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Shuckburgh, M.A. + </title> + +<link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> + <style type="text/css"> + + p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + + p.tb { margin-top: 1.5em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; + } + + p.indent { margin-top: 0em; margin-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em; + text-align: left; + margin-bottom: 0em; + } +.vertb {vertical-align: bottom;} +.padl2 {padding-left: 2em;} + +.lowercase {text-transform: lowercase;} + + h1,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-left:5%; margin-right:5%;} + +h2 {text-align: center; clear: both; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-left:5%; margin-right:5%; font-size: 1em;} + +h3 {text-align: center; clear: both; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-left:5%; margin-right:5%; font-size: .8em;} + +h4 {text-align: center; clear: both; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em; + margin-left:5%; margin-right:5%; font-size: .8em;} + + hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: 33.5%; + margin-right: 33.5%; + clear: both; + } + + table {margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + + .left {text-align: left; width: 90%;} + .right {text-align: right; width: 10%;} + .f18 {font-size: 1.8em;} + body {margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + } + + .pagenum { position: absolute; + left: 92%; + font-size: .85em; + text-align: right;} + +.vh {visibility: hidden;} + + .sidenote {width: 25%; margin-right: .5em; + margin-top: .5em; text-align: center; + float: left; font-size: smaller; background: #eeeeee;} + +.title-page +{ + text-align: center; + page-break-before: always; + page-break-after: always; +} +.lowercase {text-transform: lowercase;} + +@media handheld +{ + + .sidenote {width: 25%; margin-right: .5em; display: block; + margin-top: .5em; text-align: center; + float: left; font-size: smaller; background: #eeeeee;} +} + +.padr10 {padding-left: 10%; } +.padr20 {padding-left: 20%; } + + .g {letter-spacing: 0.4em;} + + .center {text-align: center;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + + .figcenter {text-align: center;} + + .footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + .footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + .fnanchor {vertical-align: super; font-size: .7em; text-decoration: none;} + +.poetry-container +{ text-align: center; + } + +.poetry + { + display: inline-block; + text-align: left; + } + +.poetry .stanza +{ + margin: 0em 0em 0em 0em; +} + +.poetry .line +{ + margin: 0; font-size: .9em; + text-indent: -3em; + } + +.poetry .i04 {margin-left: -.4em;} +.poetry .i1 {margin-left: 1em;} + +.center { text-align: center; } + +.space-above { margin-top: 3em; } + +div.tnotes {background-color: #eeeeee; border: 1px solid black; padding: 1em;} +.covernote {visibility: hidden; display: none;} +@media handheld { + .covernote {visibility: visible; display: block;} +} + + </style> + + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +Project Gutenberg's The Histories of Polybius, Vol. I (of 2), by Polybius + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Histories of Polybius, Vol. I (of 2) + +Author: Polybius + +Contributor: Friedrich Otto Hultsch + +Translator: Evelyn Shirley Shuckburgh + +Release Date: November 8, 2013 [EBook #44125] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS, VOL I *** + + + + +Produced by Delphine Lettau, Turgut Dincer and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="tnotes"> + <p>Transcriber’s note:<br /><br /> + + This book was published in two volumes, of which this is the first. The second volume + was released as Project Gutenberg ebook #44126, available at + <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/44126">http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/44126</a>. + Where possible, references to the second volume in the text are linked to the version at Project Gutenberg.<br /><br /> + + Following entries in the Index in Vol. II. are erroneous, + as there is no Chapter 15 in Book XXXIV and no + Chapter 59 in Book VI.:<br /><br /> + + Sallentini, a tribe in Calabria. 34, 15, Rhyncus, + in Aetolia, 6, 59, Morini, a Gallic tribe, 34, 15, + Mauretania, 34, 15, Lugdunum, a town in Gaul, 34, + 15. and there are no references in the text + related to these entries.</p> + <p class="covernote">The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="title-page"> + +<h1><small>THE</small><br /><br /> + +HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS</h1> + +<p class="center space-above"><small>TRANSLATED FROM THE TEXT OF F. HULTSCH<br /><br /> + +<small>BY</small></small><br /> + +EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A.<br /> + +<small><small>LATE FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE</small></small></p> + +<p class="center space-above"><small><small>IN TWO VOLUMES<br /> + +VOL. I</small></small></p> + +<p class="center space-above"><b>London</b><br /> + +MACMILLAN AND CO.<br /> + +<small>AND NEW YORK<br /> + +1889</small></p> + +<p class="center space-above"><small><i>All rights reserved</i></small></p> + +<hr /> + +<p class="tb padr10"><small>TO</small></p> +<p class="tb padr20">F. M. S.</p> +<p class="tb"><small>IN GRATITUDE FOR MUCH PATIENT HELP</small></p> + +</div> + +<hr /> + +<h2>PREFACE</h2> + +<p><span class="smcap">This</span> is the first English translation of the complete +works of Polybius as far as they are now known. In +attempting such a task I feel that I ought to state +distinctly the limits which I have proposed to myself +in carrying it out. I have desired to present to +English readers a faithful copy of what Polybius +wrote, which should at the same time be a readable +English book. I have not been careful to follow the +Greek idiom; and have not hesitated to break up +and curtail or enlarge his sentences, when I thought +that, by doing so, I could present his meaning in more +idiomatic English. Polybius is not an author likely to +be studied for the sake of his Greek, except by a few +technical scholars; and the modern complexion of much +of his thought makes such a plan of translation both +possible and desirable. How far I have succeeded I +must leave my readers to decide. Again, I have not +undertaken to write a commentary on Polybius, nor to +discuss at length the many questions of interest which +arise from his text. Such an undertaking would have +required much more space than I was able to give: and +happily, while my translation was passing through the +press, two books have appeared, which will supply +English students with much that I might have felt +bound to endeavour to give—the Achaean league<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">viii</a></span> +by Mr. Capes, and the sumptuous Oxford edition of +extracts by Mr. Strachan-Davidson.</p> + +<p>The translation is made from the text of Hultsch +and follows his arrangement of the fragments. If this +causes some inconvenience to those who use the older +texts, I hope that such inconvenience will be minimised +by the full index which I have placed at the end of +the second volume.</p> + +<p>I have not, I repeat, undertaken to write a commentary. +I propose rather to give the materials for +commentary to those who, for various reasons, do not +care to use the Greek of Polybius. I have therefore in +the first five complete books left him to speak for +himself, with the minimum of notes which seemed +necessary for the understanding of his text. The case +of the fragments was different. In giving a translation +of them I have tried, when possible, to indicate the part +of the history to which they belong, and to connect +them by brief sketches of intermediate events, with full +references to those authors who supply the missing +links.</p> + +<p>Imperfect as the performance of such a task must, I +fear, be, it has been one of no ordinary labour, and has +occupied every hour that could be spared during several +years of a not unlaborious life. And though I cannot +hope to have escaped errors, either of ignorance or +human infirmity, I trust that I may have produced what +will be found of use to some historical students, in giving +them a fairly faithful representation of the works of an +historian who is, in fact, our sole authority for some +most interesting portions of the world’s history.</p> + +<p>It remains to give a brief account of the gradual +formation of the text of Polybius, as we now have it.</p> + +<p>The revival of interest in the study of Polybius was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">ix</a></span> +due to Pope Nicholas V (1447-1455), the founder of +the Vatican Library. Soon after his election he seems +to have urged Cardinal Perotti to undertake a Latin +translation of the five books then known to exist. +When Perotti sent him his translation of the first book, +the Pope thus acknowledges it in a letter dated 28th +August 1452:—<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a></p> + +<p class="tb">“<i>Primus Polybii liber, quem ad nos misisti, nuper a +te de Graeca in Latinam translatus, gratissimus etiam fuit +et jucundissimus: quippe in ea translatione nobis cumulatissime +satisfacis. Tanta enim facilitate et eloquentia +transfers, ut Historia ipsa nunquam Graeca, sed prorsus +Latina semper fuisse videatur. Optimum igitur ingenium +tuum valde commendamus atque probamus, teque hortamur +ut velis pro laude et gloria tua, et pro voluptate nimia +singulare opus inchoatum perficere, nec labori parcas. +Nam et rem ingenio et doctrina tua dignam, et nobis +omnium gratissimam efficies; qui laborum et studiorum +tuorum aliquando memores erimus.... Tu vero, si nobis +rem gratam efficere cupis, nihil negligentiae committas in +hoc opere traducendo. Nihil enim nobis gratius efficere +poteris. Librum primum a vertice ad calcem legimus, in +cujus translatione voluntati nostrae amplissime satisfactum +est.</i>”</p> + +<p class="tb">On the 3d of January 1454 the Pope writes again +to Perotti thanking him for the third book; and in a +letter to Torelli, dated 13th November 1453, Perotti +says that he had finished his translation of Polybius in +the preceding September. This translation was first +printed in 1473. The Greek text was not printed till +1530, when an edition of the first five books in Greek, +along with Perotti’s translation, was published at the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">x</a></span>Hague, <i>opera Vincentii Obsopaei</i>, dedicated to George, +Marquess of Brandenburg. Perotti’s translation was +again printed at Basle in 1549, accompanied by a Latin +translation of the fragments of books 6 to 17 by +Wolfgang Musculus, and reprinted at the Hague in 1598.</p> + +<p>The chief fragments of Polybius fall into two classes; +(1) those made by some unknown epitomator, who +Casaubon even supposed might be Marcus Brutus, who, +according to Plutarch, was engaged in this work in his +tent the night before the battle of Pharsalus. The +printing of these began with two insignificant fragments +on the battle between the Rhodians and Attalus against +Philip, Paris, 1536; and another <i>de re navali</i>, Basle, +1537. These fragments have continually accumulated +by fresh discoveries. (2) The other class of fragments +are those made by the order of Constantinus Porphyrogenitus +(911-959), among similar ones from other +historians, which were to be digested under fifty-three +heads or tituli; one of which (the 27th) has come down +to us, discovered in the sixteenth century, containing the +<i>selecta de legationibus</i>; and another (the 50th) <i>de virtute +et vitio</i>. The printing of the first of these begins with +the edition of Fulvius Ursinus, published at Antwerp in +1582. This was supplemented in 1634 (Paris) by an +edition by Valesius of <i>excerpta ex collectaneis Constantini +Augusti Porphyrogeneti</i>. The first edition of something +like a complete text of Polybius, containing the five +entire books, the <i>excerptae legationes</i>, and fragments of +the other books, was that of Isaac Casaubon, Paris, +1609, fo. It was accompanied by a new and very +brilliant Latin translation, and a preface which has +been famous among such works. It contains also a +Latin translation of Aeneas Tacticus. Altogether it is +a splendid book. Some additional <i>annotationes</i> of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">xi</a></span> +Casaubon’s were published after his death in 1617, +Paris.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> Other editions followed; that of Gronovius, +Amsterdam, 1670: of Ernesti, Leipsic, 1764, containing +Casaubon’s translation more or less emended, and +additional fragments. But the next important step in +the bibliography of Polybius was the publication of the +great edition of Schweighaeuser, Leipsic, 1789-1795, in +nine volumes, with a new Latin translation,—founded, +however, to a great extent on Casaubon,—a new +recension of the text, and still farther additions to the +fragments; accompanied also by an excellent Lexicon +and Onomasticon. This great work has been the +foundation from which all modern commentaries on +Polybius must spring. Considerable additions to the +fragments, collected from MSS. in the Vatican by +Cardinal Mai, were published in 1827 at Rome. The +chief modern texts are those of Bekker, 1844; Duebner +(with Latin translation), 1839 and 1865; Dindorf, +1866-1868, 1882 (Teubner). A new recension of the +five books and all the known fragments—founded on a +collation of some twelve MSS. and all previous editions, +as well as all the numerous works of importance on +our Author that have appeared in Germany and elsewhere—was +published by F. Hultsch, Berlin, 1867-1872, +in four volumes. This must now be considered +the standard text. A second edition of the first volume +appeared in 1888, but after that part of my translation +had passed through the press.</p> + +<p>Of English translations the earliest was by Ch. +Watson, 1568, of the first five books. It is entitled +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">xii</a></span><i>The Hystories of the most famous Cronographer Polybios; +Discoursing of the warres betwixt the Romanes and Carthaginenses, +a rich and goodly work, conteining holsome +counsels and wonderful devices against the inconstances +of fickle Fortune. Englished by C[hristopher] W[atson] +whereunto is annexed an Abstract, compendiously coarcted +out of the life and worthy Acts perpetrate by oure puissant +Prince King Henry the fift. London, Imprinted by +Henry Byneman for Tho. Hacket, 1568</i>, 8vo. See +Herbert’s <i>Ames</i>, p. 895. Another translation of the +five books was published by Edward Grimestone, +London, 1634, of which a second and third edition +appeared in 1648 and 1673. A translation of the +Mercenary War from the first book was made by Sir +Walter Raleigh, and published after his death in 1647 +(London, 4to). Next, a new translation of the five books +was published in London, 1693 (2 vols. 8vo), by Sir +H[enry] S[hears], with a preface by Dryden. In 1741 +(London, 4to) appeared “A fragment of the 6th book +containing a dissertation on government, translated from +the Greek of Polybius, with notes, etc., by A Gentleman.” +This was followed by the first English translation, which +contained any part of the fragments, as well as the five +books, by the Rev. James Hampton, London, 4to, 1756-1761, +which between that date and 1823 (2 vols., +Oxford) went through at least seven editions. Lastly, +a translation of Polybius’s account of Hannibal’s +passage of the Alps is appended by Messrs. Church +and Brodribb to their translation of Livy, 21-22. +There is a German translation by A. Haakh and Kraz, +Stuttgart, 1858-1875. And a French translation by +J. A. C. Buchon, Paris, 1842, Orléans, 1875. For the +numerous German essays and dissertations on the text, +and particular questions arising from the history, I must +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">xiii</a></span> +refer my readers to Engelmann’s <i>Bibliotheca</i>. In England +such studies are rare. Mr. Strachan-Davidson published +an essay on Polybius in Hellenica; and his edition of +extracts of the text (Oxford, 1888) contains several +dissertations of value. Mr. Capes (London, 1888) has +published an edition of extracts referring to the Achaean +league, with an introductory essay on the author and +his work. And a very admirable article on Polybius +appears in the recent edition of the <i>Encyclopædia +Britannica</i> by Mr. H. F. Pelham. There is also a good +paper on Polybius in the <i>Quarterly Review</i> for 1879, +No. 296. Criticisms on Polybius, and estimates of his +value as an historian, will be found in Thirlwall’s +<i>History of Greece</i>, vol. viii.; Arnold’s <i>History of Rome</i>; +Mommsen’s <i>History of Rome</i>, book iv. c. xiii.; Freeman’s +<i>History of Federal Government</i> and <i>Essays</i>; Bunbury’s +<i>Ancient Geography</i>, vol. ii. p. 16; Law’s <i>Alps of +Hannibal</i>. For the Roman side of his history, besides +the works mentioned by Mr. Strachan-Davidson, a good +list of the literature on the 2d Punic war is given by +Mr. W. T. Arnold in his edition of Dr. Arnold’s history +of that period [London, Macmillan, 1886].</p> + +<p>Finally, I have to express my warm thanks to Dr. +Warre, Head Master of Eton, for aiding me with his +unique knowledge of ancient and modern tactics in +clearing up many points very puzzling to a civilian. +To Mr. W. Chawner, Fellow and Tutor of Emmanuel +College, for reading part of the translation in proof, and +making valuable corrections and suggestions. And to +Professor Ridgway, of Queen’s College, Cork, for corrections +in the geographical fragments of book 34.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">xiv</a></span></p> + +<hr /> + +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + +<table width="100%" summary="CONTENTS"> +<tr> +<td class="left"> </td> +<td class="right"><span class="smcap">pages</span></td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="left"><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></td> +<td class="right"><a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>-lx</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td class="left"><span class="smcap">Books I to IX</span></td> +<td class="right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a>-602</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">xvii</a></span></p> + +<h2>INTRODUCTION</h2> + +<h3>I. POLYBIUS</h3> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fortune</span> cast the life of Polybius in stirring times. His +special claim to our admiration is that he understood the +importance in the history of the world of the changes which +were passing under his eyes, and exerted himself to trace the +events which immediately preceded them, and from which +they sprang, while it was yet possible to see and question +surviving participators in them; to examine places, before +they had lost all marks of the great events of which they had +been the scene; and records or monuments before time had +cast a doubt upon their meaning or authenticity. Nor is this +ordinary praise. Men are apt to turn their eyes upon the +past, as holding all that is worthy of contemplation, while +they fail to take note of history “in the making,” or to grasp +the importance of the transactions of their own day. But as +every year has its decisive influence on the years which +succeed it, the greatest benefactor of posterity is the man who +understands and records events as they pass with care and +sincerity. Laborious compilation, from the study and comparison +of ancient records and monuments, has its value: it +may often be all that it is possible to obtain; it may not unfrequently +even serve to correct statements of contemporaries +which have been deformed by carelessness or coloured by +prejudice. But the best compilation is infinitely inferior in +interest and instructiveness to the barest report of a contemporary. +And when such a man is also an eye-witness of +much that he relates; when he knew and conversed with +many of the chief actors in the great events which he records; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">xviii</a></span> +when again he tells us of transactions so remote in time, that +all written documents have necessarily perished, and those in +more durable bronze and stone all but followed in their train, +then indeed the interest rises to the highest pitch. Like +Herodotus and Thucydides, then, Polybius tells us of his own +times, and of the generations immediately preceding them. +It is true that the part of his work which has survived in a +complete form deals with a period before his own day, just as +the greater part of the history of Herodotus does, but in the +larger part of the fragments he is writing with even more complete +personal knowledge than Thucydides. He had, again, +neither the faculty for story-telling possessed by Herodotus +nor the literary and dramatic force of Thucydides. The +language which he spoke and wrote had lost the magic of style; +had lost the lucidity and grace of Sophocles, and the rugged +vigour and terseness of Thucydides. Nor had he apparently +acquired any of those artifices which, while they sometimes +weary us in the later rhetoricians, yet generally serve to make +their writings the easiest and pleasantest of reading. Equally +remote again is his style from the elaborate and involved +manner of Plutarch, with its huge compound words built up +of intricate sentences, more like difficult German than Greek. +Polybius had no tricks of this sort;<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> but his style lacks +logical order and clearness. It seems rather the language of +a man of affairs, who had had neither leisure to study style, +nor taste to read widely with a view to literature as such. +But after all it is Greek, and Greek that still retained its +marvellous adaptability to every purpose, to every shade of +thought, and every form of literature. Nor is his style in the +purely narrative parts of his work wanting in a certain force, +derived from singleness and directness of purpose. He +“speaks right on,” and turns neither to the right hand nor +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix">xix</a></span>the left. It is when he reflects and argues and moralises, that +his want of literary skill sometimes makes him difficult and +involved; and though the thought is essentially just, and his +point of view wonderfully modern, we continually feel the want +of that nameless charm which the Greeks called χάρις.</p> + +<p>His bent for historical composition was fortunately +encouraged by the circumstances of his life, which gave +Polybius special opportunities of satisfying his curiosity and +completing his knowledge. Not only was he the son of a man +who had held the highest office in the league, and so must have +heard the politics and history of Achaia discussed from his earliest +youth; not only from early manhood was he himself in the thick +of political business; but he knew the sovereigns of Egypt and +Pergamus, of Macedonia and Syria, and the Roman generals +who conquered the latter. He had visited a Roman camp and +witnessed its practical arrangements and discipline. And his +enforced residence of sixteen years in Italy and Rome was, by +the good fortune of his introduction to Aemilius Paullus and +his sons, turned into an opportunity of unrivalled advantage +for studying the laws, military discipline, and character of the +imperial people whose world conquest he chronicles. Unlike +his fellow-exiles, he did not allow his depressing circumstances +to numb his faculties, exasperate his temper, or deaden his +curiosity. He won the confidence of the leading men at +Rome; and seems, while pushing on his inquiries with untiring +vigour, to have used his influence for the benefit of his +countrymen, and of all Greek subjects of Rome.</p> + +<p>But, like so many of the writers of antiquity, he has had +no one to perform for him the service he had done for others +in rescuing their achievements and the particulars of their +career from oblivion. Of the many <i>testimonia</i> collected by +Schweighaeuser and others from ancient writers, scarcely one +gives us any details or anecdotes of the writer, whose work +they briefly describe or praise. We are reduced as usual to +pick out from his own writings the scattered allusions or +statements which help us to picture his character and career.</p> + +<p>Polybius of Megalopolis was the son of Lycortas, the friend +and partisan of Philopoemen, who had served the Achaean +league in several capacities: as ambassador to Rome in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx">xx</a></span> +<span class="sidenote">Birth of Polybius.</span> +along with Diophanes, on the question of the war with +Sparta,<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> and to Ptolemy Epiphanes in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 186, +<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> and finally as Strategus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 184-183. +Of the year of his birth we cannot be certain. +He tells us that he was elected to go on embassy from the +league to Ptolemy Epiphanes in the year of the death of that +monarch (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181), although he was below the legal age.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> +But we do not know for certain what that age was; although +it seems likely that it was thirty, that apparently being the age +at which a member of the league exercised his full privileges.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> +But assuming this, we do not know how much under that age +he was. Two years previously (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 183) he had carried the +urn at Philopoemen’s funeral. This was an office usually performed +by quite young men (νεανίσκοι)<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a>, probably not much +over twenty years old. As we know that he lived to write a history +of the Numantine war, which ended <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 133<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a>, and that he +was eighty-two at the time of his death<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a>, we shall not, I think, +be probably far wrong if we place his birth in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 203 and +his death in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 121 as Casaubon does, who notes that the +latter is just sixteen years before the birth of Cicero. But +though this is a good working hypothesis, it is very far from +being a demonstrated fact.</p> + +<p>Between <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181-168 he was closely allied with his father +in politics; and if we wish to have any conception of what he +was doing, it is necessary to form some idea of the state of +parties in the Peloponnese at the time.</p> + +<p>The crowning achievement of Philopoemen’s career had +been the uniting of Sparta to the Achaean league, after the +murder of the tyrant Nabis by the Aetolians who had come to +Sparta as his allies (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192). In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 191 the Achaeans +were allowed to add Messene and Elis to their league, as a +reward for their services to Rome in the war against Antiochus. +The Aetolian league, the chief enemy and opponent of +Achaia, was reduced to a state of humble dependence on +Rome in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189, after the defeat of Antiochus at Thermopylae +(<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 191) and the Aetolian war (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 191-189). From <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxi" id="Page_xxi">xxi</a></span>190 then begins the time during which Polybius says that the +“name of the Achaeans became the universal one for all the +inhabitants of the Peloponnese” (<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_42">42</a>). But though Sparta +was included in the league she was always a restive and dissatisfied +member; and the people of Elis and Messene, who +were not very willing members either, were told by Flamininus +that if they had any reason to complain of the federal government +they were to appeal to him.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Now, by a treaty of +alliance with Rome, decreed at Sikyon in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 198, it was +provided that Rome should receive no envoys from separate +states of the league, but only from the league itself.<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> Flamininus, +therefore, if he said what Livy reports him to have said, +was violating this treaty. And this will be a good instance to +illustrate the divisions of parties existing during the period of +Polybius’s active political life (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181-169). We have seen +that in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 198 the Achaean league became an ally of Rome +as a complete and independent state; that this state was +consolidated by the addition of Sparta (192) and Elis and +Messene (191) so as to embrace the whole of the Peloponnese; +that its chief enemy in Greece, the Aetolian league, +was rendered powerless in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 189. The Macedonian influence +in the Peloponnese had been abolished after the battle +of Cynoscephalae (197) by the proclamation of Greek freedom +by Flamininus (196). But all this seeming liberty and growth +in power really depended upon the favour of Rome, and was +continually endangered not only by the appeals to the Senate +from separate states in the league, who conceived themselves +wronged, but by treasonable representations of her own envoys, +who preferred a party triumph to the welfare and independence +of their country<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a>. In these circumstances, there were +naturally differences of opinion as to the proper attitude for +the league government to assume towards a state, which was +nominally an equal ally, but really an absolute master. +There was one party who were for submissively carrying +out the will of the Roman officers who from time to +time visited the Peloponnese; and for conciliating the +Senate by displaying a perpetual readiness to carry out its +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxii" id="Page_xxii">xxii</a></span>wishes, without putting forward in any way the rights which +the treaty of 198 had secured to them. The leaders of this +party, in the time of Philopoemen, were Aristaenos and +Diophanes. The other party, headed till his death by +Philopoemen, equally admitting that the Roman government +could not be safely defied, were yet for aiming at preserving +their country’s independence by strictly carrying out the terms +of the Roman alliance, and respectfully but firmly resisting +any encroachment upon those terms by the officers representing +the Roman government. On Philopoemen’s death (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +183) Lycortas, who had been his most devoted follower, took, +along with Archon, the lead of the party which were for carrying +out his policy; while Callicrates became the most prominent +of the Romanising party. Lycortas was supported by his son +Polybius when about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 181 he began to take part in politics. +Polybius seems always to have consistently maintained this +policy. His view seems to have been that Rome, having crushed +Philip and Antiochus, was necessarily the supreme power. The +Greeks must recognise facts; must avoid offending Rome; but +must do so by keeping to a position of strict legality, maintaining +their rights, and neither flattering nor defying the victorious +Commonwealth. He believed that the Romans meant fairly +by Greece, and that Greek freedom was safe in their hands<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a>. +But the straightforward policy of the Senate, if it was ever +sincere, was altered by the traitor Callicrates in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 179; +who, being sent to Rome to oppose what the league thought +the unconstitutional restitution of certain Spartan exiles, advised +the Senate to use the Romanising party in each state to +secure a direct control in Achaia<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a>. Acting on this insidious +advice, the Roman government began to view with suspicion +the legal and independent attitude of the other party, and to +believe or affect to believe that they were enemies of the +Roman supremacy. Lycortas, Archon, and Polybius, finding +themselves the objects of suspicion, not less dangerous because +undeserved, to the Roman government, appear to have +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxiii" id="Page_xxiii">xxiii</a></span>adopted an attitude of reserve, abstaining from taking an +active or prominent part in the business of the assemblies. +This, however, did not succeed in averting Roman jealousy; +and the commissioners, Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius, +who visited the Peloponnese in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169, gave out that those +who held aloof were as displeasing to the Senate as those who +openly opposed it. They were said to have resolved on +formally impeaching the three statesmen before the Achaean +assembly as being enemies of Rome; but when the assembly +met at Aegium, they had failed to obtain any reasonable +handle against them, and contented themselves with a speech +of general exhortation.<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> This was during the war with Perseus, +when the Romans kept a vigilant eye on all parts of +Greece, and closely inquired which politicians in the several +states ventured to display the least sympathy with the +Macedonian king, or were believed to secretly nourish any wish +for his success. It speaks strongly both for the independent +spirit still surviving in the league, as well as for the character +of Archon and Polybius, that they were elected, apparently +in the same assembly, the one Strategus and the other +Hipparch for the year <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169-168.<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> In this office Polybius +doubtless hoped to carry out the principles and discipline of +Philopoemen, under whom he had probably served in the +cavalry, and whose management of this branch of the service +he had at any rate minutely studied.<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> But there was little +occasion for the use of the Achaean cavalry in his year. +Being sent on a mission to Q. Marcius Philippus at Heracleia +to offer the league’s assistance in the war with Perseus, when +their help was declined, he remained behind after the other +ambassadors had returned, to witness the campaign.<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> After +spending some time in the Roman camp, he was sent by +Q. Marcius to prevent the Achaeans from consenting to supply +five thousand men to Appius Claudius Cento in Epirus. This +was a matter of considerable delicacy. He had to choose +between offending one or the other powerful Roman. But he +conducted the affair with prudence, and on the lines he had +always laid down, those, namely, of strict legality. He found +the Achaean assembly in session at Sicyon; and he carried +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxiv" id="Page_xxiv">xxiv</a></span>his point by representing that the demand of Appius Claudius +did not bear on the face of it the order of the Senate, without +which they were prohibited from supplying the requisitions of +Roman commanders.<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> He thus did not betray that he was +acting on the instigation of Quintus Marcius, and put himself +and the league in an attitude of loyalty toward the Senate.<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> +In the same cautious spirit he avoided another complication. +Certain complimentary statues or inscriptions had been put +up in various cities of the league in honour of Eumenes, king +of Pergamus, and on some offence arising had been taken +down. This seems to have annoyed Eumenes exceedingly; +and Polybius persuaded the people that it had been ordered +by Sosigenes and Diopeithes, as judges, from feelings of +personal spite, and without any act of Eumenes unfriendly to +the league. He carried his point, and thus avoided offending +a king who at that time was on very friendly terms with +Rome.<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> But while thus minded to avoid unnecessary offence, +Polybius and his party were in favour of strengthening the +league by alliances which could be entered upon with safety. +Egypt at this time was under the joint government of two +Ptolemies, Philometor and Physcon, who were being threatened +with an invasion by Antiochus Epiphanes. The friendship +of the league with the kings of Egypt had been of long +standing, as far back as the time of Aratus; and though that +friendship had been afterwards interrupted by the Macedonian +policy of Aratus, just before his death the father of these kings +had presented the league with ten ships and a sum of money. +The two kings now sent to beg for aid; and asked that +Lycortas should come as commander-in-chief, and Polybius as +hipparch. Lycortas and Polybius were in favour of supplying +the assistance asked.<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> But the measure was opposed by +Callicrates and his partisans, on the specious ground that their +whole efforts should be directed to aid the Romans against +Perseus. Lycortas and Polybius replied that the Romans did +not require their help; and that they were bound, by gratitude, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxv" id="Page_xxv">xxv</a></span>as well as by treaty, to help the Ptolemies. They carried with +them the popular feeling: but Callicrates outwitted them by +obtaining a dispatch from Q. Marcius, urging the league to +join the senate in effecting a reconciliation between Antiochus +and the kings of Egypt. Polybius gave in, and advised compliance. +Ambassadors were appointed to aid in the pacification; +and the envoys from Alexandria were obliged to depart +without effecting their object. They contented themselves +with handing in to the magistrates the Royal letters, in which +Lycortas and Polybius were invited by name to come to +Alexandria.<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a></p> + +<p>Careful, however, as he had ever been to avoid giving just +offence to Rome, he and his party had long <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167.</span> +been marked by the Senate as opponents of +that more complete interference in the details of Achaean +politics which it wished to exercise. This was partly owing to +the machinations of Callicrates; but it was also the result of +the deliberate policy of the Senate: and it was doubtless helped +by the report of every Roman officer who had found himself +thwarted by the appeal to legality, under the influence of the +party in the league with which Polybius was connected.<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> +Accordingly, soon after the final defeat of Perseus by Aemilius +Paulus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168, and the consequent dismemberment of +Macedonia, the Senate proceeded to execute its vengeance +upon those citizens in every state in Greece who were believed +to have been opposed to the Roman interests. The commissioners +entrusted with the settlement and division of Macedonia +were directed to hold an inquiry into this matter also. From +every city the extreme partisans of Rome were summoned to +assist them, men who were only too ready to sacrifice their +political opponents to the vengeance of the power to which +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxvi" id="Page_xxvi">xxvi</a></span>they had long been paying a servile and treacherous court. +From Boeotia came Mnasippus; from Acarnania, Chremes; +from Epirus, Charops and Nicias; from Aetolia, Lyciscus and +Tisippus; and from Achaia, Callicrates, Agesias, and Philippus.<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> +Instigated by these advisers, the commissioners ordered the +supposed covert enemies of Rome in the several states to +proceed to Italy to take their trial. To Achaia two commissioners, +Gaius Claudius and Gnaeus Domitius, were sent. +An Achaean assembly being summoned to meet them, they +announced that there were certain men of influence in the +league who had helped Perseus by money and other support. +They required that a vote should be passed condemning them +all to death; and said that, when that was done, they would +publish the names. Such a monstrous perversion of justice +was too much for the assembly, who refused to vote until they +knew the names. The commissioners then said that all the +Strategi who had been in office since the beginning of the war +were involved. One of them, Xeno, came forward, declared +his innocence, and asserted that he was ready to plead his +cause before any tribunal, Achaean or Roman. Upon this the +commissioners required that all the accused persons should +go to Rome. A list of one thousand names was drawn up, under +the guidance of Callicrates, of those who were at once to proceed +to Italy<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 167). The court of inquiry, before which they +were to appear, was never held. They were not allowed even +to stay in Rome, but were quartered in various cities of Italy, +which were made responsible for their safe custody: and there +they remained until <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 151, when such of them as were still +alive, numbering then somewhat less than three hundred, were +contemptuously allowed to return.<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> Among these detenus was +Polybius. We do not hear that Lycortas was also one, from +which it has been with some probability supposed that he was +dead. More fortunate than the rest, Polybius was allowed to +remain at Rome. He had made, it seems, the acquaintance of +Aemilius Paulus and his two sons in Macedonia, and during +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxvii" id="Page_xxvii">xxvii</a></span>the tour of Aemelius through Greece after the Macedonian war.<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> +And on their return to Italy he was allowed by their influence to +remain in Rome; and, acting as tutor to the two boys,<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> became +well acquainted with all the best society in the city. The +charming account which he gives<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> of the mutual affection +existing between him and the younger son of Aemilius (by +adoption now called Publius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus) +bears all the marks of sincerity, and is highly to the credit +of both. To it we may add the anecdote of Plutarch, that +“Scipio, in observance of the precept of Polybius, endeavoured +never to leave the forum without having made a close friend of +some one he met there.”</p> + +<p>But much as he owed to the friendship of the sons of +Aemilius, he owed it also to his own energy and cheerful +vigour that these sixteen years of exile were not lost time in his +life. He employed them, not in fruitless indulgence in homesickness, +or in gloomy brooding over his wrongs, but in a careful +and industrious study of the history and institutions of the +people among whom he was compelled to reside<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a>; in ingratiating +himself with those members of the Senate who he thought +might be useful to his countrymen; and in forming and +maturing his judgment as to the course of policy they ought to +pursue. Nor was he without means of gratifying lighter tastes. +He was an active sportsman: and the boar-hunting in the district +of Laurentum not only diverted his attention from the +distressing circumstances of his exile, and kept his body in +vigorous health, but obtained for him the acquaintance of many +men of rank and influence. Thus for instance his intimacy +with the Syrian prince Demetrius, afterwards king Demetrius +Soter, was made in the hunting-field<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a>: and the value which +this young man attached to his advice and support is some +measure of the opinion entertained generally of his wisdom, +moderation, and good judgment. We have no further details +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxviii" id="Page_xxviii">xxviii</a></span>of his life in Rome; but we have what is better,—its fruits, +in the luminous account of its polity, the constitution of its +army, and the aims of its statesmen.</p> + +<p>At last the time came when he was once more free to visit +his own country, or to extend his knowledge by <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 151. +Release of the +detenus.</span> +visiting the countries which he wished to +describe. After repeated applications to the +Senate by embassies from Achaia, made without avail, in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +151 Polybius appeared in person to plead the cause before the +Fathers. There was now, it was thought, no reason for retaining +these unfortunate men. The original thousand had shrunk +to less than three hundred; middle-aged men had become in +sixteen years old and decrepit; they had lost connexions and +influence in the Peloponnese; they had learnt by bitter experience +the impossibility of resisting the power of Rome, and +were no longer likely to venture on organising any opposition. +Their longer detention could only be a measure of vengeance, +and useless vengeance. Still the debate in the Senate was long +and doubtful, until it was brought to a conclusion by the contemptuous +exclamation of Cato: “Are we to sit here all day +discussing whether some old Greek dotards are to be buried +by Italian or Achaean undertakers?” Polybius, elated by a +concession thus ungraciously accorded, wished to enter the +Senate once more with a further request for a restitution of +their property in Achaia. But Cato bluntly bade him “remember +Ulysses, who wanted to go back into the cave of the Cyclops +to fetch his cap and belt.”<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a></p> + +<p>Polybius seems to have returned to the Peloponnese at +once, and to have remained there until <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149, <span class="sidenote">Coss. L. Marcius +Censornius, +Manius Manilius, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149. +Polybius sent +for to +Lilybaeum.</span> +when he was suddenly summoned to serve the +government whose enforced guest he had been +so long. It was the year in which the Senate +had determined to commence their proceedings +against Carthage, which were not to be stayed +until she was levelled with the ground. In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 150 the +victory of Massanissa had restored the oligarchs, who had been +superseded by the popular anti-Roman party in Carthage. These +men hastened to make every possible offer of submission to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxix" id="Page_xxix">xxix</a></span>Rome. The Senate had made up its mind for war; and yet did +not at once say so. After demanding that full satisfaction should +be made to Massanissa, it next decreed that the Carthaginians +must at once give three hundred of their noblest youths as +hostages to the Roman consuls Manilius and Censorinus, who +had sailed to Lilybaeum with secret orders to let no concession +induce them to stop the war until Carthage was destroyed.<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> +There was naturally some hesitation in obeying this demand +at Carthage; for the hostages were to be given to the Romans +absolutely without any terms, and without any security. They +felt that it was practically a surrender of their city. To overcome +this hesitation Manilius sent for Polybius, perhaps +because he had known and respected him at Rome, and believed +that he could trust him; perhaps because his well-known +opinion, as to the safety in trusting the Roman <i>fides</i>, might +make him a useful agent. But also probably because he was +known to many influential Carthaginians, and perhaps spoke +their language.<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> He started for Lilybaeum at once. But +when he reached Corcyra he was met with the news that the +hostages had been given up to the consul: he thought, therefore, +that the chance of war was at an end, and he returned to +the Peloponnese.<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a></p> + +<p>He must soon have learnt his mistake. The Consul, in +accordance with his secret instructions,—first to secure the +arms in Carthage, and then to insist on the destruction of the +town,—gradually let the wretched people know the extent of +the submission required of them. These outrageous demands +resulted in the Carthaginians taking the desperate resolution +of standing a siege. Censorinus and his colleague accordingly +began operations; but they were not capable of so great an +undertaking. The eyes of the whole army were turned upon +Scipio Aemilianus, who was serving as a military tribune. The +siege lingered through the summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148 without any +result; and when in the autumn Scipio left for Rome, to stand +for the Aedileship, he started amidst loud expressions of hope +that he might return as Consul, though below the legal age.<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxx" id="Page_xxx">xxx</a></span></p> + +<p>The loss of so much of Polybius’s narrative at this point leaves +us uncertain when he arrived in Africa: but as he met and conversed +with Massanissa,<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> who died in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148, it seems likely +that he did join the army after all in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149. At any rate +he was in Scipio’s train in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147-146, when he was in chief +command of the army, first as consul, and then as proconsul; +advised him on sundry points in the formation of +his siege works; stood by his side when Carthage was burning; +and heard him, as he watched the dreadful sight, utter +with tearful eyes the foreboding of what might one day befall +Rome.<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> Scipio is also said to have supplied him with ships +for an exploring expedition round the coast of Africa;<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> and +it seems most likely that this was in his year of consulship +(147), as after the fall of Carthage Polybius went home.</p> + +<p>The destruction of Carthage took place in the spring of +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146. When Scipio went back to celebrate his triumph, +Polybius seems to have returned to the Peloponnese, there to +witness another act of vengeance on the part of Rome, and to +do what he could to lighten the blow to his countrymen, and +to preserve the fragments of their shattered liberties.</p> + +<p>Among the restored Achaean exiles were Diaeus, Damocritus, +Alcamenes, Theodectes, and Archicrates. They had +returned with feelings embittered by their exile; and without +any of the experience of active life, which might have taught +them to subordinate their private thirst for revenge to the +safety of their country. Callicrates died in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148, and Diaeus +was Strategus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149-148, 147-146. The appearance of +the pseudo-Philip (Andriscus) in Macedonia, and the continued +resistance of Carthage during his first year of office (148), encouraged +him perhaps to venture on a course, and to recommend +the people to adopt a policy, on which he would otherwise +not have ventured. Troubles arising out of a disgraceful +money transaction between the Spartan Menalchidas, Achaean +Strategus, and the Oropians, who had bribed him to aid them +against the Athenians, had led to a violent quarrel with Callicrates, +who threatened to impeach him for treason to the league +in the course of an embassy to Rome. To save himself he gave +half the Oropian money to Diaeus, his successor as Strategus +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxi" id="Page_xxxi">xxxi</a></span> +(<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149-148). This led to a popular clamour against Diaeus: +who, to save himself, falsely reported that the Senate had +granted the Achaeans leave to try and condemn certain Spartans +for the offence of occupying a disputed territory. Sparta was +prepared to resist in arms, and a war seemed to be on the +point of breaking out. Callicrates and Diaeus, however, were +sent early in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148 to place the Achaean case before the +Senate, while the Spartans sent Menalchidas. Callicrates +died on the road. The Senate heard, therefore, the two sides +from Diaeus and Menalchidas, and answered that they would +send commissioners to inquire into the case. The commissioners, +however, were slow in coming; so that both Diaeus +and Menalchidas had time to misrepresent the Senate’s answer +to their respective peoples. The Achaeans believed that they +had full leave to proceed according to the league law against +the Spartans; the Spartans believed that they had permission +to break off from the league. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 148.</span> +Once more, +therefore, war was on the point of breaking +out.<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Just at this time Q. Caecilius Metellus was in Macedonia +with an army to crush Andriscus. He was sending +some commissioners to Asia, and ordered them to visit the +Peloponnese on their way and give a friendly warning. It +was neglected, and the Spartans sustained a defeat, which +irritated them without crushing their revolt. When Diaeus +succeeded Damocritus as Strategus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147.</span> +he answered a second embassy from Metellus +by a promise not to take any hostile steps until the Roman +commissioners arrived. But he irritated the Spartans by +putting garrisons into some forts which commanded Laconia; +and they actually elected Menalchidas as a Strategus in +opposition to Diaeus. But finding that he had no chance of +success Menalchidas poisoned himself.<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a></p> + +<p>Then followed the riot at Corinth.<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> Marcus Aurelius +Orestes at the head of a commission arrived at last at Corinth, +and there informed the magistrates in council that the league +must give up Argos, Corinth, and Sparta. The magistrates +hastily summoned an assembly and announced the message +from the Senate; a furious riot followed, every man in +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxii" id="Page_xxxii">xxxii</a></span> +Corinth suspected of being a Spartan was seized and thrown +into prison; the very residence of the Roman commissioners +was not able to afford such persons any protection, and even +the persons of Orestes and his colleagues were in imminent +danger.</p> + +<p>Some months afterwards a second commission arrived +headed by Sextus Julius Caesar, and demanded, without any +express menace, that the authors of the riot should be given up. +The demand was evaded; and when Caesar returned to Rome +with his report, war was at once declared.</p> + +<p>The new Strategus, elected in the autumn of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147, was +Critolaus. He was a bitter anti-Romanist like +Diaeus: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 147-146.</span> +and these statesmen and their party +fancied that the Romans, having already two wars on hand, at +Carthage and in Spain, would make any sacrifice to keep peace +with Achaia. They had not indeed openly declined the demands +of Sextus, but, to use Polybius’s expressive phrase, “they +accepted with the left hand what the Romans offered with the +right.”<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> While pretending to be preparing to submit their case +to the Senate, they were collecting an army from the cities of +the league. Inspired with an inexplicable infatuation, which +does not deserve the name of courage, Critolaus even advanced +northwards towards Thermopylae, as if he could with his petty +force bar the road to the Romans and free Greece. He was +encouraged, it was said, by a party at Thebes which had suffered +from Rome for its Macedonising policy. But, rash as the +march was, it was managed with at least equal imprudence. +Instead of occupying Thermopylae, they stopped short of it to +besiege Trachinian Heracleia, an old Spartan colony,<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> which +refused to join the league. While engaged in this, Critolaus +heard that Metellus (who wished to anticipate his successor +Mummius) was on the march from Macedonia. He beat a +hasty retreat to Scarpheia in Locris,<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> which was on the road +leading to Elateia and the south; here he was overtaken and +defeated with considerable slaughter. Critolaus appears not to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxiii" id="Page_xxxiii">xxxiii</a></span>have fallen on the field; but he was never seen again. He was +either lost in some marshes over which he attempted to escape, +as Pausanias suggests, or poisoned himself, as Livy says. +Diaeus, as his predecessor, became Strategus, and was elected +for the following year also. Diaeus exerted himself to collect +troops for the defence of Corinth, nominally as being at +war with Sparta. He succeeded in getting as many as +fourteen thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry, consisting +partly of citizens and partly of slaves; and sent +four thousand picked men under Alcamenes to hold +Megara, while he himself occupied Corinth. When Metellus +approached, however, this outpost at Megara hastily retreated +into Corinth. Metellus took up his position in the Isthmus, +and offered the Achaeans the fairest terms. Diaeus, however, +induced them to reject all offers; and Metellus was kept some +time encamped before Corinth.</p> + +<p>It was now late in the spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146, and the new +Consul, Lucius Mummius, arrived at the Roman +camp. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146. +Arrival of +Mummius.</span> +He at once sent Metellus back to +Macedonia, and quietly awaited the arrival of +fresh troops, which he had sent for from Crete and Pergamum, +as well as from Italy.<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> He eventually had an army of about +thirty thousand men, nearly double of the Greek army in +Corinth. Nothing apparently was done till the late summer, or +autumn. But then the final catastrophe was rapid and complete. +The Roman officers regarded the Achaean force with such +contempt, that they did not take proper precautions, so that +Diaeus won a slight advantage against one of the Roman +outposts. Flushed with this success, he drew out for a pitched +battle, in which he was totally defeated. He made his way to +Megalopolis, where, after killing his wife, he poisoned himself.</p> + +<p>Thus by a series of imprudent measures, which Polybius +denounces, but was not at home to oppose, the Achaean league +had drifted into downright war with Rome; and, almost without +a struggle, had fallen helplessly at her feet, forced to accept +whatever her mercy or contempt might grant. Mercy, however, +was to be preceded by stern punishment. Corinth was given +up to plunder and to fire, and Polybius returned from Africa in +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxiv" id="Page_xxxiv">xxxiv</a></span> +time to witness it.<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> The destruction or deportation of works of +art, of pictures, statues, and costly furniture, he +could not prevent; <span class="sidenote">Polybius saves +some statues of +national interest.</span> +but he spoke a successful +word to preserve the statues of Philopoemen +in the various cities from destruction; and also begged successfully +for the restoration of some of the Eponymous hero +Achaeus, and of Philopoemen and Aratus, which had already +been transported as far as Acarnania on their way to Italy.<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> +He also dissuaded his friends from rushing to take their share +in the plunder by purchasing the confiscated goods of Diaeus, +which were put to auction and could be bought at low rates; +and he refused to accept any of them himself.<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">51</a></p> + +<p>The settlement of the territories of the league was put into +the hands of a commission of ten men who +were sent out after the sack of Corinth; <span class="sidenote">The new settlement +of the Peloponnese, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146-145.</span> +while +Mummius, after seeing that such towns in the +Peloponnese as had joined in the war were +deprived of their fortifications and arms, and after inflicting +punishment upon other towns in Greece which had shown +active sympathy with Perseus, especially Thebes and Chalcis, +returned home to celebrate his triumph, which was adorned +with marble and bronze statues and pictures from Corinth.<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> +The commissioners who had been sent out to make a final settlement +of Greece, or Achaia, as it was henceforth to be called in +official language, settled the general plan in conjunction with +Mummius; but the commissioners continued their labours +for six months, at the end of which time they departed, leaving +Polybius to settle with each town the details of their local +legislation. The general principles which the commissioners +laid down were first, the entire abolition of all the leagues, and +consequently of the league assemblies; each town, with its +surrounding district, which had once formed a canton in the +league, was to be separate and independent: its magistrates, +secondly, were to be selected according to a fixed assessment +of property, the old equality or democracy being abolished: +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxv" id="Page_xxxv">xxxv</a> +</span>thirdly, no member of one canton might own property in +another: fourthly, the Boeotians were ordered to pay a heavy +compensation to the Heracleots and Euboeans, and the +Achaeans to the Spartans: lastly, a fixed tribute to Rome +was imposed on all states in Greece.<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> Some of these measures +were in a few years’ time relaxed, the fines were mitigated, +the rule against inter-possession of property was abolished, and +the league assemblies were again allowed for certain local +purposes. But this was the end of the league as a free +federation. It is often said that “Greece was now reduced +to the form of a Roman province under the name of Achaia.” +This is true in a sense, and yet is misleading. Achaia did +not become a province like the other provinces, yearly allotted +to a proconsul or propraetor or legatus, until the time of +Augustus. Such direct interference from a Roman magistrate +as was thought necessary was left to the governor of Macedonia.<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> +Yet in a certain sense Achaia was treated as a +separate entity, and had a “formula,” or constitution, founded +on the separate local laws which the commissioners found +existing, or imposed, with the help of Polybius, on the several +states; it paid tribute like other provinces, and was in fact, +though called free, subject to Rome.</p> + +<p>Polybius performed his task of visiting the various towns +in the Peloponnese, explaining when necessary the meaning of +the new arrangements, and advising them, when they had to +make others for themselves, so much to the satisfaction of +every one, that there was a universal feeling that he had been +a benefactor to his country, and had made the best of their +situation that could be made. Statues of him are mentioned +by Pausanias in several places in the Peloponnese: in Mantinea<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> +and at Megalopolis,<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> with an inscription in elegiacs to the +effect that “he had travelled over every land and sea; was an +ally of the Romans, and mitigated their wrath against Greece.” +Another in the temple of Persephone, near Acacesium,<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> under +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxvi" id="Page_xxxvi">xxxvi</a></span>which was a legend stating that “Greece would not have erred +at all if she had obeyed Polybius; and that when she did err, +he alone proved of any help to her.” There were others also +at Pallantium,<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> Tegea,<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> and Olympia.<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">60</a></p> + +<p>In these services to his country Polybius was occupied in +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 145. Of his life after that we have no detailed record. +He is believed to have visited Scipio while engaged on the +siege of Numantia (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 134-132), on which he wrote a separate +treatise.<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> We know also that he visited Alexandria in the +reign of Ptolemy Physcon (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146-117), and expressed +his contempt for the state of the people and their rulers.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> +These years must have been also much occupied with the +extension of his history, which he originally intended should +end with the fall of the Macedonian kingdom (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168),<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> but +which was afterwards continued to the fall of Carthage and +Greece (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146);<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> for even if the history had been completed +up to its originally intended limit, and the notice of extension +afterwards inserted, there still was enough to do to occupy +some years of a busy life; especially as he seems to have +carried out his principle that an historian ought to be a +traveller, visiting the localities of which he speaks, and testing +by personal inspection the possibility of the military evolutions +which he undertakes to describe. His travels appear certainly +to have embraced the greater part of Gaul, and it even seems +possible from one passage that he visited Britain.<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> His explorations +on the African coast were doubtless extensive, and +he appears to have visited Phoenicia, Cilicia, and Asia Minor. +We hear of him at Sardis, though we cannot fix the date of +the visit.<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> Lastly, Lucian tells us that, “returning from the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxvii" id="Page_xxxvii">xxxvii</a></span> +country, he had a fall from his horse, from the effects of which +he died at the age of eighty-two.” No place is given, and no +clue which may help us to be certain of the date.<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> Polybius, +besides the general history, had written a treatise on Tactics,<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> +a panegyric on Philopoemen,<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> a history of the Numantine +war,<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> and perhaps a treatise on public speaking (δημηγορία).<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">71</a></p> + +<h3>§ 2.—THE SOURCES OF POLYBIUS’S HISTORY</h3> + +<p>Polybius always maintains that the study of documents is +only one, and not the most important, element in the equipment +of an historian. The best is personal experience and +personal inquiry.</p> + +<p>Of the sources of his own history, then, the first and best +<span class="sidenote">Personal +knowledge.</span> +may be set down as knowledge acquired by +being actually present at great events, such as the +destruction of Carthage and the sack of Corinth; +visits to the Roman army in camp; assisting at actual debates +in his own country; personal knowledge of and service under +men of the first position in Achaia; personal visits to famous +localities; voyages and tours undertaken for the definite object +of inspection and inquiry; and, lastly, seeing and questioning +the survivors of great battles, or the men who had played a +leading part in conspicuous political transactions.</p> + +<p>From his earliest youth Polybius had enjoyed some special +advantages in these respects. As he himself says, “the events +in Greece fell within his own generation, or that immediately +preceding his own,—and he therefore could relate what he +had seen, or what he had heard from eye-witnesses” (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_2">2</a>). +And of the later period he “was not only an eye-witness, but +in some cases an actor, and in others the chief actor” (<b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_4">4</a>). +When he was probably under twenty we hear of his being present +at an important interview between Philopoemen and Archon;<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> +and his election as hipparch in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 169, soon after he reached +the legal age, was in consequence of his having thrown himself +with vigour into the practical working of the cavalry under +Philopoemen. In regard to Roman history and polity, we +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxviii" id="Page_xxxviii">xxxviii</a></span>have Cicero’s testimony that he was <i>bonus auctor in primis</i>,<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> and +more particularly in regard to chronology, <i>quo nemo fuit in +exquirendis temporibus diligentius</i>.<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> Nor is this praise undeserved, +as is shown by his energy in pushing minute and +personal inquiries. Thus he learnt the details of the Hannibalic +war from some of the survivors of those actually engaged; +visited the localities, and made the pass of the Alps used +by Hannibal;<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> studied and transcribed the stele or bronze +tablet placed by Hannibal on the Lacinian promontory;<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> +travelled through Libya, Spain, Gaul, and the seas which +washed their shores (perhaps even as far as Britain), in order to +give a true account of them.<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> Conversed with Massanissa on +the character of the Carthaginians, as well as with many of the +Carthaginians themselves.<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> Carefully observed Carthagena.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> +Inspected the records at Rhodes,<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> and the Archives at Rome;<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> +and studied and transcribed the treaties preserved there.<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> +Visited Sardis,<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> Alexandria,<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> and Locri Epizephyrii.<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> To +this, which is by no means an exhaustive account of his travels +and inquiries, may be added the fact that his intimacy with +the younger Africanus, grandson by adoption and nephew by +marriage of the elder Scipio, must have placed at his disposal +a considerable mass of information contained in the family +archives of the Scipios, as to the Hannibalian war, and especially +as to the campaigns in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">86</a></p> + +<p>Such were some of the means by which Polybius was +enabled to obtain accurate and trustworthy information.</p> + +<p>It remains to inquire how far Polybius availed himself of +<span class="sidenote">Use of previous +writers by +Polybius.</span> +the writings of others. He looks upon the +study of books as an important part of an historian’s +work, but, as we have seen, not the +most important. His practice appears to have been conformable +to his theory. The greater part of his information +he gained from personal observation and personal inquiry. +Nevertheless, some of his history must have been learnt from +books, and very little of it could have been entirely independent +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxix" id="Page_xxxix">xxxix</a></span> +of them. Still, as far as we have the means of judging +from the fragments of his work that have come down to us, +his obligations to his predecessors are not as extensive as that +of most of those who wrote after him; nor is the number of +those to whom he refers great.<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a></p> + +<p>Of his preliminary sketch contained in books 1 and 2, +<span class="sidenote">The Punic wars.</span> +the first book, containing the account of the first +Punic war and the Mercenary war, appears to +have been derived mainly from the writings of Fabius Pictor +(b. circ. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 260), and Philinus of Agrigentum (contemporary +and secretary of Hannibal). He complains that they were +violent partisans, the one of Rome, the other of Carthage.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> +But by comparing the two, and checking both by documents +and inscriptions at Rome, he, no doubt, found sufficient material +for his purpose.</p> + +<p>The second book contains an account of the origin of the +<span class="sidenote">Illyrians and +Gauls.</span> +war between Rome and Illyricum; of the +Gallic or Celtic wars from the earliest times; +and a sketch of Achaean history to the end of the Cleomenic +war. The first two of these must have been compiled +with great labour from various public documents and +family records, as well as in part from Pictor. The sketch of +<span class="sidenote">Achaia.</span> +Achaean history rested mainly, as far as it +depends on books, on the Memoirs of Aratus; +while he studied only to refute the writings of Phylarchus the +panegyrist of Cleomenes. He complains of the partiality of +Phylarchus: but in this part of the history it was perhaps +inevitable that his own views should have been coloured by +the prejudices and prepossessions of a politician, and one who +had been closely connected from boyhood with the patriotic +Achaean party, led by Philopoemen, which was ever at enmity +with all that Cleomenes did his utmost to establish.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xl" id="Page_xl">xl</a></span></p> + +<p>For his account of Sicilian affairs he had studied the works +<span class="sidenote">Sicilian history.</span> +of Timaeus of Tauromenium. Although he +accuses him bitterly, and at excessive length,<a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> +of all the faults of which an historian can be guilty, he yet confesses +that he found in his books much that was of assistance +to him<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> in regard both to Magna Graecia and Sicily; for which +he also consulted the writings of Aristotle, especially it appears +the now lost works on Polities (πολιτείαι), and Founding of +Cities (κτίσεις). The severity of his criticism of Timaeus is +supported by later authors. He was nicknamed ἐπιτίμαιος, in +allusion to the petulance of his criticism of others;<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> and +Plutarch attacks him for his perversion of truth and his foolish +and self-satisfied attempts to rival the best of the ancient writers, +and to diminish the credit of the most famous philosophers.<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">92</a></p> + +<p>As far as we possess his writings, we find little trace in +<span class="sidenote">Greek history.</span> +Polybius of a reference to the earliest historians. +Herodotus is not mentioned, though there may +be some indications of acquaintance with his work;<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> nor the +Sicilian Philistus who flourished about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 430. Thucydides +is mentioned once, and Xenophon three times. Polybius was +engaged in the history of a definite period, and had not much +occasion to refer to earlier times; and perhaps the epitomator, +in extracting what seemed of value, chose those parts especially +where he was the sole or best authority.</p> + +<p>For the early history of Macedonia, he seems to have relied +<span class="sidenote">Macedonia.</span> +mostly on two pupils of Isocrates, Ephorus of +Cumae and Theopompus of Chios; though +the malignity of the latter deprived his authority of much +weight.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> He also studied the work of Alexander’s friend and +victim, Callisthenes; and vehemently assailed his veracity, as +others have done. More important to him perhaps were the +writings of his own contemporaries, the Rhodians Antisthenes +and Zeno; though he detects them in some inaccuracies, +which in the case of Zeno he took the trouble to correct: +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xli" id="Page_xli">xli</a></span>and of Demetrius of Phalerum, whose writings he seems to +have greatly admired.</p> + +<p>For the contemporary history of Egypt and Syria he seems +<span class="sidenote">Egypt and Syria.</span> +to have trusted principally to personal inquiry. +He expressly (<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_37">37</a>) declines entering on the +early history of Egypt on the ground of its having been fully +done by others (referring, perhaps, to Herodotus, Manetho, +and Ptolemy of Megalopolis). For the Seleucid dynasty of +Syria he quotes no authorities.</p> + +<p>On no subject does Polybius seem to have read so widely +<span class="sidenote">Geography.</span> +as on geography: doubtless as preparing himself +not only for writing, but for being able to +travel with the knowledge and intelligence necessary to enable +him to observe rightly. He had studied minutely and criticised +freely the writings of Dicaearchus, Pytheas, Eudoxus, +and Eratosthenes. He was quick to detect fallacies in these +writers, and to reject their dogmatising on the possibilities of +nature; yet he does not seem to have had in an eminent degree +the topographical faculty, or the power of giving a graphic +picture of a locality. Modern research has tended rather to +strengthen than weaken our belief in the accuracy of his +descriptions, as in the case of Carthagena and the site of the +battle of Cannae; still it cannot be asserted that he is to be +classed high in the list of topographers, whether scientific or +picturesque.</p> + +<p>He appears to have been fairly well acquainted with the +<span class="sidenote">General Literature.