_, _Visigoths_.
+
+ _Governors_, their tyranny was far less under the emperors than it had
+ been in the times of the republic, iii, 188.
+
+ _Gracchanus_ takes his description of the constitution from the
+ _Commentarii Pontificum_, i, 15;
+ unlimited confidence may be placed in his history, 34.
+
+ _Gracchi_, family of the, their mildness and kindness, i, 270, 280.
+
+ _Gracchus_, C. Sempronius, his influence on younger men, i, 34;
+ many passages of his speeches quoted, ii, 291;
+ Cicero’s opinion of him as a writer, 292;
+ triumvir, 284, 292;
+ quæstor in Sardinia, 293;
+ goes without permission to Rome, 293;
+ tribune, 293;
+ his legislation, 294;
+ establishes a corn magazine, 296;
+ constructs high roads, 296;
+ founds a colony at Carthage, 301;
+ begs the consulship for C. Fannius, 303;
+ his death, 306;
+ unjustly called a demagogue, 320;
+ wrote prose in measured periods, 394.
+
+ _Gracchus_, Tiberius Sempronius, puts Hanno to the rout near
+ Beneventum, i, 110.
+
+ _Gracchus_, Tib. Sempronius, speech quoted by Livy, ii, 184;
+ wishes to have L. Scipio arrested, 185;
+ becomes consul and goes to Spain, 202;
+ son-in-law to Scipio, 202;
+ concludes a peace with the Celtiberians, 202.
+
+ _Gracchus_, Tib. Sempronius, at the head of the popular party, ii, 261;
+ saves the Roman army, 262;
+ opposes Great Phrygia’s being given to Mithridates, 268;
+ is the first to mount the wall of Carthage, 271;
+ becomes quæstor, concludes peace with Numantia, 271;
+ the first thought of amending the condition of Italy occurs to him in
+ Etruria, 275;
+ Cicero calls him _sanctissimus homo_, 276;
+ his laws, 277;
+ moves for the deposition of M. Octavius, 281;
+ sends the treasure of Attalus to Rome, 283;
+ declared a traitor, 286;
+ murdered, 287.
+
+ _Gradi_, Stefano, iii, 276.
+
+ _Granada_, in the possession of Carthage, ii, 5;
+ Phœnician settlement, 59.
+
+ GRASSATORES, iii, 122.
+
+ _Gratian_, son of Valentinian, iii, 316;
+ emperor, 316;
+ calls Theodosius in to be his colleague, 319;
+ sinks into inactivity, 321;
+ slain, 321.
+
+ _Grecian history_, even of the middle ages, free from fabrications
+ intended to disguise defeats, i, 223.
+
+ _Grecian inscriptions_ in Egypt barbarous, iii, 231.
+
+ _Grecian names_ to Latin places, i, 110.
+
+ _Grecian_ nationality established in the East, iii, 164.
+
+ _Grecian language_ in Southern Italy, Campania, Apulia, etc., i, 18;
+ common among the Romans in the eighth century, iii, 84;
+ kept itself more alive than Latin, 232.
+
+ _Greece_, a Roman province, ii, 256;
+ remains a wilderness to the time of Trajan, iii, 187.
+
+ _Greeks_, their constitution, i, 164;
+ their joining the Achæan league, the only instance of a nation
+ sacrificing its individual will to preserve its nationality, 422;
+ relations of Rome to them, 457;
+ not happy in agricultural pursuits, except the culture of the olive
+ and the vine;
+ the Greek a cheerful fisherman and capital sailor, 460;
+ the inhabitants of conquered towns not sold by them as slaves, 462;
+ intercourse with the Sabellian peoples, 489, note;
+ have a great contempt for the Opicans, 489;
+ their wars not interesting, 530;
+ ships of war furnished to the Romans by the Greek towns in Lower
+ Italy, 571;
+ Grecian literature dies at the time of the loss of the Piræeus, ii,
+ 48, note;
+ Greeks in Carthage do not cease to be Greeks, 114;
+ their intellectual life fallen, 152;
+ very temperate, 189;
+ their literature not unknown to the Romans, 194;
+ decline of literature in the time of Augustus, iii, 142;
+ new era in their literature, 228.
+
+ _Greek fire_, ii, 176.
+
+ _Gröningen_, the district placed on the same footing as the town, i,
+ 216.
+
+ _Gronovius_, John Fred., i, 56.
+
+ _Gross Görschen_, battle, i, 428.
+
+ _Grumentum_ taken and sacked, i, 406.
+
+ _Guilds_, the ruling power in Italy in the thirteenth century, in
+ Germany in the fourteenth, i, 168;
+ in Rome to be placed as far back as the time of Numa, 177.
+
+ _Guischard_, i, 440, note; ii, 325.
+
+ _Gulussa_, Masinissa’s youngest son faithless to Carthage, ii, 230;
+ suspicions of the Romans, 236, 307.
+
+ _Gundobald_, king of the Burgundians, iii, 346.
+
+ _Gustavus Adolphus_, ii, 66.
+
+
+ H
+
+ _Hadrianople_, the Greek language spoken there, iii, 267;
+ victory of Constantine, 300;
+ battle with the Visigoths, 319.
+
+ _Hadrian_, Emperor, his predilection for the Greeks, i, 160; iii, 233;
+ gives up the conquests of Trajan in the East, ii, 147; iii, 229;
+ restores the statue of Pompey, iii, 63;
+ adopted by Trajan, 221;
+ had little taste for the fine arts, 224;
+ under him, the Greek language again becomes prevalent, 228;
+ married to the daughter of Marciana, 229;
+ uncertain whether he should be reckoned among the good princes or the
+ bad, 229;
+ looks upon himself first as the emperor of the whole Roman empire,
+ 229;
+ the first emperor that gives subsidies to the border nations, 229;
+ remission of taxes, 229;
+ travels over his empire, 230;
+ erects a wall in Britain, 230;
+ his love for Athens, 230;
+ invested with the dignity of Archon Eponymus, 230;
+ melancholical in the last years of his life, often cruel, 230;
+ adopts Ælius Verus, 231;
+ at his death chooses T. Antoninus Pius, 231;
+ his council of state, 231;
+ his preference for ancient literature, 232;
+ writers of his reign, 234;
+ his villa two miles from Tibur, 235;
+ fond of an artificial style of architecture, 275.
+
+ _Hagen_, Gottfried, his poem on the feud of the bishops, paraphrased in
+ prose in the chronicle of Cologne, i, 14.
+
+ _Haliartus_, burnt to ashes, ii, 210.
+
+ _Halycus_, river, boundary of the Carthaginian and Sicilian settlement
+ in Sicily, ii, 4.
+
+ _Hamilcar_, Barcas, almost greater than his son, ii, 35;
+ occupies Hercte, 36;
+ devastates the Italian coast, 36;
+ takes possession of the town Eryx, 36;
+ negociates a peace, 39;
+ rejects the demand to lay down arms, 39;
+ thwarted by a faction, 44;
+ the war of the mercenaries put down, 45;
+ to Spain, 58;
+ first introduces a system in working the mines of Spain, 59;
+ stays eight years there, 61.
+
+ _Hamilcar_, remains behind from Mago’s army, organizes the Ligurian and
+ Gallic forces, ii, 164.
+
+ _Hannibal_, Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, posts himself
+ in Agrigentum, ii, 10;
+ makes a sally, 11.
+
+ _Hannibal_, son of Hamilcar Barcas, did not speak Latin in the
+ beginning of the second Punic war, i, 22;
+ marries a Spanish woman of Castulo, ii, 59;
+ the story of the oath rests on his own authority, 64;
+ born about 507, 64;
+ personal character, 65;
+ well acquainted with Grecian literature, 66;
+ the irresistible charm of his manners, 66;
+ his position to his army compared to that of Cæsar to his, 70;
+ his artifices to kindle the war, 71;
+ is wounded at the siege of Saguntum, 72;
+ passes the Ebro, 73;
+ probably sets out in May, 74;
+ tale of the demon, 75;
+ passage over the Pyrenees, 75;
+ mutiny in his army, 75;
+ in Gaul, 76;
+ passage over the Rhone, 76;
+ over the Alps, 77;
+ never let himself to be deceived, 79;
+ conquers Turin, 83;
+ battle at Ticinus, 83;
+ his tactics to go round the enemy and to cut off his retreat, 84;
+ strengthens his army, 85;
+ battle at the Trebia, 86;
+ makes the very most of his victories, 87;
+ resolves to go through the marshes, 89;
+ battle at the Lake of Trasimenus, 92;
+ changes the arms of his troops, 92;
+ generosity to the Italians, 93;
+ his aversion to sieges, 93;
+ why he did not besiege Rome, 94;
+ composition of his army, 95;
+ in Campania, 95;
+ the guide leads him to Casilinum instead of Casinum, 96;
+ his retreat cut off near Mount Callicula, 96;
+ defeats Minucius, 97;
+ battle of Cannæ, 99;
+ Maharbal calls upon Hannibal to follow him to Rome, 103;
+ in Capua, 103;
+ his troops become effeminate there, 105;
+ reckons upon support from Carthage, 106, 107;
+ driven back by Marcellus, near Nola, 107;
+ his object to gain a seaport, 107;
+ tries to relieve Capua, 109;
+ appears before the gates of Rome, 112;
+ his generosity to the Sicilians, 114;
+ negotiations with Hieronymus, 115;
+ keeps possession only of south-eastern Lucania and Bruttium, 134;
+ returns to Africa, 139;
+ tries to negotiate with Scipio, 140;
+ the battle of Zama, 140;
+ conduct to Gisgo, 142;
+ turns himself towards Antiochus, 166;
+ made suffete in Carthage, 168;
+ turns his attention to the financial abuses, 168;
+ the Romans demand that he should be given up to them, 168;
+ his advice to Antiochus, 169;
+ offers hospitality to Scipio, 170;
+ leads the fleet of Antiochus, 175;
+ sent by Antiochus to Pamphylia, 176;
+ his death, 193.
+
+ _Hannibalianus_, half-brother of Constantine, iii, 303.
+
+ _Hannibalianus_, son of Dalmatius, iii, 304.
+
+ _Hanno_, Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, ii, 11;
+ goes to the aid of Hannibal near Agrigentum, 11;
+ conquered by the Romans, 11, 38;
+ his conduct after the war, 58.
+
+ _Hanno_, Carthaginian general in the second Punic war, routed near
+ Beneventum by Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, ii, 109;
+ taken prisoner, 136.
+
+ _Haret_, king of the Nabathæan Arabs, iii, 11.
+
+ _Harvest_ in Thessaly, about the middle of June, ii, 157.
+
+ _Hasdrubal_, Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, defeated by
+ Metellus near Palermo, ii, 27;
+ conquered, 28.
+
+ _Hasdrubal_, Hamilcar’s son-in-law, murdered after nine years’
+ administration, ii, 64.
+
+ _Hasdrubal_, brother of Hannibal, whether he is older than the latter
+ is doubtful, ii, 65;
+ his treaty with Rome, in which the Ebro is fixed upon as the
+ boundary, 69;
+ goes to Italy, 124;
+ defeated near Sena Gallica, 126.
+
+ _Hasdrubal_, Gisgo’s son, ii, 123;
+ his armies driven back to the Atlantic, 128;
+ goes over to Africa, 128;
+ meets with Scipio at the same banquet, 131.
+
+ _Hasdrubal_, Carthaginian general in the third Punic war, ii, 230;
+ defeated by Masinissa, 230;
+ appointed general out of the town, 234.
+
+ HASTATI, i, 441.
+
+ _Heilbronn_, guilds in the fourteenth century, i, 168.
+
+ _Heineccius_, i, 387.
+
+ _Helena_, mother of Constantine, iii, 298.
+
+ _Helena_, wife of Julian, iii, 306.
+
+ _Helena_, see Illiberis.
+
+ _Heliogabalus_, see Elagabalus.
+
+ _Hellespont_, belongs to Egypt, ii, 145.
+
+ _Helvetians_, i, 370;
+ their inroads, iii, 41;
+ under the Romans, 151.
+
+ _Helvidius Priscus_, iii, 202;
+ a Stoic, his opposition to Vespasian, 206;
+ put to death, 206.
+
+ _Helvius_, see Pertinax.
+
+ _C. Helvius Cinna_, iii, 128.
+
+ _Hemsterhuys_, iii, 235.
+
+ _Heræa_, well-affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii, 145.
+
+ _Heræan Mounts_, ii, 8.
+
+ _Heraclea_, attacked by the Lucanians, i, 463;
+ battle, 558;
+ treated with particular favour, 571.
+
+ _Heraclea_, in Sicily, ii, 11.
+
+ _Heraclea_, on the Thessalian side of Thermopylæ, belonging to Ætolia
+ Epictetus, ii, 174;
+ taken by storm, 174;
+ having isopolity with the Achæan league, 250.
+
+ _Heraclea_, in Thrace, battle, iii, 300.
+
+ _Hercte_, Monte Pellegrino, ii, 8, note;
+ must have been a state prison, 35;
+ Hamilcar gains possession of the height, 36.
+
+ _Herculanum_, its destruction, iii, 209.
+
+ _Herdonia_, battle, ii, 119.
+
+ _Herdonius_, Appius, attacks Rome at the head of four thousand Sabines,
+ i, 283.
+
+ _Hereditary governments_, not to be met with in Italy, i, 151.
+
+ _Hermæum_, headland over against Carthage, ii, 20.
+
+ _Hermann_, see Arminius.
+
+ _Hermann_, Gottfried, i, 73.
+
+ _Hermanric_, leader of the Goths, iii, 317;
+ whether belonging to the time in which Jornandes places him
+ uncertain, 317.
+
+ _T. Herminius_, i, 206, 210.
+
+ _Hermodorus_ of Ephesus, his advice said to have been asked by the
+ decemvirs, i, 296;
+ friend of Heraclitus, 297;
+ banished from Ephesus because he was too wise, 297, 461.
+
+ _Hermogenianus_, a mere compiler, iii, 275.
+
+ _Hermunduri_, peace with the Romans, iii, 242.
+
+ _Hernæ_, Sabine word for mountain, i, 247.
+
+ _Hernicans_, enter into isopolity with the Romans and Latins, i, 220,
+ 246;
+ league with the Latins and Romans, 246;
+ dwell in five towns, 247;
+ are said to have sprung from the Marsians and Sabines, 247;
+ severed from Rome, 390;
+ union with Rome, 410;
+ take part with the Samnites, 501;
+ the prisoners treated as guilty of high treason by the Romans, 502;
+ receive the right of citizenship through the _Lex Julia_, ii, 354.
+
+ _Herod_, ii, 390;
+ his will, iii, 124.
+
+ _Herodes Atticus_, teacher of M. Antoninus, iii, 238.
+
+ _Herodian_, a stranger and a frivolous writer, iii, 250;
+ his account of the war of Alexander Severus borne out by its
+ intrinsic probability, 265;
+ in all that he really knows, a writer of much judgment, 266.
+
+ _Herodotus_, his superiority, i, 52.
+
+ _Hexameter_, introduced by Ennius into Roman literature, ii, 198;
+ those of Ennius clumsy and full of faults, 198;
+ of Ennius and Lucilius, 393;
+ of the Augustan era, iii, 129.
+
+ _Heyne_, i, 73, 251.
+
+ _Hiempsal_, son of Micipsa, ii, 310;
+ murdered by Jugurtha, 311.
+
+ _Hierarchy_, iii, 338.
+
+ _Hiero of Syracuse_, alliance with Rome, i, 574;
+ his origin, 577;
+ is said to have had Theocritus put to death on account of a satire,
+ 578;
+ peace with Carthage, 578;
+ treachery to his mercenaries, 578;
+ undertakes a war against the Mamertines, 579;
+ beaten by the Romans, 581;
+ makes peace with Rome, 581;
+ assists the Romans at Agrigentum, ii, 11;
+ remains independent from the first Punic war, 41;
+ dies at the age of ninety, 114;
+ his whole family murdered, 116;
+ his assertion respecting the Romans, 354.
+
+ _Hieronymus_ of Cardia, one of the sources of Ennius, i, 24;
+ has written from Pyrrhus’ own memoirs, 564.
+
+ _Hieronymus_, grandson of Hiero, ii, 114;
+ conspiracy discovered, 115;
+ murdered, 115.
+
+ _Highroads_ paved with basalt, i, 518;
+ their excellent condition, iii, 197.
+
+ _Hilary_, Pope, the greatest Christian poet, iii, 326;
+ takes Lucretius for his pattern, 327.
+
+ _Hilary, St._, iii, 326.
+
+ _Hildebrand_ and Hadubrand, their song of more ancient date than
+ Charles the Great, i, 13.
+
+ _Himera_, the Carthaginian and Sicilian boundary in Sicily, ii, 4.
+
+ _Himera_, the battle cannot have been fought on the same day as the
+ battle of Salamis, ii, 3.
+
+ _Himilco_, commander of the Carthaginians at the siege of Lilybæum, ii,
+ 30.
+
+ _Himilco_ conducts the Carthaginian fleet to Sicily in the second Punic
+ war, ii, 116;
+ makes himself master of Agrigentum, 116.
+
+ _Himilco_, Phameas, general of the Carthaginians in the third Punic
+ war, ii, 235;
+ his conduct at the end of the war, 235.
+
+ _Hippo_ rises against Carthage, ii, 45.
+
+ _Hippocrates_, emissary of Hannibal to Hieronymus, ii, 114;
+ obtains the dominion of Syracuse, 116;
+ dies there, 117.
+
+ _Hipponium_, i, 458.
+
+ _Hirpinians_, i, 419;
+ declare for Hannibal whilst on his march to Capua, ii, 107;
+ continue the Marsian war, 358;
+ their country laid waste by Sylla, 385.
+
+ _A. Hirtius_, a most accomplished man, author of the eighth book _de
+ bello Gallico_, and of the book _de bello Alexandrino_, iii, 40, 64;
+ advises Cæsar to be cautious, 80;
+ consul, 87;
+ the war of Mutina, 89;
+ his death, 89;
+ an elegant writer, 130.
+
+ _Hispania Bœtica_, quite Latinized, iii, 215.
+
+ HISPANICUS SENATUS, in the time of Sertorius, ii, 400.
+
+ _History_ has not the effect of weakening man’s belief in Providence,
+ ii, 49;
+ importance of Roman history, i, 78.
+
+ _Historical annals_, some existed before the burning by the Gauls, i,
+ 5.
+
+ _Historical literature_ of the Germans, the oldest is written in
+ poetry, i, 16.
+
+ _Hoche_, general, ii, 14.
+
+ _Holidays_ of the senate during September and October, iii, 119.
+
+ _Holland_, after the peace of Münster there arose there a wild sort of
+ life and differences between William II. and the city of Amsterdam,
+ i, 308;
+ takes the lead among the seven Dutch provinces, 386;
+ the hereditary Stadtholder Captain General and High Admiral, iii,
+ 119.
+
+ _Holstein_, bondage abolished, i, 251.
+
+ _Holy Scriptures_, books restored after the destruction of the temple,
+ i, 7.
+
+ _Homerides_, a genos in Chios, of no relationship to Homer, i, 159.
+
+ _Homoousians_, their persecutions, iii, 309, 315.
+
+ _Honoria_, Justa Grata, iii, 335.
+
+ _Honorius_, Emperor, iii, 322;
+ holds his court at Milan, 330;
+ hemmed in at Asti, 330;
+ flies across the Alps, 330;
+ triumphal arch, 330;
+ Stilicho’s son-in-law, 332;
+ his death, 335.
+
+ _Hooke_ not capable of deep enquiry, i, 4, 72; iii, 94.
+
+ _Horatii_ and _Curiatii_, their combat poetical, i, 81;
+ unknown which of them were Romans, and which Albans, 128.
+
+ _Horatii_ belong to the _gentes minores_, i, 206.
+
+ _M. Horatius_, elected in the place of Collatinus, i, 205.
+
+ _M. Horatius Barbatus_, requires the decemvirs to resign their power,
+ i, 308.
+
+ _Horatius Cocles_, i, 210.
+
+ _Q. Horatius Flaccus_, i, 277;
+ loving mention of his father, ii, 292;
+ ignorant of the history of his own people, 312;
+ not to be compared with Virgil in his knowledge of the Greek writers,
+ 312;
+ turns up his nose at Lucilius, 393;
+ his part in the battle of Philippi, iii, 99;
+ his journey to Brundusium, 104;
+ his most poetical time, 104;
+ his sayings concerning Octavian, 112;
+ his father not foreign, but of Italian origin, 134;
+ his earlier history, 134;
+ does not deserve the reproach of being called a flatterer, 134;
+ chronology of his works, 135;
+ fictitious names, 135;
+ opinion of him, 135.
+
+ _Von Hormayr_, his work on the Tyrol, iii, 151.
+
+ _Horse_, of the equestrian statue of M. Antoninus, belongs to a race
+ which does not seem to us beautiful, iii, 275.
+
+ _Q. Hortensius_, dictator, i, 540.
+
+ _Q. Hortensius_, the orator, not free from envy, ii, 394;
+ ready to sell his convictions for money, 395; iii, 26;
+ his son put to death, iii, 99.
+
+ _Hostia_, mistress of Propertius, iii, 137.
+
+ _Hostilianus_, nephew or son of Decius, colleague of Gallus
+ Trebonianus, iii, 279.
+
+ _Hostilius_, Tullus, with him appears a new era in history, i, 126;
+ the legend of his death, 128;
+ one of the Ramnes, 131.
+
+ _Hostilius_, his cruelty to the Greeks, ii, 210.
+
+ _Hudson_ opposed to Bentley by the university of Oxford, i, 42.
+
+ _Hugo_, i, 387.
+
+ _Humbert_, Colonel, his excavations in Carthage, ii, 239, 310.
+
+ _Von Humboldt_, William, maintains that the Iberians were all of the
+ same stock, ii, 60;
+ believes the poem on the Cantabrian war to be genuine, iii, 150.
+
+ _Hume_, ii, 53.
+
+ _Huns_, a nomadic tribe of Mongolian race, iii, 317;
+ push on the Goths, 317;
+ their abodes, 338;
+ their wars, 339.
+
+ _Hyksos_, under them the old records must have been lost, i, 7;
+ their age forms the boundary of real history, 7.
+
+ _Hyrcanus_, king of Judæa, iii, 11.
+
+
+ I
+
+ _Iberians_, break into Spain from Africa, i, 367;
+ in Southern Spain, the Balearic Isles, Sardinia, Corsica, western
+ Sicily and Africa, 367;
+ driven by the Celts to the Garonne, 368;
+ send an embassy to Alexander the Great, 469;
+ their personal attachment to their princes, ii, 64.
+
+ _Iberians_, on the Caspian sea, brought into subjection by Sapor, iii,
+ 313.
+
+ _Icelus_, favourite of Galba, iii, 196.
+
+ _Idumæi_, cohort of the, iii, 271.
+
+ _Ignominia_, i, 335.
+
+ _Ilia_, mother of Romulus, i, 111.
+
+ _Ilia_, name of Jerusalem according to the Arab writers, iii, 230.
+
+ _Ilium_, destroyed by C. Flavius Fimbria, ii, 373.
+
+ _Illiberis_, (also called Helena,) in Roussillon, iii, 305.
+
+ _Illiturgis_, near Cordova, ii, 120.
+
+ _Illyria_, as far as Scutari, a country of low hills, on the east it
+ has a high ridge of mountains, ii, 152.
+
+ _Illyrian empire_, its spread before the Peloponnesian war, ii, 47;
+ war with Rome, 47;
+ peace, 47;
+ second war, 57.
+
+ _Illyrians_, see Enchelians;
+ waste the coast of Greece, ii, 46.
+
+ _Illyricum_, extensively colonized, iii, 272;
+ there are still some pure descendants of the Goths there, 320.
+
+ _Imbrivium_, not Imbrinium, near Subiaco, i, 481.
+
+ _Imbros_, Athenian, ii, 164.
+
+ _Imperator_, surname of the Emperor, iii, 117.
+
+ IMPERIA MANLIANA, i, 343.
+
+ INCORPORALES RES, i, 179.
+
+ _Indibilis_, a Spanish prince, enters into an insurrection against
+ Scipio, ii, 130.
+
+ _Indictions_, iii, 301.
+
+ _Informers_, under Tiberius, iii, 173;
+ under Domitian, 213.
+
+ _Inghirami_, his forgeries, i, 141.
+
+ _Insanity_ of several princes, iii, 179;
+ no means were known in ancient times for its treatment, 179.
+
+ _Inscriptions_, under Hadrian, in barbarous Latin, iii, 231;
+ most of the sepulchral inscriptions are from the end of the first to
+ the beginning of the third century, P. C., 274;
+ written characters of a barbarous shape, 276.
+
+ _Instinct_ of substituting the fallen off members of political
+ organizations, i, 109.
+
+ _Insubrians_, in Italy, ii, 52;
+ conquered by Flaminius, 56;
+ ready for rebellion, 83;
+ declare for Hannibal, 87;
+ in arms against the Romans, 164;
+ submission after two campaigns, 164.
+
+ INSULA BATAVORUM, iii, 203.
+
+ _Interamnium_ built, i, 497;
+ Roman colony, ii, 106.
+
+ _Interdict_, possessory, i, 254.
+
+ _Interest_, it is forbidden in Rome to take interest, i, 541; ii, 192.
+
+ _Interreges_, were only patricians, i, 454.
+
+ _Invading peoples_ not to be found in scattered spots, i, 367.
+
+ _Ionia_, with the exception of some towns, comes into the possession of
+ Eumenes, i, 185.
+
+ _Ipsus_, battle, i, 553.
+
+ _Irak_ Ajemi, has in all probability preserved the language of the
+ Medes, iii, 264.
+
+ _Ireland_, after the peace of Limerick, under William the third, ii,
+ 264;
+ the Roman Catholics sacrificed at the time of the Union, 283.
+
+ Ἰσηγορία, i, 279.
+
+ Ἰσονομία, i, 279.
+
+ _Isopolity_, i, 220.
+
+ _Issa_, delivered by the Romans, ii, 47.
+
+ _Isthmus_ of Corinth, Cæsar wishes to cut it through, iii, 74.
+
+ _Istrians_, subjected even before the war of Hannibal, ii, 57.
+
+ _Itali_, name of the Pelasgians in Italy, i, 97;
+ principle of the Italians, that the complaint of the breach of treaty
+ was to be made before the injured people, i, 266.
+
+ _Italia_, originally the country south of the Tiber or south of Latium,
+ iii, 97;
+ once bounded on the north by a line from the Garganus to Terracina,
+ 97;
+ the name afterwards extended to a wider range, 97.
+
+ _Italian towns_, Rome exacts from them military service, i, 571.
+
+ _Italians_, begin in the fifteenth century to consider themselves the
+ heirs of the ancient Romans, i, 67, 222;
+ apply themselves to history, 68;
+ their different laws in the middle ages, 228;
+ their tillage, 234;
+ their peasantry worthy and respectable, the herdsmen and townspeople
+ good for nothing, 460; ii, 265;
+ unfit for a sea life, i, 460;
+ make beasts of themselves when they have an opportunity of feasting,
+ ii, 189.
+
+ _Italica._ See Corfinium.
+
+ _Italica_, in the neighbourhood of Seville, iii, 216;
+ birth place of Trajan and Hadrian, 216.
+
+ _Italy_ divided with reference to taxation, i, 573;
+ southern Italy takes the form of a province, owing to the war with
+ Hannibal, ii, 186;
+ the large estates there more profitable than the smaller ones, 272;
+ condition during the Servile war, 405;
+ divided into a number of regions, iii, 124;
+ aversion to military service, 159;
+ fields cultivated by slaves, and the population changed, 187;
+ free from the land-tax, 299;
+ the spirit of bravery died away, 330.
+
+ _Ituræi_, iii, 271, note.
+
+ _Itzig_, iii, 302.
+
+
+ J
+
+ _Jacobi_, F. H., compared with Cicero, iii, 26.
+
+ _Janiculum_, the existence of an old town there, i, 121;
+ probably Roman, whilst the territory on the other side of the Tiber
+ was Etruscan, 214.
+
+ _Janus_ and _Jana_ (Diana), the heavenly lights, i, 169.
+
+ _Janus_, two different ones on the Roman gates, i, 263, note.
+
+ _Janus_, his temple closed, iii, 151.
+
+ _Janus_, Quirini, i, 187.
+
+ _Janus’ head_, symbol of the double state.
+
+ _Jerome_, St., iii, 325;
+ his wit, 326.
+
+ _Jeremiah_, ii, 252.
+
+ _Jerusalem_, under Ezra and Nehemiah, i, 391;
+ conquered by Pompey, the temple plundered, iii, 11;
+ a military colony founded under the name of Ælia Capitolina, 230.
+
+ _Jews_, their last struggle with the Romans, ii, 252;
+ rebellion under Claudius, iii, 199;
+ under Hadrian, 230;
+ not allowed to approach Jerusalem, 230;
+ outbreak under Antoninus Pius, 236;
+ divided into Jews and Proselytes, the latter into two classes, the
+ Proselytes of Righteousness, and the Proselytes of the Gate, i,
+ 164.
+
+ _Jewish_ tribes, i, 163.
+
+ _Johannes_, the first emperor with a Christian name, iii, 335.
+
+ _Johannes Saresberiensis_, quotes from Livy, i, 67.
+
+ _Josephus_, his notice against Apion from Phœnician chronicles, ii, 1;
+ his book one of the most interesting historical works, iii, 199;
+ throws light on the tactic of the Romans, 199;
+ is a Pharisee, 199.
+
+ _Jovian_, emperor, cedes a tract of country to the Persians, ii, 147;
+ becomes emperor, iii, 315;
+ concludes a peace with Persia, 315;
+ gives an edict for freedom of belief, 315;
+ his death, 315.
+
+ _Jovinus_, usurper, iii, 333.
+
+ _Juba_, ii, 322;
+ king of Mauritania, and client of Pompey, iii, 57;
+ presented by Augustus with the realm of Bocchus, 162.
+
+ _Dec. Jubellius_, leader of the Campanian legion at Rhegium, i, 573.
+
+ _Jubellius Taurea_, his death, ii, 113.
+
+ JUDICES equivalent to _centumviri_, i, 313;
+ delegated by a prætor, 404;
+ elected from the senate, 404.
+
+ _Jugera_, five hundred, as much as seventy rubbii now, ii, 277.
+
+ _Jugurtha_, son of Mastanabal, ii, 310;
+ sent to Spain, 310;
+ adopted by Micipsa, 311;
+ bribery in Rome, 311;
+ surrenders himself for appearance sake to the Romans, 314;
+ comes to Rome on the strength of Cassius’ word of honour, 315;
+ causes Massiva to be murdered in Rome, 315;
+ his behaviour towards Metellus, 317;
+ goes to Bocchus, 321;
+ given up to Marius, 321.
+
+ _Julia_, Cæsar’s aunt, married to Marius, iii, 83.
+
+ _Julia_, Cæsar’s daughter, married to Pompey, iii, 39.
+
+ _Julia_, Cæsar’s sister, wife of M. Atius Balbus, iii, 83.
+
+ _Julia_, Augustus’ daughter, first married to Marcellus, then to
+ Agrippa, iii, 143;
+ her shameful depravity, 146;
+ transported to Pandataria, 147.
+
+ _Julia Domna_, wife of Septimius Severus, iii, 252, 254, 259.
+
+ _Julia Emerita_ (Merida), a colony, iii, 150.
+
+ _Julian_, emperor, taken in by any one who called himself a
+ philosopher, iii, 245;
+ son of Julius Constantius, 304;
+ kept prisoner in Cæsarea, 306;
+ called by the Christian writers apostata, extolled by the Heathen
+ ones, 307;
+ Cæsar, 306;
+ marries Helena, 307;
+ proclaimed emperor by the soldiers, 308;
+ his ostentation, 309;
+ character, 309;
+ Misopogon, 311;
+ war against Persia, 311;
+ his death, 314.
+
+ _Julianus_, Claudius, Cæsar, his letter to Maximus and Balbinus, iii,
+ 270.
+
+ _Julianus Didius_, Emperor, iii, 250;
+ character, 250;
+ put to death, 251.
+
+ _Julii_, an Alban clan, belonging to the _gentes minores_, iii, 29;
+ not to be found in the Fasti from the fourth to the seventh century,
+ 29;
+ sided with the popular party, 29.
+
+ _July_, month, origin of its name, iii, 114.
+
+ _Julius._ See Cæsar.
+
+ _C. Julius_, decemvir, summons the people to pass judgment on one who
+ was not _reus manifestus_, i, 307.
+
+ JUNIORES, i, 180.
+
+ _Junius._ See Brutus.
+
+ _Junius._ See Pennus.
+
+ _C. Junius Bubulcus_, consul in the Samnite war, vows to Salus a
+ temple, i, 498.
+
+ _L. Junius_, consul, his fleet destroyed by a storm, ii, 34;
+ surprises Eryx, 35.
+
+ _Juno_, the worship of Juno on the Capitol Etruscan, i, 148.
+
+ _Jupiter_, his worship on the Capitol Etruscan, i, 148.
+
+ _Jurisdiction_ in Italy after the Lex Julia is obscure, iii, 255.
+
+ _Jurisprudence_, the study of, becomes the province of the French, i,
+ 68;
+ revival in the eighteenth century, 73;
+ has two sides, 388;
+ history of the emperors indispensable for it, iii, 164;
+ foundation of its system under Hadrian, 231;
+ its progress under Antoninus Pius, 237.
+
+ _Jury_, in ancient Rome, instituted after the laws of Gracchus, ii,
+ 297.
+
+ JUS AGRARIUM, i, 252;
+ the Romans stand alone with regard to it, 253.
+
+ JUS CÆRITUM EXULANDI, i, 210.
+
+ JUS FLAVIANUM, a sort of “Complete Lawyer,” i, 521.
+
+ JUS GENTIUM, had, perhaps originally a much wider meaning than is
+ generally believed, i, 161.
+
+ JUS PAPIRIANUM, i, 184, 226.