</span> +poets; but his occasions for quoting them, as +far as we have his work, are not very frequent. +He seems to have known his Homer, as every Greek was +bound to do. He quotes the Cypria of Stasinus, who, according +to tradition, was son-in-law of Homer; Hesiod, Simonides +of Ceos, Pindar, Euripides, and Epicharmus of Cos. He +quotes or refers to Plato, whom he appears chiefly to have +studied for his political theories; and certain technical writers, +such as Aeneas Tacticus, and Cleoxenos and Democlitus, +inventors of a new system of telegraphy, if they wrote it rather +than taught it practically.</p> + +<p>Even allowing for the loss of so great a part of his work, +the list of authors is not a long one: and it suggests the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlii" id="Page_xlii">xlii</a></span> +remark, which his style as well as his own professions tend to +confirm, that he was not primarily a man of letters, but a man +of affairs and action, who loved the stir of political agitation, +and unbent his mind by the excitement of travel and the +chase. Nothing moves his contempt more than the idea of +Timaeus living peaceably for fifty years at Athens, holding +aloof from all active life, and poring over the books in the +Athenian libraries as a preparation for writing history; which, +according to him, can only be worth reading when it springs, +not from rummaging Record offices, but from taking a personal +share in the political strife of the day; studying military tactics +in the camp and field; witnessing battles; questioning the +actors in great events; and visiting the sites of battles, the cities +and lands which are to be described.</p> + +<h3>§ 3. THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">95</a></h3> + +<p>To the student of politics the history of Greece is chiefly +interesting as offering examples of numerous small states enjoying +complete local autonomy, yet retaining a feeling of a +larger nationality founded in a community of blood, language, +and religion; a community, that is, in the sense that, fundamentally +united in these three particulars, they yet acknowledged +variations even in them, which distinguished without +entirely separating them. From some points of view the experiment +may be regarded as having been successful. From others +it was a signal failure. Local jealousies and mutual provocations +not only continually set city against city, clan against +clan, but perpetually suggested invitations sent by one city, +or even one party in a city, to foreign potentates or peoples to +interfere in their behalf against another city or party, which +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xliii" id="Page_xliii">xliii</a></span>they hated or feared, but were too weak to resist. Thus we +find the Persians, Macedonians, Syrians, and Romans successively +induced to interfere in Greek politics with the assurance +that there were always some states, or some party in each state, +who would welcome them. From time to time men of larger +views had conceived the idea of creating a united Empire of +Hellas, which might present an unbroken front to the foreigner. +From time to time philosophers had preached the impossibility +of combining complete local independence with the idea of a +strong and vigorous nationality. But the true solution of the +problem had never been successfully hit upon: and after various +abortive attempts at combination, Greece was left, a helpless +collection of disjointed fragments, to fall under the intrigues +of Macedonia and Rome.</p> + +<p>The Achaean league was not the first attempt at such a +formation; though it was the first that ever arrived at anything +like a complete scheme of federalism (unless the Aetolian +preceded it); and was in many respects a fresh departure in +Hellenic policy, and the first experiment in federation which +seemed to contain the elements of success. From the +earliest times certain Greek states had combined more or less +closely, or loosely, for certain specific purposes. Such were +the various Amphictyonies, and especially the Amphictyonic +league of Thermopylae and Delphi. The object of these was +primarily religious: the worship of a particular deity, the care +of a particular temple; the first condition of membership being +therefore community of blood. But though this was the +origin of their being, there were elements in their constitution +which might have developed into some form of federalism, +had it not been for the centrifugal forces that always tended to +keep Greek states apart. Thus we can conceive the idea of the +Pylagorae from the various states gradually giving rise to the +notion of a central parliament of elected representatives; and +the sphere of its activity gradually extending to matters purely +political, beginning with those which were on the borderland +of religion and politics. And, indeed, the action of the great +Amphictyonic league at times seemed to be approaching this.<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">96</a></p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xliv" id="Page_xliv">xliv</a></span></p> + +<p>But the forces tending to decentralisation were always the +stronger: and though the league continued to exist for many +centuries, it became less and less political, and less and less +influential in Greece. So too with other combinations in +Greece. The community (τὸ κοινὸν) of the Ionians, beginning +with a common meeting for worship at the Panionium, on one +memorable occasion at least seemed for a brief space to +promise to develop into a federation for mutual succour and +defence. In the Ionian revolt in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 500, the deputies +(πρόβουλοι) of the Ionian states met and determined to combine +against the enemy; they even went so far as to appoint +a common general or admiral. But the instinct of separation +was too strong; at the first touch of difficulty and hardship +the union was resolved into its elements.<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">97</a></p> + +<p>The constitution of the Boeotian league was somewhat +more regular and permanent. The Boeotarchs appear to have +met at regular intervals, and now and again to have succeeded +in mustering a national levy. There were also four regularly +constituted “Senates” to control them, though we know +nothing of their constitution.<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> But the league had come to +nothing; partly from the resistance of the towns to the overweening +pretensions of Thebes, and later from the severity of +the treatment experienced by it at the hands of Alexander and +his successors.</p> + +<p>Thessaly, again, was a loose confederacy of towns or cantons, +in which certain great families, such as the Aleuadae and +Scopadae, held the direction of their local affairs; or some +tyrannus, as Alexander of Pherae, obtained sovereign powers. +Still, for certain purposes, a connexion was acknowledged, and +a Tagus of Thessaly was appointed, with the power of summoning +a general levy of men. For a short time prior to the +Roman conquest these officers appear to have gained additional +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlv" id="Page_xlv">xlv</a></span> +importance; but Thessaly never was united enough to +be of importance, in spite of its famous cavalry, even among +Greek nations, far less to be capable of presenting a firm +front to the foreigner.</p> + +<p>One other early attempt at forming something like a Panhellenic +union ought to be noticed. When the Persian invasion +of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 480 was threatening, deputies (πρόβουλοι) met at the +Isthmus, sat there in council for some months, and endeavoured +to unite Greece against the foreigner.<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> But the +one expedition which was sent solely by their instigation +proved a failure.<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> And when the danger was over, principally +by the combined exertion of Athens and Sparta, this council +seems to have died a natural death. Still for a time it acted +as a supreme parliament of Greece, and assumed the power +to punish with fine or death those Greeks who had medised.<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">101</a></p> + +<p>Besides these rudimentary leagues, which might, but did +not, issue in some form of Panhellenic government, there were +periods in Greek history in which the Hegemone of one state +did something towards presenting the appearance of union. +Thus Polycrates of Samos seemed at one time to be likely to +succeed in forming a great Ionian Empire. And in continental +Greece, before the Persian wars, we find Sparta occupying +the position of an acknowledged court of reference in +international questions,<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">102</a>—a position in which she probably +had been preceded by Argos. And after those wars, by +means of the confederacy of Delos, formed at first for one +specific purpose—that of keeping the Aegean free of the +Persians—Athens gradually rose to the position of an imperial +city, claiming active control over the external politics of a +considerable portion of Greece and nearly all the islands (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +478-404). But this proved after all but a passing episode in +Greek history. Athens perhaps misused her power; and Sparta +took up the task with great professions, but in a spirit even +less acceptable to the Greek world than that of Athens; and +by the peace of Antalcidas (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 387) the issue of the hundred +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlvi" id="Page_xlvi">xlvi</a></span> +years’ struggle with Persia left one of the fairest portions of +Hellas permanently separated from the main body. Asiatic +Greece never became Hellenic again. The fall of the Persian +empire before the invasion of Alexander for a while reunited +it to a semi-Greek power; but Alexander’s death left it a prey +to warring tyrants. It lost its prosperity and its commerce; +and whatever else it became, it was never independent, or really +Hellenic again.</p> + +<p>For a few years more Sparta and then Thebes assumed to +be head of Greece, but the Macedonian supremacy secured at +Chaeronea (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 338), still more fully after the abortive Lamian +war (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 323), left Greece only a nominal freedom, again and +again assured to it by various Macedonian monarchs, but +really held only on sufferance. The country seemed to settle +down without farther struggle into political insignificance. +The games and festivals went on, and there was still some +high talk of Hellenic glories. But one after another of the +towns submitted to receive Macedonian garrisons and governors; +and Athens, once the brilliant leader in national aspirations, +practically abandoned politics, and was content to enjoy +a reputation partly founded on her past, and partly on the +fame of the philosophers who still taught in her gardens and +porches, and attracted young men from all parts of the world to +listen to their discourses, and to sharpen their wits by the acute +if not very useful discussions which they promoted.<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> Sparta, +far from retaining her old ascendency, had been losing with it +her ancient constitution, which had been the foundation of +her glory, as well perhaps as in some respects the source of +her weakness; and for good or evil had ceased to count for +much in Hellenic politics.</p> + +<p>In the midst of this general collapse two portions of the +Hellenic race gradually formed or recovered some sort of +united government, which enabled them to play a conspicuous +part in the later history of Greece, and which was essentially +different from any of the combinations of earlier times of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlvii" id="Page_xlvii">xlvii</a></span>which I have been speaking. These were the Aetolians and +Achaeans.</p> + +<p>With regard to the former our information is exceedingly +<span class="sidenote">Aetolian league.</span> +scanty. They were said to have been an emigration +from Elis originally;<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> but they were +little known to the rest of Greece. Strange stories were told +of them, of their savage mode of life, their scarcely intelligible +language, their feeding on raw flesh, and their fierceness as +soldiers. They were said to live in open villages, widely +removed from each other, and without effective means of +combination for mutual protection. Their piracies, which were +chiefly directed to the coasts of Messenia, caused the Messenians +to seize the opportunity of Demosthenes being in their +neighbourhood in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 426, with a considerable Athenian army, +to persuade him to invade the Aetolians, who were always on +the look-out to attack Naupactus, a town which the Athenians +had held since <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 455,<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> and which was naturally an object +of envy to them as commanding the entrance to the Corinthian +gulf. But when Demosthenes attempted the invasion, +he found to his cost that the Aetolians knew how to combine, +and he had to retire beaten with severe loss.<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> The separate +tribes in Aetolia seem soon afterwards to have had, if they +had not already, some form of central government; for we find +them negotiating with Agesilaus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 390, with the same +object of obtaining Naupactus,<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> when the Athenians had lost +it, and it had fallen into the hands of the Locrians.<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> The +Aetolians appear to have gradually increased in importance: +for we find Philip making terms with them and giving them +the coveted Naupactus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 341, which had at some time +previous come into the possession of the Achaeans.<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> But +their most conspicuous achievement, which caused them to +take a position of importance in Greece, was their brilliant +defeat of the invading Gauls at Delphi in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 279.<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> By this +time their federal constitution must in some shape have +been formed. The people elected a Strategus in a general +meeting, usually held at Thermus, at the autumn equinox, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlviii" id="Page_xlviii">xlviii</a></span> +to which apparently all Aetolians were at liberty to come, +and at which questions of peace and war and external politics +generally were brought forward; though meanwhile the Strategus +appears to have had the right of declaring and carrying on war +as he chose. There was also a hipparch and a secretary +(<b>21</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b21_22">22</a>); and a senate called Apocleti (<b>20</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b20_1">1</a>); and a body +called <i>Synedri</i> (<i>C. I. G.</i> 2350), which seem to have been +judicial, and another called <i>Nomographi</i> (<b>13</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b13_1">1</a>, <i>C. I. G.</i> +3046), who were apparently an occasional board for legislation. +They produced some writers, but their works are lost. +Accordingly, as Professor Mahaffy observes, “we know them +entirely from their enemies.” Still the acknowledged principle +on which they acted, ἄγειν λάφυρον ἀπὸ λαφύρου<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a>—that is, that +where spoils were going, whether from friend or foe, they +were justified in taking a part, speaks for itself, and is enough +to stamp them as at least dangerous and unpleasant neighbours.</p> + +<p>The Achaeans have a different and more interesting <span class="sidenote">Achaean league.</span> +history.</p> + +<p>The original Achaean league consisted of a federation of +twelve cities and their respective territory (μέρος): Pellene, +Aegira, Aegae, Bura, Helice, Aegium, Rhypes, Patrae, Pharae, +Olenus, Dyme, Tritaea.<a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> This league was of great antiquity, +but we know nothing of its history, or how it differed from +other leagues, such as I have already mentioned, in adding +political to religious unity. In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 454 it submitted to Athens; +but was restored to its original position in the same year on the +signing of the thirty years’ truce between Sparta and Athens;<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> +and though the Athenians demanded that their authority over +it should be restored to them in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 425, when they had +caught the Spartan army at Sphacteria, no change appears +to have been made.<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> Thucydides certainly seems to speak +of it, not as entirely free, but as in some special manner +subject to the supremacy of Sparta. Polybius, however, +claims for them, at an early period, a peculiar and honourable +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlix" id="Page_xlix">xlix</a></span>place in Greek politics, as being distinguished for probity and +honour. Thus they were chosen as arbitrators in the intestine +of Magna Graecia (about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 400-390); and again, +after the battle of Leuctra (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 371) to mediate between +Sparta and Thebes.<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> They must therefore, between <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 425-390, +have obtained a virtual independence. They shared, +however, in the universal decline of Hellenic activity during +the Macedonian period (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 359 to about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 285), and +Polybius complains that they were systematically depressed by +the intrigues of Sparta and Macedonia; both which powers +took care to prevent any Achaean of promising ability from +attaining influence in the Peloponnese.<a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> The same influence +was exerted to estrange the Achaean cities from each other. +They were garrisoned by Macedonian troops, or fell under the +power of tyrants; and to all appearance the league had fared +as other such combinations had fared before, and had been +resolved into its original elements.</p> + +<p>But the tradition of the old union did not die out entirely. +Eight of the old cities still existed in a state of +more or less vigour. <span class="sidenote">Revival of the +league, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 284-280.</span> +Olenus and Helice had +long ago disappeared by encroachments of the +sea (before <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 371), and their places had not been filled up +by others. Two other towns, Rhypes and Aegae, had from +various causes ceased to be inhabited, and their places had +been taken in the league (before the dissolution) by Leontium +and Caryneia. There were therefore ten cities which had once +known the advantages and disadvantages of some sort of federal +union; as well as the misfortunes which attached to disunion, +aggravated by constant interference from without.</p> + +<p>The first step in an attempt to resuscitate the league was +taken in the 124th Olympiad (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 284-280). Macedonia +was at the time weakened by the troubles of a disputed succession: +Pyrrhus was absorbed in his futile Italian expedition: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 284. +First union of +Dyme, Patrae, +Tritaea, Pharae.</span> +a change in the sovereign of Egypt opened a +way to a possible change of policy at Alexandria: +and the death of Lysimachus gave the monarchs +something else to do than to trouble themselves +about the Peloponnese. At this period four of the Achaean +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_l" id="Page_l">l</a></span> +towns, Dyme, Patrae, Tritaea, and Pharae, formed a league +for mutual help. <span class="sidenote">Adherence of +Aegium, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 279.</span> +This proving, after a trial of five years, to +have some stability, it was joined by Aegium, +from which the Macedonian garrison was expelled. +At intervals, of which we are not informed, +this was again joined by Bura and Caryneia. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 279-255.</span> +These +seven cities continued to constitute the entire +league for twenty-five years; the federal magistrates +consisting of two Strategi, elected by each city in turns, +and a secretary. As to the doings of the league during this +period we are entirely in the dark. <span class="sidenote">Margos of +Caryneia first sole +Strategus, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 255.</span> +The next +step that we hear of is the abolition of the dual +presidency and the election of Margos of +Caryneia as sole Strategus. We are not told +the reasons of the change; but it is clear that a divided command +might often give room for delay, when delay was fatal; +and for the conflict of local interests, where the interests of the +community should be the paramount consideration. At any +rate the change was made: and Margos, who had been a loyal +servant of the league, was the first sole Strategus. His +immediate successors we do not know. The next fact in the +history of the league was the adherence of Sicyon, a powerful +town and the first of any, not in the number of the old +Achaean federation, to join. This therefore was a great step in +the direction of extending the federation over the Peloponnese; +and it was the work of the man destined to do much in moulding +the league into the shape in which it attained its greatest +effectiveness, Aratus of Sicyon. He found it weak; its cities +poor and insignificant; with no aid from rich soil or good +harbourage to increase its wealth or property;<a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> he left it, not +indeed free from serious dangers and difficulties,—in part the +result of his own policy in calling in the aid of the Macedonians, +in part created by the persistent hostility of Aetolia +and Sparta,—but yet possessed of great vitality, and fast becoming +the most powerful and influential of all the Greek +governments; although at no time can it be spoken of as +Panhellenic without very considerable exaggeration. Aratus +had been brought up in exile at Argos, after the murder of his +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_li" id="Page_li">li</a></span>father Cleinias (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 271); and, when twenty years of age, by a +gallant and romantic adventure, had driven out the tyrant +Nicocles from Sicyon (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 251). He became the chief magistrate +of his native town, which he induced to join the Achaean +league, thus causing, as I have said, the league to take its +first step towards embracing all the Peloponnese. It seems that +for five years Aratus remained chief magistrate of Sicyon, but +a private citizen of the league. In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 245 (though of the +exact year we have no positive information), he appears to +have been first elected Strategus of the league. But it was +not until his second year of office, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 243-242, that he began +putting in practice the policy which he proposed to himself,—the +expulsion of the Macedonian garrisons and the despots +from the cities of the Peloponnese, with the view of their joining +the league. He began with the Acrocorinthus. Corinth, +freed from the foreign garrison, joined the league, and was +followed soon after by Megara<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 240). From this time +Aratus was Strategus of the league in alternate years to the +time of his death, the federal law not allowing two consecutive +years of office.<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a></p> + +<p>The death of Antigonus Gonatas (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 239) led to a new +departure. Hitherto the Aetolians had been in league with +the Macedonians to vex and harry the Achaeans. The two +leagues now made peace, and the Aetolians aided the +Achaeans in their resistance to Gonatas’s successor, Demetrius +(<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 239-229). Still the despots in many of the Peloponnesian +towns held out, trusting to the support of Demetrius. +When he died (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229) there was a general movement among +them to abdicate and join their cities to the league. Lydiades +of Megalopolis had done so during Demetrius’s lifetime; and +now Aristomachus of Argos, Xeno of Hermione, and Cleonymus +of Phlius did the same. The rapid extension of the Achaean +league, however, could not fail to excite the jealousy of the +Aetolians, to whose league belonged certain Arcadian cities +such as Mantinea, Tegea, and Orchomenus. These they +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lii" id="Page_lii">lii</a></span>imagined to be threatened by the policy of Aratus, which was +apt to proceed on the line that even a forcible attachment of a +Peloponnesian town to the league was in reality a liberation of +its people from a constraining power. The Spartan jealousy was +aroused by the same fear. And then, as Polybius puts it, the +Aetolians connived at the extension of Spartan power, even at +the expense of cities in league with themselves, in order to +strengthen Cleomenes in his attitude of opposition to the +Achaeans.<a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> Aratus, however, resolved to wait for some +definite act of hostility before moving. This was supplied by +Cleomenes building a fort (the Athenaeum) at Belbina, in the +territory of Megalopolis, a league city. <span class="sidenote">Cleomenic war, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 227-221.</span> +Upon +this the league necessarily proclaimed war with +Sparta. Thus does Polybius, a warm friend of +the league, state the case in its behalf. The league, he argues, +had been growing by the voluntary adherence of independent +towns: it had shown no sign of an intention to attack Laconian +territory, or towns in league with Aetolia: while Cleomenes +had committed an act of wanton aggression and provocation by +building a hostile fort in its territory. But what the other side +had to say may be gathered from Plutarch’s life of Cleomenes, +founded principally on the work of Phylarchus the panegyrist +of Cleomenes.<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> Here the case is put very differently. +Aratus, according to him, had made up his mind that a union +of the Peloponnesus was the one thing necessary for the safety +of the league. In a great measure he had been already successful; +but the parts which still stood aloof were Elis, Laconia, +and the cities of Arcadia which were under the influence of +Sparta.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> He therefore harassed these last by every means +in his power; and the erection or fortification of the Athenaeum +at Belbina by Cleomenes was in truth only a measure of necessary +defence. Aratus, indeed, held that some of these Arcadian +cities had been unfairly seized by Cleomenes, with the connivance +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_liii" id="Page_liii">liii</a></span> +of the Aetolians;<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> but to this Cleomenes might reply +that, if the league claimed the right of extending its connexion +with the assent, often extorted, of the various cities annexed, +the same right could not justly be denied to himself. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 226-221.</span>A series +of military operations took place during the next +five years, in which Cleomenes nearly always +got the better of Aratus; who, able and courageous in plots +and surprises, was timid and ineffective in the field. The one +important blow struck by Aratus, that of seizing Mantinea, +was afterwards nullified by a counter-occupation of it by the +Lacedaemonians; and in spite of troubles at home, caused by +his great scheme of reform, Cleomenes was by <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 224 in so +superior a position that he could with dignity propose terms to +the league. He asked to be elected Strategus, therefore.<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> +At first sight this seemed a means of effecting the desired +union of the Peloponnese; and as such the Achaeans were inclined +to accept the proposal. Aratus, however, exerted all +his influence to defeat the measure: and, in spite of all his +failures, his services to the league enabled him to convince his +countrymen that they should reject the offer; and he was himself +elected Strategus for the twelfth time in the spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +223. Aratus has been loudly condemned for allowing a +selfish jealousy to override his care for the true interests of his +country, in thus refusing a prospect of a united Achaia, in which +some one besides himself should be the leading man.<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> But I +think there is something to be said on the other side. What +Aratus had been working for with a passionate eagerness was +a union of free democratic states. Cleomenes, in spite of his +liberal reforms at home, was a Spartan to the back bone. +Aratus would have no manner of doubt that a league, with +Sparta supreme in it, would inevitably become a Spartan kingdom. +The forces of Sparta would be used to crush dissenting +cities; and soon to put down the free institution which would +always be disliked and feared by the Spartan government. Security +from Macedonian influence, if it were really obtained,—and +that was far from certain,—would be dearly purchased at the +price of submission to Spartan tyranny, which would be more +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_liv" id="Page_liv">liv</a></span>galling and oppressive in proportion as it was nearer and more +unremitting. With these views Aratus began to turn his eyes +to the Macedonian court, as the only possible means of resisting +the encroaching policy of Cleomenes. The character of +Antigonus Doson, who was then administering Macedonia, +gave some encouragement to hope for honest and honourable +conduct on his part; and after some hesitation Aratus took +the final step of asking for his aid.<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> I do not expect to carry +the assent of many readers when I express the opinion that he +was right; and that the Greek policy towards Macedonia had +been from the first a grievous error,—fostered originally by the +patriotic eloquence of Demosthenes, and continued ever since by +that ineradicable sentiment for local autonomy which makes +Greek history so interesting, but inevitably tended to the political +annihilation of Greece. Had some <i>modus vivendi</i> been +found with the series of very able sovereigns who ruled Macedonia, +a strong Greek nation might have been the result, with a +central government able to hold its own even in the face of the +great “cloud in the West,” which was surely overshadowing +Greek freedom. But this was not to be. The taste for local +freedom was too strong; and showed itself by constant appeals +to an outside power against neighbours, which yet the very +men who appealed to it would not recognise or obey. The +Greeks had to learn that nations cannot, any more than individuals, +eat their cake and have it too. Local autonomy, and +the complete liberty of every state to war with its neighbours +as it chooses, and of every one to speak and act as he pleases, +have their charms; but they are not compatible with a united +resistance to a great centralised and law-abiding power. And +all the eloquence of all the Greek orators rolled into one could +not make up for the lack of unity, or enable the distracted +Greeks to raise an army which might stand before a volley of +Roman pila or a charge of Roman legionaries.</p> + +<p>The help asked of Antigonus Doson was given with fatal +readiness; but it had to be purchased by the admission of a +Macedonian garrison into the Acrocorinthus, one of those +“fetters of Greece,” the recovery of which had been among +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lv" id="Page_lv">lv</a></span>Aratus’s earliest and most glorious triumphs. The battle of +Sellasia (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 221) settled the question of Spartan influence. +Cleomenes fled to Alexandria and never returned. Sparta +was not enslaved by Antigonus; who on the contrary professed +to restore her ancient constitution,—probably meaning +that the Ephoralty destroyed by Cleomenes was to be reconstituted, +and the exiles banished by him recalled. Practically +she was left a prey to a series of unscrupulous tyrants who one +after the other managed to obtain absolute power, Lycurgus +(<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-210), Machanidas, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 210-207; Nabis, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 207-192; +who, though differing in their home administrations, all +agreed in using the enmity of the Aetolians in order to harass +and oppress the Achaeans in every possible way.</p> + +<p>Aratus died in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 213. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 213. +Death of Aratus.</span> +The last seven years of his life +were embittered by much ill success in his +struggles with the Aetolians; and by seeing +Philip V., of whose presence in the Peloponnese +he was the main cause, after rendering some brilliant +services to the league, both in the Peloponnese and the invasion +of Aetolia, develop some of the worst vices of the +tyrant; and he believed himself, whether rightly or wrongly, +to be poisoned by Philip’s order: “This is the reward,” he +said to an attendant when he felt himself dying, “of my friendship +for Philip.”<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">127</a></p> + +<p>The history of the league after his death followed the +same course for some years. The war with the Aetolians +went on, sometimes slackly, sometimes vigorously, as Philip V. +was or was not diverted by contests with his barbarian neighbours, +or by schemes for joining the Carthaginian assaults +upon the Roman power.</p> + +<p>The next phase of vigorous action on the part of the +league is that which corresponds with the +career of Philopoemen, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 208-183, Philopoemen.</span> +who had already shown +his energy and skill at the battle of Sellasia. +He was elected Hipparch in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 210, and Strategus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +209. In his first office he did much to reorganise the +Achaean cavalry and restore them to some discipline,<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">128</a> and he +extended this as Strategus to the whole army.<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> His life’s +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lvi" id="Page_lvi">lvi</a></span> +work, however, was the defeating and either killing or confining +to their frontier the tyrants of Sparta. But while he was +absent from the country after <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 200 a new element appeared +in the Peloponnese. In 197 the battle of Cynoscephalae +put an end for ever to Macedonian influence, and Flamininus +proclaimed the liberty of all Greece in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 195 at the Nemean +festival. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 195-194.</span> +But Nabis was not deposed; he was +secured in his power by a treaty with Rome; +and when Philopoemen returned from Crete (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 193), he +found a fresh war on the point of breaking out owing to intrigues +between that tyrant and the Aetolians. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 193.</span> +They suggested, and he eagerly undertook to +make, an attempt to recover the maritime towns of which he +had been deprived by the Roman settlement.<a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a><span class="sidenote">193-192.</span>Nabis at once +attacked Gythium: and seemed on the point +of taking it and the whole of the coast towns, +which would thus have been lost to the league. Philopoemen, +now again Strategus (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192), failed to relieve Gythium; +but by a skilful piece of generalship inflicted so severe a defeat +on Nabis, as he was returning to Sparta, that he did not +venture on further movements beyond Laconia; and shortly +afterwards was assassinated by some Aetolians whom he had +summoned to his aid.</p> + +<p>But the comparative peace in the Peloponnese was again broken in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +189 <span class="sidenote">189-187.</span>by the Spartans seizing a maritime town called +Las; the object being to relieve themselves of the restraint which shut +them from the sea, and the possible attacks of the exiles who had been +banished by Nabis, and who were always watching an opportunity to effect +their return. Philopoemen (Strategus both 189 and 188 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>) led an army +to the Laconian frontier in the spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 188, and after the +execution of eighty Spartans, who had been surrendered on account of the +seizure of Las, and of the murder of thirty citizens who were supposed +to have Achaean proclivities—Sparta submitted to his demand to raze the +fortifications, dismiss the mercenaries, send away the new citizens +enrolled by the tyrants, and abolish the Lycurgean laws, accepting the +Achaean institutions instead. This was +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lvii" id="Page_lvii">lvii</a></span> +afterwards supplemented by a demand for the restoration of the +exiles banished by the tyrants. Such of the new citizens (three +thousand) as did not leave the country by the day named +were seized and sold as slaves.<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a></p> + +<p>Sparta was now part of the Achaean league, which at this +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 188.</span> +time reached its highest point of power; and its +alliance was solicited by the most powerful +princes of the east. <span class="sidenote">188-183.</span>It is this period which Polybius seems +to have in mind in his description of the league +at its best, as embracing the whole of the +Peloponnese.<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a><span class="sidenote">Lycortas +Strategus, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 184-182.</span>was in this third period of the existence +of the renewed league that his father Lycortas +came to the front, and he himself at an early +age began taking part in politics.</p> + +<p>But the terms imposed on Sparta were essentially violent +and unjust, and, as it turned out, impolitic. Cowed into submission, +she proved a thorn in the side of the league. The +exiles continually appealed to Rome; and after Philopoemen’s +death (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 183) the affairs of the league began more and more +to come before the Roman Senate. As usual, traitors were at +hand ready to sell their country for the sake of the triumph +of their party; and Callicrates, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 179.</span>sent to Rome to +plead the cause of the league,<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> employed the +opportunity to support himself and his party by advising the +Senate to give support to “the Romanisers” in every state. +This Polybius regards as the beginning of the decline of the +league. And the party of moderation, to which he and his +father Lycortas belonged, and which wished to assert the +dignity and legal rights of their country while offering no +provocation to the Romans, were eventually included under +the sweeping decree which caused them, to the number of a +thousand, to be deported to Italy. We have already seen, in +tracing the life of Polybius, how the poor remnants of these +exiles returned in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 151, embittered against Rome, and +having learnt nothing and forgotten nothing. And how the +old quarrels were renewed, until an armed interference of +Rome was brought upon them; and how the victory of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lviii" id="Page_lviii">lviii</a></span> +Mummius at Corinth (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146), and the consequent settlement +of the commissioners, finally dissolved the league into separate +cantons, nominally autonomous, but really entirely subject to +Rome.<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">134</a></p> + +<p>The constitution of the league presents many points of +interest to the student of politics, and has been elaborately +discussed by more than one English scholar. I shall content +myself here with pointing out some of the main features as +they are mentioned by Polybius.<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a></p> + +<p>The league was a federation of free towns, all retaining +full local autonomy of some form or other of democracy, +which for certain purposes were under federal laws and federal +magistrates, elected in a federal assembly which all citizens of +the league towns might if they chose attend. All towns of the +league also used the same standards in coinage and weights and +measures (<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_37">37</a>). The assembly of the league (σύνοδος) met +for election of the chief magistrate in May of each year, at first +always at Aegium, but later at the other towns of the league +in turn (<b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_23">23</a>); and a second time in the autumn.<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> And +besides these annual meetings, the Strategus, acting with his +council of magistrates, could summon a meeting at any time for +three days (<i>e.g.</i> at Sicyon, <b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_17">17</a>); and on one occasion we +find the assembly delegating its powers to the armed levy of +league troops, who for the nonce were to act as an assembly +(<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_7">7</a>). Side by side with this general assembly was a council +(βουλή), the functions and powers of which we cannot clearly +ascertain. It seems to have acted as representing the general +assembly in foreign affairs (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_26">26</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_12">12</a>); and, being a +working committee of the whole assembly, it sometimes happened +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lix" id="Page_lix">lix</a></span> +that when an assembly was summoned on some subject +which did not rouse popular interest, it practically was the +assembly (<b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_24">24</a>). Its numbers have been assumed to be +one hundred and twenty, from the fact that Eumenes offered +them a present of one hundred and twenty talents, the interest +of which was to pay their expenses. But this, after all, is not +a certain deduction (<b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_10">10</a>).</p> + +<p>The officers of the league were: First, a President or +Strategus who kept the seal of the league (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_7">7</a>), ordered the +levy of federal troops, and commanded it in the field. He +also summoned the assemblies, and brought the business to +be done before them, which was in the form of a proposal to +be accepted or rejected, not amended. He was not chairman of +the assembly, but like an English minister or a Roman consul +brought on the proposals. He was assisted by a kind of +cabinet of ten magistrates from the several towns, who were +called Demiurgi (δημιουργοὶ <b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_5">5</a>).<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> This was their technical +name: but Polybius also speaks of them under the more +general appellation of οἱ ἄρχοντες (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_1">1</a>), οἱ συνάρχοντες +(<b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_16">16</a>), αἱ ἀρχαὶ (<b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_13">13</a>), αἱ συναρχίαι (<b>27</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b27_2">2</a>). Whether +the number ten had reference to the ten old towns of the +league or not, it was not increased with the number of the +towns; and, though we are not informed how they were elected, +it seems reasonable to suppose that they were freely selected +without reference to the towns from which they came, as the +Strategus himself was. There was also a vice-president, or +hypo-strategus, whose position was, I think, wholly military. +He did not rule in absence of the Strategus, or succeed him in +case of death, that being reserved for the Strategus of the +previous year; but he took a certain command in war next +the Strategus (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_94">94</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_59">59</a>). Besides these we hear of a +Hipparch to command the league cavalry (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_95">95</a>; <b>7</b>, <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_22">22</a>), an +office which seems to have been regarded as stepping-stone to +that of Strategus. This proved a bad arrangement, as its +holder was tempted to seek popularity by winking at derelictions +of duty among the cavalry who were voters.<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> There was +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lx" id="Page_lx">lx</a></span> +also a Navarch to command the regular squadron of federal +ships (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_94">94</a>), who does not seem to have been so important +a person. There are also mentioned certain judges (δίκασται) +to administer the federal law. We hear of them, however, +performing duties closely bordering on politics; for they decided +whether certain honorary inscriptions, statues, or other marks +of respect to king Eumenes should be allowed to remain in +the Achaean cities (<b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_7">7</a>).</p> + +<p>The Strategus, on the order of the assembly, raised the +federal army (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_7">7</a>). The number of men raised differed +according to circumstances. A fairly full levy seems to have +been five thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_15">15</a>). +But the league also used mercenaries to a great extent. And +we hear of one army which was to consist of eight thousand +mercenary infantry, with five hundred mercenary cavalry; and +in this case the Achaean levy was only to be three thousand +infantry, with three hundred cavalry (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_91">91</a>).</p> + +<p>The pay of the mercenaries and other league expenses +were provided for by an εἰσφορά or contribution from all the +states (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>). The contributing towns appear to have +been able to recover their payments as an indemnification for +damage which the federal forces had failed to avert (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_60">60</a>).</p> + +<p>The regular federal squadron of ships for guarding the sea-coasts +appears to have consisted of ten triremes +(<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_9">9</a>; δεκαναία μακρῶν πλοίων <b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_10">10</a>).</p> + +<p>Such was the organisation of the Federal Government. It +was in form purely democratic, all members of thirty years old +being eligible for office, as well as possessing a vote in the +assemblies. But a mass assembly where the members are +widely scattered inevitably becomes oligarchic. Only the well-to-do +and the energetic will be able or will care to come a +long journey to attend. And as the votes in the assembly +were given by towns, it must often have happened that the +votes of many towns were decided by a very small number of +their citizens who were there. No doubt, in times of great +excitement, the attendance would be large and the vote a +popular one. But the general policy of the league must +have been directed by a small number of energetic men, who +made politics their profession and could afford to do so.</p> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><h3>ROMAN CAMP FOR TWO LEGIONS</h3> +<p class="center">CONTAINING 4,068,289 SQUARE FEET</p><a name="camp" id="camp" /> +<img src="images/camp.jpg" width="500" height="508" alt="Roman Camp." /> + +<table style="font-size: .80em;" summary="Roman Camp" border="0"> +<tr> +<td class="right">P*.</td> +<td class="left">Praetorium.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">T T’.</td> +<td class="left">Tents of the Tribuni Militum of two legions.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">E E’.</td> +<td class="left">Equites of two legions.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">P P’.</td> +<td class="left">Principes<span class="vh">ofii</span>”<span class="vh">legi</span>”</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">H H’.</td> +<td class="left">Hastati<span class="vh">xxofi.</span>”<span class="vh">legi</span>”</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">T T’.</td> +<td class="left">Triarii<span class="vh">ixxxof</span>”<span class="vh">legi</span>”</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">ES ES’.</td> +<td class="left">Equites of Socii of two legions.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">PS PS’.</td> +<td class="left">Pedites<span class="vh">of So</span>”<span class="vh">ii ofxxx</span>”<span class="vh">Soc</span>”</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">PE PE’.</td> +<td class="left">Equites of the Praetorian Cohort of two legions.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">PP PP’.</td> +<td class="left">Pedites<span class="vh"> of</span>”<span class="vh">the Pra</span>”<span class="vh">etorian Co</span>”<span class="vh">rt of two le</span>”</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">EP EP’.</td> +<td class="left">Pedites extraordinarii of two legions.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">EE EE’.</td> +<td class="left">Equites <span class="vh">extraor</span>”<span class="vh">dinarii two</span>”</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">Q.</td> +<td class="left">Quaestorium.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">F.</td> +<td class="left">Forum or market-place.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="right">V V’.</td> +<td class="left">Foreigners or volunteers.</td> +</tr> +</table></div> + +<hr /> + +<p><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1"></a><span class='pagenum'>1</span></p> + +<h2 style="font-size: 1.5em;">THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS</h2> + +<h2>BOOK I</h2> + +<p><a name="b1_1" id="b1_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">Had</span> the praise of History been passed over by former Chroniclers it +<span class="sidenote">Introduction. The importance and magnitude of the subject.</span> +would perhaps have been incumbent upon me to urge the choice and special +study of records of this sort, as the readiest means men can have of +correcting their knowledge of the past. But my predecessors have not +been sparing in this respect. They have all begun and ended, so to +speak, by enlarging on this theme: asserting again and again that the +study of History is in the truest sense an education, and a training for +political life; and that the most instructive, or rather the only, +method of learning to bear with dignity the vicissitudes of fortune is +to recall the catastrophes of others. It is evident, therefore, that no +one need think it his duty to repeat what has been said by many, and +said well. Least of all myself: for the surprising nature of the events +which I have undertaken to relate is in itself sufficient to challenge +and stimulate the attention of every one, old or young, to the study of +my work. Can any one be so indifferent or idle as not to care to know by +what means, and under what kind of polity, almost the whole inhabited +world was conquered and brought under the dominion of the single city of +Rome, and that too within a period of not quite fifty-three years? +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219-167.</span>Or who again can be so completely absorbed in +other subjects of contemplation or study, as to think any of them +superior in importance to the accurate understanding of an event for +which the past affords no precedent.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b1_2" id="b1_2"><b>2.</b></a> We shall best show how marvellous and vast our subject <span class="sidenote"> +Immensity of the Roman Empire shown by comparison with Persia, Sparta, +Macedonia. 1. Persia.</span>is by comparing the most famous Empires which +preceded, and which have been the favourite themes of historians, and +measuring them with the superior greatness of Rome. There are but three +that deserve even to be so compared and measured: and they are these. +The Persians for a certain length of time were possessed of a great +empire and dominion. <span class="sidenote">2. Sparta. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 405-394.</span>But every time +they ventured beyond the limits of Asia, they found not only their +empire, but their own existence also in danger. The Lacedaemonians, +after contending for supremacy in Greece for many generations, when they +did get it, held it without dispute for barely twelve years. <span class="sidenote"> +3. Macedonia.</span>The Macedonians obtained dominion in Europe from the +lands bordering on the Adriatic to the Danube,—which after all is but a +small fraction of this continent,—and, by the destruction of the +Persian Empire, they afterwards added to that the dominion of Asia. And +yet, though they had the credit of having made themselves masters of a +larger number of countries and states than any people had ever done, +they still left the greater half of the inhabited world in the hands of +others. They never so much as thought of attempting Sicily, Sardinia, or +Libya: and as to Europe, to speak the plain truth, they never even knew +of the most warlike tribes of the West. The Roman conquest, on the other +hand, was not partial. Nearly the whole inhabited world was reduced by +them to obedience: and they left behind them an empire not to be +paralleled in the past or rivalled in the future. Students will gain +from my narrative a clearer view of the whole story, and of the numerous +and important advantages which such exact record of events offers.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_3" id="b1_3"><b>3.</b></a> My History begins in the 140th Olympiad. The events from which it starts are these. In +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-217. The +History starts from the 140th Olympiad, when the tendency towards unity +first shows itself.</span> +Greece, what is called the Social war: the first waged by Philip, son of +Demetrius and father of Perseus, in league with the Achaeans against the +Aetolians. In Asia, the war for the possession of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span> Coele-Syria which +Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator carried on against each other. In +Italy, Libya, and their neighbourhood, the conflict between Rome and +Carthage, generally called the Hannibalian war. My work thus begins +where that of Aratus of Sicyon leaves off. Now up to this time the +world’s history had been, so to speak, a series of disconnected +transactions, as widely separated in their origin and results as in +their localities. But from this time forth History becomes a connected +whole: the affairs of Italy and Libya are involved with those of Asia +and Greece, and the tendency of all is to unity. This is why I have +fixed upon this era as the starting-point of my work. For it was their +victory over the Carthaginians in this war, and their conviction that +thereby the most difficult and most essential step towards universal +empire had been taken, which encouraged the Romans for the first time to +stretch out their hands upon the rest, and to cross with an army into +Greece and Asia.</p> + +<p>Now, had the states that were rivals for universal empire been +familiarly known to us, <span class="sidenote">A sketch of their previous history +necessary to explain the success of the Romans.</span>no reference perhaps to +their previous history would have been necessary, to show the purpose +and the forces with which they approached an undertaking of this nature +and magnitude. But the fact is that the majority of the Greeks have no +knowledge of the previous constitution, power, or achievements either of +Rome or Carthage. I therefore concluded that it was necessary to prefix +this and the next book to my History. I was anxious that no one, when +fairly embarked upon my actual narrative, should feel at a loss, and +have to ask what were the designs entertained by the Romans, or the +forces and means at their disposal, that they entered upon those +undertakings, which did in fact lead to their becoming masters of land +and sea everywhere in our part of the world. I wished, on the contrary, +that these books of mine, and the prefatory sketch which they contained, +might make it clear that the resources they started with justified their +original idea, and sufficiently explained their final success in +grasping universal empire and dominion.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b1_4" id="b1_4"><b>4.</b></a> There is this analogy between the plan of my History and the +marvellous spirit of the age with which I have to deal. <span class="sidenote">The +need of a comprehensive view of history as well as a close study of an +epoch.</span>Just as Fortune made almost all the affairs of the world incline +in one direction, and forced them to converge upon one and the same +point; so it is my task as an historian to put before my readers a +compendious view of the part played by Fortune in bringing about the +general catastrophe. It was this peculiarity which originally challenged +my attention, and determined me on undertaking this work. And combined +with this was the fact that no writer of our time has undertaken a +general history. Had any one done so my ambition in this direction would +have been much diminished. But, in point of fact, I notice that by far +the greater number of historians concern themselves with isolated wars +and the incidents that accompany them: while as to a general and +comprehensive scheme of events, their date, origin, and catastrophe, no +one as far as I know has undertaken to examine it. I thought it, +therefore, distinctly my duty neither to pass by myself, nor allow any +one else to pass by, without full study, a characteristic specimen of +the dealings of Fortune at once brilliant and instructive in the highest +degree. For fruitful as Fortune is in change, and constantly as she is +producing dramas in the life of men, yet never assuredly before this did +she work such a marvel, or act such a drama, as that which we have +witnessed. And of this we cannot obtain a comprehensive view from +writers of mere episodes. It would be as absurd to expect to do so as +for a man to imagine that he has learnt the shape of the whole world, +its entire arrangement and order, because he has visited one after the +other the most famous cities in it; or perhaps merely examined them in +separate pictures. That would be indeed absurd: and it has always seemed +to me that men, who are persuaded that they get a competent view of +universal from episodical history, are very like persons who should see +the limbs of some body, which had once been living and beautiful, +scattered and remote; and should imagine that to be quite as good as +actually beholding the activity and beauty of the living creature +itself. But if some one could there and then<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span> reconstruct the animal +once more, in the perfection of its beauty and the charm of its +vitality, and could display it to the same people, they would beyond +doubt confess that they had been far from conceiving the truth, and had +been little better than dreamers. For indeed some idea of a whole may be +got from a part, but an accurate knowledge and clear comprehension +cannot. Wherefore we must conclude that episodical history contributes +exceedingly little to the familiar knowledge and secure grasp of +universal history. While it is only by the combination and comparison of +the separate parts of the whole,—by observing their likeness and their +difference,—that a man can attain his object: can obtain a view at once +clear and complete; and thus secure both the profit and the delight of +History.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_5" id="b1_5"><b>5.</b></a> I shall adopt as the starting-point of this book the first occasion +on which the Romans crossed the sea from Italy. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 264-261. +I begin my preliminary account in the 129th Olympiad, and with the +circumstances which took the Romans to Sicily.</span>This is just where the +History of Timaeus left off; and it falls in the 129th Olympiad. I shall +accordingly have to describe what the state of their affairs in Italy +was, how long that settlement had lasted, and on what resources they +reckoned, when they resolved to invade Sicily. For this was the first +place outside Italy in which they set foot. The precise cause of their +thus crossing I must state without comment; for if I let one cause lead +me back to another, my point of departure will always elude my grasp, +and I shall never arrive at the view of my subject which I wish to +present. As to dates, then, I must fix on some era agreed upon and +recognised by all: and as to events, one that admits of distinctly +separate treatment; even though I may be obliged to go back some short +way in point of time, and take a summary review of the intermediate +transactions. For if the facts with which one starts are unknown, or +even open to controversy, all that comes after will fail of approval and +belief. But opinion being once formed on that point, and a general +assent obtained, all the succeeding narrative becomes intelligible.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b1_6" id="b1_6"><b>6.</b></a> It was in the nineteenth year after the sea-fight at Aegospotami, and +the sixteenth before the battle at Leuctra; <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 387-386. The +rise of the Roman dominion may be traced from the retirement of the +Gauls from the city. From that time one nation after another in Italy +fell into their hands.</span>the year in which the Lacedaemonians made what +is called the Peace of Antalcidas with the King of Persia; the year in +which the elder Dionysius was besieging Rhegium after beating the +Italian Greeks on the River Elleporus; and in which the Gauls took Rome +itself by storm and were occupying the whole of it except the Capitol. +With these Gauls the Romans made a treaty and settlement which they were +content to accept: and having thus become beyond all expectation once +more masters of their own country, they made a start in their career of +expansion; and in the succeeding period engaged in various wars with +their neighbours. <span class="sidenote">The Latini.</span>First, by dint of valour, and +the good fortune which attended them in the field, they mastered all the +Latini; then they went to war with the Etruscans; <span class="sidenote">The +Etruscans, Gauls, and Samnites.</span>then with the Celts; and next with the +Samnites, who lived on the eastern and northern frontiers of Latium. +Some time after this the Tarentines insulted the ambassadors of Rome, +and, in fear of the consequences, invited and obtained the assistance of +Pyrrhus. <span class="sidenote">Pyrrhus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 280.</span>This happened in the year before +the Gauls invaded Greece, some of whom perished near Delphi, while +others crossed into Asia. Then it was that the Romans—having reduced +the Etruscans and Samnites to obedience, and conquered the Italian Celts +in many battles—attempted for the first time the reduction of the rest +of Italy. <span class="sidenote">Southern Italy.</span>The nations for whose possessions +they were about to fight they affected to regard, not in the light of +foreigners, but as already for the most part belonging and pertaining to +themselves. The experience gained from their contests with the Samnites +and the Celts had served as a genuine training in the art of war. +<span class="sidenote">Pyrrhus finally quits Italy, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 274.</span>Accordingly, they +entered upon the war with spirit, drove Pyrrhus from Italy, and then +undertook to fight with and subdue those who had taken part with him. +They succeeded everywhere<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span> to a marvel, and reduced to obedience all the +tribes inhabiting Italy except the Celts; after which they undertook to +besiege some of their own citizens, who at that time were occupying +Rhegium.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_7" id="b1_7"><b>7.</b></a> For misfortunes befell Messene and Rhegium, the cities built on +either side of the Strait, peculiar in <span class="sidenote">The story of the +Mamertines at Messene, and the Roman garrison at Rhegium, Dio. Cassius +<i>fr.</i></span> their nature and alike in their circumstances.</p> + +<p>Not long before the period we are now describing some Campanian +mercenaries of Agathocles, having for some time cast greedy eyes upon +Messene, owing to its beauty and wealth, no sooner got an opportunity +than they made a treacherous attempt upon that city. <span class="sidenote">1. +Messene.</span>They entered the town under guise of friendship, and, having +once got possession of it, they drove out some of the citizens and put +others to the sword. <span class="sidenote">Agathocles died, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 289.</span> This done, +they seized promiscuously the wives and children of the dispossessed +citizens, each keeping those which fortune had assigned him at the very +moment of the lawless deed. All other property and the land they took +possession of by a subsequent division and retained.</p> + +<p>The speed with which they became masters of a fair territory and city +found ready imitators of their conduct. <span class="sidenote">2. Rhegium, Livy Ep. +12.</span>The people of Rhegium, when Pyrrhus was crossing to Italy, felt a +double anxiety. They were dismayed at the thought of his approach, and +at the same time were afraid of the Carthaginians as being masters of +the sea. <span class="sidenote">Pyrrhus in Sicily, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 278-275.</span>They accordingly +asked and obtained a force from Rome to guard and support them. The +garrison, four thousand in number, under the command of a Campanian +named Decius Jubellius, entered the city, and for a time preserved it, +as well as their own faith. But at last, conceiving the idea of +imitating the Mamertines, and having at the same time obtained their +co-operation, they broke faith with the people of Rhegium, enamoured of +the pleasant site of the town and the private wealth of the citizens, +and seized the city after having, in imitation of the Mamertines, first +driven out some of the people and put others to the sword. Now, though +the Romans were much annoyed at this transaction,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span> they could take no +active steps, because they were deeply engaged in the wars I have +mentioned above. But having got free from them they invested and +besieged the troops. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 271. C. Quintus Claudius, L. Genucius +Clepsina, Coss.</span>They presently took the place and killed the greater +number in the assault,—for the men resisted desperately, knowing what +must follow,—but took more than three hundred alive. These were sent to +Rome, and there the Consuls brought them into the forum, where they were +scourged and beheaded according to custom: for they wished as far as +they could to vindicate their good faith in the eyes of the allies. The +territory and town they at once handed over to the people of Rhegium.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_8" id="b1_8"><b>8.</b></a> But the Mamertines (for this was the name which the Campanians gave +themselves after they became masters of Messene), <span class="sidenote">Effect of +the fall of the rebellious garrison of Rhegium on the Mamertines.</span>as +long as they enjoyed the alliance of the Roman captors of Rhegium, not +only exercised absolute control over their own town and district +undisturbed, but about the neighbouring territory also gave no little +trouble to the Carthaginians and Syracusans, and levied tribute from +many parts of Sicily. But when they were deprived of this support, the +captors of Rhegium being now invested and besieged, they were themselves +promptly forced back into the town again by the Syracusans, under +circumstances which I will now detail.</p> + +<p>Not long before this the military forces of the Syracusans had +quarrelled with the citizens, and while stationed near Merganè elected +commanders from their own body. <span class="sidenote">The rise of Hiero. He is +elected General by the army, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 275-274.</span>These were Artemidorus and +Hiero, the latter of whom afterwards became King of Syracuse. At this +time he was quite a young man, but had a certain natural aptitude for +kingcraft and the politic conduct of affairs. Having taken over the +command, and having by means of some of his connexions made his way into +the city, he got his political opponents into his hands; but conducted +the government with such mildness, and in so lofty a spirit, that the +Syracusans, though by no means usually acquiescing in the election of +officers by the soldiers, did on this occasion<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span> unanimously approve of +Hiero as their general. His first step made it evident to close +observers that his hopes soared above the position of a mere general.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_9" id="b1_9"><b>9.</b></a> He noticed that among the Syracusans the despatch of troops, and of +magistrates in command of them, was always the signal for revolutionary +movements of some sort or another. <span class="sidenote">Secures support of Leptines +by marrying his daughter.</span>He knew, too, that of all the citizens +Leptines enjoyed the highest position and credit, and that among the +common people especially he was by far the most influential man +existing. He accordingly contracted a relationship by marriage with him, +that he might have a representative of his interests left at home at +such times as he should be himself bound to go abroad with the troops +for a campaign. After marrying the daughter of this man, his next step +was in regard to the old mercenaries. <span class="sidenote">His device for getting +rid of mutinous mercenaries.</span>He observed that they were disaffected and +mutinous: and he accordingly led out an expedition, with the ostensible +purpose of attacking the foreigners who were in occupation of Messene. +He pitched a camp against the enemy near Centuripa, and drew up his line +resting on the River Cyamosorus. <span class="sidenote">Fiume Salso.</span>But the cavalry +and infantry, which consisted of citizens, he kept together under his +personal command at some distance, on pretence of intending to attack +the enemy on another quarter: the mercenaries he thrust to the front and +allowed them to be completely cut to pieces by the foreigners; while he +seized the moment of their rout to affect a safe retreat for himself and +the citizens into Syracuse. This stroke of policy was skilful and +successful. He had got rid of the mutinous and seditious element in the +army; and after enlisting on his own account a sufficient body of +mercenaries, he thenceforth carried on the business of the government in +security. But seeing that the Mamertines <span class="sidenote">Hiero next attacks +the Mamertines and defeats them near Mylae, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 268.</span>were encouraged +by their success to greater confidence and recklessness in their +excursions, he fully armed and energetically drilled the citizen levies, +led them out, and engaged the enemy on the Mylaean plain near the River +Longanus. He inflicted a severe defeat upon them:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span> took their leaders +prisoners: put a complete end to their audacious proceedings: and on his +return to Syracuse was himself greeted by all the allies with the title +of King.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_10" id="b1_10"><b>10.</b></a> Thus were the Mamertines first deprived of support from Rhegium, and +then subjected, from causes which I have just stated, to a complete +defeat on their own account. <span class="sidenote">Some of the conquered Mamertines +appeal to Rome for help.</span>Thereupon some of them betook themselves to +the protection of the Carthaginians, and were for putting themselves and +their citadel into their hands; while others set about sending an +embassy to Rome to offer a surrender of their city, and to beg +assistance on the ground of the ties of race which united them. The +Romans were long in doubt. The inconsistency of sending such aid seemed +manifest. A little while ago they had put some of their own citizens to +death, with the extreme penalties of the law, for having broken faith +with the people of Rhegium: and now so soon afterwards to assist the +Mamertines, <span class="sidenote">The motives of the Romans in acceding to this +prayer,—jealousy of the growing power of Carthage.</span>who had done +precisely the same to Messene as well as Rhegium, involved a breach of +equity very hard to justify. But while fully alive to these points, they +yet saw that Carthaginian aggrandisement was not confined to Libya, but +had embraced many districts in Iberia as well; and that Carthage was, +besides, mistress of all the islands in the Sardinian and Tyrrhenian +seas: they were beginning, therefore, to be exceedingly anxious lest, if +the Carthaginians became masters of Sicily also, they should find them +very dangerous and formidable neighbours, surrounding them as they would +on every side, and occupying a position which commanded all the coasts +of Italy. Now it was clear that, if the Mamertines did not obtain the +assistance they asked for, the Carthaginians would very soon reduce +Sicily. For should they avail themselves of the voluntary offer of +Messene and become masters of it, they were certain before long to crush +Syracuse also, since they were already lords of nearly the whole of the +rest of Sicily. The Romans saw all this, and felt that it was absolutely +necessary not to let Messene slip, or allow the Carthaginians to secure +what would be like a bridge to enable them to cross into Italy.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b1_11" id="b1_11"><b>11.</b></a> In spite of protracted deliberations, the conflict of motives proved +too strong, <span class="sidenote">The Senate shirk the responsibility of decision. +The people vote for helping the Mamertines.</span>after all, to allow of the +Senate coming to any decision; for the inconsistency of aiding the +Messenians appeared to them to be evenly balanced by the advantages to +be gained by doing so. The people, however, had suffered much from the +previous wars, and wanted some means of repairing the losses which they +had sustained in every department. Besides these national advantages to +be gained by the war, the military commanders suggested that +individually they would get manifest and important benefits from it. +They accordingly voted in favour of giving the aid. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 264. +Appius Claudius Caudex. M. Fulvius Flaccus, Coss.</span>The decree having +thus been passed by the people, they elected one of the consuls, Appius +Claudius, to the command, and sent him out with instructions to cross to +Messene and relieve the Mamertines. These latter managed, between +threats and false representations, to oust the Carthaginian commander +who was already in possession of the citadel, invited Appius in, and +offered to deliver the city into his hands. The Carthaginians crucified +their commander for what they considered to be his cowardice and folly +in thus losing the citadel; stationed their fleet near Pelorus; their +land forces at a place called Synes; and laid vigorous siege to Messene. +<span class="sidenote">Hiero joins Carthage in laying siege to the Mamertines in +Messene. Appius comes to the relief of the besieged, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 264.</span>Now at +this juncture Hiero, thinking it a favourable opportunity for totally +expelling from Sicily the foreigners who were in occupation of Messene, +made a treaty with the Carthaginians. Having done this, he started from +Syracuse upon an expedition against that city. He pitched his camp on +the opposite side to the Carthaginians, near what was called the +Chalcidian Mount, whereby the garrison were cut off from that way out as +well as from the other. The Roman Consul Appius, for his part, gallantly +crossed the strait by night and got into Messene. But he found that the +enemy had completely surrounded the town and were vigorously pressing on +the attack; and he concluded on reflection that the siege could bring +him neither credit nor security so long as the enemy commanded land as +well as sea. He accordingly first endeavoured<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span> to relieve the Mamertines +from the contest altogether by sending embassies to both of the +attacking forces. <span class="sidenote">After vain attempts at negotiation, Appius +determines to attack Hiero.</span>Neither of them received his proposals, and +at last, from sheer necessity, he made up his mind to hazard an +engagement, and that he would begin with the Syracusans. So he led out +his forces and drew them up for the fight: nor was the Syracusan +backward in accepting the challenge, but descended simultaneously to +give him battle. <span class="sidenote">Hiero is defeated, and returns to Syracuse.</span> +After a prolonged struggle, Appius got the better of the enemy, and +chased the opposing forces right up to their entrenchments. The result +of this was that Appius, after stripping the dead, retired into Messene +again, while Hiero, with a foreboding of the final result, only waited +for nightfall to beat a hasty retreat to Syracuse.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_12" id="b1_12"><b>12.</b></a> Next morning, when Appius was assured of their flight, his +confidence was strengthened, and he made up his mind to attack the +Carthaginians without delay. <span class="sidenote">Encouraged by this success, he +attacks and drives off the Carthaginians.</span>Accordingly, he issued orders +to the soldiers to despatch their preparations early, and at daybreak +commenced his sally. Having succeeded in engaging the enemy, he killed a +large number of them, and forced the rest to fly precipitately to the +neighbouring towns. These successes sufficed to raise the siege of +Messene: and thenceforth he scoured the territory of Syracuse and her +allies with impunity, and laid it waste without finding any one to +dispute the possession of the open country with him; and finally he sat +down before Syracuse itself and laid siege to it.</p> + +<p>Such was the nature and motive of the first warlike expedition of the +Romans beyond the shores of Italy; <span class="sidenote">Such preliminary sketches +are necessary for clearness, and my readers must not be surprised if I +follow the same system in the case of other towns.</span>and this was the +period at which it took place. I thought this expedition the most +suitable starting-point for my whole narrative, and accordingly adopted +it as a basis; though I have made a rapid survey of some anterior +events, that in setting forth its causes no point should be left +obscure. I thought it necessary, if we were to get an adequate and +comprehensive view of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span> their present supreme position, to trace clearly +how and when the Romans, after the disaster which they sustained in the +loss of their own city, began their upward career; and how and when, +once more, after possessing themselves of Italy, they conceived the idea +of attempting conquests external to it. This must account in future +parts of my work for my taking, when treating of the most important +states, a preliminary survey of their previous history. In doing so my +object will be to secure such a vantage-ground as will enable us to see +with clearness from what origin, at what period, and in what +circumstances they severally started and arrived at their present +position. This is exactly what I have just done with regard to the +Romans.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_13" id="b1_13"><b>13.</b></a> It is time to have done with these explanations, and to come to my +subject, after a brief and summary statement of the events of which my +introductory books are to treat. <span class="sidenote">Subjects of the two first +books of the Histories.<br />1. War in Sicily or first Punic War, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +264-241.<br />2. The Mercenary or “inexpiable” war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 240-237.<br />3. +Carthaginian movements in Spain, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 241-218.<br />4. Illyrian war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +229-228.<br />5. Gallic war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 225-221.<br />6. Cleomenic war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 227-221.</span> +Of these the first in order of time are those which befell the Romans +and Carthaginians in their war for the possession of Sicily. Next comes +the Libyan or Mercenary war; immediately following on which are the +Carthaginian achievements in Spain, first under Hamilcar, and then under +Hasdrubal. In the course of these events, again, occurred the first +expedition of the Romans into Illyria and the Greek side of Europe; and, +besides that, their struggles within Italy with the Celts. In Greece at +the same time the war called after Cleomenes was in full action. With +this war I design to conclude my prefatory sketch and my second book.</p> + +<p>To enter into minute details of these events is unnecessary, and would +be of no advantage to my readers. It is not part of my plan to write a +history of them: my sole object is to recapitulate them in a summary +manner by way of introduction to the narrative I have in hand. I will, +therefore, touch lightly upon the leading events of this period in a +comprehensive sketch, and will endeavour to make the end of it dovetail +with the commencement of my main history. In this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span> way the narrative +will acquire a continuity; and I shall be shown to have had good reason +for touching on points already treated by others: while by such an +arrangement the studiously inclined will find the approach to the story +which has to be told made intelligible and easy for them. <span class="sidenote">The +first Punic war deserves more detailed treatment, as furnishing a better +basis for comparing Rome and Carthage than subsequent wars.</span>I shall, +however, endeavour to describe with somewhat more care the first war +which arose between the Romans and Carthaginians for the possession of +Sicily. For it would not be easy to mention any war that lasted longer +than this one; nor one in which the preparations made were on a larger +scale, or the efforts made more sustained, or the actual engagements +more numerous, or the reverses sustained on either side more signal. +Moreover, the two states themselves were at the precise period of their +history when their institutions were as yet in their original integrity, +their fortunes still at a moderate level, and their forces on an equal +footing. So that those who wish to gain a fair view of the national +characteristics and resources of the two had better base their +comparison upon this war rather than upon those which came after.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_14" id="b1_14"><b>14.</b></a> But it was not these considerations only which induced me to +undertake the history of this war. <span class="sidenote">This is rendered more +necessary by the partisan misrepresentations of Philinus and Fabius +Pictor.</span>I was influenced quite as much by the fact that Philinus and +Fabius, who have the reputation of writing with the most complete +knowledge about it, have given us an inadequate representation of the +truth. Now, judging from their lives and principles, I do not suppose +that these writers have intentionally stated what was false; but I think +that they are much in the same state of mind as men in love. +Partisanship and complete prepossession made Philinus think that all the +actions of the Carthaginians were characterised by wisdom, honour, and +courage: those of the Romans by the reverse. Fabius thought the exact +opposite. Now in other relations of life one would hesitate to exclude +such warmth of sentiment: for a good man ought to be loyal to his +friends and patriotic to his country; ought to be at one with his +friends in their hatreds and likings. But directly a man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span> assumes the +moral attitude of an historian he ought to forget all considerations of +that kind. There will be many occasions on which he will be bound to +speak well of his enemies, and even to praise them in the highest terms +if the facts demand it: and on the other hand many occasions on which it +will be his duty to criticise and denounce his own side, however dear to +him, if their errors of conduct suggest that course. For as a living +creature is rendered wholly useless if deprived of its eyes, so if you +take truth from History what is left is but an idle unprofitable tale. +Therefore, one must not shrink either from blaming one’s friends or +praising one’s enemies; nor be afraid of finding fault with and +commending the same persons at different times. For it is impossible +that men engaged in public affairs should always be right, and unlikely +that they should always be wrong. Holding ourselves, therefore, entirely +aloof from the actors, we must as historians make statements and +pronounce judgment in accordance with the actions themselves.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_15" id="b1_15"><b>15.</b></a> The writers whom I have named exemplify the truth of these +remarks. <span class="sidenote">Philinus’s misrepresentations.</span>Philinus, for +instance, commencing the narrative with his second book, says that the +“Carthaginians and Syracusans engaged in the war and sat down before +Messene; that the Romans arriving by sea entered the town, and +immediately sallied out from it to attack the Syracusans; but that after +suffering severely in the engagement they retired into Messene; and that +on a second occasion, having issued forth to attack the Carthaginians, +they not only suffered severely but lost a considerable number of their +men captured by the enemy.” But while making this statement, he +represents Hiero as so destitute of sense as, after this engagement, not +only to have promptly burnt his stockade and tents and fled under cover +of night to Syracuse, but to have abandoned all the forts which had been +established to overawe the Messenian territory. Similarly he asserts +that “the Carthaginians immediately after their battle evacuated their +entrenchment and dispersed into various towns, without venturing any +longer even to dispute the possession of the open country; and that, +accordingly, their leaders seeing that their troops were utterly +demoralised<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span> determined in consideration not to risk a battle: that the +Romans followed them, and not only laid waste the territory of the +Carthaginians and Syracusans, but actually sat down before Syracuse +itself and began to lay siege to it.” These statements appear to me to +be full of glaring inconsistency, and to call for no refutation at all. +The very men whom he describes to begin with as besieging Messene, and +as victorious in the engagements, he afterwards represents as running +away, abandoning the open country, and utterly demoralised: while those +whom he starts by saying were defeated and besieged, he concludes by +describing as engaging in a pursuit, as promptly seizing the open +places, and finally as besieging Syracuse. Nothing can reconcile these +statements. It is impossible. Either his initial statement, or his +account of the subsequent events, must be false. In point of fact the +latter part of his story is the true one. The Syracusans and +Carthaginians <i>did</i> abandon the open country, and the Romans <i>did</i> +immediately afterwards commence a siege of Syracuse and of Echetla, +which lies in the district between the Syracusan and Carthaginian pales. +For the rest it must necessarily be acknowledged that the first part of +his account is false; and that whereas the Romans were victorious in the +engagements under Messene, they have been represented by this historian +as defeated. Through the whole of this work we shall find Philinus +acting in a similar spirit: and much the same may be said of Fabius, as +I shall show when the several points arise.</p> + +<p>I have now said what was proper on the subject of this +digression. Returning to the matter in hand I will endeavour +by a continuous narrative of moderate dimensions to guide +my readers to a true knowledge of this war.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_16" id="b1_16"><b>16.</b></a> When news came to Rome of the successes of Appius and his +legions, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 264.</span>the people elected Manius Otacilius and +Manius Valerius Consuls, and despatched their whole army to Sicily, and +both Consuls in command. <span class="sidenote">(Continuing from chap. xii.), <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +263, Manius Valerius Maximus, Manius Otacilius Crassus, Coss. The +Consuls with four legions are sent to Sicily. A general move of the +Sicilian cities to join them. Hiero submits.</span>Now the Romans have in +all, as distinct from allies, four legions of Roman citizens, which they +enrol every year, each of which consists of four thousand infantry and +three hundred cavalry: and on their arrival most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span> of the cities revolted +from Syracuse as well as from Carthage, and joined the Romans. And when +he saw the terror and dismay of the Sicilians, and compared with them +the number and crushing strength of the legions of Rome, Hiero began, +from a review of all these points, to conclude that the prospects of the +Romans were brighter than those of the Carthaginians. Inclining +therefore from these considerations to the side of the former, he began +sending messages to the Consuls, proposing peace and friendship with +them. The Romans accepted his offer, their chief motive being the +consideration of provisions: for as the Carthaginians had command of the +sea, they were afraid of being cut off at every point from their +supplies, warned by the fact that the legions which had previously +crossed had run very short in that respect. They therefore gladly +accepted Hiero’s offers of friendship, supposing that he would be of +signal service to them in this particular. The king engaged to restore +his prisoners without ransom, and to pay besides an indemnity of a +hundred talents of silver. The treaty being arranged on these terms, the +Romans thenceforth regarded the Syracusans as friends and allies: while +King Hiero, having thus placed himself under the protection of the +Romans, never failed to supply their needs in times of difficulty; and +for the rest of his life reigned securely in Syracuse, devoting his +energies to gaining the gratitude and good opinion of the Greeks. And in +point of fact no monarch ever acquired a greater reputation, or enjoyed +for a longer period the fruits of his prudent policy in private as well +as in public affairs.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_17" id="b1_17"><b>17.</b></a> When the text of this treaty reached Rome, and the people had +approved and confirmed the terms made with Hiero, <span class="sidenote">The +Carthaginians alarmed at Hiero’s defection make great efforts to +increase their army in Sicily.</span>the Roman government thereupon decided +not to send all their forces, as they had intended doing, but only two +legions. For they thought that the gravity of the war was lessened by +the adhesion of the king, and at the same time that the army would thus +be better off for provisions. But when the Carthaginian government saw +that Hiero had become their enemy, and that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span> Romans were taking a +more decided part in Sicilian politics, they conceived that they must +have a more formidable force to enable them to confront their enemy and +maintain their own interests in Sicily. <span class="sidenote">They select Agrigentum +as their headquarters.</span>Accordingly, they enlisted mercenaries from over +sea—a large number of Ligurians and Celts, and a still larger number of +Iberians—and despatched them to Sicily. And perceiving that Agrigentum +possessed the greatest natural advantages as a place of arms, and was +the most powerful city in their province, they collected their supplies +and their forces into it, deciding to use this city as their +headquarters for the war.</p> + +<p>On the Roman side a change of commanders had now taken place. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 262.</span>The Consuls who made the treaty with Hiero had gone home, and +their successors, Lucius Postumius and Quintus Mamilius, were come to +Sicily with their legions. <span class="sidenote">The new Consuls, Lucius Postumius +Megellus and Quintus Mamilius Vitulus, determined to lay siege to +Agrigentum.</span>Observing the measure which the Carthaginians were taking, +and the forces they were concentrating at Agrigentum, they made up their +minds to take that matter in hand and strike a bold blow. Accordingly +they suspended every other department of the war, and bearing down upon +Agrigentum itself with their whole army, attacked it in force; pitched +their camp within a distance of eight stades from the city; and confined +the Carthaginians within the walls. <span class="sidenote">The Carthaginians make an +unsuccessful sally.</span>Now it was just harvest-time, and the siege was +evidently destined to be a long one: the soldiers, therefore, went out +to collect the corn with greater hardihood than they ought to have done. +Accordingly the Carthaginians, seeing the enemy scattered about the +fields, sallied out and attacked the harvesting-parties. They easily +routed these; and then one portion of them made a rush to destroy the +Roman entrenchment, the other to attack the pickets. But the peculiarity +of their institutions saved the Roman fortunes, as it had often done +before. Among them it is death for a man to desert his post, or to fly +from his station on any pretext whatever. Accordingly on this, as on +other occasions, they gallantly held their ground against opponents many +times their own number; and though they lost many of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span> their own men, +they killed still more of the enemy, and at last outflanked the foes +just as they were on the point of demolishing the palisade of the camp. +Some they put to the sword, and the rest they pursued with slaughter +into the city.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_18" id="b1_18"><b>18.</b></a> The result was that thenceforth the Carthaginians were +somewhat less forward in making such attacks, and the Romans +more cautious in foraging.</p> + +<p>Finding that the Carthaginians would not come out to meet them at close +quarters any more, <span class="sidenote">The Romans form two strongly-entrenched +camps.</span>the Roman generals divided their forces: with one division they +occupied the ground round the temple of Asclepius outside the town; with +the other they encamped in the outskirts of the city on the side which +looks towards Heracleia. The space between the camps on either side of +the city they secured by two trenches,—the inner one to protect +themselves against sallies from the city, the outer as a precaution +against attacks from without, and to intercept those persons or supplies +which always make their way surreptitiously into cities that are +sustaining a siege. The spaces between the trenches uniting the camps +they secured by pickets, taking care in their disposition to strengthen +the several accessible points. As for food and other war material, the +other allied cities all joined in collecting and bringing these to +Herbesus for them: and thus they supplied themselves in abundance with +necessaries, by continually getting provisions living and dead from this +town, which was conveniently near. For about five months then they +remained in the same position, without being able to obtain any decided +advantage over each other beyond the casualties which occurred in the +skirmishes. But the Carthaginians were beginning to be hard pressed by +hunger, owing to the number of men shut up in the city, who amounted to +no less than fifty thousand: and Hannibal, who had been appointed +commander of the besieged forces, beginning by this time to be seriously +alarmed at the state of things, kept perpetually sending messages to +Carthage explaining their critical state, and begging for +assistance. <span class="sidenote">A relief comes from Carthage to Agrigentum.</span> +Thereupon the Carthaginian government put on board ship the fresh troops +and elephants which they had collected,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span> and despatched them to Sicily, +with orders to join the other commander Hanno. This officer collected all his war material and forces into +Heracleia, and as a first step possessed himself by a stratagem of +<span class="sidenote">Hanno seizes +Herbesus.</span>Herbesus, thus depriving the enemy of their provisions and supply of +necessaries. The result of this was that the Romans found themselves in +the position of besieged as much as in that of besiegers; for they were +reduced by short supplies of food and scarcity of necessaries to such a +condition that they more than once contemplated raising the +siege. <span class="sidenote">The Romans faithfully supported by Hiero.</span>And they +would have done so at last had not Hiero, by using every effort and +contrivance imaginable, succeeded in keeping them supplied with what +satisfied, to a tolerable extent, their most pressing wants. This was +Hanno’s first step. His next was as follows.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_19" id="b1_19"><b>19.</b></a> He saw that the Romans were reduced by disease and want, owing to an +epidemic that had broken out among them, and he believed that his own +forces were strong enough to give them battle: he accordingly collected +his elephants, <span class="sidenote">Hanno tempts the Roman cavalry out and defeats +them.</span>of which he had about fifty, and the whole of the rest of his +army, and advanced at a rapid pace from Heracleia; having previously +issued orders to the Numidian cavalry to precede him, and to endeavour, +when they came near the enemies’ stockade, to provoke them and draw +their cavalry out; and, having done so, to wheel round and retire until +they met him. The Numidians did as they were ordered, and advanced up to +one of the camps. Immediately the Roman cavalry poured out and boldly +charged the Numidians: the Libyans retired, according to their orders, +until they reached Hanno’s division: then they wheeled round; +surrounded, and repeatedly charged the enemy; killed a great number of +them, and chased the rest up to their stockade. After this affair +Hanno’s force encamped over against the Romans, having seized the hill +called Torus, at a distance of about a mile and a quarter from their +opponents. <span class="sidenote">After two months, Hanno is forced to try to relieve +Agrigentum,</span> For two months they remained in position without any +decisive action, though skirmishes took place daily. But as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span> Hannibal +all this time kept signalling and sending messages from the town to +Hanno,—telling him that his men were impatient of the famine, and that +many were even deserting to the enemy owing to the distress for +food,—the Carthaginian general determined to risk a battle, the Romans +being equally ready, <span class="sidenote">but is defeated in a pitched battle, and +his army cut to pieces.</span>for the reasons I have mentioned. So both +parties advanced into the space between the camps and engaged. The +battle lasted a long time, but at last the Romans turned the advanced +guard of Carthaginian mercenaries. The latter fell back upon the +elephants and the other divisions posted in their rear; and thus the +whole Punic army was thrown into confusion. The retreat became general: +the larger number of the men were killed, while some effected their +escape into Heracleia; and the Romans became masters of most of the +elephants and all the baggage. Now night came on, and the victors, +partly from joy at their success, partly from fatigue, kept their +watches somewhat more carelessly than usual; <span class="sidenote">Hannibal escapes +by night; and the Romans enter and plunder Agrigentum.</span>accordingly +Hannibal, having given up hope of holding out, made up his mind that +this state of things afforded him a good opportunity of escape. He +started about midnight from the town with his mercenary troops, and +having choked up the trenches with baskets stuffed full of chaff, led +off his force in safety, without being detected by the enemy. When day +dawned the Romans discovered what had happened, and indeed for a short +time were engaged with Hannibal’s rear; but eventually they all made for +the town gates. There they found no one to oppose them: they therefore +threw themselves into the town, plundered it, and secured a large number +of captives, besides a great booty of every sort and description.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_20" id="b1_20"><b>20.</b></a> Great was the joy of the Roman Senate when the news of what had +taken place at Agrigentum arrived. <span class="sidenote">This success inspires the +Senate with the idea of expelling the Carthaginians from Sicily.</span>Their +ideas too were so raised that they no longer confined themselves to +their original designs. They were not content with having saved the +Mamertines, nor with the advantages gained in the course of the war; but +conceived the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span> idea that it was possible to expel the Carthaginians +entirely from the island, and that if that were done their own power +would receive a great increase: they accordingly engaged in this policy +and directed their whole thoughts to this subject. As to their land +forces they saw that things were going on as well as they could +wish. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 261.</span>For the Consuls elected in succession to +those who had besieged Agrigentum, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Titus +Otacilius Crassus, appeared to be managing the Sicilian business as well +as circumstances admitted. Yet so long as the Carthaginians were in +undisturbed command of the sea, the balance of success could not incline +decisively in their favour. For instance, in the period which followed, +though they were now in possession of Agrigentum, and though +consequently many of the inland towns joined the Romans from dread of +their land forces, yet a still larger number of seaboard towns held +aloof from them in terror of the Carthaginian fleet. Seeing therefore +that it was ever more and more the case that the balance of success +oscillated from one side to the other from these causes; and, moreover, +that while Italy was repeatedly ravaged by the naval force, Libya +remained permanently uninjured; they became eager to get upon the sea +and meet the Carthaginians there.</p> + +<p>It was this branch of the subject that more than anything +else induced me to give an account of this war at somewhat +greater length than I otherwise should have done. I was +unwilling that a first step of this kind should be unknown,—namely +how, and when, and why the Romans first started a navy.</p> + +<p>It was, then, because they saw that the war they had undertaken lingered +to a weary length, <span class="sidenote">The Romans boldly determine to build ships +and meet the Carthaginians at sea.</span>that they first thought of getting a +fleet built, consisting of a hundred quinqueremes and twenty triremes. +But one part of their undertaking caused them much difficulty. Their +shipbuilders were entirely unacquainted with the construction of +quinqueremes, because no one in Italy had at that time employed vessels +of that description. There could be no more signal proof of the courage, +or rather the extraordinary audacity of the Roman enterprise. Not only +had they no resources for it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span> of reasonable sufficiency; but without any +resources for it at all, and without having ever entertained an idea of +naval war,—for it was the first time they had thought of it,—they +nevertheless handled the enterprise with such extraordinary audacity, +that, without so much as a preliminary trial, they took upon themselves +there and then to meet the Carthaginians at sea, on which they had for +generations held undisputed supremacy. Proof of what I say, and of their +surprising audacity, may be found in this. When they first took in hand +to send troops across to Messene they not only had no decked vessels but +no war-ships at all, not so much as a single galley: but they borrowed +quinqueremes and triremes from Tarentum and Locri, and even from Elea +and Neapolis; and having thus collected a fleet, boldly sent their men +across upon it. <span class="sidenote">A Carthaginian ship used as a model.</span>It was +on this occasion that, the Carthaginians having put to sea in the Strait +to attack them, a decked vessel of theirs charged so furiously that it +ran aground, and falling into the hands of the Romans served them as a +model on which they constructed their whole fleet. And if this had not +happened it is clear that they would have been completely hindered from +carrying out their design by want of constructive knowledge.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_21" id="b1_21"><b>21.</b></a> Meanwhile, however, those who were charged with the shipbuilding +were busied with the construction of the vessels; while others collected +crews and were engaged in teaching them to row on dry land: which they +contrived to do in the following manner. They made the men sit on +rower’s benches on dry land, in the same order as they would sit on the +benches in actual vessels: in the midst of them they stationed the +Celeustes, and trained them to get back and draw in their hands all +together in time, and then to swing forward and throw them out again, +and to begin and cease these movements at the word of the Celeustes. By +the time these preparations were completed the ships were built. They +therefore launched them, and, after a brief preliminary practice of real +sea-rowing, started on their coasting voyage along the shore of Italy, +in accordance with the Consul’s order. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 260. Cn. Cornelius +Scipio Asina, C. Duilius, Coss.</span>For Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, who had +been appointed by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span> Roman people a few days before to command the +fleet, after giving the ship captains orders that as soon as they had +fitted out the fleet they should sail to the Straits, had put to sea +himself with seventeen ships and sailed in advance to Messene; for he +was very eager to secure all pressing necessaries for the naval force. +While there some negotiation was suggested to him for the surrender of +the town of Lipara. <span class="sidenote">Cornelius captured with the loss of his +ships.</span>Snatching at the prospect somewhat too eagerly, he sailed with +the above-mentioned ships and anchored off the town. But having been +informed in Panormus of what had taken place, the Carthaginian general +Hannibal despatched Boōdes, a member of the Senate, with a squadron +of twenty ships. He accomplished the voyage at night and shut up Gnaeus +and his men within the harbour. When day dawned the crews made for the +shore and ran away, while Gnaeus, in utter dismay, and not knowing in +the least what to do, eventually surrendered to the enemy. The +Carthaginians having thus possessed themselves of the ships as well as +the commander of their enemies, started to rejoin Hannibal. <span class="sidenote"> +The rest of the Roman fleet arrive and nearly capture Hannibal.</span>Yet a +few days afterwards, though the disaster of Gnaeus was so signal and +recent, Hannibal himself was within an ace of falling into the same +glaring mistake. For having been informed that the Roman fleet in its +voyage along the coast of Italy was close at hand, he conceived a wish +to get a clear view of the enemy’s number and disposition. He +accordingly set sail with fifty ships, and just as he was rounding the +“Italian Headland” he fell in with the enemy, who were sailing in good +order and disposition. He lost most of his ships, and with the rest +effected his own escape in a manner beyond hope or expectation.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_22" id="b1_22"><b>22.</b></a> When the Romans had neared the coasts of Sicily and +learnt the disaster which had befallen Gnaeus, their first step +was to send for Gaius Duilius, who was in command of the +land forces. Until he should come they stayed where they +were; but at the same time, hearing that the enemy’s fleet was +no great way off, they busied themselves with preparations +for a sea-fight. Now their ships were badly fitted out and +not easy to manage, and so some one suggested to them as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span> +likely to serve their turn in a fight the construction of what +were afterwards called “crows.” <span class="sidenote">The “corvi” or +#8220;crows” for +boarding.</span>Their mechanism +was this. A round pole was placed in the +prow, about twenty-four feet high, and with a +diameter of four palms. The pole itself had a pulley on the +top, and a gangway made with cross planks nailed together, +four feet wide and thirty-six feet long, was made to swing round +it. Now the hole in the gangway was oval shaped, and went +round the pole twelve feet from one end of the gangway, which +had also a wooden railing running down each side of it to +the height of a man’s knee. At the extremity of this gangway +was fastened an iron spike like a miller’s pestle, +sharpened at its lower end and fitted with a ring at its +upper end. The whole thing looked like the machines for +braising corn. To this ring the rope was fastened with +which, when the ships collided, they hauled up the “crows,” +by means of the pulley at the top of the pole, and dropped +them down upon the deck of the enemy’s ship, sometimes over +the prow, sometimes swinging them round when the ships +collided broadsides. And as soon as the “crows” were fixed +in the planks of the decks and grappled the ships together, if +the ships were alongside of each other, the men leaped on +board anywhere along the side, but if they were prow to prow, +they used the “crow” itself for boarding, and advanced over +it two abreast. The first two protected their front by holding +up before them their shields, while those who came after +them secured their sides by placing the rims of their shields +upon the top of the railing. Such were the preparations +which they made; and having completed them they watched +an opportunity of engaging at sea.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_23" id="b1_23"><b>23.</b></a> As for Gaius Duilius, he no sooner heard of the +disaster which had befallen the commander of <span class="sidenote">Victory of +Duilius at +Mylae, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 260.</span> +the navy than handing over his legions to the +military Tribunes he transferred himself to the +fleet. There he learnt that the enemy was +plundering the territory of Mylae, and at once sailed to attack +him with the whole fleet. No sooner did the Carthaginians +sight him than with joy and alacrity they put to sea with a +hundred and thirty sail, feeling supreme contempt for the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span> +Roman ignorance of seamanship. Accordingly they all sailed +with their prows directed straight at their enemy: they did not +think the engagement worth even the trouble of ranging their +ships in any order, but advanced as though to seize a booty +exposed for their acceptance. Their commander was that +same Hannibal who had withdrawn his forces from Agrigentum +by a secret night movement, and he was on board a +galley with seven banks of oars which had once belonged to +King Pyrrhus. When they neared the enemy, and saw the +“crows” raised aloft on the prows of the several ships, the +Carthaginians were for a time in a state of perplexity; for they +were quite strangers to such contrivances as these engines. +Feeling, however, a complete contempt for their opponents, +those on board the ships that were in the van of the squadron +charged without flinching. But as soon as they came to +close quarters their ships were invariably tightly grappled +by these machines; the enemy boarded by means of the +“crows,” and engaged them on their decks; and in the end +some of the Carthaginians were cut down, while others surrendered +in bewildered terror at the battle in which they +found themselves engaged, which eventually became exactly +like a land fight. The result was that they lost the first +thirty ships engaged, crews and all. Among them was captured +the commander’s ship also, though Hannibal himself +by an unexpected piece of luck and an act of great daring +effected his escape in the ship’s boat. The rest of the Carthaginian +squadron were sailing up with the view of charging; +but as they were coming near they saw what had +happened to the ships which were sailing in the front, and +accordingly sheered off and avoided the blows of the engines. +Yet trusting to their speed, they managed by a manœuvre to +sail round and charge the enemy, some on their broadside +and others on their stern, expecting by that method to avoid +danger. But the engines swung round to meet them in +every direction, and dropped down upon them so infallibly, +that no ships could come to close quarters without being +grappled. Eventually the Carthaginians turned and fled, bewildered +at the novelty of the occurrence, and with a loss of +fifty ships.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b1_24" id="b1_24"><b>24.</b></a> Having in this unlooked-for manner made good their maritime hopes +the Romans were doubly encouraged in their enthusiasm for the war. +<span class="sidenote">Further operations in Sicily.<br /><br />Segesta and +Macella.<br /><br />Hamilcar.</span>For the present they put in upon the +coast of Sicily, raised the siege of Segesta when it was reduced to the +last extremity, and on their way back from Segesta carried the town +Macella by assault. But Hamilcar, the commander of the Carthaginian land +forces happened, after the naval battle, to be informed as he lay +encamped near Panormus that the allies were engaged in a dispute with +the Romans about the post of honour in the battles: and ascertaining +that the allies were encamped by themselves between Paropus and +Himeraean Thermae, he made a sudden attack in force as they were in the +act of moving camp and killed almost four thousand of them. <span class="sidenote"> +Hannibal in Sardinia.</span>After this action Hannibal sailed across to +Carthage with such ships as he had left; and thence before very long +crossed to Sardinia, with a reinforcement of ships, and accompanied by +some of those whose reputation as naval commanders stood high. But +before very long he was blockaded in a certain harbour by the Romans, +and lost a large number of ships; and was thereupon summarily arrested +by the surviving Carthaginians and crucified. This came about because +the first thing the Romans did upon getting a navy was to try to become +masters of Sardinia.</p> + +<p>During the next year the Roman legions in Sicily did nothing worthy of +mention. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 259.</span>In the next, after the arrival of the new +Consuls, Aulus Atilius and Gaius Sulpicius, they started to attack +Panormus because the Carthaginian forces were wintering there. <span class="sidenote"> +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 258. Coss. A. Atilius Calatinus, G. Sulpicius, Paterculus.</span>The +Consuls advanced close up to the city with their whole force, and drew +up in order of battle. But the enemy refusing to come out to meet them, +they marched away and attacked the town of Hippana. This they carried by assault: but though they also +took Myttistratum it was only after it had stood a lengthened siege +<span class="sidenote">Hippana +and Myttistratum.</span>owing to the strength of its situation. It<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span> was at this time, too, that +they recovered Camarina, which had revolted a short time previously. +They threw up works against it, and captured it +<span class="sidenote">Camarina.</span>after making a breach in its walls. They treated Henna, and sundry other +strong places which had been in the hands of the Carthaginians, in the +same way; and when they had finished these operations they undertook to +lay siege to Lipara.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_25" id="b1_25"><b>25.</b></a> Next year Gaius Atilius, the Consul, happened to be at anchor off +Tyndaris, when he observed the Carthaginian fleet sailing by in a +straggling manner. <span class="sidenote">Coss. C. Atilius Regulus, Cn. Cornelius, +Blasio II. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 257.<br /><br />Fighting off Tyndaris.</span>He passed the +word to the crews of his own ships to follow the advanced squadron, and +started himself before the rest with ten ships of equal sailing powers. +When the Carthaginians became aware that while some of the enemy were +still embarking, others were already putting out to sea, and that the +advanced squadron were considerably ahead of the rest, they stood round +and went to meet them. They succeeded in surrounding and destroying all +of them except the Consul’s ship, and that they all but captured with +its crew. This last, however, by the perfection of its rowers and its +consequent speed, effected a desperate escape. Meanwhile the remaining +ships of the Romans were sailing up and gradually drawing close +together. Having got into line, they charged the enemy, took ten ships +with their crews, and sunk eight. The rest of the Carthaginian ships +retired to the Liparean Islands.</p> + +<p>The result of this battle was that both sides concluded that they were +now fairly matched, and accordingly made more systematic efforts to +secure a naval force, <span class="sidenote">Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 257-256.</span>and to dispute +the supremacy at sea. While these things were going on, the land forces +effected nothing worth recording; but wasted all their time in such +petty operations as chance threw in their way. Therefore, after making +the preparations <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 256. Coss. L. Manlius, Vulso Longus, M. +Atilius Regulus II. (Suff.)</span>I have mentioned for the approaching +summer, the Romans, with three hundred and thirty decked ships of war, +touched at Messene; thence put to sea, keeping Sicily on their right; +and after doubling the headland Pachynus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span> passed on to Ecnomus, because +the land force was also in that district. The Carthaginians on their +part put to sea again with three hundred and fifty decked ships, touched +at Lilybaeum, and thence dropped anchor at Heracleia Minoa.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_26" id="b1_26"><b>26.</b></a> Now it was the purpose of the Romans to sail across to Libya and +transfer the war there, <span class="sidenote">Preparations for the Battle of +Ecnomus.</span>in order that the Carthaginians might find the danger +affecting themselves and their own country rather than Sicily. But the +Carthaginians were determined to prevent this. They knew that Libya was +easily invaded, and that the invaders if they once effected a landing +would meet with little resistance from the inhabitants; and they +therefore made up their minds not to allow it, and were eager rather to +bring the matter to a decisive issue by a battle at sea. The one side +was determined to cross, the other to prevent their crossing; and their +enthusiastic rivalry gave promise of a desperate struggle. The +preparations of the Romans were made to suit either contingency, an +engagement at sea or a disembarkation on the enemy’s soil. Accordingly +they picked out the best hands from the land army and divided the whole +force which they meant to take on board into four divisions. Each +division had alternative titles; <span class="sidenote">Roman forces. 330 ships, with +average of 420 men (300 rowers + 120 marines) = 138,600 men.</span>the first +was called the “First Legion” or the “First Squadron,”—and so on with +the others. The fourth had a third title besides. They were called +“Triarii,” on the analogy of land armies. The total number of men thus +making up the naval force amounted to nearly one hundred and forty +thousand, reckoning each ship as carrying three hundred rowers and one +hundred and twenty soldiers. The Carthaginians, on the other hand, made +their preparations almost exclusively with a view to a naval engagement. +<span class="sidenote">Carthaginian numbers, 150,000 men.</span>Their numbers, if we +reckon by the number of their ships, were over one hundred and fifty +thousand men. The mere recital of these figures must, I should imagine, +strike any one with astonishment at the magnitude of the struggle, and +the vast resources of the contending states. An actual view of them +itself could hardly be more impressive than the bare statement of the +number of men and ships.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span></p> + +<p>Now the Romans had two facts to consider: <span class="sidenote">The Roman order +at Ecnomus.</span>First, that +circumstances compelled them to face the open +sea; and, secondly, that their enemies had the +advantage of fast sailing vessels. They therefore +took every precaution for keeping their line unbroken +and difficult to attack. They had only two ships with six +banks of oars, those, namely, on which the Consuls Marcus +Atilius and Lucius Manlius respectively were sailing. These +they stationed side by side in front and in a line with each other. +Behind each of these they stationed ships one behind the other +in single file—the first squadron behind the one, and the +second squadron behind the other. These were so arranged +that, as each ship came to its place, the two files diverged +farther and farther from each other; the vessels being also +stationed one behind the other with their prows inclining outwards. +Having thus arranged the first and second squadrons +in single file so as to form a wedge, they stationed the third +division in a single line at its base; so that the whole finally +presented the appearance of a triangle. Behind this base they +stationed the horse-transports, attaching them by towing-ropes +to the ships of the third squadron. And to the rear of them +they placed the fourth squadron, called the Triarii, in a single +line, so extended as to overlap the line in front of them at both +extremities. When these dispositions were complete the +general appearance was that of a beak or wedge, the apex of +which was open, the base compact and strong; while the +whole was easy to work and serviceable, and at the same time +difficult to break up.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_27" id="b1_27"><b>27.</b></a> Meanwhile the Carthaginian commanders had briefly addressed their +men. <span class="sidenote">The disposition of the Carthaginian fleet.</span>They pointed +out to them that victory in this battle would ensure the war in the +future being confined to the question of the possession of Sicily; while +if they were beaten they would have hereafter to fight for their native +land and for all that they held dear. With these words they passed the +word to embark. The order was obeyed with universal enthusiasm, for what +had been said brought home to them the issues at stake; and they put to +sea in the full fervour of excited gallantry, which might well have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span> +struck terror into all who saw it. When their commanders saw the +arrangement of the enemies’ ships they adapted their own to match it. +Three-fourths of their force they posted in a single line, extending +their right wing towards the open sea with a view of outflanking their +opponents, and placing their ships with prows facing the enemy; while +the other fourth part was posted to form a left wing of the whole, the +vessels being at right angles to the others and close to the shore. The +two Carthaginian commanders were Hanno and Hamilcar. <span class="sidenote">ch. 19.</span> +The former was the general who had been defeated in the engagement at +Agrigentum. He now commanded the right wing, supported by beaked vessels +for charging, and the fastest sailing quinqueremes for outflanking, the +enemy. <span class="sidenote">ch. 25.</span>The latter, who had been in the engagement +off Tyndaris, had charge of the left wing. This officer, occupying the +central position of the entire line, on this occasion employed a +stratagem which I will now describe. <span class="sidenote">The battle.</span>The battle +began by the Romans charging the centre of the Carthaginians, because +they observed that it was weakened by their great extension. The ships +in the Carthaginian centre, in accordance with their orders, at once +turned and fled with a view of breaking up the Roman close order. They +began to retire with all speed, and the Romans pursued them with +exultation. The consequence was that, while the first and second Roman +squadrons were pressing the flying enemy, the third and fourth “legions” +had become detached and were left behind,—the former because they had +to tow the horse-transports, and the “Triarii” because they kept their +station with them and helped them to form a reserve. But when the +Carthaginians thought that they had drawn the first and second squadron +a sufficient distance from the main body a signal was hoisted on board +Hamilcar’s ship, and they all simultaneously swung their ships round and +engaged their pursuers. The contest was a severe one. The Carthaginians +had a great superiority in the rapidity with which they manœuvred +their ships. They darted out from their line and rowed round the enemy: +they approached them with ease, and retired with despatch. But the +Romans, no less than the Carthaginians, had their reasons<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span> for +entertaining hopes of victory: for when the vessels got locked together +the contest became one of sheer strength: their engines, the “crows,” +grappled all that once came to close quarters: and, finally, both the +Consuls were present in person and were witnesses of their behaviour in +battle.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_28" id="b1_28"><b>28.</b></a> This was the state of affairs on the centre. But +meanwhile Hanno with the right wing, which had held aloof +when the first encounter took place, crossing the open sea, +charged the ships of the Triarii and caused them great +difficulty and embarrassment: while those of the Carthaginians +who had been posted near the land manœuvred into line, +and getting their ships straight, charged the men who were +towing the horse-transports. These latter let go the towing-ropes, +grappled with the enemy, and kept up a desperate +struggle.</p> + +<p>So that the engagement was in three separate divisions, +or rather there were three sea-fights going on at +wide intervals from each other. <span class="sidenote">Three separate +battles.</span>Now in these +three engagements the opposing parties were in +each case fairly matched, thanks to the original disposition of +the ships, and therefore the victory was in each case closely +contested. However the result in the several cases was very +much what was to be expected where forces were so equal. +The first to engage were the first to separate: <span class="sidenote">First with Hamilcar’s +squadron.</span> +for Hamilcar’s division at last were overpowered +and fled. But while Lucius was +engaged in securing his prizes, Marcus observing the struggle +in which the Triarii and horse-transports were involved, went +with all speed to their assistance, taking with him all the +ships of the second squadron which were undamaged. <span class="sidenote">Second squadron +under Regulus.</span> +As soon as he had reached and +engaged Hanno’s division, the Triarii quickly +picked up courage, though they were then getting much +the worst of it, and returned with renewed spirits to the +fight. It was now the turn for the Carthaginians to be in +difficulties. They were charged in front and on the rear, +and found to their surprise that they were being surrounded +by the relieving squadron. They at once gave way and +retreated in the direction of the open sea.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span></p> + +<p>While this was going on, Lucius, who was sailing back to +rejoin his colleague, observed that the third +squadron had got wedged in by the Carthaginians +close in shore. <span class="sidenote">Third squadron +relieved by Regulus +and Manlius.</span> +Accordingly he and +Marcus, who had by this time secured the safety of the transports +and Triarii, started together to relieve their imperilled +comrades, who were now sustaining something very like a +blockade. And the fact is that they would long before this +have been utterly destroyed had not the Carthaginians been +afraid of the “crows,” and confined themselves to surrounding +and penning them in close to land, without attempting to +charge for fear of being caught by the grappling-irons. The +Consuls came up rapidly, and surrounding the Carthaginians +captured fifty of their ships with their crews, while some few +of them managed to slip away and escape by keeping close +to the shore.</p> + +<p>Such was the result of the separate engagements. But the +general upshot of the whole battle was in favour +of the Romans. <span class="sidenote">General result.</span>Twenty-four of their vessels were +destroyed; over thirty of the Carthaginians. Not a single +Roman ship was captured with its crew; sixty-four of the +Carthaginians were so taken.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_29" id="b1_29"><b>29.</b></a> After the battle the Romans took in a fresh supply of +victual, repaired and refitted the ships they had captured, +bestowed upon the crews the attention which they had +deserved by their victory, and then put to sea with a view +of continuing their voyage to Libya. Their leading ships made +the shore just under the headland called the Hermaeum, which +is the extreme point on the east of the Gulf of Carthage, and +runs out into the open sea in the direction of Sicily. There +they waited for the rest of the ships to come up, and having +got the entire fleet together coasted along until +they came to the city called Aspis. <span class="sidenote">Siege of Aspis. (Clupea.)</span> Here they +disembarked, beached their ships, dug a trench, +and constructed a stockade round them; and on the inhabitants +of the city refusing to submit without compulsion, +they set to work to besiege the town. Presently those of the +Carthaginians who had survived the sea-fight came to land +also; and feeling sure that the enemy, in the flush of their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span> +victory, intended to sail straight against Carthage itself, they +began by keeping a chain of advanced guards at outlying +points to protect the capital with their military and naval +forces. But when they ascertained that the Romans had +disembarked without resistance and were engaged in besieging +Aspis, they gave up the idea of watching for the +descent of the fleet; but concentrated their forces, and devoted +themselves to the protection of the capital and its +environs.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Romans had taken Aspis, had placed in it a +garrison to hold it and its territory, and had +besides sent home to Rome to announce the <span class="sidenote">Aspis taken.</span> +events which had taken place and to ask for instructions as +to the future,—what they were to do, and what arrangements +they were to make. Having done this they made active +preparations for a general advance and set about plundering +the country. They met with no opposition in this: they +destroyed numerous dwelling houses of remarkably fine construction, +possessed themselves of a great number of cattle; +and captured more than twenty thousand slaves whom they +took to their ships. In the midst of these proceedings the +messengers arrived from Rome with orders that one Consul +was to remain with an adequate force, the other was to bring +the fleet to Rome. Accordingly Marcus was <span class="sidenote">M. Atilius Regulus +remains in +Africa, winter of +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 256-255.</span> +left behind with forty ships, fifteen thousand +infantry, and five hundred cavalry; while +Lucius put the crowd of captives on board, and +having embarked his men, sailed along the coast of Sicily +without encountering any danger, and reached Rome.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_30" id="b1_30"><b>30.</b></a> The Carthaginians now saw that their enemies contemplated +a lengthened occupation of the country. They +therefore proceeded first of all to elect two of their own +citizens, Hasdrubal son of Hanno, and Bostarus, to the office +of general; and next sent to Heracleia a pressing summons to +Hamilcar. He obeyed immediately, and arrived at Carthage +with five hundred cavalry and five thousand infantry. He was +forthwith appointed general in conjunction with the other two, +and entered into consultation with Hasdrubal and his colleague +as to the measures necessary to be taken in the present crisis. +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span> +They decided to defend the country and not to allow it to be +devastated without resistance.</p> + +<p>A few days afterwards Marcus sallied forth on one of his +marauding expeditions. Such towns as were +unwalled he carried by assault and plundered, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 256-255. +The operations of +Regulus in Libya.</span> +and such as were walled he besieged. Among +others he came to the considerable town of Adys, and having +placed his troops round it was beginning with all speed to raise +siege works. The Carthaginians were both eager to relieve +the town and determined to dispute the possession of the open +country. They therefore led out their army; but their operations +were not skilfully conducted. They indeed seized and +encamped upon a piece of rising ground which commanded +the enemy; but it was unsuitable to themselves. Their best +hopes rested on their cavalry and their elephants, and yet they +abandoned the level plain and cooped themselves up in a position +at once steep and difficult of access. The enemy, as might +have been expected, were not slow to take advantage of this +mistake. The Roman commanders were skilful enough to +understand that the best and most formidable part of the forces +opposed to them was rendered useless by the nature of the +ground. They did not therefore wait for them to come down +to the plain and offer battle, but choosing the time which +suited themselves, began at daybreak a forward movement on +both sides of the hill. <span class="sidenote">Defeat of the +Carthaginians +near Adys.</span> +In the battle which +followed the Carthaginians could not use their +cavalry or elephants at all; but their mercenary +troops made a really gallant and spirited sally. They even +forced the first division of the Romans to give way and fly: +but they advanced too far, and were surrounded and routed by +the division which was advancing from the other direction. +This was immediately followed by the whole force being +dislodged from their encampment. The elephants and cavalry +as soon as they gained level ground made good their retreat +without loss; but the infantry were pursued by the Romans. +The latter however soon desisted from the pursuit. They +presently returned, dismantled the enemy’s entrenchment, and +destroyed the stockade; and from thenceforth overran the +whole country-side and sacked the towns without opposition.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span></p> + +<p>Among others they seized the town called Tunes. This place +had many natural advantages for expeditions +such as those in which they were engaged, <span class="sidenote">Tunes.</span> +and +was so situated as to form a convenient base of operations +against the capital and its immediate neighbourhood. They +accordingly fixed their headquarters in it.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_31" id="b1_31"><b>31.</b></a> The Carthaginians were now indeed in evil case. It +was not long since they had sustained a disaster +at sea: and now they had met with one on land, <span class="sidenote">Distress at +Carthage, which +is heightened by +an inroad of +Numidians.</span> +not from any failure of courage on the part of +their soldiers, but from the incompetency of their +commanders. Simultaneously with these misfortunes, +they were suffering from an inroad of the Numidians, +who were doing even more damage to the country than the +Romans. The terror which they inspired drove the country +folk to flock for safety into the city; and the city itself had to +face a serious famine as well as a panic, the former from the +numbers that crowded into it, the latter from the hourly +expectation of a siege. <span class="sidenote">Spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 255. +Regulus proposes +harsh terms.</span> +But Regulus had +different views. The double defeat sustained +by the Carthaginians, by land as well as by sea, +convinced him that the capture of Carthage was a question of +a very short time; and he was in a state of great anxiety lest +his successor in the Consulship should arrive from Rome in +time to rob him of the glory of the achievement. He therefore +invited the Carthaginians to make terms. They were +only too glad of the proposal, and sent their leading citizens +to meet him. The meeting took place: but the commissioners +could not bring their minds to entertain his proposals; they +were so severe that it was almost more than they could bear to +listen to them at all. Regulus regarded himself as practically +master of the city, and considered that they ought to regard +any concession on his part as a matter of favour and pure +grace. <span class="sidenote">The terms +rejected.</span> +The Carthaginians on the other hand +concluded that nothing worse could be imposed +on them if they suffered capture than was +now enjoined. They therefore returned home without +accepting the offers of Regulus, and extremely exasperated by +his unreasonable harshness. When the Carthaginian Senate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span> +heard the conditions offered by the Roman general, though +they had almost relinquished every hope of safety, they came +to the gallant and noble resolution that they would brave +anything, that they would try every possible means and endure +every extremity, rather than submit to terms so dishonourable +and so unworthy of their past history.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_32" id="b1_32"><b>32.</b></a> Now it happened that just about this time one of their +recruiting agents, who had some time before +been despatched to Greece, arrived home. <span class="sidenote">Arrival of the +Spartan Xanthippus +in Carthage.</span>He +brought a large number of men with him, and +among them a certain Lacedaemonian named Xanthippus, a +man trained in the Spartan discipline, and of large experience +in war. When this man was informed of their defeat, and of +how it had taken place, and when he had reviewed the military +resources still left to the Carthaginians, and the number of +their cavalry and elephants, he did not take long to come to +a decided conclusion. He expressed his opinion to his friends +that the Carthaginians had owed their defeat, not to the +superiority of the Romans, but to the unskilfulness of their +own commanders. The dangerous state of their affairs caused +the words of Xanthippus to get abroad quickly among the +people and to reach the ears of the generals; and the men in +authority determined to summon and question him. He +appeared, and laid his views before the magistrates; in which +he showed to what they owed their present disasters, and that +if they would take his advice and keep to the flat parts of the +country alike in marching, encamping, and giving battle, they +would be able with perfect ease to secure safety for themselves +and to defeat their opponents in the field. The generals +accepted the suggestion, resolved to follow his advice, and +there and then put their forces at his command. Among the +multitude the observation of Xanthippus was passed from +mouth to mouth, and gave rise, as was to be expected, to +a good deal of popular rumour and sanguine talk. This +was confirmed when he had once handled the troops. The +way in which he got them into order when he had led them +outside the town; the skill with which he manœuvred the +separate detachments, and passed the word of command +down the ranks in due conformity to the rules of tactics, at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span> +once impressed every one with the contrast to the blundering +of their former generals. The multitude expressed their +approbation by loud cheers, and were for engaging the enemy +without delay, convinced that no harm could happen to them +as long as Xanthippus was their leader. The generals took +advantage of this circumstance, and of the extraordinary +recovery which they saw had taken place in the spirits of +the people. They addressed them some exhortations befitting +the occasion, and after a few days’ delay got their +forces on foot and started. Their army consisted of twelve +thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, and nearly a hundred +elephants.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_33" id="b1_33"><b>33.</b></a> The Romans at once noticed a change. They saw +that the Carthaginians chose level country for +their line of march, <span class="sidenote">The new strategy +of the Carthaginians.</span> +and flat places for their +encampments. This novelty puzzled and rather +alarmed them, yet their prevailing feeling was an eager desire +to come to close quarters with the enemy. They therefore +advanced to a position about ten stades from them and employed +the first day in pitching a camp there. Next day, +while the chief officers of the Carthaginians were discussing +in a council of war what dispositions were called for, and +what line of strategy they were to adopt, the common soldiers, +in their eagerness for the engagement, collected in groups, +shouted out the name of Xanthippus, and showed that their +opinion was in favour of an immediate forward movement. +Influenced by the evident enthusiasm and eagerness of the +army, and by the appeals of Xanthippus that they should not +let the opportunity slip, the generals gave orders to the men +to get ready, and resigned to Xanthippus the entire direction +of affairs, with full authority to act as he thought most advantageous. +He at once acted upon this authority. <span class="sidenote">The dispositions +for the battle.</span> +He ordered out the elephants, and placed them +in a single line in front of the whole army. +The heavy phalanx of the Carthaginians he stationed at a +moderate interval in the rear of these. He divided the +mercenaries into three corps. One he stationed on the right +wing; while the other two, which consisted of the most active, +he placed with the cavalry on both wings. When the Romans<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span> +saw that the enemy were drawn up to offer them battle +they readily advanced to accept it. They were however +alarmed at the elephants, and made special arrangements +with a view to resist their charge. They stationed the velites +in the van, and behind them the legionaries, many maniples +deep, while they divided the cavalry between the two wings. +Their line of battle was thus less extended than usual, but +deeper. And though they had thereby made a sufficient provision +against the elephants, yet being far out-numbered in +cavalry, their provision in that part of the field was altogether +inadequate. At length both sides had made their dispositions +according to their respective plans of operation, and had placed +their several men in the posts assigned to them: and now they +were standing drawn up in order, and were each of them +watching for the right moment for beginning the attack.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_34" id="b1_34"><b>34.</b></a> No sooner had Xanthippus given the order to the +men on the elephants to advance and disperse <span class="sidenote">The battle.</span> +the lines in front of them, and to his cavalry to +outflank both wings and charge the enemy, than the Roman +army—clashing their shields and spears together after their +usual custom, and simultaneously raising their battle-cry—charged +the enemy. The Roman cavalry being far out-numbered +by the Carthaginians were soon in full retreat on +both wings. But the fortune of the several divisions of the +infantry was various. Those stationed on the left wing—partly +because they could avoid the elephants and partly +because they thought contemptuously of the mercenaries—charged +the right wing of the Carthaginians, succeeded in +driving them from their ground, and pursued them as far as +their entrenchment. Those stationed in front of the elephants +were less fortunate. The maniples in front were thrown +into utter confusion by the crushing weight of the animals: +knocked down and trampled upon by them they perished in +heaps upon the field; yet owing to its great depth the main +body remained for a time unbroken. <span class="sidenote">The Romans are +beaten and +annihilated.</span> +But it +was not for long. The maniples on the rear +found themselves outflanked by the cavalry, +and were forced to face round and resist them: those on the +other hand who forced their way to the front through the elephants,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span> +and had now those beasts on their rear, found themselves +confronted by the phalanx of Carthaginians, which +had not yet been in action and was still in close unbroken +order, and so were cut to pieces. This was followed by a +general rout. Most of the Romans were trampled to death +by the enormous weight of the elephants; the rest were +shot down in their ranks by the numerous cavalry: and +there were only a very few who attempted to save themselves +by flight. But the flatness of the country was unfavourable +to escape in this manner. Some of the fugitives were +destroyed by the elephants and cavalry; <span class="sidenote">Regulus made +prisoner.</span> +while only those who +fled with the general Regulus, amounting perhaps +to five hundred, were after a short pursuit +made prisoners with him to a man.</p> + +<p>On the Carthaginian side there fell about eight hundred of +the mercenaries, those namely who had been stationed opposite +the left wing of the Romans. On the part of the Romans +about two thousand survived. These were those whom I have +already described as having chased the Carthaginian right wing +to their entrenchment, and who were thus not involved in the +general engagement. The rest were entirely destroyed with +the exception of those who fled with Regulus. The surviving +maniples escaped with considerable difficulty to the town of +Aspis. The Carthaginians stripped the dead, and taking with +them the Roman general and the rest of their prisoners, +returned to the capital in a high state of exultation at the turn +their affairs had now taken.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_35" id="b1_35"><b>35.</b></a> This event conveys many useful lessons to a thoughtful +observer. Above all, the disaster of Regulus gives the +clearest possible warning that no one should feel too confident +of the favours of Fortune, especially in the hour of success. +<span class="sidenote">Eurip. fr.</span>Here we see one, who a short time before refused all pity +or consideration to the fallen, brought incontinently +to beg them for his own life. Again, we +are taught the truth of that saying of Euripides—</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line">One wise man’s skill is worth a world in arms.</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>For it was one man, one brain, that defeated the numbers +which were believed to be invincible and able to accomplish<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span> +anything; and restored to confidence a whole city that was +unmistakably and utterly ruined, and the spirits of its army +which had sunk to the lowest depths of despair. I record these +things in the hope of benefiting my readers. There are two +roads to reformation for mankind—one through misfortunes of +their own, the other through those of others: the former is the +most unmistakable, the latter the less painful. One should +never therefore voluntarily choose the former, for it makes reformation +a matter of great difficulty and danger; but we +should always look out for the latter, for thereby we can +without hurt to ourselves gain a clear view of the best course +to pursue. It is this which forces us to consider that the +knowledge gained from the study of true history is the best of +all educations for practical life. For it is history, and history +alone, which, without involving us in actual danger, will mature +our judgment and prepare us to take right views, whatever may +be the crisis or the posture of affairs.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_36" id="b1_36"><b>36.</b></a> To return to our narrative. Having obtained this +complete success the Carthaginians indulged +in every sign of exultation. <span class="sidenote">Xanthippus quits +Carthage.</span> +Thanksgivings +were poured out to God, and joyful congratulations +interchanged among themselves. But Xanthippus, by +whose means such a happy change had been brought about +and such an impulse been given to the fortunes of Carthage, +did not remain there long, but took ship for home again. In +this he showed his wisdom and discernment. For it is the +nature of extraordinary and conspicuous achievements to exasperate +jealousies and envenom slander; against which a native +may perhaps stand with the support of kinsfolk and friends, +but a foreigner when exposed to one or the other of them is +inevitably overpowered before long and put in danger. There +is however another account sometimes given of the departure +of Xanthippus, which I will endeavour at a more suitable +opportunity to set forth.</p> + +<p>Upon this unlooked-for catastrophe in the Libyan campaign, +the Roman government at once set to <span class="sidenote">The Romans +prepare a fleet to +relieve their +beaten army.</span> +work to fit out a fleet to take off the men who +were still surviving there; while the Carthaginians +followed up their success by sitting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span> +down before Aspis, and besieging it, being anxious to get the +survivors of the battle into their hands. But failing to capture +the place, owing to the gallantry and determined courage +of these men, they eventually raised the siege. When they +heard that the Romans were preparing their fleet, and were +intending to sail once more against Libya, they set about +shipbuilding also, partly repairing old vessels and partly constructing +new. Before very long they had manned and +launched two hundred ships, and were on the watch for the +coming of their enemies. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 255. +Coss. Ser. Fulvius +Paetinus +Nobilior, M. +Aemilius Paullus.</span> +By the beginning of +the summer the Romans had launched three +hundred and fifty vessels. They put them +under the command of the Consuls Marcus +Aemilius and Servius Fulvius, and despatched +them. This fleet coasted along Sicily; made for Libya; +and having fallen in with the Carthaginian squadron off Hermaeum, +at once charged and easily turned them to flight; +captured a hundred and fourteen with their crews, and having +taken on board their men who had maintained themselves +in Libya, started from Aspis on their return voyage +to Sicily.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_37" id="b1_37"><b>37.</b></a> The passage was effected in safety, and the coast of +Camarina was reached: but there they experienced so terrible +a storm, and suffered so dreadfully, as almost to +beggar description. <span class="sidenote">The fleet is lost +in a storm.</span> +The disaster was indeed +extreme: for out of their three hundred and +sixty-four vessels eighty only remained. The rest were either +swamped or driven by the surf upon the rocks and headlands, +where they went to pieces and filled all the seaboard with +corpses and wreckage. No greater catastrophe is to be found +in all history as befalling a fleet at one time. And for this +Fortune was not so much to blame as the commanders themselves. +They had been warned again and again by the pilots +not to steer along the southern coast of Sicily facing the +Libyan sea, because it was exposed and yielded no safe anchorage; +and because, of the two dangerous constellations, <span class="sidenote">Between June 28 +and July 26.</span> +one had +not yet set and the other was on the point of +rising (for their voyage fell between the rising of +Orion and that of the Dog Star). Yet they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span> +attended to none of these warnings; but, intoxicated by their +recent success, were anxious to capture certain cities as they +coasted along, and in pursuance of this idea thoughtlessly exposed +themselves to the full fury of the open sea. As far as these +particular men were concerned, the disaster which they brought +upon themselves in the pursuit of trivial advantages convinced +them of the folly of their conduct. But it is a peculiarity of +the Roman people as a whole to treat everything as a question +of main strength; to consider that they must of course accomplish +whatever they have proposed to themselves; and that +nothing is impossible that they have once determined upon. +The result of such self-confidence is that in many things they +do succeed, while in some few they conspicuously fail, and +especially at sea. On land it is against men only and their +works that they have to direct their efforts: and as the forces +against which they exert their strength do not differ intrinsically +from their own, as a general rule they succeed; while +their failures are exceptional and rare. But to contend with the +sea and sky is to fight against a force immeasurably superior to +their own: and when they trust to an exertion of sheer strength +in such a contest the disasters which they meet with are signal. +This is what they experienced on the present occasion: they +have often experienced it since; and will continue to do so, +as long as they maintain their headstrong and foolhardy notion +that any season of the year admits of sailing as well as +marching.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_38" id="b1_38"><b>38.</b></a> When the Carthaginians heard of the destruction which +had befallen the Roman fleet, they made up their minds that +as their late victory had made them a match for their enemy +on land, so now the Roman catastrophe had made them a +match for him at sea. Accordingly they devoted themselves +with still greater eagerness than before to their naval and military +preparations. <span class="sidenote">The +Carthaginians +renew operations +in Sicily.</span> +And first, they lost no time in +despatching Hasdrubal to Sicily, and with him +not only the soldiers that they had already collected, +but those also whom they had recalled +from Heracleia; and along with them they sent also a hundred +and forty elephants. And next, after despatching him, they +began fitting out two hundred ships and making all other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span> +preparations necessary for a naval expedition. Hasdrubal +reached Lilybaeum safely, and immediately set to work to +train his elephants and drill his men, and showed his intention +of striking a blow for the possession of the open +country.