+
+ _Justina_, wife of Valentinian the first, iii, 321.
+
+ _Justin_, a careless writer, ii, 2.
+
+ _Justin_, the Martyr, iii, 235.
+
+ _Juthungi_, the reigning dynasty of the Lombards, iii, 280;
+ pass the Po, 287.
+
+ _Juvenal_, reproached with having in his writings chiefly described
+ depravity, iii, 178;
+ his opinion of Otho, 197;
+ one of the greatest minds, 210.
+
+ _P. Juventius Thalna_, beaten by Andriscus, ii, 247.
+
+
+ K
+
+ _Kant_ assails the eloquence and profession of advocate, iii, 21.
+
+ _Kent_, iii, 45.
+
+ _Kinburn_, iii, 71.
+
+ _Kinna_, a place now unknown, i, 495.
+
+ _Klopstock_, his hexameters, ii, 198.
+
+ _Kunersdorf_, battle, i, 560; iii, 278.
+
+
+ L
+
+ _Labeo._ See Atinius.
+
+ _Laberius_, ii, 16.
+
+ _Laberius, Dec._, composer of Mimes, iii, 129, 141.
+
+ _Labici._ See Lavici.
+
+ _Labienus_, in the battle of Munda, iii, 71;
+ his conduct, 106;
+ goes to the Parthians, 106.
+
+ _Lacedæmon_, one revolution follows another;
+ Machanidas seizes the government, ii, 145;
+ lose their ancient constitution, 151;
+ a separate state, 165.
+
+ _Lacedæmonians_, the general population of Sparta, ii, 249.
+
+ _Laco_, favourite of Galba, iii, 196.
+
+ _Lactantius_, his work a reproduction of Cicero, iii, 293, 325.
+
+ _Lælianus._ See Ælianus.
+
+ _Lælius_, supports Masinissa in his attack against Syphax, ii, 137.
+
+ _C. Lælius_, gets the surname of Sapiens, ii, 275;
+ fragment of a speech, 292, 394.
+
+ _Lænas._ See Popillius.
+
+ _Lætorius_, friend of C. Gracchus, ii, 305.
+
+ _Lætus Pomponius_ gives an impulse to the study of archæology, i, 67.
+
+ _Lætus_, _præfecto prætorio_ under Commodus, iii, 249.
+
+ _Lævians_, a people on the Ticinus, i, 365.
+
+ _Lævinus_, M. Valerius, restores Agrigentum, ii, 119;
+ takes out, as prætor, a fleet against Philip, 143;
+ his fleet a curse for Greece, 146.
+
+ _Lævinus_, P. Valerius, consul, against Pyrrhus, i, 558;
+ battle near Heracles, 558;
+ follows Pyrrhus on the Appian road, 562.
+
+ _Lamennais_, iii, 51.
+
+ _Lamia_, on the Thessalian side of Thermopylæ, belongs to Ætolia
+ Epictetus, ii, 174;
+ besieged by Philip, 174;
+ the siege given up, 174.
+
+ _Lampadius_, C. Octavius, divides Nævius’ history of the Punic war into
+ books, i, 17.
+
+ _Lamponius_ M., ii, 382.
+
+ _Land tax_, Savigny has done a great deal for its elucidation, iii,
+ 229.
+
+ _Language_, Polish and Lithuanian, their relationship, i, 95;
+ that of a conquered people often becomes extinct, 144;
+ the Western part of the Roman empire preserves a kind of unity of
+ language, iii, 163.
+
+ _Languedoc_, ii, 308.
+
+ _Lanuvians_, full citizenship granted to them, i, 448.
+
+ _Lanuvium_ devastated by Marius, ii, 372.
+
+ _Lanzi_ supposes Etruscan to have been a sort of Greek, i, 142.
+
+ _Larinum_, ii, 126.
+
+ _Larissa_, a Pelasgian word signifying borough, i, 101.
+
+ _Lars_, probably signifies king or God in Etruscan, i, 136, 208, note.
+
+ _Sp. Lartius_, i, 206, 210.
+
+ _Latin language_, a medley of Oscan, and Siculo-Pelasgian, i, 105;
+ degenerates, iii, 232.
+
+ _Latin form_ of Greek proper names, ii, 194.
+
+ _Latins_, had a number of towns, from Tibur to the river Tiber, i, 101;
+ Latins and Sabines settle on the Aventine, 165;
+ the hegemony over them acquired by Tarquin the Proud, not by Servius
+ Tullus, 185;
+ the _feriæ Latinæ_ established on the Alban mount, 185;
+ the sacrifices on the Aventine offered in the temple of Diana,
+ afterwards in a grove near Aricia, 186;
+ bind themselves _ad majestatem populi Romani comiter colendam_, 195;
+ leagued under Octavius Mamilius with Porsena, 210;
+ break the alliance with Rome after the Etruscan calamity, 216;
+ peace concluded in the year 259, 219;
+ receive isopolity, 220;
+ league of Sp. Cassius in the year 261, 220;
+ receive isopolity _jus municipii_, 243;
+ league with the Romans and Hernicans, 246;
+ defeated by the Volscians and Æquians in the valley of Grotta
+ Ferrara, 276;
+ after the spread of the Volscians again subject to the Romans, 293;
+ free themselves after the Gallic calamity from the Roman rule, 386;
+ part of them unite with Velitræ and Antium in hostility against Rome,
+ 390;
+ friendship with Rome restored, 410;
+ the new federation, 411;
+ has for its chiefs two prætors, 412;
+ continue the war against the Samnites alone, 436;
+ their constitution, 437;
+ proposals for a union with Rome, 437;
+ war with Rome, 438;
+ fight near Veseris, 439;
+ battle near Trifanum, 444;
+ conditions of their subjection, 444;
+ last insurrection, 445;
+ battle on the river Astura, 447;
+ the people are born husbandmen, 460;
+ revolt, 480;
+ opposed to the agrarian law of Ti. Gracchus, ii, 283;
+ C. Gracchus wishes to extend to them the full right of citizenship,
+ 299;
+ meaning in the time of Livius Drusus, 346;
+ receive the full franchise by the Lex Julia, 354.
+
+ _Latini_, iii, 258.
+
+ _Latin fortifications_, i, 146.
+
+ _Latin towns_, thirty in number, i, 109;
+ have all of them a council of a Hundred, 120.
+
+ _Latium_ extends as far as Campania, i, 102;
+ suffers dreadfully in the war with Cinna, ii, 372.
+
+ _Latteen sails_ of the ancients, ii, 39.
+
+ LAUDATIONES FUNEBRES, i, 11;
+ owing to them falsifications creep into Roman history, 11;
+ a tissue of repetitions like the λόγοι ἐπιτάφιοι, 261.
+
+ _Laurentum_ alone retains the old fœdus, i, 451.
+
+ _Lautulæ_, insurrection, i, 430;
+ quelled by Valerius Corvus, 431;
+ battle, 494.
+
+ _Lavici_, not Labici, 344;
+ Roman colony, 345.
+
+ _Lavinium_ founded by thirty households, i, 109;
+ a general name for Latium, central point of the Prisci Latini, 109;
+ keeps faithful to Rome, 390.
+
+ _Lays_, historical, in Roman history, i, 88.
+
+ _Leagues_, a clause in those of the ancients, wherein the contracting
+ parties prescribed to each other the bounds of their intended
+ encroachments upon other nations, i, 412.
+
+ _Leave of absence_, purchased by the Roman soldiers, iii, 157.
+
+ LEGATI AUGUSTI, _pro consule, pro prætore_, &c., iii, 121.
+
+ LEGATI _pro prætore_ in the imperial provinces, often remained the
+ whole of their lives in the same province, iii, 244.
+
+ LEGES, the resolutions of the patricians, i, 241.
+
+ LEGES ANNALES, suspended during the second Punic war, ii, 132;
+ _lex Villia annalis_ rigorously observed, 239;
+ those in force in Cicero’s days, dated from the age of Sylla, 239.
+
+ _Leges Liciniæ_, (Licinian Rogations,) i, 205, 396;
+ violated in the year 412 for the last time, 425;
+ enlargement of it, 432.
+
+ LEGES POMPEIÆ, iii, 38.
+
+ LEGES PORCIÆ, iii, 35.
+
+ LEGES PUBLILIÆ, i, 447.
+
+ LEGES SACRATÆ, he who violated them was to be sold as a slave at the
+ temple of Ceres, i, 290.
+
+ LEGES SEMPRONIÆ, ii, 277, 294.
+
+ LEGES VALERIÆ, i, 207.
+
+ LEGIO MARTIA, iii, 89.
+
+ _Legion_, in the war of Hannibal, consisted of 4,200 men and 200 horse,
+ ii, 98.
+
+ _Legions_, the country and city, at the time of the Gallic calamity, i,
+ 375;
+ the country legions armed with pikes, 376;
+ consisted half of Latins and half of Romans, 376;
+ three thousand men strong, 376;
+ their arrangement in the war against the Latins, 441;
+ their division in Cæsar’s time, ii, 326;
+ their time of service, iii, 126;
+ their camps on the frontiers in which they were stationed until
+ superannuated, 169;
+ outbreak in Illyricum and on the Rhine, 169;
+ their degeneracy in the East, 243.
+
+ _Legislations_, of old, did not only comprise civil and criminal law
+ and judicial procedure, but political law and transient measures
+ also, i, 278;
+ should be independent of magistracy, 278.
+
+ LEMBI, the lightest ships, ii, 17.
+
+ _Lentulus_, consul, prætor, accomplice of Catiline, iii, 22.
+
+ _Leo the Great_, iii, 327.
+
+ _Lepidus_, M. Æmilius, head of the democracy, ii, 395;
+ sets himself up as the avenger of Rome, 396;
+ dies in Sardinia, 397.
+
+ _Lepidus_, M. Æmilius, in Gaul, iii, 87;
+ triumvir, 91;
+ confined to Africa, 105;
+ Pontifex Maximus, 110, 118.
+
+ _Lepontians_, on the Lake of Como, of Etruscan race, i, 145;
+ stand against the immigrating Gauls, 368.
+
+ _Lerida in Catalonia_, battle, iii, 56.
+
+ _Lesbos_, allied with Chios and Byzantium, iii, 145.
+
+ _Lessing_, endowed with a most philological spirit, i, 73; ii, 245;
+ German literature reaches perfection through Lessing, iii, 127;
+ connecting link between two generations, 130;
+ has no equal among German prose writers, 226.
+
+ _Letronne_, ii, 78.
+
+ _Letters_, their use known in the earliest times among the Romans, i,
+ 4;
+ a common use not to be thought of previous to the use of the Egyptian
+ papyrus, 4;
+ have a threefold root, 4, _note_;
+ of more ancient date in Europe than Homer, 4.
+
+ _Leuco-Syrians_, ii, 360.
+
+ _Levesque_, i, 73.
+
+ LEX ÆLIA ET FUFIA, ii, 225;
+ repealed by Clodius, 226.
+
+ LEX ÆLIA SENTIA, iii, 122, 163.
+
+ LEX AGRARIA of Sp. Cassius, i, 256;
+ probably accepted, 257;
+ _lex agraria_ TRIBUNICIA, 346.
+
+ LEX ATERNIA TARPEIA, i, 339.
+
+ LEX AURELIA _judiciaria_, iii, 4.
+
+ LEX CASSIA not to be regarded as an innovation, ii, 285.
+
+ LEX CORNELIA _de ambitu_, ii, 227.
+
+ LEX FLAMINIA, ii, 87.
+
+ LEX FURIA _testamentaria_ may be placed about the year 450, i, 303.
+
+ LEX DE GALLIA _Cisalpina_, ii, 165.
+
+ LEX GENUCIA, i, 517.
+
+ LEX HORTENSIA, i, 322, 542.
+
+ LEX DE IMPERIO, ii, 41.
+
+ LEX JULIA, i, 120, 172, 311;
+ unites Gallia Cispadana to Italy, ii, 165, 354.
+
+ LEX JULIA _de adulterio_, iii, 187.
+
+ LEX JULIA _de judiciis_, iii, 124.
+
+ LEX JULIA NORBANA, iii, 119.
+
+ LEX JUNIA, i, 280;
+ dated by Dionysius thirty years too early, 280.
+
+ LEX MÆNIA, made the confirmation by the curies a mere form, i, 406,
+ 539.
+
+ LEX MENSIA, i, 173.
+
+ LEX MUCIA LICINIA, ii, 344.
+
+ LEX OGULNIA, i, 130, 523.
+
+ LEX OVINIA TRIBUNICIA, i, 335.
+
+ LEX PAPIA POPPÆA, iii, 163, 187.
+
+ LEX PEDIA, iii, 91.
+
+ LEX PUBLILIA, of the dictator, Q. Publilius Philo, i, 321.
+
+ LEX SERVILIA, ii, 345.
+
+ LEX TERENTILIA, i, 278.
+
+ LEX THORIA, ii, 290.
+
+ LEX TREBONIA, iii, 37.
+
+ LEX VALERIA, i, 235.
+
+ LEX VALERIA HORATIA, i, 320.
+
+ LEX VOCONIA, ii, 225.
+
+ _Leyden_ inhabited only about the centre, ii, 108.
+
+ _Libanius_ appeases the emperor Theodosius, iii, 322.
+
+ LIBERTINI and their descendants excluded from the _gentes_, i, 160. See
+ Freedmen.
+
+ _Library_ of Ptolemy Philadelphus burnt, iii, 64.
+
+ LIBRI AUGURALES, i, 11, 238.
+
+ LIBRI FATALES, of Etruscan origin, i, 151.
+
+ LIBRI LEGEM, i, 9.
+
+ LIBRI MAGISTRATUUM, i, 9.
+
+ LIBRI PONTIFICUM, i, 10.
+
+ LIBURNÆ, light ships, ii, 17.
+
+ _Liburnians_, the name of the earlier inhabitants of the North of
+ Italy, i, 98.
+
+ _Libyans_, oppressive neighbours of the Carthaginians, ii, 2;
+ mingle only gradually with the Phœnician settlers, 2, 4;
+ do not differ in their constitution from the inhabitants of Southern
+ Europe, 5;
+ the relation between the Libyans and Pœni analogous to that of the
+ Lettish and the Lithuanians to the Germans, 6;
+ take arms against Carthage, 44;
+ have an alphabet of their own, 310.
+
+ _Licinian family_, defends the rights of the plebeians, i, 402.
+
+ _Licinius’ laws_ are in fact only a repetition of former ones, ii, 402;
+ conf., ii, 270.
+
+ _Licinius._ See Crassus, Lucullus, etc.
+
+ _Licinius_, Augustus in Illyricum, iii, 298;
+ war with Maximinian Daza, 300;
+ war with Constantine, 300;
+ married to Constantia, half-sister of Constantine, 300;
+ conquered near Adrianople, executed, 300.
+
+ _P. Licinius Calvus_, plebeian senator, i, 340.
+
+ _C. Licinius Macer_, writes history from documents, i, 33;
+ one of Pliny’s sources, 33;
+ Cicero speaks unfavourably of him, 33.
+
+ _C. Licinius Stolo_, tribune of the people, i, 396;
+ accused of having evaded his own law, ii, 272.
+
+ _Lictors_, among the Tuscans the king of each town has a lictor, i,
+ 221;
+ twelve Latin and twelve Roman lictors given to the common dictator,
+ 221;
+ represent the curies, 539.
+
+ _Lightnings_, flashing forth from the earth, the fact already known to
+ the Etruscans, i, 154.
+
+ _Ligue_ sharpened the wit and quickened the mind of the people, ii,
+ 395.
+
+ _Ligurians_ in South of France, Piedmont, and Lombardy, i, 368;
+ pushed on by the Iberians as far as Aix in Provence, 368;
+ a warlike race, 371;
+ war against Rome, ii, 51;
+ new war against Rome, 200;
+ did not extend beyond the borders of Provence, 200;
+ fifty thousand Ligurians led from their homes into Samnium, 200.
+
+ _Ligurian peoples_ in Piedmont, ii, 57.
+
+ _Lilybæum_, besieged by Pyrrhus, i, 566;
+ its fortifications one of the wonders of the ancient world, 567;
+ siege raised by Pyrrhus, 567;
+ the survivors of Motye become the founders of Lilybæum, 575;
+ besieged by the Romans, ii, 29;
+ etymology of its name, 29;
+ had a good harbour, 29;
+ Roman, 116.
+
+ LIMES, made road, iii, 157.
+
+ _Limigantes_, a Sarmatian colony, iii, 301.
+
+ _Linen manufactures_, iii, 237.
+
+ LINGUA RUSTICA, or _vulgaris_, iii, 232.
+
+ _Lipariotes_, the guardians of the Tyrrhenian sea against the pirates,
+ i, 428.
+
+ _Liparian isles_, sea fight, ii, 15.
+
+ _Lipsius_, Justus, i, 240;
+ does not distinguish between the different ages, 240.
+
+ LIS VINDICIÆ and _lis vindiciarum_, i, 123.
+
+ _Lista_, chief town of the Opicans, i, 103.
+
+ _Liternum_, a Latin colony, or _colonia maritima_, between Cumæ and
+ Minturnæ, ii, 185.
+
+ _Literature_, Christian, iii, 325.
+
+ _Literature_, Grecian, ruinous effects of the great fire at
+ Constantinople, iii, 190.
+
+ _Literature_, Roman, under Augustus, compared with that of the French
+ under Louis XIV., and the latter with that under Louis XV., i, 31;
+ the division into golden, silver, &c., ages very preposterous, iii,
+ 185.
+
+ _Livia_, mother of M. Cato, iii, 76.
+
+ _Livia Drusilla_, wife of Augustus, iii, 143;
+ her sway over Augustus, 143;
+ accused of poisoning C. Cæsar, 148;
+ hatred to Germanicus 160;
+ daughter of Livius Drusus, 165;
+ Tiberius’ fear of her, 174;
+ her death, 174;
+ treated Claudius with particular harshness, 181.
+
+ _Livilla_, daughter of the elder Drusus, wife of the younger, iii, 175.
+
+ _Livius Andronicus_, ii, 195;
+ makes an abridgment of the Odyssey in the Italian measure, 196;
+ his tragedies, 196.
+
+ _M. Livius Drusus_, tries to undermine the popularity of C. Gracchus,
+ ii, 301;
+ founds twelve colonies, 302;
+ whether they were really founded, 302.
+
+ _M. Livius Drusus_, son of the former, tribune, ii, 344;
+ his probable aim, 345;
+ his legislation, 345;
+ goes over to the opposition, 348;
+ murdered, 349;
+ denounces the conspiracy of the Italians against the senate, 351.
+
+ _Livius Drusus_, father of Livia Drusilla, his real name Appius
+ Claudius Pulcher, iii, 165.
+
+ _T. Livius Patavinus_ (Livy), liable to the censure of having made the
+ earlier Roman history into disrepute, i, 4;
+ his statements concerning the booty, etc., are taken from the
+ Triumphal Fasti, 10;
+ his carelessness with regard to making use of historical records, 11;
+ took his description of the time of the kings from Ennius, 24, 80;
+ anachronism with regard to the Origines of Cato, 26;
+ in his first books borrowed many things from Valerius Antias 33;
+ began to write in 743, 45;
+ born in 693 at Patavium, died 772, 45;
+ grounds for fixing the period at which he began to compose his
+ history at so late a date, 45;
+ traces found in the last books of the first decade, that Livy had
+ known Dionysius, 45;
+ died before he had finished his work, 45;
+ the division in decades an original one, 47;
+ in the later decades he paraphrases Polybius, 47;
+ becomes prolix in his old age, 47;
+ the old grammarians reproach him with tautology and palilogy, 48;
+ the preface belongs to the worst parts of the work, 48;
+ was, when he commenced his work, entirely deficient in general
+ historical knowledge, 48;
+ dictated the whole of his work, 49;
+ always took one annalist as his ground work, 49;
+ his talent for description and narration, 50;
+ deficient in comprehensiveness of view, 50;
+ was in early life a Pompeian, 50; iii, 92;
+ reproach of Patavinity, i, 51;
+ the perfect correctness of his style, 51;
+ his amiable disposition, 52;
+ his influence on the later ages, 52;
+ all the MSS. of the first decade may be traced to a single one, 53;
+ missing books of Livy sought for in different parts of the world, 54;
+ fragments of the ninety-first book, 55;
+ condition of the text, 55;
+ commentaries and editions, 56;
+ no quotation from him since Priscian, during the whole of the middle
+ ages, except in Joannes Saresberensis, 67;
+ his account the most unadulterated source for the earlier times, 81;
+ not to be supposed that he had written from the old heroic poems, 92,
+ 136;
+ gives his sources without understanding them, 216;
+ the account of the war of the Auruncians occurs twice in him, 222;
+ does not generally alter the materials which he finds, but merely
+ drops part of them, 241;
+ was, with all his genius, no more than a rhetorician, 327;
+ mistakes, in the second Punic war, a certain Heraclitus for the
+ philosopher of the same name, 329;
+ makes use of Dionysius, perhaps as early as in the fifth book, 364;
+ looks upon earlier Roman history with a sort of irony, 383;
+ wrote history not to give an account of facts, but for the sake of
+ the narrative, 397;
+ is very exact in his histories of the Fabian house, 507;
+ did not think of making any use of Hannibal’s memoirs, ii, 62;
+ the romantic in him may be traced to Cœlius Antipater, 63;
+ in his accounts of the war of Hannibal we may distinguish the
+ different sources, 63;
+ all the speeches of Hanno and others are rhetorical trifles, 68;
+ the description of the siege of Saguntum certainly from Cœlius, 72;
+ opinion on Cicero, iii, 92, 95;
+ literary character, 141;
+ takes pity on Claudius, and encourages him to write history, 182;
+ influence of the rhetoricians on him, 185;
+ whenever he wants to be argumentative he is infinitely harder than
+ Tacitus, 226;
+ stands forth as a great man in his age, 228.
+
+ _M. Livius Salinator_, near Ariminum, ii, 126.
+
+ _Lixæ_, i, 178.
+
+ _Loans_, earliest system of them, i, 387;
+ loan from the rich in Rome ii, 37.
+
+ _Locks_, known to the ancients, brought to perfection by the
+ Netherlanders in the fifteenth century, iii, 74.
+
+ _Locrians_, Ozolian, Ætolian, ii, 151.
+
+ _Locri_, i, 459;
+ taken by the Bruttians, ii, 107;
+ the first Greek town which declares for Hannibal, 107;
+ taken from Hannibal by Scipio, 133.
+
+ _Locris_, well affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii, 145;
+ subject to the rule of the Macedonians, 151;
+ a separate state, 163.
+
+ LOCUPLETES, i, 182;
+ _locupletes testes_, 182.
+
+ _Logau’s_ poems at the end of the thirty years’ war, iii, 340.
+
+ _M. Lollius_, legate, defeated by the Bructeri, iii, 153.
+
+ _Lombards_, carried on the money trade in medieval Italy, i, 227.
+
+ _Lombards_, fearing rebellions, pulled down the walls of all the
+ conquered towns in Italy, ii, 20;
+ pass the Po, iii, 287;
+ see Juthungi.
+
+ _Lombardy_, the cold there not less severe than in Germany, ii, 86.
+
+ _Louis XIII._, conspires against one of his subjects, iii, 333.
+
+ _Louis XIV._, the devastation of the Palatinate under him is the last
+ war of horrors, ii, 119.
+
+ _Luca_, colony founded, ii, 165;
+ congress between Cæsar, Pompey and Crassus, iii, 39.
+
+ _Lucanians_, sprung from the Sabine stock, i, 122;
+ not in a position of equality with the Œnotrians, 153;
+ war against them decided by a miraculous apparition, 219;
+ come from the Samnites, 419;
+ attack Heraclea and Metapontum, 463;
+ send ambassadors to Alexander the Great, 469;
+ hostile to the Greek, but partake of Greek civilization, 472;
+ called a Samnite colony, 478;
+ are Œnotrians become Samnites, 479;
+ never strong, 479;
+ union with Rome, 479;
+ independent, 505;
+ war with Tarentum, 510;
+ with the Samnites, 524;
+ again turn their arms against Rome, 544;
+ send ambassadors to Pyrrhus to Epirus, 557;
+ acknowledge the supremacy, 571;
+ in the service of Agathocles, 577;
+ fall away from Rome after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 107;
+ not trustworthy, 111;
+ hardly dealt with after the war of Hannibal, 187;
+ revolt in the Social war against Rome, 352.
+
+ _Lucania_, nearly the whole country under Honorius was pastureland, ii,
+ 264.
+
+ _Lucan_, the Pharsalia wretched, iii, 132;
+ immensely read during the middle ages, 186;
+ the Lucanian school, 186.
+
+ _Luceres_, _Lucertes_, the third tribe of the earliest Roman
+ population, i, 129;
+ in the same relation to the two older tribes, as Ireland was to Great
+ Britain to the year 1782, 130;
+ introduced into the senate by Tarquinius Priscus, 141;
+ are called factio regis, 194.
+
+ _Luceria_, originally a Samnite town, taken from them by Apulians,
+ besieged by the Samnites, i, 486;
+ the conquest happened very likely in the year 439, 493;
+ receives a colony, 497; ii, 106.
+
+ _Lucerne_ and Berne, insurrection in the year 1657, i, 237.
+
+ _Lucerum_, name of the town on the Cœlius, i, 129.
+
+ _Lucian’s_ Lexiphanes, iii, 234;
+ overrated for some time, 234;
+ his style calls forth our admiration, 234.
+
+ _Lucilius_, from Suessa Aurunca, his verses, ii, 393.
+
+ _Lucilla_, sister of Commodus, iii, 248.
+
+ _Lucretia_, ii, 198;
+ her marriage with Collatinus belongs to poetry alone, 204.
+
+ _Lucretius_, Roman prætor, particularly notorious by his cruel deeds
+ against the Greeks, ii, 209.
+
+ _T. Lucretius Carus_, his eminence, iii, 128.
+
+ _Q. Lucretius Ofella_, besieges Præneste, ii, 381.
+
+ _Sp. Lucretius Tricipitinus_, belongs to the Ramnes, i, 200;
+ princeps Senatus, 201.
+
+ _Lucullus_, historian, i, 36.
+
+ _L. Lucullus_, general in Spain, ii, 223;
+ opinion of him, iii, 6;
+ outbreak against him, 8;
+ retreats to Cappadocia, 8;
+ recalled, 8.
+
+ _Lucumo_, joins Romulus in the war against the Sabines, i, 117;
+ title of an Etruscan king, 136.
+
+ _Lucus Petelinus_, place of assembly for the populus outside the town,
+ i, 269.
+
+ LUDI ROMANI, after the Licinian rogations a fourth day is added to them
+ for the plebeians, i, 405.
+
+ _Luneburg_, only one house left, i, 140.
+
+ _Lugdunensian tables_, i, 87, 190.
+
+ —LUS, adjective-termination, had a diminutive meaning given it at a
+ later period, i, 341.
+
+ _Lucitanians_, their dwelling-place, ii, 223;
+ Galba’s treachery to them, 224;
+ peace, 260.
+
+ _Lutatius._ See Catullus.
+
+ _Lycia_, civilised, even before it was hellenized, ii, 2;
+ under Egyptian rule, 147;
+ conquered by Syria, 148;
+ Rhodian, 183;
+ taken from the Rhodians by the Romans, 219; iii, 3.
+
+ _Lyciscus_, partisan of the Romans in Ætolia, ii, 209.
+
+ _Lycortas_, father of Polybius, ii, 209.
+
+ _Lydians_, under Atys emigrate to Tyrrhenia, i, 142;
+ after the destruction of Troy, they push forward nearer the coast and
+ subjugate the Meonians, 144.
+
+ _Lydia_, given to Eumenes, ii, 183.
+
+ _Lydus_, Joannes, makes use of excellent materials, i, 205;
+ was a heathen, iii, 335, note.
+
+ _Lygdamus_ is very likely not the name of the author of the poems in
+ the collection of Tibullus, iii, 137.
+
+ _Lysimachia_, destroyed by the Thracians, ii, 167;
+ fortified, 167;
+ its situation, 176.
+
+ _Lysimachus_, obtains the whole of Macedon after having shared it with
+ Pyrrhus, i, 554;
+ a curse on his house, 576.
+
+
+ M
+
+ _Maccabees_, iii, 2.
+
+ _Macedon_ abandons Antigonus Gonatas, proclaims Pyrrhus emperor, leaves
+ the latter again, and sides with Antigonus, i, 569;
+ extends in Philip’s times as far as the Nestus, ii, 161;
+ division of the country after the defeat of Perseus, 218;
+ province, 247;
+ favoured by Caracalla, iii, 238.
+
+ _Macedonians_, originally Pelasgians, i, 96, note;
+ their system of fighting in masses, 559;
+ their true home the mountains east of Illyria, ii, 152;
+ formerly under their own liege lords, then dependent on Philip, 153;
+ were no barbarians, 157.
+
+ _Macer._ See Licinius.
+
+ _Machanidas_ siezes upon the government of Sparta, ii, 145.
+
+ _Machares_, son of Mithridates, makes a separate peace with Pompey,
+ iii, 10.
+
+ _Macchiavell_, i, 251.
+
+ _Mack_, general, capitulates near Ulm, iii, 280.
+
+ _Macrianus_, Gessius, husband of Mamæa, iii, 260.
+
+ _M. Macrinus_, præfectus prætorio, iii, 259;
+ emperor, 259;
+ tries to restore discipline among the soldiers, 259;
+ rebellion, 259;
+ his death, 250;
+ was not, perhaps, of noble race, 266.
+
+ _Macro_, favourite of Tiberius, præfectus vigilum, iii, 176.
+
+ _Macrobius_, refuted, iii, 112;
+ flourished at end of the fourth century, 323.
+
+ _Mæcenas_, C. Cilnius, iii, 103, 134;
+ character, 154;
+ his ancestors on both sides seem to have been raised to the highest
+ magistracies at Arretium, 145.
+
+ _Sp. Mælius_ affords help during a famine, i, 337;
+ murdered by Servilius Ahala, 338.
+
+ _C. Mænius_, conquers on the river Astura, finishes the Latin war, i,
+ 447;
+ prætor _rei gerendæ causa_, 496.
+
+ _Mæsa_, sister of Julia Domna, iii, 259;
+ forms a conspiracy against Macrinus, 260.
+
+ _Maestricht_, sacked in 1576, i, 577.
+
+ _Maffei_, proposes a union of the nobility of Venice and of the terra
+ firma, i, 512, 542.
+
+ _Magalia_, or Megara, suburb of Carthage, ii, 240.
+
+ _Magdeburg_, the number of its inhabitants, after its destruction,
+ reduced from thirty thousand to three thousand, i, 386, 500.
+
+ _Magister_, warden of the Vicus or pagus, i, 174; iii, 123.
+
+ _Magister equitum_, his office a continuation of the dignity of
+ tribunus celerum, i, 199;
+ not necessarily a patrician, 199.
+
+ _Magister populi_, i, 221.
+
+ _Dec. Magius_, allowed by Hannibal to leave Capua, ii, 67;
+ advises to remain true to the Romans, 105.
+
+ _Magnentius_, rebellion, iii, 305;
+ defeated by Constantine, 306.
+
+ _Magnesia_, constituted as an independent state, ii, 163.
+
+ _Magnesia_, on the Sipylus, battle, ii, 164, 178.
+
+ _Magnus_, surname of Caracalla, iii, 258.
+
+ _Mago_, brother of Hannibal, ii, 65, 123;
+ driven back to the Atlantic, 128;
+ goes to the Balearic isles, and from thence to Liguria, 128;
+ his progress in Italy, 139;
+ recalled, dies, 139.
+
+ _Maharbal_, commander of the Carthaginian cavalry, calls upon Hannibal
+ to follow him to Rome, ii, 103.
+
+ _Mai_, Angelo, his vanity, i, 40.
+
+ _Majorian_, emperor, iii, 343;
+ his high character, 344;
+ his undertakings and his death, 344.
+
+ _Malaga_, Phœnician settlement, ii, 59.
+
+ _Malchus_, historian, iii, 327.
+
+ _Malcus_ conquers Carthage, ii, 3.
+
+ _Cn. Mallius_, consul, his army destroyed by the Cimbri and Teutones,
+ ii, 325.
+
+ _Malta_, its evacuation demanded of the English after the peace of
+ Amiens, but not executed, i, 467.
+
+ _Maltese dialect_ still retains some Punic elements, ii, 5.
+
+ _Malthinus_, in Horace instead of Mæcenas, iii, 135.
+
+ _Mamæa_, younger daughter of Mœsa, iii, 260;
+ mother of Alexander Severus, 261;
+ her avarice, 262;
+ murdered, 267.
+
+ _Mamertines_, get possession of Messana by treachery, i, 566, 567;
+ common name for the Oscan mercenaries, 577;
+ apply to the Romans, 579;
+ independent after the first Punic war, ii, 41.
+
+ _Mamertus_, Claudius, iii, 326.
+
+ _L. Mancinus_, consul, ii, 237.
+
+ _Mancinus_, C. Hostilius, defeated by the inhabitants of Numantia, ii,
+ 262;
+ delivered up to the Numantines, but not accepted, 262.
+
+ _Mandonius_, Spanish chief, joins an insurrection against Scipio, ii,
+ 129.
+
+ _Manichæism_, iii, 316.
+
+ _M’. Manilius_, consul, ii, 232;
+ a highly distinguished jurist, ii, 234.
+
+ _Maniple_, i, 197.
+
+ _Manlius Capitolinus_, condemned to death not by the people, but by the
+ Curies, i, 94;
+ befriends the sufferers, 392;
+ condemned by the _concilium populi_, 395;
+ thrown from the Tarpeian rock, 395.
+
+ _Manlius_ drives back the Gauls, i, 382.
+
+ _C. Manlius Torquatus_, his duel with a Gaul seems to be historical, i,
+ 409.
+
+ _C. Manlius_, general of Catiline in Etruria, iii, 23.
+
+ _Cn. Manlius_, killed in the Veientine war, i, 261.