</p> + +<p>The Roman government, when they heard of this from the +survivors of the wreck on their arrival home, felt it to be a +grievous misfortune; but being absolutely resolved not to give +in, they determined once more to put two hundred and twenty +vessels on the stocks and build afresh. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 254. +Coss. Gn. Cornelius +Scipio Asina II., +Aulus Atilius, +Calatinus II.</span> +These +were finished in three months, an almost incredibly +short time, and the new Consuls Aulus +Atilius and Gnaeus Cornelius fitted out the +fleet and put to sea. As they passed through +the straits they took up from Messene those of the vessels +which had been saved from the wreck; and having thus arrived +with three hundred ships off Panormus, which is the +strongest town of all the Carthaginian province in Sicily, they +began to besiege it. They threw up works in two distinct +places, and after other necessary preparations brought up their +battering rams. The tower next the sea was destroyed with +ease, and the soldiers forced their way in through the breach: +and so what is called the New Town was carried by assault; +while what is called the Old Town being placed by this event +in imminent danger, its inhabitants made haste to surrender +it. Having thus made themselves masters of the place, +the army sailed back to Rome, leaving a garrison in the +town.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_39" id="b1_39"><b>39.</b></a> But next summer the new Consuls Gnaeus Servilius +and Gaius Sempronius put again to sea with +their full strength, and after touching at Sicily +started thence for Libya. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 253. +Coss. Gn. +Servilius Caepio, +G. Sempronius +Blaesus.</span> +There, as they coasted +along the shore, they made a great number of +descents upon the country without accomplishing +anything of importance in any of them. At length they +came to the island of the Lotophagi called Mēnix, which is +not far from the Lesser Syrtis. There, from ignorance of the +waters, they ran upon some shallows; the tide receded, their +ships went aground, and they were in extreme peril. However,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span> +after a while the tide unexpectedly flowed back again, and by +dint of throwing overboard all their heavy goods they just +managed to float the ships. After this their return voyage was +more like a flight than anything else. When they reached +Sicily and had made the promontory of Lilybaeum they cast +anchor at Panormus. Thence they weighed anchor for Rome, +and rashly ventured upon the open sea-line as the shortest; +but while on their voyage they once more encountered so +terrible a storm that they lost more than a hundred and +fifty ships.</p> + +<p>The Romans after this misfortune, though they are eminently +persistent in carrying out their undertakings, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 252.</span> +yet owing to the severity and frequency +of their disasters, now yielded to the force of circumstances +and refrained from constructing another fleet. All the hopes +still left to them they rested upon their land +forces: and, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 251. +Coss. Lucius +Caecilius +Metellus, G. +Furius Pacilus.</span> +accordingly, they despatched the +Consuls Lucius Caecilius and Gaius Furius with +their legions to Sicily; but they only manned +sixty ships to carry provisions for the legions. +The fortunes of the Carthaginians had in their turn considerably +improved owing to the catastrophes I have described. +They now commanded the sea without let or hindrance, +since the Romans had abandoned it; while in their land +forces their hopes were high. Nor was it unreasonable +that it should be so. The account of the battle of Libya +had reached the ears of the Romans: they had heard that +the elephants had broken their ranks and had killed the large +part of those that fell: and they were in such terror of them, +that though during two years running after that time they +had on many occasions, in the territory either of Lilybaeum or +Selinus, found themselves in order of battle within five or six +stades of the enemy, they never plucked up courage to begin +an attack, or in fact to come down upon level ground at all, +all because of their fear of an elephant charge. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 252-251.</span> +And in these two seasons all they did was to +reduce Therma and Lipara by siege, keeping close all the +while to mountainous districts and such as were difficult to +cross. The timidity and want of confidence thus displayed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span> +by their land forces induced the Roman government to +change their minds and once more to attempt +success at sea. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 250.</span>Accordingly, in the second consulship +of Caius Atilius and Lucius Manlius, we find them +ordering fifty ships to be built, enrolling sailors and energetically +collecting a naval armament.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_40" id="b1_40"><b>40.</b></a> Meanwhile Hasdrubal noticed the terror displayed by +the Romans whenever they had lately found +themselves in the presence of the enemy. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 251.</span>He +learnt also that one of the Consuls had departed and gone +to Italy, and that Caecilius was lingering in Panormus with +the other half of the army, <span class="sidenote">Skirmishing +at Panormus.</span>with the view of +protecting the corn-crops of the allies just +then ripe for the harvest. He therefore got +his troops in motion, marched out, and encamped on the +frontier of the territory of Panormus. Caecilius saw well +enough that the enemy had become supremely confident, and +he was anxious to draw him on; he therefore kept his men +within the walls. Hasdrubal imagined that Caecilius dared +not come out to give him battle. Elated with this idea, he +pushed boldly forward with his whole army and marched over +the pass into the territory of Panormus. But though he was +destroying all the standing crops up to the very walls of the +town, Caecilius was not shaken from his resolution, but kept +persistently to it, until he had induced him to cross the river +which lay between him and the town. But no sooner had the +Carthaginians got their elephants and men across, than +Caecilius commenced sending out his light-armed troops to +harass them, until he had forced them to get their whole army +into fighting order. When he saw that everything was happening +as he designed it, he placed some of his light troops to +line the wall and moat, with instructions that if the elephants +came within range they should pour volleys of their missiles +upon them; but that whenever they found themselves being +forced from their ground by them, they should retreat into the +moat, rush out of it again, and hurl darts at the elephants +which happened to be nearest. At the same time he gave +orders to the armourers in the market-place to carry the +missiles and heap them up outside at the foot of the wall.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span> +Meanwhile he took up his own position with his maniples at +the gate which was opposite the enemy’s left wing, and kept +despatching detachment after detachment to reinforce his +skirmishers. The engagement commenced by them becoming +more and more general, a feeling of emulation took possession +of the officers in charge of the elephants. They wished +to distinguish themselves in the eyes of Hasdrubal, and +they desired that the credit of the victory should be theirs: +they therefore, with one accord, charged the advanced skirmishing +parties of the enemy, routed them with ease, and +pursued them up to the moat. But no sooner did the elephants +thus come to close quarters than they were wounded by +the archers on the wall, and overwhelmed with volleys of pila +and javelins which poured thick and fast upon them from the +men stationed on the outer edge of the moat, and who had +not yet been engaged,—and thus, studded all over with darts, +and wounded past all bearing, they soon got beyond control. +They turned and bore down upon their own masters, trampling +men to death, and throwing their own lines into utter disorder +and confusion. When Caecilius saw this he led out his men +with promptitude. His troops were fresh; the enemy were in +disorder; and he charged them diagonally on the flank: the +result was that he inflicted a severe defeat upon them, killed a +large number, and forced the rest into precipitate flight. Of the +elephants he captured ten along with their Indian riders: the +rest which had thrown their Indians he managed to drive into +a herd after the battle, and secured every one of them. This +achievement gained him the credit on all hands of having substantially +benefited the Roman cause, by once more restoring +confidence to the army, and giving them the command of the +open country.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_41" id="b1_41"><b>41.</b></a> The announcement of this success at Rome was received +with extreme delight; not so much at the blow inflicted +on the enemy by the loss of their elephants, as at the confidence +inspired in their own troops by a victory over these animals. With +their confidence thus restored, the Roman government recurred +to their original plan of sending out the Consuls upon this service +with a fleet and naval forces; for they were eager, by all means +in their power, to put a period to the war. Accordingly, in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span> +the fourteenth year of the war, the supplies necessary for +the despatch of the expedition were got ready, and the Consuls +set sail for Sicily with two hundred ships. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 250. +C. Caecilius Regulus II., +L. Manlius Vulso II.</span> +They dropped anchor at Lilybaeum; and the +army having met them there, they began to +besiege it by sea and land. Their view was +that if they could obtain possession of this +town they would have no difficulty in transferring the seat +of war to Libya. The Carthaginian leaders were of the same +opinion, and entirely agreed with the Roman view of the value +of the place. They accordingly subordinated everything else +to this; devoted themselves to the relief of the place at all +hazards; and resolved to retain this town at any sacrifice: for +now that the Romans were masters of all the rest of Sicily, +except Drepana, it was the only foothold they had left in the +island.</p> + +<p>To understand my story a knowledge of the topography of +the district is necessary. I will therefore endeavour in a few +words to convey a comprehension to my readers of its +geographical position and its peculiar advantages.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_42" id="b1_42"><b>42.</b></a> Sicily, then, lies towards Southern Italy very much in +the same relative position as the Peloponnese does to the rest +of Greece. The only difference is that the one is an island, +the other a peninsula; and consequently in the former case +there is no communication except by sea, in the latter there is +a land communication also. The shape of Sicily is a triangle, +of which the several angles are represented by promontories: +that to the south jutting out into the Sicilian Sea is called +Pachynus; that which looks to the north forms the western +extremity of the Straits of Messene and is about twelve +stades from Italy, its name is Pelorus; while the third +projects in the direction of Libya itself, and is conveniently +situated opposite the promontories which cover Carthage, at a +distance of about a thousand stades: it looks somewhat south +of due west, dividing the Libyan from the Sardinian Sea, and +is called Lilybaeum. On this last there is a city of the same +name. It was this city that the Romans were now besieging. +It was exceedingly strongly fortified: for besides its walls there +was a deep ditch running all round it, and on the side of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span> +sea it was protected by lagoons, to steer through which into +the harbour was a task requiring much skill and practice.</p> + +<p>The Romans made two camps, one on each side of the +town, and connected them with a ditch, <span class="sidenote">Siege of +Lilybaeum, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 250.</span> +stockade, and wall. Having done this, they +began the assault by advancing their siege-works +in the direction of the tower nearest the sea, which commands +a view of the Libyan main. They did this gradually, always +adding something to what they had already constructed; and +thus bit by bit pushed their works forward and extended them +laterally, till at last they had brought down not only this tower, +but the six next to it also; and at the same time began battering +all the others with battering-rams. The siege was carried +on with vigour and terrific energy: every day some of the +towers were shaken and others reduced to ruins; every +day too the siege-works advanced farther and farther, and +more and more towards the heart of the city. And though +there were in the town, besides the ordinary inhabitants, as +many as ten thousand hired soldiers, the consternation and +despondency became overwhelming. Yet their commander +Himilco omitted no measure within his power. As fast +as the enemy demolished a fortification he threw up a new +one; he also countermined them, and reduced the assailants +to straits of no ordinary difficulty. Moreover, he made +daily sallies, attempted to carry or throw fire into the siege-works, +and with this end in view fought many desperate +engagements by night as well as by day: so determined was +the fighting in these struggles, that sometimes the number of +the dead was greater than it ordinarily is in a pitched battle.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_43" id="b1_43"><b>43.</b></a> But about this time some of the officers of highest +rank in the mercenary army discussed among <span class="sidenote">Attempted +treason in +Lilybaeum.</span> +themselves a project for surrendering the town +to the Romans, being fully persuaded that the +men under their command would obey their orders. They +got out of the city at night, went to the enemy’s camp, and +held a parley with the Roman commander on the subject. +But Alexon the Achaean, who on a former occasion had saved +Agrigentum from destruction when the mercenary troops of +Syracuse made a plot to betray it, was on this occasion<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span> +once more the first to detect this treason, and to report it to the +general of the Carthaginians. The latter no sooner heard it +than he at once summoned a meeting of those officers who +were still in their quarters; and exhorted them to loyalty with +prayers and promises of liberal bounties and favours, if they +would only remain faithful to him, and not join in the treason +of the officers who had left the town. They received his +speech with enthusiasm, and were there and then commissioned +by him, some to go to the Celts accompanied by Hannibal, +who was the son of the Hannibal killed in Sardinia, and who +had a previous acquaintance with that people gained in the +expedition against them; others to fetch the rest of the +mercenary troops, accompanied by Alexon, because he was +liked and trusted by them. These officers then proceeded to +summon a meeting of their men and address them. They +pledged their own credit for the bounties promised them +severally by the General, and without difficulty persuaded the +men to remain staunch. The result was that when the +officers, who had joined in the secret mission, returned to the +walls and tried to address their men, and communicate the +terms offered by the Romans, so far from finding any adherents, +they could not even obtain a hearing, but were driven from +the wall with volleys of stones and darts. But this treason +among their mercenaries constituted a serious danger: the +Carthaginians had a narrow escape from absolute ruin, and +they owed their preservation from it to that same Alexon whose +fidelity had on a former occasion preserved for Agrigentum +her territory, constitution, and freedom.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_44" id="b1_44"><b>44.</b></a> Meanwhile the Carthaginians at home knew nothing of +what was going on. But they could calculate +the requirements of a besieged garrison; <span class="sidenote">Hannibal relieves +Lilybaeum.</span> +and +they accordingly filled fifty vessels with soldiers, +furnished their commander Hannibal, a son of Hamilcar, and +an officer and prime favourite of Adherbal’s, with instructions +suitable to the business in hand, and despatched him with all +speed: charging him to be guilty of no delay, to omit no +opportunity, and to shrink from no attempt however venturesome +to relieve the besieged. He put to sea with his ten +thousand men, and dropped anchor at the islands called<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span> +Aegusae, which lie in the course between Lilybaeum and +Carthage, and there looked out for an opportunity of making +Lilybaeum. At last a strong breeze sprang up in exactly the +right quarter: he crowded all sail and bore down before the +wind right upon the entrance of the harbour, with his men +upon the decks fully armed and ready for battle. Partly from +astonishment at this sudden appearance, partly from dread of +being carried along with the enemy by the violence of the +gale into the harbour of their opponents, the Romans did not +venture to obstruct the entrance of the reinforcement; but +stood out at sea overpowered with amazement at the audacity +of the enemy.</p> + +<p>The town population crowded to the walls, in an agony of +anxiety as to what would happen, no less than in an excess of +joy at the unlooked-for appearance of hope, and cheered on the +crews as they sailed into the harbour, with clapping hands +and cries of gladness. To sail into the harbour was an +achievement of great danger; but Hannibal accomplished it +gallantly, and, dropping anchor there, safely disembarked his +soldiers. The exultation of all who were in the city was not +caused so much by the presence of the reinforcement, though +they had thereby gained a strong revival of hope, and a large +addition to their strength, as by the fact that the Romans had +not dared to intercept the course of the Carthaginians.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_45" id="b1_45"><b>45.</b></a> Himilco, the general in command at Lilybaeum, now +saw that both divisions of his troops were in <span class="sidenote">A sally from +Lilybaeum.</span>high spirits and eager for service,—the original +garrison owing to the presence of the reinforcement, +the newly arrived because they had as yet had no experience +of the hardships of the situation. He wished to take +advantage of the excited feelings of both parties, before they +cooled, in order to organise an attempt to set fire to the works of +the besiegers. He therefore summoned the whole army to a +meeting, and dwelt upon the themes suitable to the occasion +at somewhat greater length than usual. He raised their zeal +to an enthusiastic height by the magnitude of his promises for +individual acts of courage, and by declaring the favours and +rewards which awaited them as an army at the hands of the +Carthaginians. His speech was received with lively marks of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span> +satisfaction; and the men with loud shouts bade him delay no +more, but lead them into the field. For the present, however, +he contented himself with thanking them and expressing his +delight at their excellent spirit, and bidding them go early to +rest and obey their officers, dismissed them. But shortly +afterwards he summoned the officers; assigned to them severally +the posts best calculated for the success of the undertaking; +communicated to them the watchword and the exact moment +the movement was to be made; and issued orders to the commanders +to be at the posts assigned with their men at the +morning watch. His orders were punctually obeyed: and at +daybreak he led out his forces and made attempts upon the +siege-works at several points. But the Romans had not been +blind to what was coming, and were neither idle nor unprepared. +Wherever help was required it was promptly rendered; +and at every point they made a stout resistance to the enemy. +Before long there was fighting all along the line, and an +obstinate struggle round the entire circuit of the wall; for the +sallying party were not less than twenty thousand strong, and +their opponents more numerous still. The contest was all +the hotter from the fact that the men were not fighting in +their regular ranks, but indiscriminately, and as their own +judgment directed; the result of which was that a spirit of +personal emulation arose among the combatants, because, +though the numbers engaged were so great, there was a series +of single combats between man and man, or company and +company. However, it was at the siege-works themselves that +the shouting was loudest and the throng of combatants the +densest. At these troops had been massed deliberately for +attack and defence. The assailants strove their utmost to +dislodge the defenders, the defenders exerted all their courage +to hold their ground and not yield an inch to the assailants,—and +with such emulation and fury on both sides, that they +ended by falling at their posts rather than yield. But there +were others mingled with these, carrying torchwood and tow +and fire, who made a simultaneous attack upon the battering-rams +at every point: hurling these fiery missiles against them +with such audacity, that the Romans were reduced to the last +extremity of danger, being quite unable to overpower the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span> +attack of the enemy. But the general of the Carthaginians, +seeing that he was losing large numbers in the +engagement, <span class="sidenote">It fails.</span>without being able to gain the +object of the sortie, which was to take the siege-works, ordered +his trumpeters to sound a recall. So the Romans, after +coming within an ace of losing all their siege-gear, finally kept +possession of the works, and were able to maintain them all +without dispute.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_46" id="b1_46"><b>46.</b></a> After this affair Hannibal eluded the enemy’s watch, +and sailed out of the harbour by night with his ships to +Drepana, to join the Carthaginian Commander-in-Chief, +Adherbal. Drepana is about one hundred and twenty +stades from Lilybaeum, and was always an object of special +care to the Carthaginians from the convenience of its position +and the excellence of its harbour.</p> + +<p>Now the Carthaginian government were anxious to learn +the state of affairs at Lilybaeum, but could not +do so because the garrison was strictly blockaded, +and the Romans were exceedingly vigilant. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal the Rhodian offers to run the blockade.</span> +In this difficulty a nobleman, called Hannibal +the Rhodian, came to them, and offered to run the +blockade, to see what was going on in Lilybaeum with his own +eyes, and to report. The offer delighted them, but they did +not believe in the possibility of its fulfilment with the Roman +fleet lying at the very entrance of the channel. However, the +man fitted out his own private vessel and put to sea. He +first crossed to one of the islands lying off Lilybaeum. Next +day he obtained a wind in the right quarter, and about ten +o’clock in the morning actually sailed into the harbour in the +full view of the enemy, who looked on with amazement at his +audacity. Next day he lost no time in setting about a return +voyage. The Roman Consul had determined on taking extra +precautions for watching the sea near the channel: with this +view he had during the night got ready his ten fastest-sailing +vessels, and taking up a position on shore close to the harbour +mouth, was watching with his own eyes what would happen. +The whole army was watching also; while the ships on both +sides of the mouth of the channel got as close to the shallows +as it was possible to approach, and there rested with their oars<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span> +out, and ready to run down and capture the ship that was +about to sail out. The Rhodian, on his side, attempted no +concealment. He put boldly to sea, and so confounded the +enemy by his audacity, and the speed of his vessel, that he not +only sailed out without receiving any damage to ship or crew, +scudding along the bows of the enemy as though they were +fixed in their places, but even brought his ship to, after running +a short way ahead, and, with his oars out and ready, +seemed to challenge the foe to a contest. When none of them +ventured to put out to attack him, because of the speed of his +rowing, he sailed away: having thus with his one ship successfully +defied the entire fleet of the enemy. From this time he +frequently performed the same feat, and proved exceedingly +serviceable both to the government at Carthage and the +besieged garrison. To the former by informing them from +time to time of what was pressingly necessary; and to the latter +by inspiring them with confidence, and dismaying the Romans +by his audacity.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_47" id="b1_47"><b>47.</b></a> What contributed most to encourage him to a repetition +of the feat was the fact that by frequent experience +he had marked out the course for himself by clear land +marks. As soon as he had crossed the open sea, and +was coming into sight, he used to steer as though he were +coming from Italy, keeping the seaward tower exactly on his +bows, in such a way as to be in a line with the city towers +which faced towards Libya; and this is the only possible +course to hit the mouth of the channel with the wind astern. +The successful boldness of the Rhodian inspired <span class="sidenote">His example is +followed by +others.</span> +several of those who were acquainted with these +waters to make similar attempts. The Romans +felt themselves to be in a great difficulty; and what was taking +place determined them to attempt blocking up the mouth of +the harbour. The greater part of the attempted work was a +failure: the sea was too deep, and none of the material which +they threw into it would hold, or in fact keep in the least +compact. The breakers and the force of the current dislodged +and scattered everything that was thrown in, before it could +even reach the bottom. But there was one point where the +water was shallow, at which a mole was with infinite labour<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span> +made to hold together; and upon it a vessel with four banks +of oars and of unusually fine build stuck fast +as it was making the outward passage at night, <span class="sidenote">The Rhodian is +at length +captured.</span> +and thus fell into the hands of the enemy. +The Romans took possession of it, manned it with a picked +crew, and used it for keeping a look out for all who should +try to enter the harbour, and especially for the Rhodian. He +had sailed in, as it happened, that very night, and was afterwards +putting out to sea again in his usual open manner. He +was, however, startled to see the four-banked vessel put out +to sea again simultaneously with himself. He recognised +what ship it was, and his first impulse was to escape her by his +superior speed. But finding himself getting overhauled by +the excellence of her rowers, he was finally compelled to +bring to and engage at close quarters. But in a struggle of +marines he was at a complete disadvantage: the enemy were +superior in numbers, and their soldiers were picked men; and +he was made prisoner. The possession of this ship of superior +build enabled the Romans, by equipping her with whatever +was wanted for the service she had to perform, to intercept all +who were adventurous enough to try running the blockade of +Lilybaeum.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_48" id="b1_48"><b>48.</b></a> Meanwhile, the besieged were energetically carrying +on counterworks, having abandoned the hope +of damaging or destroying the constructions of +the enemy. <span class="sidenote">A storm having +damaged the +siege-works, the +Lilybaeans succeed +in burning them.</span> +But in the midst of these proceedings +a storm of wind, of such tremendous +violence and fury, blew upon the machinery of +the engines, that it wrecked the pent-houses, +and carried away by its force the towers erected to cover +them. Some of the Greek mercenaries perceived the advantage +such a state of things offered for the destruction of the +siege-works, and communicated their idea to the commander. +He caught at the suggestion, and lost no time in making every +preparation suitable to the undertaking. Then the young men +mustered at three several points, and threw lighted brands into +the enemy’s works. The length of time during which these +works had been standing made them exactly in the proper state +to catch fire easily; and when to this was added a violent wind,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span> +blowing right upon the engines and towers, the natural result +was that the spreading of the fire became rapid and destructive; +while all attempts on the Roman side to master it, and rescue +their works, had to be abandoned as difficult or wholly +impracticable. Those who tried to come to the rescue were +so appalled at the scene, that they could neither fully grasp +nor clearly see what was going on. Flames, sparks, and +volumes of smoke blew right in their faces and blinded them; +and not a few dropped down and perished without ever getting +near enough to attempt to combat the fire. The same +circumstances, which caused these overwhelming difficulties to +the besiegers, favoured those who were throwing the fire-brands +in exactly the same proportion. Everything that could obscure +their vision or hurt them was blown clean away and carried +into the faces of the enemy; while their being able to see the +intervening space enabled the shooters to take a good aim at +those of the enemy who came to the rescue, and the throwers +of the fire-brands to lodge them at the proper places for the +destruction of the works. The violence of the wind, too, +contributed to the deadly effect of the missiles by increasing +the force of their blows. Eventually the destruction was so +complete, that the foundations of the siege-towers and the +blocks of the battering-rams were rendered unusable by the +fire. In spite of this disaster, though they gave up the idea +of assaulting the place any longer by means of their works, +the Romans still persisted. They surrounded the town with +a ditch and stockade, threw up an additional wall to secure +their own encampment, and left the completion of their +purpose to time. Nor were the besieged less determined. +They repaired the part of their walls which had been thrown +down, and prepared to endure the siege with good courage.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_49" id="b1_49"><b>49.</b></a> When the announcement of these events at Rome was +followed by reiterated tidings that the larger <span class="sidenote">The Roman army +is reinforced.</span> +part of the crews of the fleet had been destroyed, +either at the works, or in the general conduct of +the siege, the Roman government set zealously to work to +enlist sailors; and, having collected as many as ten thousand, +sent them to Sicily. They crossed the straits, and reached +the camp on foot; and when they had joined, Publius Claudius,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span> +the Consul, assembled his tribunes, and said that it was just +the time to sail to the attack of Drepana with <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 249. +Coss. P. Claudius +Pulcher, L. +Junius Pullus.</span> +the whole squadron: for that Adherbal,<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> who +was in command there, was quite unprepared +for such an event, because he as yet knew nothing +of the new crews having arrived; and was fully persuaded +that their fleet could not sail, owing to their loss of men in +the siege. His proposition met with a ready assent from the +council of officers, and he immediately set about getting his +men on board, the old crews as well as those who had recently +joined. As for marines, he selected the best men from the +whole army, who were ready enough to join an expedition +which involved so short a voyage and so immediate +and certain an advantage. Having <span class="sidenote">Claudius sails to +attack Drepana.</span> +completed these preparations, he set sail about +midnight, without being detected by the enemy; and for the +first part of the day he sailed in close order, keeping the +land on his right. By daybreak the leading ships could be +seen coming towards Drepana; and at the first sight of them +Adherbal was overwhelmed with surprise. He quickly recovered +his self-possession however: and, fully appreciating +the significance of the enemy’s attack, he determined to try +every manœuvre, and hazard every danger, rather than allow +himself and his men to be shut up in the blockade which +threatened them. He lost no time in collecting his rowing-crews +upon the beach, and summoning the mercenary soldiers +who were in the town by proclamation. When the muster +had taken place, he endeavoured to impress upon them in +a few words what good hopes of victory they had, if they +were bold enough to fight at sea; and what hardships they +would have to endure in a blockade, if they hesitated from +any fear of danger and played the coward. The men +showed a ready enthusiasm for the sea-fight, and demanded +with shouts that he would lead them to it without delay. +He thanked them, praised their zeal, and gave the order +to embark with all speed, to keep their eyes upon his ship, +and follow in its wake. Having made these instructions +clear as quickly as he could, he got under weigh himself +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span>first, and guided his fleet close under the rocks, on the +opposite side of the harbour to that by which the enemy were +entering.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_50" id="b1_50"><b>50.</b></a> When the Consul Publius saw, to his surprise, that the +enemy, so far from giving in or being +dismayed at his approach, <span class="sidenote">Unexpected resistance +of Adherbal. The Roman +fleet checked.</span> +were determined +upon fighting him at sea: while of his own ships +some were already within the harbour, others +just in the very entrance channel, and others still on their +way towards it; he at once issued orders to all the ships to +turn round and make the best of their way out again. +The result of this was that, as some of the ships were in the +harbour, and others at the entrance, they fouled each other +when they began reversing their course; and not only did a +great confusion arise among the men, but the ships got their +oars broken also in the collisions which occurred. However, +the captains exerted themselves to get the ships into line +close under the shore, as they successively cleared the harbour, +and with their prows directed towards the enemy. Publius +himself was originally bringing up the rear of the entire squadron; +but he now, while the movement was actually in execution, +turned towards the open sea and transferred himself to a position +on the left wing of the fleet. At the same moment Adherbal +succeeded in outflanking the left of his opponents with five vessels +furnished with charging beaks. He turned his own ship with +its prow towards the enemy, and brought to. As each of the +others came up, and fell into line with him, he sent orders to +them by his staff officers to do the same as he had done. Thus +they all fell in and formed a complete line. The signal which +had been agreed upon before was given, and an advance was begun, +which was made at first without disarranging the line. The +Romans were still close in-shore, waiting for the coming out of +their ships from the harbour; and this proximity to the land +proved of infinite disadvantage to them in the engagement.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_51" id="b1_51"><b>51.</b></a> And now the fleets were within a short distance of each +other: the signals were raised from the ships <span class="sidenote">The battle.</span> +of the respective commanders; the charge was +made; and ship grappled with ship. At first the engagement +was evenly balanced, because each fleet had the pick of their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span> +land forces serving as marines on board. But as it went on +the many advantages which, taking it as a whole, the Carthaginians +possessed, gave them a continually increasing superiority. +Owing to the better construction of their ships they +had much the advantage in point of speed, while their position +with the open sea behind them materially contributed to their +success, by giving them freer space for their manœuvres. Were +any of them hard pressed by the enemy? Their speed secured +them a sure escape, and a wide expanse of water was open to +their flight. There they would swing round and attack the leading +ships which were pursuing them: sometimes rowing round +them and charging their broadsides, at other times running +alongside them as they lurched awkwardly round, from the weight +of the vessels and the unskilfulness of the crews. In this way +they were charging perpetually, and managed to sink a large +number of the ships. Or was one of their number in danger? +They were ready to come to the rescue, being out of danger +themselves, and being able to effect a movement to right or +left, by steering along the sterns of their own ships and through +the open sea unmolested. <span class="sidenote">The Romans +beaten.</span> +The case of the +Romans was exactly the reverse. If any of +them were hard pressed, there was nowhere for +them to retreat, for they were fighting close to the shore; and +any ship of theirs that was hard driven by the enemy either +backed into shallow water and stuck fast, or ran ashore and +was stranded. Moreover, that most effective of all manœuvres +in sea fights,—sailing through the enemy’s line and appearing +on their stern while they are engaged with others,—was +rendered impossible for them, owing to the bulk of their +vessels; and still more so by the unskilfulness of their crews. +Nor, again, were they able to bring help from behind to those +who wanted it, because they were hemmed in so close to the +shore that there was not the smallest space left in which those +who wished to render such help might move. When the +Consul saw how ill things were going for him all along the +line; when he saw some of his ships sticking fast in the +shallows, and others cast ashore; he took to flight. Thirty +other ships which happened to be near him followed him as he +sailed from the left, and coasted along the shore. But the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span> +remaining vessels, which amounted to ninety-three, the Carthaginians +captured with their crews, except in the case of those +who ran their ships ashore and got away.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_52" id="b1_52"><b>52.</b></a> The result of this sea fight gave Adherbal a high reputation +at Carthage; for his success was looked upon as wholly +due to himself, and his own foresight and courage: while +at Rome Publius fell into great disrepute, and was loudly censured +as having acted without due caution or calculation, and +as having during his administration, as far as a single man +could, involved Rome in serious disasters. He was accordingly +some time afterwards brought to trial, was heavily fined, +and exposed to considerable danger. Not that the Romans +gave way in consequence of these events. <span class="sidenote">The Romans not +discouraged send +the Consul L. +Junius with a +large supply of +provisions in 800 +transports, convoyed +by 60 ships +of war to +Lilybaeum.</span> +On the contrary, +they omitted nothing that was within their +power to do, and continued resolute to prosecute +the campaign. It was now the time for +the Consular elections: as soon as they were +over and two Consuls appointed; one of them, +Lucius Junius,<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> was immediately sent to convey +corn to the besiegers of Lilybaeum, and other +provisions and supplies necessary for the army, +sixty ships being also manned to convoy them. +Upon his arrival at Messene, Junius took over such ships as he +found there to meet him, whether from the army or from the +other parts of Sicily, and coasted along with all speed to Syracuse, +with a hundred and twenty ships, and his supplies on +board about eight hundred transports. Arrived there, he +handed over to the Quaestors half his transports and some of +his war-ships, and sent them off, being very anxious that +what the army needed should reach them promptly. He remained +at Syracuse himself, waiting for such of his ships as +had not yet arrived from Messene, and collecting additional +supplies of corn from the allies in the central districts of the +island.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b1_53" id="b1_53"><b>53.</b></a> Meanwhile Adherbal sent the prisoners he had taken +in the sea fight, and the captured vessels, to Carthage; and +giving Carthalo his colleague thirty vessels, in addition to the +seventy in command of which he had come, despatched him +with instructions to make a sudden attack upon the enemy’s +ships that were at anchor off Lilybaeum, capture all he could, <span class="sidenote">Carthalo tries to +intercept the +transports.</span> +and set fire to the rest. In obedience to these +instructions Carthalo accomplished his passage +just before daybreak, fired some of the vessels, +and towed off others. Great was the commotion at the +quarters of the Romans. For as they hurried to the rescue of +the ships, the attention of Himilco, the commander of the +garrison, was aroused by their shouts; and as the day was +now beginning to break, he could see what was happening, and +despatched the mercenary troops who were in the town. +Thus the Romans found themselves surrounded by danger on +every side, and fell into a state of consternation more than +usually profound and serious. The Carthaginian admiral +contented himself with either towing off or breaking up some +few of their vessels, and shortly afterwards coasted along under +the pretence of making for Heracleia: though he was really +lying in wait, with the view of intercepting those who were +coming by sea to the Roman army. When his look-out men +brought him word that a considerable number of vessels of all +sorts were bearing down upon him, and were now getting +close, he stood out to sea and started to meet them: for the +success just obtained over the Romans inspired him with such +contempt for them, that he was eager to come to an engagement. +The vessels in question were those which had been +despatched in advance under the charge of the Quaestors +from Syracuse. And they too had warning of their danger. +Light boats were accustomed to sail in advance of a squadron, +and these announced the approach of the enemy to the +Quaestors; who being convinced that they were not strong +enough to stand a battle at sea, dropped anchor under a small +fortified town which was subject to Rome, and which, though +it had no regular harbour, yet possessed roadsteads, and headlands<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span> +projecting from the mainland, and surrounding the +roadsteads, so as to form a convenient refuge. There they +disembarked; and having set up some catapults and ballistae, +which they got from the town, awaited the approach of the +enemy. When the Carthaginians arrived, their first idea was +to blockade them: for they supposed that the men would +be terrified and retreat to the fortified town, leaving +them to take possession of the vessels without resistance. +Their expectations, however, were not fulfilled; and finding +that the men on the contrary resisted with spirit, and that +the situation of the spot presented many difficulties of every +description, they sailed away again after towing off some +few of the transports laden with provisions, and retired to a +certain river, in which they anchored and kept a look out for +the enemy to renew their voyage.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_54" id="b1_54"><b>54.</b></a> In complete ignorance of what had happened to his +advanced squadron, the Consul, who had remained behind at +Syracuse, after completing all he meant to do there, put to sea; +and, after rounding Pachynus, was proceeding on his voyage +to Lilybaeum. The appearance of the enemy was once more +signalled to the Carthaginian admiral by his look-out men, +and he at once put out to sea, with the view of engaging them +as far as possible away from their comrades. Junius saw the +Carthaginian fleet from a considerable distance, and observing +their great numbers did not dare to engage them, and yet +found it impossible to avoid them by flight because they were +now too close. He therefore steered towards land, and +anchored under a rocky and altogether dangerous part of the +shore; for he judged it better to run all risks rather than +allow his squadron, with all its men, to fall into the hands +of the enemy. The Carthaginian admiral saw what he had +done; and determined that it was unadvisable for him to +engage the enemy, or bring his ships near such a dangerous +place. He therefore made for a certain headland between the +two squadrons of the enemy, and there kept a look out upon +both with equal vigilance. Presently, however, the weather +became rough, and there was an appearance of an unusually +dangerous disturbance setting in from the sea. The Carthaginian +pilots, from their knowledge of the particular localities,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span> +and of seamanship generally, foresaw what was coming; +and persuaded Carthalo to avoid the storm and +round the promontory of Pachynus.<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> He +had the good sense to take their advice: <span class="sidenote">The Roman fleet +is wrecked.</span>and +accordingly these men, with great exertions and extreme difficulty, +did get round the promontory and anchored in safety; +while the Romans, being exposed to the storm in places entirely +destitute of harbours, suffered such complete destruction, +that not one of the wrecks even was left in a state available for +use. Both of their squadrons in fact were completely disabled +to a degree past belief.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_55" id="b1_55"><b>55.</b></a> This occurrence caused the Carthaginian interests to +look up again and their hopes to revive. <span class="sidenote">The Romans +abandon the sea.</span> +But +the Romans, though they had met with partial +misfortunes before, had never suffered a naval +disaster so complete and final. They, in fact, abandoned the +sea, and confined themselves to holding the country; while the +Carthaginians remained masters of the sea, without wholly +despairing of the land.</p> + +<p>Great and general was the dismay both at Rome and in +the camp at Lilybaeum. Yet they did not +abandon their determination of starving out that +town. <span class="sidenote">Lucius Junius +perseveres in the +siege. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 248.</span> +The Roman government did not allow +their disasters to prevent their sending provisions into the +camp overland; and the besiegers kept up the investment as +strictly as they possibly could. Lucius Junius joined the +camp after the shipwreck, and, being in a state of great distress +at what had happened, was all eagerness to strike some +new and effective blow, and thus repair the disaster which +had befallen him. Accordingly he took the first slight opening +that offered to surprise and seize Eryx; <span class="sidenote">Eryx.</span> +and became master both of the temple of +Aphrodite and of the city. This is a mountain close to the +sea-coast on that side of Sicily which looks towards Italy, +between Drepana and Panormus, but nearer to Drepana +of the two. It is by far the greatest mountain in Sicily next +to Aetna; and on its summit, which is flat, stands the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>temple of Erycinian Aphrodite, confessedly the most splendid +of all the temples in Sicily for its wealth and general +magnificence. The town stands immediately below the +summit, and is approached by a very long and steep +ascent. Lucius seized both town and temple; and established +a garrison both upon the summit and at the foot +of the road to it from Drepana. He kept a strict guard +at both points, but more especially at the foot of the ascent, +believing that by so doing he should secure possession of +the whole mountain as well as the town.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_56" id="b1_56"><b>56.</b></a> Next year, the eighteenth of the war, the Carthaginians +appointed Hamilcar Barcas general, and put the +management of the fleet in his hands. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 247.</span> +He +took over the command, and started to ravage the Italian +coast. After devastating the districts of Locri, and the rest +of Bruttium, he sailed away with his whole fleet +to the coast of Panormus and seized on a place +called Hercte, <span class="sidenote">Occupation of +Hercte by Hamilcar.</span> +which lies between Eryx and +Panormus on the coast, and is reputed the best situation in +the district for a safe and permanent camp. For it is a +mountain rising sheer on every side, standing out above the +surrounding country to a considerable height. The table-land +on its summit has a circumference of not less than a hundred +stades, within which the soil is rich in pasture and suitable for +agriculture; the sea-breezes render it healthy; and it is entirely +free from all dangerous animals. On the side which looks towards +the sea, as well as that which faces the central part of the +island, it is enclosed by inaccessible precipices; while the spaces +between them require only slight fortifications, and of no great +extent, to make them secure. There is in it also an eminence, +which serves at once as an acropolis and as a convenient tower +of observation, commanding the surrounding district. It also +commands a harbour conveniently situated for the passage +from Drepana and Lilybaeum to Italy, in which there is always +abundant depth of water; finally, it can only be reached by +three ways—two from the land side, one from the sea, all of +them difficult. Here Hamilcar entrenched himself. It was a +bold measure: but he had no city which he could count upon +as friendly, and no other hope on which he could rely; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span> +though by so doing he placed himself in the very midst of the +enemy, he nevertheless managed to involve the Romans in +many struggles and dangers. To begin with, he would start +from this place and ravage the seaboard of Italy as far as +Cumae; and again on shore, when the Romans had pitched a +camp to overawe him, in front of the city of Panormus, within +about five stades of him, he harassed them in every sort of +way, and forced them to engage in numerous skirmishes, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 247-244.</span> +for the +space of nearly three years. Of these combats +it is impossible to give a detailed account in +writing.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_57" id="b1_57"><b>57.</b></a> It is like the case of two boxers, eminent alike for +their courage and their physical condition, engaged in a formal +contest for the prize. As the match goes on, blow after blow +is interchanged without intermission; but to anticipate, or keep +account of every feint or every blow delivered is impossible +for combatants and spectators alike. Still one may conceive a +sufficiently distinct idea of the affair by taking into account +the general activity of the men, the ambition actuating +each side, and the amount of their experience, strength, +and courage. The same may be said of these two generals. +No writer could set down, and no reader would endure the +wearisome and profitless task of reading, a detailed statement +of the transactions of every day; why they were undertaken, +and how they were carried out. For every day had its ambuscade +on one side or the other, its attack, or assault. A +general assertion in regard to the men, combined with the +actual result of their mutual determination to conquer, will +give a far better idea of the facts. It may be said then, generally, +that nothing was left untried,—whether it be stratagems +which could be learnt from history, or plans suggested by the +necessities of the hour and the immediate circumstances of the +case, or undertakings depending upon an adventurous spirit +and a reckless daring. The matter, however, for several +reasons, could not be brought to a decisive issue. In the first +place, the forces on either side were evenly matched: and in +the second place, while the camps were in the case of both +equally impregnable, the space which separated the two was +very small. The result of this was that skirmishes between<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span> +detached parties on both sides were always going on during +the day, and yet nothing decisive occurred. For though the +men actually engaged in such skirmishes from time to time +were cut to pieces, it did not affect the main body. They +had only to wheel round to find themselves out of the reach +of danger behind their own defences. Once there, they could +face about and again engage the enemy.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_58" id="b1_58"><b>58.</b></a> Presently however Fortune, acting like a good umpire in +the games, transferred them by a bold stroke from +the locality just described, <span class="sidenote">Siege of Eryx, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 244.</span> +and the contest in +which they were engaged, to a struggle of greater +danger and a locality of narrower dimensions. The Romans, +as we have said, were in occupation of the summit of Eryx, +and had a guard stationed at its foot. But Hamilcar managed +to seize the town which lay between these two spots. There +ensued a siege of the Romans who were on the summit, +supported by them with extraordinary hardihood and adventurous +daring: while the Carthaginians, finding themselves +between two hostile armies, and their supplies brought to them +with difficulty, because they were in communication with the +sea at only one point and by one road, yet held out with a +determination that passes belief. Every contrivance which +skill or force could sustain did they put in use against each +other, as before; every imaginable privation was submitted +to; surprises and pitched battles were alike tried: and +finally they left the combat a drawn one, not, as Fabius says, +from utter weakness and misery, but like men still unbroken +and unconquered. The fact is that before either party had got +completely the better of the other, though they had maintained +the conflict for another two years, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 243-242.</span> +the war happened +to be decided in quite a different manner.</p> + +<p>Such was the state of affairs at Eryx and with the forces +employed there. <span class="sidenote">The obstinate +persistence of +the Romans and +Carthaginians.</span> +The two nations engaged +were like well-bred game-cocks that fight to +their last gasp. You may see them often, when +too weak to use their wings, yet full of pluck to +the end, and striking again and again. Finally, chance brings +them the opportunity of once more grappling, and they hold +on until one or other of them drops down dead.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b1_59" id="b1_59"><b>59.</b></a> So it was with the Romans and Carthaginians. They +were worn out by the labours of the war; the perpetual +succession of hard fought struggles was at last driving them +to despair; their strength had become paralysed, and their +resources reduced almost to extinction by war-taxes and expenses +extending over so many years. And yet the Romans +did not give in. For the last five years indeed they had +entirely abandoned the sea, partly because of the disasters they +had sustained there, and partly because they felt confident of +deciding the war by means of their land forces; but they now +determined for the third time to make trial of their fortune +in naval warfare. They saw that their operations were not +succeeding according to their calculations, mainly owing to +the obstinate gallantry of the Carthaginian general. They +therefore adopted this resolution from a conviction that by +this means alone, if their design were but well directed, would +they be able to bring the war to a successful conclusion. In +their first attempt they had been compelled to abandon the sea +by disasters arising from sheer bad luck; in their second by +the loss of the naval battle off Drepana. This third attempt +was successful: they shut off the Carthaginian forces at Eryx +from getting their supplies by sea, and eventually put a period +to the whole war. Nevertheless it was essentially an effort of +despair. <span class="sidenote">The Romans once +more fit out a +fleet.</span> +The treasury was empty, and would +not supply the funds necessary for the undertaking, +which were, however, obtained by the +patriotism and generosity of the leading citizens. They undertook +singly, or by two or three combining, according to their +means, to supply a quinquereme fully fitted out, on the understanding +that they were to be repaid if the expedition was +successful. By these means a fleet of two hundred quinqueremes +were quickly prepared, built on the model of the +ship of the Rhodian. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 242. +Coss. C. +Lutatius Catulus, +A. Postumius +Albinus.</span> +Gaius Lutatius was then +appointed to the command, and despatched at +the beginning of the summer. His appearance +on the coasts of Sicily was a surprise: the whole +of the Carthaginian fleet had gone home; and +he took possession both of the harbour near Drepana, and +the roadsteads near Lilybaeum. He then threw up works<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span> +round the city on Drepana, and made other preparations for +besieging it. And while he pushed on these operations with +all his might, he did not at the same time lose sight of the +approach of the Carthaginian fleet. He kept in mind the +original idea of this expedition, that it was by a victory at sea +alone that the result of the whole war could be decided. He +did not, therefore, allow the time to be wasted or unemployed. +He practised and drilled his crews every day in the manœuvres +which they would be called upon to perform; and by +his attention to discipline generally brought his sailors in a +very short time to the condition of trained athletes for the +contest before them.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_60" id="b1_60"><b>60.</b></a> That the Romans should have a fleet afloat once more, +and be again bidding for the mastery at sea, was +a contingency wholly unexpected by the Carthaginians. <span class="sidenote">The Carthaginians +send Hanno +with a fleet.</span> +They at once set about fitting out +their ships, loaded them with corn and other provisions, and +despatched their fleet: determined that their troops round +Eryx should not run short of necessary provisions. Hanno, +who was appointed to command the fleet, put to sea and +arrived at the island called Holy Isle. He was eager as +soon as possible, if he could escape the observation of the +enemy, to get across to Eryx; disembark his stores; and having +thus lightened his ships, take on board as marines those of the +mercenary troops who were suitable to the service, and Barcas +with them; and not to engage the enemy until he had thus +reinforced himself. But Lutatius was informed of the arrival +of Hanno’s squadron, and correctly interpreted their design. +He at once took on board the best soldiers of his army, and +crossed to the Island of Aegusa, which lies directly opposite +Lilybaeum. There he addressed his forces some words +suitable to the occasion, and gave full instructions to the +pilots, with the understanding that a battle was to be fought +on the morrow. <span class="sidenote">10th March <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +241. +A strong breeze +is blowing.</span> +At daybreak the next morning +Lutatius found that a strong breeze had sprung +up on the stern of the enemy, and that an advance +towards them in the teeth of it would be +difficult for his ships. The sea too was rough and boisterous: +and for a while he could not make up his mind what he had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span> +better do in the circumstances. Finally, however, he was decided +by the following considerations. If he boarded the enemy’s +fleet during the continuance of the storm, he would only have +to contend with Hanno, and the levies of sailors which he had +on board, before they could be reinforced by the troops, and with +ships which were still heavily laden with stores: but if he waited +for calm weather, and allowed the enemy to get across and +unite with their land forces, he would then have to contend +with ships lightened of their burden, and therefore in a more +navigable condition, and against the picked men of the land +forces; and what was more formidable than anything else, +against the determined bravery of Hamilcar. He made up +his mind, therefore, not to let the present opportunity +slip; <span class="sidenote">Lutatius however +decides to fight.</span> +and when he saw the enemy’s ships +crowding sail, he put to sea with all speed. The +rowers, from their excellent physical condition, found no +difficulty in overcoming the heavy sea, and Lutatius soon +got his fleet into single line with prows directed to the +foe.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_61" id="b1_61"><b>61.</b></a> When the Carthaginians saw that the Romans were +intercepting their passage across, they lowered +their masts, <span class="sidenote">The battle +of Aegusa.</span> +and after some words of mutual +exhortation had been uttered in the several +ships, closed with their opponents. But the respective +state of equipment of the two sides was exactly the converse +of what it had been in the battle off Drepana; and +the result of the battle was, therefore, naturally reversed also. +The Romans had reformed their mode of shipbuilding, and +had eased their vessels of all freight, except the provisions +necessary for the battle: while their rowers having been +thoroughly trained and got well together, performed their +office in an altogether superior manner, and were backed up by +marines who, being picked men from the legions, were all but +invincible. The case with the Carthaginians was exactly the +reverse. Their ships were heavily laden and therefore unmanageable +in the engagement; while their rowers were entirely +untrained, and merely put on board for the emergency; and +such marines as they had were raw recruits, who had never +had any previous experience of any difficult or dangerous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span> +service. The fact is that the Carthaginian government never +expected that the Romans would again attempt to dispute the +supremacy at sea: they had, therefore, in contempt for them, +neglected their navy. The result was that, as soon as they +closed, their manifold disadvantages quickly decided the battle +against them. <span class="sidenote">Victory of +the Romans.</span> +They had fifty ships sunk, and +seventy taken with their crews. The rest set +their sails, and running before the wind, which +luckily for them suddenly veered round at the nick of time +to help them, got away again to Holy Isle. The Roman +Consul sailed back to Lilybaeum to join the army, and there +occupied himself in making arrangements for the ships and men +which he had captured; which was a business of considerable +magnitude, for the prisoners made in the battle amounted to +little short of ten thousand.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_62" id="b1_62"><b>62.</b></a> As far as strength of feeling and desire for victory were +concerned, this unexpected reverse did not diminish the +readiness of the Carthaginians to carry on the war; but when +they came to reckon up their resources they were at a complete +standstill. <span class="sidenote">Barcas makes +terms.</span> +On the one hand, they could not any longer +send supplies to their forces in Sicily, because +the enemy commanded the sea: on the other, to +abandon and, as it were, to betray these, left +them without men and without leaders to carry on the war. +They therefore sent a despatch to Barcas with all speed, leaving +the decision of the whole matter in his hands. Nor was their +confidence misplaced. He acted the part of a gallant general +and a sensible man. As long as there was any reasonable hope +of success in the business he had in hand, nothing was too +adventurous or too dangerous for him to attempt; and if any +general ever did so, he put every chance of victory to the +fullest proof. But when all his endeavours miscarried, and no +reasonable expectation was left of saving his troops, he yielded +to the inevitable, and sent ambassadors to treat of peace and +terms of accommodation. And in this he showed great good +sense and practical ability; for it is quite as much the duty of +a leader to be able to see when it is time to give in, as when +it is the time to win a victory. Lutatius was ready enough to +listen to the proposal, because he was fully aware that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span> +resources of Rome were at the lowest ebb from the strain of the +war; and eventually it was his fortune to put +an end to the contest by a treaty of which I here +give the terms. <span class="sidenote">The treaty, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 242.</span> +“<i>Friendship is established between +the Carthaginians and Romans on the following terms, provided +always that they are ratified by the Roman people. The Carthaginians +shall evacuate the whole of Sicily: they shall not make +war upon Hiero, nor bear arms against the Syracusans or their +allies. The Carthaginians shall give up to the Romans all +prisoners without ransom. The Carthaginians shall pay to the +Romans in twenty years 2200 Euboic talents of silver.</i>”<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">142</a></p> + +<p><a name="b1_63" id="b1_63"><b>63.</b></a> When this treaty was sent to Rome the people refused +to accept it, but sent ten commissioners to examine into the +business. Upon their arrival they made no change in the +general terms of the treaty, but they introduced some slight +alterations in the direction of increased severity towards +Carthage. Thus they reduced the time allowed for the +payment of the indemnity by one half; they added a thousand +talents to the sum demanded; and extended the evacuation of +Sicily to all islands lying between Sicily and Italy.</p> + +<p>Such were the conditions on which the war was ended, after +lasting twenty-four years continuously. <span class="sidenote">Greatness of the +war.</span> +It was +at once the longest, most continuous, and most +severely contested war known to us in history. +Apart from the other battles fought and the preparations made, +which I have described in my previous chapters, there were two +sea fights, in one of which the combined numbers of the two +fleets exceeded five hundred quinqueremes, in the other nearly +approached seven hundred. In the course of the war, counting +what were destroyed by shipwreck, the Romans lost seven +hundred quinqueremes, the Carthaginians five hundred. Those +therefore who have spoken with wonder of the sea-battles +of an Antigonus, a Ptolemy, or a Demetrius, and the greatness +of their fleets, would we may well believe have been overwhelmed +with astonishment at the hugeness of these proportions +if they had had to tell the story of this war.<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> If, further, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>we take into consideration the superior size of the quinqueremes, +compared with the triremes employed by the Persians against +the Greeks, and again by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians +in their wars with each other, we shall find that never in the +whole history of the world have such enormous forces contended +for mastery at sea.</p> + +<p>These considerations will establish my original observation, +and show the falseness of the opinion entertained by +certain Greeks. It was <i>not</i> by mere chance or without +knowing what they were doing that the Romans struck their +bold stroke for universal supremacy and dominion, and +justified their boldness by its success. No: it was the natural +result of discipline gained in the stern school of difficulty and +danger.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_64" id="b1_64"><b>64.</b></a> And no doubt the question does naturally arise here +as to why they find it impossible in our days to man so many +ships, or take the sea with such large fleets, though masters of +the world, and possessing a superiority over others many times +as great as before. The explanation of this difficulty will be +clearly understood when we come to the description of their +civil constitution. I look upon this description as a most +important part of my work, and one demanding close attention +on the part of my readers. For the subject is calculated to +afford pleasure in the contemplation, and is up to this time +so to speak absolutely unknown, thanks to historians, some of +whom have been ignorant, while others have given so confused +an account of it as to be practically useless. For the present +it suffices to say that, as far as the late war was concerned, the +two nations were closely matched in the character of the +designs they entertained, as well as in the lofty courage they +showed in prosecuting them: and this is especially true of +the eager ambition displayed on either side to secure the +supremacy. But in the individual gallantry of their men the +Romans had decidedly the advantage; while we must credit +the Carthaginians with the best general of the day both for +genius and daring. I mean Hamilcar Barcas, own father of +Rome’s future enemy Hannibal.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_65" id="b1_65"><b>65.</b></a> The confirmation of this peace was followed by events +which involved both nations in a struggle of an identical or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span> +similar nature. At Rome the late war was succeeded by a +social war against the Faliscans, which, however, they brought +to a speedy and successful termination by the +capture of Falerii after only a few days’ siege. <span class="sidenote">War between +Rome and +Falerii.</span> +The Carthaginians were not so fortunate. Just +about the same time they found themselves confronted by three +enemies at once, their own mercenaries, the +Numidians, and such Libyans as joined the former +in their revolt. <span class="sidenote">The mercenary +war, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 241.</span> +And this war proved to be +neither insignificant nor contemptible. It exposed them to frequent +and terrible alarms; and, finally, it became a question to +them not merely of a loss of territory, but of their own bare +existence, and of the safety of the very walls and buildings of +their city. There are many reasons that make it worth while +to dwell upon the history of this war: yet I must give only a +summary account of it, in accordance with the original plan of +this work. The nature and peculiar ferocity of the struggle, +which has been generally called the “truceless war,” may be +best learnt from its incidents. It conveys two important +lessons: it most conspicuously shows those who employ +mercenaries what dangers they should foresee and provide +against; and secondly, it teaches how wide the distinction is +between the character of troops composed of a confused mass +of uncivilised tribes, and of those which have had the benefit +of education, the habits of social life, and the restraints of law. +But what is of most importance to us is, that we may trace +from the actual events of this period the causes which led to +the war between Rome and Carthage in the time of Hannibal. +These causes have not only been a subject of dispute among +historians, but still continue to be so among those who were +actually engaged; it is therefore a matter of importance to +enable students to form an opinion on this matter as nearly as +possible in accordance with the truth.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_66" id="b1_66"><b>66.</b></a> The course of events at Carthage subsequent to the +peace was as follows: <span class="sidenote">Evacuation of +Sicily.</span>As soon as possible +after it was finally ratified Barcas withdrew the +troops at Eryx to Lilybaeum, and then immediately +laid down his command. Gesco, who was commandant +of the town, proceeded to transport the soldiers into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span> +Libya. But foreseeing what was likely to happen, he very +prudently embarked them in detachments, and did not send +them all in one voyage. His object was to gain time for the +Carthaginian government; so that one detachment should +come to shore, receive the pay due to them, and depart from +Carthage to their own country, before the next detachment was +brought across and joined them. In accordance with this idea +Gesco began the transportation of the troops. But the Government—partly +because the recent expenses had reduced their +finances to a low ebb, partly because they felt certain that, if +they collected the whole force and entertained them in Carthage, +they would be able to persuade the mercenaries to +accept something less than the whole pay due to them—did +not dismiss the detachments as they landed, but kept them +massed in the city. But when this resulted in the commission +of many acts of lawlessness by night and day, they began to +feel uneasy at their numbers and their growing licentiousness; +and required the officers, until such time as arrangements for +discharging their pay should have been made, and the rest of +the army should have arrived, to withdraw with <span class="sidenote">The mercenaries +sent to Sicca.</span> +all their men to a certain town called Sicca, +receiving each a piece of gold for their immediate +necessities. As far as quitting the city was concerned +they were ready enough to obey; but they desired to leave +their heavy baggage there as before, on the ground that they +would soon have to return to the city for their wages. But +the Carthaginian government were in terror lest, considering +the length of their absence and their natural desire for the +society of wives or children, they would either not quit the city +at all; or, if they did, would be sure to be enticed by these feelings +to return, and that thus there would be no decrease of +outrages in the city. Accordingly they forced them to take +their baggage with them: but it was sorely against the will of +the men, and roused strong feelings of animosity among them. +These mercenaries being forced to retire to Sicca, lived there +as they chose without any restraint upon their lawlessness. +For they had obtained two things the most demoralising for +hired forces, and which in a word are in themselves the all-sufficient +source and origin of mutinies,—relaxation of discipline<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span> +and want of employment.<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> For lack of something better to do, +some of them began calculating, always to their own advantage, +the amount of pay owing to them; and thus making out the +total to be many times more than was really due, they gave out +that this was the amount which they ought to demand from +the Carthaginians. Moreover they all began to call to mind +the promises made to them by the generals in their harangues, +delivered on various occasions of special danger, and to entertain +high hopes and great expectations of the amount of compensation +which awaited them. The natural result followed.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_67" id="b1_67"><b>67.</b></a> When the whole army had mustered at Sicca, and Hanno, +now appointed general in Libya, <span class="sidenote">The beginning +of the outbreak, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 241.</span> +far from satisfying +these hopes and the promises they had received, +talked on the contrary of the burden of the taxes +and the embarrassment of the public finances; and actually +endeavoured to obtain from them an abatement even from the +amount of pay acknowledged to be due to them; excited and +mutinous feelings at once began to manifest themselves. There +were constant conferences hastily got together, sometimes in +separate nationalities, sometimes of the whole army; and there +being no unity of race or language among them, the whole camp +became a babel of confusion, a scene of inarticulate tumult, and +a veritable revel of misrule. For the Carthaginians being +always accustomed to employ mercenary troops of miscellaneous +nationalities, in securing that an army should consist of several +different races, act wisely as far as the prevention of any rapid +combinations for mutiny, or difficulty on the part of the commanders +in overawing insubordination, are concerned: but the +policy utterly breaks down when an outburst of anger, or +popular delusion, or internal dissension, has actually occurred; +for it makes it impossible for the commander to soothe excited +feelings, to remove misapprehensions, or to show the ignorant +their error. Armies in such a state are not usually content +with mere human wickedness; they end by assuming the +ferocity of wild beasts and the vindictiveness of insanity.</p> + +<p>This is just what happened in this case. There were in the +army Iberians and Celts, men from Liguria and the Balearic +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span>Islands, and a considerable number of half-bred Greeks, +mostly deserters and slaves; while the main body consisted of +Libyans. Consequently it was impossible to collect and address +them <i>en masse</i>, or to approach them with this view by any +means whatever. There was no help for it: the general could +not possibly know their several languages; and to make a +speech four or five times on the same subject, by the mouths +of several interpreters, was almost more impossible, if I may say +so, than that. The only alternative was for him to address his +entreaties and exhortations to the soldiers through their officers. +And this Hanno continually endeavoured to do. But there +was the same difficulty with them. Sometimes they failed to +understand what he said: at others they received his words +with expressions of approval to his face, and yet from error or +malice reported them in a contrary sense to the common soldiers. +The result was a general scene of uncertainty, mistrust, +and misunderstanding. And to crown all, they took it into +their heads that the Carthaginian government had a design in +thus sending Hanno to them: that they purposely did not +send the generals who were acquainted with the services they +had rendered in Sicily, and who had been the authors of the +promises made to them; but had sent the one man who had +not been present at any of these transactions. Whether that +were so or not, they finally broke off all negotiations with +Hanno; conceived a violent mistrust of their several commanders; +and in a furious outburst of anger with the Carthaginians +started towards the city, and pitched their camp about +a hundred and twenty stades from Carthage, at the town of +Tunes, to the number of over twenty thousand.