+
+ _Cn. Manlius_, consul, his campaign against the Galatians, ii, 181;
+ conquers them, 183.
+
+ _L. Manlius_, consul, with Regulus to Africa, ii, 20;
+ recalled, 21.
+
+ _T. Manlius_, consul, his declaration against the Latins, i, 438;
+ has his son executed for disobedience, 440.
+
+ _Mannert’s_ work on ancient Italy can only receive very qualified
+ recommendation, i, 75.
+
+ _Mantua_, iii, 101.
+
+ _Manutius_, his commentary to Cicero’s epistles indispensable, i, 269,
+ _note_; iii, 94;
+ his researches on Roman jurisdiction, ii, 299.
+
+ _Maps_, disadvantage of the want of them, ii, 95.
+
+ _Marble_, its first introduction into Rome, ii, 394;
+ Carrara marble first brought into use by Augustus, iii, 149;
+ foreign, 222.
+
+ _Marbod_, his kingdom, iii, 154, 159.
+
+ _Marcellinus_, prince of Illyria, iii, 344.
+
+ _Marcellinus_, see Ammianus.
+
+ _C. Marcellus_, consul, iii, 49;
+ cancels the decree of Curio, 51.
+
+ _Marcellus_, M. Claudius, distinguished captain, slays Viridomarus, ii,
+ 56;
+ gains a victory near Clastidium, 56;
+ drives Hannibal back near Nola, 107;
+ Hannibal’s opinion of him, 110;
+ conquers Syracuse, 117;
+ his alleged humanity, 118;
+ is the first to carry works of Grecian art in mass to Rome, 118;
+ enriches the temple of Virtus and Honor, 119;
+ defeated by Hannibal, dies of his wounds, 119.
+
+ _Marcellus_, M. Claudius, thrice consul, his generous conduct in Spain,
+ ii, 222, 257.
+
+ _Marcellus_, M. Claudius, general in the Cimbrian war, ii, 330.
+
+ _M. Marcellus_, consul, annoys and offends Cæsar, iii, 49, 78.
+
+ _M. Marcellus_, son of Octavia, iii, 143;
+ differences between him and Agrippa, 146;
+ dies, 146.
+
+ _Marcellus_, Sextus Valerius, husband of Soæmis, iii, 259.
+
+ _Marcia_, concubine of Commodus, iii, 248, 249.
+
+ _Marciana_, Trajan’s sister, iii, 217.
+
+ _Marcianopolis_, in the neighbourhood of Schumla, iii, 318.
+
+ _Marcius_, see Ancus, Philip.
+
+ _C. Marcius Rutilus_, first plebeian censor and dictator, i, 415.
+
+ _L. Marcius_, according to Livy retrieves the losses of the Romans, an
+ improbable story, ii, 121.
+
+ _L. Marcius Censorinus_, consul, 232.
+
+ _Marcomanni_, iii, 155, 211;
+ cross the Danube, 240;
+ mentioned for the last time, 242;
+ the war against them had two different epochs.
+
+ _Mardia_, battle, iii, 300.
+
+ _Marforio_, iii, 211, _note_.
+
+ _Maria_, daughter of Stilicho, wife of Honorius, iii, 332.
+
+ _Marinus_, proclaimed emperor, soon after murdered, iii, 272.
+
+ _C. Marius_, his descent, ii, 318;
+ the name is Oscan, 318;
+ must have made some money, 318;
+ superstitious, 319;
+ consul, 320;
+ demagogue, 320;
+ disdained the refinement of his age, 320;
+ a first-rate general, 320;
+ gets the chief command in Numidia, 321;
+ ends the war with Jugurtha, 321;
+ further consulships, 322, 325;
+ author of the great change in Roman tactics, 325;
+ takes every able-bodied man into the army, 326;
+ defeats the Ambrones, 329;
+ the Teutones, 330;
+ fifth consulship, 331;
+ victory near Vercellæ, 333;
+ sixth consulship, 333;
+ triumph, 333;
+ his weakness, 333;
+ his conduct at the legislation of Saturninus, 337;
+ declares against Saturninus and Glancia, 339;
+ distinguishes himself in the Social war, 356;
+ his relation to Sylla, 359;
+ sinks in his later days in moral worth, 365;
+ outlawed together with his son and partisans, 368;
+ hides himself in a marsh, 368;
+ escapes to Africa, 368;
+ recalled by Cinna, 371;
+ consul for the seventh time, 373;
+ dies, 374;
+ married to the sister of Cæsar’s father, iii, 29.
+
+ _C. Marius_, son or nephew of Marius, consul, ii, 380;
+ defeated by Sylla near Sacriportus, 381;
+ flies to Præneste, 381, 383.
+
+ _L. Marius_, ambassador of Sertorius to Mithridates, ii, 408.
+
+ _Marius_, armourer, emperor, iii, 283.
+
+ _Marius Gratidianus_, cousin of Marius, ii, 373.
+
+ _Markland_, Jeremy, the first who speaks without prejudice of Virgil,
+ iii, 133.
+
+ _Maronea_, Macedonian, ii, 203.
+
+ _Marrana_, canal, five miles from Rome, which carries the water of the
+ low ground at Grotta Ferrara into the Tiber, i, 289.
+
+ _Marrucinians_, of Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
+ side with the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109;
+ revolt against the Romans in the Social war, 352;
+ make a separate peace with Rome, 357.
+
+ _El Marsa_, the ancient Magalia, ii, 240.
+
+ _Marsala_, the ancient Lilybæum, ii, 30.
+
+ _Marsians_, of Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
+ allies of Romans, i, 505;
+ side with Romans after battle of Cannæ, ii, 109;
+ had a share in the Apulian pastures, ii, 282;
+ equal to the Romans in refinement, 352;
+ revolt against Rome in the Social war, 352;
+ had a language of their own, but Latin letters, 353;
+ make a separate peace with Rome, 357;
+ their relation to Rome, 358.
+
+ _Marshes_ near Pisa, ii, 89;
+ the Pontine marshes drained by Trajan, as far as they can be drained,
+ iii, 223.
+
+ MARSICUM BELLUM, ii, 365.
+
+ _Martha_, Syrian soothsayer, ii, 319.
+
+ _Martial_, his flatteries, iii, 211.
+
+ _Mascov_, i, 33; iii, 127.
+
+ _Masinissa_, prince of the Massylians, ii, 135;
+ goes over to the Romans, 136;
+ against Syphax, 136;
+ conquers Cirta, 137;
+ lays claim to Bysacene, 229;
+ war with Carthage, 230;
+ defeats Hasdrubal, 230;
+ his faithfulness to Rome wavers, 233;
+ makes Scipio executor of his will, 309.
+
+ _Massesyles_, ii, 5.
+
+ _Massilia_, transactions with Rome, probably on account of the
+ fisheries, i, 458;
+ besieged, iii, 36;
+ had always been a staunch ally to the Romans, 36.
+
+ _Massilians_, get from Rome a strip of country for protection against
+ the Ligurians, ii, 307.
+
+ _Massiva_, descendant of Masinissa, murdered by Jugurtha, ii, 315.
+
+ _Massylians_, people on the frontiers of what is now Tunis, ii, 135.
+
+ _Mastanabal_, son of Masinissa, ii, 309;
+ imbued with Greek learning, 309.
+
+ _Mastarna_, name of Servius Tullius in Etruscan annals, i, 88, 154,
+ 190.
+
+ MASTRUCÆ, sheepskins of the Sardinians, ii, 5.
+
+ _Maternus_, iii, 213.
+
+ _Mausoleum_, iii, 148.
+
+ _Maxentius_, son of Maximian, Cæsar, iii, 297;
+ his conduct to his father, 299;
+ war with Constantine, 299;
+ the taxes raised, 299;
+ defeated near Turin, and then near Ponte Mollo, 299.
+
+ _Maximian_, colleague of Diocletian, iii, 293;
+ his coarseness, 294;
+ resigns his dignity, 295;
+ lives at Milan, 296;
+ returns to Rome, 296;
+ goes to Gaul, differences with Constantine, his death, 299.
+
+ _Maximin_, the first barbarian adventurer who rose to the imperial
+ throne, iii, 266;
+ born in Thrace, 266;
+ earlier history, 266;
+ did not even understand Greek, 267;
+ his son an amiable and well-bred young man, 267;
+ his cruelty, 267;
+ his wars, 268;
+ insurrection in Thysdrus, 268;
+ insurrection in Italy, 269;
+ murdered, 270;
+ chronology, 270.
+
+ _Maximinus Daza_, nephew of Galerius, Cæsar in the East, iii, 279;
+ Augustus, 298;
+ war with Licinius, death, 300.
+
+ _Maximus_, L. Appius, puts down the insurrection of Saturninus in
+ Germany, iii, 213.
+
+ _Maximus_, M. Clodius Pupienus, emperor, iii, 269;
+ murdered, 270.
+
+ _Maximus_, revolt in Britain, emperor, iii, 321;
+ marches against Valentinian II., 321;
+ defeated near Aquileia, 321.
+
+ _Maximus_, proclaimed emperor by Gerontius, iii, 335.
+
+ _Maxyes_, ii, 5.
+
+ _Mazzochi_, i, 68.
+
+ _Mecklenburgh_, the Vandal (Wendish) language vanished, i, 145.
+
+ _Medes_, have Persian language, iii, 264.
+
+ _Medicis_, Cosmo of, plots in his family, iii, 167.
+
+ _Media_, the king beseeches the protection of Antony, iii, 108;
+ Persian vassal kingdom, 253.
+
+ _Mediterranean_, the Sirocco increases in summer often into the most
+ dreadful hurricanes, ii, 25;
+ southern gales there are most dangerous, north winds harmless, 27;
+ north-easterly winds dangerous at the meeting of the currents of the
+ Adriatic and the Pontus, 27.
+
+ _Megara_, given up to Philip by the Achæans, ii, 155;
+ Achæan, 163.
+
+ _Megara._ See Megalia.
+
+ _Melas_, general, bungling and stupid, ii, 84.
+
+ _Melians_, among them the government placed in the hands of the men
+ above sixty, i, 181.
+
+ _Melpum_, in the country of the Insubrians, said to have been destroyed
+ on the same day with Veii, i, 364;
+ must have stood near the spot where Milan is now, 365.
+
+ _Melville_, general, his researches on the march of Hannibal over the
+ Alps, ii, 77.
+
+ _C. Memmius_, tribune of the people, moves for an inquiry against
+ Calpurnius Bestia, ii, 314;
+ opposes Saturninus, 335, 337;
+ consul, 339;
+ murdered, 339.
+
+ _Mena_, commander of S. Pompey, iii, 109.
+
+ _Menalcidas_, general of the Achæan league, ii, 249;
+ bribed by the Oropians, 249.
+
+ _Menander_, his tone compared to that of Horace, iii, 136.
+
+ _Menecrates_, commander of S. Pompey, iii, 109.
+
+ _Mentz_, devastated, iii, 308.
+
+ _Meonians_ are Tyrrhenians, distinguished from the Lydians, i, 144.
+
+ _Mercenaries_, war against Carthage, ii, 44;
+ rising in Sardinia against Carthage, 45.
+
+ _Mericus_, Spanish general of the mercenaries before Syracuse, bribed
+ by Marcellus, ii, 118.
+
+ _Merida_, down to the Arabian times a first-rate town, its foundation,
+ iii, 150.
+
+ _Merobaudes_, iii, 324, 325.
+
+ _Merovæus_, king of the Franks, iii, 340.
+
+ _Merula_, Paul, has perhaps committed a fraud in his edition of the
+ fragments of Ennius, i, 25.
+
+ _Merula_, L. Cornelius, chosen consul in Cinna’s stead, is again
+ deposed, ii, 373;
+ his death, 373.
+
+ _Mesomedes_, a lyric poet, had a pension from Hadrian, iii, 233.
+
+ _Mesopotamia_ under Roman supremacy, iii, 254.
+
+ _Messala_, Valerius, surnamed from Messana, i, 581.
+
+ _Messala_, M. Valerius, spoke Greek, iii, 84, 98;
+ prose writer, 130;
+ orator of about the same standing as Virgil, 130.
+
+ _Messana_, conquered by the Mamertines, i, 566;
+ massacre, 573, 577;
+ besieged by Hiero and the Carthaginians, 581.
+
+ _Messapians_, Grecian name for Sallentines, i, 46;
+ hellenized, ii, 355.
+
+ _Messenians_, separated from the Ætolians and Achæans, ii, 151;
+ independent, 163.
+
+ _Metapontum_, i, 459;
+ attacked by the Lucanians, 463;
+ taken by Cleonymus, 510;
+ goes over to Hannibal, ii, 110.
+
+ _Metellus_, tribune of the people, iii, 55.
+
+ _Metellus_, C. Cæcilius, prætor, against the Sennonian Gauls, i, 546;
+ defeated, 546.
+
+ _Metellus_, L. Cæcilius, besieged by Hasdrubal near Palermo, defeats
+ him, ii, 28.
+
+ _Q. Metellus Celer_ against Catiline, iii, 24.
+
+ _Q. Metellus Macedonicus_, conquers Andriscus, ii, 247;
+ scatters the Achæans near Scarphea, 253;
+ all his four sons consulars, 307.
+
+ _Metellus_, Q. Cæcilius Numidicus, ii, 307;
+ goes to Africa, 316;
+ character, 316;
+ war against Jugurtha, 317;
+ conduct towards Marius, 317;
+ opposes the laws moved for by Saturninus and goes into exile to
+ Rhodes, 338;
+ recalled, 340.
+
+ _Q. Metellus Pius_ ends the Nolan war, ii, 374;
+ in the Romagna, 380;
+ against Sertorius, 401.
+
+ Μετεωρία, iii, 1.
+
+ _Metres_, anapæsts of the modern Greeks, and those among the Sclavonic
+ nations, ii, 198.
+
+ _Mexicans_, their name transferred upon the Spaniards there, i, 143.
+
+ _Mezentius_, probably the Etruscan conqueror of Cære, and also of
+ Latium, i, 147.
+
+ _Micali_, i, 73.
+
+ _Micipsa_, son of Masinissa, ii, 309.
+
+ _Middleton_, life of Cicero, iii, 94.
+
+ _Miguel_, Dom, his most intimate confidant is his barber, iii, 183.
+
+ _Milan_, residence of Maximian, iii, 296.
+
+ _Military colonies_ of Sylla, ii, 384;
+ of Augustus, iii, 125.
+
+ _Military service_, the obligation for it lasted in Sparta until the
+ sixtieth year, i, 180;
+ regulated by general laws, 572.
+
+ _Military tribunes_, law, that he who had been military tribune should
+ no more become a centurion, i, 434;
+ appointed part of them by the tribes and part by the consuls, 434.
+
+ _Military tribunes with consular power_, i, 327;
+ inferior to the consuls, 329;
+ their number changes, 330;
+ their election seems to have passed from the centuries to the tribes,
+ 331, 347, 416;
+ were almost without any exception patricians, 401.
+
+ _Milo_, general of Pyrrhus in Tarentum, i, 568;
+ character, 570;
+ sells Tarentum, 570,
+
+ _Milo_, T. Annius, iii, 38, and _note_;
+ insurrection, 65.
+
+ _Mimes_, consisted very much of improvisation, iii, 129, 141.
+
+ _Minerva_, her worship on the Capitol Etruscan, i, 148.
+
+ _Minervina_, Constantine’s first wife, iii, 298.
+
+ _Minority_ decides in the constitution of Servius Tullius, i, 183.
+
+ _Minturnæ_, Roman fortress, i, 510.
+
+ _Minucius_, consul, surrounded by the Æquians on the Algidus, i, 282.
+
+ _Minucius_, magister equitum, defeated by Hannibal, ii, 97.
+
+ _L. Minucius Augurinus_, præfectus annonæ, i, 337.
+
+ _Misenum_, peace, iii, 105.
+
+ _Misitheus_, præfectus prætorio of young Gordian, iii, 270;
+ others call him Timesicles, or Timesitheus, 270, 271;
+ father-in-law of Gordian, 271;
+ is said to have owed his death to the arts of Philip, 271.
+
+ _Mithridates_ of Pontus, gets Great Phrygia, ii, 268;
+ by bribery, 268.
+
+ _Mithridates_, king of Pontus, descent, ii, 360;
+ his earlier history, 361;
+ outbreak of the war with Rome, 363;
+ conquers, 363;
+ brought up in the Greek manner, 364;
+ on his coins there is the sun and the moon, 364;
+ received with rapture in Greece, 364;
+ accepts the peace, 376;
+ second war, 407;
+ third war, 408; iii, 5;
+ extent of his empire, iii, 1;
+ overrated in history, 5;
+ besieges Cyzicus, 6;
+ flies to Tigranes, 7;
+ breaks into Cappadocia, 8;
+ conquered by Pompey, 10;
+ his death, 11.
+
+ _Mitylene_, free, ii, 151.
+
+ _Mnaseas_, pupil of Aristarchus, i, 100.
+
+ _Modena_, probably fortified after the battle of Clastidium, afterwards
+ lost again, ii, 57;
+ Roman colony, 165;
+ must have been of very great extent, iii, 89;
+ war of Mutina, 89.
+
+ _Mœsia_, war of Crassus, iii, 151.
+
+ _Möser_, Justus, i, 175;
+ his remark concerning the ancient Germans, iii, 154.
+
+ _Mohammed_, an inspired enthusiast, or a crafty impostor, ii, 123.
+
+ _Mohocks_, in the times of Queen Anne, i, 281.
+
+ MOLES HADRIANI, iii, 235;
+ the tower still existed in the middle ages, 235.
+
+ _Molossians_, their empire first rising from insignificance in the
+ Peloponnesian war, i, 552;
+ their princely race branches into two lines, that of Arymbas and that
+ of Neoptolemus, 552.
+
+ _Mons sacer_, i, 236.
+
+ _Montbeliard_, in its neighbourhood there are magnificent ruins of a
+ place, iii, 203.
+
+ _Monte Sasso di Castro_, i, 414, _note_.
+
+ _Monte Testaccio_, iii, 330.
+
+ _Montesquieu, sur les causes_, &c., a masterly work, i, 71, 186, 251;
+ mistaken with regard of the struggle of the _optimates_ and the
+ _equites_, ii, 341.
+
+ _Moors_, disturbances under Hadrian, iii, 229;
+ under Antoninus Pius, 236;
+ invade Spain under M. Antoninus, 268;
+ have never been quite subject to Roman rule, 268.
+
+ _Moreau_, was general of division already in his first campaign, iii,
+ 30.
+
+ _Morelli_, abbate, i, 64, 279.
+
+ _Morgetians_ of the same stock as the Pelasgians, i, 116.
+
+ _Mortgage_, the Roman law of mortgage borrowed from the Athenian, i,
+ 229.
+
+ _Mosaic_, its rise, iii, 275;
+ peculiar to the West, 327.
+
+ _Mosheim_, iii, 126.
+
+ _Motye_, conquered by Dionysius, i, 575;
+ Carthaginian, ii, 4;
+ Phœnician settlement, 4;
+ destroyed, 4.
+
+ _Movement_, trochaic or iambic, of native use among the Romans, ii,
+ 198.
+
+ _Mucianus_, Licinius, in Parthia, against Vitellius, iii, 198;
+ of noble birth, 200;
+ character, 200.
+
+ _Mucias Scævola_, i, 211;
+ the Mucii Scævola plebeians, 211;
+ Mucius was, in the old poems, certainly called only C. Mucius, 211.
+
+ _P. Mucius_, a tribune, causes his nine colleagues to be burnt alive,
+ i, 294;
+ criticism on this statement, 294, 325.
+
+ _P. Mucius Scævola_, consul, ii, 279;
+ called upon by Scipio Nasica to take strong measures, 286;
+ a great lawyer, iii, 16.
+
+ _Q. Mucius Scævola_, in great danger of being condemned guiltless, ii,
+ 342;
+ pontifex maximus, murdered, 381.
+
+ _Von Müller_, Johannes, i, 165, 214.
+
+ _Mulcta_, regulations concerning its amount, i, 339.
+
+ _Mummius_, _novus homo_, ii, 255;
+ takes Corinth, 255.
+
+ _Mummius_, tribune of the people, ii, 285.
+
+ _Munatia Plancina_, daughter of Munatius Plancus, wife of Piso, iii,
+ 172.
+
+ _Munatius Plancus_, iii, 37;
+ in Gaul, 87;
+ a native of Tiber, a man of distinguished intellect, a Cæsarian, 107;
+ a flatterer, 117;
+ a skilful orator, 130.
+
+ _Municipia_, i, 449.
+
+ _Murcia_, dependent on Carthage, ii, 5.
+
+ _L. Murena_, general against Mithridates, ii, 407.
+
+ _Mursa_, the present Essek in Slavonia, iii, 306.
+
+ _Musicians_, i, 177.
+
+ _Mutina._ See Modena.
+
+ _Mutines_, a Numidian Captain, treacherously goes over to the Romans,
+ ii, 119.
+
+ _Mylæ_ (Milazzo), naval victory of Duilius, ii, 15;
+ battle, iii, 109.
+
+ _Myonnesus_, sea fight, ii, 175.
+
+ _Mysia_, in the possession of Eumenes, ii, 183.
+
+ _Mysians_, push forward after the destruction of Troy to the coast of
+ Asia Minor, i, 144.
+
+
+ N
+
+ _Nabis_, tyrant of Lacedæmon, ii, 151;
+ peace with Rome, 163;
+ slain in a riot, 163.
+
+ _Cn. Nævius_, his _bellum Punicum_ in Saturnian rhythm, i, 16; ii, 196;
+ the year in which he first brought out a play undecided, i, 16;
+ libellous verses against the Metelli, 17;
+ cannot have died in Utica, 18;
+ Varro places his death at a later period than others did, 18;
+ gives the legend of the Troian settlement, 105;
+ has himself served in the first Punic war, ii, 21;
+ has written tragedies and comedies, 196;
+ an eminent poet, 196.
+
+ _Names_, too great a stress should not be laid on their resemblance, i,
+ 99;
+ those ending in _-ing_ and _-ung_, names of dynasties, iii, 280.
+
+ _Naples_, saying of Prince Canosa, ii, 298;
+ butchery of 1799, 306;
+ the dregs of the populace armed in 1799, 386.
+
+ _Napoleon_, negotiation between him and Fox in the year 1806, i, 565;
+ twenty-seven or twenty-eight years of age when he undertook the
+ Italian campaign, ii, 64;
+ battle of Marengo, 84;
+ his plight after the battle of Borodino, 106;
+ in the Russian campaign the Italian troops suffered less than the
+ northern nations did, 330;
+ falls into the hands of an Austrian patrol, iii, 47;
+ his opinion of Tiberius, 174;
+ knew Roman military history very well, 174;
+ sometimes sick of war, 220;
+ charge of cowardice unfounded, deficient in moral courage, 294;
+ should have died at Waterloo, 294.
+
+ _Narbo_ acquires the Roman franchise by the lex Julia, ii, 354;
+ _colonia civium Romanorum_, 354.
+
+ _Narcissus_, iii, 183.
+
+ _Narni_, conf., Nequinum.
+
+ _Nasidienus_ in Horace, means Salvidienus, iii, 135.
+
+ _Nasos_, of Syracuse, ii, 117.
+
+ _National Convention_, iii, 173.
+
+ _Naupactus_, siege, ii, 174.
+
+ _Navius._ See Attus.
+
+ _Navigation laws_, first traces of them among the Romans, ii, 45.
+
+ _Neapolis_, founded, i, 470;
+ of Chalcidian origin, 470;
+ situation, 471;
+ receives Samnite auxiliaries, 472;
+ betrayed to the Romans, 473;
+ obtains a favourable alliance, 473.
+
+ _Neapolis_, suburb of Syracuse, ii, 117.
+
+ _Nebrodian_ mountains, ii, 8.
+
+ NEGOTIATORES, bankers, i, 515;
+ bloodsuckers in the provinces, ii, 297.
+
+ _Nemesian_, poem on the chase, iii, 292.
+
+ _Nemi_, its lake higher than that of Alba, i, 359;
+ aqueduct made by Augustus, iii, 149.
+
+ _Neniæ_, i, 91;
+ two of them still preserved in the tombs of the Scipios, 91.
+
+ _Neodamodes_ in Sparta, ii, 22.
+
+ _Neoptolemus_, prince of the Molossians, father of Olympias, i, 552.
+
+ _Nepet._ See Sutrium.
+
+ _Nepheris_, ii, 237.
+
+ _Nepos_, Julius, emperor, iii, 346.
+
+ _Nequinum_, Latin colony under the name of Narnia, i, 509, 524.
+
+ _Nero_, emperor, in his time the style of architecture first changed,
+ iii, 148;
+ son of Agrippina by her first marriage, 183;
+ adopted by Claudius, 183, 184;
+ mannerism of his writing, 186;
+ emperor, 188;
+ his parents, 188;
+ pupil of Seneca and Burrhus, 189;
+ his profligacy, 189;
+ uncertain whether he set Rome on fire, 190;
+ builds the golden palace, 190;
+ seems to have been insane, 192;
+ strolls about Greek towns, 192;
+ kills himself, 194.
+
+ _Nero_, C. Claudius, sent to Spain, ii, 122;
+ opposes Hannibal, 126;
+ his bold expedition against Hasdrubal before Sena Gallica, 126.
+
+ _Nero_, Ti. Claudius, husband of Livia, tries to get up an insurrection
+ in favour of the proscribed, iii, 99, 102;
+ compelled by Augustus to give up to him Livia, 142;
+ quæstor with Cæsar, 156;
+ flies to Naples, 156.
+
+ _Nerva_, M. Cocceius, his history imperfectly known, iii, 214;
+ character of his government, 215;
+ adopts Trajan, 215;
+ dies, 217.
+
+ _Nervians_, seems to have had no serfs, iii, 44.
+
+ _Nestor_, Russian chronicle of the eleventh century, i, 14.
+
+ _Netherlands_, their growing prosperity at the time of the thirty
+ years’ war, i, 459;
+ horrors of year 1576, 577;
+ constitution, ii, 248.
+
+ _New-Platonism_, iii, 293, 310.
+
+ _Newton_, Sir I., assigns seventeen years as an average to each king,
+ i, 83.
+
+ _Nexum_ and _Nexus_ i, 230;
+ done away with, 522.
+
+ _Niall_, the Great of Ireland, fabulous tales concerning him, i, 86.
+
+ _Nibelungen_, existing only in the form in which the poem was composed
+ in the thirteenth century, i, 13;
+ interpreted as an historical war of the Burgundians, 29;
+ historical characters appear in it, but nothing of the whole poem
+ belongs to history, 85;
+ it cannot be chronologically placed anywhere, 214;
+ originally Gothic, iii, 317.
+
+ _Nice_, council, iii, 303.
+
+ _Nicomedes_, king of Bithynia, ii, 181.
+
+ _Nicomedes_, son of Prusias, hostage in Rome, ii, 221;
+ his territory enlarged, 267.
+
+ _Nicomedes_, king of Bithynia, ii, 362;
+ leaves his kingdom to the Romans, iii, 1.
+
+ _Nicomedia_, destroyed by the Goths, iii, 278;
+ residence of Diocletian, 296.
+
+ _Nicopolis_, besieged by the Goths, relieved by Decius, iii, 278.
+
+ _Niebuhr_, B. G., his attention directed to Roman history by political
+ affairs, i, 74;
+ relied too much on Varro’s authority, wherefore he arrived only late
+ at clear views, 103, _note_;
+ searches for the old churches in Rome, 122, _note_;
+ deemed at first Rome to be an Etruscan colony, 148;
+ first led to critical researches on Roman history by the _jus
+ agrarium_, 250;
+ his researches on Roman topography arisen from the discovery of the
+ spot of the Curia Hostilia, 270, _note_;
+ retracts his opinion, first expressed in the first edition of his
+ Roman history, that three envoys had been sent to Athens to
+ collect the Greek laws, 295;
+ understands the first Punic wars from the campaign of the English in
+ 1812, ii, 9;
+ takes much trouble to become acquainted with farming in Italy, 273;
+ makes out the place on the Palatine where Cicero’s house stood, iii,
+ 36;
+ puts up Cæsar’s Commentaries as subjects for a prize essay, 40;
+ intended to continue his Roman history down to the institution of the
+ Feriæ Augustæ, 115;
+ keeps the laurel from the grave of Virgil as a dear relic, 133;
+ lived in Rome beside the theatre of Marcellus, 149;
+ on Petronius, 276.
+
+ _Niebuhr_, Carsten, meets in Arabia with positive news of the seven
+ years’ war, i, 469;
+ conf. d’Anville.
+
+ _Night marches_, people always arrive later than is calculated, i, 568,
+
+ _P. Nigidius Ficulus_, iii, 127.
+
+ _Nisibis_, the ancient Zobah, iii, 8;
+ border fortress of the Romans against Persia, 8.
+
+ _Nissa_, on the borders of Bulgaria and Servia, battle, iii, 284.
+
+ _Nizza_, taken, ii, 220.
+
+ _Nobility_, ii, 268.
+
+ _Nola_, Samnite colony, i, 426;
+ hellenized, 472;
+ conquered by the Romans, 496;
+ taken by Papius Mutilus, ii, 355;
+ destroyed, 406.
+
+ NOLANUM BELLUM, ii, 365.
+
+ NOMEN DARE, ABNUERE, i, 233.
+
+ _Nomentans_, acquire the full right of Roman citizenship after the
+ Latin war, i, 448.
+
+ _A. Nonius_, elected tribune, murdered by the influence of Saturninus,
+ ii, 336.
+
+ _Nonius Asprenas_, iii, 158, 159.
+
+ _Nonius Marcellus_, iii, 323.
+
+ _Norba_, i, 344.
+
+ _C. Norbanus Balbus_, consul, democrat, ii, 378;
+ defeated by Sylla near Canusium and the Mount Tifata, 380.
+
+ _Noricans_, i, 369;
+ of Celtic descent, 370.
+
+ _Normandy_, the excavations there betoken towns of great extent, iii,
+ 203.
+
+ _Normans_, gain settlements in Neustria, ii, 181;
+ devastations in the ninth and tenth centuries, iii, 280.
+
+ _North America_, hardly any homebred population, i, 163;
+ there are in the United States similar sentiments said to prevail as
+ in Carthage, ii, 7.
+
+ _Notarii_, see Scribæ.
+
+ NOTA CENSORIA, i, 336.
+
+ _Nubia_ becomes a Roman province under Trajan, iii, 221.
+
+ _Nuceria_, yields itself up to the Romans, but afterwards falls off
+ again, i, 479;
+ reconquered by the Romans, 504;
+ the story of the murder of the senate unauthenticated, ii, 65;
+ conquered by Papius Mutilus, 355.
+
+ _Nuremberg_, the guilds crushed, i, 168.
+
+ _Numa Pompilius_, poetical account of him, i, 80;
+ born on the day of the foundation of Rome, 84;
+ first sæculum at Rome ends with his death, 84;
+ belongs, as husband of Egeria, to the cycle of the Gods, 85;
+ the account of his election merely a representation taken from the
+ books of rituals, 123;
+ compromises the dissension between the Romans and Sabines, 124;
+ doubles the number of augurs and pontiffs, 124;
+ all the spiritual law traced back to him, 156;
+ imagined to have been a Pythagorean, a truly Sabine tradition, 489,
+ _note_.
+
+ _Numantia_, town of the Arevaci, ii, 260;
+ situation, 260;
+ the peace with Pompey not approved by Rome, 261;
+ delivers up Mancinus out of regard for Ti. Gracchus, 262;
+ destruction by Scipio, 263.
+
+ _Numeri_, original meaning, i, 81.
+
+ _Numerian_, son of Carus, well educated, but unwarlike, iii, 290.
+
+ _Numerical systems_, two different ones in the Roman legends, i, 106.
+
+ _Numidia_, united with the province of Africa, most of it an
+ independent kingdom, ii, 321.
+
+ _Numidians_, ruthless and reckless, ii, 66;
+ excellent for foraging, reconnoitring, harassing the enemy, by no
+ means fitted to stand the shock of the battle, 101;
+ have an alphabet of their own, 310;
+ extent of their kingdom, 310.
+
+ _Numidian kings_ receive the Carthaginian library, ii, 310.
+
+ _Numidian horsemen_, the Cossacks of the ancients, ii, 11.
+
+ _Numitor_, prænomen, i, 112.
+
+ NUMMI RESTITUTI of Trajan, i, 403.
+
+ _Numonius Vala_, iii, 158.
+
+ _Nundines_ are no more to be the same as court-days, i, 520.
+
+ _Nursia_, Val di Norcia, constitution anterior to the French
+ revolution, ii, 397;
+ its inhabitants of the present day, 398;
+ in Cicero’s times, 398.
+
+ NURSINA DURITIES, ii, 397; iii, 200.
+
+ _Nymphius_, i, 473.
+
+
+ O
+
+ _Obrecht_, one of the ornaments of Germany, i, 70.
+
+ OBSESSIO, i, 354.
+
+ OBTORTO COLLO, i, 267.
+
+ _Oceanus_, statue on the Forum Martium, iii, 211.
+
+ _Ocellus_, the Lucanian, has hardly written all the works attributed to
+ him, i, 18.
+
+ Ὄχλος, the mass of the poor, i, 169.
+
+ _Octavia_, half-sister of Octavian, widow of Marcellus, marries Antony,
+ iii, 104;
+ divorce, 110;
+ the most respectable of all the Roman matrons, 143.
+
+ _C. Octavianus_, (conf. C. Octavius,), makes particular advances to
+ Cicero, iii, 85;
+ gets prætorian power, 88;
+ the war of Mutina, 89;
+ suspected of having caused the death of Hirtius and Pansa, 90;
+ consul, 91;
+ triumvirate, 91;
+ battle of Philippi, 97;
+ accused of not having taken the least share in the battle, 98;
+ his cruelty after the war, 99;
+ the Perusian war, 103;
+ peace of Brundusium, 103;
+ receives the West, 104;
+ peace of Misenum, 105;
+ war against S. Pompey, defeated near Taurominium, 108;
+ his fleet, 111;
+ battle of Actium, 111;
+ to Egypt, 113;
+ conf. Augustus.
+
+ _C. Octavius_, grandson of the sister of Julius Cæsar, his heir _ex
+ dodrante_, iii, 83;
+ of the equestrian order, 84;
+ his age, 84;
+ sent to Apollonia, 84;
+ from Velitræ, 147;
+ conf. Octavian and Augustus.
+
+ _C. Octavius_, C. F., a worthy man, dies early, iii, 83.
+
+ _Cn. Octavius_, consul, colleague of Sylla, ii, 367, 368;
+ opposes Cinna, 370;
+ murdered, 373.
+
+ _M. Octavius_, tribune of the people. friend of Ti. Gracchus, ii, 281;
+ turns against Gracchus, 281;
+ deposed 281.
+
+ _M. Octavius_, Pompey’s best general, iii, 58, 59.
+
+ _Octavius Mamilius_, son-in-law of Tarquinius Superbus, i, 210, 216,
+ 218.
+
+ _Odenathus_, king of Palmyra, justly reckoned among the great men of
+ the East, iii, 281;
+ princeps Saracenorum, 281.
+
+ _Odoachar_, iii, 347.
+
+ _Œnomaus_, leader in the servile war, ii, 406.
+
+ _Œnotrians_, earliest inhabitants of Southern Italy, i, 98.
+
+ _Œnotria_ proper, the present Basilicata and Calabria, i, 143.
+
+ _Ofella._ See Lucretius.
+
+ _Ofellus_ in Horace, ii, 396; iii, 134.
+
+ _Officers_, the class of officers one of the best things in the Roman
+ military system, i, 434.
+
+ _Olybrius_, emperor, iii, 345.
+
+ _Olympiads_, the reckoning by them very late among the Greeks, i, 149.
+
+ _Olympiëum_, iii, 230.
+
+ _Olympus_, Mount, ii, 212.
+
+ _Opicans_, crush the Siculians in Central Italy, i, 98;
+ in Samnium and Campania, 98;
+ held in great contempt by the Greeks, 489, note.
+
+ _L. Opimius_, prætor, destroys Fregellæ, ii, 292;
+ consul, 303;
+ persecutes the partisans of C. Gracchus, 305;
+ declares for Jugurtha, 311;
+ condemned, 316.
+
+ _Oppidum_, town wall, also a town surrounded by walls, i, 330, note.
+
+ _C. Oppius_, author of the book, _de bello Africano_, iii, 40;
+ Cæsar’s friend, 40.
+
+ _Sp. Oppius_, decemvir, president of the senate, i, 307;
+ becomes obnoxious, 308;
+ dies in prison, 316.
+
+ _Orbi_, _orbæque_, pay a tax for the equites, i, 351.
+
+ _Orchomenes_, in the power of Philip, ii, 155.
+
+ _Orchomenus_, in Arcadia, ii, 250.
+
+ _Orders_ in Cologne, i, 161.
+
+ ORDINANZA DELLA GIUSTIZIA in Florence, i, 542.
+
+ _Orestians_, well inclined to the Romans, ii, 153;
+ free, probably united with Thessaly, 163.
+
+ _Orestes._ See Aurelius.
+
+ _Orestes_, a patrician, iii, 346.
+
+ _Oreus_, taken by the Romans, ii, 146.
+
+ _Oricum_, situation, iii, 58.
+
+ _Origen_, addresses letters to the emperor Philip, iii, 272.
+
+ _Orkney_ islands, visited by Agricola, iii, 211.
+
+ _Orleans_, besieged by Attila, relieved by Aëtius, iii, 340;
+ conf. Genabum.
+
+ _Oropians_, quarrel with the Athenians, ii, 249.
+
+ _Orosius_ seems to have written from an abstract of Livy, but assigns
+ dates which clash with him, i, 59;
+ exaggerates, 553;
+ an unadulterated source for the history of the Cimbri and Teutones,
+ ii, 329.
+
+ _Osca_, (Huesca,) town in Northern Spain, academy there, ii, 400.
+
+ _Oscan_, histories of Italy, not written in the Oscan but in Greek, i,
+ 18;
+ Oscan language distinguished from the Sabine by Varro, 99;
+ Oscan language still existing in some monuments, 105;
+ Oscan people receive isopolity, 572;
+ Oscans in the service of Agathocles, 577.
+
+ _Osroëne_, Persian vassal kingdom, iii, 253;
+ Roman province, 258.
+
+ _Ossaja_, the name does not refer to the battle of the Trasimene lake,
+ but was formerly called Orsaria, ii, 91.
+
+ _Ostia_, founded by Ancus, i, 132;
+ holds out against the Gauls, 381;
+ devastated, ii, 372;
+ the harbour bad, iii, 73;
+ filled with silt, 222.
+
+ _Ostrogoths_, iii, 317;
+ rush into the places left by the Visigoths, 318;
+ in Illyricum, 329.
+
+ _Otho_, M. Salvius, his person, iii, 195;
+ proclaimed emperor, 196;
+ war against Vitellius, 197;
+ battle near Bedriacum, 197;
+ puts an end to his life, 197;
+ character, 197.
+
+ _Otho_, emperor, makes a question rising out of the law of inheritance
+ to be decided by an appeal to the judgment of God, i, 132.
+
+ _Ottilienberg_ in Alsace, the heathen wall there evidently an Etruscan
+ work, i, 146.
+
+ _Ovid_, the greatest Roman poet after Catullus, iii, 139;
+ influence of his age on him, 140.
+
+
+ P
+
+ _Pacuvius_, nephew of Ennius, composes only in imitation of Æschylus
+ and Sophocles, ii, 199;
+ tragic writer, 392.
+
+ _Pacuvius_, tribune of the people, iii, 118.
+
+ _Padua_, see Patavium.
+
+ _Pæstum_, Roman colony, ii, 106;
+ conf. Posidonia.
+
+ _Pætus_, Thrasea, iii, 190.
+
+ _Paganism_, the attempt of Julian to revive it a downright absurdity,
+ iii, 310.
+
+ PAGI, subdivision of the tribes in the country, i, 174.
+
+ _Paix_ of Fexhe, i, 243.
+
+ _Palæopolis_, a Cuman colony, i, 470;
+ its situation, 471;
+ receives Samnite auxiliaries, 472;
+ betrayed by Rome, disappears from the face of the earth, 473.
+
+ _Palazzo Savelli_, iii, 149.
+
+ _Palatine_ and Aventine hostile to each other, i, 113;
+ Palatine, seat of the noblest patrician tribe, 115.
+
+ _Palestrina_, see Præneste.
+
+ _Pallas_, iii, 183.
+
+ _Palmerius_, see Paulmier.
+
+ _Palmyra_, makes head against Sapor, iii, 281;
+ the empire acknowledged by Gallienus, 282;
+ its extent, 283;
+ protects the eastern frontier, 284;
+ destroyed, 286.
+
+ _Pamphylia_, whether, after the peace of Antiochus with the Romans, it
+ remained under the rule of Antiochus, uncertain, ii, 180;
+ Roman, iii, 3.
+
+ _Panætius_, ii, 238.
+
+ _Panegyrists_, iii, 324.
+
+ _Pangæus_, gold mines, iii, 97.
+
+ _Pannonia_, subjected, iii, 151.
+
+ _Pannonians_, of Liburnian race, called by the Greeks Pæonians, had a
+ language of their own, iii, 151;
+ revolt, 155;
+ had Roman manner, 155.
+
+ _Panormus_, (Palermo,) Carthaginian, ii, 4;
+ taken by the Romans, 27;
+ a thoroughly Greek city, 29;
+ Roman, 116.
+
+ _Pansa_, a generous and wise man, iii, 80;
+ a commonplace soldier, 85;
+ consul, 87;
+ the war of Mutina, 89;
+ wounded, 89.
+
+ _Pantheon_ of Agrippa, the finest relic of ancient Rome, iii, 144, 148.
+
+ _Panvinius_, Onuphrius, elucidates the Roman antiquities, i, 68;
+ weak in Greek literature, 68.
+
+ _Paphlagonia_, ii, 376.
+
+ _Papinian_, murdered by Caracalla, iii, 263;
+ a great jurist, 275;
+ excellent with regard to language, 275.
+
+ _Papirius_, see Carbo.
+
+ _L. Papirius_, a written law attributed to him, i, 5.
+
+ _L. Papirius Cursor_, dictator, character, i, 482;
+ consul, 493;
+ appointed dictator by the consul Fabius, 501;
+ defeats the Samnites, 501.
+
+ _L. Papirius_, the younger, completes the reduction of the Samnites, i,
+ 569;
+ takes Tarentum, 570.
+
+ _Papius Brutulus_, the life and soul of the Samnite campaign, i, 485;
+ makes away with his own life, 486;
+ the Samnites send his corpse to Rome, 486.
+
+ _C. Papius Mutilus_, a Sabine, consul in the Italian state, ii, 353,
+ 355;
+ coins existing with his likeness, 354.
+
+ _Papus_, see Æmilius.
+
+ _Parætonium_ in Libya, iii, 113.
+
+ _Parentationes_, see Laudationes.
+
+ _Parma_, colony founded, ii, 165.
+
+ _Paros_, Athenian, ii, 164.
+
+ _Parthamasiris_, king of Armenia, pays homage to Trajan, iii, 219.
+
+ _Parthamaspates_, made king of the Parthians by Trajan, iii, 220.
+
+ _Parthians_, foundation of their empire, ii, 222;
+ spread, 267; iii, 2;
+ are not without Greek learning, ii, 310;
+ war against them, iii, 105;
+ commanded by Labienus, driven back by Ventidius, 107;
+ hostages of theirs among the Romans, 161;
+ expel a king given to them by Tiberius, 171;
+ war against them in Nero’s times, 191;
+ Trajan’s war against them, 219;
+ deserve but little our esteem, 220;
+ hostilities under Antoninus Pius, 236;
+ burst into Armenia, 240;
+ peace, 241;
+ had excellent cavalry, 244;
+ defeated by Avidius Cassius, 244;
+ war of Septimius Severus, 253;
+ of Caracalla, 259;
+ downfall of the Parthian dynasty, 263;
+ their light cavalry seldom spoken of in later times, 263;
+ vanish, 264;
+ the downfall of their empire commemorated by a bas relief and an
+ inscription, 264.
+
+ _Pasion_ in Athens, i, 227.
+
+ _Patavium_, (Padua,) capital of the Venetians, ii, 56;
+ destroyed by the Huns, iii, 341.
+
+ _Patres_, synonymous with the patricians, i, 224, _note_;
+ ambiguous use of the word, 330.
+
+ PATRES CONSCRIPTI, i, 104.
+
+ _Patricians_ are in the centuries, i, 174;
+ do not belong to the classes, i, 183;
+ were tenants _in capite_, not freeholders, 183;
+ forbidden by Servius Tullius to dwell on the Esquiline, 193;
+ their money trade, 227;
+ cannot have possessed such immense moneyed resources, 227;
+ had different civil rights from the plebeians, 227;
+ in cases of difficulty their clients or kinsmen had to step in, 231;
+ their proceedings, 236;
+ _usurpatores agri publici_, 255;
+ origin of this matter, 255;
+ go over to the plebes, 315;
+ in the tribes since the time of the second censors, 315;
+ connubium with the plebeians sanctioned by law, 326;
+ _coëunt ad interregem prodendum_, 340;
+ the appeal from the dictator to the curies open to them, 484;
+ relations to the plebeians in the fifth century of the city, 512;
+ in the times of Dionysius there are not more than fifty patrician
+ families left, ii, 268;
+ their number increased by Julius Cæsar, iii, 75.
+
+ _Patrician falsifications_ of history, i, 287.
+
+ _Patriots_, the so called, in the times of George I. and II., intrigue
+ and secretly correspond with the Pretender, i, 63.
+
+ _Paul_, Vincent de, iii, 24.
+
+ _Paullus_, not to be spoken of in the same breath with Papinian and
+ Ulpian, iii, 275.
+
+ _Paullus_, see Æmilius.
+
+ _Paulmier_ de Grentemesnil, (Palmerius,) his criticism on the end of
+ Regulus, ii, 25.
+
+ _St. Paul_, church of, built by Ricimer, iii, 347.
+
+ _Pausanias_ writes in the days of the Antonines, very useful and
+ important, iii, 235.
+
+ _Pavia_, was not Etruscan, i, 147.
+
+ _Pax Augusta_, (Badajoz,) founded, iii, 150.
+
+ _Pax Julia_, (Beja,) iii, 150.
+
+ _Pay_ of the soldiers raised by Cæsar and Augustus, iii, 126;
+ by Domitian, 210.
+
+ _Peace_ of the patricians and plebeians, i, 238.
+
+ _Peasants_, their landed property could not pass to the noblemen, i,
+ 171.
+
+ _Peasants’ wars_ in Gaul, iii, 332.
+
+ _Pecuniary embarrassments_ of the plebeians only to be understood of
+ the mortgages which encumbered the landowners, i, 169.
+
+ _Q. Pedius_, iii, 91.
+
+ _Pelasgians_, dwell from Italy to Asia Minor, i, 96;
+ on the other hand as far as Liguria, Sardinia, and Corsica, 97;
+ vanish in the age of history, 97;
+ their migration, 98;
+ settle at the mouth of the Po at Spina, from whence they cross to
+ Etruria, 142;
+ their old abodes, 418.
+
+ _Pelasgus_, son of Palæchthon, rules in Argos, i, 143.
+
+ _Pelignians_, from Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
+ faithful to the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109;
+ revolt against Rome in the Social war, 352;
+ make a separate peace with Rome, 357.
+
+ _Pella_, destroyed, ii, 247.
+
+ _Pella_, the real centre of the Jewish-Christians, ii, 272.
+
+ _Pennus_, M. Junius, tribune of the people, his decree concerning the
+ allies, ii, 290.
+
+ _Pentalides_ in Mitylene, i, 281.
+
+ _Pentameter_, the Roman poets have peculiarities in its construction,
+ iii, 129.
+
+ _Penteconters_, manned with fifty men, open, ii, 12, and note.
+
+ _Pentrians_, i, 419;
+ carry on the Marsian war, ii, 358.
+
+ PEREGRINI, may be received in the gentes, i, 160.
+
+ PEREGRINITAS, abolished, iii, 258.
+
+ _M. Perennis_, præfect under Commodus, iii, 247;
+ death, 248.
+
+ _Perinthus_, acquired by Syria, ii, 148.
+
+ _Peripatetics_, fallen to nothing in the times of the emperors, iii,
+ 239.
+
+ _Perizonius_, Jacob, historical criticism, i, 3;
+ his _animadversiones historicæ_, a thoroughly classical work, 71;
+ a real genius for history, 71;
+ conf. 88, 111, 263, 282.
+
+ _M. Peperna_, defeats Aristonicus, ii, 267.
+
+ _M. Peperna_, an Italian, becomes consul and censor, ii, 343, and note.
+
+ _M. Peperna_, lieutenant of M. Lepidus, ii, 397;
+ conspires against Sertorius, 403;
+ conquered by Pompey, 404.
+
+ _Perrhæbia_, detached from Thessaly, ii, 163.
+
+ _Persepolis_, iii, 264.
+
+ _Persians_, insurrection against the Parthians, iii, 264;
+ Tadjicks (inhabitants of towns) of the Iran race, 264;
+ their later worship very different from the former one, 264;
+ war of Gordian, 271;
+ peace, 271;
+ burst into the Roman empire, 279;
+ defeat Valerian, and overrun Asia Minor and Syria, 280;
+ their relations with their eastern neighbours hidden from us, 281;
+ peace with Rome, 286;
+ war with Carus, 290;
+ campaign of Galerius, 296;
+ wars of Constantius, 305, 306;
+ war of Julian, 312;
+ peace, 315.
+
+ _Perseus_, son of Philip, ii, 205;
+ maddened against the Romans, 205;
+ character, 206;
+ wins the hearts of the Greeks, 206;
+ marries the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes, 207;
+ war with Rome, 208;
+ defeats Crassus, 208;
+ allows himself to be taken in by Marcius Philippus, 210;
+ successful in the second and third years of the war, 210;
+ battle of Pydna, 213;
+ flies, 214;
+ made prisoner, 214;
+ declension of his name, 215, note;
+ a prisoner at Alba on the Lake Fucinus, 245;
+ his son becomes a clerk at Alba, 245.
+
+ _Persian_ families, seven noble, ii, 360.
+
+ PERSONA, in its legal meaning, i, 227.
+
+ _Pertinax_, Helvius, distinguished in the administration, iii, 247;
+ emperor, 249;
+ murdered, 249;
+ not of noble birth, 266.
+
+ _Perusia_, (Perugia,) concludes a peace with Rome, i, 509;
+ breaks it, 526;
+ fate of the town, iii, 103;
+ rebuilt as a Julian military colony under the name of Perusia
+ Augusta, 103.
+
+ _Perusian war_, iii, 103.
+
+ _Peruvians_, their name transferred upon the Spaniards, i, 143.
+
+ _Pescennius Niger_ in the East, iii, 246;
+ proclaimed emperor, 250;
+ defeated near Issus by Septimius Severus, 253.
+
+ _Pestilence_, in the Volscian war, i, 276;
+ after the Samnite wars, 536.
+ See _Plague_.
+
+ _Petelia_, i, 479;
+ the only place which remained faithful to the Romans after the battle
+ of Cannæ, ii, 109;
+ destroyed by the Carthaginians, and the other Lucanians, 109.
+
+ _Peteline grove_, i, 395, 435.
+
+ _Petilia_, battle, ii, 406.
+
+ _Petrarch_, read the war of Hannibal in Livy, and also Cæsar’s
+ Commentaries with passionate fondness, i, 67;
+ felt for the old Romans as an old Roman himself would have done, 79;
+ iii, 94.
+
+ _M. Petreius_, against Catiline, iii, 24;
+ general of Pompey in Spain, 54;
+ defeated near Lerida, 56;
+ in Africa, 66;
+ his death, 67.
+
+ _Petronius Arbiter_, witty but profligate, lived in the reign of
+ Alexander Severus and Gordian, iii, 276;
+ the greatest poetical genius of Rome since the days of Augustus, 276.
+
+ _Petronius Maximus_, emperor, iii, 342.
+
+ _Peucetians_ i, 98.
+
+ Φαίσολα in Polybius, must have been situated in the neighbourhood of
+ Aquapendente, ii, 54.
+
+ _Phalanx_, its meaning explained, i, 176;
+ was not one compact mass, but advanced by smaller divisions, 569,
+ note.
+
+ _Phameas._ See Himilco.
+
+ _Pharnaces_, son of Mithridates, iii, 11;
+ peace with Pompey, 11;
+ mixes himself up with the civil wars, 11, 65.
+
+ _Pharsalus_, battle, iii, 60.
+
+ _Pherecydes_, the philosopher, ii, 390.
+
+ _Philemon_, poet, legend of him, ii, 48, note.
+
+ _Philinus_ of Agrigentum wrote the first history of the first Punic
+ war, highly exasperated against the Romans, i, 19;
+ always represents the Carthaginians as generous, ii, 37.
+
+ _Philip II._ of Spain, ii, 390;
+ plots in his family, iii, 167.
+
+ _Philip_, son of Amyntas, had crossed the Hellespont even before
+ Alexander, ii, 176.
+
+ _Philip III._ of Macedon negotiates with Hannibal, ii, 111;
+ we read the treaty in Polybius, 143;
+ war with the Romans, 144;
+ his character, 144;
+ overcomes the Asintanians and Ardyæans, 146;
+ invades Ætolia, 147;
+ peace, 147;
+ peace with the Romans, 147;
+ allies himself with Antiochus the Great against Ptolemy Epiphanes,
+ 147;
+ conquers the whole of the Thracian coast, 148;
+ applied to by Crete for his mediation, 148;
+ second war with Rome, 150;
+ defeated by Flaminius near the _fauces Antigoneæ_, 155;
+ flies, 155;
+ keeps Orchomenus, without asking leave of the Achæans, 155;
+ defeated near Cynoscephalæ, 160;
+ concludes peace with the Romans, 161;
+ a pretender opposed to him by Antiochus, 169;
+ seizes the fortress of Demetrias, 172;
+ must have had a secret treaty with the Romans, 172;
+ union with Rome, 173;
+ besieges Lamia, 174;
+ left in the lurch by the Romans, 174;
+ reduces the Athamanians and Dolopians, 174;
+ supports Scipio, and receives for his reward the towns on the
+ Thracian coast, 177;
+ extent of his empire, 203;
+ his death, 205.
+
+ _Philip_, M. Julius, emperor, præfectus prætorio under Gordian, murders
+ him, iii, 207;
+ from Bostra in Arabia Petræa, 207;
+ called an Arabian, 207;
+ peace with the Persians, 207;
+ is assumed to have been a Christian, 207;
+ his coins bear heathen emblems, 272;
+ tradition of his having done penance, 272;
+ rebellion in Pannonia, 272;
+ is killed in a fight near Verona, 273.
+
+ _Philippi_, battle, iii, 96.
+
+ _Philippus_, consul, enemy of Livius Drusus, ii, 348;
+ ὅρκος Φιλίππου, 348;
+ plot to murder him, 351.
+
+ _Philippus_, Q. Marcius, Roman general against Perseus, ii, 210;
+ crosses Olympus, 210.
+
+ _Philocles_, Macedonian governor of Corinth, takes Argos, ii, 156.
+
+ _Philology_, blighted in Germany by the Thirty Years’ war, i, 70;
+ grammatical, 73.
+
+ _Philopœmen_, ii, 156, 162, 209;
+ his hatred against Sparta, 248.
+
+ Φιλοστοργία, iii, 26.
+
+ _Phintias_, prince of Agrigentum, i, 576.
+
+ _Phlius_, Achæan, ii, 151.
+
+ _Phocæa_, free, ii, 183.
+
+ _Phocæans_, beaten by the Agyllæans and the Carthaginians in Corsica,
+ i, 147.
+
+ _Phocis_, during the war of Hannibal, well-affected to Hannibal, ii,
+ 145;
+ dependent on Macedon, 151;
+ a separate state, 163, 256.
+
+ _Phœnicians_ had settlements on Cyprus, ii, 1;
+ may have frequently emigrated under the Persian to Carthage, 3;
+ subjected by Pompey, iii, 11;
+ did not fetch their tin from India, 45.
+
+ _Phœnician_ chronicles known to the Romans, after the destruction of
+ Carthage presented to the Numidian kings, ii, 1.
+
+ _Phraata_, town in Media, iii, 108.
+
+ _Phraortes_, king of the Parthians, iii, 108.
+
+ Φράτραι, i, 161.
+
+ _Phrygia_, on the Hellespont, and Great Phrygia (afterwards made one
+ under the kingdom of Asia) falls to Eumenes, ii, 183, 377.
+
+ _Phthiotis_, for the greater part Ætolian, ii, 151, 163.
+
+ _Phthiriasis_, ii, 390.
+
+ _Piali_, Stefano, iii, 148.
+
+ _Picenians_, from Sabine stock, i, 120.
+
+ _Picentians_, i, 418;
+ acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, 571;
+ faithful to the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109.
+
+ _Picenum_, the commotion in the Social war fiercest there, ii, 351;
+ revolt against Rome, 352;
+ had to suffer most grievously, 356.
+
+ _Pictor_, mentioned in Cicero as a Latin annalist, i, 21;
+ _de jure pontificio_ in Macrobius, 21.
+
+ _Picts_, of Cimbrian stock, ii, 322.
+
+ _St. Pierre_, Bernardin de, iii, 186.
+
+ _Pighius_, Steph., historical criticism, i, 3;
+ his annals a chimerical undertaking, 69.
+
+ PILANI in the Roman army, ii, 326.
+
+ _Pillars_, colossal pillars, formerly thought to have been portions of
+ the temple of Jupiter Stator, belong to the Curia Julia, iii, 148.
+
+ _Pilum_, its practice not easy to learn, ii, 92.
+
+ _Pindar_ sings the achievements of Gelon and Theron, ii, 3.
+
+ _Pinnes_, son of Agron, ii, 47.
+
+ _Pinnes_, leader of the Pannonians, iii, 155;
+ treacherously given up to the Romans, 156.
+
+ _Pirates_, iii, 8;
+ encouraged by Mithridates to make prizes, 9;
+ land at Ostia, 9;
+ reduced by Pompey, 9.
+
+ _Pisa_, the valley there was at one time a great marsh, ii, 53;
+ is now inhabited only in the centre, 108.
+
+ _Pisidia_, Roman, iii, 3.
+
+ _Piso_, C. Calpurnius, conspiracy under Nero, iii, 192.
+
+ _Piso_, Cn. Calpurnius, his conduct to Germanicus, iii, 172;
+ will not give up Syria, 172.
+
+ _Piso_, L. Calpurnius, author of a work De continentia veterum
+ poëtarum, i, 25;
+ doubts on it, 25.
+
+ _Piso_, L. Calpurnius, Frugi Censorius tries to bring consistency into
+ the earliest history, i, 29;
+ historicises the birth of Romulus, 81; ii, 121.
+
+ _Piso_, L. Calpurnius, consul, ii, 237.
+
+ _Piso_, L. Calpurnius, consul, ἀλιτήριος, iii, 35;
+ buys the province of Macedonia from Clodius, 35;
+ Cæsar’s father-in-law 82;
+ not among his heirs, 83.
+
+ _Piso_, L. Calpurnius, _præfectus urbi_, iii, 123.
+
+ _Piso_, L. Calpurnius adopted by Galba, iii, 195.
+
+ _Pitt_, after the loss of America, with redoubled courage undertakes
+ the task of infusing new strength into his country, ii, 58.
+
+ _Placentia_, Roman colony, ii, 57, 75;
+ destroyed by the Boians, 164;
+ colony or municipium, 385.
+
+ _Placidia_, sister of Honorius, married to Adolphus, iii, 334;
+ flies to Constantinople, 335.
+
+ _Plague_ in the Peloponnesian war, i, 176; iii, 241;
+ in Greece at the time of Antigonus Gonatas, i, 536; iii, 241;
+ epoch in literature owing to it, 241;
+ not in Africa, 246;
+ its intensity, 246, 284;
+ ceases, 289.
+
+ _Plancius_, quæstor, his conduct to Cicero when outlawed, iii, 36.
+
+ _Plania_, mistress of Tibullus, iii, 137.
+
+ _Platen_, count, his metrical art, ii, 198; iii, 24;
+ the tomb in Busento, 334.
+
+ _Plato_, his letters old but not genuine, i, 576;
+ attached to the uncle of his mother, iii, 29;
+ his Phædon does not give the faith of immortality, 69.
+
+ _Platonists_ had sunk into thaumaturgi and theurgi, iii, 239.
+
+ _Plautus_ and _Terence_, in their iambic and trochaic verses, observed
+ the rhythmical measure only, and not the quantity, i, 90;
+ P. is one of the greatest poetical geniuses of ancient times, ii,
+ 196;
+ his irony, 196;
+ very poor, 197;
+ his metres by no means Greek, 197.
+
+ _Plebeians_, in the tribes, i, 174;
+ constitute a fourth order, 190;
+ oppressed by the patricians, 225;
+ had different civil rights from patricians, 227;
+ were no rabble, 234;
+ in possession of the Capitol, conquerors, after the downfall of the
+ decemvirs, 312;
+ connubium with the patricians, 326;
+ may become military tribunes, but the election always foiled, 330;
+ have a share in the senate, 334;
+ in the consulship, 397; ii, 269;
+ curule ædiles, i, 405;
+ prætors, 454;
+ add to their names those of their fathers and grandfathers, 513;
+ their distinguishing character is that of being landowners, 513.
+
+ _Plebs sincera_, 516;
+ sedition, 540;
+ two plebeians for the first time censors together, ii, 268.
+
+ _Plebeian forgeries_ of history, i, 226.
+
+ _Plebeity_, the notion of it changed, ii, 97.
+
+ _Plebes_, its origin, i, 133;
+ does not by any means consist of the poorest classes of the people,
+ 169;
+ existed even before the reign of Ancus, 173;
+ _sciscit_, 269;
+ assembles in the forum, afterwards in the Area Capitolina, 269; ii,
+ 285;
+ votes _tabellis_, i, 269;
+ plebs urbana distinguished from the tribes, ii, 295.
+
+ PLEBISCITA, rules at pleasure, i, 241;
+ had not at first any authority over the whole community, 241;
+ the spelling, _plebisscita_, incorrect, 270, note;
+ acquire general validity, 320;
+ _ut omnes Quirites tenerent_, 447;
+ there is no longer any mention made of them under Augustus, iii, 118.
+
+ PLEBISCITUM CANULEIUM, i, 326;
+ that a tribune could be elected two years running, ii, 293.
+
+ _Pleias_, Alexandrine tragedy, iii, 138.
+
+ _Pleminius_, his cruelty against Locri, i, 445.
+
+ _Pleuron_ in Ætolia has isopolity with the Achæans, ii, 250.
+
+ _Pliny_, the elder, mentions Licinius among his sources, i, 33;
+ his excerpta little weighed by him, 98;
+ has seen the treaty of Porsena, 212.
+
+ _Pliny_, the younger, mentioned along with Tacitus, iii, 226;
+ vain, 226;
+ his letters most instructive, 226;
+ striking likeness to the Parisian writers of the eighteenth century,
+ 226.
+
+ _Plotina_, wife of Trajan, an excellent woman, iii, 217;
+ has perhaps only spread the report of Hadrian’s adoption, 221.
+
+ _Plutarch_, made, like Montaigne, for quiet and cheerful contemplation,
+ i, 59;
+ his lives most delightful reading, 59;
+ no critic, 59;
+ follows at one time one authority and at another time another, 60;
+ understood little Latin, 60;
+ conf. 175;
+ had a keen perception of individual character, ii, 191;
+ wrote the life of the Gracchi without any knowledge of the state of
+ affairs, 271;
+ very detailed on the Cimbric war, 329;
+ has made use of Sylla’s memoirs, 367;
+ his life of Cæsar is ἀκέφαλοι, iii, 29;
+ life of Antony, 108;
+ the only writer of eminence since Polybius from old Greece, 142;
+ his defects, 228;
+ character, 228.
+
+ _Plutei_, i, 354.
+
+ _Poetical traditions_, source of the early Roman history, i, 12.
+
+ _Poggius_, the letters to him most affecting, i, 67.
+
+ _Police_ in Rome, iii, 122.
+
+ Πόλις, its original meaning, i, 166.
+
+ Πολῖται, i, 166.
+
+ Πολιτεία, union of the clans and the community, i, 166.
+
+ _Political views_ hereditary in certain families, i, 401.
+
+ _Political delinquencies_, for many of them no penalty fixed, i, 318.
+
+ _Politorians_, i, 171.
+
+ _Pollentia_, in Montferrat, battle, iii, 330.
+
+ _Pollnumber_, the ancients never voted according to accidental
+ pollnumber, i, 421, and note.
+
+ _Polyaratus_, ii, 219.
+
+ _Polybius_, i, 36, 133;
+ a very good officer, 530;
+ does not mention the first misunderstanding between Rome and
+ Carthage, 574;
+ his list of the Roman reserve in the war with the Cisalpine Gauls
+ wrongly written, ii, 52;
+ has made use of a brass tablet of Hannibal in the temple of Juno
+ Lacinia, 62;
+ his work leaves nothing to desire, 62;
+ his account of the battle of Cannæ, 63;
+ two editions of his work, 69;
+ acquitted of the charge of partiality for the Romans, 71;
+ his clear exposition of the state of political affairs, 209;
+ taken to Rome, 217;
+ the second edition added the war against Corinth and the third Punic,
+ besides an introduction, 220;
+ tutor of Scipio, 238;
+ obtains fair conditions for his countrymen, 256;
+ his share in framing the constitution of Achaia, 256.
+
+ _Polybus_, or Polybius, very likely not as contemptible as he is
+ generally represented, iii, 183.
+
+ _Pomerania_, extinction of the Vandal (Wendish) language, i, 145.
+
+ _Pometia_, i, 222, 223.
+
+ _Pomœrium_ of Romulus, i, 187.
+
+ POMPÆ, in connexion with the prætextatæ, ii, 195.
+
+ _Pompædius_, (Poppædius,) Silo, consul in the Italian state, ii, 353.
+
+ _Pompeia_, wife of Julius Cæsar, iii, 27.
+
+ _Pompeii_, conquered by Papius Mutilus, ii, 355;
+ the so-called barracks there a _ludus gladiatorius_, 405;
+ destruction, iii, 209.
+
+ _Pompeian_ race, iii, 109.
+
+ _Cn. Pompeius Magnus_, (Pompey,) in Picenum, ii, 380;
+ character, 401;
+ held in particular esteem by Sylla, 402;
+ against Sertorius, 402;
+ ends the war, 403;
+ consul, 404;
+ reconciled with Crassus, 404;
+ restores the tribuneship, iii, 5;
+ war against the pirates, 9;
+ against Mithridates, 10;
+ had Mithridates buried with kingly pomp, 11;
+ against Tigranes, 11;
+ goes to Egypt, 11;
+ dismisses his army, 11;
+ his surname of Magnus conferred on him by Sylla, 12;
+ his indifference to Cicero, 25;
+ sets on Clodius against Cicero, 28;
+ falls out with Clodius and friend with Cicero, 37;
+ consul for the second time, 37;
+ his laws, 37;
+ congress at Lucca, 39;
+ marries Cæsar’s daughter, 39;
+ dangerously ill, 51;
+ receives the command in Italy, 52;
+ goes to Brundusium, 54;
+ tyranny of the Pompeians, 55;
+ betakes himself to Illyricum, 55;
+ defeats Cæsar near Dyrrachium, 59;
+ battle of Pharsalus, 60;
+ flies, 62;
+ goes to Egypt, 62;
+ murdered, 63;
+ his statue, 63.
+
+ _Cn. Pompeius_, Cn. F., a by far more able general than his father,
+ iii, 70;
+ cut down, 71.