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_68" id="b1_68"><b>68.</b></a> The Carthaginians saw their folly when it was too late. +It was a grave mistake to have collected so +large a number of mercenaries into one place <span class="sidenote">The mercenaries +at Tunes.</span> +without any warlike force of their own citizens +to fall back upon: but it was a still graver mistake to have +delivered up to them their children and wives, with their heavy +baggage to boot; which they might have retained as hostages, +and thus have had greater security for concerting their own +measures, and more power of ensuring obedience to their +orders. However, being thoroughly alarmed at the action<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span> +of the men in regard to their encampment, they went to every +length in their eagerness to pacify their anger. They sent +them supplies of provisions in rich abundance, <span class="sidenote">Attempts to +pacify them.</span> +to be purchased exactly on their own terms, +and at their own price. Members of the Senate +were despatched, one after the other, to treat with them; and +they were promised that whatever they demanded should be +conceded if it were within the bounds of possibility. Day by +day the ideas of the mercenaries rose higher. For their contempt +became supreme when they saw the dismay and excitement +in Carthage; <span class="sidenote">The demands of +the mercenaries.</span>their confidence in themselves +was profound; and their engagements +with the Roman legions in Sicily had convinced +them, that not only was it impossible for the Carthaginians to +face them in the field, but that it would be difficult to find any +nation in the world who could. Therefore, when the Carthaginians +conceded the point of their pay, they made a further +claim for the value of the horses they had lost. When this +too was conceded, they said that they ought to receive the +value of the rations of corn due to them from a long time previous, +reckoned at the highest price reached during the war. +And in short, the ill-disposed and mutinous among them being +numerous, they always found out some new demand which +made it impossible to come to terms. Upon the Carthaginian +government, however, pledging themselves to the full extent +of their powers, they eventually agreed to refer the matter to +the arbitration of some one of the generals who had been +actually engaged in Sicily. Now they were displeased with +Hamilcar Barcas, who was one of those under whom they had +fought in Sicily, because they thought that their present unfavourable +position was attributable chiefly to him. <span class="sidenote">The dispute referred +to the +arbitration +of Gesco.</span> +They +thought this from the fact that he never came to them as an +ambassador, and had, as was believed, voluntarily resigned his +command. But towards Gesco their feelings +were altogether friendly. He had, as they +thought, taken every possible precaution for +their interests, and especially in the arrangements +for their conveyance to Libya. Accordingly they referred +the dispute to the arbitration of the latter.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b1_69" id="b1_69"><b>69.</b></a> Gesco came to Tunes by sea, bringing the money with +him. There he held a meeting first of the officers, and then +of the men, according to their nationalities; rebuked them for +their past behaviour, and endeavoured to convince them as to +their duty in the present: but most of all he dwelt upon their +obligation in the future to show themselves well-disposed towards +the people whose pay they had been so long enjoying. +Finally, he proceeded to discharge the arrears of pay, taking +each nationality separately. But there was a certain Campanian +in the army, <span class="sidenote">Spendius.</span> +a runaway Roman slave +named Spendius, a man of extraordinary physical +strength and reckless courage in the field. Alarmed lest +his master should recover possession of him, and he should +be put to death with torture, in accordance with the laws of +Rome, this man exerted himself to the utmost in word and +deed to break off the arrangement with the Carthaginians. +He was seconded by a Libyan called Mathōs, <span class="sidenote">Mathōs.</span> +who was not a slave but free, and had actually +served in the campaign. But he had been one of the most +active agitators in the late disturbances: and being in terror +of punishment for the past, he now gave in his adhesion to +the party of Spendius; and taking the Libyans aside, suggested +to them that, when the men of other races had received their +pay, and taken their departure to their several countries, the +Carthaginians would wreak upon them the full weight of the +resentment which they had, in common with themselves, incurred; +and would look upon their punishment as a means of +striking terror into all the inhabitants of Libya. It did not +take long to rouse the men by such arguments, nor were they +at a loss for a pretext, however insignificant. In discharging +the pay, Gesco postponed the payment of the valuations of +rations and horses. <span class="sidenote">Spendius and +Mathōs cause an +outbreak.</span> +This was enough: the +men at once hurried to make a meeting; Spendius +and Mathōs delivered violent invectives +against Gesco and the Carthaginians; their words were received +with every sign of approval; no one else could get a +hearing; whoever did attempt to speak was promptly stoned +to death, without the assembly so much as waiting to ascertain +whether he intended to support the party of Spendius or no.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span></p> + +<p>A considerable number of privates as well as officers were +killed in this manner in the various <i>émeutes</i> which took place; +and from the constant repetition of this act of violence the +whole army learnt the meaning of the word <span class="sidenote">βάλλε.</span> +“throw,” although there was not another word +which was intelligible to them all in common. The most +usual occasion for this to happen was when they collected +in crowds flushed with wine after their midday meal. On +such occasions, if only some one started the cry “throw,” such +volleys were poured in from every side, and with such rapidity, +that it was impossible for any one to escape who once ventured +to stand forward to address them. The result was that +soon no one had the courage to offer them any counsel at all; +and they accordingly appointed Mathōs and Spendius as theirō +commanders.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_70" id="b1_70"><b>70.</b></a> This complete disorganisation and disorder did not +escape the observation of Gesco. But his chief anxiety was +to secure the safety of his country; and seeing clearly that, if +these men were driven to exasperation, the Carthaginians +would be in danger of total destruction, he exerted himself +with desperate courage and persistence: sometimes summoning +their officers, sometimes calling a meeting of the men +according to their nationalities and remonstrating with them. +But on one occasion the Libyans, not having received their +wages as soon as they considered that they ought to have been +paid to them, approached Gesco himself with +some insolence. <span class="sidenote">Gesco and his +staff seized and +thrown into chains.</span> +With the idea of rebuking +their precipitancy he refused to produce the pay, +and bade them “go and ask their general Mathōs +for it.” This so enraged them, that without a moment’s delay +they first made a raid upon the money that was kept in +readiness, and then arrested Gesco and the Carthaginians +with him. Mathōs and Spendius thought that the speediest +way to secure an outbreak of war was for the men to commit +some outrage upon the sanctity of law and in violation of their +engagements. They therefore co-operated with the mass of +the men in their reckless outrages; plundered the baggage of +the Carthaginians along with their money; manacled Gesco and +his staff with every mark of insolent violence, and committed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span> +them into custody. Thenceforth they were at open war with +Carthage, having bound themselves together by oaths which +were at once impious and contrary to the principles universally +received among mankind.</p> + +<p>This was the origin and beginning of the mercenary, or, as +it is also called, the Libyan war. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 240.</span>Mathōs lost no +time after this outrage in sending emissaries to +the various cities in Libya, urging them to assert their freedom, +and begging them to come to their aid and join them in their +undertaking. The appeal was successful: nearly all the cities +in Libya readily listened to the proposal that they should revolt +against Carthage, and were soon zealously engaged in sending +them supplies and reinforcements. They therefore divided +themselves into two parties; one of which laid siege to Utica, +the other to Hippo Zarytus, because these two cities refused +to participate in the revolt.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_71" id="b1_71"><b>71.</b></a> Three things must be noticed in regard to the Carthaginians. +First, among them the means of life of private +persons are supplied by the produce of the land; secondly, all +public expenses for war material and stores are discharged +from the tribute paid by the people of Libya; and thirdly, it is +their regular custom to carry on war by means of mercenary +troops. At this moment they not only found themselves unexpectedly +deprived of all these resources at once, but saw +each one of them actually employed against +themselves. <span class="sidenote">Despair at +Carthage.</span>Such an unlooked-for event +naturally reduced them to a state of great +discouragement and despair. After the long agony of the +Sicilian war they were in hopes, when the peace was ratified, +that they might obtain some breathing space and some period +of settled content. The very reverse was now befalling them. +They were confronted by an outbreak of war still more difficult +and formidable. In the former they were disputing with Rome +for the possession of Sicily: but this was a domestic war, and +the issue at stake was the bare existence of themselves and +their country. Besides, the many battles in which they had +been engaged at sea had naturally left them ill supplied with +arms, sailors, and vessels. They had no store of provisions +ready, and no expectation whatever of external assistance from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span> +friends or allies. They were indeed now thoroughly taught +the difference between a foreign war, carried on beyond the +seas, and a domestic insurrection and disturbance.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_72" id="b1_72"><b>72.</b></a> And for these overpowering miseries they had themselves +to thank more than any one else. During the late war +they had availed themselves of what they regarded as a reasonable +pretext for exercising their supremacy over the inhabitants +of Libya with excessive harshness. They had exacted half of +all agricultural produce; had doubled the tribute of the towns; +and, in levying these contributions, had refused to show any +grace or indulgence whatever to those who were in embarrassed +circumstances. Their admiration and rewards were reserved, +not for those generals who treated the people with mildness +and humanity, but exclusively for those who like Hanno secured +them the most abundant supplies and war material, +though at the cost of the harshest treatment of the provincials.</p> + +<p>These people therefore needed no urging to revolt: a +single messenger sufficed. <span class="sidenote">Revolt of the +country people.</span> +The women, who +up to this time had passively looked on while +their husbands and fathers were being led off to +prison for the non-payment of the taxes, now bound themselves +by an oath in their several towns that they would conceal +nothing that they possessed; and, stripping off their ornaments, +unreservedly contributed them to furnish pay for the +soldiers. They thus put such large means into the hands of +Mathōs and Spendius, that they not only discharged the +arrears due to the mercenaries, which they had promised them +as an inducement to mutiny, but remained well supplied for +future needs. A striking illustration of the fact that true policy +does not regard only the immediate necessities of the hour, +but must ever look still more keenly to the future.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_73" id="b1_73"><b>73.</b></a> No such considerations, however, prevented the +Carthaginians in their hour of distress from +appointing Hanno general; <span class="sidenote">Hanno’s management +of the war.</span>because he had the +credit of having on a former occasion reduced +the city called Hecatompylos, in Libya, to obedience. They +also set about collecting mercenaries; arming their own citizens +who were of military age; training and drilling the city cavalry;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span> +and refitting what were left of their ships, triremes, penteconters, +and the largest of the pinnaces. Meanwhile Mathōs, +being joined by as many as seventy thousand Libyans, distributed +these fresh troops between the two forces which were +besieging Utica and Hippo Zarytus, and carried on those +sieges without let or hindrance. At the same time they kept +firm possession of the encampment at Tunes, and had thus +shut out the Carthaginians from the whole of outer Libya. +For Carthage itself stands on a projecting peninsula in a gulf, +nearly surrounded by the sea and in part also by a lake. The +isthmus that connects it with Libya is three miles broad: upon +one side of this isthmus, in the direction of the open sea and +at no great distance, stands the city of Utica, and on the other +stands Tunes, upon the shore of the lake. The mercenaries +occupied both these points, and having thus cut off the Carthaginians +from the open country, proceeded to take measures +against Utica itself. They made frequent excursions up to +the town wall, sometimes by day and sometimes by night, and +were continually throwing the citizens into a state of alarm and +absolute panic.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_74" id="b1_74"><b>74.</b></a> Hanno, however, was busying himself with some success +in providing defences. In this department of a general’s +duty he showed considerable ability; but he was quite a +different man at the head of a sally in force: he was not +sagacious in his use of opportunities, and managed the whole +business with neither skill nor promptitude. It was thus that +his first expedition miscarried when he went to <span class="sidenote">Fails to relieve +Utica.</span> +relieve Utica. The number of his elephants, +of which he had as many as a hundred, struck +terror into the enemy; yet he made so poor a use of this +advantage that, instead of turning it into a complete victory, +he very nearly brought the besieged, as well as himself, to +utter destruction. He brought from Carthage catapults and +darts, and in fact all the apparatus for a siege; and having +encamped outside Utica undertook an assault upon the +enemy’s entrenchment. The elephants forced their way into +the camp, and the enemy, unable to withstand their weight and +the fury of their attack, entirely evacuated the position. They +lost a large number from wounds inflicted by the elephants<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>’ +tusks; while the survivors made their way to a certain hill, +which was a kind of natural fortification thickly covered with +trees, and there halted, relying upon the strength of the position. +But Hanno, accustomed to fight with Numidians and +Libyans, who, once turned, never stay their flight till they +are two days removed from the scene of the action, imagined +that he had already put an end to the war and had gained a +complete victory. He therefore troubled himself no more +about his men, or about the camp generally, but went inside +the town and occupied himself with his own personal comfort. +But the mercenaries, who had fled in a body on to the hill, +had been trained in the daring tactics of Barcas, and accustomed +from their experience in the Sicilian warfare to retreat +and return again to the attack many times in the same day. +They now saw that the general had left his army and gone +into the town, and that the soldiers, owing to their victory, +were behaving carelessly, and in fact slipping out of the camp +in various directions: they accordingly got themselves into +order and made an assault upon the camp; killed a large +number of the men; forced the rest to fly ignominiously to +the protection of the city walls and gates; and possessed +themselves of all the baggage and apparatus belonging to +the besieged, which Hanno had brought outside the town in +addition to his own, and thus put into the hands of the enemy.</p> + +<p>But this was not the only instance of his incompetence. +A few days afterwards, near a place called +Gorza, he came right upon the enemy, who lay <span class="sidenote">Hanno’s continued +ill success.</span> +encamped there, and had two opportunities of +securing a victory by pitched battles; and two more by surprising +them, as they changed quarters close to where he was. +But in both cases he let the opportunities slip for want of +care and proper calculation.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_75" id="b1_75"><b>75.</b></a> The Carthaginians, therefore, when they saw his mismanagement +of the campaign, once more placed +Hamilcar Barcas at the head of affairs; and despatched +him to the war as commander-in-chief, <span class="sidenote">Hamilcar Barcas +takes the command.</span> +with seventy elephants, the newly-collected mercenaries, and +the deserters from the enemy; and along with them the +cavalry and infantry enrolled from the citizens themselves,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span> +amounting in all to ten thousand men. His appearance from +the first produced an immediate impression. The expedition +was unexpected; and he was thus able, by the dismay which it +produced, to lower the courage of the enemy. He succeeded +in raising the siege of Utica, and showed himself worthy of +his former achievements, and of the confidence felt in him by +the people. What he accomplished on this service was this.</p> + +<p>A chain of hills runs along the isthmus connecting Carthage +with the mainland, which are difficult of access, and are crossed +by artificial passes into the mainland; of these hills Mathōs +had occupied all the available points and posted guards there. +Besides these there is a river called Macaras (Bagradas), which +at certain points interrupts the passage of travellers from the +city to the mainland, and though for the most <span class="sidenote">He gets his men +across the Macaras.</span> +part impassable, owing to the strength of its +stream, is only crossed by one bridge. This +means of egress also Mathōs was guarding securely, and had +built a town on it. The result was that, to say nothing of +the Carthaginians entering the mainland with an army, it was +rendered exceedingly difficult even for private individuals, who +might wish to make their way through, to elude the vigilance +of the enemy. This did not escape the observation and care +of Hamilcar; and while revolving every means and every +chance of putting an end to this difficulty about a passage, he +at length hit upon the following. He observed that where +the river discharges itself into the sea its mouth got silted up +in certain positions of the wind, and that then the passage +over the river at its mouth became like that over a marsh. +He accordingly got everything ready in the camp for the +expedition, without telling any one what he was going to do; +and then watched for this state of things to occur. When the +right moment arrived, he started under cover of night; and by +daybreak had, without being observed by any one, got his army +across this place, to the surprise of the citizens of Utica as well +as of the enemy. Marching across the plain, he led his men +straight against the enemy who were guarding the bridge.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_76" id="b1_76"><b>76.</b></a> When he understood what had taken place Spendius advanced +into the plain to meet Hamilcar. The force from the city +at the bridge amounted to ten thousand men; that from before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span> +Utica to more than fifteen thousand men; both of which now +advanced to support each other. When they had +effected a junction they imagined that they had <span class="sidenote">And defeats +Spendius.</span> +the Carthaginians in a trap, and therefore with +mutual words of exhortation passed the order to engage, and at +once commenced. Hamilcar was marching with his elephants in +front, his cavalry and light troops next, while his heavy armed +hoplites brought up the rear. But when he saw the precipitation +of the enemy’s attack, he passed the word to his men to turn +to the rear. His instructions were that the troops in front +should, after thus turning to the rear, retire with all speed: +while he again wheeled to the right about what had been originally +his rear divisions, and got them into line successively so as +to face the enemy. The Libyans and mercenaries mistook the +object of this movement, and imagined that the Carthaginians +were panic-stricken and in full retreat. Thereupon they broke +from their ranks and, rushing forward, began a vigorous hand +to hand struggle. When, however, they found that the cavalry +had wheeled round again, and were drawn up close to the hoplites, +and that the rest of the army also was being brought up, +surprise filled the Libyans with panic; they immediately turned +and began a retreat as precipitate and disorderly as their +advance. In the blind flight which followed some of them +ran foul of their own rear-guard, who were still advancing, and +caused their own destruction or that of their comrades; but +the greater part were trampled to death by the cavalry and +elephants who immediately charged. As many as six thousand +of the Libyans and foreign troops were killed, and about +two thousand taken prisoners. The rest made good their +escape, either to the town on the bridge or to the camp near +Utica. After this victory Hamilcar followed close upon the +heels of the enemy, carried the town on the bridge by assault, +the enemy there abandoning it and flying to Tunes, and then +proceeded to scour the rest of the district: some of the towns +submitting, while the greater number he had to reduce by +force. And thus he revived in the breasts of the Carthaginians +some little spirit and courage, or at least rescued them from +the state of absolute despair into which they had fallen.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_77" id="b1_77"><b>77.</b></a> Meanwhile Mathōs himself was continuing the siege<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span> +of Hippo Zarytus, and he now counselled Autaritus, the +leader of the Gauls, and Spendius to stick close +to the skirts of the enemy, avoiding the plains, <span class="sidenote">Mathōs harasses +Hamilcar’s march.</span> +because the enemy were strong in cavalry +and elephants, but marching parallel with them on the slopes +of the mountains, and attacking them whenever they saw them +in any difficulty. While suggesting these tactics, he at the +same time sent messengers to the Numidians and Libyans, +entreating them to come to their aid, and not to let slip the +opportunity of securing their own freedom. Accordingly, +Spendius took with him a force of six thousand men, selected +from each of the several nationalities at Tunes, and started, +keeping along a line of hills parallel to the Carthaginians. +Besides these six thousand he had two thousand Gauls under +Autaritus, who were all that were left of the original number, +the rest having deserted to the Romans during the period of +the occupation of Eryx. Now it happened that, just when +Hamilcar had taken up a position in a certain plain which +was surrounded on all sides by mountains, the reinforcements +of Numidians and Libyans joined Spendius. The Carthaginians, +therefore, suddenly found a Libyan encampment +right on their front, another of Numidians on their rear, and +that of Spendius on their flank; and it seemed impossible to +escape from the danger which thus menaced them on every +side.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_78" id="b1_78"><b>78.</b></a> But there was at that time a certain Narávas, a Numidian +of high rank and warlike spirit, who entertained +an ancestral feeling of affection for the Carthaginians, <span class="sidenote">Hamilcar is joined +by the Numidian Narávas.</span> +rendered especially warm at that +time by admiration for Hamilcar. He now thought that he +had an excellent opportunity for an interview and association +with that general; and accordingly came to the Carthaginian +quarters with a body of a hundred Numidians, and boldly approaching +the out-works, remained there waving his hand. +Wondering what his object could be Hamilcar sent a horseman +to see; to whom Narávas said that he wished for an interview +with the general. The Carthaginian leader still showing hesitation +and incredulity, Narávas committed his horse and javelins +to the care of his guards, and boldly came into the camp unarmed.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span> +His fearlessness made a profound impression not unmixed +with surprise. No further objection, however, was made +to his presence, and the desired interview was accorded; in +which he declared his goodwill to the Carthaginians generally, +and his especial desire to be friends with Barcas. “This was +the motive of his presence,” he said; “he was come with the +full intention of taking his place by his side and of faithfully +sharing all his actions and undertakings.” Hamilcar, on hearing +these words, was so immensely charmed by the young man’s +courage in coming, and his honest simplicity in the interview, +that he not only consented to accept his co-operation, but promised +also with an oath that he would give him his daughter in +marriage if he kept faith with Carthage to the end. The agreement +having been thus made, Narávas came with his division of +Numidians, numbering two thousand. Thus reinforced Hamilcar +offered the enemy battle; which Spendius, having joined forces +with the Libyans, accepted; and descending into <span class="sidenote">Again defeats +Spendius.</span> +the plain engaged the Carthaginians. In the +severe battle which followed Hamilcar’s army +was victorious: a result which he owed partly to the excellent +behaviour of the elephants, but particularly to the brilliant +services rendered by Narávas. Autaritus and Spendius managed +to escape; but of the rest as many as ten thousand were killed and +four thousand taken prisoners. When the victory was complete, +Hamilcar gave permission to those of the prisoners who chose +to enlist in his army, and furnished them with arms from the +spoils of the enemy’s slain: those who did not choose to accept +this offer he summoned to a meeting and harangued them. +He told them that the crimes committed by them up to that +moment were pardoned, and they were permitted to go their +several ways, wheresoever they chose, but on condition that +none of them bore arms against Carthage again: if any one of +them were ever caught so doing, he warned them distinctly +that he would meet with no mercy.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_79" id="b1_79"><b>79.</b></a> This conspiracy of Mathōs and Spendius caused an +outbreak about this same time in another +quarter. For the mercenaries who were in <span class="sidenote">Mutiny in +Sardinia.</span> +garrison in Sardinia, inspired by their example, +attacked the Carthaginians in the island; beleaguered Bostarus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span> +the commander of the foreign contingent, in the citadel; and +finally put him and his compatriots to the sword. The +Carthaginians thereupon sent another army into the island +under Hanno. But the men deserted to the mutineers; who +then seized Hanno and crucified him, and exercising all their +ingenuity in the invention of tortures racked to death every +Carthaginian in the island. Having got the towns into their +power, they thenceforth kept forcible possession of the island; +until they quarrelled with the natives and were driven by them +into Italy. This was the way in which Carthage lost Sardinia, +an island of first rate importance from its size, the number of +its inhabitants, and its natural products. But as many have +described it at great length, I do not think that I need repeat +statements about which there is no manner of dispute.</p> + +<p>To return to Libya. The indulgence shown by Hamilcar +to the captives alarmed Mathōs and Spendius +and Autaritus the Gaul. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 239. +Plan of Spendius +for doing away +with the good +impression made +by the leniency of +Barcas.</span>They were afraid that +conciliatory treatment of this sort would induce +the Libyans, and the main body of the mercenaries, +to embrace with eagerness the impunity +thus displayed before their eyes. They consulted +together, therefore, how they might by some new act +of infamy inflame to the highest pitch of fury the feelings of +their men against the Carthaginians. They finally determined +upon the following plan. They summoned a meeting of the +soldiers; and when it was assembled, they introduced a bearer +of a despatch which they represented to have been sent by +their fellow conspirators in Sardinia. The despatch warned +them to keep a careful watch over Gesco and all his fellow +prisoners (whom, as has been stated, they had treacherously +seized in Tunes), as certain persons in the camp were secretly +negotiating with the Carthaginians for their release. Taking +this as his text, Spendius commenced by urging the men not +to put any trust in the indulgence shown by the Carthaginian +general to the prisoners of war, “For,” said he, “it is with no +intention of saving their lives that he adopted this course in +regard to the prisoners; his aim was, by releasing them, to get +us into his power, that punishment might not be confined to +some of us, but might fall on all at once.” He went on to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span> +urge them to be on their guard, lest by letting Gesco’s party +go they should teach their enemies to despise them; and should +also do great practical damage to their own interests, by suffering +a man to escape who was an excellent general, and likely +to be a most formidable enemy to themselves. Before he had +finished this speech another courier arrived, pretending to +have been sent by the garrison at Tunes, and bearing a +despatch containing warnings similar to that from Sardinia.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_80" id="b1_80"><b>80.</b></a> It was now the turn of Autaritus the Gaul. “Your only +hope,” he said, “of safety is to reject all hopes which rest on +the Carthaginians. So long as any man clings to the idea of +indulgence at their hands, he cannot possibly be a genuine +ally of yours. Never trust, never listen, never attend to anyone, +unless he recommend unrelenting hostility and implacable +hatred towards the Carthaginians: all who speak on the other +side regard as traitors and enemies.” After this preface, he +gave it as his advice that they should put to death with torture +both Gesco and those who had been seized with him, as well +as the Carthaginian prisoners of war who had been captured +since. Now this Autaritus was the most effective speaker of +any, because he could make himself understood to a large +number of those present at a meeting. For, owing to his +length of service, he knew how to speak Phoenician; and +Phoenician was the language in which the largest number of +men, thanks to the length of the late war, could listen to +with satisfaction. Accordingly his speech was received with +acclamation, and he stood down amidst loud applause. But +when many came forward from the several nationalities at +the same time; and, moved by Gesco’s former kindnesses to +themselves, would have deprecated at least the infliction of +torture, not a word of what they said was understood: partly +because many were speaking at the same time, and partly +because each spoke in his own language. But when at +length it was disclosed that what they meant was to dissuade +the infliction of torture, upon one of those present shouting +out “Throw!” they promptly stoned to death all who had +come forward to speak; and their relations <span class="sidenote">Murder of Gesco.</span> +buried their bodies, which were crushed into +shapeless masses as though by the feet of elephants. Still they at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span> +least were buried. But the followers of Spendius now seized +Gesco and his fellow prisoners, numbering about seven +hundred, led them outside the stockade, and having made +them march a short distance from the camp, first cut off their +hands, beginning with Gesco, the man whom a short while +before they had selected out of all Carthage as their benefactor +and had chosen as arbitrator in their controversy. When they +had cut off their hands, they proceeded to lop off the extremities +of the unhappy men, and having thus mutilated +them and broken their legs, they threw them still alive into a +trench.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_81" id="b1_81"><b>81.</b></a> When news of this dreadful affair reached the Carthaginians, +they were powerless indeed to do anything, but they were +filled with horror; and in a transport of agony despatched messengers +to Hamilcar and the second general Hanno, entreating +them to rally to their aid and avenge the unhappy victims; +and at the same time they sent heralds to the authors of this +crime to negotiate for the recovery of the dead bodies. But +the latter sternly refused; and warned the messengers to send +neither herald nor ambassador to them again; for the same +punishment which had just befallen Gesco awaited all who +came. And for the future they passed a resolution, which +they encouraged each other to observe, to put every Carthaginian +whom they caught to death with torture; and that +whenever they captured one of their auxiliaries they would cut +off his hands and send him back to Carthage. And this +resolution they exactly and persistently carried out. Such +horrors justify the remark that it is not only the bodies of men, +and the ulcers and imposthumes which are bred in them, that +grow to a fatal and completely incurable state of inflammation, +but their souls also most of all. For as in the case of +ulcers, sometimes medical treatment on the one hand only +serves to irritate them and make them spread more rapidly, +while if, on the other hand, the medical treatment is stopped, +having nothing to check their natural destructiveness, they +gradually destroy the substance on which they feed; just so at +times it happens that similar plague spots and gangrenes fasten +upon men’s souls; and when this is so, no wild beast can be +more wicked or more cruel than a man. To men in such a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span> +frame of mind if you show indulgence or kindness, they regard +it as a cover for trickery and sinister designs, and only become +more suspicious and more inflamed against the authors of it; +while if you retaliate, their passions are aroused to a kind of +dreadful rivalry, and then there is no crime too monstrous or +too cruel for them to commit. The upshot with these men +was, that their feelings became so brutalised that they lost the +instincts of humanity: which we must ascribe in the first place, +and to the greatest extent, to uncivilised habits and a +wretchedly bad early training; but many other things contributed +to this result, and among them we must reckon as +most important the acts of violence and rapacity committed by +their leaders, sins which at that time were prevalent among +the whole mercenary body, but especially so with their leaders.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_82" id="b1_82"><b>82.</b></a> Alarmed by the recklessness displayed by the enemy, +Hamilcar summoned Hanno to join him, being convinced that +a consolidation of the two armies would give him the best +chance of putting an end to the whole war. Such of the +enemy as he took in the field he put to execution on the spot, +while those who were made prisoners and brought to him he +threw to the elephants to be trampled to death; for he now +made up his mind that the only possibility of <span class="sidenote">Quarrels of +Hanno and +Hamilcar.</span> +finishing the war was to entirely destroy the +enemy. But just as the Carthaginians were +beginning to entertain brighter hopes in regard to the +war, a reverse as complete as it was unexpected brought +their fortunes to the lowest ebb. For these two generals, +when they had joined forces, quarrelled so bitterly with +each other, that they not only omitted to take advantage of +chances against the enemy, but by their mutual animosity gave +the enemy many opportunities against themselves. Finding +this to be the case, the Carthaginian government sent out +instructions that one of the generals was to retire, the other to +remain, and that the army itself was to decide which of them +it should be. This was one cause of the reverse in the fortunes +of Carthage at this time. Another, which was almost contemporaneous, +was this. Their chief hope of furnishing the army +with provisions and other necessaries rested upon the supplies +that were being brought from a place to which they give the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span> +name of Emporiae: but as these supplies were on their way, +they were overtaken by a storm at sea and entirely destroyed. +This was all the more fatal because Sardinia was lost to them +at the time, as we have seen, and that island had always been +of the greatest service to them in difficulties of this sort. But +the worst blow of all was the revolt of the <span class="sidenote">Revolt of Hippo +Zarytus and +Utica.</span> +cities of Hippo Zarytus and Utica, the only +cities in all Libya that had been faithful to +them, not only in the present war, but also at the time of the +invasion of Agathocles, as well as that of the Romans. To +both these latter they had offered a gallant resistance; and, +in short, had never at any time adopted any policy hostile to +Carthage. But now they were not satisfied with simply revolting +to the Libyans, without any reason to allege for their conduct. +With all the bitterness of turncoats, they suddenly paraded +an ostentatious friendship and fidelity to them, and gave +practical expression to implacable rage and hatred towards the +Carthaginians. They killed every man of the force which had +come from Carthage to their aid, as well as its commander, +and threw the bodies from the wall. They surrendered their +town to the Libyans, while they even refused the request of +the Carthaginians to be allowed to bury the corpses of their +unfortunate soldiers. Mathōs and Spendius were so elated by +these events that they were emboldened to attempt Carthage +itself. But Barcas had now got Hannibal as his coadjutor, +who had been sent by the citizens to the army in the place of +Hanno,—recalled in accordance with the sentence of the +army, which the government had left to their discretion in +reference to the disputes that arose between the two generals. +Accompanied, therefore, by this Hannibal and by Narávas, +Hamilcar scoured the country to intercept the supplies of +Mathōs and Spendius, receiving his most efficient support in +this, as in other things, from the Numidian Narávas.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_83" id="b1_83"><b>83.</b></a> Such being the position of their forces in the field, the +Carthaginians, finding themselves hemmed in on every side, +were compelled to have recourse to the help of the free states in +alliance with them.<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> Now Hiero, of Syracuse, had during this +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span> +war been all along exceedingly anxious to do everything which +the Carthaginians asked him; and at this point +of it was more forward to do so than ever, <span class="sidenote">Hiero of +Syracuse.</span>from +a conviction that it was for his interest, with a +view alike to his own sovereignty and to his friendship with +Rome, that Carthage should not perish, and so leave the +superior power to work its own will without resistance. And +his reasoning was entirely sound and prudent. It is never +right to permit such a state of things; nor to help any one to +build up so preponderating a power as to make resistance to +it impossible, however just the cause. Not that the Romans +themselves had failed to observe the obligations +of the treaty, <span class="sidenote">Friendly disposition +of Rome.</span>or were showing any failure of +friendly dispositions; though at first a question +had arisen between the two powers, from the following circumstance. +At the beginning of the war, certain persons +sailing from Italy with provisions for the mutineers, the Carthaginians +captured them and forced them to land in their own +harbour; and presently had as many as five hundred such persons +in their prisons. This caused considerable annoyance at +Rome: but, after sending ambassadors to Carthage and recovering +possession of the men by diplomatic means, the Romans +were so much gratified that, by way of returning the favour, +they restored the prisoners made in the Sicilian war whom they +still retained; and from that time forth responded cheerfully +and generously to all requests made to them. They allowed +their merchants to export to Carthage whatever from time to +time was wanted, and prohibited those who were exporting to +the mutineers. When, subsequently, the mercenaries in +Sardinia, having revolted from Carthage, invited their interference +on the island, they did not respond to the invitation; nor when +the people of Utica offered them their submission did they +accept it, but kept strictly to the engagements contained in +the treaty.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_84" id="b1_84"><b>84.</b></a> The assistance thus obtained from these allies encouraged +the Carthaginians to maintain their resistance: while +Mathōs and Spendius found themselves quite as much in the +position of besieged as in that of besiegers; for Hamilcar’s +force reduced them to such distress for provisions that they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span> +were at last compelled to raise the siege. However, after a +short interval, they managed to muster the most <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 238. +Hamilcar, with +assistance from +Sicily, surrounds +Mathōs and +Spendius.</span> +effective of the mercenaries and Libyans, to the +number in all of fifty thousand, among whom, +besides others, was Zarzas the Libyan, with +his division, and commenced once more to watch +and follow on the flank of Hamilcar’s march. +Their method was to keep away from the level country, for +fear of the elephants and the cavalry of Narávas; but to seize +in advance of him all points of vantage, whether it were rising +ground or narrow pass. In these operations they showed +themselves quite a match for their opponents in the fury of +their assault and the gallantry of their attempts; but their +ignorance of military tactics frequently placed them at a +disadvantage. It was, in fact, a real and practical illustration +of the difference between scientific and unscientific warfare: +between the art of a general and the mechanical movements +of a soldier. Like a good draught-player, by isolating and +surrounding them, he destroyed large numbers in detail +without coming to a general engagement at all; and in +movements of more importance he cut off many without +resistance by enticing them into ambushes; while he threw +others into utter dismay by suddenly appearing where they +least expected him, sometimes by day and sometimes by night: +and all whom he took alive he threw to the elephants. +Finally, he managed unexpectedly to beleaguer them on +ground highly unfavourable to them and convenient for his +own force; and reduced them to such a pitch of distress that, +neither venturing to risk an engagement nor being able to run +away, because they were entirely surrounded by a trench and +stockade, they were at last compelled by starvation to feed on +each other: a fitting retribution at the hands of Providence for +their violation of all laws human and divine in their conduct +to their enemies. To sally forth to an engagement they did +not dare, for certain defeat stared them in the face, and they +knew what vengeance awaited them if they were taken; and +as to making terms, it never occurred to them to mention it, +they were conscious that they had gone too far for that. They +still hoped for the arrival of relief from Tunes, of which their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span> +officers assured them, and accordingly shrank from no suffering +however terrible.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_85" id="b1_85"><b>85.</b></a> But when they had used up for food the captives in +this horrible manner, and then the bodies of their slaves, +and still no one came to their relief from Tunes, their +sufferings became too dreadful to bear; and the common +soldiers broke out into open threats of violence against +their officers. Thereupon Autaritus, Zarzas, and Spendius +decided to put themselves into the hands of the enemy and +to hold a parley with Hamilcar, and try to make terms. +They accordingly sent a herald and obtained permission for +the despatch of an embassy. It consisted of +ten ambassadors, <span class="sidenote">Spendius and +Autaritus fall into +the hands of +Hamilcar.</span>who, on their arrival at the +Carthaginian camp, concluded an agreement +with Hamilcar on these terms: “The Carthaginians +may select any ten men they choose from the enemy, +and allow the rest to depart with one tunic a-piece.” No +sooner had these terms been agreed to, than Hamilcar said at +once that he selected, according to the terms of the agreement, +the ten ambassadors themselves. The Carthaginians thus got +possession of Autaritus, Spendius, and the other most conspicuous +officers. The Libyans saw that their officers were arrested, +and not knowing the terms of the treaty, believed that some +perfidy was being practised against them, and accordingly flew +to seize their arms. Hamilcar thereupon surrounded them +with his elephants and his entire force, and destroyed them to +a man. This slaughter, by which more than forty thousand +perished, took place near a place called the Saw, so named from +its shape resembling that tool.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_86" id="b1_86"><b>86.</b></a> This achievement of Hamilcar revived the hopes of +the Carthaginians who had been in absolute despair: +while he, in conjunction with Narávas +and Hannibal, <span class="sidenote">Siege of Mathōs +in Tunes.</span>employed himself in traversing +the country and visiting the cities. His victory secured the +submission of the Libyans; and when they had come in, and +the greater number of the towns had been reduced to +obedience, he and his colleagues advanced to attack Tunes, +and commenced besieging Mathōs. Hannibal pitched his +camp on the side of the town nearest to Carthage, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span> +Hamilcar on the opposite side. When this was done they +brought the captives taken from the army of Spendius and +crucified them in the sight of the enemy. But observing that +Hannibal was conducting his command with +negligence and over-confidence, <span class="sidenote">Defeat and death +of Hannibal.</span>Mathōs assaulted +the ramparts, killed many of the Carthaginians, +and drove the entire army from the camp. All the +baggage fell into the hands of the enemy, and Hannibal himself +was made a prisoner. They at once took him up to the +cross on which Spendius was hanging, and after the infliction +of exquisite tortures, took down the latter’s body and fastened +Hannibal, still living, to his cross; and then slaughtered thirty +Carthaginians of the highest rank round the corpse of Spendius. +It seemed as though Fortune designed a competition in cruelty, +giving either side alternately the opportunity of outdoing the +other in mutual vengeance. Owing to the distance of the two +camps from each other it was late before Barcas discovered +the attack made from the town; nor, when he had discovered it, +could he even then go to the rescue with the necessary speed, +because the intervening country was rugged and difficult. He +therefore broke up his camp, and leaving Tunes marched +down the bank of the river Macaras, and pitched his camp +close to its mouth and to the sea.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_87" id="b1_87"><b>87.</b></a> This unexpected reverse reduced the Carthaginians +once more to a melancholy state of despair. <span class="sidenote">By a final effort +the Carthaginians +raise a reinforcement +for +Hamilcar.</span> +But though their recent elation of spirit was followed +so closely by this depression, they did not +fail to do what they could for their own preservation. +They selected thirty members of +the Senate; with them they associated Hanno, who had some +time ago been recalled; and, arming all that were left of +military age in the city, despatched them to Barcas, with the +feeling that they were now making their supreme effort. They +strictly charged the members of the Senate to use every effort +to reconcile the two generals Hamilcar and Hanno, and to +make them forget their old quarrel and act harmoniously, in +view of the imminence of the danger. Accordingly, after the +employment of many various arguments, they induced the +generals to meet; and Hanno and Barcas were compelled to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span> +give in and yield to their representations. The result was +that they ever afterwards co-operated with each other so cordially, +that Mathōs found himself continually worsted in the +numerous skirmishes which took place round the town called +Leptis, as well as certain other towns; and at last became +eager to bring the matter to the decision of a general engagement, +a desire in which the Carthaginians also shared in an +equal degree. Both sides therefore having determined upon +this course: they summoned all their allies to join them in confronting +the peril, and collected the garrisons stationed in the +various towns, conscious that they were about to stake their all +on the hazard. All being ready on either side for the conflict, +they gave each other battle by mutual consent, <span class="sidenote">Mathōs beaten +and captured.</span> +both sides being drawn up in full military +array. When victory declared itself on the +side of the Carthaginians, the larger number of the Libyans +perished on the field; and the rest, having escaped to a certain +town, surrendered shortly afterwards; while Mathōs himself +was taken prisoner by his enemies.</p> + +<p><a name="b1_88" id="b1_88"><b>88.</b></a> Most places in Libya submitted to Carthage after this +battle. But the towns of Hippo and Utica still +held out, <span class="sidenote">Reduction of +Hippo and Utica, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 238.</span>feeling that they had no reasonable +grounds for obtaining terms, because their +original acts of hostility left them no place for mercy or +pardon. So true is it that even in such outbreaks, however +criminal in themselves, it is of inestimable advantage to +be moderate, and to refrain from wanton acts which commit +their perpetrator beyond all power of forgiveness. Nor did +their attitude of defiance help these cities. Hanno invested +one and Barcas the other, and quickly reduced them to accept +whatever terms the Carthaginians might determine.</p> + +<p>The war with the Libyans had indeed reduced Carthage to +dreadful danger; but its termination enabled her not only to +re-establish her authority over Libya, but also to inflict condign +punishment upon the authors of the revolt. For the last +act in the drama was performed by the young men conducting +a triumphal procession through the town, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 241-238.</span>and +finally inflicting every kind of torture upon +Mathōs. For three years and about four months did the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span> +mercenaries maintain a war against the Carthaginians which +far surpassed any that I ever heard of for cruelty and inhumanity.</p> + +<p>And about the same time the Romans took in hand a +naval expedition to Sardinia upon the request +of the mercenaries who had deserted from +that island and come to Italy; <span class="sidenote">The Romans +interfere in +Sardinia.</span>and when +the Carthaginians expressed indignation at this, on the +ground that the lordship over Sardinia more properly belonged +to them, and were preparing to take measures against +those who caused the revolt of the island, the Romans voted +to declare war against them, on the pretence that they were +making warlike preparations, not against Sardinia, but against +themselves. The Carthaginians, however, having just had an +almost miraculous escape from annihilation in the recent war, +were in every respect disabled from renewing their quarrel with +the Romans. They therefore yielded to the necessities of the +hour, and not only abandoned Sardinia, but paid the Romans +twelve hundred talents into the bargain, that they might not +be obliged to undertake the war for the present.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span></p> + +<h2>BOOK II</h2> + +<p><a name="b2_1" id="b2_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">In</span> the previous book I have described how the Romans, +having subdued all Italy, began to aim at foreign +dominion; <span class="sidenote">Recapitulation of +the subjects +treated in +Book I.</span>how they crossed to Sicily, and the +reasons of the war which they entered into +against the Carthaginians for the possession of +that island. Next I stated at what period they began the +formation of a navy; and what befell both the one side and +the other up to the end of the war; the consequence of which +was that the Carthaginians entirely evacuated Sicily, and the +Romans took possession of the whole island, except such parts +as were still under the rule of Hiero. Following these events +I endeavoured to describe how the mutiny of the mercenaries +against Carthage, in what is called the Libyan War, burst out; +the lengths to which the shocking outrages in it went; its surprises +and extraordinary incidents, until its conclusion, and the +final triumph of Carthage. I must now relate the events which +immediately succeeded these, touching summarily upon each +in accordance with my original plan.</p> + +<p>As soon as they had brought the Libyan war to a conclusion +the Carthaginian government collected an army <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 238, +Hamilcar and +his son Hannibal +sent to Spain.</span> +and despatched it under the command of Hamilcar +to Iberia. This general took over the command +of the troops, and with his son Hannibal, +then nine years old, crossing by the Pillars of Hercules, set +about recovering the Carthaginian possessions in Iberia. He +spent nine years in Iberia, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 238-229.</span>and after reducing +many Iberian tribes by war or diplomacy to +obedience to Carthage he died in a manner worthy of his +great achievements; for he lost his life in a battle against the +most warlike and powerful tribes, in which he showed a conspicuous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span> +and even reckless personal gallantry. The Carthaginians +appointed his son-in-law Hasdrubal to succeed him, who +was at the time in command of the fleet.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_2" id="b2_2"><b>2.</b></a> It was at this same period that the Romans for the first +time crossed to Illyricum and that part of <span class="sidenote">Illyricum.</span> +Europe with an army. The history of this expedition +must not be treated as immaterial; but must be carefully +studied by those who wish to understand clearly the +story I have undertaken to tell, and to trace the progress and +consolidation of the Roman Empire.</p> + +<p>Agron, king of the Illyrians, was the son of Pleuratus, and +possessed the most powerful force, both by +land and sea, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 233-232.</span> +of any of the kings who had +reigned in Illyria before him. By a bribe received from +Demetrius he was induced to promise help to the Medionians, +who were at that time being besieged by the +Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">Siege of Medion +in Acarnania.</span> +who, being unable to persuade the +Medionians to join their league, had determined +to reduce the city by force. They accordingly levied their +full army, pitched their camp under the walls of the city, and +kept up a continuous blockade, using every means to force +their way in, and every kind of siege-machine. But when +the time of the annual election of their Strategus drew near, +the besieged being now in great distress, and seeming likely +every day to surrender, the existing Strategus made an appeal +to the Aetolians. He argued that as he had had during +his term of office all the suffering and the danger, it was but +fair that when they got possession of the town he should have +the apportioning of the spoil, and the privilege of inscribing his +name on such arms as should be preserved for dedication. +This was resisted by some, and especially by those who were +candidates for the office, who urged upon the Assembly not to +prejudge this matter, but to leave it open for fortune to determine +who was to be invested with this honour; and, finally, the +Aetolians decided that whoever was general when the city was +taken should share the apportioning of the spoils, and the +honour of inscribing the arms, with his predecessor.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_3" id="b2_3"><b>3.</b></a> The decision was come to on the day before the election +of a new Strategus, and the transference of the command had,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span> +according to the Aetolian custom, to take place. But on +that very night a hundred galleys with five +thousand Illyrians on board, <span class="sidenote">The Illyrians +relieve Medion.</span>sailed up to land +near Medion. Having dropped anchor at +daybreak, they effected a disembarkation with secrecy and +despatch; they then formed in the order customary in their +country, and advanced in their several companies against the +Aetolian lines. These last were overwhelmed with astonishment +at the unexpected nature and boldness of the move; but +they had long been inspired with overweening self-confidence, +and having full reliance in their own forces were far from being +dismayed. They drew up the greater part of their hoplites +and cavalry in front of their lines on the level ground, and +with a portion of their cavalry and their light infantry they +hastened to occupy some rising ground in front of their camp, +which nature had made easily defensible. A single charge, +however, of the Illyrians, whose numbers and close order gave +them irresistible weight, served to dislodge the light-armed +troops, and forced the cavalry who were on the ground with +them to retire to the hoplites. But the Illyrians, being on the +higher ground, and charging down from it upon the Aetolian +troops formed up on the plain, routed them without difficulty; the +Medionians at the same time making a diversion in their favour +by sallying out of the town and charging the Aetolians. Thus, +after killing a great number, and taking a still greater number +prisoners, and becoming masters also of their arms and +baggage, the Illyrians, having carried out the orders of their +king, conveyed their baggage and the rest of the booty to their +boats, and immediately set sail for their own country.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_4" id="b2_4"><b>4.</b></a> This was a most unexpected relief to the Medionians. +They met in public assembly and deliberated on the whole +business, and especially as to the inscribing the arms reserved +for dedication. They decided, in mockery of the Aetolian +decree, that the inscription should contain the name of the +Aetolian commander on the day of battle, and of the candidates +for succession to his office. And indeed Fortune seems, in what +happened to them, to have designed a display of her power to +the rest of mankind. The very thing which these men were +in momentary expectation of undergoing at the hands of their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span> +enemies, she put it in their power to inflict upon those +enemies, and all within a very brief interval. The unexpected +disaster of the Aetolians, too, may teach all the world not to +calculate on the future as though it were the actually existent, +and not to reckon securely on what may still turn out quite +otherwise, but to allow a certain margin to the unexpected. +And as this is true everywhere and to every man, so is it +especially true in war.</p> + +<p>When his galleys returned, and he heard from his officers +the events of the expedition, <span class="sidenote">Death of Agron, +who is succeeded +by his wife Teuta, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 231.</span> +King Agron was +so beside himself with joy at the idea of having +conquered the Aetolians, whose confidence in +their own prowess had been extreme, that, giving +himself over to excessive drinking and other similar indulgences, +he was attacked by a pleurisy of which in a few days he died. +His wife Teuta succeeded him on the throne; and managed +the various details of administration by means of friends whom +she could trust. But her woman’s head had been turned by +the success just related, and she fixed her gaze upon that, and +had no eyes for anything going on outside the country. Her +first measure was to grant letters of marque to privateers, +authorising them to plunder all whom they fell in with; and +she next collected a fleet and military force as large as the +former one, and despatched them with general instructions to +the leaders to regard every land as belonging to an enemy.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_5" id="b2_5"><b>5.</b></a> Their first attack was to be upon the coast of Elis and +Messenia, which had been from time immemorial +the scene of the raids of the Illyrians. <span class="sidenote">Teuta’s piratical +fleet, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 230.</span> +For owing to the length of their seaboard, and +to the fact that their most powerful cities were inland, troops +raised to resist them had a great way to go, and were long in +coming to the spot where the Illyrian pirates landed; who accordingly +overran those districts, and swept them clean without +having anything to fear. However, when this fleet was off +Phoenice in Epirus they landed to get supplies. <span class="sidenote">Takes Phoenice +in Epirus.</span>There they +fell in with some Gauls, who to the number of +eight hundred were stationed at Phoenice, being +in the pay of the Epirotes; and contracted with +them to betray the town into their hands. Having made this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span> +bargain, they disembarked and took the town and everything +in it at the first blow, the Gauls within the walls acting in +collusion with them. When this news was known, the +Epirotes raised a general levy and came in haste to the +rescue. Arriving in the neighbourhood of Phoenice, they +pitched their camp so as to have the river which flows +past Phoenice between them and the enemy, tearing up +the planks of the bridge over it for security. But news +being brought them that Scerdilaidas with five thousand +Illyrians was marching overland by way of the pass near +Antigoneia, they detached some of their forces to guard that +town; while the main body gave themselves over to an +unrestrained indulgence in all the luxuries which the country +could supply; and among other signs of demoralisation they +neglected the necessary precaution of posting sentries and +night pickets. The division of their forces, as well as the +careless conduct of the remainder, did not escape the observation +of the Illyrians; who, sallying out at night, and replacing the +planks on the bridge, crossed the river safely, and having +secured a strong position, remained there quietly for the rest +of the night. At daybreak both armies drew up their forces +in front of the town and engaged. In this battle the Epirotes +were decidedly worsted: a large number of them fell, still +more were taken prisoners, and the rest fled in the direction +of the country of the Atintanes.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_6" id="b2_6"><b>6.</b></a> Having met with this reverse, and having lost all the +hopes which they had cherished, <span class="sidenote">The Aetolian and +Achaean leagues +send a force to +the relief of the +Epirotes. A truce +is made. The +Illyrians depart.</span>the Epirotes +turned to the despatch of ambassadors to the +Aetolians and Achaeans, earnestly begging for +their assistance. Moved by pity for their misfortunes, +these nations consented; and an army +of relief sent out by them arrived at Helicranum. +Meanwhile the Illyrians who had occupied Phoenice, having +effected a junction with Scerdilaidas, advanced with him to this +place, and, taking up a position opposite to this army of relief, +wished at first to give it battle. But they were embarrassed +by the unfavourable nature of the ground; and just then a +despatch was received from Teuta, ordering their instant +return, because certain Illyrians had revolted to the Dardani<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>. +Accordingly, after merely stopping to plunder Epirus, they made +a truce with the inhabitants, by which they undertook to deliver +up all freemen, and the city of Phoenice, for a fixed ransom. +They then took the slaves they had captured and the rest of +their booty to their galleys, and some of them sailed away; +while those who were with Scerdilaidas retired by land through +the pass at Antigoneia, after inspiring no small or ordinary terror +in the minds of the Greeks who lived along the coast. For +seeing the most securely placed and powerful city of Epirus +thus unexpectedly reduced to slavery, they one and all began +henceforth to feel anxious, not merely as in former times for +their property in the open country, but for the safety of their +own persons and cities.</p> + +<p>The Epirotes were thus unexpectedly preserved: but so far +from trying to retaliate on those who had wronged them, or expressing +gratitude to those who had come to their relief, they +sent ambassadors in conjunction with the Acarnanians to +Queen Teuta, and made a treaty with the Illyrians, in virtue +of which they engaged henceforth to co-operate with them and +against the Achaean and Aetolian leagues. All which proceedings +showed conclusively the levity of their conduct towards +men who had stood their friends, as well as an originally short-sighted +policy in regard to their own interests.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_7" id="b2_7"><b>7.</b></a> That men, in the infirmity of human nature, should fall +into misfortunes which defy calculation, is the fault not of the +sufferers but of Fortune, and of those who do the wrong; but +that they should from mere levity, and with their eyes open, +thrust themselves upon the most serious disasters is without +dispute the fault of the victims themselves. Therefore it is +that pity and sympathy and assistance await those whose +failure is due to Fortune: reproach and rebuke from all men +of sense those who have only their own folly to thank for it.</p> + +<p>It is the latter that the Epirotes now richly deserved at the +hands of the Greeks. For in the first place, who in his senses, +knowing the common report as to the character of the Gauls, +would not have hesitated to trust to them a +city so rich, <span class="sidenote">The career of a +body of Gallic +mercenaries,</span> and offering so many opportunities +for treason? And again, who would not +have been on his guard against the bad character of this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span> +particular body of them? For they had originally been +driven from their native country by an outburst of popular +indignation at an act of treachery done by them to their +own kinsfolk and relations. Then having been received +by the Carthaginians, because of the exigencies of the war +in which the latter were engaged, <span class="sidenote">at Agrigentum,</span> and being +drafted into Agrigentum to garrison it (being at +the time more than three thousand strong), they seized the +opportunity of a dispute as to pay, arising between the soldiers +and their generals, to plunder the city; and again being brought +by the Carthaginians into Eryx to perform the +same duty, <span class="sidenote">at Eryx.</span> +they first endeavoured to betray the +city and those who were shut up in it with them to the +Romans who were besieging it; and when they failed in that +treason, they deserted in a body to the enemy: whose trust +they also betrayed by plundering the temple of Aphrodite in +Eryx. Thoroughly convinced, therefore, of their abominable +character, as soon as they had made peace with Carthage the +Romans made it their first business to disarm them, put them +on board ship, and forbid them ever to enter +any part of Italy. <span class="sidenote">Disarmed by the +Romans.</span> +These were the men whom the Epirotes made the protectors of their democracy +and the guardians of their laws! To such men as these they +entrusted their most wealthy city! How then can it be denied +that they were the cause of their own misfortunes?</p> + +<p>My object, in commenting on the blind folly of the +Epirotes, is to point out that it is never wise to introduce a +foreign garrison, especially of barbarians, which is too strong +to be controlled.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_8" id="b2_8"><b>8.</b></a> To return to the Illyrians. From time immemorial +they had oppressed and pillaged vessels sailing +from Italy: <span class="sidenote">Illyrian pirates.</span>and now while their fleet was engaged +at Phoenice a considerable number of them, separating +from the main body, committed acts of piracy on a +number of Italian merchants: some they merely plundered, <span class="sidenote">The Romans interfere, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 230.</span> +others they murdered, and a great many they +carried off alive into captivity. Now, though +complaints against the Illyrians had reached the +Roman government in times past, they had always been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span> +neglected; but now when more and more persons approached +the Senate on this subject, they appointed two ambassadors, +Gaius and Lucius Coruncanius, to go to Illyricum and investigate +the matter. But on the arrival of her galleys from +Epirus, the enormous quantity and beauty of the spoils which +they brought home (for Phoenice was by far the wealthiest +city in Epirus at that time), so fired the imagination of Queen +Teuta, that she was doubly eager to carry on the predatory +warfare on the coasts of Greece. At the moment, however, +she was stopped by the rebellion at home; but it had not +taken her long to put down the revolt in Illyria, and she was +engaged in besieging Issa, the last town which held out, when +just at that very time the Roman ambassadors arrived. A +time was fixed for their audience, and they proceeded to discuss +the injuries which their citizens had sustained. <span class="sidenote">Queen Teuta’s +reception of the +Roman legates.</span> +Throughout the interview, however, +Teuta listened with an insolent and disdainful +air; and when they had finished their speech, she replied that +she would endeavour to take care that no injury should be +inflicted on Roman citizens by Illyrian officials; but that it was +not the custom for the sovereigns of Illyria to hinder private +persons from taking booty at sea. Angered by these words, +the younger of the two ambassadors used a plainness of speech +which, though thoroughly to the point, was rather ill-timed. +“The Romans,” he said, “O Teuta, have a most excellent +custom of using the State for the punishment of private +wrongs and the redress of private grievances: and we will +endeavour, God willing, before long to compel you to improve +the relations between the sovereign and the subject in +Illyria.” The queen received this plain speaking with womanish +passion and unreasoning anger. So enraged was she at the +speech that, <span class="sidenote">A Roman legate +assassinated.</span>in despite of the conventions universally observed +among mankind, she despatched some men after +the ambassadors, as they were sailing home, to +kill the one who had used this plainness. Upon +this being reported at Rome the people were highly incensed +at the queen’s violation of the law of nations, and at once set +about preparations for war, enrolling legions and collecting a +fleet.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b2_9" id="b2_9"><b>9.</b></a> When the season for sailing was come Teuta sent out a +larger fleet of galleys than ever against the +Greek shores, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229. +Another piratical +fleet sent out by +Teuta.</span>some of which sailed straight to +Corcyra; while a portion of them put into the +harbour of Epidamnus on the pretext of taking +in victual and water, but really to attack the town. <span class="sidenote">Their treacherous +attack on Epidamnus, +which is +repulsed.</span> +The +Epidamnians received them without suspicion +and without taking any precautions. Entering +the town therefore clothed merely in their +tunics, as though they were only come to fetch +water, but with swords concealed in the water vessels, they +slew the guards stationed at the gates, and in a brief space were +masters of the gate-tower. Being energetically supported by +a reinforcement from the ships, which came quickly up in +accordance with a pre-arrangement, they got possession of the +greater part of the walls without difficulty. But though the +citizens were taken off their guard they made a determined +and desperate resistance, and the Illyrians after maintaining +their ground for some time were eventually driven out of +the town. So the Epidamnians on this occasion went near to +lose their city by their carelessness; but by the courage which +they displayed they saved themselves from actual damage +while receiving a useful lesson for the future. The Illyrians +who had engaged in this enterprise made haste to put to sea, <span class="sidenote">Attack on Corcyra.</span> +and, rejoining the advanced squadron, put in at +Corcyra: there, to the terror of the inhabitants, +they disembarked and set about besieging the +town. Dismayed and despairing of their safety, the Corcyreans, <span class="sidenote">The Corcyreans +appeal to the +Aetolian and +Achaean leagues.</span> +acting in conjunction with the people of Apollonia +and Epidamnus, sent off envoys to the +Achaean and Aetolian leagues, begging for instant +help, and entreating them not to allow of +their being deprived of their homes by the Illyrians. The +petition was accepted, and the Achaean and Aetolian leagues +combined to send aid. The ten decked ships of war belonging +to the Achaeans were manned, and having been fitted out in a +few days, set sail for Corcyra in hopes of raising the siege.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_10" id="b2_10"><b>10.</b></a> But the Illyrians obtained a reinforcement of seven +decked ships from the Acarnanians, in virtue of their treaty with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span> +that people, and, putting to sea, engaged the Achaean fleet off +the islands called Paxi. The Acarnanian and Achaean ships +fought without victory declaring for either, <span class="sidenote">Defeat of the +Achaean ships.</span> +and +without receiving any further damage than +having some of their crew wounded. But the +Illyrians lashed their galleys four together, and, caring nothing +for any damage that might happen to them, grappled with the +enemy by throwing their galleys athwart their prows and encouraging +them to charge; when the enemies’ prows struck +them, and got entangled by the lashed-together galleys +getting hitched on to their forward gear, the Illyrians leaped +upon the decks of the Achaean ships and captured them +by the superior number of their armed men. In this way +they took four triremes, and sunk one quinquereme with +all hands, on board of which Margos of Caryneia was sailing, +who had all his life served the Achaean league with complete +integrity. The vessels engaged with the Acarnanians, seeing +the triumphant success of the Illyrians, and trusting to their +own speed, hoisted their sails to the wind and effected their +voyage home without further disaster. The Illyrians, on the +other hand, filled with self-confidence by their success, continued +their siege of the town in high spirits, and without +putting themselves to any unnecessary trouble; <span class="sidenote">Corcyra submits.</span>while the +Corcyreans, reduced to despair of safety by +what had happened, after sustaining the siege +for a short time longer, made terms with the Illyrians, consenting +to receive a garrison, and with it Demetrius of Pharos. +After this had been settled, the Illyrian admirals put to sea +again; and, having arrived at Epidamnus, once more set about +besieging that town.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_11" id="b2_11"><b>11.</b></a> In this same season one of the Consuls, Gnaeus +Fulvius, started from Rome with two hundred +ships, and the other Consul, Aulus Postumius, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229. +The Roman Consuls, +with fleet +and army, start +to punish +the Illyrians.</span> +with the land forces. The plan of Gnaeus was +to sail direct to Corcyra, because he supposed +that he should find the result of the siege still +undecided. But when he found that he was too +late for that, he determined nevertheless to sail to the island +because he wished to know the exact facts as to what had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span> +happened there, and to test the sincerity of the overtures that +had been made by Demetrius. For Demetrius, <span class="sidenote">Demetrius of Pharos.</span> +being in disgrace with Teuta, and afraid of what +she might do to him, had been sending messages +to Rome, offering to put the city and everything else of which +he was in charge into their hands. Delighted at the appearance +of the Romans, the Corcyreans not only surrendered the garrison +to them, with the consent of Demetrius, <span class="sidenote">Corcyra becomes a “friend of Rome.”</span>but committed +themselves also unconditionally to the Roman +protection; believing that this was their only +security in the future against the piratical incursions +of the Illyrians. So the Romans, having admitted +the Corcyreans into the number of the friends of Rome, +sailed for Apollonia, with Demetrius to act as their guide for +the rest of the campaign. At the same time +the other Consul, +<span class="sidenote">Aulus Postumius.</span>Aulus Postumius, conveyed +his army across from Brundisium, consisting of twenty +thousand infantry and about two thousand horse. This +army, as well as the fleet under Gnaeus Fulvius, being +directed upon Apollonia, which at once put itself under +Roman protection, both forces were again put in motion +on news being brought that Epidamnus was being besieged +by the enemy. No sooner did the Illyrians learn the +approach of the Romans than they hurriedly broke up the +siege and fled. The Romans, taking the Epidamnians under +their protection, advanced into the interior of +Illyricum, subduing the Ardiaei as they went. <span class="sidenote">The Roman settlement of Illyricum.</span> +They were met on their march by envoys from +many tribes: those of the Partheni offered an unconditional +surrender, as also did those of the Atintanes. Both were +accepted: and the Roman army proceeded towards Issa, which +was being besieged by Illyrian troops. On their arrival, they +forced the enemy to raise the siege, and received the Issaeans +also under their protection. Besides, as the fleet coasted along, +they took certain Illyrian cities by storm; among which was +Nutria, where they lost not only a large number of soldiers, +but some of the Military Tribunes also and the Quaestor. +But they captured twenty of the galleys which were conveying +the plunder from the country.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span></p> + +<p>Of the Illyrian troops engaged in blockading Issa, those +that belonged to Pharos were left unharmed, as a favour to +Demetrius; while all the rest scattered and fled to Arbo. +Teuta herself, with a very few attendants, escaped to Rhizon, +a small town very strongly fortified, and situated on the river +of the same name. Having accomplished all this, and having +placed the greater part of Illyria under Demetrius, and invested +him with a wide dominion, the Consuls retired to Epidamnus +with their fleet and army.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_12" id="b2_12"><b>12.</b></a> Then Gnaeus Fulvius sailed back to Rome with the +larger part of the naval and military forces, while Postumius, +staying behind and collecting forty vessels and a legion from +the cities in that district, wintered there to guard the Ardiaei +and other tribes that had committed themselves to the protection +of Rome. Just before spring in the +next year, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 228. Teuta submits.</span> +Teuta sent envoys to Rome and concluded +a treaty; in virtue of which she consented +to pay a fixed tribute, and to abandon all Illyricum, with the +exception of some few districts: and what affected Greece more +than anything, she agreed not to sail beyond Lissus with more +than two galleys, and those unarmed. When this arrangement +had been concluded, Postumius sent legates to the Aetolian +and Achaean leagues, who on their arrival first explained the +reasons for the war and the Roman invasion; and then stated +what had been accomplished in it, and read the treaty which +had been made with the Illyrians. The envoys then returned +to Corcyra after receiving the thanks of both leagues: for they +had freed Greece by this treaty from a very serious cause for +alarm, the fact being that the Illyrians were not the enemies +of this or that people, but the common enemies of all alike.</p> + +<p>Such were the circumstances of the first armed interference +of the Romans in Illyricum and that part of Europe, and their +first diplomatic relations with Greece; and such too were the +motives which suggested them. But having thus begun, the +Romans immediately afterwards sent envoys to Corinth and +Athens. And it was then that the Corinthians first admitted +Romans to take part in the Isthmian games.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_13" id="b2_13"><b>13.</b></a> We must now return to Hasdrubal in Iberia. He had +during this period been conducting his command with ability<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span> +and success, and had not only given in general a great impulse +to the Carthaginian interests there, but in particular +had greatly strengthened them by the <span class="sidenote">Hasdrubal in +Spain. The +founding of New +Carthage, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 228.</span> +fortification of the town, variously called Carthage, +and New Town, the situation of which was +exceedingly convenient for operations in Libya as +well as in Iberia. I shall take a more suitable opportunity of +speaking of the site of this town, and pointing out the advantages +offered by it to both countries: I must at present speak +of the impression made by Hasdrubal’s policy at Rome. +Seeing him strengthening the Carthaginian influence in Spain, +and rendering it continually more formidable, the Romans +were anxious to interfere in the politics of that country. They +discovered, as they thought, that they had allowed their suspicions +to be lulled to sleep, and had meanwhile given the +Carthaginians the opportunity of consolidating their power. +They did not venture, however, at the moment to impose +conditions or make war on them, because they +were in almost daily dread of an attack from +the Celts. <span class="sidenote">Dread of the +Gauls.</span>They determined therefore to +mollify Hasdrubal by gentle measures, and so to leave themselves +free to attack the Celts first and try conclusions with +them: for they were convinced that, with such enemies on +their flank, they would not only be unable to keep their +hold over the rest of Italy, but even to reckon on safety in +their own city. <span class="sidenote">Treaty with +Hasdrubal.</span>Accordingly, while sending envoys +to Hasdrubal, and making a treaty with him +by which the Carthaginians, without saying anything +of the rest of Iberia, engaged not to cross the Iber +in arms, they pushed on the war with the Celts in Italy.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_14" id="b2_14"><b>14.</b></a> This war itself I shall treat only summarily, to avoid +breaking the thread of my history; but I must go back somewhat +in point of time, and refer to the period at which these +tribes originally occupied their districts in Italy. For the story +I think is worth knowing for its own sake, and must absolutely +be kept in mind, if we wish to understand what tribes and +districts they were on which Hannibal relied to assist him in +his bold design of destroying the Roman dominion. I will +first describe the country in which they live, its nature, and its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span> +relation to the rest of Italy; for if we clearly understand its +peculiarities, geographical and natural, we shall be better able +to grasp the salient points in the history of the war.</p> + +<p>Italy, taken as a whole, is a triangle, of which the eastern +side is bounded by the Ionian Sea and the +Adriatic Gulf, <span class="sidenote">The Geography +of Italy.</span>its southern and western sides by +the Sicilian and Tyrrhenian seas; these two sides +converge to form the apex of the triangle, which is represented +by the southern promontory of Italy called Cocinthus, and +which separates the Ionian from the Sicilian Sea.<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> The +third side, or base of this triangle, is on the north, and is +formed by the chain of the Alps stretching right across the +country, beginning at Marseilles and the coast of the Sardinian +Sea, and with no break in its continuity until within a short +distance of the head of the Adriatic. To the south of this +range, which I said we must regard as the base of the triangle, +are the most northerly plains of Italy, the largest and most +fertile of any with which I am acquainted in all Europe. This +is the district with which we are at present concerned. Taken +as a whole, it too forms a triangle, the apex of which is the point +where the Apennines and Alps converge, <span class="sidenote">Col di Tenda.</span>above +Marseilles, and not far from the coast of the +Sardinian Sea. The northern side of this triangle is formed +by the Alps, extending for 2200 stades; the southern by the +Apennines, extending 3600; and the base is the seaboard of +the Adriatic, from the town of Sena to the head of the gulf, a +distance of more than 2500 stades. The total length of the +three sides will thus be nearly 10,000 stades.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_15" id="b2_15"><b>15.</b></a> The yield of corn in this district is so abundant that +wheat is often sold at four obols a Sicilian +medimnus, <span class="sidenote">Gallia +Cis-Alpina.</span>barley at two, or a metretes of wine +for an equal measure of barley. The quantity +of panic and millet produced is extraordinary; and the amount +of acorns grown in the oak forests scattered about the country +may be gathered from the fact that, though nowhere are more +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span>pigs slaughtered than in Italy, for sacrifices as well as for family +use, and for feeding the army, by far the most important +supply is from these plains. The cheapness and abundance +of all articles of food may also be clearly shown from the fact +that travellers in these parts, when stopping at inns, do not +bargain for particular articles, but simply ask what the charge is +per head for board. And for the most part the innkeepers are +content to supply their guests with every necessary at a charge +rarely exceeding half an as (that is, the fourth part of an obol)<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> +a day each. Of the numbers, stature, and personal beauty of +the inhabitants, and still more of their bravery in war, we shall +be able to satisfy ourselves from the facts of their history.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_16" id="b2_16"><b>16.</b></a> Such parts of both slopes of the Alps as are not too +rocky or too precipitous are inhabited by different +tribes; those on the north towards the +Rhone by the Gauls, <span class="sidenote">The Alps.</span>called Transalpine; those towards the +Italian plains by the Taurisci and Agones and a number of +other barbarous tribes. The name Transalpine is not tribal, +but local, from the Latin proposition <i>trans</i>, “across.” The +summits of the Alps, from their rugged character, and the +great depth of eternal snow, are entirely uninhabited. Both +slopes of the Apennines, <span class="sidenote">The Apennines.</span> +towards the Tuscan +Sea and towards the plains, are inhabited by +the Ligurians, from above Marseilles and the junction with the +Alps to Pisae on the coast, the first city on the west of Etruria, +and inland to Arretium. Next to them come the Etruscans; and +next on both slopes the Umbrians. The distance between the +Apennines and the Adriatic averages about five hundred stades; +and when it leaves the northern plains the chain verges to the +right, and goes entirely through the middle of the rest of Italy, as +far as the Sicilian Sea. The remaining portion of this triangle, +namely the plain along the sea coast, extends as far as the town +of Sena. The Padus, celebrated by the poets under the name +of Eridanus, <span class="sidenote">The Po.</span>rises in the Alps near the apex +of the triangle, and flows down to the plains +with a southerly course; but after reaching the plains, it +turns to the east, and flowing through them discharges<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span> +itself by two mouths into the Adriatic. The larger part +of the plain is thus cut off by it, and lies between this river +and the Alps to the head of the Adriatic. In body of water +it is second to no river in Italy, because the mountain +streams, descending from the Alps and Apennines to the plain, +one and all flow into it on both sides; and its stream is at its +height and beauty about the time of the rising of the Dog +Star, <span class="sidenote">15th July.</span> +because it is then swollen by the melting +snows on those mountains. It is navigable for +nearly two thousand stades up stream, the ships entering by +the mouth called Olana; for though it is a single main stream +to begin with, it branches off into two at the place called +Trigoboli, of which streams the northern is called the Padoa, +the southern the Olana. At the mouth of the latter there is +a harbour affording as safe anchorage as any in the Adriatic. +The whole river is called by the country folk the Bodencus. +As to the other stories current in Greece about this river,—I +mean Phaethon and his fall, and the tears of the poplars and +the black clothes of the inhabitants along this stream, which +they are said to wear at this day as mourning for Phaethon,—all +such tragic incidents I omit for the present, as not being suitable +to the kind of work I have in hand; but I shall return to them +at some other more fitting opportunity, particularly because +Timaeus has shown a strange ignorance of this district.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_17" id="b2_17"><b>17.</b></a> To continue my description. These plains were +anciently inhabited by Etruscans,<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> at the same +period as what are called the Phlegraean plains +round Capua and Nola; which latter, <span class="sidenote">Gauls expel +Etruscans from +the valley of the +Po.</span> +however, +have enjoyed the highest reputation, because +they lay in a great many people’s way and so got known. +In speaking then of the history of the Etruscan Empire, +we should not refer to the district occupied by them at the +present time, but to these northern plains, and to what they +did when they inhabited them. Their chief intercourse was +with the Celts, because they occupied the adjoining districts; +who, envying the beauty of their lands, seized some slight +pretext to gather a great host and expel the Etruscans from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span> +the valley of the Padus, which they at once took possession +of themselves. First, the country near the source of the +Padus was occupied by the Laevi and Lebecii; after them the +Insubres settled in the country, the largest tribe of all; and +next them, along the bank of the river, the Cenomani. But +the district along the shore of the Adriatic was held by another +very ancient tribe called Venĕti, in customs and dress nearly +allied to Celts, but using quite a different language, about +whom the tragic poets have written a great many wonderful +tales. South of the Padus, in the Apennine district, first +beginning from the west, the Ananes, and next them the Boii +settled. Next them, on the coast of the Adriatic, the Lingones; +and south of these, still on the sea-coast, the Senones. These +are the most important tribes that took possession +of this part of the country. <span class="sidenote">Their character.</span>They lived +in open villages, and without any permanent buildings. As +they made their beds of straw or leaves, and fed on meat, +and followed no pursuits but those of war and agriculture, +they lived simple lives without being acquainted with any +science or art whatever. Each man’s property, moreover, +consisted in cattle and gold; as they were the only things +that could be easily carried with them, when they wandered +from place to place, and changed their dwelling as their +fancy directed. They made a great point, however, of friendship: +for the man who had the largest number of clients or +companions in his wanderings, was looked upon as the most +formidable and powerful member of the tribe.<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">149</a></p> + +<p><a name="b2_18" id="b2_18"><b>18.</b></a> In the early times of their settlement they did not +merely subdue the territory which they occupied, but rendered +also many of the neighbouring peoples subject to them, whom +they overawed by their audacity. Some time afterwards they +conquered the Romans in battle, and pursuing the flying<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span> +legions, in three days after the battle occupied Rome itself +with the exception of the Capitol. But a circumstance +intervened which recalled them home, <span class="sidenote">Battle of the +Allia, 18th July, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 390.</span> +an invasion, that is to say, of their territory by +the Venĕti. Accordingly they made terms with the Romans, +handed back the city, and returned to their own land; and +subsequently were occupied with domestic wars. Some of the +tribes, also, who dwelt on the Alps, comparing their own barren +districts with the rich territory occupied by the others, were continually +making raids upon them, and collecting their forces +to attack them. <span class="sidenote">Latin war, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 349-340.</span> +This gave the Romans time +to recover their strength, and to come to terms +with the people of Latium. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 360.</span>When, thirty +years after the capture of the city, the Celts came again as far +as Alba, the Romans were taken by surprise; and <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 348.</span> +having had no intelligence of the intended invasion, +nor time to collect the forces of the Socii, did not +venture to give them battle. But when another invasion in +great force took place twelve years later, they +did get previous intelligence of it; and, having +mustered their allies, sallied forth to meet them with great +spirit, being eager to engage them and fight a decisive battle. +But the Gauls were dismayed at their approach; and, being +besides weakened by internal feuds, retreated homewards as +soon as night fell, with all the appearance of a regular flight. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 334.</span> +After this alarm they kept quiet for thirteen +years; at the end of which period, seeing +that the power of the Romans was growing formidable, they +made a peace and a definite treaty with them.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_19" id="b2_19"><b>19.</b></a> They abided by this treaty for thirty years: but at that +time, alarmed by a threatening movement on the part of the +Transalpine tribes, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 299.</span>and fearing that a dangerous war was +imminent, they diverted the attack of the invading +horde from themselves by presents and +appeals to their ties of kindred, but incited them to attack the +Romans, joining in the expedition themselves. They directed +their march through Etruria, and were joined by the Etruscans; +and the combined armies, after taking a great quantity of booty, +got safely back from the Roman territory. But when they got<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span> +home, they quarrelled about the division of the spoil, and in +the end destroyed most of it, as well as the flower of their own +force. This is the way of the Gauls when they have appropriated +their neighbours’ property; and it mostly arises from +brutal drunkenness, and intemperate feeding. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 297.</span> +In the fourth year after this, the Samnites +and Gauls made a league, gave the Romans battle in the +neighbourhood of Camerium, and slew a large number. +Incensed at this defeat, the Romans marched out a few days +afterwards, and with two Consular armies engaged the enemy in +the territory of Sentinum; and, having killed the greater number +of them, forced the survivors to retreat in hot haste each +to his own land. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 283.</span>Again, after another interval +of ten years, the Gauls besieged Arretium with +a great army, and the Romans went to the assistance of the +town, and were beaten in an engagement under its walls. +The Praetor Lucius<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> having fallen in this battle, Manius +Curius was appointed in his place. The ambassadors, sent +by him to the Gauls to treat for the prisoners, were treacherously +murdered by them. At this the Romans, in high wrath, sent +an expedition against them, which was met by the tribe called +the Senones. In a pitched battle the army of the Senones were +cut to pieces, and the rest of the tribe expelled from the country; +into which the Romans sent the first colony which they ever +planted in Gaul—namely, <span class="sidenote">Sena Gallica.</span>the town of Sena, so +called from the tribe of Gauls which formerly +occupied it. This is the town which I mentioned before as +lying on the coast at the extremity of the plains of the Padus.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_20" id="b2_20"><b>20.</b></a> Seeing the expulsion of the Senones, and fearing the +same fate for themselves, the Boii made a general levy, summoned +the Etruscans to join them, and set out to war. They +mustered their forces near the lacus Vadimonis, and there gave +the Romans battle; in which the Etruscans indeed suffered a loss +of more than half their men, while scarcely any of +the Boii escaped. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 282.</span>But yet in the very next year +the same two nations joined forces once more; and arming even +those of them who had only just reached manhood, gave the +Romans battle again; and it was not until they had been utterly +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>defeated in this engagement that they humbled themselves so +far as to send ambassadors to Rome and make a treaty.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a></p> + +<p>These events took place in the third year before Pyrrhus +crossed into Italy, and in the fifth before the destruction of the +Gauls at Delphi. For at this period fortune seems to have +plagued the Gauls with a kind of epidemic of war. But the +Romans gained two most important advantages from these +events. First, their constant defeats at the hands of the Gauls +had inured them to the worst that could befall them; and so, +when they had to fight with Pyrrhus, they came to the contest +like trained and experienced gladiators. And in the second +place, they had crushed the insolence of the Gauls just in time +to allow them to give an undivided attention, first to the war +with Pyrrhus for the possession of Italy, and then to the war +with Carthage for the supremacy in Sicily.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_21" id="b2_21"><b>21.</b></a> After these defeats the Gauls maintained an unbroken +peace with Rome for forty-five years. But when the generation +which had witnessed the actual struggle had passed away, +and a younger generation of men had taken their places, filled +with unreflecting hardihood, and who had neither experienced +nor seen any suffering or reverse, they began, as was natural, to +disturb the settlement; <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 236.</span>and on the one hand +to let trifling causes exasperate them against +Rome, and on the other to invite the Alpine Gauls to join the +fray. At first these intrigues were carried on by their chiefs +without the knowledge of the tribesmen; and accordingly, +when an armed host of Transalpine Gauls arrived at Ariminum, +the Boii were suspicious; and forming a conspiracy against their +own leaders, as well as against the new-comers, they put their +own two kings Atis and Galatus to death, and cut each other +to pieces in a pitched battle. Just then the Romans, alarmed +at the threatened invasion, had despatched an army; but learning +that the Gauls had committed this act of self-destruction, it +returned home again. In the fifth year after this alarm, in +the Consulship of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the Romans<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span> +divided among their citizens the territory of Picenum, from +which they had ejected the Senones when they +conquered them: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 232.</span>a democratic measure introduced +by Gaius Flaminius, and a policy which we must +pronounce to have been the first step in the demoralisation of +the people, as well as the cause of the next Gallic war. For +many of the Gauls, and especially the Boii whose lands were +coterminous with the Roman territory, entered upon that war +from the conviction that the object of Rome in her wars with +them was no longer supremacy and empire over them, but +their total expulsion and destruction.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_22" id="b2_22"><b>22.</b></a> Accordingly the two most extensive tribes, the Insubres +and Boii, joined in the despatch of messengers +to the tribes living about the Alps and on the +Rhone, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 231.</span> +who from a word which means “serving for hire,” are +called Gaesatae. To their kings Concolitanus and Aneroetes +they offered a large sum of gold on the spot; and, for the future, +pointed out to them the greatness of the wealth of Rome, and +all the riches of which they would become possessed, if they +took it. In these attempts to inflame their cupidity and induce +them to join the expedition against Rome they easily succeeded. +For they added to the above arguments pledges of their own +alliance; and reminded them of the campaign of their own +ancestors in which they had seized Rome itself, and had been +masters of all it contained, as well as the city itself, for seven +months; and had at last evacuated it of their own free will, +and restored it by an act of free grace, returning unconquered +and scatheless with the booty to their own land. These arguments +made the leaders so eager for the expedition, that there +never at any other time came from that part of Gaul a larger +host, or one consisting of more notable warriors. Meanwhile, +the Romans, informed of what was coming, partly by report +and partly by conjecture, were in such a state of constant alarm +and excitement, that they hurriedly enrolled legions, collected +supplies, and sent out their forces to the frontier, as though +the enemy were already in their territory, before the Gauls +had stirred from their own lands.</p> + +<p>It was this movement of the Gauls that, more than anything +else, helped the Carthaginians to consolidate their power in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span> +Iberia. For the Romans, as I have said, looked upon the +Celtic question as the more pressing one of the two, as being so +near home; and were forced to wink at what was going on in +Iberia, in their anxiety to settle it satisfactorily first. Having, +therefore, put their relations with the Carthaginians on a safe +footing by the treaty with Hasdrubal, which I spoke of a short +time back,<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> they gave an undivided attention to the Celtic war, +convinced that their interest demanded that a decisive battle +should be fought with them.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_23" id="b2_23"><b>23.</b></a> The Gaesatae, then, having collected their forces, crossed +the Alps and descended into the valley of the Padus with a +formidable army, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 225. +Coss. L. Aemilius +Papus. +C. Atilius Regulus.</span>furnished with a variety of +armour, in the eighth year after the distribution +of the lands of Picenum. The Insubres and +Boii remained loyal to the agreement they had +made with them: but the Venĕti and Cenomani being induced +by embassies from Rome to take the Roman side, the Celtic +kings were obliged to leave a portion of their forces behind, to +guard against an invasion of their territory by those tribes. +They themselves, with their main army, consisting of one hundred +and fifty thousand foot, and twenty thousand horse and +chariots, struck camp and started on their march, which was +to be through Etruria, in high spirits. As soon as it was +known at Rome that the Celts had crossed the Alps, one of +the Consuls, Lucius Aemilius Papus, was sent with an army to +Ariminum to guard against the passage of the enemy, and one +of the Praetors into Etruria: for the other Consul, Gaius +Atilius Regulus, happened to be in Sardinia with his legions. +There was universal terror in Rome, for the danger threatening +them was believed to be great and formidable. And naturally +so: for the old fear of the Gauls had never been eradicated from +their minds. No one thought of anything else: they were +incessantly occupied in mustering the legions, or enrolling new +ones, and in ordering up such of the allies as were ready +for service. The proper magistrates were ordered to give in +lists of all citizens of military age; that it might at once be +known to what the total of the available forces amounted. +And such stores of corn, and darts, and other military equipments<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span> +were collected as no one could remember on any +former occasion. From every side assistance was eagerly +rendered; for the inhabitants of Italy, in their terror at the +Gallic invasion, no longer thought of the matter as a question +of alliance with Rome, or of the war as undertaken to support +Roman supremacy, but each people regarded it as a danger +menacing themselves and their own city and territory. The +response to the Roman appeal therefore was prompt.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_24" id="b2_24"><b>24.</b></a> But in order that we may learn from actual facts how +great the power was which Hannibal subsequently +ventured to attack, <span class="sidenote">The Roman +resources.</span>and what a mighty +empire he faced when he succeeded in inflicting +upon the Roman people the most severe disasters, I +must now state the amount of the forces they could at that +time bring into the field. The two Consuls had marched out +with four legions, each consisting of five thousand two hundred +infantry and three hundred cavalry. Besides this there were +with each Consul allies to the number of thirty thousand +infantry and two thousand cavalry. Of Sabines and Etruscans +too, there had come to Rome, for that special occasion, four +thousand horse and more than fifty thousand foot. These +were formed into an army and sent in advance into Etruria, +under the command of one of the Praetors. Moreover, the +Umbrians and Sarsinatae, hill tribes of the Apennine district, +were collected to the number of twenty thousand; and with +them were twenty thousand Venĕti and Cenomani. These +were stationed on the frontier of the Gallic territory, that they +might divert the attention of the invaders, by making an +incursion into the territory of the Boii. These were the forces +guarding the frontier. In Rome itself, ready as a reserve +in case of the accidents of war, there remained twenty thousand +foot and three thousand horse of citizens, and thirty thousand +foot and two thousand horse of the allies. Lists of men for +service had also been returned, of Latins eighty thousand foot +and five thousand horse; of Samnites seventy thousand foot and +seven thousand horse; of Iapygians and Messapians together +fifty thousand foot and sixteen thousand horse; and of Lucanians +thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse; of Marsi, and +Marrucini, and Ferentani, and Vestini, twenty thousand foot<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span> +and four thousand horse. And besides these, there were in +reserve in Sicily and Tarentum two legions, each of which consisted +of about four thousand two hundred foot, and two hundred +horse. Of the Romans and Campanians the total of those put +on the roll was two hundred and fifty thousand foot and twenty-three +thousand horse; so that the grand total of the forces actually +defending Rome was over 150,000 foot, 6000 cavalry:<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> and of +the men able to bear arms, Romans and allies, over 700,000 foot +and 70,000 horse; while Hannibal, when he invaded Italy, had +less than twenty thousand to put against this immense force.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_25" id="b2_25"><b>25.</b></a> There will be another opportunity of treating the +subject in greater detail; for the present I +must return to the Celts. <span class="sidenote">The Gauls +enter Etruria.</span>Having entered +Etruria, they began their march through the +country, devastating it as they chose, and without any +opposition; and finally directed their course against Rome +itself. But when they were encamped under the walls of +Clusium, which is three days’ march from Rome, news was +brought them that the Roman forces, which were on duty in +Etruria, were following on their rear and were close upon them; +upon which they turned back to meet them, eager to offer +them battle. <span class="sidenote">The Praetor’s +army defeated +at Clusium.</span>The two armies came in sight +of each other about sunset, and encamped for +the night a short distance apart. But when +night fell, the Celts lit their watch fires; and leaving their +cavalry on the ground, with instructions that, as soon as +daylight made them visible to the enemy, they should follow +by the same route, they made a secret retreat along the road +to Faesulae, and took up their position there; that they +might be joined by their own cavalry, and might disconcert +the attack of the enemy. Accordingly, when at daybreak the +Romans saw that the cavalry were alone, they believed that +the Celts had fled, and hastened in pursuit of the retreating +horse; but when they approached the spot where the enemy +were stationed, the Celts suddenly left their position and fell +upon them. The struggle was at first maintained with fury on +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span>both sides: but the courage and superior numbers of the +Celts eventually gave them the victory. No less than six +thousand Romans fell: while the rest fled, most of whom +made their way to a certain strongly fortified height, and there +remained. The first impulse of the Celts was to besiege +them: but they were worn out by their previous night march, +and all the suffering and fatigue of the day; leaving therefore +a detachment of cavalry to keep guard round the hill, they +hastened to procure rest and refreshment, resolving to besiege +the fugitives next day unless they voluntarily surrendered.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_26" id="b2_26"><b>26.</b></a> But meanwhile Lucius Aemilius, who had been stationed +on the coast of the Adriatic at Ariminum, <span class="sidenote">On the arrival +of Aemilius the +Gauls retire.</span> +having been informed that the Gauls had +entered Etruria and were approaching Rome, +set off to the rescue; and after a rapid march appeared on +the ground just at the critical moment. He pitched his +camp close to the enemy; and the fugitives on the hill, seeing +his watch fires, and understanding what had happened, quickly +recovered their courage and sent some of their men unarmed +to make their way through the forest and tell the Consul what +had happened. This news left the Consul as he thought no +alternative but to fight. He therefore ordered the Tribunes to +lead out the infantry at daybreak, while he, taking command +of the cavalry, led the way towards the hill. The Gallic +chieftains too had seen his watch fires, and understood that the +enemy was come; and at once held council of war. The +advice of King Aneroestes was, “that seeing the amount of +booty they had taken,—an incalculable quantity indeed of +captives, cattle, and other spoil,—they had better not run +the risk of another general engagement, but return home in +safety; and having disposed of this booty, and freed themselves +from its incumbrance, return, if they thought good, to make +another determined attack upon Rome.” Having resolved to +follow the advice of Aneroestes in the present juncture, the +chiefs broke up their night council, and before daybreak struck +camp, and marched through Etruria by the road which follows +the coast of the Ligurian bay. While Lucius, having taken off +the remnant of the army from the hill, and combined it with +his own forces, determined that it would not be by any means<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span> +advantageous to offer the enemy regular battle; but that it was +better to dog their footsteps, watching for favourable times and +places at which to inflict damage upon them, or wrest some of +their booty from their hands.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_27" id="b2_27"><b>27.</b></a> Just at that time the Consul Gaius Atilius had crossed +from Sardinia, and having landed at Pisae was +on his way to Rome; <span class="sidenote">Atilius landing at +Pisa intercepts +the march of +the Gauls.</span>and therefore he and +the enemy were advancing to meet each +other. When the Celts were at Telamon in +Etruria, their advanced guard fell in with that of Gaius, and +the men being made prisoners informed the Consul in answer +to questions of what had taken place; and told him that both the +armies were in the neighbourhood: that of the Celts, namely, +and that of Lucius close upon their rear. Though somewhat +disturbed at the events which he thus learnt, Gaius regarded +the situation as a hopeful one, when he considered that the +Celts were on the road between two hostile armies. He therefore +ordered the Tribunes to martial the legions and to advance +at the ordinary pace, and in line as far as the breadth of the +ground permitted; while he himself having surveyed a piece +of rising ground which commanded the road, and under which +the Celts must march, took his cavalry with him and hurried +on to seize the eminence, and so begin the battle in person; +convinced that by these means he would get the principal +credit of the action for himself. At first the Celts not knowing +anything about the presence of Gaius Atilius, but supposing +from what was taking place, that the cavalry of Aemilius had outmarched +them in the night, and were seizing the points of vantage +in the van of their route, immediately detached some cavalry and +light armed infantry to dispute the possession of this eminence. +But having shortly afterwards learnt the truth about the presence +of Gaius from a prisoner who was brought in, they hurriedly +got their infantry into position, and drew them up so as to +face two opposite ways, some, that is, to the front and others to +the rear. For they knew that one army was following on their +rear; and they expected from the intelligence which had reached +them, and from what they saw actually occurring, that they +would have to meet another on their front.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_28" id="b2_28"><b>28.</b></a> Aemilius had heard of the landing of the legions at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span> +Pisae, but had not expected them to be already so far on +their road; but the contest at the eminence proved to him +that the two armies were quite close. <span class="sidenote">The battle of +the horse. +Atilius falls.</span> +He +accordingly despatched his horse at once to +support the struggle for the possession of the +hill, while he marshalled his foot in their usual order, and +advanced to attack the enemy who barred his way. The +Celts had stationed the Alpine tribe of the Gaesatae to face +their enemies on the rear, and behind them the Insubres; on +their front they had placed the Taurisci, and the Cispadane +tribe of the Boii, facing the legions of Gaius. Their waggons +and chariots they placed on the extremity of either wing, while +the booty they massed upon one of the hills that skirted the +road, under the protection of a guard. The army of the Celts +was thus double-faced, and their mode of marshalling their +forces was effective as well as calculated to inspire terror. The +Insubres and Boii were clothed in their breeches and light +cloaks; but the Gaesatae from vanity and bravado threw these +garments away, and fell in in front of the army naked, with +nothing but their arms; believing that, as the ground was in +parts encumbered with brambles, which might possibly catch +in their clothes and impede the use of their weapons, they +would be more effective in this state. At first the only actual +fighting was that for the possession of the hill: and the numbers +of the cavalry, from all three armies, that had joined in +the struggle made it a conspicuous sight to all. In the +midst of it the Consul Gaius fell, fighting with reckless bravery +in the thick of the battle, and his head was brought to the +king of the Celts. The Roman cavalry, however, continued the +struggle with spirit, and finally won the position and overpowered +their opponents. Then the foot also came to close quarters.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_29" id="b2_29"><b>29.</b></a> It was surely a peculiar and surprising battle to witness, +and scarcely less so to hear described. A battle, to begin +with, in which three distinct armies were engaged, must have +presented a strange and unusual appearance, and must have +been fought under strange and unusual conditions. Again, it +must have seemed to a spectator open to question, whether the +position of the Gauls were the most dangerous conceivable, from +being between two attacking forces; or the most favourable, as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span> +enabling them to meet both armies at once, while their own two +divisions afforded each other a mutual support: and, above all, +as putting retreat out of the question, or any hope of safety except +in victory. For this is the peculiar advantage of having an +army facing in two opposite directions. The Romans, on the +other hand, while encouraged by having got their enemy between +two of their own armies, were at the same time dismayed +by the ornaments and clamour of the Celtic host. For there +were among them such innumerable horns and trumpets, which +were being blown simultaneously in all parts of their army, and +their cries were so loud and piercing, that the noise seemed not +to come merely from trumpets and human voices, but from +the whole country-side at once. Not less terrifying was the +appearance and rapid movement of the naked warriors in the +van, which indicated men in the prime of their strength and +beauty: while all the warriors in the front ranks were richly +adorned with gold necklaces and bracelets. These sights +certainly dismayed the Romans; still the hope they gave of a +profitable victory redoubled their eagerness for the battle.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_30" id="b2_30"><b>30.</b></a> When the men who were armed with the <i>pilum</i> advanced +in front of the legions, in accordance +with the regular method of Roman warfare, <span class="sidenote">The infantry +engage.</span> +and hurled their <i>pila</i> in rapid and effective +volleys, the inner ranks of the Celts found their jerkins +and leather breeches of great service; but to the naked +men in the front ranks this unexpected mode of attack caused +great distress and discomfiture. For the Gallic shields not +being big enough to cover the man, the larger the naked body +the more certainty was there of the <i>pilum</i> hitting. And at last, +not being able to retaliate, because the pilum-throwers were +out of reach, and their weapons kept pouring in, some of them, +in the extremity of their distress and helplessness, threw themselves +with desperate courage and reckless violence upon the +enemy, and thus met a voluntary death; while others gave +ground step by step towards their own friends, whom they +threw into confusion by this manifest acknowledgment of their +panic. Thus the courage of the Gaesatae had broken down +before the preliminary attack of the <i>pilum</i>. But when the +throwers of it had rejoined their ranks, and the whole Roman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span> +line charged, the Insubres, Boii, and Taurisci received the +attack, and maintained a desperate hand-to-hand fight. Though +almost cut to pieces, they held their ground with unabated +courage, in spite of the fact that man for man, as well as collectively, +they were inferior to the Romans in point of arms. +The shields and swords of the latter were proved to be manifestly +superior for defence and attack, for the Gallic sword can only +deliver a cut, but cannot thrust. And when, besides, the Roman +horse charged down from the high ground on their flank, and +attacked them vigorously, the infantry of the Celts were cut +to pieces on the field, while their horse turned and fled.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_31" id="b2_31"><b>31.</b></a> Forty thousand of them were slain, and quite ten +thousand taken prisoners, among whom was one +of their kings, <span class="sidenote">Aemilius returns +home.</span>Concolitanus: the other king, +Aneroestes, fled with a few followers; joined +a few of his people in escaping to a place of security; and +there put an end to his own life and that of his friends. +Lucius Aemilius, the surviving Consul, collected the spoils of +the slain and sent them to Rome, and restored the property +taken by the Gauls to its owners. Then taking command +of the legions, he marched along the frontier of Liguria, +and made a raid upon the territory of the Boii; and having +satisfied the desires of the legions with plunder, returned with +his forces to Rome in a few days’ march. There he adorned +the Capitol with the captured standards and necklaces, which +are gold chains worn by the Gauls round their necks; but +the rest of the spoils, and the captives, he converted to the +benefit of his own estate and to the adornment of his triumph.</p> + +<p>Thus was the most formidable Celtic invasion repelled, +which had been regarded by all Italians, and especially by the +Romans, as a danger of the utmost gravity. The victory +inspired the Romans with a hope that they might be able to +entirely expel the Celts from the valley of the Padus: and +accordingly the Consuls of the next year, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 224.</span> +Quintus +Fulvius Flaccus and Titus Manlius Torquatus, +were both sent out with their legions, and military preparations +on a large scale, against them. By a rapid attack they +terrified the Boii into making submission to Rome; but the +campaign had no other practical effect, because, during the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span> +rest of it, there was a season of excessive rains, and an +outbreak of pestilence in the army.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_32" id="b2_32"><b>32.</b></a> The Consuls of the next year, however, Publius Furius +Philus and Caius Flaminius, once more invaded +the Celtic lands, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 223.</span> +marching through the territory +of the Anamares, who live not far from Placentia.<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> Having secured +the friendship of this tribe, they crossed into the country +of the Insubres, near the confluence of the Adua and Padus. +They suffered some annoyance from the enemy, as they were +crossing the river, and as they were pitching their camp; and +after remaining for a short time, they made terms with the +Insubres and left their country. After a circuitous march of +several days, they crossed the River Clusius, and came into the +territory of the Cenomani. As these people were allies of +Rome, they reinforced the army with some of their men, +which then descended once more from the Alpine regions +into the plains belonging to the Insubres, and began laying +waste their land and plundering their houses. The Insubrian +chiefs, seeing that nothing could change the determination of +the Romans to destroy them, determined that they had +better try their fortune by a great and decisive battle. +They therefore mustered all their forces, took down from the +temple of Minerva the golden standards, which are called “the +immovables,” and having made other necessary preparations, +in high spirits and formidable array, encamped opposite to +their enemies to the number of fifty thousand. Seeing themselves +thus out-numbered, the Romans at first determined to +avail themselves of the forces of the allied Celtic tribes; but +when they reflected on the fickle character of the Gauls, and +that they were about to fight with an enemy of the same race +as these auxiliary troops, they hesitated to associate such men +with themselves, at a crisis of such danger, and in an action of +such importance. However, they finally decided to do this. +They themselves stayed on the side of the river next the +enemy: and sending the Celtic contingent to the other side, +they pulled up the bridges; which at once precluded any +fear of danger from them, and left themselves no hope of safety +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>except in victory; the impassable river being thus in their rear. +These dispositions made, they were ready to engage.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_33" id="b2_33"><b>33.</b></a> The Romans are thought to have shown uncommon +skill in this battle; the Tribunes instructing +the troops how they were to conduct themselves +both collectively and individually. <span class="sidenote">Battle with +the Insubres.</span> +They +had learned from former engagements that Gallic tribes +were always most formidable at the first onslaught, before their +courage was at all damped by a check; and that the swords +with which they were furnished, as I have mentioned before, +could only give one downward cut with any effect, +but that after this the edges got so turned and the blade +so bent, that unless they had time to straighten them with +their foot against the ground, they could not deliver a second +blow. The Tribunes accordingly gave out the spears of the +Triarii, who are the last of the three ranks, to the first ranks, +or Hastati: and ordering the men to use their swords only, +after their spears were done with, they charged the Celts +full in front. When the Celts had rendered their swords useless +by the first blows delivered on the spears, the Romans closed +with them, and rendered them quite helpless, by preventing them +from raising their hands to strike with their swords, which is +their peculiar and only stroke, because their blade has no point. +The Romans, on the contrary, having excellent points to their +swords, used them not to cut but to thrust: and by thus +repeatedly hitting the breasts and faces of the enemy, they +eventually killed the greater number of them. And this was due +to the foresight of the Tribunes: for the Consul Flaminius is +thought to have made a strategic mistake in his arrangements +for this battle. By drawing up his men along the very brink +of the river, he rendered impossible a manœuvre characteristic +of Roman tactics, because he left the lines no room for their +deliberate retrograde movements; for if, in the course of the +battle, the men had been forced ever so little from their ground, +they would have been obliged by this blunder of their leader to +throw themselves into the river. However, the valour of the +soldiers secured them a brilliant victory, as I have said, and +they returned to Rome with abundance of booty of every kind, +and of trophies stripped from the enemy.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b2_34" id="b2_34"><b>34.</b></a> Next year, upon embassies coming from the Celts, +desiring peace and making unlimited offers of +submission, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222. +Attack on the +Insubres.</span>the new Consuls, Marcus Claudius +Marcellus and Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Calvus, +were urgent that no peace should be granted them. Thus +frustrated, they determined to try a last chance, and once more +took active measures to hire thirty thousand Gaesatae,—the +Gallic tribe which lives on the Rhone. Having obtained these, +they held themselves in readiness, and waited for the attack of +their enemies. At the beginning of spring the Consuls assumed +command of their forces, and marched them into the territory +of the Insubres; and there encamped under the walls of the +city of Acerrae, which lies between the Padus and the Alps, +and laid siege to it. The Insubres, being unable to render +any assistance, because all the positions of vantage had been +seized by the enemy first, and being yet very anxious to break +up the siege of Acerrae, detached a portion of their forces to +affect a diversion by crossing the Padus and laying siege to +Clastidium. Intelligence of this movement being brought to +the Consuls, Marcus Claudius, taking with him his cavalry and +some light infantry, made a forced march to relieve the besieged +inhabitants. When the Celts heard of his approach, +they raised the siege; and, marching out to meet him, offered +him battle. At first they held their ground against a furious +charge of cavalry which the Roman Consul launched at them; +but when they presently found themselves surrounded by the +enemy on their rear and flank, unable to maintain the +fight any longer, they fled before the cavalry; and many of +them were driven into the river, and were swept away by the +stream, though the larger number were cut down by their +enemies. Acerrae also, richly stored with corn, fell into the +hands of the Romans: the Gauls having evacuated it, and +retired to Mediolanum, which is the most commanding position +in the territory of the Insubres. Gnaeus followed them +closely, and suddenly appeared at Mediolanum. The Gauls at +first did not stir; but upon his starting on his return march to +Acerrae, they sallied out, and having boldly attacked his rear, +killed a good many men, and even drove a part of it into +flight; until Gnaeus recalled some of his vanguard, and urged<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span> +them to stand and engage the enemy. The Roman soldiers +obeyed orders, and offered a vigorous resistance to the attacking +party. The Celts, encouraged by their success, held their +ground for a certain time with some gallantry, but before long +turned and fled to the neighbouring mountains. Gnaeus followed +them, wasting the country as he went, and took Mediolanum +by assault. At this the chiefs of the Insubres, despairing of +safety, made a complete and absolute submission to Rome.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_35" id="b2_35"><b>35.</b></a> Such was the end of the Celtic war: which, for the +desperate determination and boldness of the enemy, for the +obstinacy of the battles fought, and for the number of those +who fell and of those who were engaged, is second to none +recorded in history, but which, regarded as a specimen of +scientific strategy, is utterly contemptible. The Gauls showed +no power of planning or carrying out a campaign, and in +everything they did were swayed by impulse rather than by +sober calculation. As I have seen these tribes, after a short +struggle, entirely ejected from the valley of the Padus, with +the exception of some few localities lying close to the Alps, I +thought I ought not to let their original attack upon Italy pass +unrecorded, any more than their subsequent attempts, or their +final ejectment: for it is the function of the historian to record +and transmit to posterity such episodes in the drama of +Fortune; that our posterity may not from ignorance of the past +be unreasonably dismayed at the sudden and unexpected invasions +of these barbarians, but may reflect how short-lived and +easily damped the spirit of this race is; and so may stand to +their defence, and try every possible means before yielding an +inch to them. I think, for instance, that those who have +recorded for our information the invasion of +Greece by the Persians, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 480.<br /><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 279.</span> +and of Delphi by the +Gauls, have contributed materially to the +struggles made for the common freedom of Greece. For a +superiority in supplies, arms, or numbers, would scarcely +deter any one from putting the last possible hope to the test, +in a struggle for the integrity and the safety of his city and its +territory, if he had before his eyes the surprising result of those +expeditions; and remembered how many myriads of men, what +daring confidence, and what immense armaments were baffled<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span> +by the skill and ability of opponents, who conducted their +measures under the dictates of reason and sober calculation. +And as an invasion of Gauls has been a source of alarm to +Greece in our day, as well as in ancient times, I thought it +worth while to give a summary sketch of their doings from the +earliest times.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_36" id="b2_36"><b>36.</b></a> Our narrative now returns to Hasdrubal, whom we left +in command of the Carthaginian forces in Iberia. <span class="sidenote">Death of Hasdrubal +in Spain, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 221. See +chap. <a href="#b2_13">13</a>.</span> +After eight years command in that country, he +was assassinated in his own house at night by a +certain Celt in revenge for some private wrong. +Before his death he had done much to strengthen the Carthaginian +power in Iberia, not so much by military achievements, +as by the friendly relations which he maintained with the +native princes. <span class="sidenote">Succession of +Hannibal to the +command in +Spain. His hostility +to Rome.</span> +Now that he was dead, the Carthaginians +invested Hannibal with the command in Iberia, +in spite of his youth, because of the ability in +the conduct of affairs, and the daring spirit +which he had displayed. He had no sooner +assumed the command, than he nourished a fixed +resolve to make war on Rome; nor was it long before he +carried out this resolution. From that time forth there were +constant suspicions and causes of offence arising between the +Carthaginians and Romans. And no wonder: for the Carthaginians +were meditating revenge for their defeats in Sicily; and +the Romans were made distrustful from a knowledge of their +designs. These things made it clear to every one of correct +judgment that before long a war between these two nations +was inevitable.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_37" id="b2_37"><b>37.</b></a> At the same period the Achaean league and King +Philip, with their allies, were entering upon the +war with the Aetolian league, <span class="sidenote">Social war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +220-217.</span>which is called the +Social war. Now this was the point at which I +proposed to begin my general history; and as I have brought +the account of the affairs of Sicily and Libya, and those which +immediately followed, in a continuous narrative, up to the date +of the beginning of the Social and Second Punic, generally +called the Hannibalic, wars, it will be proper to leave this branch +of my subject for a while, and to take up the history of events<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span> +in Greece, that I may start upon my full and detailed narrative, +after bringing the prefatory sketch of the history of the several +countries to the same point of time. For since I have not +undertaken, as previous writers have done, to write the history +of particular peoples, such as the Greeks or Persians, but the +history of all known parts of the world at once, because there +was something in the state of our own times which made such +a plan peculiarly feasible,—of which I shall speak more at +length hereafter,—it will be proper, before entering on my main +subject, to touch briefly on the state of the most important of +the recognised nations of the world.</p> + +<p>Of Asia and Egypt I need not speak before the time at +which my history commences. The previous history of these +countries has been written by a number of historians +already, and is known to all the world; nor in our days has +any change specially remarkable or unprecedented occurred to +them demanding a reference to their past. <span class="sidenote">The progress of +the Achaean +league.</span>But in regard to +the Achaean league, and the royal family of +Macedonia, it will be in harmony with my +design to go somewhat farther back: for +the latter has become entirely extinct; while the Achaeans, +as I have stated before, have in our time made extraordinary +progress in material prosperity and internal unity. +For though many statesmen had tried in past times to induce +the Peloponnesians to join in a league for the common interests +of all, and had always failed, because every one was working +to secure his own power rather than the freedom of the whole; +yet in our day this policy has made such progress, and been +carried out with such completeness, that not only is there in +the Peloponnese a community of interests such as exists between +allies or friends, but an absolute identity of laws, weights, +measures, and currency.<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> All the States have the same magistrates, +senate, and judges. Nor is there any difference +between the entire Peloponnese and a single city, except in +the fact that its inhabitants are not included within the +same wall; in other respects, both as a whole and in their +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span>individual cities, there is a nearly absolute assimilation of +institutions.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_38" id="b2_38"><b>38.</b></a> It will be useful to ascertain, to begin with, how it +came to pass that the name of the Achaeans +became the universal one for all the inhabitants +of the Peloponnese. <span class="sidenote">The origin of the +name as embracing +all the +Peloponnese.</span>For the original +bearers of this ancestral name have no +superiority over others, either in the size of their territory +and cities, or in wealth, or in the prowess of their men. For +they are a long way off being superior to the Arcadians +and Lacedaemonians in number of inhabitants and extent +of territory; nor can these latter nations be said to yield +the first place in warlike courage to any Greek people +whatever. Whence then comes it that these nations, with +the rest of the inhabitants of the Peloponnese, have been +content to adopt the constitution and the name of the +Achaeans? To speak of chance in such a matter would not +be to offer any adequate solution of the question, and would +be a mere idle evasion. A cause must be sought; for without +a cause nothing, expected or unexpected, can be accomplished. +The cause then, in my opinion, was this. Nowhere +could be found a more unalloyed and deliberately established +system of equality and absolute freedom, and, in a word, of +democracy, than among the Achaeans. This constitution +found many of the Peloponnesians ready enough to adopt +it of their own accord: many were brought to share in it by +persuasion and argument: some, though acting under compulsion +at first, were quickly brought to acquiesce in its benefits; +for none of the original members had any special privilege +reserved for them, but equal rights were given to all comers: +the object aimed at was therefore quickly attained by the two +most unfailing expedients of equality and fraternity. This +then must be looked upon as the source and original cause +of Peloponnesian unity and consequent prosperity.</p> + +<p>That this was the original principle on which the Achaeans +acted in forming their constitution might be demonstrated by +many proofs; but for the present purpose it will be sufficient +to allege one or two in confirmation of my assertion.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_39" id="b2_39"><b>39.</b></a> And first: When the burning of the Pythagorean<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span> +clubs in Magna Grecia was followed by great constitutional +disturbances, as was natural on the sudden disappearance of +the leading men in each state; and the Greek cities in that +part of Italy became the scene of murder, revolutionary warfare, +and every kind of confusion; deputations were sent from most +parts of Greece to endeavour to bring about some settlement +of these disorders.<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> But the disturbed states preferred the +intervention of the Achaeans above all others, and showed +the greatest confidence in them, in regard to the measures to +be adopted for removing the evils that oppressed them. Nor +was this the only occasion on which they displayed this preference. +For shortly afterwards there was a general movement +among them to adopt the model of the Achaean constitution. +The first states to move in the matter were Croton, Sybaris, +and Caulonia, who began by erecting a common temple to Zeus +Homorios,<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> and a place in which to hold their meetings and +common councils. <span class="sidenote">Ζεύς ὁμάριος or ἀμάριος</span> They then adopted the laws +and customs of the Achaeans, and determined +to conduct their constitution according to their +principles; but finding themselves hampered by the tyranny of +Dionysius of Syracuse, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 405-367.</span>and also by the encroachment +of the neighbouring barbarians, they were +forced much against their will to abandon them. Again, later on, +when the Lacedaemonians met with their unexpected reverse +at Leuctra, and the Thebans as unexpectedly claimed the hegemony +in Greece, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 371.</span> +a feeling of uncertainty prevailed +throughout the country, and especially among the +Lacedaemonians and Thebans themselves, because the former +refused to allow that they were beaten, the latter felt hardly certain +that they had conquered. On this occasion, once more, the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span>Achaeans were the people selected by the two parties, out of all +Greece, to act as arbitrators on the points in dispute. And +this could not have been from any special view of their power, +for at that time they were perhaps the weakest state in Greece; +it was rather from a conviction of their good faith and high +principles, in regard to which there was but one opinion +universally entertained. At that period of their history, however, +they possessed only the elements of success; success +itself, and material increase, were barred by the fact that they +had not yet been able to produce a leader worthy of the +occasion. Whenever any man had given indications of such +ability, he was systematically thrust into the background and +hampered, at one time by the Lacedaemonian government, and +at another, still more effectually, by that of Macedonia.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_40" id="b2_40"><b>40.</b></a> When at length, however, the country did obtain +leaders of sufficient ability, it quickly manifested its intrinsic +excellence by the accomplishment of that most glorious achievement,-—the +union of the Peloponnese. The originator of +this policy in the first instance was Aratus of Sicyon; its active +promotion and consummation was due to Philopoemen of +Megalopolis; while Lycortas and his party must be looked +upon as the authors of the permanence which it enjoyed. The +actual achievements of these several statesmen I shall narrate +in their proper places: but while deferring a more detailed +account of the other two, I think it will be right to briefly record +here, as well as in a future portion of my work, the political +measures of Aratus, because he has left a record of them himself +in an admirably honest and lucid book of commentaries.</p> + +<p>I think the easiest method for myself, and most intelligible +to my readers, will be to start from the period of the restoration +of the Achaean league and federation, after its disintegration +into separate states by the Macedonian kings: from which +time it has enjoyed an unbroken progress towards the state of +completion which now exists, and of which I have already +spoken at some length.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_41" id="b2_41"><b>41.</b></a> The period I mean is the 124th Olympiad. In this +occurred the first league of Patrae and Dyme, +and the deaths of Ptolemy son of Lagus, +Lysimachus, Seleucus, Ptolemy Ceraunus. <span class="sidenote">124th Olympiad, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 284-280.</span>In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span> +the period before this the state of Achaia was as follows. It +was ruled by kings from the time of Tisamenus, son of Orestes, +who, being expelled from Sparta on the return of the Heraclidae, +formed a kingdom in Achaia. The last of this royal line to +maintain his power was Ogyges, whose sons so alienated the +people by their unconstitutional and tyrannical government, +that a revolution took place and a democracy was established. +In the period subsequent to this, <span class="sidenote">First Achaean league.</span>up to the +time of the establishment of the supreme +authority of Alexander and Philip, their fortunes +were subject to various fluctuations, but they always +endeavoured to maintain intact in their league a democratical +form of government, as I have already stated. This league +consisted of twelve cities, all of them still surviving, with the +exception of Olenus, and Helice which was engulfed by the +sea before the battle of Leuctra. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 371.</span>The other +ten were Patrae, Dyme, Pharae, Tritaea, Leontium, +Aegium, Aegeira, Pellene, Bura, Caryneia. In the +period immediately succeeding Alexander, and +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 323-284.</span>before the above-named 124th Olympiad, these +cities, chiefly through the instrumentality of the Macedonian +kings, became so estranged and ill-disposed to each other, +and so divided and opposed in their interests, that some of +them had to submit to the presence of foreign garrisons, sent +first by Demetrius and Cassander, and afterwards by Antigonus +Gonatas, while others even fell under the power of Tyrants; +for no one set up more of such absolute rulers in the Greek +states than this last-named king.</p> + +<p>But about the 124th Olympiad, as I have said, a change +of sentiment prevailed among the Achaean +cities, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 284-280, +Second Achaean +league.</span> +and they began again to form a league. +This was just at the time of Pyrrhus’s invasion +of Italy. The first to take this step were the peoples +of Dyme, Patrae, Tritaea, and Pharae. And as they thus +formed the nucleus of the league, we find no column extant +recording the compact between these cities. But about +five years afterwards the people of Aegium expelled their +foreign garrison and joined the league; next, the people +of Bura put their tyrant to death and did the same; simultaneously,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span> +the state of Caryneia was restored to the league. +For Iseas, the then tyrant of Caryneia, when he saw the expulsion +of the garrison from Aegium, and the death of the +despot in Bura at the hands of Margos and the Achaeans, +and when he saw that he was himself on the point of being attacked +on all sides, voluntarily laid down his office; and having +obtained a guarantee for his personal safety from the Achaeans, +formally gave in the adhesion of his city to the league.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_42" id="b2_42"><b>42.</b></a> My object in thus going back in point of time was, +first, to show clearly at what epoch the Achaeans entered into +the second league, which exists at this day, and which were the +first members of the original league to do so; and, secondly, +that the continuity of the policy pursued by the Achaeans +might rest, not on my word only, but on the evidence of the +actual facts. It was in virtue of this policy,—by holding +out the bait of equality and freedom, and by invariably +making war upon and crushing those who on their own account, +or with the support of the kings, enslaved any of the +states within their borders, that they finally accomplished the +design which they had deliberately adopted, in some cases by +their own unaided efforts, and in others by the help of their +allies. For in fact whatever was effected in this direction, by +the help of these allies in after times, must be put down to +the credit of the deliberately adopted policy of the Achaeans +themselves. They acted indeed jointly with others in many +honourable undertakings, and in none more so than with the +Romans: yet in no instance can they be said to have +aimed at obtaining from their success any advantage for a +particular state. In return for the zealous assistance rendered +by them to their allies, they bargained for nothing but the +freedom of each state and the union of the Peloponnese. But +this will be more clearly seen from the record of their actual +proceedings.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_43" id="b2_43"><b>43.</b></a> For the first twenty-five years of the league between the +cities I have mentioned, a secretary and two strategi for the whole +union were elected by each city in turn. But after this period +they determined to appoint one strategus only,<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> and put the entire<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span> +management of the affairs of the union in his hands. The +first to obtain this honour was Margos of Caryneia. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 255-254. +Margos.<br /><br /><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 251-250. +Aratus.</span> +In the fourth year after this man’s tenure +of the office, Aratus of Sicyon caused his city to +join the league, which, by his energy and courage, +he had, when only twenty years of age, delivered from the yoke +of its tyrant. In the eighth year again after +this, Aratus, being elected strategus for the +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 243-242.</span> +second time, laid a plot to seize the Acrocorinthus, then held +by Antigonus; and by his success freed the inhabitants of the +Peloponnese from a source of serious alarm: and having thus +liberated Corinth he caused it to join the league. <span class="sidenote">Victory of +Lutatius off the +insulae Aegates, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 241.</span>In his +same term of office he got Megara into his +hands, and caused it to join also. These events +occurred in the year before the decisive defeat +of the Carthaginians, in consequence of which +they evacuated Sicily and consented for the first time to pay +tribute to Rome.</p> + +<p>Having made this remarkable progress in his design in so +short a time, Aratus continued thenceforth in the position of +leader of the Achaean league, and in the consistent direction +of his whole policy to one single end; which was to expel +Macedonians from the Peloponnese, to depose the despots, +and to establish in each state the common freedom which +their ancestors had enjoyed before them. So long, therefore, +as Antigonus Gonatas was alive, <span class="sidenote">Antigonus +Gonatas, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 283-239.</span> +he maintained +a continual opposition to his interference, as well +as to the encroaching spirit of the Aetolians, and +in both cases with signal skill and success; although their +presumption and contempt for justice had risen to such a +pitch, that they had actually made a formal compact with each +other for the disruption of the Achaeans.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_44" id="b2_44"><b>44.</b></a> After the death of Antigonus, however, the Achaeans +made terms with the Aetolians, and joined them energetically +in the war against Demetrius; and, in place of the feelings of +estrangement and hostility, there gradually grew up a sentiment +of brotherhood and affection between the two peoples. Upon +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span>the death of Demetrius, after a reign of only ten years, +just about the time of the first invasion of +Illyricum by the Romans, <span class="sidenote">Demetrius, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 239-229.</span>the Achaeans had +a most excellent opportunity of establishing +the policy which they had all along maintained. For the +despots in the Peloponnese were in despair at the death +of Demetrius. It was the loss to them of their chief supporter +and paymaster. And now Aratus was for ever impressing +upon them that they ought to abdicate, holding out +rewards and honours for those of them who consented, and +threatening those who refused with still greater vengeance +from the Achaeans. There was therefore a general movement +among them to voluntarily restore their several states to freedom +and to join the league. I ought however to say that +Ludiades of Megalopolis, in the lifetime of Demetrius, of +his own deliberate choice, and foreseeing with great shrewdness +and good sense what was going to happen, had abdicated +his sovereignty and become a citizen of the national league. +His example was followed by Aristomachus, tyrant of Argos, +Xeno of Hermione, and Cleonymus of Phlius, who all likewise +abdicated and joined the democratic league.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_45" id="b2_45"><b>45.</b></a> But the increased power and national advancement which these events +brought to the Achaeans excited the envy of the Aetolians; who, +<span class="sidenote">The Aetolians and Antigonus Doson, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229-220.</span>besides +their natural inclination to unjust and selfish aggrandisement, were +inspired with the hope of breaking up the union of Achaean states, as +they had before succeeded in partitioning those of Acarnania with +Alexander,<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> and had planned to do those of Achaia with Antigonus +Gonatas. Instigated once more by similar expectations, they had now the +assurance to enter into communication and close alliance at once with +Antigonus (at that time ruling Macedonia as guardian of the young King +Philip), and with Cleomenes, King of Sparta. They saw that Antigonus had +undisputed possession of the throne of Macedonia, while he was an open +and avowed enemy of the Achaeans owing to the surprise of the +Acrocorinthus; and they supposed that if they could get the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span>Lacedaemonians to join them in their hostility to the league, +they would easily subdue it, by selecting a favourable opportunity +for their attack, and securing that it should be assaulted +on all sides at once. And they would in all probability have +succeeded, but that they had left out the most important element +in the calculation, namely, that in Aratus they had to +reckon with an opponent to their plans of ability equal to +almost any emergency. Accordingly, when they attempted +this violent and unjust interference in Achaia, so far from +succeeding in any of their devices, they, on the contrary, +strengthened Aratus, the then president of the league, as well as +the league itself. So consummate was the ability with which +he foiled their plan and reduced them to impotence. The +manner in which this was done will be made clear in what I +am about to relate.