+
+ _Cn._ and _Sex. Pompeius_ in Spain, iii, 70;
+ battle of Munda, 70.
+
+ _Cn. Pompeius Strabo_, father of Magnus, prætor with proconsular power,
+ is the first who had any brilliant success in the Social war, ii,
+ 356;
+ victory near Ascalum, 356;
+ Cicero’s opinion of him, 369;
+ ambiguous, 372;
+ defeated by Sylla, 372;
+ dies of the plague, 372.
+
+ _Q. Pompeius_, A. F., consul, in Spain chief of the aristocracy, ii,
+ 261;
+ brought to great straits by the Numantines, offers peace, 261;
+ hand and glove with Scipio Nasica, 279.
+
+ _Q. Pompeius_, Sylla’s colleague, receives the command in Italy against
+ Cinna, ii, 369;
+ murdered, 369.
+
+ _S. Pompey_, hides himself among the Celtiberians, iii, 71;
+ master of Sicily, 104;
+ peace of Misenum, 105;
+ _sermone barbarus_, 105;
+ war with Octavian, 109;
+ battles near Mylæ and Taurominium, 109;
+ murdered, 109.
+
+ _Pomponius_, friend of C. Gracchus, ii, 305.
+
+ _Pomponius_, see Atticus, Lætus.
+
+ _Pondemate_, (Pound-mead) i, 179.
+
+ _Ponte di Sanguinetto_, wrongly referred to the battle of the Trasimene
+ lake, ii, 91.
+
+ _Ponte Mollo_, iii, 300.
+
+ _Pontifex Maximus_, lived below in the town, i, 7.
+
+ _Pontifices_, their number doubled by Numa, two Ramnes, two Tities, i,
+ 124;
+ number at a later period, 130, 523;
+ their number is increased by Sylla from nine to fifteen, ii, 389;
+ their jurisdiction must have been done away with, iii, 27.
+
+ _Ti. Pontificius_, tribune of the people, puts a veto to the levy of
+ soldiers, i, 260.
+
+ _Pontian_ isles, Roman colony there, i, 489.
+
+ _Pontine_ marshes, Ap. Claudius cuts a canal through them, i, 517;
+ object of it, 517.
+
+ _C. Pontius_, general of the Samnites, one of the greatest men of
+ ancient times, i, 487;
+ victory in the Caudine passes, 488;
+ gives to the departing Romans beasts of burden for the wounded 490;
+ sends back the prisoners, 492;
+ the account of his having been conquered in Luceria, 493;
+ put to death, 534.
+
+ _Pontius_, Herennius, father of Caius, friend of Archytas, i, 489;
+ occurs as a speaking personage together with Archytas in a
+ philosophical dialogue of a Pythagorean, 489, _note_.
+
+ _Pontius Glaucus_, a poem written by Cicero in his youth, iii, 16.
+
+ _C. Pontius Telesinus_, ii, 353;
+ against Rome, 382;
+ battle at the Colline gate, 382.
+
+ _Pontus_, population, ii, 361.
+
+ _Poor_, the poor received corn in the temple of Ceres, ii, 259;
+ care taken by C. Gracchus for them, 259.
+
+ _M. Popillius_, ambassador of Rome to Antiochus Epiphanes, prevents him
+ from the conquest of Egypt, ii, 221.
+
+ _P. Popillius Lænas_, consul, persecution of the adherents of Gracchus,
+ ii, 287;
+ goes into exile, 294.
+
+ _Popillius Lænas_, iii, 93.
+
+ _Popolanti_, in the middle ages, no Romans but Albanians and Illyrians,
+ i, 236, note.
+
+ POPOLO, in Italian, union of the clans and the community, i, 168.
+
+ _Poppæa Sabina_, wife of Nero, iii, 189.
+
+ _Poppædius_, see Pompædius.
+
+ _Populonia_ destroyed, ii, 383.
+
+ POPULUS ROMANUS QUIRITES, i, 104, 123.
+
+ _Populus_, πολῖται, _citadini_, i, 166;
+ etymology, 166;
+ populus and plebes without a doubt in all the towns of Italy, and
+ also in the Greek colonies of Lower Italy and Sicily, 171;
+ assembles in the comitium and in the Lucus Petelinus, 269;
+ _jubet_, 269.
+
+ _Porcia_, wife of Brutus, iii, 77, 80.
+
+ _Porcius_, see Cato.
+
+ _Porsena_, Martial’s incorrect scansion of the name, i, 208, note;
+ his mausoleum at Clusium, 209;
+ his war is fabulous, 210;
+ his peace quite a different thing from what the Romans would make us
+ believe, 211;
+ acquires the _septem pagi agri Veientium_, 213;
+ seems to have failed against Aricia, 213;
+ his goods symbolically sold before every sale by auction, 213;
+ his war very likely happened ten years later than is generally
+ presumed, 215, 232.
+
+ _Porta Carmentalis_, i, 263, note.
+
+ _Portico_ of Octavia, the entrance still standing, iii, 149.
+
+ _Portogallo_, i, 384.
+
+ _Portugal_, down to the times of Pombal, had many negro slaves,
+ wherefore also many Mulattos there, ii, 274.
+
+ _Portus_ Julius, iii, 144.
+
+ _Posidonia_, i, 458;
+ see Pæstum.
+
+ _Posidonius_, i, 36;
+ not inferior to Polybius, 252;
+ history of the Gracchi, 252.
+
+ _Posidonius_, contemporary of Perseus, has described the war of
+ Perseus, ii, 214.
+
+ POSSESSIO and property distinguished, i, 254.
+
+ _Postumius_, see Albinus.
+
+ _Postumius Regillencis_, dictator in the battle at the Lake Regillus,
+ i, 217;
+ an interpolation, 219;
+ consul, according to some, 219.
+
+ _L. Postumius_, consul, given up to the Samnites, i, 492;
+ insults old Fabius, 543;
+ impeached by the tribunes, 543;
+ head of an embassy to Tarentum, 550;
+ mocked by the Tarentines, 550.
+
+ _A. Postumius Tubertus_, dictator, conquers the Æquians and Volscians,
+ i, 343.
+
+ _M. Postumius_, military tribune, slain by the soldiers, i, 346.
+
+ _C. Postumius Megillus_, ii, 272.
+
+ _Postumus_, M. Cassianus, (Cassianius) Latinius, severs Gaul, Spain,
+ Britain, from the Roman empire, iii, 282;
+ an eminent man, 282;
+ loses his life, 282.
+
+ _Pothinus_, eunuch, guardian of Ptolemy, iii, 63;
+ wishes to overpower Cæsar, 64.
+
+ _Potitii_, extinct in the times of Appius Claudius, i, 140.
+
+ _Pouilly_, i, 3.
+
+ _Pound_ of the Romans weighed about twenty-three half-ounces of
+ Cologne, i, 382.
+
+ PRÆFECTURA ANNONÆ, seems to have been a temporary magistracy, i, 337;
+ præfectura explained, 450;
+ præfectures with Cærite rights, ii, 185;
+ _præfectura ærarii_, iii, 123;
+ _præfectura Galliæ_, 282, 295.
+
+ PRÆFECTURA URBI, his office abolished during the decemvirate, i, 299;
+ has jurisdiction, and probably likewise the presidency in the senate,
+ 330;
+ _Latinarum causa_, ii, 351;
+ under Augustus, iii, 123;
+ has since Hadrian a district of a hundred Italian miles round Rome,
+ 255.
+
+ _Præneste_, disappears in the Volscian war, i, 275;
+ independent since the Gallic invasion, 384;
+ seems to have been united with Tibur, 390;
+ together with part of the Æquians hostile to Rome, 390, 451;
+ the citadel occupied by Pyrrhus, 562;
+ receives Roman citizenship by the Lex Julia, ii, 354;
+ declares for Marius, 372;
+ the present Palestrina is a part only of the ancient arx, 381;
+ reduced by hunger by Q. Lucretius Ofella, 381;
+ fate after the conquest, 383;
+ military colony, 385.
+
+ _Prærogativa_, decided by lot, i, 162; ii, 366.
+
+ _Prætextatæ_, native tragedies in Italy, ii, 195;
+ historical pieces in the manner of Shakspeare, 393.
+
+ PRÆTOR URBANUS, a new magistracy instead of the _præfectus urbi_,
+ patrician, i, 403;
+ is not so called merely in contradistinction to the _prætor
+ peregrinus_, 403;
+ his functions, 403;
+ was called _collega consulum_, six lictors, 404;
+ appointed by the centuries, 406;
+ the office accessible to the plebeians, 454;
+ the office of prætor peregrinus created, ii, 42;
+ the phrase is a barbarism, 42;
+ the prætor not limited to civil jurisdiction, 42;
+ their number raised from four to six, 186;
+ the patrician privilege done away with, 190;
+ their number increased by Sylla, 389;
+ raised to ten, and again to sixteen, iii, 74.
+
+ _Prætores_, the original name of the consules, i, 203.
+
+ _Prætorians_, their increase by Sejanus is the most momentous event in
+ the later Roman history, iii, 175;
+ their despotism, 179;
+ tale of their having offered the empire for sale, 249;
+ cowardly, 251;
+ transformed by Septimius Severus into a guard, 257;
+ accompany Severus and Caracalla in their expeditions, 257.
+
+ _Prætorian cohorts_, iii, 125.
+
+ _Prætura urbana_, honourable and lucrative, iii, 78.
+
+ _Priestly offices_, the nomination for them transferred upon the
+ smaller half of the tribes, ii, 342;
+ co-optation restored by Sylla, 388.
+
+ _Primus_, Antonius, tribune, excites the Mœsian legions to rebellion
+ against Vitellius, iii, 198;
+ is victorious near Cremona, 200;
+ conspires against Vespasian, and thereby loses his life, 206.
+
+ _Principes_, i, 441.
+
+ _Prisci_, name of the Cascans, i, 104.
+
+ PRISCI LATINI, i, 104.
+
+ PRISCUS, quaint, i, 104;
+ a common name with the Romans, 136.
+
+ _Priscus_, see Helvidius.
+
+ _Priscus_, Statius, iii, 240.
+
+ _Priscus_, historian, iii, 327.
+
+ _Privernum_, Volscian town, i, 353;
+ seems not to have entered into the league of the Latins, 444;
+ rises against Rome, 466;
+ receives the citizenship and constitutes the tribus Ufentina, 466.
+
+ _Privilegia_, laws against individuals abolished by the laws of the
+ Twelve Tables, i, 303.
+
+ _Probus_, emperor, iii, 288;
+ wars, 288;
+ his popularity, 289;
+ came from the neighbourhood of the Limes Illyricus, 289;
+ murdered, 289.
+
+ _Proconsular power_, its origin, i, 473.
+
+ _Proconsuls_, in the senatorial provinces, iii, 244.
+
+ _Procopius_, general of Julian, iii, 312.
+
+ _Proculeius_, an officer of Octavian, iii, 113.
+
+ _Procuratores Cæsaris_, iii, 125.
+
+ _Prodigality_ never became rife again among the Romans since Vespasian,
+ iii, 206.
+
+ _Profuturus_, Renatus, historian, iii, 325.
+
+ PROLETARII, i, 178;
+ paid no taxes, 182.
+
+ _Propertius_, mentions _patres pelliti_, i, 120;
+ his poems imitations of the Alexandrian school, iii, 139.
+
+ _Property tax_, ii, 37.
+
+ _Property_, different from possession, i, 254.
+
+ _Proscribed_, the sons of the proscribed by Sylla, persuaded by Cicero
+ to renounce recovering their honours, iii, 22;
+ the _jus honorum_ restored to them by Cæsar, 74.
+
+ _Proscriptions_, ii, 383; iii, 91.
+
+ _Prose_, in olden times always developed by oratory, iii, 130.
+
+ _Proselytes_ of the gate and of the temple, i, 164.
+
+ _Provence_, its inhabitants were during the whole of the middle ages in
+ possession of the coral fisheries of Africa, i, 458;
+ is called _Italia altera_, iii, 122.
+
+ _Province_, explained, ii, 41;
+ Roman province in Gaul, 308;
+ senatorial and imperial, iii, 120;
+ proconsular and pro-prætorian, 121;
+ provinces less heavily oppressed than Italy, 257;
+ the difference between senatorial and imperial provinces done away
+ with, 274.
+
+ _Provinces_ distributed in the senate previous to the election of the
+ magistrates, ii, 300.
+
+ _Provincials_ of the west much sooner assimilated themselves to Roman
+ manners than those of the east, i, 61;
+ the ownership of the provincials not according to Roman but to
+ provincial law, ii, 41.
+
+ _Prudentius_, iii, 326.
+
+ _Prusa_ destroyed by the Goths, iii, 278.
+
+ _Prusias_, king of Bithynia, ii, 193;
+ marries Perseus’ sister, 207;
+ connexion with Perseus, 211;
+ goes to Rome, 221.
+
+ _Prussian army_ of 1762 much inferior to that of 1757, ii, 105.
+
+ _Pseudophilip_, ii, 237;
+ an impostor, 245;
+ given up by Demetrius to the Romans, 245;
+ routs the Macedonians, 246;
+ defeated by Scipio Nasica, 246;
+ beats P. Juventius Thalna, 247;
+ conquered by Q. Metellus, 247;
+ put to death, 247.
+
+ _Ptolemy Auletes_, driven from Alexandria, comes to Rome to be
+ reinstated, iii, 28;
+ restored by Gabinius, 62;
+ his death, 62.
+
+ _Ptolemy Epiphanes_, son of Ptolemy Philopator, against him Philip
+ III., Antiochus the Great united, ii, 147.
+
+ _Ptolemy Euergetes_, war against Seleucus Callinicus, ii, 182.
+
+ _Ptolemy Euergetes II._, (Physcon,) ii, 221;
+ receives Cyprus and Cyrene, 221.
+
+ _Ptolemy Ceraunus_, i, 556;
+ succumbs under the invasion of the Gauls in Macedonia, 546.
+
+ _Ptolemy Lagus_, historical writer, i, 470.
+
+ _Ptolemy Philadelphus_, in alliance with Rome, ii, 13, 50.
+
+ _Ptolemy Philometor_, ii, 221.
+
+ _Ptolemy Philopator_, an unworthy king, under him the empire falls into
+ utter decay, ii, 148.
+
+ _Ptolemy_, son of Ptolemy Auletes, iii, 62.
+
+ _Ptolemy Soter_, friendly with Seleucus, enemy to Cassander, quarrels
+ with both of them about the spoil of the battle of Ipsus, i, 553.
+
+ _Publicani_, farmers of revenue, i, 253; ii, 193.
+
+ _Public debt_ in Rome during the war of Hannibal, ii, 187.
+
+ _Public works_ in Rome done by contract, ii, 38.
+
+ _Publicius_, see Clivus.
+
+ PUBLICUM, chest of the patricians, i, 233;
+ after the Licinian laws very likely the general exchequer of the
+ country, 408.
+
+ _Q. Publilius Philo_, dictator, his laws, i, 445;
+ first plebeian prætor, 454;
+ conquers Naples as first proconsul, 473;
+ consul, 493.
+
+ _Vol. Publilius_, insult offered to him by the patricians, i, 268;
+ elected tribune, 268;
+ his rogations, 269.
+
+ _Pulcheria_, iii, 335.
+
+ _Pullani_, descendants of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, become
+ unwarlike, ii, 166.
+
+ PULSARE, to violate the law of nations, ii, 251.
+
+ _Punic_, spoken in the provincial towns of Africa, iii, 234.
+
+ _Punic wars_, periods of the first, ii, 9;
+ the ideas of the Romans quite changed by the taking of Agrigentum,
+ 12;
+ peace, 39;
+ the first Punic war one of the causes of the degeneracy of the Roman
+ people, 42;
+ no war in ancient history to be compared to the second Punic, 61;
+ division, 68;
+ peace, 142;
+ the third Punic war, 227.
+
+ PUTEUS, cistern, i, 518.
+
+ _Puzzuoli_, dyke across the harbour, iii, 180.
+
+ _Pydna_, battle, ii, 213.
+
+ _Pyrgi_, Roman fortress, i, 571.
+
+ _Pyrrhus_, king of Epirus, i, 551;
+ compared to Charles XII., 552;
+ brought up by Glaucias, prince of the Taulantians, 553;
+ goes to the court of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and of Antigonus the
+ One-eyed, 553;
+ restored by Demetrius, king of the Molossians, 553;
+ in his service, 553;
+ sent to Ptolemy, 553;
+ marries Antigone, daughter of Berenice, 554;
+ acquires Ambracia, Amphilochia and the Epirote provinces, 554;
+ war with Demetrius Poliorcetes, 554;
+ unites with Lysimachus, and shares with him Macedon, 554;
+ a mighty master in the method of battle array, 555;
+ treaty with Tarentum, 555;
+ sails to Italy, 556;
+ raises a levy among the Tarentines, 556;
+ the only barbarian king fraught with the brilliancy of old Hellenism,
+ 557;
+ offers his mediation between Rome and Tarentum, 558;
+ battle of Heraclea, 558;
+ advances against Rome, 560;
+ sends ambassadors, 561;
+ takes Fregellæ by storm, 562;
+ resolves upon turning back, 562;
+ embassy of the Romans to him, 562;
+ has left memoirs, 563;
+ gives leave to the prisoners to go to Rome to the Saturnalia, 563;
+ an enthusiastic admirer of the Romans, 563;
+ battle near Ascalum, 564;
+ always placed alternately an Italian moveable cohort and solid
+ battalion of the phalanx, 565;
+ the attempt at poisoning by his physician seems to have been a
+ preconcerted farce, 565;
+ exchange of prisoners, 566;
+ goes to Sicily, 566;
+ his son becomes king of Syracuse, 566;
+ drives out the Carthaginians from Sicily, except from Lilybæum, 566;
+ conquers the Mamertines, 566;
+ siege of Lilybæum, 567;
+ returns to Italy, lands near Locri, 567;
+ attacked by a Carthaginian fleet, 567;
+ battle of Taurasia, (Beneventum,) 567;
+ leaves Milo behind in Tarentum, 568;
+ returns to Epirus, 569;
+ proclaimed king of Macedonia, 569;
+ soon forsaken again, 569;
+ expedition against Sparta, 569;
+ marches to Argos, 569;
+ his death, 569.
+
+ _Pythagoras_, uncertain whether an historical person, i, 458;
+ the Pythagorean philosophy known at an early period to the Romans,
+ 458;
+ to be sought for among the Pelasgians, 472.
+
+ _Pyxus_, i, 458.
+
+
+ Q
+
+ _Quadi_ cross the Danube, iii, 240, 242.
+
+ _Quadratum saxum_, flagstone, i, 518.
+
+ _Quadriremes_, ii, 12.
+
+ _Quadrigarius_, Q. Claudius, his history is brought down to about the
+ time of Cicero’s consulship, i, 31;
+ unwieldiness of his language, 31.
+
+ QUÆSTIONES PERPETUÆ, analogous to the modern jury courts, ii, 345;
+ assigned by Sylla to the prætors, 389;
+ gave the verdict of innocence or guilt, and also had the right of
+ pardoning, iii, 21.
+
+ _Quæstor_, his office ceases during the decemvirate, i, 298;
+ chosen by the centuries, 325;
+ _Quæstores parricidii_ and _Quæstores classici_ to be distinguished,
+ 325;
+ _quæstores parricidii_ synonymous with the _duum viri perduellionis_,
+ 325;
+ the office thrown open in the year of the town 346 to both orders,
+ 335, 340;
+ quæstors appointed for Italy, 572;
+ their number increased to eight, 572;
+ by Sylla to twenty, ii, 389;
+ by Cæsar to forty, iii, 74.
+
+ _Quæstura Ostiensis_, ii, 335.
+
+ _Quatremere de Quincy_, i, 209.
+
+ _Quatuorviri_, i, 406.
+
+ _Quinctilian_, his saying on Cicero, iii, 94;
+ on Cornelius Gallus, 138;
+ restorer of good taste in Rome, 186, 228;
+ on Domitian, 210;
+ has a pension from him, 210.
+
+ _Quinctilis_, month, called July, iii, 114.
+
+ _Quinctilius_, brother of Claudius Gothicus, iii, 288, _note_.
+
+ _Quinctius_, see Cincinnatus, Crispinus.
+
+ _Quinctius_, Cæso, son of Cincinnatus, offers the most violent
+ resistance to the _lex Terentilia_, i, 280;
+ prosecuted on the _Lex Junia_, 281;
+ leaves the town, 281;
+ his death, 284.
+
+ _Quinqueremes_ in the Macedonian, Sicilian, and Punic fleets, ii, 12;
+ manned with three hundred rowers, and hundred and twenty marines, 13.
+
+ _Quirinal Hill_, iii, 223.
+
+ _Quirites_, the name wrongly adopted as a common one of the united
+ Romans and Sabines, i, 123.
+
+ _Quirium_, name of the Sabine town, i, 129.
+
+
+ R
+
+ _C. Rabirius_, iii, 106.
+
+ _Radagaise_ besieges Florence, iii, 331;
+ forced back by Stilicho into the Apennines, 331.
+
+ _Rafaelle_, iii, 299.
+
+ _Ramnes_, name of the Latin tribe, i, 124.
+
+ _Ranks_, their line of demarcation formed by landed or moneyed
+ property, iii, 4.
+
+ _Rape_ of the Sabines, i, 117;
+ their number, 117.
+
+ _Rasena_, original name of the Etruscans, i, 142, _note_.
+
+ _Rastadt_, murder of the French ambassadors, ii, 139.
+
+ _Raudii_, see Campi.
+
+ _Ravenna_, built on islands, iii, 333.
+
+ _Rea Silvia_, mother of Romulus, i, 112;
+ Rea is a cognomen, 112;
+ changed into a goddess, made the wife of the god Anio, 112.
+
+ _Rebellio_, instead of _rebellis_, iii, 245.
+
+ _Regifugium_, i, 198.
+
+ _Regillus_, battle, the account of it poetical, i, 218;
+ its date not fixed, 219.
+
+ _Regillus_, M. Æmilius, at the head of a fleet against Antiochus, ii,
+ 175;
+ battle of Myonnesus, 175.
+
+ _Regions_ of Servius Tullius, i, 173.
+
+ _Regions_ of Rome, iii, 123;
+ of Italy, 124.
+
+ _Regulus_, M. Atilius, consul, goes to Africa, ii, 20;
+ battle of Adis, 21;
+ takes Tunis and encamps near the river Bagradas 21;
+ character, 21;
+ conquered by Xanthippus, 23;
+ legends concerning his death, 25;
+ seem to have been taken from Nævius, 26.
+
+ _Reichardt_, his map of Italy thoroughly bad, i, 77.
+
+ _Reimarus_, Herm. Sam. editor of Dio Cassius, i, 66; iii, 127.
+
+ _Reiske_, J. J., his qualities, i, 42;
+ his edition of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 42.
+
+ _Reiz_, F. W., i, 73.
+
+ _Remi_, the most distinguished people among the Belgians, iii, 44;
+ seem to have intrigued with the Romans, 44.
+
+ _Removal_, from the _tribus rusticæ_ to the _urbanæ_, a _nota
+ ignominiæ_, i, 174.
+
+ _Remuria_, a hill three miles south of Rome, i, 114;
+ town on that hill, 114;
+ Pelasgian, 116.
+
+ _Remus_, i, 113;
+ according to some on the Aventine, according to others on the
+ Remuria, 114;
+ his end, 115;
+ personification of the plebeians, 129.
+
+ _Reno_, river, iii, 91.
+
+ _Representation_, based on districts of towns, i, 157.
+
+ _Republic_, has the duty of providing for its members, ii, 295;
+ restored in Rome after Caligula’s death, iii, 180.
+
+ _Republics_, in confederate republics similarity of constitution has no
+ influence whatever on their mutual support, i, 237;
+ drawbacks, 259;
+ their forms sometimes a mere phantom, 279.
+
+ _Resolutions_ of the people were to be carried before sunset, i, 270.
+
+ _Responsa prudentum_, given in the name of the emperor acquire real
+ authority, iii, 231.
+
+ _Revenue_, tenths and fifths, i, 254.
+
+ _Rhætians_, of Etruscan race, i, 145, 370; iii, 151;
+ their abodes, 151;
+ stand their ground against the Gauls, i, 368.
+
+ _Rhegium_, i, 459;
+ occupied by a mutinous Campanian legion, 567, 572;
+ massacre, 573;
+ besieged by the Romans, 573;
+ conquered, 573.
+
+ _Rhetoricians_, Greek, their influence upon Roman literature, iii, 184,
+ 227;
+ in the second century, 235.
+
+ _Rhianus_, in his poem on Messene, clashes with Pausanias and Tyrtæus,
+ i, 13.
+
+ _Rhine_, the population along its banks German, iii, 203.
+
+ _Rhodes_ free, friend of the Romans, ii, 145;
+ friend with Alexandria, 148;
+ defends Ptolemy Epiphanes, 148;
+ great and powerful, 151;
+ against Antiochus, 167;
+ their fleet defeated by the Syrians, 173;
+ has the best seamen of the age, 173;
+ its wealth, 183;
+ thoroughly respectable, 183;
+ tries to mediate between Rome and Perseus, 212;
+ peace with Rome, 219;
+ faithful to the Romans in the war of Mithridates, 364;
+ besieged by Mithridates, 364;
+ taken by Cassius, iii, 96;
+ earthquake, 237.
+
+ _Rhone_, has its mouth choked up with silt, iii, 327.
+
+ _Ricimer_, iii, 342;
+ a Sueve of royal race, 343;
+ treachery to Marjorian, 344;
+ conquers Rome, 346;
+ dies, 346.
+
+ _Rienzi_ is said to have read all the books of the ancients, i, 79.
+
+ _Right of community_, i, 165.
+
+ _Robespierre_, very likely had no purpose whatever, ii, 236.
+
+ _Roche Blanche_, ii, 78.
+
+ _Rollin’s_ Roman history, i, 72.
+
+ _Roma_, a small place on the Palatine, i, 110;
+ its name Greek, place of strength, 110;
+ Pelasgian, 116.
+
+ _Romances_ on Charlemagne, i, 87.
+
+ _Roman empire_, its extent at the end of the seventh century of the
+ town, iii, 1.
+
+ _Roman history_, existed from about the period of the secessio, i, 203;
+ its sources destroyed by the Gallic conquest, 202;
+ the same events very often recur again, 216;
+ becomes general history, ii, 251.
+
+ _Roman law_ distinctive with regard to the rights of persons and
+ things, i, 295.
+
+ _Romans_ by no means barbarians previous to the time when they learned
+ from the Greeks, i, 15;
+ unite with the Sabines, 118, 122;
+ pay tithe to the Etruscans, 212;
+ their laws not borrowed from those of Athens, 295;
+ their hypocrisy, 424;
+ their practice in sieges still in its very infancy, 473;
+ fight with the pilum and the sword, 507;
+ tactics, 530;
+ treat their allies with more honour than other peoples, 572;
+ never served in foreign armies, 577;
+ their perseverance, ii, 11;
+ build a fleet after the model of a Carthaginian quinquereme, 13, 38;
+ their fleet destroyed in the Mediterranean by storm, 25, 27;
+ always learn from their enemy, 30, _note_;
+ lose a large merchant fleet, 34;
+ embassy to the Achaians and Ætolians, 48;
+ to Athens, 48;
+ to Corinth, 48;
+ get a part in the Isthmian games, 48;
+ receive from the Athenians isopolity and admission to the Eleusinian
+ mysteries, 49;
+ awful liars when they want to lay the blame upon their enemies, 65;
+ show themselves unskilful at the beginning of every great war, 74;
+ in many respects slaves established usage, 82;
+ example of their discipline, 84;
+ their system of tactics the worst when the troops were not well
+ trained, the best with practised soldiers, 88;
+ would not ostensibly deviate from their principles, 118;
+ their religion was not mythology, but theology, 194;
+ universally hated, 204;
+ their policy truly Macchiavellian, 207;
+ their laws did not apply to the allies, 282;
+ their art of war in Cæsar’s time, 326;
+ conduct the Social war with troops of all nations, 353;
+ murdered in Asia Minor, 363.
+
+ _Rome_, sister town to Antium and Ardea, i, 116, 223;
+ the commemoration of the foundation of the city held in April, 117;
+ formerly supposed to have been an Etruscan colony, 148;
+ was under the last kings the capital of a mighty empire, 152;
+ consisted originally very likely of three tribes, of a hundred clans
+ each, 161;
+ all the primary agencies in nature and in the world of intellect
+ designated as male and female, 169;
+ the liberties of the old town extended about one German mile on the
+ road leading to Alba, 170;
+ the oldest town consists of about a thousand households, 175;
+ the boundary in the second period of the Volscian war on the other
+ side of Tusculum, 275;
+ census at the period of the Gallic calamity, 375;
+ conquest by the Gauls, and fire of the town, 380;
+ the summer in Rome pestilential, 380;
+ pays its ransom to the Gauls probably from the treasure on the
+ Capitol, 382;
+ advantages of its situation, 386;
+ tradition of the weakened state of Rome, 309;
+ census after the first Punic war, dispute about it between Hume and
+ Wallace, ii, 53;
+ difficulty of besieging Rome, 94;
+ unhealthy air, 94;
+ after the war of Hannibal freedmen received as citizens, 187;
+ standing army, 188;
+ language in Rome at the end of the Republic, iii, 106;
+ division in fourteen regions, 123;
+ fire under Nero, 190;
+ under Titus, 209;
+ literary opposition to Carthage, 234;
+ the thousandth anniversary of the city, 271;
+ a great number of Christians among the middle classes, 273;
+ fortified by Aurelian, the walls in a very bad state under Honorius,
+ 330;
+ besieged by Alaric, 333;
+ laid in ashes, 334;
+ conquered by Genseric, 342;
+ taken by Ricimer, 345.
+
+ _Romulus_, his wondrous birth an historical impossibility, i, 81;
+ the same his removal from the earth during an eclipse of the sun, 81;
+ belongs, as son of Mars, to the cycle of the gods, 85;
+ a personification of Rome, 85;
+ legends, 111.
+
+ _Romulus Augustulus_, emperor, iii, 346.
+
+ _Rorarii_, i, 441.
+
+ _Rostra_ stood between the comitium and the forum, i, 270;
+ _vetera_ and _nova_, iii, 162.
+
+ _Royal races_, of the Greek are dissolved into γένη ἀρχικὰ, i, 204.
+
+ _Royalist party_ in Rome continued long time after the expulsion of the
+ Tarquinii, i, 225.
+
+ _Royal dignity_, its abolition decreed by a _Lex curiata_, i, 201.
+
+ _Rubicon_, very likely in the neighbourhood of Cesena, iii, 53.
+
+ _Q. Rubrius_, tribune, ii, 285;
+ very likely triumvir for the establishing of colonies, 301.
+
+ _Rufinus_, P. Cornelius, covetous, removed from the senate, i, 548.
+
+ _Rufinus_, præfectus prætorio, favourite of Theodosius, iii, 322;
+ receives the government of the East, 328;
+ murdered, 328.
+
+ _Rufus_, see Cælius.
+
+ _Rullus_, Servilius, moves for establishing a colony in Capua, iii, 34.
+
+ _P. Rupilius_, consul, puts an end to the servile war in Sicily, ii,
+ 265.
+
+ _Russia_ and Persia make war against each other for a couple of months
+ every year on the frontiers of Georgia, i, 350.
+
+ _Rusticus_, Arulenus, writes the life of Pætus Thrasea, iii, 218.
+
+ _Rusticus_, see Fabius.
+
+ _Rusticus_, Junius, tutor of M. Antoninus, iii, 239.
+
+ _Rutilius_, i, 36.
+
+ _F. Rutilius_, legate of Metellus in Africa, ii, 321;
+ an honest man, but condemned by the evidence of false witnesses, 341.
+
+ _P. Rutilius Lupus_, general against Pompædius Silo, killed in battle,
+ ii, 356.
+
+ _Rutilus_, see Marcius.
+
+ _Ryckius_, Theodore, treatise on Æneas, i, 94.
+
+
+ S
+
+ _Sabellus_ and _Sabinus_, synonymous, except that according to usage
+ the name of Sabellians is given to the whole nation, and that of
+ Sabines to a small district, i, 341;
+ Sabines in the last half of the third century often seen as enemies
+ of the Romans, 342;
+ victory of Valerius and Horatius, 342;
+ isopolity established between them, 342;
+ emigration towards the South leaves off, 343;
+ take no active share in the contest of the Romans and Latines, 438;
+ isopolity, 572;
+ great part of them receive the full right of citizenship, ii, 185.
+
+ _Sabines_, call themselves aborigines, push on the Opicans, i, 98;
+ come according to Cato from Amiternum, 99;
+ unite with the Romans, 118, 122;
+ become one of the greatest peoples of Italy, 120;
+ very likely they came only at a later period into the country
+ afterwards occupied by them, 121;
+ leagued with Rome under Servius Tullius, 186;
+ allied with Rome under Sp. Cassius, 248;
+ war against them, 323;
+ declare for the Samnites, 534;
+ conquered, 535.
+
+ _Sabines_, rape of the S., poetical, i, 81.
+
+ _Sabine_ chapels on the Quirinal, i, 122.
+
+ _Sabine town_ on the Quirinal and Capitolinus, i, 121.
+
+ _Sabine_ element in the Roman worship, i, 122.
+
+ _Sabinus_, T. Flavius, brother of Vespasian, præfect of Rome, iii, 200.
+
+ _Sacchetti_, Francesco, novel, i, 67.
+
+ SACRA FAMILIARUM, unknown to the Romans, i, 161.
+
+ SACRA GENTILITIA, i, 161;
+ could only be offered in Rome, 263.
+
+ SACRAMENTUM, i, 317.
+
+ _Sacranians_, name of the conquering people at the popular migration in
+ Latium, i, 103;
+ the name explained, 103;
+ unite with the Siculians under the name of _Prisci Latini_, 104.
+
+ _Sacriportus_, battle, ii, 381.
+
+ _Sacrovir_, Julius, rising against Tiberius, iii, 202.
+
+ _Sæcula_ of the Etruscans, two sorts of them, i, 83;
+ astronomical ones of a hundred and ten years, 83;
+ nearly correspond to a hundred thirty years of ten months, 84;
+ physical sæculum, 84.
+
+ _Sagax_, his continuation of Eutropius, i, 66.
+
+ _Saguntum_, Livy fancies that it lay East of the Ebro, ii, 69;
+ Polybius knows nothing of the fact that it was to remain independent,
+ 69;
+ its siege did not happen in the year 534, but in 533, 71;
+ was perhaps not purely Iberian, but Tyrrhenian, 71;
+ the derivation from Zacynthus probably originated only from its name,
+ 71;
+ conquered, destroyed by the inhabitants themselves, 72.
+
+ _Sailors_, levied from the _capite censi_, ii, 33.
+
+ _Salapia_, an Apulian town, taken by Hannibal, recovered by the Romans,
+ ii, 120.
+
+ _Salarian gate_, iii, 334.
+
+ _Salassians_ may have been a Gallic people, i, 365;
+ Ligurians, 370; ii, 81; iii, 151.
+
+ _Salernum_, it is doubtful whether it was Roman after the second
+ Samnite war, i, 504.
+
+ _Salii_, brotherhoods on the Quirinal, i, 131.
+
+ _Salinator_, Julius, ii, 399, _note_.
+
+ _Sallentines_, war against the Romans, i, 511;
+ allied with the Romans against Cleonymus, 511;
+ acknowledge Rome’s supremacy, 571;
+ fall off after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 107;
+ conf. Messapians.
+
+ _Sallust_, writes detached parts of Roman history, i, 36;
+ the histories begin from the time after Sylla’s death, 37;
+ had an uncommon acquaintance with the old constitution, 224;
+ his war of Jugurtha, ii, 307;
+ reproached with malignity, but he is not sinning against truth, 313;
+ _historiæ_, 391;
+ the number of the books of the histories uncertain, 397;
+ probably went down from the war of Lepidus to the end of the war of
+ Pompey in Asia, 397;
+ the _historiæ_ were his last, Catiline the first, of his works, 397;
+ has written the history of Catiline with great truthfulness, iii, 12;
+ ill-treated by the soldiers 66;
+ his style, 127;
+ considerably younger than Cicero, 127.
+
+ _Sallustius_, præfectus prætorio, iii, 314.
+
+ _Salluvians_ or _Salyans_, war against the Ligurians, ii, 307;
+ conf. Salyans.
+
+ _Salonius_, i, 434.
+
+ _Salvian_, iii, 326;
+ socialist views, 326;
+ description of Carthage, 338.
+
+ _Salvius_, see Otho.
+
+ _Salyans_, war against them, ii, 200;
+ see Salluvians.
+
+ _Samaritans_, iii, 230.
+
+ _Sambre_, battle, iii, 44.
+
+ _Samnites_, do not oppress the old Oscan people, but combine into one
+ whole with them, i, 153;
+ make conquests on the upper Liris, 410;
+ league with Rome, 412;
+ form a confederation of four peoples, Pentrians, Caudinians,
+ Hirpinians, and Frentanians, 419;
+ conquer Cumæ, 420;
+ constitution, 421;
+ their spread on the Liris was the cause which in 412 first engaged
+ the Romans and Samnites in a war together, 422;
+ attack the Sidicinians at Teanum, 423;
+ peace, 436;
+ allied with Rome in the battle of Veseris, 438;
+ embassy to Alexander the Great, 469;
+ friendly with the Greeks, 472;
+ division of the second Samnite war, 474;
+ had dependencies, 476;
+ defeated by Fabius in the neighbourhood of Subiaco, 481;
+ seek for peace, 485;
+ conquered by Fabius, 485;
+ again for peace, 485;
+ looked upon by the Greeks as a Spartan colony, 489, _note_;
+ ornament of their arms, 501;
+ very likely had subsidies from Tarentum, 502;
+ held Lucania in check, 502;
+ lead a guerilla war, 503;
+ the second war ended by the battle of Bovianum, 504;
+ peace, 505;
+ carry the war into Etruria, 526;
+ end of the war, 534;
+ peace, 534;
+ embassy to Pyrrhus in Epirus, 557;
+ their country laid waste, 560;
+ conquered by Sp. Carvilius and L. Papirius, 569;
+ peace, 569;
+ in the service of Agathocles, 577;
+ fall off from Rome after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 107;
+ revolt in the Social war, 352;
+ the Oscan the prevailing language among them, 353;
+ end of the war, they receive the right of citizenship, 374;
+ all but exterminated by Sylla, 385, 394.
+
+ _Samnite people_ sprang from Sabine stock, i, 120;
+ tradition of the founding of their country, 121.
+
+ _Samos_ belonging to Egypt, ii, 145.
+
+ _Samothrace_, metropolis of Ilium, i, 96;
+ their mysteries a gathering point of many men, 96;
+ their worship akin to that of the Penates at Lavinium, ii, 214.
+
+ _Sanchoniathon_, his fragments genuine, ii, 1.
+
+ _Sancus_, Semo, his temple, i, 137.
+
+ _Sandwich-islanders_, their poetical traditions, i, 12, _note_.
+
+ _Sannio_, Pulcinella, earliest mention of this mask, ii, 352.
+
+ _Santafedists_ in Naples were Lazzaroni, i, 513.
+
+ _Sapor_, king of Persia, iii, 279, 305, 307, 309.
+
+ _Saracens_, etymology, iii, 281;
+ the name occurs long before Mohammed, 281.
+
+ _Saragossa_, founded, iii, 150.
+
+ _Sardinia_, subject to the rule of the Carthaginians, except the
+ highlands, ii, 5;
+ the way of living of the inhabitants the same to this day, 5;
+ on the coast the Punic language and manners spread, 16;
+ attack of the Romans, 16;
+ submits to the Romans, 46;
+ given up by the Carthaginians to the Romans, 46;
+ refuse obedience, 52.
+
+ _Sarmates_, i, 370;
+ break through the Roman frontier, iii, 242;
+ uncertain whether they dwelt on the middle, or the lower Danube, 268;
+ war of Maximin against them, 268;
+ that of Probus, 288;
+ their abodes, 300;
+ Constantine’s wars, 300.
+
+ _Sarmatian peoples_, great move among them on the Dniepr, ii, 204;
+ driven back over the Danube, iii, 151.
+
+ _Sarsinates_, acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, i, 571.
+
+ _Sarti_, i, 240.
+
+ _Saticula_, in the neighbourhood of Capua besieged by the Romans, i,
+ 494;
+ fortified, 497.
+
+ _Satricum_, i, 494.
+
+ _Saturn_, with him the first step of civilization begins, i, 110;
+ Saturnus and Ops, deities of the generating powers, 169.
+
+ _Saturnia_, Siculian town on the Capitoline, i, 121.
+
+ _Saturnian verse_, i, 90;
+ examples of it in Charisius, 90, and _note_;
+ worked up in Plautus to a high degree of beauty, 90.
+
+ _Saturnian year_, consisted of thirty common years, i, 106;
+ hundred Saturnians a grand year, 106.
+
+ _Saturninus_, L. Antonius, rising against Domitian in Germania
+ Superior, iii, 213.
+
+ _Saturninus_, L. Apuleius, character, ii, 335;
+ deposed from the quæstorship, 335;
+ becomes a tribune of the people, 335;
+ behaves in the most savage manner, 335;
+ his legislation, 336;
+ flatters Marius, 336;
+ demands that the senate should swear to his _Lex agraria_, 337;
+ killed, 340;
+ his laws seem to have been repealed, 340.
+
+ _Saturninus_, Sentius, against Marbod, iii, 155.
+
+ _Savigny_, i, 73, _note_, 120;
+ on land-tax, iii, 229, 301.
+
+ _Saxo Grammaticus_, tries to change the Danish Saga into history, i,
+ 13.
+
+ _Saxons_, according to Wittikind, come out of Britain into Germany,
+ according to the usual account from Germany to Britain, i, 102.
+
+ _Scævola_, interpreted, the left handed, means in the family of the
+ Scævola, amulet, i, 211.
+
+ _Scævola_, see Mucius.
+
+ _Scaliger_, Joseph, receives without any hesitation the details of
+ ancient history, i, 2, 38, 170;
+ great philologist, iii, 235.
+
+ _Scansion_, by long and short syllables is Greek, ii, 197.
+
+ _Scarphea_, defeat of the Achæans, ii, 253.
+
+ _Scaurus_, historian, i, 36.
+
+ _Scaurus_, defeated by the Cimbrians and Teutones, ii, 324.
+
+ _Scaurus_, M. Æmilius, ambassador to Jugurtha, his character, ii, 312;
+ Cicero holds him in great respect, 313;
+ becomes quæsitor in Africa, 316;
+ Cicero’s apostrophe to him, iii, 19.
+
+ _Schärtlin_ von Burtenbach, ii, 394.
+
+ _Schilhas_, ii, 5.
+
+ _Schiller_, the great characters in Mary Stuart reviled, i, 461;
+ struggles with the form, iii, 140.
+
+ _Schlegel_, Friedrich, iii, 339.
+
+ _Scholiast_ to the Ibis of Ovid, i, 578.
+
+ _Schoolmen_, iii, 348.
+
+ _Schools_, grammatical, existed in Rome until beyond the seventh
+ century, in Ravenna even down to the eleventh, i, 53.
+
+ _Schottus_, Andreas, finished the annals of Pighius, i, 69.
+
+ _Schrader_, i, 387.
+
+ _Von Schütz_ Major-General, a distinguished general, ii, 85.
+
+ _Schubert_, misled by Pighius, i, 69.
+
+ _Schulting_, i, 387.
+
+ _Schwytz_ had its government and its territory not according to its
+ subdivision, i, 157;
+ the country people divided into four quarters, afterwards into six,
+ 173, _note_.
+
+ _Scepticism_ of the seventeenth century, i, 71.
+
+ SCINDERE VESTEM, i, 268.
+
+ _Cn. Scipio_, killed in Spain, ii, 121.
+
+ _Scipio_, L. Cornelius, brother of Africanus, consul, ii, 176;
+ most insignificant, 177;
+ conquers near Magnesia, 178;
+ impeached, 184;
+ found guilty, 185.
+
+ _Scipio_, L. Cornelius, consul, democrat, ii, 378.
+
+ _Scipio_, P. Cornelius, father of Africanus, consul, puts in at
+ Marseilles, ii, 76;
+ arrives at the Po whilst Hannibal was descending the Alps, 82;
+ battle on the Ticinus, 83;
+ wounded, 83;
+ joined by Sempronius, 83;
+ slain owing to the faithlessness of the Celtiberians, 121.
+
+ _Scipio_, P. Cornelius, Africanus, is the first to get a surname from a
+ place which he had conquered, i, 217;
+ not fully equal to Hannibal as a general, ii, 62;
+ his letter to Philip of Macedon on his achievements, 62, 199;
+ forgets himself after the victory, 66;
+ well acquainted with Greek literature, 66;
+ is said to have rescued his father from the battle on the Ticinus,
+ 83;
+ offers to go to Spain, 122;
+ compels the young Romans after the rout of Cannæ to take an oath not
+ to go away, 122;
+ surnamed the Great, 122;
+ his character, 122;
+ takes Carthago nova, 123;
+ puts down an insurrection in his camp, 130;
+ goes over to Africa to visit Syphax, 131;
+ consul, 132;
+ is to be made consul and dictator for life, 133, and _note_;
+ receives Sicily as a province, 133;
+ supported by the Etruscan and Umbrian states, by the Sabines,
+ Picentines, and Marsians, and others, 133;
+ stays in Sicily, 134;
+ crosses over to Africa, 135;
+ gains, with the assistance of Masinissa, an advantage over the
+ Carthaginians, 136;
+ attacks the camp of Hasdrubal and Syphax, 136;
+ conditions on which he first proposes to conclude the peace with
+ Carthage, 138;
+ battle of Zama, 140;
+ opposes the demand for the extradition of Hannibal, 168;
+ sent to treat with Antiochus, 170;
+ conversation with Hannibal, 170;
+ legate of his brother, 177;
+ censor, 177;
+ sick in Elæa, 177;
+ his son taken prisoner, 177;
+ the year of his death uncertain, 184;
+ charges against him, 184;
+ goes to Liternum, 185;
+ his death, 193;
+ goes as Roman commissioner to Carthage, 229.
+
+ _Scipio_, P. Cornelius, Paulli F., ii, 236;
+ is not called Æmilianus, 237, _note_;
+ character, 237;
+ consul, 239;
+ destroys Carthage, 243;
+ against Numantia, 262;
+ his cruelty, 263;
+ declares against Tib. Gracchus, 289;
+ his death, 290.
+
+ _Scipio_, Q. Cornelius, Pompey’s father-in-law, iii, 66.
+
+ _Scipio Nasica_, has written the history of the war of Perseus, ii,
+ 199;
+ son-in-law of Scipio Africanus, 213;
+ did not wish Carthage to be destroyed, 231;
+ is son of him who was called “the Best,” 231;
+ conquers Andriscus, 246.
+
+ _P. Scipio Nasica_, grandson of “the Best,” heads the coalition against
+ Tib. Gracchus, ii, 279;
+ encourages consul Mucius Scævola to take strong measures, 286.
+
+ _Scipio Serapio_, origin of his surname, ii, 336.
+
+ _Scipiones_, P. and Cn., _duo fulmina belli_, ii, 35, 121;
+ sent to Spain, 120;
+ establish themselves in Tarragona, 120.
+
+ _Scirians_, i, 371.
+
+ _Scordiscans_, overrun Greece, ii, 308;
+ their dwellings, iii, 3.
+
+ _Scotland_, sailed round by Agricola, iii, 211.
+
+ _Scribæ_, their class, i, 515;
+ do the work of the officials, 515;
+ minutes of the prætors kept by them, 515;
+ did services for the bankers, 515.
+
+ _Scribonia_, wife of Augustus, mother of Julia, iii, 143.
+
+ _Scriptores historiæ Augustæ_, iii, 236;
+ their incapacity, 245, 250;
+ it is impossible to separate the several vitæ, 245.
+
+ _Sculptures_, on the arch of Antonine far inferior to those of the time
+ of Trajan, 224.
+
+ SCUTA introduced, i, 352.
+
+ _Scutari_, (now Scodra,) residence of Genthius, ii, 211.
+
+ _Scyros_, Athenian, ii, 164.
+
+ _Scythed chariots_, an Asiatic invention, found among the Celts,
+ especially in Britain, ii, 179.
+
+ _Scythians_, i, 369.
+
+ _Sebastian_ of _Portugal_, one of them very likely the true king, ii,
+ 245
+
+ _Sebastian_, Julian’s general, iii, 313.
+
+ Σεβαστός, translation of Augustus, iii, 117.
+
+ _Secessio_ of the Plebes, i, 236;
+ said to have lasted four months, but cannot have lasted longer than a
+ fortnight, 238;
+ its result by no means a decisive victory of the plebeians, 243;
+ under the rule of the decemvirs, according to some on the _Mons
+ Sacer_, according to others on the Aventine, 311.
+
+ _Secretaries_, imperial, the statutes detestably drawn up by them, iii,
+ 276.
+
+ _Sedulius_, Cælius, iii, 326.
+
+ _Segestæans_, Pelasgian or Doric people at the foot of Mount Eryx in
+ Western Sicily, i, 575;
+ betake themselves to the Carthaginians as their refuge, 575;
+ boast of Troian descent, ii, 15;
+ relieved by the Romans, 15.
+
+ _Segida_ a town of the Celtiberians, ii, 222.
+
+ _Segur_, Marshal, his regulation, that only nobles were to hold
+ commissions, i, 543.
+
+ _Seius Strabo_, of Vulsinii, father of Sejanus, iii, 174.
+
+ _Sejanus_, Ælius, friend of Tiberius, iii, 174;
+ præfectus prætorio, 174;
+ his character, 174;
+ aims at supreme power and wishes to root out the whole of the
+ emperor’s family, 175;
+ his downfall, 176.
+
+ _Selden_, i, 164, _note_.
+
+ _Seleucia_, reduced by Trajan, iii, 220;
+ conquered by Avidius Cassius, 241.
+
+ _Seleucidæ_, poor in great men, Seleucus himself hardly deserves to be
+ so called, ii, 165.
+
+ _Seleucus Callinicus_, suffers shipwreck, ii, 25;
+ alliance with Rome, 50;
+ war against Ptolemy Euergetes, 182.
+
+ _Seleucus_, brother of Antiochus, ii, 166.
+
+ _Selinuntians_, an Ionic people, i, 575.
+
+ _Selinus_, in Cilicia, afterwards Trajanopolis, iii, 221.
+
+ _Selinus_, in Sicily, destroyed by the Carthaginians, ii, 4.
+
+ _Semo_, see Sancus.
+
+ _Sempronius_, see Gracchus.
+
+ _Ti. Sempronius Longus_, consul at the outbreak of the second Punic
+ war, ii, 73;
+ sent to Africa, 74;
+ lands at Malta, 83;
+ returns, 83;
+ dismisses his soldiers with orders to meet him again near Ariminum,
+ they march to the Trebia and join Scipio, 84.
+
+ _Ti. Sempronius Tuditanus_, concludes peace for the Romans with Philip,
+ ii, 147.
+
+ _Sena Gallica_, battle, ii, 126.
+
+ _Senarius_, may be Greek, iii, 198.
+
+ _Senate_, of one hundred persons, i, 118;
+ the senate of the third estate was not consulted until the other two
+ had voted, 163;
+ had no authority by itself to declare war, 232;
+ nothing could be taken to the Plebes direct from the senate, 269;
+ sets up a bust to the wisest Greek, 296;
+ becomes, towards the middle of the fourth century, an assembly chosen
+ by the people, 335;
+ its power increases, as that of the curies loses, 416;
+ changed into a sort of elective council, its vacancies supplied from
+ the quæstors, ii, 43;
+ conduct towards Scipio, 130;
+ had an unbounded power over the finances, 296;
+ reorganized by Sylla, 386;
+ enlarged, 389;
+ never to be looked upon as a representative body, 389;
+ its number increased by J. Cæsar, iii, 74, and _note_;
+ purified by Augustus, 119;
+ had its regular sittings three times a month, and holidays in the
+ months of September and October, 119;
+ is the supreme court to judge political crimes, 120;
+ only a condemning machine in the hand of the tyrant, 173;
+ was under Hadrian only a set of presumptuous people, 231;
+ the senatorial dignity hereditary, 231.
+
+ _Senators_, are judges in all the causes which do not concern quiritary
+ property, ii, 197;
+ their census, iii, 4;
+ no senator should be a general, which must have been different from
+ what is generally believed, 289.
+
+ _Senatus consultum de Bachanalibus_, ii, 197, _note_.
+
+ _Seneca_, M., his Suasoria, iii, 59;
+ Suasoria and Controversies, 185;
+ writes his Controversies when upwards of eighty, 185.
+
+ _Seneca_, L. Annæus, the philosopher, his historical work probably one
+ of the best, iii, 165;
+ humbles himself before Polybus, 183;
+ _Ludus de morte Claudii_, 184;
+ remarkable character, 185;
+ Dio Cassius’ opinion of him, 186;
+ the similarity of his style to that of Rousseau and Buffon, 186;
+ man of the world, Nero’s tutor, 189;
+ enemy of Agrippina, 189;
+ composes Nero’s speech after the murder of his mother, 190;
+ executed, 191.
+
+ _Seneca_, tragedies, iii, 139.
+
+ _Senecio_, Herennius, writes the life of Helvidius Priscus, iii, 213.
+
+ _Seniores_, limited to the defence of the walls only, i, 180;
+ had as many votes as the juniores, 181.
+
+ _Senonians_, make their appearance in Gaul, i, 376;
+ their territory, ii, 50.
+
+ _Sentinum_, battle, i, 529.
+
+ _Septimius_, see Severus.
+
+ _L. Septimius_, gives the advice to murder Pompey, iii, 63.
+
+ _Septimuleius_, from Anagnia fills the head of C. Gracchus with molten
+ lead, ii, 306.
+
+ _Sequani_ rise in Gaul, iii, 42.
+
+ _Serena_, niece of Theodosius, married to Stilicho, iii, 328;
+ condemned to death, 330.
+
+ _Serpent_ in the camp of Regulus, very likely borrowed from the Bellum
+ Punicum of Nævius, ii, 21.
+
+ _Serranus_, Attilius, dictator, the same story told of him as of
+ Cincinnatus, i, 282.
+
+ _De Serre_, friend of Niebuhr’s, i, 471.
+
+ _Q. Sertorius_, character, ii, 371;
+ induces Cinna to put a stop to the slaughter, 374;
+ breaks the armistice with Sylla, 380;
+ from Nursia, 397;
+ goes to Spain, 398;
+ takes to flight, 399;
+ places himself at the head of the Spaniards, 400;
+ his fanciful belief, 400;
+ war against Metellus, 400;
+ relieves _Caligurris_, 403;
+ sells the hostages, 403;
+ murdered, 404.
+
+ _Servile war_ in Italy, ii, 404.
+
+ _Servile war_ in Sicily, ii, 264.
+
+ _Servilia_, Cato’s half-sister, iii, 77.
+
+ _Servilius_, consul, i, 233.
+
+ _Servilius_, consul, brings reinforcements to Flaminius, ii, 93.
+
+ _Servilius Ahala_, stabs P. Mælius, i, 338;
+ impeached as a murderer, 338.
+
+ _Servilius Cæpio_, stepfather of Cato the younger, iii, 76.
+
+ _P. Servilius Isauricus_, iii, 3.
+
+ _Servilius Nonianus_, historian, iii, 165.
+
+ _Servilius_, see Cæpio, Glaucia, Rullus.
+
+ _Servius_, appears not to have read Nævius’ history on the Punic war,
+ i, 17; iii, 332.
+
+ _Servius_, a standing prenomen in the gens Sulpicia, iii, 193;
+ becomes almost a nomen, so that another prenomen is put before it,
+ 193.
+
+ _Servius Tullius_, legends of him, i, 85, 155;
+ in the Tuscan annals called Mastarna, 88;
+ son of a man of rank at Corniculum, 155;
+ all the political law traced back to him, 156;
+ before him the country district was not yet united with the state,
+ 171;
+ divides the town into four, and the country into twenty-six regions,
+ 172;
+ intends to resign the throne and to have two consuls elected, 185;
+ war against the people of Cære, and of Tarquinii, 185;
+ his reign probably very short, 185;
+ alliance with the Latins, 186;
+ his great rampart, 190;
+ his legislation bears the impress of a Latin stamp, 191;
+ has to be carried through almost by force, 193;
+ attempts to murder him, 193;
+ murdered, 193.
+
+ _Sesterces_, done away with, iii, 302.
+
+ _Setia_, i, 344.
+
+ _Settlers_ and cultivators of the soil alone had a vote in the plebeian
+ tribes, i, 174.
+
+ _Seven-Years’-War_, compared to the second Punic war, ii, 61.
+
+ _Severus_, see Alexander.
+
+ _Severus_, Cæsar in the West, iii, 297;
+ Augustus, 298.
+
+ _Severus_, Cornelius, fragments of his, iii, 140.
+
+ _Severus_, Libius, emperor, iii, 344.
+
+ _Severus_, Septimius, general on the Illyrian frontier, iii, 246;
+ proclaimed emperor by the Pannonian and German legions, 250;
+ enters Rome, 251;
+ from Leptis, thoroughly Punic, 251;
+ a good writer both in Greek and Latin, 251;
+ writes his memoirs, 251;
+ leans to foreign religions, astrology, and soothsaying, 251;
+ gives protection to Christianity, 252;
+ his cruelty, 252;
+ war with Pescennius Niger, 252;
+ gains over Albinus, 253;
+ wars against the Parthians, 253;
+ in Britain, 254;
+ causes himself to be adopted as the son of M. Aurelius, 254;
+ his measures but little known, 255;
+ fine busts and statues from his age, 275.
+
+ _Sextilis_, month, receives the name of August, iii, 114.
+
+ _L. Sextius Lateranus_, tribune, i, 396;
+ first plebeian consul, 407.
+
+ _Sextus Empiricus_, iii, 237.
+
+ _Shaftesbury_, ii, 314.
+
+ _Shakespeare_, connects awful natural phenomena with frightful moral
+ ones, ii, 92.
+
+ _Shaw_, fixes with admirable precision the point where Scipio landed,
+ ii, 135.
+
+ _Sibylline books_, after the destruction in Sylla’s time, made up again
+ by collations, i, 7.
+
+ _L. Siccius_, the story of his assassination seems to be a poetical
+ figment, i, 309.
+
+ _Sicelus_ comes from Roma on the south to the Pelasgians, i, 116.
+
+ _Sicily_, its language was Greek and Arabic, which afterwards utterly
+ disappears, i, 145;
+ rent in factions owing to the death of Agathocles, 566;
+ natural features of the island, ii, 8;
+ mountains in the South of Italy belong geologically to Sicily, 8;
+ laid waste by the first Punic war, 40;
+ modern Sicilians, next to the Portuguese, rank lowest among the
+ nations of Europe, 40;
+ fates of the island, 40;
+ Roman province, 40;
+ condition after the Punic war, 264.
+
+ _Siculians_, name of the Pelasgians in Italy, Sicily, and Epirus, i,
+ 97.
+
+ _Siculio_, part of the town of Tibur, i, 100.
+
+ _Sicyon_, Ætolian, ii, 151.
+
+ _Sidicines_ of Teanum, sprung from the same stock as the Volscians, not
+ limited perhaps to that town, i, 423;
+ league against the Samnites, 436;
+ war of the Romans, 455.
+
+ _Sidonius Apollinaris_ iii, 325.
+
+ _Sieges_, sample of them, i, 354.
+
+ _Sigambri_, i, 46, 152;
+ reduced by Drusus, 153;
+ by Tiberius, 154;
+ rising under Vespasian, 242;
+ call themselves Franks, 277.
+
+ _Signia_, colony of Tarquin the Proud, i, 197, 344.
+
+ _Sigonius_ has not the least idea of historical criticism, i, 3, 56;
+ arranges the Roman Fasti, 68;
+ his works on Roman antiquities recommended, 269, _note_.
+
+ _Sigovesus_, general of the Gauls, i, 368.
+
+ _Silanus_, defeated by the Cimbrians and Teutones, ii, 324.
+
+ _Dec. Silanus_, iii, 23.
+
+ _Sila_, forest, half of it yielded by the Bruttians to the Romans, i,
+ 571;
+ of great value for ship-building, 571.
+
+ SILEX, basalt, i, 518.
+
+ _Silius Italicus_, has paraphrased Livy, i, 53.
+
+ _Silva Ciminia_, i, 362.
+
+ _Simonides_ sings the achievements of Gelon and Theron, ii, 3.
+
+ _Singara_, battle, iii, 306;
+ taken by Sapor, 309.
+
+ _Singeric_, iii, 335.
+
+ _Sirmium_, Probus wishes to drain the fens in the neighbourhood, iii,
+ 289.
+
+ _Sisenna_, his work extended from the time of Jugurtha to the consulate
+ of Lepidus, i, 37; ii, 389.
+
+ _Sismondi_, i, 175.
+
+ _P. Sitius_, of Nuceria, an adventurer, iii, 67.
+
+ _Slaves_, who gained their freedom, stood to their late masters in the
+ relation of clients, i, 170;
+ punished with death if they presumed to take to themselves the honour
+ of military service, iii, 159;
+ admitted into the army by Augustus, 159;
+ Greek, had a good education in Roman houses, 183;
+ black, in the American colonies, their language, 232.
+
+ _Slave-trade_, its extension after the Punic wars, ii, 265.
+
+ _Slave-market_ at Delos, ii, 265.
+
+ _Slavonic_ nations, their advance from the East sets the Germans in
+ motion, iii, 242.
+
+ _Smyrna_, free, ii, 183;
+ earthquake, iii, 237.
+
+ _Soæmis_, daughter of Mæsa, iii, 259.
+
+ _Social war_, scantiness of our information, ii, 350;
+ its division, 355.
+
+ _Socii_ and Latini opposed to the agrarian law of Gracchus, ii, 282;
+ afterwards sacrificed by the oligarchs, 283;
+ conspiracy of the Socii, 291;
+ C. Gracchus’ intentions with regard to them, 299;
+ armed in the Roman manner, true legions, iii, 43.
+
+ _Solois_, Carthaginian, ii, 4.
+
+ _Solon_, introduces the Attic law of mortgage, i, 229;
+ his legislation contained regulations concerning matters of momentary
+ interest, i, 278;
+ two of his laws met with in the Pandects, which does not prove that
+ the Roman law had sprung from the Attic, 295.
+
+ _Sonnino_, division of the landed property there, ii, 274.
+
+ _Sophonis_, _Sophonisbe_, daughter of Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, marries
+ Syphax, ii, 135;
+ takes away her own life, when Scipio demands her extradition, 137.
+
+ _Sora_, i, 456;
+ taken by the Samnites by treachery, 494;
+ conquered by the Romans, 497;
+ restored, 497;
+ retaken by the Samnites, 501;
+ reconquered by the Romans, 504.
+
+ _Soranus_, Bareas, iii, 191.
+
+ _Sosilus_, wrote a history of the second Punic war, staid in the camp
+ with Hannibal, spoken of with censure by Polybius, ii, 62.
+
+ _Southern_ people are able to stand heat and frost better than others,
+ ii, 330.
+
+ _Spain_, the royalist volunteers belonged to the very lowest of the
+ people, i, 513;
+ southern S., its natural advantages, ii, 59;
+ population of the country, 59;
+ southern peoples have quite a different character from those of the
+ north, 60;
+ have an alphabet of their own, 60;
+ saying of an Arab general concerning them, 60;
+ several towns were republics, 71;
+ not barbarians, 71;
+ overpowered by the Romans, 128;
+ _citerior_ and _ulterior_, provinces, 186;
+ the Roman armies become quite domesticated there, 201;
+ union is wanting, 223;
+ wars with the Romans, 257;
+ character of the Spaniards, 259;
+ southern S. takes up arms for the sons of Pompey, iii, 70;
+ the country on the side of the Mediterranean subject to the Romans,
+ the southern provinces to the Western Goths, 340.
+
+ _Spaniards_, probably stood in _catervas_ and fought with small swords
+ and _in cetris_, ii, 10;
+ vanity of the present Spaniards, 160.
+
+ _Sparta_, the obligation to military service lasted until the sixtieth
+ year, i, 180;
+ unsuccessful attack of Pyrrhus, 569;
+ stunted, owing to her not making the Lacedæmonians equal to the
+ Spartans, ii, 23;
+ compelled to adopt Achæan νόμιμα, 248;
+ population, 248;
+ severed from the Achæan alliance, 248;
+ defeated in the war with Achaia, 250;
+ remains a _libera civitas_, 256;
+ conf. Lacedæmon.
+
+ _Spartacus_, a Thracian, breaks out of a barracks at Capua, ii, 404;
+ escapes to Mount Vesuvius, 405;
+ war, 405.
+
+ _Spartianus_, cannot be relied on, iii, 252.
+
+ _Speech_, art of, vanished from Greece, had sought a new home among the
+ Asiatic peoples, ii, 152.
+
+ _Spendius_, a slave from Campania heading the insurrection of the
+ mercenaries against Carthage, ii, 45.
+
+ _Spina_ on the mouth of the Po, i, 142.
+
+ _Spoletum_, Roman colony, faithful to Rome in Hannibal’s war, ii, 93.
+
+ _Sponsio_, i, 317.
+
+ _Stabiæ_, taken by Papius Mutilus, ii, 355.
+
+ _Standing armies_, ii, 201.
+
+ _Statianus_, legate of M. Antony, iii, 108.
+
+ _Statius_, Cæcilius, his comic skill praised by Cicero, ii, 392.
+
+ _Statius Gellius_, Samnite general, taken prisoner, i, 504.
+
+ _Statius Murcus_, commander of the fleet of Brutus and Cassius, iii,
+ 96;
+ joins Sextus Pompey, 105.
+
+ _Statius_, his Silvæ agreeable, his Thebais a cold poem, iii, 210;
+ does not win with the Thebais the Capitoline prize, 210;
+ his poem, the Leptitani, 251.
+
+ _Stilicho_ pushes on the Eastern Goths under Radagaise to the Apennines
+ not far from Fiesole, i, 414; iii, 331, 322;
+ was not of Roman extraction, 328;
+ marries Serena, 328;
+ defeats Alaric, 329;
+ conquers Alaric near Pollentia, 330;
+ murdered, 333.
+
+ _Stipendium_ introduced, i, 351;
+ monthly, 351.
+
+ _Stoic philosophy_ particularly welcome to the Romans, ii, 271;
+ did not raise up any heroes among the Greeks, iii, 68;
+ republicanism in Rome, 206;
+ importance in the time of the emperors, 239.
+
+ _Stonians_ stand their ground against the Gauls, i, 368.
+
+ _Stories_, the same told in different ways which are entirely opposed
+ to each other, i, 102.
+
+ _Strabo_, judicious and excellent, mistaken in thinking of the marshes
+ near Parma as those through which Hannibal passed, ii, 89;
+ eminent for his practical turn for history, iii, 227.
+
+ _Strabo_, see Seius.
+
+ _Strasburg_, the guilds the ruling power there, i, 168.
+
+ _Stratonicea_, ii, 219.
+
+ _Styria_, out of two thousand noble families scarcely a dozen remain,
+ i, 140.
+
+ _Sucro_ in Spain, ii, 130.
+
+ _Suessa Aurunca_, fortified, i, 497, 510.
+
+ _Suessula_, i, 453.
+
+ _Suetonius’_ life of Cæsar ἀκέφαλος, iii, 29;
+ the dedication also wanting, 29;
+ life of Horace, 134;
+ criticism of the purpose of his work, 164;
+ is a writer who has little of the antique about him, 178;
+ tainted with the profligacy of his time, 179;
+ had no insight into character, 194;
+ not able to do much without books, 204;
+ his book must have been a work of his youth, 205.