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_46" id="b2_46"><b>46.</b></a> There could be no doubt of the policy of the Aetolians. +They were ashamed indeed to attack the Achaeans +openly, <span class="sidenote">The Aetolians +intrigue with +Cleomenes, King +of Sparta, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229-227.</span> +because they could not ignore their +recent obligations to them in the war with +Demetrius: but they were plotting with the +Lacedaemonians; and showed their jealousy of +the Achaeans by not only conniving at the treacherous attack +of Cleomenes upon Tegea, Mantinea, and Orchomenus (cities +not only in alliance with them, but actually members of their +league), but by confirming his occupation of those places. In old +times they had thought almost any excuse good enough to justify +an appeal to arms against those who, after all, had done them no +wrong: yet they now allowed themselves to be treated with such +treachery, and submitted without remonstrance to the loss of +the most important towns, solely with the view of creating in +Cleomenes a formidable antagonist to the Achaeans. These +facts were not lost upon Aratus and the other officers of the +league: and they resolved that, without taking the initiative in +going to war with any one, they would resist the attempts of +the Lacedaemonians. Such was their determination, and for a +time they persisted in it: but immediately afterwards Cleomenes +began to build the hostile fort in the territory of +Megalopolis, called the Athenaeum,<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">160</a> and showed an undisguised<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span> +and bitter hostility. Aratus and his colleagues accordingly +summoned a meeting of the league, and it was decided +to proclaim war openly against Sparta.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_47" id="b2_47"><b>47.</b></a> This was the origin of what is called the Cleomenic +war. At first the Achaeans were for depending +on their own resources for facing the Lacedaemonians. <span class="sidenote">Cleomenes, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 227-221.</span> +They looked upon it as more honourable +not to look to others for preservation, but to guard their +own territory and cities themselves; and at the same time the +remembrances of his former services made them desirous of +keeping up their friendship with Ptolemy,<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> and averse from the +appearance of seeking aid elsewhere. But when the war had +lasted some time; and Cleomenes had revolutionised the constitution +of his country, and had turned its constitutional +monarchy into a despotism; and, moreover, was conducting +the war with extraordinary skill and boldness: <span class="sidenote">Aratus applies +to Antigonus +Doson.</span>seeing +clearly what would happen, and fearing the +reckless audacity of the Aetolians, Aratus +determined that his first duty was to be well +beforehand in frustrating their plans. He satisfied himself +that Antigonus was a man of activity and practical ability, +with some pretensions to the character of a man of honour; +he however knew perfectly well that kings look on no man +as a friend or foe from personal considerations, but ever +measure friendships and enmities solely by the standard of +expediency. He, therefore, conceived the idea of addressing +himself to this monarch, and entering into friendly relations +with him, taking occasion to point out to him the certain result of +his present policy. But to act openly in this matter he thought +inexpedient for several reasons. By doing so he would not +only incur the opposition of Cleomenes and the Aetolians, but +would cause consternation among the Achaeans themselves, +because his appeal to their enemies would give the impression +that he had abandoned all the hopes he once had in them. +This was the very last idea he desired should go abroad; and +he therefore determined to conduct this intrigue in secrecy.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span></p> + +<p>The result of this was that he was often compelled to speak +and act towards the public in a sense contrary to his true +sentiments, that he might conceal his real design by suggesting +one of an exactly opposite nature. For which reason +there are some particulars which he did not even commit to +his own commentaries.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_48" id="b2_48"><b>48.</b></a> It did not escape the observation of Aratus that the +people of Megalopolis would be more ready than others to seek +the protection of Antigonus, and the hopes of safety offered by +Macedonia; for their neighbourhood to Sparta exposed them +to attack before the other states; while they were unable to get +the help which they ought to have, because the Achaeans were +themselves hard pressed and in great difficulties. Besides +they had special reasons for entertaining feelings of affection +towards the royal family of Macedonia, <span class="sidenote">Philip II. in the +Peloponnese, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 338.</span>founded +on the favours received in the time of Philip, +son of Amyntas. He therefore imparted his +general design under pledge of secrecy to Nicophanes and +Cercidas of Megalopolis, who were family friends of his own +and of a character suited to the undertaking; and by their means +experienced no difficulty in inducing the people of Megalopolis +to send envoys to the league, to advise that an application for +help should be made to Antigonus. Nicophanes and Cercidas +were themselves selected to go on this mission to the league, +and thence, if their view was accepted, to Antigonus. The +league consented to allow the people of Megalopolis to send +the mission; and accordingly Nicophanes lost no time in obtaining +an interview with the king. About the interests of his +own country he spoke briefly and summarily, confining himself +to the most necessary statements; the greater part of his +speech was, in accordance with the directions of Aratus, +concerned with the national question.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_49" id="b2_49"><b>49.</b></a> The points suggested by Aratus for the envoy to dwell +on were “the scope and object of the understanding +between the Aetolians and Cleomenes, <span class="sidenote">The message to +Antigonus Doson.</span> +and the necessity of caution on the part primarily +of the Achaeans, but still more even on that of Antigonus himself: +first, because the Achaeans plainly could not resist the +attack of both; and, secondly, because if the Aetolians and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span> +Cleomenes conquered them, any man of sense could easily see +that they would not be satisfied or stop there. For the +encroaching spirit of the Aetolians, far from being content to +be confined by the boundaries of the Peloponnese, would find +even those of Greece too narrow for them. Again, the ambition +of Cleomenes was at present directed to the supremacy in the +Peloponnese: but this obtained, he would promptly aim at that +of all Greece, in which it would be impossible for him to +succeed without first crushing the government of Macedonia. +They were, therefore, to urge him to consider, with a view to +the future, which of the two courses would be the more to his +own interests,—to fight for supremacy in Greece in conjunction +with the Achaeans and Boeotians against Cleomenes in +the Peloponnese; or to abandon the most powerful race, and to +stake the Macedonian empire on a battle in Thessaly, against a +combined force of Aetolians and Boeotians, with the Achaeans +and Lacedaemonians to boot. If the Aetolians, from regard +to the goodwill shown them by the Achaeans in the time of +Demetrius, were to pretend to be anxious to keep the peace +as they were at present doing, they were to assert that the +Achaeans were ready to engage Cleomenes by themselves; +and if fortune declared in their favour they would want no +assistance from any one: but if fortune went against them, +and the Aetolians joined in the attack, they begged him to +watch the course of events, that he might not let things go +too far, but might aid the Peloponnesians while they were +still capable of being saved. He had no need to be anxious +about the good faith or gratitude of the Achaeans: when the +time for action came, Aratus pledged himself to find guarantees +which would be satisfactory to both parties; and similarly +would himself indicate the moment at which the aid should +be given.”</p> + +<p><a name="b2_50" id="b2_50"><b>50.</b></a> These arguments seemed to Antigonus to have been +put by Aratus with equal sincerity and ability: and after +listening to them, he eagerly took the first necessary step by +writing a letter to the people of Megalopolis with an offer of +assistance, on condition that such a measure should receive the +consent of the Achaeans. When Nicophanes and Cercidas +returned home and delivered this despatch from the king,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span> +reporting at the same time his other expressions of goodwill and +zeal in the cause, the spirits of the people of Megalopolis were +greatly elated; and they were all eagerness to attend the +meeting of the league, and urge that measures should be taken +to secure the alliance of Antigonus, and to put the management +of the war in his hands with all despatch. <span class="sidenote">Aratus wishes to +do without the +king if possible.</span> +Aratus learnt privately from Nicophanes the +king’s feelings towards the league and towards +himself; and was delighted that his plan had not failed, and +that he had not found the king completely alienated from +himself, as the Aetolians hoped he would be. He regarded +it also as eminently favourable to his policy, that the people +of Megalopolis were so eager to use the Achaean league +as the channel of communication with Antigonus. For his +first object was if possible to do without this assistance; but +if he were compelled to have recourse to it, he wished that +the invitation should not be sent through himself personally, +but that it should rather come from the Achaeans as a nation. +For he feared that, if the king came, and conquered Cleomenes +and the Lacedaemonians in the war, and should then adopt any +policy hostile to the interests of the national constitution, he +would have himself by general consent to bear the blame of +the result: while Antigonus would be justified, by the injury +which had been inflicted on the royal house of Macedonia +in the matter of the Acrocorinthus. Accordingly when +Megalopolitan envoys appeared in the national council, +and showed the royal despatch, and further declared the +general friendly disposition of the king, and added an appeal +to the congress to secure the king’s alliance without delay; +and when also the sense of the meeting was clearly shown +to be in favour of taking this course, Aratus rose, and, after +setting forth the king’s zeal, and complimenting the meeting +upon their readiness to act in the matter, he proceeded to +urge upon them in a long speech that “They should try if +possible to preserve their cities and territory by their own +efforts, for that nothing could be more honourable or more +expedient than that: but that, if it turned out that fortune +declared against them in this effort, they might then have +recourse to the assistance of their friends; but not until they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span> +had tried all their own resources to the uttermost.” This +speech was received with general applause: and it was decided +to take no fresh departure at present, and to endeavour to +bring the existing war to a conclusion unaided.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_51" id="b2_51"><b>51.</b></a> But when Ptolemy, despairing of retaining the league’s +friendship, began to furnish Cleomenes with <span class="sidenote">Euergetes jealous +of the Macedonian +policy of Aratus, +helps Cleomenes.</span> +supplies,—which he did with a view of setting +him up as a foil to Antigonus, thinking the +Lacedaemonians offered him better hopes than +the Achaeans of being able to thwart the policy of the Macedonian +kings; and when the Achaeans themselves had suffered +three defeats,—one at Lycaeum in an engagement with Cleomenes +whom they had met on a march; and again in a pitched +battle at Ladocaea in the territory of Megalopolis, in which +Lydiades fell; and a third time decisively at a place called Hecatomboeum +in the territory of Dyme where their whole forces had +been engaged,—after these misfortunes, no further delay was +possible, and they were compelled by the force of circumstances +to appeal unanimously to Antigonus. Thereupon Aratus sent +his son to Antigonus, and ratified the terms of the subvention. +The great difficulty was this: it was believed to be certain that +the king would send no assistance, except on the condition of +the restoration of the Acrocorinthus, and of having the city +of Corinth put into his hands as a base of operations in this +war; and on the other hand it seemed impossible that the +Achaeans should venture to put the Corinthians in the king’s +power against their own consent. The final determination of +the matter was accordingly postponed, that they might +investigate the question of the securities to be given to the +king.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_52" id="b2_52"><b>52.</b></a> Meanwhile, on the strength of the dismay caused by +his successes, Cleomenes was making an unopposed +progress through the cities, <span class="sidenote">The Achaeans +offer to surrender +the Acrocorinthus +to Antigonus.</span> +winning +some by persuasion and others by threats. In +this way, he got possession of Caphyae, Pellene, +Pheneus, Argos, Phlius, Cleonae, Epidaurus, Hermione, +Troezen, and last of all Corinth, while he personally commanded +a siege of Sicyon. But this in reality relieved the Achaeans +from a very grave difficulty. For the Corinthians by ordering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span> +Aratus, as Strategus of the league, and the Achaeans to +evacuate the town, and by sending messages to Cleomenes +inviting his presence, gave the Achaeans a ground of action +and a reasonable pretext for moving. Aratus was quick to +take advantage of this; and, as the Achaeans were in actual +possession of the Acrocorinthus, he made his peace with the +royal family of Macedonia by offering it to Antigonus; and +at the same time gave thus a sufficient guarantee for friendship +in the future, and further secured Antigonus a base of +operations for the war with Sparta.</p> + +<p>Upon learning of this compact between the league and +Antigonus, Cleomenes raised the siege of <span class="sidenote">Cleomenes prepares +to resist.</span> +Sicyon and pitched his camp near the Isthmus; +and, having thrown up a line of fortification +uniting the Acrocorinthus with the mountain called the +“Ass’s Back,” began from this time to expect with confidence +the empire of the Peloponnese. But Antigonus had made his +preparations long in advance, in accordance with the suggestion +of Aratus, and was only waiting for the right moment to act. +<span class="sidenote">Antigonus comes +to the Isthmus, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 224.</span> +And now the news which he received convinced +him that the entrance of Cleomenes +into Thessaly, at the head of an army, was only +a question of a very few days: he accordingly despatched +envoys to Aratus and the league to conclude the terms +of the treaty<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> and marched to the Isthmus with his army +by way of Euboea. He took this route because the Aetolians, +after trying other expedients for preventing Antigonus bringing +this aid, now forbade his marching south of Thermopylae with +an army, threatening that, if he did, they would offer armed +opposition to his passage.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_53" id="b2_53"><b>53.</b></a> Thus Antigonus and Cleomenes were encamped face +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span>to face: the former desirous of effecting an entrance into the +Peloponnese, Cleomenes determined to prevent him.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Achaeans, in spite of their severe disasters, +did not abandon their purpose or give up all +hopes of retrieving their fortunes. <span class="sidenote">The Achaeans +seize Argos.</span> +They gave +Aristotle of Argos assistance when he headed a +rising against the Cleomenic faction; and, under the command +of Timoxenus the Strategus, surprised and seized Argos. And +this must be regarded as the chief cause of the improvement +which took place in their fortunes; for this reverse checked the +ardour of Cleomenes and damped the courage of his soldiers +in advance, as was clearly shown by what took place afterwards. +For though Cleomenes had already possession of more advantageous +posts, and was in the enjoyment of more abundant +supplies than Antigonus, and was at the same time inspired +with superior courage and ambition: yet, as soon as he was informed +that Argos was in the hands of the Achaeans, he at once +drew back, abandoned all these advantages, and retreated from +the Isthmus with every appearance of precipitation, in terror of +being completely surrounded by his enemies. At first he retired +upon Argos, and for a time made some attempt to regain the +town. But the Achaeans offered a gallant resistance; and the +Argives themselves were stirred up to do the same by remorse +for having admitted him before: and so, having failed in this +attempt also, he marched back to Sparta by way of Mantinea.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_54" id="b2_54"><b>54.</b></a> On his part, Antigonus advanced without any casualty +into the Peloponnese, and took over the +Acrocorinthus; <span class="sidenote">Antigonus receives +the Acrocorinthus.</span> +and, without wasting time there, +pushed on in his enterprise and entered Argos. +He only stayed there long enough to compliment the Argives +on their conduct, and to provide for the security of the +city; and then immediately starting again directed his +march towards Arcadia; and after ejecting the garrisons +from the posts which had been fortified by Cleomenes in the +territories of Aegys and Belmina, and, putting those strongholds +in the hands of the people of Megalopolis, he went +to Aegium to attend the meeting of the Achaean league. +There he made a statement of his own proceedings, and consulted +with the meeting as to the measures to be taken in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span> +future. He was appointed commander-in-chief of the allied +army, and went into winter quarters at Sicyon and Corinth.</p> + +<p>At the approach of spring he broke up his camp and got +on the march. On the third day he arrived at <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 223. +Recovery of +Tegea.</span> +Tegea, and being joined there by the Achaean +forces, he proceeded to regularly invest the city. +But the vigour displayed by the Macedonians in conducting +the siege, and especially in the digging of mines, soon reduced +the Tegeans to despair, and they accordingly surrendered. +After taking the proper measures for securing the town, +Antigonus proceeded to extend his expedition. <span class="sidenote">Skirmish with +Cleomenes.</span>He now +marched with all speed into Laconia; and having +found Cleomenes in position on the frontier, he +was trying to bring him to an engagement, and +was harassing him with skirmishing attacks, when news was +brought to him by his scouts that the garrison <span class="sidenote">Capture of +Orchomenus and Mantinea.</span> +of Orchomenus had started to join Cleomenes. +He at once broke up his camp, hurried thither, +and carried the town by assault. Having done that, he next +invested Mantinea and began to besiege it. +This town also being soon terrified into surrender +by the Macedonians, he started again along the road to +Heraea and Telphusa. <span class="sidenote">and Heraea and +Telphusa.</span> +These towns, too, being +secured by the voluntary surrender of their inhabitants, +as the winter was by this time approaching, +he went again to Aegium to attend the meeting of +the league. His Macedonian soldiers he sent away to winter +at home, while he himself remained to confer with the +Achaeans on the existing state of affairs.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_55" id="b2_55"><b>55.</b></a> But Cleomenes was on the alert. He saw that the +Macedonians in the army of Antigonus had been sent home; +and that the king and his mercenaries in Aegium were three +days’ march from Megalopolis; and this latter town he well +knew to be difficult to guard, owing to its great extent, and the +sparseness of its inhabitants; and, moreover, that it was just +then being kept with even greater carelessness than usual, owing +to Antigonus being in the country; and what was more important +than anything else, he knew that the larger number of +its men of military age had fallen at the battles of Lycaeum<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span> +and Ladoceia. There happened to be residing in Megalopolis +some Messenian exiles; by whose help he managed, under +cover of night, to get within the walls without being detected. +When day broke he had a narrow escape from being ejected, if +not from absolute destruction, through the valour of the citizens. +This had been his fortune three months before, when he had +made his way into the city by the region which is called the +Cōlaeum: but on this occasion, by the superiority of his +force, and the seizure in advance of the strongest positions in +the town, he succeeded in effecting his purpose. He eventually +ejected the inhabitants, and took entire possession of +the city; which, once in his power, he dismantled in so savage +and ruthless a manner as to preclude the least hope that it +might ever be restored. The reason of his acting in this +manner was, I believe, that Megalopolis and Stymphalus +were the only towns in which, during the vicissitudes of +that period, he never succeeded in obtaining a single partisan, +or inducing a single citizen to turn traitor. For the +passion for liberty and the loyalty of the Clitorians had been +stained by the baseness of one man, Thearces; whom the +Clitorians, with some reason, denied to be a native of their +city, asserting that he had been foisted in from Orchomenus, +and was the offspring of one of the foreign garrison there.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_56" id="b2_56"><b>56.</b></a> For the history of the same period, with which we are +now engaged, there are two authorities, <span class="sidenote">Digression (to +ch. 63) on the +misstatements of +Phylarchus.</span> +Aratus +and Phylarchus,<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> whose opinions are opposed in +many points and their statements contradictory. +I think, therefore, it will be advantageous, or +rather necessary, since I follow Aratus in my account of +the Cleomenic war, to go into the question; and not by +any neglect on my part to suffer misstatements in historical<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span> +writings to enjoy an authority equal to that of truth. The fact is +that the latter of these two writers has, throughout the whole of his +history, made statements at random and without discrimination. +It is not, however, necessary for me to criticise him on other +points on the present occasion, or to call him to strict account +concerning them; but such of his statements as relate to the +period which I have now in hand, that is the Cleomenic war, these +I must thoroughly sift. They will be quite sufficient to enable +us to form a judgment on the general spirit and ability with +which he approaches historical writing. It was his object to +bring into prominence the cruelty of Antigonus and the Macedonians, +<span class="sidenote">Mantinea.</span>as well as that of Aratus and the +Achaeans; and he accordingly asserts that, when +Mantinea fell into their hands, it was cruelly treated; and +that the most ancient and important of all the Arcadian +towns was involved in calamities so terrible as to move all +Greece to horror and tears. And being eager to stir the +hearts of his readers to pity, and to enlist their sympathies +by his story, he talks of women embracing, tearing their hair, +and exposing their breasts; and again of the tears and +lamentations of men and women, led off into captivity along +with their children and aged parents. And this he does again +and again throughout his whole history, by way of bringing the +terrible scene vividly before his readers. I say nothing of the +unworthiness and unmanliness of the course he has adopted: +let us only inquire what is essential and to the purpose in +history. Surely an historian’s object should not be to amaze +his readers by a series of thrilling anecdotes; nor should he +aim at producing speeches which <i>might</i> have been delivered, +nor study dramatic propriety in details like a writer of tragedy: +but his function is above all to record with fidelity what was +actually said or done, however commonplace it may be. For +the purposes of history and of the drama are not the same, but +widely opposed to each other. In the former the object is to +strike and delight by words as true to nature as possible; in +the latter to instruct and convince by genuine words and +deeds; in the former the effect is meant to be temporary, in +the latter permanent. In the former, again, the power of +carrying an audience is the chief excellence, because the object<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span> +is to create illusion; but in the latter the thing of primary +importance is truth, because the object is to benefit the +learner. And apart from these considerations, Phylarchus, in +most of the catastrophes which he relates, omits to suggest the +causes which gave rise to them, or the course of events which +led up to them: and without knowing these, it is impossible to +feel the due indignation or pity at anything which occurs. For +instance, everybody looks upon it as an outrage that the free +should be struck: still, if a man provokes it by an act of violence, +he is considered to have got no more than he deserved; and, +where it is done for correction and discipline, those who strike +free men are deemed worthy of honour and gratitude. Again, +the killing of a fellow-citizen is regarded as a heinous crime, +deserving the severest penalties: and yet it is notorious that the +man who kills a thief, or his wife’s paramour, is held guiltless; +while he who kills a traitor or tyrant in every country receives +honours and pre-eminence. And so in everything our final judgment +does not depend upon the mere things done, but upon their +causes and the views of the actors, according as these differ.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_57" id="b2_57"><b>57.</b></a> Now the people of Mantinea had in the first instance +abandoned the league, and voluntarily submitted, first to +the Aetolians, and afterwards to Cleomenes. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 227.</span> +Being therefore, in accordance with this +policy, members of the Lacedaemonian community, in the +fourth year before the coming of Antigonus, their city was +forcibly taken possession of by the Achaeans owing to the +skilful plotting of Aratus. But on that occasion, so far from +being subjected to any severity for their act of treason, it +became a matter of general remark how promptly the feelings +of the conquerors and the conquered underwent a +revolution. As soon as he had got possession of the town, +Aratus issued orders to his own men that no one was to lay a +finger on anything that did not belong to him; and then, +having summoned the Mantineans to a meeting, he bade them +be of good cheer, and stay in their own houses; for that, as +long as they remained members of the league, their safety was +secured. On their part, the Mantineans, surprised at this +unlooked-for prospect of safety, immediately experienced a +universal revulsion of feeling. The very men against whom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span> +they had a little while before been engaged in a war, in which +they had seen many of their kinsfolk killed, and no small +number grievously wounded, they now received into their +houses, and entertained as their guests, interchanging every +imaginable kindness with them. And naturally so. For I +believe that there never were men who met with more kindly +foes, or came out of a struggle with what seemed the most dreadful +disasters more scatheless, than did the Mantineans, owing +to the humanity of Aratus and the Achaeans towards them.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_58" id="b2_58"><b>58.</b></a> But they still saw certain dangers ahead from intestine +disorders, and the hostile designs of the Aetolians and +Lacedaemonians; they subsequently, therefore, sent envoys +to the league asking for a guard for their town. The request +was granted: and three hundred of the league army were +selected by lot to form it. These men on whom the lot fell +started for Mantinea; and, abandoning their native cities and +their callings in life, remained there to protect the lives and +liberties of the citizens. Besides them, the league despatched +two hundred mercenaries, who joined the Achaean guard in +protecting the established constitution. But this state of +things did not last long: an insurrection broke out in the town, +and the Mantineans called in the aid of the Lacedaemonians; +delivered the city into their hands; and put to death the +garrison sent by the league. It would not be easy to +mention a grosser or blacker act of treachery. Even if they +resolved to utterly set at nought the gratitude they owed to, +and the friendship they had formed with, the league; they +ought at least to have spared these men, and to have let every +one of them depart under some terms or another: for this +much it is the custom by the law of nations to grant even to +foreign enemies. But in order to satisfy Cleomenes and the +Lacedaemonians of their fidelity in the policy of the hour, they +deliberately, and in violation of international law, consummated +a crime of the most impious description. To slaughter and +wreak vengeance on the men who had just before taken +their city, and refrained from doing them the least +harm, and who were at that very moment engaged in protecting +their lives and liberties,—can anything be imagined more +detestable? What punishment can be conceived to correspond<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span> +with its enormity? If one suggests that they would be rightly +served by being sold into slavery, with their wives and children, +as soon as they were beaten in war; it may be answered that +this much is only what, by the laws of warfare, awaits even +those who have been guilty of no special act of impiety. They +deserved therefore to meet with a punishment even more +complete and heavy than they did; so that, even if what +Phylarchus mentions did happen to them, there was no reason +for the pity of Greece being bestowed on them: praise and +approval rather were due to those who exacted vengeance for +their impious crime. But since, as a matter of fact, nothing +worse befel the Mantineans than the plunder of their property +and the selling of their free citizens into slavery, this historian, +for the mere sake of a sensational story, has not only told a pure +lie, but an improbable lie. His wilful ignorance also was so supreme, +that he was unable to compare with this alleged cruelty +of the Achaeans the conduct of the same people in the case of +Tegea, which they took by force at the same period, and yet did +no injury to its inhabitants. And yet, if the natural cruelty of +the perpetrators was the sole cause of the severity to Mantinea, +it is to be presumed that Tegea would have been treated in the +same way. But if their treatment of Mantinea was an exception +to that of every other town, the necessary inference is that the +cause for their anger was exceptional also.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_59" id="b2_59"><b>59.</b></a> Again Phylarchus says that Aristomachus the Argive, +a man of a most distinguished family, <span class="sidenote">Aristomachus.</span>who +had been despot of Argos, as his fathers had +been before him, upon falling into the hands of Antigonus +and the league “was hurried off to Cenchreae and there +racked to death,—an unparalleled instance of injustice and +cruelty.” But in this matter also our author preserves his +peculiar method. He makes up a story about certain +cries of this man, when he was on the rack, being heard +through the night by the neighbours: “some of whom,” he +says, “rushed to the house in their horror, or incredulity, +or indignation at the outrage.” As for the sensational story, +let it pass; I have said enough on that point. But I must +express my opinion that, even if Aristomachus had committed +no crime against the Achaeans besides, yet his whole life and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span> +his treason to his own country deserved the heaviest possible +punishment. And in order, forsooth, to enhance this man’s +reputation, and move his reader’s sympathies for his sufferings, +our historian remarks that he had not only been a tyrant +himself, but that his fathers had been so before him. It would +not be easy to bring a graver or more bitter charge against a +man than this: for the mere word “tyrant” involves the idea +of everything that is wickedest, and includes every injustice +and crime possible to mankind. And if Aristomachus endured +the most terrible tortures, as Phylarchus says, he yet would +not have been sufficiently punished for the crime of one day, +in which, when Aratus had effected an entrance into Argos +with the Achaean soldiers,—and after supporting the most +severe struggles and dangers for the freedom of its citizens, had +eventually been driven out, because the party within who were +in league with him had not ventured to stir, for fear of the +tyrant,—Aristomachus availed himself of the pretext of their +complicity with the irruption of the Achaeans to put to the rack +and execute eighty of the leading citizens, who were perfectly +innocent, in the presence of their relations. I pass by the +history of his whole life and the crimes of his ancestors; for +that would be too long a story.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_60" id="b2_60"><b>60.</b></a> But this shows that we ought not to be indignant if +a man reaps as he has sown; but rather if he is allowed to +end his days in peace, without experiencing such retribution +at all. Nor ought we to accuse Antigonus or Aratus of crime, +for having racked and put to death a tyrant whom they had +captured in war: to have killed and wreaked vengeance on +whom, even in time of peace, would have brought praise and +honour to the doers from all right-minded persons.</p> + +<p>But when, in addition to these crimes, he was guilty also of +treachery to the league, what shall we say that he deserved? +The facts of the case are these. He abdicated his sovereignty +of Argos shortly before, finding himself in difficulties, owing to +the state of affairs brought on by the death of Demetrius. He +was, however, protected by the clemency and generosity of the +league; and, much to his own surprise, was left unmolested. +For the Achaean government not only secured him an +indemnity for all crimes committed by him while despot, but +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span> +admitted him as a member of the league, and invested him +with the highest office in it,—that, namely, of Commander-in-Chief +and Strategus.<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">164</a> All these favours he immediately forgot, +as soon as his hopes were a little raised by the Cleomenic war; +and at a crisis of the utmost importance he withdrew his +native city, as well as his own personal adhesion, from the +league, and attached them to its enemies. For such an act +of treason what he deserved was not to be racked under cover +of night at Cenchreae, and then put to death, as Phylarchus +says: he ought to have been taken from city to city in the +Peloponnese, and to have ended his life only after exemplary +torture in each of them. And yet the only severity that this +guilty wretch had to endure was to be drowned in the sea by +order of the officers at Cenchreae.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_61" id="b2_61"><b>61.</b></a> There is another illustration of this writer’s manner +to be found in his treatment of the cases of +Mantinea and Megalopolis. <span class="sidenote">Megalopolis.</span>The misfortunes +of the former he has depicted with his usual exaggeration and +picturesqueness: apparently from the notion, that it is the +peculiar function of an historian to select for special mention +only such actions as are conspicuously bad. But about +the noble conduct of the Megalopolitans at that same period +he has not said a word: as though it were the province of history +to deal with crimes rather than with instances of just and +noble conduct; or as though his readers would be less improved +by the record of what is great and worthy of imitation, than by +that of such deeds as are base and fit only to be avoided. For +instance, he has told us clearly enough how Cleomenes took +the town, preserved it from damage, and forthwith sent couriers +to the Megalopolitans in Messene with a despatch, offering +them the safe enjoyment of their country if they would throw +in their lot with him;—and his object in telling all this is +to enhance the magnanimity and moderation of Cleomenes +towards his enemies. Nay, he has gone farther, and told us +how the people of Megalopolis would not allow the letter to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span> +be read to the end, and were not far from stoning the bearers +of it. Thus much he does tell us. But the sequel to this, so +appropriate to an historian,—the commendation, I mean, and +honourable mention of their noble conduct,—this he has altogether +left out. And yet he had an opportunity ready to his +hand. For if we view with approval the conduct of a people +who merely by their declarations and votes support a war in +behalf of friends and allies; while to those who go so far as to +endure the devastation of their territory, and a siege of their +town, we give not only praise but active gratitude: what +must be our estimate of the people of Megalopolis? +Must it not be of the most exalted character? First of all, +they allowed their territory to be at the mercy of Cleomenes, +and then consented to be entirely deprived of their city, rather +than be false to the league: and, finally, in spite of an unexpected +chance of recovering it, they deliberately preferred the +loss of their territory, the tombs of their ancestors, their temples, +their homes and property, of everything in fact which men +value most, to forfeiting their faith to their allies. No nobler +action has ever been, or ever will be performed; none to which +an historian could better draw his reader’s attention. For +what could be a higher incentive to good faith, or the maintenance +of frank and permanent relations between states? +But of all this Phylarchus says not a word, being, as it +seems to me, entirely blind as to all that is noblest and best +suited to be the theme of an historian.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_62" id="b2_62"><b>62.</b></a> He does, however, state in the course of his narrative +that, from the spoils of Megalopolis, six thousand +talents fell to the Lacedaemonians, <span class="sidenote">and its wealth.</span>of +which two thousand, according to custom, were given to +Cleomenes. This shows, to begin with, an astounding ignorance +of the ordinary facts as to the resources of Greece: +a knowledge which above all others should be possessed +by historians. I am not of course now speaking of the +period in which the Peloponnese had been ruined by the +Macedonian kings, and still more completely by a long continuance +of intestine struggles; but of our own times, in +which it is believed, by the establishment of its unity, to be +enjoying the highest prosperity of which it is capable. Still +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span> +even at this period, if you could collect all the movable property +of the whole Peloponnese (leaving out the value of slaves), +it would be impossible to get so large a sum of money together. +That I speak on good grounds and not at random will appear +from the following fact. Every one has read that when the +Athenians, in conjunction with the Thebans, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 378.</span> +entered upon the war with the Lacedaemonians, +and despatched an army of twenty thousand men, and manned +a hundred triremes, they resolved to supply the expenses of +the war by the assessment of a property tax; and accordingly +had a valuation taken, not only of the whole land of +Attica and the houses in it, but of all other property: but yet +the value returned fell short of six thousand talents by two +hundred and fifty; which will show that what I have just said +about the Peloponnese is not far wide of the mark. But at +this period the most exaggerated estimate could scarcely give +more than three hundred talents, as coming from Megalopolis +itself; for it is acknowledged that most of the inhabitants, free +and slaves, escaped to Messene. But the strongest confirmation +of my words is the case of Mantinea, which, as he himself +observes, was second to no Arcadian city in wealth and numbers. +Though it was surrendered after a siege, so that no one +could escape, and no property could without great difficulty be +concealed; yet the value of the whole spoil of the town, including +the price of the captives sold, amounted at this same +period to only three hundred talents.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_63" id="b2_63"><b>63.</b></a> But a more astonishing misstatement remains to be remarked. +In the course of his history of this +war, <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy +Euergetes and +Cleomenes.</span> +Phylarchus asserts “that about ten days +before the battle an ambassador came from +Ptolemy announcing to Cleomenes, that the king declined to +continue to support him with supplies, and advised him to make +terms with Antigonus. And that when this message had been +delivered to Cleomenes, he made up his mind that he had +better put his fortune to the supreme test as soon as possible, +before his forces learnt about this message, because he +could not hope to provide the soldiers’ pay from his own resources.” +But if he had at that very time become the master +of six thousand talents, he would have been better supplied +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span> +than Ptolemy himself. And as for war with Antigonus, if he +had become master of only three hundred talents, he would +have been able to continue it without any difficulty. But the +writer states two inconsistent propositions—that Cleomenes +depended wholly on Ptolemy for money: and that he at the +same time had become master of that enormous sum. Is this +not irrational, and grossly careless besides? I might mention +many instances of a similar kind, not only in his account of +this period, but throughout his whole work; but I think for +my present purpose enough has been said.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_64" id="b2_64"><b>64.</b></a> Megalopolis having fallen, then, Antigonus spent the +winter at Argos. But at the approach of spring +Cleomenes collected his army, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222. +Cleomenes invades +Argos.</span> +addressed a +suitable exhortation to them, and led them into +the Argive territory. Most people thought this a hazardous +and foolhardy step, because the places at which the frontier +was crossed were strongly fortified; but those who were +capable of judging regarded the measure as at once safe and +prudent. For seeing that Antigonus had dismissed his forces, +he reckoned on two things,—there would be no one to resist +him, and therefore he would run no risk; and when the +Argives found that their territory was being laid waste up to +their walls, they would be certain to be roused to anger and to +lay the blame upon Antigonus: therefore, if on the one hand +Antigonus, unable to bear the complaints of the populace, were +to sally forth and give him battle with his present forces, Cleomenes +felt sure of an easy victory; but if on the other hand +Antigonus refused to alter his plans, and kept persistently aloof, +he believed that he would be able to effect a safe retreat +home, after succeeding by this expedition in terrifying his +enemies and inspiring his own forces with courage. And this +was the actual result. For as the devastation of the country +went on, crowds began to collect and abuse Antigonus: but +like a wise general and king, he refused to allow any consideration +to outweigh that of sound strategy, and persisted in remaining +inactive. Accordingly Cleomenes, in pursuance of his +plan, having terrified his enemies and inspired courage in his +own army for the coming struggle, returned home unmolested.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_65" id="b2_65"><b>65.</b></a> Summer having now come, and the Macedonian and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span> +Achaean soldiers having assembled from their winter quarters, +Antigonus moved his army, along with his +allies, into Laconia. <span class="sidenote">The summer +campaign. +The army of +Antigonus.</span>The main force consisted +of ten thousand Macedonians for the phalanx, +three thousand light armed, and three hundred +cavalry. With these were a thousand Agraei; the same number +of Gauls; three thousand mercenary infantry, and three +hundred cavalry; picked troops of the Achaeans, three +thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry; and a thousand +Megalopolitans armed in the Macedonian manner, under the +command of Cercidas of Megalopolis. Of the allies there were +two thousand infantry, and two hundred cavalry, from Boeotia; +a thousand infantry and fifty cavalry from Epirus; the same +number from Acarnania; and sixteen hundred from Illyria, under +the command of Demetrius of Pharos. The whole amounted +to twenty-eight thousand infantry and twelve hundred cavalry.</p> + +<p>Cleomenes had expected the attack, and had secured the +passes into the country by posting garrisons, <span class="sidenote">The position of +Cleomenes at +Sellasia.</span> +digging trenches, and felling trees; while he +took up position at a place called Sellasia, with +an army amounting to twenty thousand, having calculated that +the invading forces would take that direction: which turned out +to be the case. This pass lies between two hills, called +respectively Evas and Olympus, and the road to Sparta follows +the course of the river Oenus. Cleomenes strengthened both +these hills by lines of fortification, consisting of trench and +palisade. On Evas he posted the perioeci and allies, under +the command of his brother Eucleidas; while he himself held +Olympus with the Lacedaemonians and mercenaries. On +the level ground along the river he stationed his cavalry, with +a division of his mercenaries, on both sides of the road. +When Antigonus arrived, he saw at once the strength of the +position, and the skill with which Cleomenes had selected the +different branches of his army to occupy the points of vantage, +so that the whole aspect of the position was like that of +skilled soldiers drawn up ready for a charge. For no preparation +for attack or defence had been omitted; but everything +was in order, either for offering battle with effect, or for +holding an almost unassailable position.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b2_66" id="b2_66"><b>66.</b></a> The sight of these preparations decided Antigonus not +to make an immediate attack upon the position, or rashly hazard +an engagement. He pitched his camp a short distance from it, +covering his front by the stream called Gorgylus, and there remained +for some days; informing himself by reconnaissances of +the peculiarities of the ground and the character of the troops, +and at the same time endeavouring by feigned movements to +elicit the intentions of the enemy. But he could never find an +unguarded point, or one where the troops were not entirely on +the alert, for Cleomenes was always ready at a moment’s notice +to be at any point that was attacked. He therefore gave up +all thoughts of attacking the position; and finally an understanding +was come to between him and Cleomenes to bring +the matter to the decision of battle. And, indeed, Fortune +had there brought into competition two commanders equally +endowed by nature with military skill. To face the division +of the enemy on Evas Antigonus stationed his Macedonian +hoplites with brazen shields, and the Illyrians, drawn up in +alternate lines, under the command of Alexander, son of +Acmetus, and Demetrius of Pharos, respectively. Behind +them he placed the Acarnanians and Cretans, and behind +them again were two thousand Achaeans to act as a reserve. +His cavalry, on the banks of the river Oenous, were posted +opposite the enemy’s cavalry, under the command of Alexander, +and flanked by a thousand Achaean infantry and the +same number of Megalopolitans. Antigonus himself determined +to lead his mercenaries and Macedonian troops in +person against the division on Olympus commanded by Cleomenes. +Owing to the narrowness of the ground, the Macedonians +were arranged in a double phalanx, one close behind the +other, while the mercenaries were placed in front of them. It +was arranged that the Illyrians, who had bivouacked in full +order during the previous night along the river Gorgylus, close +to the foot of Evas, were to begin their assault on the hill when +they saw a flag of linen raised from the direction of Olympus; +and that the Megalopolitans and cavalry should do the same +when the king raised a scarlet flag.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_67" id="b2_67"><b>67.</b></a> The moment for beginning the battle had come: the +signal was given to the Illyrians, and the word passed by the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span> +officers to their men to do their duty, and in a moment they +started into view of the enemy and began assaulting +the hill. <span class="sidenote">Battle of +Sellasia.</span> +But the light-armed troops who were +stationed with Cleomenes’s cavalry, observing +that the Achaean lines were not covered by any other troops +behind them, charged them on the rear; and thus reduced the +division while endeavouring to carry the hill of Evas to a state of +great peril,—being met as they were on their front by Eucleidas +from the top of the hill, <span class="sidenote">Philopoemen’s +presence of mind.</span> +and being charged +and vigorously attacked by the light-armed +mercenaries on their rear. It was at this point +that Philopoemen of Megalopolis, with a clear understanding +of the situation and a foresight of what would happen, +vainly endeavoured to point out the certain result to his +superior officers. They disregarded him for his want of +experience in command and his extreme youth; and, accordingly +he acted for himself, and cheering on the men of his +own city, made a vigorous charge on the enemy. This effected +a diversion; for the light-armed mercenaries, who were engaged +in harassing the rear of the party ascending Evas, hearing the +shouting and seeing the cavalry engaged, abandoned their +attack upon this party and hurried back to their original position +to render assistance to the cavalry. The result was that +the division of Illyrians, Macedonians, and the rest who were +advancing with them, no longer had their attention diverted by +an attack upon their rear, and so continued their advance +upon the enemy with high spirits and renewed confidence. And +this afterwards caused it to be acknowledged that to Philopoemen +was due the honour of the success against Eucleidas.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_68" id="b2_68"><b>68.</b></a> It is clear that Antigonus at any rate entertained that +opinion, for after the battle he asked Alexander, the commander +of the cavalry, with the view of convicting him of his +shortcoming, “Why he had engaged before the signal was +given?” And upon Alexander answering that “He had not +done so, but that a young officer from Megalopolis had presumed +to anticipate the signal, contrary to his wish:” Antigonus +replied, “That young man acted like a good general in grasping +the situation; you, general, were the youngster.”</p> + +<p>What Eucleidas ought to have done, when he saw the enemy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>’s +lines advancing, was to have rushed down at once upon them; +thrown their ranks into disorder; and then retired himself, step +by step, to continually higher ground into a safe position: for +by thus breaking them up and depriving them, to begin with, +of the advantages of their peculiar armour and disposition, he +would have secured the victory by the superiority of his position. +But he did the very opposite of all this, and thereby forfeited +the advantages of the ground. As though victory were +assured, he kept his original position on the summit of the +hill, with the view of catching the enemy at as great an elevation +as possible, that their flight might be all the longer over +steep and precipitous ground. The result, as might have been +anticipated, was exactly the reverse. <span class="sidenote">Defeat of +Eucleidas.</span> +For he left himself no +place of retreat, and by allowing the enemy to +reach his position, unharmed and in unbroken +order, he was placed at the disadvantage of having +to give them battle on the very summit of the hill; and so, +as soon as he was forced by the weight of their heavy armour +and their close order to give any ground, it was immediately +occupied by the Illyrians; while his own men were obliged to +take lower ground, because they had no space for manœuvring +on the top. The result was not long in arriving: they suffered a +repulse, which the difficult and precipitous nature of the ground +over which they had to retire turned into a disastrous flight.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_69" id="b2_69"><b>69.</b></a> Simultaneously with these events the cavalry engagement +was also being brought to a decision; in which all the +Achaean cavalry, and especially Philopoemen, fought with +conspicuous gallantry, for to them it was a contest for freedom. +Philopoemen himself had his horse killed under him, and while +fighting accordingly on foot received a severe wound through +both his thighs. <span class="sidenote">Defeat of +Cleomenes.</span>Meanwhile the two kings +on the other hill Olympus began by bringing +their light-armed troops and mercenaries into +action, of which each of them had five thousand. Both the +kings and their entire armies had a full view of this action, +which was fought with great gallantry on both sides: the +charges taking place sometimes in detachments, and at other +times along the whole line, and an eager emulation being +displayed between the several ranks, and even between in +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span>dividuals. +But when Cleomenes saw that his brother’s division +was retreating, and that the cavalry in the low ground were +on the point of doing the same, alarmed at the prospect of +an attack at all points at once, he was compelled to demolish +the palisade in his front, and to lead out his whole force in +line by one side of his position. A recall was sounded on +the bugle for the light-armed troops of both sides, who were +on the ground between the two armies: and the phalanxes +shouting their war cries, and with spears couched, charged +each other. Then a fierce struggle arose: the Macedonians +sometimes slowly giving ground and yielding to the superior +courage of the soldiers of Sparta, and at another time the +Lacedaemonians being forced to give way before the overpowering +weight of the Macedonian phalanx. At length +Antigonus ordered a charge in close order and in double +phalanx; the enormous weight of this peculiar formation proved +sufficient to finally dislodge the Lacedaemonians from their +strongholds, and they fled in disorder and suffering severely as +they went. Cleomenes himself, with a guard of cavalry, +effected his retreat to Sparta: but the same night he went +down to Gythium, where all preparations for crossing the +sea had been made long before in case of mishap, and with +his friends sailed to Alexandria.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_70" id="b2_70"><b>70.</b></a> Having surprised and taken Sparta, Antigonus treated +the citizens with magnanimity and humanity; and after re-establishing +their ancient constitution, he left the town in +a few days, on receiving intelligence that the Illyrians had +invaded Macedonia and were laying waste the country. +This was an instance of the fantastic way in which Fortune +decides the most important matters. For if Cleomenes had +only put off the battle for a few days, or if when he returned +to Sparta he had only held out for a brief space of time, he +would have saved his crown.</p> + +<p>As it was, Antigonus after going to Tegea and restoring +its constitution, arrived on the second day at +Argos, at the very time of the Nemean games. <span class="sidenote">Death of +Antigonus Doson, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +Having at this assembly received every mark of +immortal honour and glory at the hands of the Achaean +community, as well as of the several states, he made all +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span> +haste to reach Macedonia. He found the Illyrians still in +the country, and forced them to give him battle, in which, +though he proved entirely successful, he exerted himself to +such a pitch in shouting encouragement to his men, that he +ruptured a bloodvessel, and fell into an illness which terminated +shortly in his death. He was a great loss to the Greeks, +whom he had inspired with good hopes, not only by his support +in the field, but still more by his character and good +principles. He left the kingdom of Macedonia to Philip, son +of Demetrius.</p> + +<p><a name="b2_71" id="b2_71"><b>71.</b></a> My reason for writing about this war at such length, +was the advisability, or rather necessity, in view of the general +purpose of my history, of making clear the relations existing +between Macedonia and Greece at a time which coincides +with the period of which I am about to treat.</p> + +<p>Just about the same time, by the death of Euergetes, +Ptolemy Philopator succeeded to the throne of Egypt. At the +same period died Seleucus, son of that Seleucus who had the +double surnames of Callinicus and Pogon: he was succeeded +on the throne of Syria by his brother Antiochus. The deaths of +these three sovereigns—Antigonus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus—fell +in the same Olympiad, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 284-280. +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 224-220.</span> +as was the case with the +three immediate successors to Alexander the +Great,—Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus,—for +the latter all died in the 124th Olympiad, and the former +in the 139th.</p> + +<p>I may now fitly close this book. I have completed the +introduction and laid the foundation on which my history +must rest. I have shown when, how, and why the Romans, +after becoming supreme in Italy, began to aim at dominion +outside of it, and to dispute with the Carthaginians the dominion +of the sea. I have at the same time explained the state of +Greece, Macedonia, and Carthage at this epoch. I have now +arrived at the period which I originally marked out,—that +namely in which the Greeks were on the point of beginning +the Social, the Romans the Hannibalic war, and the kings in +Asia the war for the possession of Coele-Syria. The termination +therefore of the wars just described, and the death of the +princes engaged in them, forms a natural period to this book.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span></p> + +<h2>BOOK III</h2> + +<p><a name="b3_1" id="b3_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">I stated</span> in my first book that my work was to start from +the Social war, the Hannibalian war, and the war for the +possession of Coele-Syria. In the same book I stated my +reasons for devoting my first two books to a sketch of the +period preceding those events. I will now, after a few +prefatory remarks as to the scope of my own work, address +myself to giving a complete account of these wars, the causes +which led to them, and which account for the proportions to +which they attained.</p> + +<p>The one aim and object, then, of all that I have undertaken +to write is to show how, when, and why all the +known parts of the world fell under the +dominion of Rome. <span class="sidenote">A summary of +the work from +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220 to <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168.</span> +Now as this great event +admits of being exactly dated as to its beginning, +duration, and final accomplishment, I think it will +be advantageous to give, by way of preface, a summary statement +of the most important phases in it between the beginning +and the end. For I think I shall thus best secure to the +student an adequate idea of my whole plan, for as the comprehension +of the whole is a help to the understanding of +details, and the knowledge of details of great service to the +clear conception of the whole; believing that the best and +clearest knowledge is that which is obtained from a combination +of these, I will preface my whole history by a brief +summary of its contents.</p> + +<p>I have already described its scope and limits. As to its +several parts, the first consists of the above mentioned wars, +while the conclusion or closing scene is the fall of the +Macedonian monarchy. The time included between these +limits is fifty-three years, and never has an equal space embraced<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span> +events of such magnitude and importance.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-216.</span> In describing +them I shall start from the 140th Olympiad and +shall arrange my exposition in the following order:</p> + +<p><a name="b3_2" id="b3_2"><b>2.</b></a> First I shall indicate the causes of the Punic or +Hannibalian war: and shall have to describe +how the Carthaginians entered Italy; <span class="sidenote">1. The cause and +course of the +Hannibalian war.</span> +broke up +the Roman power there; made the Romans +tremble for their safety and the very soil of their country; +and contrary to all calculation acquired a good prospect of +surprising Rome itself.</p> + +<p>I shall next try to make it clear how in the same period +Philip of Macedon, after finishing his war with <span class="sidenote">2. Macedonian +treaty with Carthage, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216.</span> +the Aetolians, and subsequently settling the +affairs of Greece, entered upon a design of +forming an offensive and defensive alliance with Carthage.</p> + +<p>Then I shall tell how Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator +first quarrelled and finally went to war with <span class="sidenote">3. Syrian war, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218.</span> +each other for the possession of Coele-Syria.</p> + +<p>Next how the Rhodians and Prusias went to war with the +Byzantines, and compelled them to desist from <span class="sidenote">4. Byzantine war, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +exacting dues from ships sailing into the Pontus.</p> + +<p>At this point I shall pause in my narrative to introduce a +disquisition upon the Roman Constitution, <span class="sidenote">First digression +on the Roman +Constitution.</span> +in +which I shall show that its peculiar character +contributed largely to their success, not only in +reducing all Italy to their authority, and in acquiring a +supremacy over the Iberians and Gauls besides, but also at +last, after their conquest of Carthage, to their conceiving the +idea of universal dominion.</p> + +<p>Along with this I shall introduce another <span class="sidenote">Second on Hiero +of Syracuse.</span> +digression on the fall of Hiero of Syracuse.</p> + +<p>After these digressions will come the disturbances in +Egypt; how, after the death of King Ptolemy, <span class="sidenote">5. The attempted +partition of the +dominions of Ptolemy +Epiphanes, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 204.</span> +Antiochus and Philip entered into a compact +for the partition of the dominions of that +monarch’s infant son. I shall describe their +treacherous dealings, Philip laying hands upon +the islands of the Aegean, and Caria and Samos, Antiochus +upon Coele-Syria and Phoenicia.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b3_3" id="b3_3"><b>3.</b></a> Next, after a summary recapitulation of the proceedings of +the Carthaginians and Romans in Iberia, Libya, <span class="sidenote">6. War with +Philip, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 201-197.</span> +and Sicily, I shall, following the changes of +events, shift the scene of my story entirely to +Greece. Here I shall first describe the naval battles of Attalus +and the Rhodians against Philip; and the war between Philip +and Rome, the persons engaged, its circumstances, and result.</p> + +<p>Next to this I shall have to record the wrath of the Aetolians, +in consequence of which they invited the aid of +Antiochus, and thereby gave rise to what is <span class="sidenote">7. Asiatic war, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192-191.</span> +called the Asiatic war against Rome and the +Achaean league. Having stated the causes of this war, and +described the crossing of Antiochus into Europe, I shall have +to show first in what manner he was driven from Greece; +secondly, how, being defeated in the war, he was forced to +cede all his territory west of Taurus; and thirdly, how the +Romans, after crushing the insolence of the Gauls, secured +undisputed possession of Asia, and freed all the nations on +the west of Taurus from the fear of barbarian inroads and +the lawless violence of the Gauls.</p> + +<p>Next, after reviewing the disasters of the Aetolians and +Cephallenians, I shall pass to the wars waged <span class="sidenote">8. Gallic wars of +Eumenes and +Prusias.</span> +by Eumenes against Prusias and the Gauls; as +well as that carried on in alliance with Ariarathes +against Pharnaces.</p> + +<p>Finally, after speaking of the unity and settlement of the +Peloponnese, and of the growth of the commonwealth +of Rhodes, I shall add a summary of <span class="sidenote">9. Union of the +Peloponnese. +Antiochus +Epiphanes in +Egypt. Fall of +the Macedonian +monarchy, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 188-168.</span> +my whole work, concluding by an account +of the expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes +against Egypt; of the war against Perseus; +and the destruction of the Macedonian +monarchy. Throughout the whole narrative it +will be shown how the policy adopted by the Romans in one +after another of these cases, as they arose, led to their eventual +conquest of the whole world.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_4" id="b3_4"><b>4.</b></a> And if our judgment of individuals and constitutions, +for praise or blame, could be adequately formed from a simple +consideration of their successes or defeats, I must necessarily<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span> +have stopped at this point, and have concluded my history as +soon as I reached these last events in accordance with my +original plan. For at this point the fifty-three years were +coming to an end, and the progress of the Roman power had +arrived at its consummation. And, besides, by this time +the acknowledgment had been extorted from all that the +supremacy of Rome must be accepted, and her commands +obeyed. <span class="sidenote">The plan extended +to embrace +the period from +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 168-146.</span> +But in truth, judgments of either side +founded on the bare facts of success or failure +in the field are by no means final. It has +often happened that what seemed the most +signal successes have, from ill management, brought the +most crushing disasters in their train; while not unfrequently +the most terrible calamities, sustained with spirit, +have been turned to actual advantage. I am bound, therefore, +to add to my statement of facts a discussion on the +subsequent policy of the conquerors, and their administration +of their universal dominion: and again on the +various feelings and opinions entertained by other nations +towards their rulers. And I must also describe the tastes +and aims of the several nations, whether in their private +lives or public policy. The present generation will learn +from this whether they should shun or seek the rule +of Rome; and future generations will be taught whether to +praise and imitate, or to decry it. The usefulness of my +history, whether for the present or the future, will mainly lie +in this. For the end of a policy should not be, in the eyes +either of the actors or their historians, simply to conquer others +and bring all into subjection. Nor does any man of sense +go to war with his neighbours for the mere purpose of +mastering his opponents; nor go to sea for the mere sake of +the voyage; nor engage in professions and trades for the sole +purpose of learning them. In all these cases the objects are +invariably the pleasure, honour, or profit which are the results +of the several employments. Accordingly the object of this +work shall be to ascertain exactly what the position of the several +states was, after the universal conquest by which they fell under +the power of Rome, until the commotions and disturbances +which broke out at a later period. These I designed to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span> +make the starting-point of what may almost be called a new +work, partly because of the greatness and surprising nature of +the events themselves, but chiefly because, in the case of most +of them, I was not only an eye-witness, but in some cases one +of the actors, and in others the chief director.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_5" id="b3_5"><b>5.</b></a> The events I refer to are the wars of Rome against the +Celtiberians and Vaccaei; those of Carthage <span class="sidenote">A new departure; +the breaking-up +of the arrangement +made after +the fall of +Macedonia. +Wars of Carthage +against Massinissa; +and of +Rome against +the Celtiberians, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 155-150; +and against Carthage +(3d Punic +war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 149-146).</span> +against Massinissa, king of Libya; and those +of Attalus and Prusias in Asia. Then also +Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia, having been +ejected from his throne by Orophernes through +the agency of King Demetrius, recovered his +ancestral power by the help of Attalus; while +Demetrius, son of Seleucus, after twelve years’ +possession of the throne of Syria, was deprived +of it, and of his life at the same time, by a combination +of the other kings against him. Then +it was, too, that the Romans restored to their +country those Greeks who had been charged +with guilt in the matter of the war with Perseus, after formally +acquitting them of the crimes alleged against them. Not +long afterwards the same people turned their hands against +Carthage: at first with the intention of forcing its removal to +some other spot, but finally, for reasons to be afterwards +stated, with the resolution of utterly destroying it. Contemporaneous +with this came the renunciation by the Macedonians +of their friendship to Rome, and by the Lacedaemonians +of their membership of the Achaean league, to +which the disaster that befell all Greece alike owed its beginning +and end.</p> + +<p>This is my purpose: but its fulfilment must depend upon +whether Fortune protracts my life to the necessary length. I am +persuaded, however, that, even if the common human destiny +does overtake me, this theme will not be allowed to lie idle +for want of competent men to handle it; for there are many +besides myself who will readily undertake its completion. +But having given the heads of the most remarkable events, +with the object of enabling the reader to grasp the general +scope of my history as well as the arrangement of its several<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span> +parts, I must now, remembering my original plan, go back to +the point at which my history starts.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_6" id="b3_6"><b>6.</b></a> Some historians of the Hannibalian war, when they wish +to point out to us the causes of this contest <span class="sidenote">The origin of the +2d Punic war;</span> +between Rome and Carthage, allege first the +siege of Saguntum by the Carthaginians, and, +secondly, their breach of treaty by crossing the river called by +the natives the Iber. But though I should call these the +first actions in the war, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 334,</span> +I cannot admit them +to be its causes. One might just as well say +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 192,</span> +that the crossing of Alexander the Great into Asia was the +<i>cause</i> of the Persian war, and the descent of +Antiochus upon Demetrias the <i>cause</i> of his war +with Rome. In neither would it be a probable or true statement. +In the first case, this action of Alexander’s could not be +called the cause of a war, for which both he and his father +Philip in his lifetime had made elaborate preparations: and in +the second case, we know that the Aetolian league had done +the same, with a view to a war with Rome, before Antiochus +came upon the scene. Such definitions are only worthy of men +who cannot distinguish between a first overt act and a cause or +pretext; and who do not perceive that a <i>cause</i> is the first in +a series of events of which such an overt act is the last. I +shall therefore regard the first attempt to put into execution +what had already been determined as a “beginning,” but I +shall look for “causes” in the motives which suggested such +action and the policy which dictated it; for it is by these, and +the calculations to which they give rise, that men are led to +decide upon a particular line of conduct. The soundness of +this method will be proved by the following considerations. +The true causes and origin of the invasion of Persia by Alexander +are patent to everybody. They were, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 401-400,</span> +first, the return march of the Greeks under +Xenophon through the country from the upper Satrapies; +in the course of which, though throughout Asia all the populations +were hostile, not a single barbarian ventured to face +them: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 396-394,</span> +secondly, the invasion of Asia by the +Spartan king Agesilaus, in which, though he was +obliged by troubles in Greece to return in the middle of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span> +expedition without effecting his object, he yet found no resistance +of any importance or adequacy. It was these circumstances +which convinced Philip of the cowardice and inefficiency +of the Persians; and comparing them with his own high state +of efficiency for war, and that of his Macedonian subjects, and +placing before his eyes the splendour of the rewards to be +gained by such a war, and the popularity which it would bring +him in Greece, he seized on the pretext of avenging the injuries +done by Persia to Greece, and determined with great +eagerness to undertake this war; and was in fact at the time +of his death engaged in making every kind of preparation for it.</p> + +<p>Here we have the <i>cause</i> and the <i>pretext</i> of the Persian war. +Alexander’s expedition into Asia was the <i>first action</i> in it.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_7" id="b3_7"><b>7.</b></a> So too of the war of Antiochus with Rome. The <i>cause</i> +was evidently the exasperation of the Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">and of the war +with Antiochus.</span> +who, thinking that they had been slighted in +a number of instances at the end of the war +with Philip, not only called in the aid of Antiochus, but resolved +to go to every extremity in satisfying the anger which +the events of that time had aroused in them. This was the +<i>cause</i>. As for the <i>pretext</i>, it was the liberation of Greece, +which they went from city to city with Antiochus proclaiming, +without regard to reason or truth; while the <i>first act</i> in the +war was the descent of Antiochus upon Demetrias.</p> + +<p>My object in enlarging upon this distinction is not to attack +the historians in question, but to rectify the ideas of the +studious. A physician can do no good to the sick who does +not know the causes of their ailments; nor can a statesman +do any good who is unable to conceive the manner, cause, and +source of the events with which he has from time to time to deal. +Surely the former could not be expected to institute a suitable +system of treatment for the body; nor the latter to grapple with +the exigencies of the situation, without possessing this knowledge +of its elements. There is nothing, therefore, which we +ought to be more alive to, and to seek for, than the causes of +every event which occurs. For the most important results +are often produced by trifles; and it is invariably easier to +apply remedial measures at the beginning, before things have +got beyond the stage of conception and intention.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b3_8" id="b3_8"><b>8.</b></a> Now the Roman annalist Fabius asserts that the cause +of the Hannibalian war, besides the injury inflicted +upon Saguntum, <span class="sidenote">The credibility of +Fabius Pictor.</span> +was the encroaching and +ambitious spirit of Hasdrubal. “Having secured +great power in Iberia, he returned to Libya with the design +of destroying the constitution and reducing Carthage to a +despotism. But the leading statesmen, getting timely warning +of his intention, banded themselves together and successfully +opposed him. Suspecting this Hasdrubal retired from Libya, +and thenceforth governed Iberia entirely at his own will without +taking any account whatever of the Carthaginian Senate. +This policy had had in Hannibal from his earliest youth a +zealous supporter and imitator; and when he succeeded to +the command in Iberia he continued it: and accordingly, even +in the case of this war with Rome, was acting on his own +authority and contrary to the wish of the Carthaginians; for +none of the men of note in Carthage approved of his attack +upon Saguntum.” This is the statement of Fabius, who goes +on to say, that “after the capture of that city an embassy +arrived in Carthage from Rome demanding that Hannibal +should be given up on pain of a declaration of war.”