+
+ _Suetonius Paullinus_ crushes the rebellion in Britain, iii, 191.
+
+ _Sueves_ invade Gaul, iii, 42;
+ defeated near Besançon, 43, 46, 211;
+ cross the Rhine, 331;
+ evacuate Gaul, 332;
+ in Spain, 332;
+ defeated by Adolphus, 334.
+
+ _Suffetes_, ii, 6;
+ heads of the state in peace, 168;
+ always called by the Greeks βασιλεῖς, 168, _note_.
+
+ _Sully_, i, 239, 398.
+
+ _Sulpicia_, iii, 138.
+
+ _Sulpician_ aims at the sovereignty, iii, 249.
+
+ _Sulpicius_, tribune, flies after the battle on the Alia to the Capitol
+ to defend it, i, 378.
+
+ _Sulpicius_, his fleet a curse for Greece, ii, 146;
+ does not succeed against Philip, 153;
+ his undertaking a complete failure, 153.
+
+ _P. Sulpicius_, tribune, brings forward a motion, that the command
+ against Mithridates should be transferred to Marius, ii, 365;
+ moreover, that the new citizens should be distributed in the old
+ tribes, 366;
+ Cicero’s opinion of him, 366; iii, 17;
+ outlawed, ii, 368;
+ killed, 368.
+
+ _Sulpicius Severus_, iii, 326.
+
+ _Sunnah_ corresponds in form to the _commentarii Pontificum_, i, 10.
+
+ SUPREMA TEMPESTAS, i, 270.
+
+ _Surnames_, taken from places, betoken a relation of patrons, i, 217.
+
+ _Susa_, iii, 264.
+
+ _Sussex_, iii, 45.
+
+ _Sutrium_ and _Nepete_, border fastnesses of Etruria against Rome, i,
+ 392.
+
+ _Suwarow_, iii, 71.
+
+ _Swabia_ was not a German country, has become so only by the Alemanni,
+ iii, 152;
+ little war in the days of Nerva, 216.
+
+ _Swabians_, partly called Sueves, and partly Alemanni, dwell on the
+ Maine, iii, 277;
+ break through the _Limes_ and take possession of what is now Swabia,
+ 280.
+
+ _Swinburne_ gives a satisfactory description of the ground of the
+ battle of Cannæ, ii, 100.
+
+ _Switzerland_, whenever danger threatened from abroad the
+ aristocratical cantons mild to their country districts, otherwise
+ harsh and cruel to them, i, 225;
+ growing prosperity at the time of the Thirty Years’ war, 459;
+ the office of Bailiff sold in the smaller cantons, ii, 7.
+
+ _Syagrius_, iii, 347.
+
+ _Sylburg’s_ edition of Dionysius excellent, i, 41;
+ not inferior to any philologer of the first renown, 41.
+
+ _Sylla_, L. Cornelius, promotes proletarians into the senate, i, 516;
+ treats with Bocchus about the delivering up of Jugurtha, ii, 321,
+ distinguishes himself in the Social War with the main army, 356;
+ consul, 359;
+ character, 359;
+ appointed general by the senate against Mithridates, 360;
+ marches against Rome, 367;
+ conquers near Chæronea, 375;
+ greatness of his character, 378;
+ his return to Italy, 378;
+ confirms all the rights of the new citizens, 379;
+ defeats Norbanus near the Mount Tifata, 380;
+ trace, 380;
+ conquers the younger Marius near Sacriportus, 381;
+ marches upon Rome, 381;
+ goes to Etruria, 382;
+ battle of the Colline gate, 382;
+ has eight thousand Samnites put to death, 383;
+ conduct towards Præneste, 383;
+ proscriptions, 383;
+ his fantastic activity, 385;
+ reorganizes the senate, 385;
+ regulates the consulate and tribunate, 387;
+ deprives the children of the proscribed of their rights as citizens,
+ 387;
+ gives back the administration of justice to the senators, 388;
+ further changes, 388;
+ dictatorship, 390;
+ his disease, 390;
+ death, 391;
+ was not false, 407.
+
+ _Symmachus_, iii, 324.
+
+ _Symplegades_, according to one legend in the eastern, and according to
+ others in the western sea, i, 102.
+
+ _Sympolity_, synonymous to _connubium_ and _commercium_, i, 503.
+
+ _Syngraphæ_, i, 388.
+
+ _Syphax_, king of the Massæsylians, ii, 131;
+ makes overtures to the Romans, 131;
+ marries Sophonisbe, 135;
+ wishes to act as mediator between Rome and Carthage, 136;
+ defeated by Masinissa, led in the triumph of Scipio, dies at Alba,
+ 136;
+ his statues common, 136.
+
+ _Syracuse_ besieged under Agathocles by the Carthaginians, ii, 4;
+ the cradle of mechanical art, 12;
+ falls off from Rome, 114;
+ proclaims the republic, 115;
+ revolution by the mercenaries, 116;
+ conquered, 117;
+ acknowledged by Timæus as the first of Greek towns, 118.
+
+ _Syria_ at war with Egypt, ii, 145;
+ wins the northern fortresses of Phœnicia, 145;
+ Roman province, iii, 11;
+ one of the finest and richest countries in the world, 12;
+ overrun by the Persians, 280.
+
+ _P. Syrus_, iii, 141.
+
+
+ T
+
+ TABELLIONES under the emperors, i, 515.
+
+ TABULÆ NOVÆ, cancelling of debts, i, 540.
+
+ _Tacitus_, his loving memory of his father-in-law, ii, 292;
+ the excellent _dialogus de Oratoribus_, iii, 130, 185;
+ has not described the time of Nerva, 214;
+ has written from the death of Augustus down to Trajan, 164;
+ the Annales were very likely twenty books, 164;
+ throws in the beginning of his _Historiæ_ some light on Galba, 194;
+ his opinion of Otho’s end, 198;
+ his Agricola one of the greatest masterpieces of biography, 211;
+ character of his writings, 224, 225;
+ first edition of Agricola, 224;
+ the _Historiæ_ comprised thirty books, 225;
+ his age did not acknowledge his eminence, 225.
+
+ _Tacitus_, princeps Senatus, emperor, iii, 287;
+ the statement of his advanced age deserves little credit, 288;
+ carries on the war against the Alans, 288;
+ dies, 288.
+
+ _Tactics_ of the Romans, great light thrown on it by Cæsar’s
+ commentaries and by Josephus, iii, 199.
+
+ _Tadjiks_, inhabitants of towns, iii, 264.
+
+ _Tænarus_, the gathering place of men without a home, i, 462; ii, 23.
+
+ _Talents_ in Appian are not Attic, but Egyptian, i. e., copper talents,
+ iii, 72.
+
+ _Talmud_, corresponds in form to the _Commentarii pontificum_, i, 10.
+
+ _Tamphilus_, see Bæbius.
+
+ _Tanaquil_, lives to see the death of Servius, must at that time have
+ been a hundred and fifteen years old, i, 81, 155;
+ every woman, who is stated to have been Etruscan, is called by the
+ Romans Tanaquil, 137.
+
+ _Tarchon_, i, 192.
+
+ _Tarentum_ waxes great by the immigration of the Greeks from the other
+ states, i, 459;
+ state of its affairs, 460;
+ constitution, 460;
+ the blame heaped upon it is unjust, 460;
+ calls in Archidamus of Sparta, 461;
+ then Alexander of Epirus, 461;
+ wool dying manufactories, 478;
+ its share in the second Samnite war, 497;
+ calls in Cleonymus against the Lucanians, 510;
+ very likely throughout the Samnite war hostile to Rome, 511;
+ treaty with Rome, 511, 544;
+ excites the people far and near against the Romans, 544, 548;
+ destroys the Roman ships, 549;
+ the citadel given up to Cineas, 556;
+ sold by Milo, 570;
+ garrison of the Romans there, ii, 50;
+ goes over to Hannibal, 110;
+ the citadel remains to the Romans, 110;
+ fallen into the hands of Hannibal owing to treachery, again betrayed
+ to the Romans, 120;
+ colony sent thither by C. Gracchus, 120;
+ loses all its rights, 186.
+
+ _Tarpeia_, a Sabine heroine, i, 29.
+
+ _Tarquinians_, after their expulsion reside at Laurentum, i, 136;
+ _gens Tarquinia_, 137;
+ treated at first with forbearance, then exiled, 204.
+
+ _Tarquinii_, an important town, its connexion with Corinth not to be
+ mistaken, i, 134;
+ its people carry on war against the Romans, 390;
+ threaten Rome, 408;
+ war of them, 413;
+ routed by C. Martius, 413.
+
+ _Tarquinius Priscus_, legends of him, i, 81, 185;
+ is a Latin, not an Etruscan, 136;
+ his wife in the old legend a Latin woman, Caia Cæcilia, 137;
+ in all likelihood belongs to the Luceres, 137;
+ his time seems to be parted from the former by a great gulf, 137;
+ _Cloaca maxima_, 138;
+ wishes to double the Romulean _Tribus_, 139.
+
+ _Tarquinius Superbus_, stated by Piso to have been the grandson of
+ Tarquinius Priscus, i, 29;
+ at least fifty years of age when he kills Servius, 81;
+ forbids the plebeian Sacra, 173;
+ destroys the laws of Servius Tullius, 184, 194;
+ undertakes immense works, uses the plebeians as bondmen, 194;
+ subjects Latium, 195;
+ presides at the sacrifices of the _Feriæ Latinæ_, 197;
+ said to have founded colonies at Signia and Circeii, 197;
+ Gabii taken by stratagem, 197;
+ his statue remained on the Capitol, 199;
+ goes to Cære, Tarquinii, Veii, 208;
+ his death, 219.
+
+ _Sex. Tarquinius_, his outrage against Lucretia, i, 189.
+
+ _L. Tarquitius_, master of the horse of Cincinnatus, i, 282.
+
+ _Tarraco_, in the beginning of the second Punic war, in possession of
+ the Romans, ii, 69.
+
+ _T. Tatius_, dies in the fourth year of the town, i, 84, _note_;
+ gains, by means of treason, a settlement on the Tarpeian Hill, 118;
+ slain at the sacrifice in Laurentum, 118, 121;
+ his memory hated, 121;
+ called by Ennius a tyrant, 121;
+ refuses to the people of Lavinium to give up their kinsmen, 266.
+
+ _Taurasia_, battle, i, 567.
+
+ _Taurea_, see Jubellius.
+
+ _Taurinians_ were Ligurians, i, 370.
+
+ _Tauris_, capital of Armenia, iii, 296.
+
+ _Tauriscans_ are among the tribes in arms in the war of the Cisalpine
+ Gauls, otherwise only in Carniola, ii, 52;
+ their dwellings, iii, 3.
+
+ _Taurominium_, allied with Syracuse, i, 578;
+ opens its gates to the Romans, 581;
+ independent after the first Punic war, ii, 41.
+
+ _Taxes_ among the ancients were mostly on land, ii, 183;
+ made superfluous in Rome by the Macedonian booty after the defeat of
+ Perseus, 219; iii, 301.
+
+ _Taxiles_, general of Mithridates, ii, 375.
+
+ _Tectosages_, tribe of the Galatians, ii, 81.
+
+ _Telamon_, near Populonia, battle of the Romans and the Cisalpine
+ Gauls, ii, 55.
+
+ _Tellenians_, i, 171.
+
+ _Tellus_ and _Tellumo_, deities of the earth, i, 169;
+ temple of Tellus on the Carinæ, 257.
+
+ _Telmissus_ comes to Eumenes, ii, 183.
+
+ _Temple_ of Penates, falsely called the temple of Romulus, at the foot
+ the Velia, i, 206;
+ that of Venus and of Roma is _summa Velia_, 206;
+ of Virtus and Honos, dedicated by Marcellus, thoroughly stripped in
+ the time of Livy, ii, 119;
+ the temple of Jerusalem plundered by Pompey, iii, 11;
+ of the temple of Apollo on the Palatine nothing is left, 149;
+ the temple of peace built by Vespasian, 207;
+ of Mars Ultor, all the columns of marble, 222;
+ the temples of Venus and Roma erected under Hadrian, 224.
+
+ _Tenchteri_, Cæsar’s conduct to them, iii, 44.
+
+ _Terentia_, Cicero’s wife, her influence over him, iii, 18.
+
+ _C. Terentilius Harsa_ appoints five men to draw up a law, declaring
+ the limits of consular authority, i, 277.
+
+ _P. Terentius Afer_ (Terence), ii, 392;
+ conf. Plautus.
+
+ _Terentius Culleo_, ii, 185.
+
+ _C. Terentius Varro_, consul, son of a butcher, ii, 97;
+ seems unjustly to have been condemned by historians, 98;
+ in the account of Appian, taken from Fabius Pictor, he is far from
+ being so blameable as Livy and Polybius want to make him out, 99.
+
+ _M. Terentius Varro_, descendant of C. Terentius Varro, dates the death
+ of Nævius later than others do, i, 18;
+ not a learned philologist in the modern sense of the term, 99;
+ has read an immense deal, but is confused, 103;
+ belongs to the aristocratical party, ii, 98; iii, 56;
+ does not at all write like one who lived in the same age with Cicero,
+ 127;
+ by far less learned in Greek things than in Roman, 127.
+
+ _Terina_, i, 458.
+
+ _Termantia_, or Termessia, town of the Celtiberians, ii, 260.
+
+ _Terni_, origin of the cascade, i, 538;
+ conf. Amiternum.
+
+ _Terra di Lecce_ and _Terra di Otranto_, the Greek language extinct
+ there, i, 145.
+
+ _Terracina_, Tyrrhenian, called formerly Τραχεινή, i, 110;
+ afterwards Volscian, called Anxur, 223;
+ conf. Anxur.
+
+ _Tertullian_, a man of the highest talent, iii, 234;
+ his book against the theatre, 235;
+ should be read much more generally by philologists, 235.
+
+ _Tetricus_, C. Pesuvius, emperor in the West, iii, 283, 284;
+ goes over to Aurelian, 286.
+
+ _Teuta_, Queen of Illyria, ii, 47.
+
+ _Teutoburg Forest_, battle, iii, 157.
+
+ _Teutones_, of German stock, ii, 323;
+ may have been chased out of the East by the advance of the
+ Sarmatians, 323;
+ conquered by Marius, 329.
+
+ _Teutonic Knights_ at Königsberg, had a book with stories from the O.
+ T., and from the heroic age of Rome, i, 79.
+
+ _Thalna_, see Juventius.
+
+ _Thapsus_, peninsula with a fortified town, iii, 67.
+
+ _Tharyps_, king of the Molossians, i, 552.
+
+ _Thasus_, the Phœnician settlement there later than that of Cyprus, ii,
+ 1.
+
+ _Theatres_, Greek, had most of them a view of the sea, i, 549;
+ in them the people used to assemble, 549;
+ of Marcellus, iii, 149.
+
+ _Thebes_, destroyed, ii, 255.
+
+ _Theocritus_, said to have been put to death by Hiero on account of a
+ Satire, i, 578;
+ his idyll Χάριτες, 578;
+ his shepherds are Siculian, not Greek, iii, 131.
+
+ _Theodora_, stepdaughter of Maximian, wife of Constantine, iii, 298.
+
+ _Theodoric_, king of the Western Goths, iii, 340;
+ his classical knowledge, 343.
+
+ _Theodorius_, emperor, colleague of Gratian, iii, 319;
+ native of Spain, 319;
+ character, 320;
+ conquers the Goths, 320;
+ defeats Maximus near Aquileia, 321;
+ against Eugenius, 321;
+ does penance, 322.
+
+ _Theodosius_, iii, 335.
+
+ _Theology_, of the Romans Etruscan, i, 148;
+ a knowledge of the imperial history indispensable for it, iii, 164.
+
+ _Theophilus_, his mistake, ii, 41.
+
+ _Theophrastus_, did not yet reckon by Olympiads, i, 149.
+
+ _Thera_, rises out of a clod of earth, i, 102.
+
+ _Thermantia_, Stilicho’s daughter, Honorius’ wife, iii, 332.
+
+ _Thermometer_, its height much less in old times than now, i, 357, and
+ _note_.
+
+ _Thermopylæ_, Ætolian, ii, 151;
+ battle, 173.
+
+ _Thesmophoriæ_, celebrated by women only, iii, 27.
+
+ _Thessalians_, are connected with the Pelasgians, i, 96.
+
+ _Thessalonica_, besieged by the Goths, iii, 284.
+
+ _Thessaly_, country of Cineas, has produced no other distinguished man,
+ i, 555;
+ well affected to Macedon, ii, 145;
+ part of it Ætolian, 151;
+ blended with Macedon, 151;
+ forms with Phthiotis the Thessalian republic, 163;
+ quite unable to take care of its own affairs, 171.
+
+ _Thirty Years’ War_, did nothing but destroy in literature, ii, 395;
+ in the latter years of it the French, Swedish, and imperial armies
+ were equally bad, iii, 201.
+
+ _Thrace_, the towns on the southern coast belonged to Egypt, ii, 145;
+ conquered by Philip, 148;
+ a kingdom, iii, 121.
+
+ _Thracians_, surprise the Roman army, ii, 204;
+ are not without Greek learning, 309;
+ speak Wallachian, iii, 267;
+ only the seaports and the larger inland towns, Greek, 267.
+
+ _Thrasea_, see Pætus.
+
+ _Thucydides_ mentions natural phenomena, ii, 92;
+ no other historian of the same spirit rose up after him, iii, 275.
+
+ _Thurii_, i, 459;
+ conquered by the Lucanians, 551;
+ by Rome, 551;
+ destroyed, ii, 406.
+
+ _Thurinians_, supported by the Romans against the Lucanians, i, 545;
+ erect a statue to Fabricius, 546;
+ the protection of Tarentum withdrawn from them, 551.
+
+ _Thysdrus_, provincial town in Africa, iii, 268;
+ insurrection against Maximian, 268.
+
+ _Tiberius_, Claudius Nero, a very able ruler, iii, 126;
+ compelled to marry Julia, 147;
+ proud of high birth, 147;
+ goes to Rhodes, 147;
+ adopted by Augustus, heir presumptive, 148;
+ looked upon with gloomy forebodings, 149;
+ campaign against the Dalmatians, 149;
+ suspected of having caused the death of Drusus, 153;
+ receives the command in Gaul, 153;
+ subdues the Sigambri, Bructeri and Cherusci, 154;
+ against Marbod, 155;
+ to Gaul, 159;
+ speaks the funeral oration of Augustus, 161;
+ was in danger of life even when still an infant, 165;
+ has the _quæstura Ostiensis_, 166;
+ goes to Armenia, 166;
+ character, 166;
+ a first-rate general, 166;
+ heir of two-thirds of Augustus’ property, 168;
+ dissimulation, 168;
+ his apparent refusal to undertake the government, 168;
+ did all for peace, 170;
+ hoards treasures, 173;
+ his dread of Livia, 174;
+ gives himself up to the most infamous lusts, 174;
+ Napoleon’s opinion of him, 174;
+ withdraws to Capreæ, 175;
+ declares against Sejanus, 176;
+ poisoned, 177;
+ knew Caligula as the monster he really was, 177.
+
+ _Tibullus_, his fortune had suffered in the stormy times in which he
+ was placed, iii, 137;
+ genuineness of his poems, 137.
+
+ _Tibur_ seems to have formed a distinct state, hostile to the Romans,
+ i, 413;
+ receives the full franchise by the Lex Julia, ii, 354;
+ declares for Marius, 370;
+ conf. Præneste, Tivoli.
+
+ _Tiburtines_, attached to the party of Cinna, iii, 107.
+
+ _Ticida_, iii, 129.
+
+ _Ticinus_, battle, probably near Pavia, ii, 83.
+
+ _Tifata_, Mount, battle, ii, 380.
+
+ _Tigellinus_, præfectus prætorio, iii, 192.
+
+ _Tigranes_, king of Armenia, iii, 2;
+ extent of his empire, 2;
+ buys the peace with Rome, 11.
+
+ _Tigranocerta_, iii, 7;
+ taken by Lucullus, 7.
+
+ _Tigurini_, in Helvetia, of Gallic stock, join the Cimbrians, ii, 324;
+ revenge of the Romans, iii, 41.
+
+ _Timæus_, source of Ennius, i, 24;
+ statement from him, 98;
+ is the first who reckons by Olympiads, 149;
+ his history of the Samnite wars merely an introduction to that of
+ Pyrrhus, 493;
+ his history of the war of Pyrrhus, 562; ii, 1;
+ lived in Athens, ii, 118.
+
+ _Timesicles_, see Misitheus.
+
+ _Timesitheus_, see Misitheus.
+
+ Τιμηταί of the Greek towns, i, 332.
+
+ _Timoleon_ checks the spread of the Carthaginians in Sicily, i, 457;
+ pacifies Sicily, 575; ii, 4.
+
+ _Tin_, of great value to the ancients for making copper fusible, ii,
+ 58;
+ even now found principally in England and the East Indies, iii, 45;
+ very great quantities used in ancient times, 45;
+ channels of its trade, 45.
+
+ _Tin mines_ in Cornwall, iii, 45.
+
+ _Tiridates_ receives Armenia as a fief from Nero, iii, 191;
+ mention of him in the _Mirabilia Romæ_, 192.
+
+ _Tiridates_, prince of Armenia, iii, 313.
+
+ _Tities_, name of the Sabine tribe, i, 124.
+
+ _Titthi_, tribe of the Celtiberians, ii, 260.
+
+ _L. Titurius_, his legion annihilated by the Eburones, iii, 46.
+
+ _Titus_, son of Vespasian, remains behind in Judæa, iii, 201;
+ carries on the government, 207;
+ very unpopular before his father’s death, 207;
+ his generosity, 208;
+ præfectus prætorio, 208.
+
+ _Tivoli_ had in the 15th century fifty times more owners of the soil
+ than now, i, 228;
+ destroyed places in its neighbourhood, 409 and _note_;
+ constitution in modern times, ii, 398;
+ conf. Tibur.
+
+ _Toga_, its form, i, 267.
+
+ _Toichographies_ of the Greeks, i, 5.
+
+ _Tolistoboii_, tribe of the Galatians, ii, 181.
+
+ _Lars Tolumnius_, king of Veii, i, 347.
+
+ _Tomi_ (Kustendji), lay outside the contiguous Roman empire, iii, 161.
+
+ _Tongres_, burnt to ashes, iii, 308.
+
+ _Town-house_ in America, i, 450.
+
+ _Trajan_, fond of transporting himself into the past, i, 403;
+ has written his memoirs, iii, 214;
+ adopted by Nerva, 215;
+ his descent, 216;
+ goes to Germany, 216;
+ comes to Rome only a year after his accession, 217;
+ his energy, 217;
+ gets the finances into excellent order, 217;
+ the first Dacian war, 218;
+ conquers, 218;
+ second war, 219;
+ successfully ended, 219;
+ war against the Parthians 219;
+ reduces Seleucia and Ctesiphon, 220;
+ makes peace, 220;
+ makes Arabia a Roman province, 220;
+ dies at Selinus, 221;
+ adopts Hadrian, 221;
+ his buildings, 221.
+
+ _Trajanopolis_, formerly Selinus, iii, 221.
+
+ _Trajan’s pillar_, iii, 212, 223.
+
+ TRANSITIO AD PLEBEM, i, 200; iii, 28.
+
+ _Trapani_, the Drepana of old, ii, 29.
+
+ _Trasimenus_, battle, ii, 91;
+ has great resemblance to the battle of Auerstedt, 91.
+
+ _Travertino_, is fire proof, i, 380.
+
+ _Treasury_ of Rome during the time of the Social War, ii, 296;
+ well filled at the death of Antoninus Pius, iii, 248.
+
+ _Trebia_, locality of the battle, ii, 84;
+ battle of Macdonald against Suwarow in 1799, 86.
+
+ _Trebonianus_, Gallus, emperor, iii, 278;
+ concludes a treaty with the Goths, 278;
+ falls, defeated by Æmilianus, 279.
+
+ _Trebonius_, a Lucanian name, iii, 37.
+
+ _C. Trebonius_, general of Cæsar, takes a part in the conspiracy
+ against him, iii, 79.
+
+ _Trent_, a Lombard colony, i, 103.
+
+ _Treves_, seat of the Gallic government, iii, 283;
+ _Porta nigra_, 283;
+ destroyed, 308.
+
+ TRIARII, i, 441.
+
+ _Triballians_, make their appearance in Thrace nine (twelve) years
+ after the taking of Rome, i, 365, 369.
+
+ _Tribuneship_, brought back by Sylla to what it was before the
+ Publilian law, ii, 387;
+ no one, after having been tribune, is to have any office, which led
+ to the senate, 387;
+ restored by Pompey, iii, 5.
+
+ TRIBUNI ÆRARII, iii, 4.
+
+ TRIBUNI CELERUM, not one but four of them, i, 199.
+
+ TRIBUNI MILITARES, their number, i, 192;
+ in the army, when complete, there are twenty-four of them, 488.
+
+ TRIBUNI PLEBIS, entered upon office on the tenth of December, i, 237;
+ institution of the office, 239;
+ elected by the whole of the community, 239;
+ inviolable, 340;
+ chosen _auxilii ferendi causa_, 340;
+ looked upon like the ambassador of a foreign state, to protect the
+ subjects of his sovereign, 241;
+ their houses open by day and night, not allowed to absent themselves
+ from the city, 241;
+ elected by the centuries, 242;
+ confirmed by the curies, 242;
+ their number at first two, afterwards five, 242;
+ were anything but mutinous, 256;
+ their character changes under Pontificius, 260;
+ no longer confirmed by the curies, 261;
+ impeach the consuls, probably before the curies, 265;
+ after that before the Plebes, 265;
+ their procedure in their motions before the people, 270;
+ receive by the Publilian rogations the initiative, 271;
+ their office not abolished under the first decemvirate, only under
+ the second, 298;
+ ten elected under the presidency of the _Pontifex Maximus_, 312;
+ after the downfall of the decemvirs they enter upon their office in
+ December, 312;
+ the protest of one might paralyze the influence of the whole body,
+ 314;
+ representatives of their order, 314;
+ seem also to have taken auspices, 314;
+ patricians among them, 314, 326;
+ their college divided, 328;
+ their power limited by the _Lex Ælia_ and _Fusina_, ii, 226;
+ arrest consuls, 226;
+ change of the character of the tribuneship, 269;
+ can only check each other, 280;
+ belong to the first families, 281;
+ merely commissioned to bring motions before the people, 281;
+ enter upon office on the ninth of December, 284;
+ take part in the discussions of the senate, 284.
+
+ TRIBUNUS, head of a tribe, i, 174.
+
+ TRIBUNUS NOTARIORUM, cabinet councillor, iii, 321.
+
+ _Tribes_, the names of the oldest Roman tribes Etruscan, i, 148;
+ of Servius Tullius, i, 173;
+ had common Sacra, 173;
+ names of the country tribes taken from heroes, 173;
+ plebeians only received into them, 174;
+ _tribus urbanæ_ were _minus honestæ_, especially the Esquilina, the
+ Crustumina standing higher, 336, 522;
+ there seems to have been discussion allowed in them, 184;
+ their privileges, 184;
+ an appeal to them granted by Servius Tullius, 184;
+ their number reduced from thirty to twenty by the peace of Porsena,
+ 212;
+ tribus Crustumina added as the twenty-first, 212;
+ consist of two decuries, 239;
+ were allowed only to transact business on the Nundines, 269;
+ a curulian magistrate not allowed to be present at their assemblies,
+ 269;
+ mode of voting, 260;
+ become a general national division, 304;
+ might assemble every day, 322;
+ decide on war, 415;
+ after the first Punic war there are thirty-five of them, ii, 185;
+ new tribes formed in the Social war, 357;
+ conjectures on their number, 357, _note_;
+ done away with, 374.
+
+ _Tribus Æmilia_, ii, 374.
+
+ _Tribus Pupinia_, i, 448.
+
+ _Tribus Quirina_, ii, 185.
+
+ _Tribus Sergia_, ii, 374.
+
+ _Tribus Tarquinia_, i, 204.
+
+ _Tribus Ufentina_, i, 466.
+
+ _Tribus Velina_, ii, 185.
+
+ _Tribute_ of the conquered countries to Rome, iii, 12.
+
+ _Trierarchies_ in Rome, i, 405.
+
+ _Trifanum_ on the Liris, battle, i, 444.
+
+ _Trinundinum_ or _Trinum nundinum_, i, 269, 270.
+
+ _Triremes_ of the Athenians had from two hundred to two hundred and
+ twenty men, partly rowers, partly marines, ii, 12;
+ of the Romans and Antiates, ii, 13.
+
+ _Triumph_ on the Alban mount, i, 411, _note_.
+
+ _Triumphal Fasti_, see Fasti.
+
+ _Triumphal arches_ at the entrances of the Forum Ulpium, iii, 224, on
+ that of Severus the falling of the art is to be seen, 224.
+
+ TRIUMVIRI, more correctly _tresviri_, i, 544.
+
+ TRIUMVIRI AGRORUM _dividendorum_, ii, 284;
+ were not _sacrosancti_, 284.
+
+ TRIUMVIRI CAPITALES were perhaps an offshoot of the ædilieian power, i,
+ 406, 543;
+ their offices, 544.
+
+ TRIUMVIRI MONETALES, established after the _Lex Hortensia_, i, 406.
+
+ _Triumviri reipublicæ constituendæ_, i, 407; iii, 92.
+
+ _Trocmi_, tribe of the Galatians, ii, 181.
+
+ _Trogus Pompeius_, born near Massilia, used native chronicles, i, 364;
+ of Ligurian extraction, ii, 49.
+
+ _Trojans_ to be looked upon as Pelasgians, i, 96.
+
+ _Trojan_ immigration in Italy quite unauthenticated, i, 105;
+ mentioned by Nævius, 105.
+
+ _Tuarics_ have an alphabet quite distinct from the Arabic, ii, 310.
+
+ _Tubero_, Q. Ælius, writes the Roman annals anew, i, 35;
+ no longer knew the old style of language, nor did he see the
+ difference between the institutions of his own day and those of
+ primitive times, 35;
+ made use of documents, 35.
+
+ _Tuditanus_, consul, ii, 288.
+
+ TULLIA GENS, an Alban clan on the Cœlius, i, 156.
+
+ _Tullus_, see Attius, Hostilius.
+
+ _Tunes_, _Tunis_, its territory subject to Carthage, ii, 4;
+ the dialect probably still contains Punic and Latin elements, 5; iii,
+ 234;
+ conquered by Regulus, ii, 21.
+
+ _Turditanians_, according to the ancients of different race from the
+ Cantabrians, according to Humboldt of the same, ii, 60.
+
+ _Turin_, battle, iii, 299.
+
+ _Turini_, ancient form for Tyrrheni, i, 102.
+
+ _Turnus_, synonymous with Turinus, Tyrrhenus, i, 109.
+
+ _Turnus Herdonius_, the tale of him has a highly poetical colouring, i,
+ 195.
+
+ _Tuscanica signa_ prized at Rome, i, 153.
+
+ _Tuscany_, the grand duke Peter Leopold divided his subjects, and
+ thereby made them bad, i, 451.
+
+ _Tusci_, synonymous with Tyrrheni, i, 144.
+
+ _Tusculans_, become full citizens after the Latin war, i, 448;
+ put into the Tribus Pupinia, 448;
+ the most renowned Roman families were Tusculan, 448;
+ rising, 480.
+
+ _Tusculum_ remains faithful to Rome, i, 390;
+ the theatre there presupposes the performance of native and Greek
+ pieces, ii, 195.
+
+ _Twelve Tables_, the laws of the, introduce one uniform civil law for
+ patricians and plebeians, i, 228, 230;
+ their origin, 297;
+ the laws hostile to the liberty of the plebeians were on the two
+ last, 298;
+ constitution after them, 300, 303;
+ the laws were not entirely new, 301;
+ give unlimited right to dispose by will, 301;
+ forbid the enactment of any _privilegia_, 303.
+
+ _Tycha_, part of Syracuse, ii, 117.
+
+ _Tyndaris_, on the northern coast of Sicily, sea fight, ii, 16.
+
+ _Tyrants_, thirty, iii, 281.
+
+ _Tyre_, by its connexion with Persia becomes the port for the whole of
+ Asia, ii, 3.
+
+ _Tyrrhenians_, old name of the Pelasgian population of Latium, i, 98;
+ among the Greeks the Pelasgian inhabitants of the whole western coast
+ of Italy, 102;
+ go from Meonia to Italy, 102;
+ the name transferred by the Greeks to the Etruscans, 148;
+ dwelt, according to Thucydides, near Athos, and in Lemnos, according
+ to Herodotus, in Attica, near the Hymettus, 143;
+ the national hatred of the Greeks against them in Pindar to be
+ understood of the Etruscans, 151;
+ make their appearance before Cumæ, 214.
+
+
+ U
+
+ _Ulixes_, Latin form for Odysseus, ii, 194;
+ Siculian, 194, _note_.
+
+ _Ulm_, the guilds the ruling power there, i, 168.
+
+ _Ulphilas_, iii, 317.
+
+ _Ulpianus_, Domitius, chief of Septimius Severus, iii, 262;
+ of Tyrian origin, but not born in Tyre, 262;
+ murdered, 263;
+ a great jurist, 275;
+ excellent with regard to language, 275.
+
+ _Ulster_, it is problematical whether any Cymri had dwelt there, ii,
+ 322.
+
+ _Umbrians_, belong to the same stock as the Opicans, i, 99;
+ their language has some resemblance to Latin, 142;
+ Umbria, a district in Tuscany, 146;
+ become tributary to the Gauls, 372;
+ connexion with the Romans, 509;
+ acknowledge Rome’s supremacy, 571;
+ under arms during the Social War, ii, 352, 358;
+ get the Roman franchise, 358.
+
+ _Umbro_, river in Tuscany, i, 146.
+
+ _Unction_ often applied as a remedy, iii, 252.
+
+ _Uri_, the _Beisassen_, a subjugated community, i, 167;
+ the canton oligarchical, 437.
+
+ _Usipetes_, Cæsar’s conduct against them, iii, 44.
+
+ _Utica_, older colony of Tyre than Carthage, ii, 1;
+ rises against Carthage, 45;
+ throws itself into the arms of Rome, 232;
+ saved by Cato, iii, 69.
+
+
+ V
+
+ _Vaccæans_, their subjection, ii, 202;
+ war against them, 231.
+
+ _Vadimo_, lake, i, 547.
+
+ _Valais_, iii, 43.
+
+ _Valckenaer_, iii, 235.
+
+ _Valencia_, province, Latinized, ii, 257.
+
+ _Valencia_, town, founded, ii, 260.
+
+ _Valenciennes_, excavations, iii, 203.
+
+ _Valens_, see Fabius.
+
+ _Valens_, brother and colleague of Valentinian the First, iii, 315;
+ cruel and cowardly, a fanatical Arian, 316;
+ battle of Adrianople, 319.
+
+ _Valentinian_, emperor, an Illyrian, iii, 315;
+ character, 315.
+
+ _Valentinian II._, son of Valentinian the First, iii, 316;
+ flies before Maximus to Thessalonica, 321;
+ murdered by Arbogastes, 321.
+
+ _Valentinian III._, Placidus, iii, 335;
+ emperor, 335;
+ conspires against Aëtius, 342;
+ murdered, 342.
+
+ _Valeriani_, ii, 377; iii, 5.
+
+ _Valerianus_ defeats Æmilianus, emperor, iii, 279;
+ censor, 279;
+ his history very obscure, 279;
+ war with the Persians, capitulates and becomes a prisoner, 280;
+ dies in captivity, 281.
+
+ _Valerian laws_ restore those of Servius, i, 207.
+
+ _Valerius_, see Messalla.
+
+ _Valerius_ and _Horatius_, consuls after the downfall of the decemvirs,
+ i, 342;
+ conquer the Sabines, 342.
+
+ _L. Valerius_, _duumvir navalis_, sent with his squadron to Tarentum,
+ i, 549;
+ killed, 549.
+
+ _M. Valerius_, dictator, i, 235.
+
+ _Valerius_, Volesus, and the several contemporary Valerii, i, 200,
+ _note_, 218;
+ belong to the Tities, 200.
+
+ _Valerius Antias_, the most untrue of all the Roman historians, i, 32;
+ does not belong to the gens of the patrician Valerii, 32;
+ Livy has repeatedly taken from him, 33, 117.
+
+ _M. Valerius Corvus_, character, i, 425, 481;
+ conquers near the Mount Gaurus, 427;
+ a second time, 429;
+ puts down the insurrection near Lautulæ, 431;
+ lives to an advanced age, 547;
+ six times consul, ii, 333.
+
+ _Q. Valerius Falto_, prætor, conquers near the Ægatian isles, ii, 38.
+
+ _L. Valerius Flaccus_, friend of Cato, ii, 173, 192.
+
+ _L. Valerius Flaccus_, head of the democracy, ii, 369;
+ gets the command against Mithridates, 375;
+ murdered by his quæstor or legatus Fimbria, 376.
+
+ _Valerius Flaccus_, prætor, iii, 23;
+ Cicero’s oration for him, 37.
+
+ _Valerius Maximus_, one of the most wretched of writers, i, 66;
+ during the middle ages the mirror of virtue, 79;
+ no historical authority, 466.
+
+ _Valerius Poplicola_, præfectus urbi, i, 202;
+ generally mentioned as the successor of Collatinus, 205;
+ the accounts of him are fabulous, 206;
+ said to have been chosen into the senate, 334.
+
+ _L. Valerius Potitus_, requires the decemvirs to resign their power, i,
+ 308.
+
+ _C. Valerius Triarius_, iii, 8.
+
+ _Valesius_, Hadrian, iii, 276.
+
+ _Valgius_, iii, 129, 141.
+
+ _Valla_, Laurentius, his grave discovered by Niebuhr, i, 3;
+ startled at the contradictions of ancient history, 3, 56.
+
+ _Vandals_, fearing rebellions, pull down the walls of the conquered
+ towns, ii, 20;
+ make their appearance, iii, 284;
+ threaten Rome, 287;
+ cross the Rhine, 332;
+ evacuate Gaul, 332;
+ in Spain, 332;
+ conquered by Adolphus, 334;
+ invited to Africa by Boniface, 337;
+ truce and peace, 337;
+ pillage Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and the coast of Italy, 338.
+
+ _Q. Vargunteius_, has reviewed, not divided the books of Ennius, i, 24.
+
+ _Q. Varius_, tribune, his law, ii, 349.
+
+ _Varius_, ranked by the ancients among the greatest of that age, iii,
+ 138;
+ his tragedy of Thyestes, 138;
+ composed very likely after Alexandrinian tragedy, 138.
+
+ _Varro_, see Terentius.
+
+ _Varro Atacinus_, translator of Apollonius Rhodius, iii, 129.
+
+ _Varus_, general of Pompey in Africa, iii, 56.
+
+ _Varus_, Martius, iii, 241.
+
+ _Varus Quinctilius_, iii, 156.
+
+ _Vases_, Etruscan, near Tarquinii, perfectly similar to the oldest
+ Greek ones, i, 134;
+ Arretinian, 134.
+
+ _Vatinius_, Cicero’s charge and defence, iii, 20;
+ causes, as tribune of the people, Cisalpine Gaul to be given to Cæsar
+ for five years, 34.
+
+ _Vaudoncourt_, general, asserts, that the Italian, Spanish, and African
+ nations, fought in phalanx, i, 476;
+ his notions with regard to the battle on the Trebia inconceivable,
+ ii, 84.
+
+ _Vegetation_ in southern countries always springing up about walls, i,
+ 382.
+
+ _Veientine_ war of Tarquin mythical, i, 208.
+
+ _Veii_, extent of the town, i, 261;
+ war with Rome, 261;
+ conquer the stronghold of the Fabii at the Cremera, 264;
+ attack against Rome, 264;
+ truce, 265;
+ last war with Rome, 352;
+ parallel to that of Troy, 354;
+ conquered, 359;
+ occupied by patricians, and partly also by plebeians, 360;
+ the Etruscans try to reconquer it, but are repulsed by the Romans
+ under Cædicius, 381;
+ proposition to inhabit Veii instead of Rome, 386;
+ destroyed by the orders of the senate, 387;
+ restored as military colony under Augustus, 387.
+
+ _Velabrum_, i, 189;
+ lay low on marshy ground, 518.
+
+ _Velia summa, infima_, i, 206.
+
+ _Velinus_, lake, its draining, i, 538.
+
+ _Velitræ_, originally Latin, i, 445;
+ afterwards a Volscian town, 344, 345;
+ Roman colony, 345;
+ separated from Rome, 390;
+ fate after the Latin war, 450.
+
+ _Velleius Paterculus_, writes as far as 783, independent of Livy, i,
+ 57;
+ character, 58; ii, 357;
+ hits off many characters with masterly touches, iii, 146;
+ has much of the mannerism of the French writers of the eighteenth
+ century, 165.
+
+ _Venafrum_, got Roman franchise perhaps by the Lex Julia, ii, 354.
+
+ _Venantius Fortunatus_, iii, 154.
+
+ _Vendeans_ in the year 1793, i, 526.
+
+ _Veneti_, near the mouth of the Loire, conquered by Cæsar, iii, 45.
+
+ _Venetians_, friends to the Romans, ii, 56;
+ their chief town Patavium, 56;
+ different from the Tuscans, probably of Liburno-Pelasgian descent,
+ 56;
+ their residences, 56;
+ dependent, 58.
+
+ _Venice_, position of the nobili, i, 131, 512;
+ in the concilio grande every one was equal to his neighbour, 174;
+ wishes for peace after the battle of Ghiera d’Adda, 475;
+ the places were sold, ii, 7;
+ fought in its most brilliant times only with small ships, 18;
+ senate, iii, 288;
+ foundation, 341.
+
+ _Vennonius_, an annalist, i, 28.
+
+ _Venusia_, colony, i, 534, 560; ii, 106; iii, 133;
+ probably besieged by Pyrrhus, i, 564;
+ takes part in the Social war, ii, 352, 355;
+ military colony, iii, 133.
+
+ VER SACRUM, i, 104.
+
+ _Vercelli_, battle, iii, 332.
+
+ _Vercingetorix_, insurrection against the Romans, iii, 46;
+ gives himself up to the Romans, 48.
+
+ _Verrius Flaccus_, i, 130, 136; iii, 323.
+
+ _Verses_, old German, their construction, i, 90;
+ Arabic, 90;
+ Persian, 90;
+ Spanish _coblas de art mayor_, 90.
+
+ VERSURAM FACERE, to add the interest to the principal, i, 388.
+
+ _Verulæ_, Hernican town, i, 247.
+
+ _Verus_, Ælius, adopted by Hadrian, iii, 231.
+
+ _Verus_, L., adopted by T. Antonius, iii, 237;
+ wallowed in luxury, 240;
+ sent against Parthia, 240.
+
+ _Vescia_, Ausonian town, very likely the present S. Agata di Goti, i,
+ 443.
+
+ _Veseris_, battle, i, 439, 443.
+
+ _Vespasian_ from Nursia, ii, 397; iii, 199;
+ has the golden house of Nero destroyed, iii, 190;
+ in Syria against Vitellius, 198;
+ _instaurator reipublicæ_, 199;
+ of low birth, 199;
+ a distinguished officer, 200;
+ comes late to Rome, 201;
+ character, 204;
+ avarice, 206;
+ his saying concerning the wants of the Roman state, 206;
+ his buildings, 207;
+ dies, 207.
+
+ _Vesta_, see Vulcanus.
+
+ _Vestales_, their number reduced to six by Tarquin the Proud, i, 130.
+
+ _Vestinians_ of Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
+ friends to the Samnites, 476;
+ fall off from Rome in the Social War, ii, 352;
+ make peace with Rome, 356.
+
+ _Vesuvius_, quite burnt out at the time of Spartacus, ii, 405;
+ quiet since the time of the Greek settlements, begins to throw up
+ fire under Titus, iii, 209.
+
+ _Veterans_, of Scipio’s army, rewarded by a special grant of land, ii,
+ 187, 273;
+ veterans form settlements where they have been encamped, iii, 152;
+ colonies of them founded by Cæsar, 74.
+
+ _Vetranio_, iii, 306.
+
+ _Vetrius Messius_, i, 344.
+
+ VIA APPIA, i, 518;
+ paved with basalt as far as Brundusium, iii, 222;
+ see Appian road.
+
+ VIA SETINA, i, 518.
+
+ _Vibenna_, see Cæles.
+
+ _Vibius Virrius_, head of the Carthaginian party in Capua resolves to
+ die, ii, 113.
+
+ VICI, a certain number assigned to each region, i, 172; iii, 123.
+
+ _Victor_, the _Origo gentis Romanæ_, a forgery of modern times, i, 34;
+ iii, 323.
+
+ _Victoriensis_, Neu Wied, iii, 283.
+
+ _Victories_, invented after defeats, i, 222.
+
+ _Victorinus_, M. Piavvonius, emperor, iii, 282.
+
+ _Victorinus_, Marius, rhetorician, iii, 324.
+
+ VICUS, _septem viarum_, i, 188;
+ _sceleratus_, 194.
+
+ VIDEANT _consules, ne quid detrimenti capiat res publica_, i, 277; ii,
+ 304, and _note_.
+
+ _Vienna_, siege by Soliman, ii, 280.
+
+ _Vienne_, capital of the Allobroges, ii, 78.
+
+ VIGILES, iii, 123.
+
+ _Villani_, Giovanni, i, 120;
+ Matteo, iii, 292.
+
+ VILLE, original meaning, i, 167.
+
+ _Villius_, consul, only a short time against Philip, ii, 154;
+ stationed at Antigonea, 154.
+
+ _Viminalis_, first brought within the precincts of the city by the wall
+ of Servius Tullius, i, 190.
+
+ VINCULA PETRI, iii, 114.
+
+ VINCULUM FIDEI, i, 230.
+
+ _Vindelicians_, are of Liburnian stock, i, 370; iii, 151.
+
+ _Vindex_, Julius, an Aquitanian of rank, insurrection under Nero, iii,
+ 192;
+ had the rank of a Roman senator, 193;
+ slain, 193;
+ a Gallic national feeling manifested in his rebellion, 202.
+
+ VINDICIÆ _contra libertatem, secundum libertatem_, i, 309.
+
+ _Vinius_, favourite of Galba, iii, 196.
+
+ _Virgil_, changes the old legend of the settlement of Æneas in Latium,
+ i, 116;
+ _Gensque virum truncis et duro robore creti_, i, 110;
+ _recens horrebat regia culmo_, 120;
+ his life in danger, iii, 101;
+ his fourth eclogue, 103;
+ may be called the contemporary of Asinius, 130;
+ never has any obsolete phrases but in the Æneid, 131;
+ opinion of him, 131;
+ lyric poetry his true calling, 132;
+ wishes to burn the Iliad, 133;
+ deserves the reproach of flattery far more than Horace, 134;
+ follows in the track of the poets of Alexandria and Pergamus, 139;
+ Virgilian school in the middle ages, 186.
+
+ _Virgin_, her image washed in the river Almo, iii, 115.
+
+ _Virginia_, daughter of the centurion L. Virginius, i, 309;
+ crime of Ap. Claudius against her, 309.
+
+ _Virginius_, father of Virginia, not Aulus, as Livy has it, i, 309.
+
+ _T. Virginius Rufus_, commander of the German troops, iii, 193;
+ truce with Vindex, 193;
+ refuses to be emperor, 193;
+ declares himself for Galba, 194.
+
+ _Viriathus_, ii, 224, 257;
+ his peace with the Romans, 258;
+ murdered, 259.
+
+ _Viridomarus_, Gallic chief slain by M. Claudius Marcellus, ii, 56.
+
+ _Visigoths_, iii, 317;
+ their national civilization, 317;
+ received into the Roman empire, insurrection at Marcianopolis, 318;
+ overrun Mœsia and Thrace, 318;
+ besiege Adrianople, 319;
+ disarmed by Theodosius, 320;
+ defeated in Greece by Stilicho, 329;
+ conf. Alaric and Adolphus.
+
+ _Vitellius_, proclaimed emperor by the troops on the German frontier,
+ iii, 196;
+ his character, 196;
+ his father, 196;
+ marches against Italy, 197;
+ battle near Bedriacum, 197;
+ takes possession of Rome, 198;
+ murdered, 201.
+
+ _Vitruvius Vaccus_, i, 466.
+
+ _Vituli_ or _Vitelli_, name of the Pelasgians in Italy, i, 79.
+
+ _Vodostor_, Carthaginian commander, ii, 37.
+
+ _Volaterra_, destroyed, ii, 383.
+
+ _Volcano_, on Ischia, an eruption, i, 536.
+
+ _Volnius_ i, 148.
+
+ _Vologæsus_, iii, 391.
+
+ _Volones_, ii, 110.
+
+ _Volscians_, are Opicans, i, 98, 223;
+ periods of the wars against them, 246;
+ advance against Rome from the sea-side, 275;
+ very likely those of Ecetræ had a friendly alliance with Rome, 285;
+ get isopolity, 285, 292;
+ the Volscians of Ecetræ crushed by Postumius Tubertus, 344;
+ split into several states, 410;
+ their land Roman, 504;
+ peace, ii, 147.
+
+ _Volscius_, who informs against Cæso Quinctius, banished by
+ Cincinnatus, i, 284;
+ his surname of Fictor, 284.
+
+ _Voltumna_, temple, i, 151;
+ festivals of the Etruscans there, 350.
+
+ _Volumnius_, consul, carries on the war in Samnium, i, 525;
+ goes to Etruria, where Ap. Claudius wants not to admit him, 527.
+
+ _Voss_, J. II., the truth of his remarks on Tibullus not admitted owing
+ to party spirit, iii, 137.
+
+ _Vossius_, Ger. John, i, 38;
+ misled by Pighius, 69.
+
+ _Vulcanus_ and _Vesta_, deities of fire, i, 169.
+
+ _Vulsinii_, the insurrection there betokens the condition of a
+ vanquished people, i, 152;
+ war with Rome, 361, 390, 509.
+
+ _Vulturnum_, another name for Capua, i, 343.
+
+
+ W
+
+ _Walch’s_ emendations on Livy, i, 57.
+
+ _Wall_ of Servius Tullus, i, 190;
+ that which is called after Trajan, probably built by Augustus, iii,
+ 61.
+
+ _Wallace_, ii, 53.
+
+ _Wallachia_, language of the country, iii, 219.
+
+ _Wallia_, iii, 345.
+
+ _Walpole_, i, 464.
+
+ _Warnefrid_, Paul, Eutropius continued by him, i, 66.
+
+ _War_, a different notion of waging war has come into vogue since the
+ end of the seventeenth century, ii, 119.
+
+ _War_, declaration of war by the Fetiales, its formula in Livy, i, 104.
+
+ _War_, art of war was of a far higher order in the Seven-Years’ war
+ than it is now, ii, 17.
+
+ _Wars_ in the French revolution conducted with sluggishness and want of
+ design on the part of the enemy, ii, 82.
+
+ _Waterloo_, battle, i, 560.
+
+ _Wattignies_, battle, turning point of the modern history of warfare,
+ ii, 14.
+
+ _Well_, on the Capitol, i, 378.
+
+ _Wendes_, in Germany, have most of them adopted the German language
+ without colonization, i, 367.
+
+ _Western Asia_, ruled over by Syrian kings, ii, 145.
+
+ _Western Goths_, see Visigoths.
+
+ _Westerwald_, iii, 46.
+
+ _Wieland_, his commentary on Horace, iii, 134.
+
+ _Will_, double form of it, i, 301;
+ _in procinctu_, 301;
+ auguries requisite for it, 302;
+ the free disposition of property gave rise to the most shameful
+ abuse, 303.
+
+ WINKELMANN, i, 73;
+ led astray by Dempster, 141;
+ belongs from his style to the period before Lessing, iii, 127.
+
+ _Winter_, severe, in Rome, i, 357.
+
+ _Wittekind_, of Corvey, in his time all memory of the Roman wars
+ entirely vanished, iii, 150.
+
+ _Wolf_, F. A., i, 73, 251.
+
+
+ X
+
+ _Xanthippus_, not a Spartan, but a Neodamode, ii, 22;
+ becomes general of the Carthaginians, 23;
+ defeats Regulus, 24;
+ leaves Carthage, 24.
+
+ _Xanthus_, in Lycia, iii, 96.
+
+ _Xanthus_, of Lydia, his work unjustly suspected of not being genuine,
+ i, 143.
+
+ _Xenagoras_, i, 223.
+
+ _Xiphilinus_, extracts from Dio Cassius, i, 64.
+
+
+ Y
+
+ _Year_, the oldest year of the Romans had ten months, i, 84, 387;
+ that of the Etruscans likewise, 387.
+
+ _Yellow fever_, in Cadix in 1800, i, 276.
+
+ _Yemen_, etymology, iii, 281.
+
+
+ Z
+
+ _Zama_, battle, ii, 140.
+
+ _Zanclæans_, their curse on Messana, i, 577.
+
+ _Zarmizegethusa_, capital of Dacia, Roman colony under the name of
+ Colonia Ulpia, iii, 219.
+
+ _Zeno_, iii, 68;
+ by far inferior to Plato and Aristotle, 239.
+
+ _Zenobia_, widow of Odenathus, iii, 282;
+ war with Aurelian, 286;
+ must have had bad infantry, 286;
+ taken prisoner, 286.
+
+ _Zeuxis_, ambassador of Antiochus to Scipio, ii, 179.
+
+ _Zonaras_, follows in the track of Dio Cassius, i, 20;
+ his extract from it has a slight admixture from Plutarch, 64;
+ character of his work, 64;
+ statements of his of a marked character are taken from Fabius, ii,
+ 62.
+
+ _Zorndorf_, battle, 531.
+
+ _Zurich_, the guilds the ruling power there in the fourteenth century,
+ i, 168.
+
+-----
+
+Footnote 1:
+
+ Ad Cornelianam p. 78. Ps. Asconius ad Cic. Divin. Verr: p. 103. Or.
+ and in other places, see Orellii Onom. Ind. Leg. p. 142.—German
+ Edition.
+
+Footnote 2:
+
+ Ch. viii. 3.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 3:
+
+ 1749.
+
+Footnote 4:
+
+ There is a story that Cicero, when going to Rhodes, consulted the
+ Delphian oracle concerning his life, and that the Pythia replied, that
+ he ought not to trouble himself about the opinion of others but always
+ to follow his own. If this be an invention, it was devised by a man of
+ profound penetration; if the Pythia said it, it is one of those cases
+ in which one feels tempted to believe in her inspiration.
+
+Footnote 5:
+
+ Lydus de Magistr. II, 6.—Germ. Edit.
+
+Footnote 6:
+
+ Lucan, Pharsal. I, 125.
+
+Footnote 7:
+
+ It is remarkable, that of Cæsar not one witty saying indeed is
+ recorded, whilst of Cicero an immense number are known, all of which
+ have a particular stamp, so that their genuineness is not to be
+ doubted.
+
+Footnote 8:
+
+ This unaccountable expression is found in the MSS., and therefore I
+ did not choose to suppress it. Milo was, as is well known, from
+ Lanuvium, and had been adopted into the family of the Annii; but in
+ fact he was sprung from the _gens Papia_. The epithet _Syllanian_
+ seems to refer to his marriage with Fausta, the daughter of the
+ dictator Sylla.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 9:
+
+ Servius on Virg. Æn. XI, 743.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 10:
+
+ This view is contradicted by Bunsen in his Description of the City of
+ Rome,—Vol. III, 2d div., p. 110.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 11:
+
+ 320 against 22. App. B. C. II, 30.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 12:
+
+ _V. Id. Sextil._ consequently on August 9th, according to the
+ _Kalendar. Amiternin._ in Foggini p. 112. 153. Not having access to
+ the book itself, I have borrowed the quotation from _Fischer’s
+ Römische Zeittafeln_, p. 278. Orelli (_Inscript._ II, p. 397) agrees
+ with it.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 13:
+
+ Licinus was a barber, an upstart who had amassed an immense fortune,
+ and had caused himself to be splendidly buried.
+
+Footnote 14:
+
+ When Dio Cassius, XLIII, 47, says, ὥστε καὶ ἐννακοσίους τὸ κεφάλαιον
+ αὐτῶν γενέσθαι, he does not mean by it a regularly fixed amount, but
+ an accidental maximum.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 15:
+
+ The same friendly affection Cicero had shown also to Virgil, of whom
+ he is said to have used the expression, _Magnæ spes altera Romæ_:
+ Virgil, at the death of Cicero, was twenty-six years old. (Donat. vit.
+ Virgil. XI.)
+
+Footnote 16:
+
+ The other prætorships were unimportant, their occupants being mere
+ chairmen of the courts of justice.
+
+Footnote 17:
+
+ Against Demosthenes also similar calumnies were uttered, and the lines
+ (Plut. Demosth. c. 30),
+
+ Εἴπερ ἴσην ῥώμην γνώμη, Δημόσθενες, εἶχες,
+ Οὔποτ’ ἂν Ἑλλήνων ἦρξεν Ἄρης Μακεδών,
+
+ have been misrepresented, as having reference to it.
+
+Footnote 18:
+
+ Posthumous Works, XIII, 68., “How little even the better men among
+ them (the Romans) understood what government means, may be seen from
+ the most absurd deed, which was ever done, even from the murder of
+ Cæsar.”
+
+Footnote 19:
+
+ Plut. Brut., c. 40.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 20:
+
+ See vol. I., p. 406.
+
+Footnote 21:
+
+ According to Cic. Brut. c. 64. and 94. Hortensius had made his first
+ speech in the consulship of L. Crassus, and Q. Scævola (657 according
+ to Cato), ten years before the birth of Brutus, who was therefore born
+ in 667, and as he died in 710, must have been in his forty-fourth
+ year. The other statement is that of Velleius Paterculus.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 22:
+
+ The ode
+
+ _O sæpe mecum tempus in ultimum
+ Deducte_
+ II, 7.
+
+ is to be dated either from the time when Domitius Ahenobarbus united
+ with Asinius Pollio (712), or more likely somewhat later, when Sextus
+ Pompey made peace with the triumvirs, 713, Horace being then
+ twenty-five years old. The punctuation in the edition of Lambinus is
+ incorrect in the passage
+
+ _Cum fracta virtus et minaces
+ Turpe solum tetigere mento._
+
+ There ought to be a comma after _minaces_, and a note of admiration
+ after _turpe_, which is not an adjective but an adverb, according to
+ the Horatian usage. The passage refers to those who in their flight
+ stumble and fall.
+
+Footnote 23:
+
+ De Orat. III, 12, 45.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 24:
+
+ I.,—7.
+
+Footnote 25:
+
+ In several manuscripts, there is here only a very short reference to
+ the Fasti Prænestini; but as these do not contain the month of August,
+ I conjecture that the _Kalendarium Amiterninum_ is meant (Orellii II,
+ p. 397), where it is stated, _Feriæ ex S. C. Q(uod) E(o) D(ie) Cæsar
+ Divi F. Rempublic(am) tristissim ... periculo liberat_.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 26:
+
+ Lammas day.
+
+Footnote 27:
+
+ Gell. XIV, 7, 8.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 28:
+
+ For details on the subject, see Strabo XVII, towards the end; Dio
+ Cassius, LIII, 12.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 29:
+
+ Conf. Plin. H. N. III, 4, 5.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 30:
+
+ Here there seems to be some mistake. The passage of Quintilian, X, 1,
+ 115, runs as follows, _Inveni qui Calvum præferrent omnibus, inveni
+ qui Ciceroni crederent, eum nimia contra se calumnia verum sanguinem
+ perdidisse: sed est et sancta et gravis oratio et custodita et
+ frequenter vehemens quoque_. On the other hand, in the _Dial. de
+ Orat._ c. 18. _Sunt enim (antiqui) horridi et impoliti et rudes, et
+ informes et quos utinam nulla parte imitatus esset Calvus vester, aut
+ Cælius, aut ipse Cicero!_ And _Legistis utique et Calvi et Bruti ad
+ Ciceronem missas epistolas, ex quibus facile est deprehendere, Calvum
+ quidem Ciceroni visum exsanguem et attritum—rursumque Ciceronem e
+ Calvo quidem male audivisse tanquam solutum et enervem_. In those
+ writings of Cicero which are still extant, there occur two larger
+ passages, _Brut._ c. 82, _Epist. ad Famil._ XV, 21, 5, where Calvus
+ indeed is judged with great leniency, but is certainly not spoken of
+ with unqualified praise.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 31:
+
+ Should Seneca perhaps be meant here? conf. Gell. XII, 2.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 32:
+
+ Weichert Poet. Lat. Rel. p. 361, not. 20.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 33:
+
+ Plin. Ep. I, 18.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 34:
+
+ Dio Cass. LXI, 20, LXIII, 8; but indeed in quite a different
+ meaning—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 35:
+
+ According to vol. I. p. 45. to his seventy-ninth.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 36:
+
+ Pro Cluentio, c. 56.
+
+Footnote 37:
+
+ Humboldt, in Adelung’s Mithridates, vol. IV. p. 351, &c.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 38:
+
+ I. 15.
+
+Footnote 39:
+
+ Here ended the winter lectures on Roman history, April 1st 1829. Those
+ which follow on the history of the emperors, were delivered in the
+ following summer one hour every week; which accounts sufficiently for
+ their greater conciseness—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 40:
+
+ Goethe’s Faust, Hayward’s Translation.—TRANSL.
+
+Footnote 41:
+
+ Basiliscus?—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 42:
+
+ This name is supplied by conjecture. N. very likely had said of the
+ sun and the moon: one MS. has “of Apollo and ...” (here follows an
+ illegible name). The emendation is correct beyond a doubt, according
+ to Descript. of Rome III, 1, 104.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 43:
+
+ Posthumous Works, vol. XIII. p. 68. “The Romans, from a narrow, moral,
+ easy, comfortable, bourgeois state had risen to the broad range of the
+ dominion of the world, without losing their narrow-mindedness.—To the
+ same source we may trace their luxury. Underbred men who acquire a
+ great fortune, will always make a ridiculous use of it: their
+ pleasures, their pomp, their profusion, will be absurd and overdone.
+ Hence also arises that fondness for the Strange, the Innumerable, the
+ Immense. Their theatres which turn round with the spectators; the
+ second population of statues, with which the town was thronged, as
+ well as the gigantic bowl in after times, in which the large fish was
+ to be kept entire, are all of the same origin: even the insolence and
+ cruelty of their tyrants mostly partakes of the absurd.”
+
+Footnote 44:
+
+ The so-called Marforio. See Descript. of the city of Rome, III, 1. p.
+ 138.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 45:
+
+ Plin. Ep. IV. 22.—Germ. Edit.
+
+Footnote 46:
+
+ Aurel. Vict. Imp. Rom. Epit. c. 12.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 47:
+
+ 195 palms, according to Platner in Bansen’s Description of the City of
+ Rome, III, 1. p. 289. 10 _Palmi_ = 99 Parisian Lines.—Conf. however,
+ on this matter, Platner and Urlich’s Description of Rome. Stuttg. and
+ Tüb. 1845, pp. 24, 25.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 48:
+
+ N. namely reads instead of _laudati essent, capitale fuisse_, laudati
+ capita_les_ fuis_sent_; and previously, in c. 1. instead of _at mihi
+ nunc_, at mihi nu_per_. See “Two classical Latin Writers of the Third
+ Century, P. C.” (_Kleine historische und philolog. Schriften_ I, p.
+ 331.)—Germ. Edit.
+
+Footnote 49:
+
+ Any one who writes High German, must feel that phrases and words are
+ wanting, for which the popular dialect has very apt expressions, only
+ they are not used in High German. This is most keenly felt by an
+ inhabitant of Lower Saxony, as in Upper Germany people write very
+ nearly as they speak.
+
+Footnote 50:
+
+ That is, from Bonn.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 51:
+
+ Alfieri, in one of his pieces, makes Pliny address a speech to Trajan
+ in which he calls upon him to restore the republic.
+
+Footnote 52:
+
+ Three months and six days, according to Dio Cassius.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 53:
+
+ Laurentum, according to Herodian I. 12. 1.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 54:
+
+ In Rome there is an amulet which has not been described before, a
+ silver plate with magic inscriptions, having on it the silver
+ candlestick of Jerusalem and the usual Christian monogram. It is in
+ Greek, mingled with quite barbarous words in an unintelligible
+ language. There is written on it, that he who wore this plate, was
+ sure of being in favour with gods and men. This medley of
+ Christianity, Judaism, and paganism, is of particularly frequent
+ occurrence in the beginning of the third century of the Christian era.
+
+Footnote 55:
+
+ In the dissertation “Two Classical Latin Authors of the Third Century,
+ P. C.” (Lesser Historical and Philological Writings, I. p. 321)—Germ.
+ Edit.
+
+Footnote 56:
+
+ One of the _Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ_ (Vit. Maximin. jun. c. 7.) is
+ as ignorant as to make Maximus and Pupienus two different persons.
+
+Footnote 57:
+
+ In Schmitz II, 320, this passage is given in the following version,
+ “if he had been a Bedouin, he could not have been enlisted in a Roman
+ legion, but would have remained in the cohorts of the _Ituræi_.” As my
+ sources already begin to be more scanty, and in the ancients
+ themselves very few notices are to be found, from which one might
+ arrive at a correct opinion, I feel particularly bound to quote here
+ this variation.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 58:
+
+ Schmitz has Jotapianus, whereas my MSS., one and all, give the right
+ version.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 59:
+
+ According to the _Fasti consulares_, C. Messius Quintus Trajanus
+ Decius.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 60:
+
+ In some MSS., Cassianius, which form Eckhel lays down as the correct
+ one.—Germ. Edit.
+
+Footnote 61:
+
+ The MSS. give Ælianus and Lælianus, both forms, as is well known,
+ being found of these names.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 62:
+
+ X, 9. Niebuhr, Two Classical Writers, &c. (Lesser Histor. and Philol.
+ Writings, I, p. 304. sqq).—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 63:
+
+ IV. 4.
+
+Footnote 64:
+
+ A mistake for Florianus, Quintilius being brother to Claudius
+ Gothicus.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 65:
+
+ Review (_Zeitschrift_) on Historical Jurisprudence. VI. 323. Conf. XI.
+ 20. Walter’s History of the Roman Law (_Römische Rechtsgeschichte_),
+ I. p. 483. 2d edition.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 66:
+
+ Apotheos. 450.
+
+Footnote 67:
+
+ Claudianus de tertio consul. Honorii 90.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 68:
+
+ Qy! Galiani!—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 69:
+
+ P. 765. Conf. Niebuhr’s preface to Merobaudes, p. x.—Germ. Edit.
+
+Footnote 70:
+
+ Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus in Gregorius Turonensis II, 8.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 71:
+
+ Conf. on this Godofredus’ Prosopography of the Codex
+ Theodosianus.—Germ. Edit.
+
+Footnote 72:
+
+ The words “on the banks of the Danube” are not in the MSS. I have
+ supplied them merely from conjecture.—Germ. Ed.
+
+Footnote 73:
+
+ Johannes, however, is not an exclusively Christian name. Johannes
+ Lydus certainly was an heathen.
+
+Footnote 74:
+
+ The reading Placidius has less authority for it, most of the coins on
+ monuments have Placidus.
+
+Footnote 75:
+
+ More correctly, _nephews_.—Germ. Ed.
+
+------------------------------------------------------------------------
+
+
+
+
+ TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
+
+
+ Page Changed from Changed to
+
+ 281 called _Princeps Saracenorum_ called _Princeps Saracenorum_
+ (from ‏شرق‎ to rise, ‏دشرق‎ (from ‏شرق‎ to rise, ‏مشرق‎
+
+ ● Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.
+ ● Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last
+ chapter.
+ ● Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
+ ● Enclosed blackletter font in =equals=.
+
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75732 ***
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