</p> + +<p>Now what answer could Fabius have given if we had put +the following question to him? “What better chance or +opportunity could the Carthaginians have had of combining +justice and interest? According to your own account they +disliked the proceeding of Hannibal: why did they not submit +to the demands of Rome by surrendering the author of the +injury; and thus get rid of the common enemy of the state +without the odium of doing it themselves, and secure the +safety of their territory by ridding themselves of the threatened +war—all of which they could have effected by merely passing +a decree?” If this question were put, I say, it would admit +of no answer. The fact is that, so far from doing anything of +the sort, they maintained the war in accordance with Hannibal’s +policy for seventeen years; and refused to make terms +until, at the end of a most determined struggle, they found +their own city and persons in imminent danger of destruction.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_9" id="b3_9"><b>9.</b></a> I do not allude to Fabius and his annals from any fear of +their wearing such an air of probability in themselves as to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span> +gain any credit,—for the fact is that his assertions are so contrary +to reason, that it does not need any argument of mine to +help his readers to perceive it,—but I wished to warn those +who take up his books not to be misled by the authority of his +name, but to be guided by facts. For there is a certain class +of readers in whose eyes the personality of the writer is of more +account than what he says. They look to the fact that +Fabius was a contemporary and a member of the Senate, and +assume without more ado that everything he says may be +trusted. My view, however, is that we ought not to hold the +authority of this writer lightly: yet at the same time that we +should not regard it as all-sufficient; but in reading his writings +should test them by a reference to the facts themselves.</p> + +<p>This is a digression from my immediate subject, which is +the war between Carthage and Rome. <span class="sidenote">The Hannibalian +or 2nd Punic war. +First cause.</span> +The +cause of this war we must reckon to be the +exasperation of Hamilcar, surnamed Barcas, the +father of Hannibal. The result of the war in Sicily had not +broken the spirit of that commander. He regarded himself as +unconquered; for the troops at Eryx which he commanded +were still sound and undismayed: and though he yielded so +far as to make a treaty, it was a concession to the exigencies +of the times brought on by the defeat of the Carthaginians at +sea. But he never relaxed in his determined purpose of revenge; +and, had it not been for the mutiny of the mercenaries +at Carthage, he would at once have sought and made +another occasion for bringing about a war, as far as he was +able to do so: as it was, he was preoccupied by the domestic +war, and had to give his attention entirely to that.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_10" id="b3_10"><b>10.</b></a> When the Romans, at the conclusion of this mercenary +war, proclaimed war with Carthage, the latter at +first was inclined to resist at all hazards, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 238. +Bk. i. ch. 88. +Second cause.</span> +because +the goodness of her cause gave her hopes +of victory,—as I have shown in my former book, without which +it would be impossible to understand adequately either this or +what is to follow. The Romans, however, would not listen to +anything: and the Carthaginians therefore yielded to the force +of circumstances; and though feeling bitterly aggrieved, yet being +quite unable to do anything, evacuated Sardinia, and consented<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span> +to pay a sum of twelve hundred talents, in addition to the +former indemnity paid them, on condition of avoiding the +war at that time. This is the second and the most important +cause of the subsequent war. For Hamilcar, having this public +grievance in addition to his private feelings of anger, as soon as +he had secured his country’s safety by reducing the rebellious +mercenaries, set at once about securing the Carthaginian +power in Iberia with the intention of using it as a base of +operations against Rome. <span class="sidenote">Third cause.</span> +So that I record as a +third cause of the war the Carthaginian success +in Iberia: for it was the confidence inspired by their forces there +which encouraged them to embark upon it. It would be easy +to adduce other facts to show that Hamilcar, though he had +been dead ten years at its commencement, largely contributed +to bring about the second Punic war, but what I am about to +say will be sufficient to establish the fact.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_11" id="b3_11"><b>11.</b></a> When, after his final defeat by the Romans, Hannibal +had at last quitted his country and was staying +at the court of Antiochus, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal’s oath.</span> +the warlike attitude +of the Aetolian league induced the Romans to send ambassadors +to Antiochus, that they might be informed of the king’s +intentions. These ambassadors found that Antiochus was inclined +to the Aetolian alliance, and was eager for war with +Rome; <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 195.</span> +they accordingly paid great court to +Hannibal with a view of bringing him into +suspicion with the king. And in this they entirely succeeded. +As time went on the king became ever more and more suspicious +of Hannibal, until at length an opportunity occurred +for an explanation of the alienation that had been thus secretly +growing up between them. Hannibal then defended himself +at great length, but without success, until at last he made the +following statement: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 238.</span> +“When my father was +about to go on his Iberian expedition I was +nine years old: and as he was offering the sacrifice to Zeus I +stood near the altar. The sacrifice successfully performed, +my father poured the libation and went through the +usual ritual. He then bade all the other worshippers stand a +little back, and calling me to him asked me affectionately +whether I wished to go with him on his expedition. Upon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span> +my eagerly assenting, and begging with boyish enthusiasm to +be allowed to go, he took me by the right hand and led me up +to the altar, and bade me lay my hand upon the victim and +swear that I would never be friends with Rome. So long, +then, Antiochus, as your policy is one of hostility to Rome, +you may feel quite secure of having in me a most thorough-going +supporter. But if ever you make terms or friendship +with her, then you need not wait for any slander to make you +distrust me and be on your guard against me; for there is +nothing in my power that I would not do against her.”</p> + +<p><a name="b3_12" id="b3_12"><b>12.</b></a> Antiochus listened to this story, and being convinced +that it was told with genuine feeling and sincerity, gave up all +his suspicions. And we, too, must regard this as an unquestionable +proof of the animosity of Hamilcar and of the aim of +his general policy; which, indeed, is also proved by facts. +For he inspired his son-in-law Hasdrubal and his son Hannibal +with a bitterness of resentment against Rome which +nothing could surpass. Hasdrubal, indeed, was prevented by +death from showing the full extent of his purpose; but time +gave Hannibal abundant opportunity to manifest the hatred of +Rome which he had inherited from his father.</p> + +<p>The most important thing, then, for statesmen to observe is +the motives of those who lay aside old enmities or form new +friendships; and to ascertain when their consent to treaties is +a mere concession to the necessities of the hour, and when it +is the indication of a real consciousness of defeat. In the former +case they must be on their guard against such people lying in +wait for an opportunity; while in the latter they may unhesitatingly +impose whatever injunctions are necessary, in full +reliance on the genuineness of their feelings whether as subjects +or friends. So much for the causes of the war. I will +now relate the first actions in it.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_13" id="b3_13"><b>13.</b></a> The Carthaginians were highly incensed by their loss +of Sicily, but their resentment was heightened still more, as I +have said, by the transaction as to Sardinia, and by the addition +recently made to their tribute. Accordingly, when the +greater part of Iberia had fallen into their power, they were on +the alert to seize any opportunity that presented itself of retaliating +upon Rome. At the death of Hasdrubal, to whom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span> +they had committed the command in Iberia after the death of +Hamilcar, they waited at first to ascertain <span class="sidenote">Death of Hamilcar, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 229.</span> +the feelings of the army; but when news came from +thence that the troops had elected Hannibal as +commander-in-chief, a popular assembly was at once held, and +the choice of the army confirmed by a unanimous vote. As +soon as he had taken over the command, Hannibal <span class="sidenote">Death of Hasdrubal, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 221.</span> +set out to subdue the tribe of the Olcades; +and, having arrived before their most formidable +city Althaea, he pitched his camp under its walls; +and by a series of energetic and formidable assaults succeeded +before long in taking it: by which the rest of the tribe were +overawed into submission to Carthage. Having imposed +a contribution upon the towns, and thus become possessed of a +large sum of money, he went to the New Town to winter. +There, by a liberal treatment of the forces under his command, +giving them an instalment of their pay at once and promising +the rest, he established an excellent feeling towards himself in +the army, as well as great hopes for the future.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_14" id="b3_14"><b>14.</b></a> Next summer he set out on another expedition against +the Vaccaei, in which he took Salmantica by <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220. +Hannibal attacks +the Vaccaei.</span> +assault, but only succeeded in storming Arbucala, +owing to the size of the town and the number +and valour of its inhabitants, after a laborious siege. After this +he suddenly found himself in a position of very great danger +on his return march: being set upon by the Carpesii, the +strongest tribe in those parts, who were joined also by neighbouring +tribes, incited principally by refugees of the Olcades, +but roused also to great wrath by those who escaped from +Salmantica. If the Carthaginians had been compelled to give +these people regular battle, there can be no doubt that they +would have been defeated: but as it was, Hannibal, with +admirable skill and caution, slowly retreated until he had put the +Tagus between himself and the enemy; and thus giving battle +at the crossing of the stream, supported by it and the elephants, +of which he had about forty, he gained, to every one’s surprise, +a complete success. For when the barbarians attempted to +force a crossing at several points of the river at once, the +greater number of them were killed as they left the water by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span> +the elephants, who marched up and down along the brink of +the river and caught them as they were coming out. Many of +them also were killed in the river itself by the cavalry, because +the horses were better able than the men to stand against the +stream, and also because the cavalry were fighting on higher +ground than the infantry which they were attacking. At +length Hannibal turned the tables on the enemy, and, recrossing +the river, attacked and put to flight their whole army, to +the number of more than a hundred thousand men. After +the defeat of this host, no one south of the Iber rashly ventured +to face him except the people of Saguntum. From that town +Hannibal tried his best to keep aloof; because, acting on the +suggestions and advice of his father Hamilcar, he did not wish +to give the Romans an avowed pretext for war until he had +thoroughly secured the rest of the country.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_15" id="b3_15"><b>15.</b></a> But the people of Saguntum kept sending ambassadors +to Rome, partly because they foresaw what was +coming, <span class="sidenote">Saguntum appeals +to Rome. +Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +220-219.</span>and trembled for their own existence, +and partly that the Romans might be kept fully +aware of the growing power of the Carthaginians +in Iberia. For a long time the Romans disregarded +their words: but now they sent out some commissioners to see +what was going on. Just at that time Hannibal had finished +the conquests which he intended for that season, and was +going into winter quarters at the New Town again, which was in +a way the chief glory and capital town of the Carthaginians in +Iberia. He found there the embassy from Rome, granted them +an interview, and listened to the message with which they were +charged. It was a strong injunction to him to leave Saguntum +alone, as being under the protection of Rome; and not to cross +the Iber, in accordance with the agreement come to in the +time of Hasdrubal. To this Hannibal answered with all the +heat of youth, inflamed by martial ardour, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal’s +defiance.</span> +recent success, and his long-standing hatred of +Rome. He charged the Romans with having a short time before, +when on some political disturbances arising in the town they +had been chosen to act as arbitrators, seized the opportunity to +put some of the leading citizens to death; and he declared +that the Carthaginians would not allow the Saguntines to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span> +thus treacherously dealt with, for it was the traditional policy +of Carthage to protect all persons so wronged. At the same +time he sent home for instructions as to what he was to do +“in view of the fact that the Saguntines were injuring certain +of their subject allies.” And altogether he was in a state of +unreasoning anger and violent exasperation, which prevented +him from availing himself of the real causes for war, and made +him take refuge in pretexts which would not admit of justification, +after the manner of men whose passions master all +considerations of equity. How much better it would have +been to demand of Rome the restoration of Sardinia, and the +remission of the tribute, which she had taken an unfair +opportunity to impose on pain of a declaration of war. As +it was, he said not a word of the real cause, but alleged the +fictitious one of the matter of Saguntum; and so got the credit +of beginning the war, not only in defiance of reason, but still +more in defiance of justice. The Roman ambassadors, finding +that there must undoubtedly be a war, sailed to Carthage to +enter the same protest before the people there. They expected, +however, that they would have to fight not in Italy, +but in Iberia, and that they would have Saguntum as a base of +operations.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_16" id="b3_16"><b>16.</b></a> Wherefore the Senate, by way of preparing to undertake +this business, and foreseeing that the war <span class="sidenote">Illyrian war, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219.</span> +would be severe and protracted, and at a long +distance from the mother country, determined +to make Illyria safe. For it happened that, just at this time, +Demetrius of Pharos was sacking and subduing to his authority +the cities of Illyria which were subject to Rome, and had +sailed beyond Lissus, in violation of the treaty, with fifty +galleys, and had ravaged many of the Cyclades. For he +had quite forgotten the former kindnesses done him by +Rome, and had conceived a contempt for its power, when +he saw it threatened first by the Gauls and then by Carthage; +and he now rested all his hopes on the royal family of +Macedonia, because he had fought on the side of Antigonus, +and shared with him the dangers of the war against +Cleomenes. These transactions attracted the observation of +the Romans; who, seeing that the royal house of Macedonia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span> +was in a flourishing condition, were very anxious to secure the +country east of Italy, feeling convinced that they would have +ample time to correct the rash folly of the Illyrians, and rebuke +and chastise the ingratitude and temerity of Demetrius. But +they were deceived in their calculations. For Hannibal anticipated +their measures by the capture of Saguntum: the result +of which was that the war took place not in Iberia, but close <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219. +Coss. M. Livius +Salinator L. +Aemilius Paullus.</span> +to Rome itself, and in various parts throughout +all Italy. However, with these ideas fixed in +their minds, the Romans despatched Lucius +Aemilius just before summer to conduct the +Illyrian campaign in the first year of the 140th Olympiad.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_17" id="b3_17"><b>17.</b></a> But Hannibal had started from New Carthage and was +leading his army straight against Saguntum. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal besieges +Saguntum.</span> +This city is situated on the seaward foot of +the mountain chain on which the frontiers of Iberia and +Celtiberia converge, and is about seven stades from the sea. +The district cultivated by its inhabitants is exceedingly +productive, and has a soil superior to any in all Iberia. +Under the walls of this town Hannibal pitched his camp +and set energetically to work on the siege, foreseeing many +advantages that would accrue if he could take it. Of these +the first was that he would thereby disappoint the Romans +in their expectation of making Iberia the seat of war: a +second was that he would thereby strike a general terror, +which would render the already obedient tribes more submissive, +and the still independent ones more cautious of +offending him: but the greatest advantage of all was that +thereby he would be able to push on his advance, without +leaving an enemy on his rear. Besides these advantages, he +calculated that the possession of this city would secure him +abundant supplies for his expedition, and create an enthusiasm +in the troops excited by individual acquisitions of booty; +while he would conciliate the goodwill of those who remained +at Carthage by the spoils which would be sent home. With +these ideas he pressed on the siege with energy: sometimes +setting an example to his soldiers by personally sharing in the +fatigues of throwing up the siege works; and sometimes cheering +on his men and recklessly exposing himself to danger.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span></p> + +<p>After a siege extending to the eighth month, in the course of +which he endured every kind of suffering and <span class="sidenote">Fall of Saguntum.</span> +anxiety, he finally succeeded in taking the town. +An immense booty in money, slaves, and property fell into +his hands, which he disposed of in accordance with his original +design. The money he reserved for the needs of his projected +expedition; the slaves were distributed according to +merit among his men; while the property was at once sent +entire to Carthage. The result answered his expectations: the +army was rendered more eager for action; the home populace +more ready to grant whatever he asked; and he himself was +enabled, by the possession of such abundant means, to carry +out many measures that were of service to his expedition.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_18" id="b3_18"><b>18.</b></a> While this was taking place, Demetrius, discovering +the intentions of Rome, threw a sufficient garrison +into Dimale and victualled it in proportion. <span class="sidenote">Illyrian war, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219.</span> +In the other towns he put those who were opposed to him +to death, and placed the chief power in the hands of his own +partisans; and selecting six thousand of the bravest of his +subjects, quartered them in Pharos. When the Consul +arrived in Illyria with his army, he found the enemies of +Rome confident in the strength of Dimale and the elaborate +preparations in it, and encouraged to resistance by their belief in +its impregnability; he determined, therefore, to attack that town +first, in order to strike terror into the enemy. Accordingly, +after addressing an exhortation to the several officers of the +legions, and throwing up siege works at several points, he began +the siege in form. In seven days he took the town by assault, +which so dismayed the enemy, that envoys immediately +appeared from all the towns, surrendering themselves unconditionally +to the protection of Rome. The Consul accepted +their submission: and after imposing such conditions +as appeared suitable to the several cases, he sailed to Pharos +to attack Demetrius himself. Being informed that the city +there was strongly fortified, thronged with excellent soldiers, +and well-furnished with provisions and all other munitions of +war, he began to entertain misgivings that the siege would be +long and difficult; and therefore, with a view to these difficulties, +he adopted on the spur of the moment the following<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span> +stratagem. He crossed to the island by night with his whole +army. The greater part of it he disembarked at a spot where +the ground was well-wooded and low; while with only twenty +ships he sailed at daybreak to the harbour nearest the town. +The smallness of the number of the ships moved only the +contempt of Demetrius when he saw them, and he immediately +marched out of the town down to the harbour to oppose the +landing of the enemy.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_19" id="b3_19"><b>19.</b></a> A violent struggle at once began: and, as it went on, +division after division of the troops in the city <span class="sidenote">Capture of Pharos.</span> +came down to support him, until at length the +whole force had poured out to take part in the engagement. The +Romans who had landed in the night arrived at the critical +moment, after a march by an obscure route; and seizing +a strong position on some rising ground between the city and +the harbour, efficiently cut off from the city the troops that had +sallied out. When Demetrius became aware of what had +taken place, he desisted from opposing the disembarkation; +and having rallied his men and addressed the ranks, he put +them in motion, with the resolution of fighting a pitched +battle with the troops on the hill. When the Romans +saw the Illyrian advance being made in good order and with +great spirit, they formed their ranks and charged furiously. +At the same moment the Roman troops which had just +effected their landing, seeing what was going on, charged +the enemy on the rear, who being thus attacked on both +sides, were thrown into great disorder and confusion. The +result was that, finding both his van and his rear in difficulties, +Demetrius fled. Some of his men retreated towards the city; +but most of them escaped by bye-paths into various parts of the +island. Demetrius himself made his way to some galleys which +he kept at anchor at a solitary point on the coast, with a view +to every contingency; and going on board, he sailed away +at nightfall, and arrived unexpectedly at the court of King +Philip, where he passed the remainder of his life:—a man +whose undoubted boldness and courage were unsupported by +either prudence or judgment. His end was of a piece with the +whole tenor of his life; for while endeavouring at the instigation +of Philip to seize Messene, he exposed himself during<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span> +the battle with a careless rashness which cost him his life; of +which I shall speak in detail when I come to that period.</p> + +<p>The Consul Aemilius having thus taken Pharos at a blow, +levelled the city to the ground; and then having become +master of all Illyria, and having ordered all its affairs as he +thought right, returned towards the end of the summer to +Rome, where he celebrated a triumph amid expressions of +unmixed approval; for people considered that he had managed +this business with great prudence and even greater courage.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_20" id="b3_20"><b>20.</b></a> But when news came to Rome of the fall of Saguntum, +there was indeed no debate on the question of +war, <span class="sidenote">Indignation at +Rome at the fall +of Saguntum.</span>as some historians assert; who even add +the speeches delivered on either side. But +nothing could be more ridiculous. For is it conceivable +that the Romans should have a year before proclaimed +war with the Carthaginians in the event of their entering +the territory of Saguntum, and yet, when the city itself +had been taken, should have debated whether they should +go to war or no? Just as absurd are the wonderful statements +that the senators put on mourning, and that the +fathers introduced their sons above twelve years old into the +Senate House, who, being admitted to the debate, refrained +from divulging any of its secrets even to their nearest relations. +All this is as improbable as it is untrue; unless we are to +believe that Fortune, among its other bounties, granted the +Romans the privilege of being men of the world from their +cradles. I need not waste any more words upon such compositions +as those of Chaereas and Sosilus;<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> which, in my +judgment, are more like the gossip of the barber’s shop and the +pavement than history.</p> + +<p>The truth is that, when the Romans heard of the disaster +at Saguntum, they at once elected envoys, whom <span class="sidenote">Envoys sent to +Carthage to +demand surrender +of Hannibal.</span> +they despatched in all haste to Carthage with +the offer of two alternatives, one of which appeared +to the Carthaginians to involve disgrace +as well as injury if they accepted it, while the other was the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>beginning of a great struggle and of great dangers. For one +of these alternatives was the surrender of Hannibal and +his staff to Rome, the other was war. When the Roman +envoys arrived and declared their message to the Senate, the +choice proposed to them between these alternatives was +listened to by the Carthaginians with indignation. Still they +selected the most capable of their number to state their case, +which was grounded on the following pleas.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_21" id="b3_21"><b>21.</b></a> Passing over the treaty made with Hasdrubal, as not +having ever been made, and, if it had, as not being binding on +them because made without their consent (and on this point +they quoted the precedent of the Romans themselves, who +in the Sicilian war repudiated the terms agreed upon and +accepted by Lutatius, as having been made without their +consent)—passing over this, they pressed with all the +vehemence they could, throughout the discussion, the last +treaty made in the Sicilian war; in which they affirmed that +there was no clause relating to Iberia, but one expressly providing +security for the allies of both parties to the treaty. Now, +they pointed out that the Saguntines at that time were not allies +of Rome, and therefore were not protected by the clause. To +prove their point, they read the treaty more than once aloud. +On this occasion the Roman envoys contented themselves +with the reply that, while Saguntum was intact, the matter in +dispute admitted of pleadings and of a discussion on its merits; +but that, that city having been treacherously seized, they had +only two alternatives,—either to deliver the persons guilty of +the act, and thereby make it clear that they had no share in +their crime, and that it was done without their consent; or, if +they were not willing to do that, and avowed their complicity +in it, to take the consequences.</p> + +<p>The question of treaties between Rome and Carthage was +referred to in general terms in the course of this debate: but I +think a more particular examination of it will be useful both to +practical statesmen, who require to know the exact truth of the +matter, in order to avoid mistakes in any critical deliberation; +and to historical students, that they may not be led astray by +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span>the ignorance or partisan bias of historians; but may have +before them a conspectus, acknowledged to be accurate, of the +various compacts which have been made between Rome and +Carthage from the earliest times to our own day.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_22" id="b3_22"><b>22.</b></a> The first treaty between Rome and Carthage was made +in the year of Lucius Junius Brutus and Marcus +Horatius, <span class="sidenote">Treaties between +Rome and +Carthage.</span>the first Consuls appointed after the +expulsion of the kings, by which men also +the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was consecrated. This was +twenty-eight years before the invasion of Greece +by Xerxes. Of this treaty I append a translation, <span class="sidenote">The first treaty, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 509-508.</span> +as accurate as I could make it,—for the +fact is that the ancient language differs so much from that at +present in use, that the best scholars among the Romans themselves +have great difficulty in interpreting some points in it, +even after much study. The treaty is as follows:—</p> + +<p>“There shall be friendship between the Romans and their +allies, and the Carthaginians and their allies, on these conditions:</p> + +<p>“Neither the Romans nor their allies are to sail beyond +the Fair Promontory, unless driven by stress of weather or the +fear of enemies. If any one of them be driven ashore he +shall not buy or take aught for himself save what is needful +for the repair of his ship and the service of the gods, and he +shall depart within five days.</p> + +<p>“Men landing for traffic shall strike no bargain save in the +presence of a herald or town-clerk. Whatever is sold in the +presence of these, let the price be secured to the seller on the +credit of the state—that is to say, if such sale be in Libya or +Sardinia.</p> + +<p>“If any Roman comes to the Carthaginian province in +Sicily he shall enjoy all rights enjoyed by others. The Carthaginians +shall do no injury to the people of Ardea, Antium, +Laurentium, Circeii, Tarracina, nor any other people of the +Latins that are subject to Rome.</p> + +<p>“From those townships even which are not subject to +Rome<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">166</a> they shall hold their hands; and if they take one shall +deliver it unharmed to the Romans. They shall build no fort +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>in Latium; and if they enter the district in arms, they shall not +stay a night therein.”</p> + +<p><a name="b3_23" id="b3_23"><b>23.</b></a> The “Fair Promontory” here referred to is that which +lies immediately to the north of Carthage; south of which the +Carthaginians stipulated that the Romans should not sail with +ships of war, because, as I imagine, they did not wish them to +be acquainted with the coast near Byzacium, or the lesser +Syrtis, which places they call Emporia, owing to the productiveness +of the district. The treaty then goes on to say +that, if any one of them is driven thither by stress of weather +or fear of an enemy, and stands in need of anything for the +worship of the gods and the repair of his vessel, this and no +more he may take; and all those who have come to anchor +there must necessarily depart within five days. To Carthage, +and all the country on the Carthaginian side of the Fair Promontory +in Libya, to Sardinia, and the Carthaginian province of +Sicily, the treaty allows the Romans to sail for mercantile +purposes; and the Carthaginians engage their public credit +that such persons shall enjoy absolute security.</p> + +<p>It is clear from this treaty that the Carthaginians speak of +Sardinia and Libya as belonging to them entirely; but, on the +other hand, make a distinction in the case of Sicily, and only +stipulate for that part of it which is subject to Carthage. +Similarly, the Romans also only stipulate concerning Latium; +the rest of Italy they do not mention, as not being under their +authority.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_24" id="b3_24"><b>24.</b></a> After this treaty there was a second, in which we find +that the Carthaginians have included the <span class="sidenote">Second treaty, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 306 (?).</span> +Tyrians and the township of Utica in addition +to their former territory; and to the Fair +Promontory Mastia and Tarseium are added, as the points +east of which the Romans are not to make marauding expeditions +or found a city. The treaty is as follows: “There +shall be friendship between the Romans and their allies, +and the Carthaginians, Tyrians, and township of Utica, on +these terms: The Romans shall not maraud, nor traffic, +nor found a city east of the Fair Promontory, Mastia, +Tarseium. If the Carthaginians take any city in Latium which +is not subject to Rome, they may keep the prisoners and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span> +goods, but shall deliver up the town. If the Carthaginians +take any folk, between whom and Rome a peace has been +made in writing, though they be not subject to them, they +shall not bring them into any harbours of the Romans; if such +an one be so brought ashore, and any Roman lay claim to +him,<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a> he shall be released. In like manner shall the Romans +be bound towards the Carthaginians.</p> + +<p>“If a Roman take water or provisions from any district +within the jurisdiction of Carthage, he shall not injure, while +so doing, any between whom and Carthage there is peace +and friendship. Neither shall a Carthaginian in like case. If +any one shall do so, he shall not be punished by private +vengeance, but such action shall be a public misdemeanour.</p> + +<p>“In Sardinia and Libya no Roman shall traffic nor found +a city; he shall do no more than take in provisions and refit +his ship. If a storm drive him upon those coasts, he shall +depart within five days.</p> + +<p>“In the Carthaginian province of Sicily and in Carthage +he may transact business and sell whatsoever it is lawful +for a citizen to do. In like manner also may a Carthaginian +at Rome.”</p> + +<p>Once more in this treaty we may notice that the Carthaginians +emphasise the fact of their entire possession of Libya and +Sardinia, and prohibit any attempt of the Romans to land in +them at all; and on the other hand, in the case of Sicily, they +clearly distinguish their own province in it. So, too, the +Romans, in regard to Latium, stipulate that the Carthaginians +shall do no wrong to Ardea, Antium, Circeii, Tarracina, all of +which are on the seaboard of Latium, to which alone the +treaty refers.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_25" id="b3_25"><b>25.</b></a> A third treaty again was made by Rome at the time of +the invasion of Pyrrhus into Sicily, before the <span class="sidenote">Third treaty, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 279.</span> +Carthaginians undertook the war for the possession +of Sicily. This treaty contains the same +provisions as the two earlier treaties with these additional +clauses:—</p> + +<p>“If they make a treaty of alliance with Pyrrhus, the +Romans or Carthaginians shall make it on such terms as +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>not to preclude the one giving aid to the other, if that one’s +territory is attacked.</p> + +<p>“If one or the other stand in need of help, the Carthaginians +shall supply the ships, whether for transport or war; +but each people shall supply the pay for its own men employed +on them.</p> + +<p>“The Carthaginians shall also give aid by sea to the +Romans if need be; but no one shall compel the crews to +disembark against their will.”</p> + +<p>Provision was also made for swearing to these treaties. In +the case of the first, the Carthaginians were to swear by the +gods of their ancestors, the Romans by Jupiter Lapis, in +accordance with an ancient custom; in the case of the last +treaty, by Mars and Quirinus.</p> + +<p>The form of swearing by Jupiter Lapis was this. The +commissioner for swearing to the treaty took a stone in his +hand, and, having taken the oath in the name of his country, +added these words, “If I abide by this oath may he bless me; +but if I do otherwise in thought or act, may all others be kept +safe each in his own country, under his own laws, in enjoyment +of his own goods, household gods, and tombs,—may I alone +be cast out, even as this stone is now.” And having uttered +these words he throws the stone from his hand.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_26" id="b3_26"><b>26.</b></a> Seeing that such treaties exist and are preserved to +this day, engraved on brass in the treasury of <span class="sidenote">Misstatement of +Philinus.</span> +the Aediles in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, +the historian Philinus certainly does give us some reason +to be surprised at him. Not at his ignorance of their +existence: for even in our own day those Romans and +Carthaginians, whose age placed them nearest to the times, +and who had the reputation of taking the greatest interest +in public affairs, were unaware of it. But what is surprising +is, that he should have ventured on a statement exactly opposite: +“That there was a treaty between Rome and Carthage, in +virtue of which the Romans were bound to keep away from the +whole of Sicily, the Carthaginians from the whole of Italy; and +that the Romans broke the treaty and their oath when they +first crossed over to Sicily.” Whereas there does not exist, +nor ever has existed, any such written compact at all. Yet<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span> +this assertion he makes in so many words in his second book. +I referred to this in the preface of my work, but reserved a +more detailed discussion of it to this place; which was +necessary, because the assertion of Philinus has misled a +considerable number of people on this point. I have nothing +to say if a man chooses to attack the Romans for crossing into +Sicily, on the grounds of their having taken the Mamertines +into alliance at all; or in having thus acted in answer to their +request, after these men’s treachery to Rhegium as well as +Messene: but if any one supposes that in so crossing they +broke oaths or treaties, he is manifestly ignorant of the truth.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_27" id="b3_27"><b>27.</b></a> At the end of the first Punic war another treaty was +made, of which the chief provisions were these: <span class="sidenote">Fourth treaty, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 241.</span> +“The Carthaginians shall evacuate Sicily and +all islands lying between Italy and Sicily.</p> + +<p>“The allies of neither of the parties to the treaty shall be +attacked by the other.</p> + +<p>“Neither party shall impose any contribution, nor erect any +public building, nor enlist soldiers in the dominions of the +other, nor make any compact of friendship with the allies of +the other.</p> + +<p>“The Carthaginians shall within ten years pay to the +Romans two-thousand two-hundred talents, and a thousand +on the spot; and shall restore all prisoners, without ransom, +to the Romans.”</p> + +<p>Afterwards, at the end of the Mercenary war in Africa, the +Romans went so far as to pass a decree for war <span class="sidenote">Fifth treaty, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 238.</span> +with Carthage, but eventually made a treaty to +the following effect: “The Carthaginians shall +evacuate Sardinia, and pay an additional twelve hundred +talents.”</p> + +<p>Finally, in addition to these treaties, came that negotiated +with Hasdrubal in Iberia, in which it was <span class="sidenote">Sixth treaty, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 228.</span> +stipulated that “the Carthaginians should not +cross the Iber with arms.”</p> + +<p>Such were the mutual obligations established between +Rome and Carthage from the earliest times to that of +Hannibal.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_28" id="b3_28"><b>28.</b></a> As we find then that the Roman invasion of Sicily was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span> +not in contravention of their oaths, so we must acknowledge +in the case of the second proclamation of +war, <span class="sidenote">No excuse for the +Roman claim +on Sardinia.</span>in consequence of which the treaty for +the evacuation of Sardinia was made, that +it is impossible to find any reasonable pretext or ground +for the Roman action. The Carthaginians were beyond +question compelled by the necessities of their position, contrary +to all justice, to evacuate Sardinia, and to pay this enormous sum +of money. For as to the allegation of the Romans, that they +had during the Mercenary war been guilty of acts of hostility +to ships sailing from Rome,—that was barred by their own act +in restoring, without ransom, the Carthaginian prisoners, in +gratitude for similar conduct on the part of Carthage to +Romans who had landed on their shores; a transaction which +I have spoken of at length in my previous book.<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a></p> + +<p>These facts established, it remains to decide by a thorough +investigation to which of the two nations the origin of the +Hannibalian war is to be imputed.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_29" id="b3_29"><b>29.</b></a> I have explained the pleas advanced by the Carthaginians; +I must now state what is alleged on the contrary by +the Romans. For though it is true that in this particular interview, +owing to their anger at the fall of Saguntum, they did +not use these arguments, yet they were appealed to on many +occasions, and by many of their citizens. <span class="sidenote">The Roman +Case.</span>First, +they argued that the treaty of Hasdrubal could +not be ignored, as the Carthaginians had the assurance to do: +for it did not contain the clause, which that of Lutatius did, +making its validity conditional on its ratification by the people +of Rome; but Hasdrubal made the agreement absolutely and +authoritatively that “the Carthaginians should not cross the +Iber in arms.”</p> + +<p>Next they alleged that the clause in the treaty respecting +Sicily, which by their own admission stipulated that “the allies +of neither party should be attacked by the other,” did not refer +to then existing allies only, as the Carthaginians interpreted it; +for in that case a clause would have been added, disabling either +from making new alliances in addition to those already existing, +or excluding allies, taken subsequently to the making of the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>treaty, from its benefits. But since neither of these provisions +was made, it was plain that both the then existing allies, and +all those taken subsequently on either side, were entitled to +reciprocal security. And this was only reasonable. For it +was not likely that they would have made a treaty depriving +them of the power, when opportunity offered, of taking +on such friends or allies as seemed to their interest; nor, +again, if they had taken any such under their protection, +was it to be supposed that they would allow them to be +injured by any persons whatever. But, in fact, the main thing +present in the minds of both parties to the treaty was, that +they should mutually agree to abstain from attacking each +other’s allies, and on no account admit into alliance with +themselves the allies of the other: and it was to subsequent +allies that this particular clause applied, “Neither shall enlist +soldiers, or impose contributions on the provinces or allies of +the other; and all shall be alike secure of attack from the +other side.”</p> + +<p><a name="b3_30" id="b3_30"><b>30.</b></a> These things being so, they argued that it was beyond +controversy that Saguntum had accepted the protection of +Rome, several years before the time of Hannibal. The +strongest proof of this, and one which would not be contested +by the Carthaginians themselves, was that, when political +disturbances broke out at Saguntum, the people chose the +Romans, and not the Carthaginians, as arbitrators to settle the +dispute and restore their constitution, although the latter were +close at hand and were already established in Iberia.</p> + +<p>I conclude, then, that if the destruction of Saguntum is to +be regarded as the cause of this war, the Carthaginians +must be acknowledged to be in <span class="sidenote">Mutual +provocation.</span> +the wrong, both in view of the treaty of Lutatius, which +secured immunity from attack for the allies of both parties, +and in view of the treaty of Hasdrubal, which disabled +the Carthaginians from passing the Iber with arms.<a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> If +on the other hand the taking Sardinia from them, and imposing +the heavy money fine which accompanied it, are to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span>be regarded as the causes, we must certainly acknowledge +that the Carthaginians had good reason for undertaking +the Hannibalian war: for as they had only yielded to the +pressure of circumstances, so they seized a favourable turn in +those circumstances to revenge themselves on their injurers.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_31" id="b3_31"><b>31.</b></a> Some uncritical readers may perhaps say that such +minute discussion on points of this kind is unnecessary. And +if any man were entirely self-sufficing in every event, I might +allow that the accurate knowledge of the past, though a graceful +accomplishment, was perhaps not essential: but as long as +it is not in mere mortals to say this, either in public or private +affairs,—seeing that no man of sense, even if he is prosperous +for the moment, will ever reckon with certainty on the future,—then +I say that such knowledge is essential, and not merely +graceful. For take the three commonest cases. Suppose, +first, a statesman to be attacked either in his own person or in +that of his country: or, secondly, suppose him to be anxious +for a forward policy and to anticipate the attack of an enemy: +or, lastly, suppose him to desire to maintain the <i>status quo</i>. +In all these cases it is history alone that can supply him with +precedents, and teach him how, in the first case, to find supporters +and allies; in the second, to incite co-operation; and +in the third, to give vigour to the conservative forces which +tend to maintain, as he desires, the existing state of things. +In the case of contemporaries, it is difficult to obtain an insight +into their purposes; because, as their words and actions are +dictated by a desire of accommodating themselves to the +necessity of the hour, and of keeping up appearances, the truth +is too often obscured. Whereas the transactions of the past +admit of being tested by naked fact; and accordingly display +without disguise the motives and purposes of the several persons +engaged; and teach us from what sort of people to expect +favour, active kindness, and assistance, or the reverse. They +give us also many opportunities of distinguishing who would +be likely to pity us, feel indignation at our wrongs, and defend +our cause,—a power that contributes very greatly to national +as well as individual security. Neither the writer nor the +reader of history, therefore, should confine his attention to a +bare statement of facts: he must take into account all that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span> +preceded, accompanied, or followed them. For if you take +from history all explanation of cause, principle, and motive, +and of the adaptation of the means to the end, what is left +is a mere panorama without being instructive; and, though +it may please for the moment, has no abiding value.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_32" id="b3_32"><b>32.</b></a> Another mistake is to look upon my history as difficult +to obtain or master, because of the number and size of the +books. Compare it in these particulars with the various +writings of the episodical historians. Is it not much easier to +purchase and read my forty books, which are as it were all in +one piece, and so to follow with a comprehensive glance the +events in Italy, Sicily, and Libya from the time of Pyrrhus to +the fall of Carthage, and those in the rest of the world from +the flight of Cleomenes of Sparta, continuously, to the battle +between the Achaeans and Romans at the Isthmus? To say +nothing of the fact that the compositions of these historians +are many times as numerous as mine, it is impossible for their +readers to get any certain information from them: first, +because most of them differ in their account of the same +transactions; and secondly, because they omit contemporary +history,—the comparative review of which would put a very +different complexion upon events to that derived from isolated +treatment,—and are unable to touch upon the most decisive +events at all. For, indeed, the most important parts of history +are those which treat the events which follow or accompany +a certain course of conduct, and pre-eminently so those +which treat of causes. For instance, we see that the war with +Antiochus took its rise from that with Philip; that with Philip +from the Hannibalian; and the Hannibalian from the Sicilian +war: and though between these wars there were numerous +events of various character, they all converged upon the same +consummation. Such a comprehensive view may be obtained +from universal history, but not from the histories of particular +wars, such as those with Perseus or Philip; unless we fondly +imagine that, by reading the accounts contained in them of +the pitched battles, we gain a knowledge of the conduct +and plan of the whole war. This of course is not the +case; and in the present instance I hope that there will be +as wide a difference between my history and such episodical<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span> +compositions, as between real learning and mere listening.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_33" id="b3_33"><b>33.</b></a> To resume the story of the Carthaginians and the Roman +deputies.<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> To the arguments of the former the <span class="sidenote">Answer of Fabius. +See Livy, 21, 18.</span> +ambassadors made no answer, except that the +senior among them, in the presence of the assembly, pointed +to the folds of his toga and said that in them he carried +peace and war, and that he would bring out and leave with +them whichever they bade him. The Carthaginian Suffete<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> +bade him bring out whichever of the two he chose: and upon +the Roman saying that it should be war, a majority of the senators +cried out in answer that they accepted it. It was on these terms +that the Senate and the Roman ambassadors parted.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Hannibal, upon going into winter quarters at +New Carthage, first of all dismissed the Iberians +to their various cities, with the view of their being +prepared and vigorous for the next campaign. <span class="sidenote">Winter of 219-218 +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> Hannibal’s +arrangements +for the +coming campaign.</span> +Secondly, he instructed his brother Hasdrubal +in the management of his government in Iberia, +and of the preparations to be made against +Rome, in case he himself should be separated from him. +Thirdly, he took precautions for the security of Libya, by +selecting with prudent skill certain soldiers from the home +army to come over to Iberia, and certain from the Iberian +army to go to Libya; by which interchange he secured cordial +feeling of confidence between the two armies. The Iberians +sent to Libya were the Thersitae, the Mastiani, as well as +the Oretes and Olcades, mustering together twelve hundred +cavalry and thirteen thousand eight hundred and fifty foot. +Besides these there were eight hundred and seventy slingers +from the Balearic Isles, whose name, as that of the islands +they inhabit, is derived from the word <i>ballein</i>, “to throw,” +because of their peculiar skill with the sling. Most of these +troops he ordered to be stationed at Metagonia in Libya, and +the rest in Carthage itself. And from the cities in the district +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span>of Metagonia he sent four thousand foot also into Carthage, to +serve at once as hostages for the fidelity of their country, and as +an additional guard for the city. With his brother Hasdrubal +in Iberia he left fifty quinqueremes, two quadriremes, and five +triremes, thirty-two of the quinqueremes being furnished with +crews, and all five of the triremes; also cavalry consisting of +four hundred and fifty Libyophenicians and Libyans, three +hundred Lergetae, eighteen hundred Numidians of the Massolian, +Massaesylian, Maccoeian, and Maurian tribes, who dwell +by the ocean; with eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty +Libyans, three hundred Ligures, five hundred of the Balearic +Islanders, and twenty-one elephants.</p> + +<p>The accuracy of this enumeration of Hannibal’s Iberian +establishment need excite no surprise, though <span class="sidenote">The inscription +recording these +facts.</span> +it is such as a commander himself would have +some difficulty in displaying; nor ought I to +be condemned at once of imitating the specious falsehoods +of historians: for the fact is that I myself found on Lacinium<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> +a bronze tablet, which Hannibal had caused to be inscribed +with these particulars when he was in Italy; and holding it +to be an entirely trustworthy authority for such facts, I did +not hesitate to follow it.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_34" id="b3_34"><b>34.</b></a> Though Hannibal had taken every precaution for the +security of Libya and Iberia, he yet waited for the messengers +whom he expected to arrive from the Celts. He had thoroughly +acquainted himself with the fertility and populousness of the +districts at the foot of the Alps and in the valley of the +Padus, as well as with the warlike courage of the men; +but most important of all, with their hostile feelings to Rome +derived from the previous war, which I described in my last +book, with the express purpose of enabling my readers to +follow my narrative. He therefore reckoned very much on +the chance of their co-operation; and was careful to send +messages to the chiefs of the Celts, whether dwelling actually +on the Alps or on the Italian side of them, with unlimited +promises; because he believed that he would be able to confine +the war against Rome to Italy, if he could make his way +through the intervening difficulties to these parts, and avail +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span>himself of the active alliance of the Celts. When his messengers +returned with a report that the Celts were ready to help +him and all eagerness for his approach; and that the passage +of the Alps, though laborious and difficult, was not, however, +impossible, he collected his forces from their winter quarters +at the approach of spring. Just before receiving this report +he had learnt the circumstances attending the Roman embassy +at Carthage. Encouraged by the assurance thus given him, +that he would be supported by the popular sentiment at home, +he no longer disguised from his army that the object of the +forthcoming campaign was Rome; and tried to inspire them +with courage for the undertaking. He explained to them how +the Romans had demanded the surrender of himself and all +the officers of the army: and pointed out the fertility of the +country to which they were going, and the goodwill and +active alliance which the Celts were prepared to offer them. +When the crowd of soldiers showed an enthusiastic readiness +to accompany him, he dismissed the assembly, after +thanking them, and naming the day on which he intended +to march.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_35" id="b3_35"><b>35.</b></a> These measures satisfactorily accomplished while he was +in winter quarters, and the security of Libya <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218. +Hannibal breaks +up his winter +quarters and +starts for Italy.</span> +and Iberia being sufficiently provided for; when +the appointed day arrived, Hannibal got his army +in motion, which consisted of ninety thousand +infantry and about twelve thousand cavalry. +After crossing the Iber, he set about subduing the tribes of +the Ilurgetes and Bargusii, as well as the Aerenosii and Andosini, +as far as the Pyrenees. When he had reduced all this +country under his power, and taken certain towns by storm, +which he did with unexpected rapidity, though not without +severe fighting and serious loss; he left Hanno in chief command +of all the district north of the Iber, and with absolute +authority over the Burgusii, who were the people that gave +him most uneasiness on account of their friendly feeling towards +Rome. He then detached from his army ten thousand +foot and a thousand horse for the service of Hanno,—to whom +also he entrusted the heavy baggage of the troops that were to +accompany himself,—and the same number to go to their own<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span> +land. The object of this last measure was twofold: he thereby +left a certain number of well-affected persons behind him; and +also held out to the others a hope of returning home, both to +those Iberians who were to accompany him on his march, and +to those also who for the present were to remain at home, so +that there might be a general alacrity to join him if he were +ever in want of a reinforcement. He then set his remaining +troops in motion unencumbered by heavy baggage, fifty thousand +infantry and nine thousand cavalry, and led them through +the Pyrenees to the passage of the river Rhone. The army +was not so much numerous, as highly efficient, and in an extraordinary +state of physical training from their continuous +battles with the Iberians.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_36" id="b3_36"><b>36.</b></a> But as a knowledge of topography is necessary for the +right understanding of my narrative, <span class="sidenote">Geography of +Hannibal’s march.</span>I must state +the places from which Hannibal started, through +which he marched, and into which he descended when he +arrived in Italy. Nor must I, like some historians, content +myself with mentioning the mere names of places and rivers, +under the idea that that is quite sufficient to give a clear knowledge. +My opinion is that, in the case of well-known places, +the mention of names is of great assistance, but that, in the +case of unknown countries, names are no better than unintelligible +and unmeaning sounds: for the understanding +having nothing to go upon, and being unable by referring to +something known to translate the words into thought, the narrative +becomes confused and vague, and conveys no clear idea. +A plan therefore must be discovered, whereby it shall be +possible, while speaking of unknown countries, to convey real +and intelligible notions.</p> + +<p>The first, most important, and most general conception is +that of the division of the heaven into four quarters, which all +of us that are capable of a general idea at all know as east, +west, south, and north. The next is to arrange the several +parts of the globe according to these points, and always +to refer in thought any place mentioned to one or other +of them. We shall thus get an intelligible and familiar +conception of places which we do not know or have never +seen.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b3_37" id="b3_37"><b>37.</b></a> This principle established as universally applicable to +the world, the next point will be to make the <span class="sidenote">General view of +the geography of +the world.</span> +geography of our own part of it intelligible by a +corresponding division.</p> + +<p>It falls, then, into three divisions, each distinguished by a +particular name,—Asia, Libya, Europe.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> The boundaries are +respectively the Don, the Nile, and the Straits of the Pillars of +Hercules. Asia lies between the Don and the Nile, and lies +under that portion of the heaven which is between the north-east +and the south. Libya lies between the Nile and the Pillars +of Hercules, and falls beneath the south portion of the heaven, +extending to the south-west without a break, till it reaches the +point of the equinoctial sunset, which corresponds with the +Pillars of Hercules. These two divisions of the earth, therefore, +regarded in a general point of view, occupy all that part +which is south of the Mediterranean from east to west. +Europe with respect to both of these lies to the north facing +them, and extending continuously from east to west. Its most +important and extensive part lies under the northern sky +between the river Don and the Narbo, which is only a short +distance west of Marseilles and the mouths by which the Rhone +discharges itself into the Sardinian Sea. From Narbo is the +district occupied by the Celts as far as the Pyrenees, stretching +continuously from the Mediterranean to the Mare Externum. +The rest of Europe south of the Pyrenees, to the point where +it approaches the Pillars of Hercules, is bounded on one side +by the Mediterranean, on the other by the Mare Externum; +and that part of it which is washed by the Mediterranean as +far as the Pillars of Hercules is called Iberia, while the part +which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name, +because it has but recently been discovered, and is inhabited +entirely by barbarous tribes, who are very numerous, and of +whom I will speak in more detail hereafter.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_38" id="b3_38"><b>38.</b></a> But as no one up to our time has been able to settle +in regard to those parts of Asia and Libya, where they approach<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span> +each other in the neighbourhood of Ethiopia, whether the +continent is continuous to the south, <span class="sidenote">The extreme north +and south unknown.</span>or is +surrounded by the sea, so it is in regard to the +part between Narbo and the Don: none of +us as yet knows anything of the northern extent of this +district, and anything we can ever know must be the result +of future exploration; and those who rashly venture by word +of mouth or written statements to describe this district must +be looked upon as ignorant or romancing.</p> + +<p>My object in these observations was to prevent my narrative +being entirely vague to those who were unacquainted +with the localities. I hoped that, by keeping these broad +distinctions in mind, they would have some definite standard +to which to refer every mention of a place, starting from the +primary one of the division of the sky into four quarters. For, +as in the case of physical sight, we instinctively turn our faces to +any object pointed at; so in the case of the mind, our thoughts +ought to turn naturally to localities as they are mentioned +from time to time.</p> + +<p>It is time now to return to the story we have in hand.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_39" id="b3_39"><b>39.</b></a> At this period the Carthaginians were masters of the +whole Mediterranean coast of Libya from the Altars of +Philaenus,<a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> opposite the Great Syrtis, to the Pillars of Hercules, +a seaboard of over sixteen thousand stades. They had also +crossed the strait of the Pillars of Hercules, and got possession +of the whole seaboard of Iberia on the Mediterranean as far as +the Pyrenees, which separate the Iberes from the Celts—that +is, for a distance of about eight thousand stades: for it is +three thousand from the Pillars to New Carthage, from which +Hannibal started for Italy; two thousand six hundred from +thence to the Iber; and from that river to <span class="sidenote">The length of the +march from +Carthagena to the +Po, 1125 Roman +miles.</span> +Emporium again sixteen hundred; from which +town, I may add, to the passage of the Rhone +is a distance of about sixteen hundred stades; +for all these distances have now been carefully +measured by the Romans and marked with milestones at every +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span>eighth stade.<a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> After crossing the river there was a march up +stream along its bank of fourteen hundred stades, before reaching +the foot of the pass over the Alps into Italy. The pass +itself was about twelve hundred stades, which being crossed +would bring him into the plains of the Padus in Italy. So +that the whole length of his march from New Carthage was about +nine thousand stades, or 1125 Roman miles. Of the country +he had thus to traverse he had already passed almost half in +mere distance, but in the difficulties the greater part of his +task was still before him.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_40" id="b3_40"><b>40.</b></a> While Hannibal was thus engaged in effecting a passage +over the Pyrenees, where he was greatly alarmed <span class="sidenote">Coss. P. +Cornelius Scipio +and Tib. +Sempronius +Longus. +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218. +The Consuls are +sent, one to +Spain, and the +other to Africa.</span> +at the extraordinary strength of the positions +occupied by the Celts; the Romans, having +heard the result of the embassy to Carthage, +and that Hannibal had crossed the Iber earlier +than they expected, at the head of an army, voted +to send Publius Cornelius Scipio with his legions +into Iberia, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus +into Libya. And while the Consuls were engaged +in hastening on the enrolment of their legions and other +military preparations, the people were active in bringing to +completion the colonies which they had already voted to send +into Gaul. They accordingly caused the fortification of these +towns to be energetically pushed on, and ordered the colonists +to be in residence within thirty days: six thousand having been +assigned to each colony. One of these colonies was on the +south bank of the Padus, and was called Placentia; <span class="sidenote">Placentia and +Cremona.</span> +the other on the north bank, called +Cremona. But no sooner had these colonies +been formed, than the Boian Gauls, who had long been +lying in wait to throw off their loyalty to Rome, but had +up to that time lacked an opportunity, encouraged by the +news that reached them of Hannibal’s approach, revolted; +thus abandoning the hostages which they had given at the end +of the war described in my last book. The ill-feeling still +remaining towards Rome enabled them to induce the Insubres<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span> +to join in the revolt; and the united tribes swept over the +territory recently allotted by the Romans, and following close +upon the track of the flying colonists, laid siege to the Roman +colony of Mutina, in which the fugitives had taken refuge. +Among them were the <i>triumviri</i> or three commissioners who +had been sent out to allot the lands, of whom one—Gaius +Lutatius—was an ex-consul, the other two ex-praetors. <span class="sidenote">Outrage by Boii +and Insubres.</span> +These +men having demanded a parley with the +enemy, the Boii consented: but treacherously +seized them upon their leaving the town, +hoping by their means to recover their own hostages. The +praetor Lucius Manlius was on guard in the district with an +army, and as soon as he heard what had happened, he advanced +with all speed to the relief of Mutina. But the Boii, having got +intelligence of his approach, prepared an ambuscade; and as +soon as his army had entered a certain wood, they rushed out +upon it from every side and killed a large number of his men. +The survivors at first fled with precipitation: but having gained +some higher ground, they rallied sufficiently to enable them +with much difficulty to effect an honourable retreat. Even so, +the Boii followed close upon their heels, and besieged them +in a place called the village of Tannes.<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> When the news +arrived at Rome, that the fourth legion was surrounded and +closely besieged by the Boii, the people in all haste despatched +the legions which had been voted to the Consul Publius, to +their relief, under the command of a Praetor, and ordered the +Consul to enrol two more legions for himself from the allies.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_41" id="b3_41"><b>41.</b></a> Such was the state of Celtic affairs from the beginning +to the arrival of Hannibal; thus completing the course of events +which I have already had occasion to describe.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Consuls, having completed the necessary +preparations for their respective missions, set sail at the beginning <span class="sidenote">Tiberius +Sempronius +prepares to +attack Carthage.</span> +of summer—Publius to Iberia, with sixty +ships, and Tiberius Sempronius to Libya, with a +hundred and sixty quinqueremes. The latter +thought by means of this great fleet to strike +terror into the enemy; and made vast preparations at Lilybaeum,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span> +collecting fresh troops wherever he could get them, as +though with the view of at once blockading Carthage itself.</p> + +<p>Publius Cornelius coasted along Liguria, and crossing in +five days from Pisae to Marseilles, dropped <span class="sidenote">Publius Scipio +lands near +Marseilles.</span> +anchor at the most eastern mouth of the Rhone, +called the Mouth of Marseilles,<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> and began +disembarking his troops. For though he heard that Hannibal +was already crossing the Pyrenees, he felt sure that he was +still a long way off, owing to the difficulty of his line of country, +and the number of the intervening Celtic tribes. But long +before he was expected, Hannibal had arrived at the crossing +of the Rhone, keeping the Sardinian Sea on his right as he +marched, and having made his way through the Celts partly +by bribes and partly by force. Being informed that the +enemy were at hand, Publius was at first incredulous of the +fact, because of the rapidity of the advance; but wishing to +know the exact state of the case,—while staying behind himself +to refresh his troops after their voyage, and to consult with +the Tribunes as to the best ground on which to give the +enemy battle,—he sent out a reconnoitring party, consisting +of three hundred of his bravest horse; joining with them as +guides and supports some Celts, who chanced to be serving +as mercenaries at the time in Marseilles.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_42" id="b3_42"><b>42.</b></a> Meanwhile Hannibal had reached the river and was +trying to get across it where the stream was +single, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal reaches +the Rhone.</span>at a distance of four days’ march +from the sea. He did all he could to +make the natives living by the river friendly to him, and +purchased from them all their canoes of hollow trunks, and +wherries, of which there were a large number, owing to the +extensive sea traffic of the inhabitants of the Rhone valley. +He got from them also the timber suited to the construction +of these canoes; and so in two days had an innumerable +supply of transports, every soldier seeking to be independent +of his neighbour, and to have the means of crossing in his own +hands. But now a large multitude of barbarians collected on +the other side of the stream to hinder the passage of the Carthaginians. +When Hannibal saw them, he came to the conclusion<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span> +that it would be impossible either to force a passage in +the face of so large a body of the enemy, or to remain where +he was, for fear of being attacked on all sides at once: and +he accordingly, on the third night, sent forward a detachment +of his army with native guides, under the command of Hanno, +the son of the Suffete<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> Bomilcar. <span class="sidenote">A detachment +crosses higher up +the river.</span>This force +marched up stream along the bank for two +hundred stades, until they arrived at a certain +spot where the stream is divided by an eyot, and there +halted. They found enough wood close at hand to enable +them, by nailing or tying it together, to construct within a +short time a large number of rafts good enough for temporary +use; and on these they crossed in safety, without any one trying +to stop them. Then, seizing upon a strong position, they kept +quiet for the rest of the day: partly to refresh themselves after +their fatigues, and at the same time to complete their preparations +for the service awaiting them, as they had been ordered +to do. Hannibal was preparing to proceed much in the +same way with the forces left behind with himself; but his +chief difficulty was in getting the elephants across, of which he +had thirty-seven.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_43" id="b3_43"><b>43.</b></a> When the fifth night came, however, the division +which had crossed first started before daybreak <span class="sidenote">The crossing +begun.</span> +to march down the opposite bank of +the river and attack the barbarians; while +Hannibal, having his men in readiness, began to attempt the +passage of the river. He had filled the wherries with the heavy-armed +cavalry, and the canoes with the most active of his foot; +and he now arranged that the wherries should cross higher up +the stream, and the canoes below them, that the violence of +the current might be broken by the former, and the canoes +cross more safely. The plan for the horses was that they +should swim at the stern of the wherries, one man on each +side of the stern guiding three or four with leading reins: so +that a considerable number of horses were brought over at +once with the first detachment. When they saw what the +enemy meant to do, the barbarians, without forming their +ranks, poured out of their entrenchments in scattered groups, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span>feeling no doubt of being able to stop the crossing of the +Carthaginians with ease. As soon as Hannibal saw by the +smoke, which was the signal agreed upon, that the advanced +detachment on the other side was approaching, he ordered +all to go on board, and the men in charge of the transports to +push out against the stream. This was promptly done: and +then began a most anxious and exciting scene. Cheer after +cheer rose from the men who were working the boats, as they +struggled to outstrip each other, and exerted themselves to the +utmost to overcome the force of the current. On the edge of +either bank stood the two armies: the one sharing in the struggles +of their comrades by sympathy, and shouting encouragement +to them as they went; while the barbarians in front of them +yelled their war-cries and challenged them to battle. While +this was going on the barbarians had abandoned their tents, +which the Carthaginians on that side of the river suddenly +and unexpectedly seized. Some of them proceeded to set fire +to the camp, while the greater number went to attack the men +who were standing ready to resist the passage. Surprised by +this unlooked-for event, some of the barbarians rushed off to +save their tents, while others prepared to resist the attack of +the enemy, and were now actually engaged. Seeing that +everything was going as he had intended, Hannibal at once +formed the first division as it disembarked: and after addressing +some encouraging words to it, closed with the barbarians, who, +having no time to form their ranks, and being taken by surprise, +were quickly repulsed and put to flight.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_44" id="b3_44"><b>44.</b></a> Being thus master of the passage of the river, and +victorious over those who opposed him, <span class="sidenote">Completed</span>the +first care of the Carthaginian leader was +to bring his whole army across. This being expeditiously +accomplished, he pitched his camp for that night by the +river-side, and on the morrow, when he was told that the +Roman fleet was anchored off the mouths of the river, +he detached five hundred Numidian horsemen to reconnoitre +the enemy and find out their position, their numbers, and what +they were going to do; and at the same time selected suitable +men to manage the passage of the elephants. These arrangements +made, he summoned a meeting of his army and introduced<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span> +Magilus and the other chiefs who had come to him +from the valley of the Padus, and caused them to +declare to the whole army, <span class="sidenote">Message from +friendly Gauls.</span> +by means of an interpreter, +the resolutions passed by their tribes. +The points which were the strongest encouragement to the army +were, first, the actual appearance of envoys inviting them to come, +and promising to take part in the war with Rome; secondly, +the confidence inspired by their promise of guiding them by a +route where they would be abundantly supplied with necessaries, +and which would lead them with speed and safety into Italy; +and, lastly, the fertility and vast extent of the country to which +they were going, and the friendly feelings of the men with whose +assistance they were about to fight the armies of Rome.</p> + +<p>Such was the substance of the speeches of the Celts. +When they had withdrawn, Hannibal himself rose, and after +reminding the soldiers of what they had already achieved, +and pointing out that, though they had under his counsel and +advice engaged in many perilous and dangerous enterprises, +they had never failed in one, he bade them “not lose +courage now that the most serious part of their undertaking +was accomplished. The Rhone was crossed: they had seen +with their own eyes the display of goodwill and zeal of their +allies. Let this convince them that they should leave the rest +to him with confidence; and while obeying his orders show +themselves men of courage and worthy of their former deeds.” +These words being received with shouts of approval, and other +manifestations of great enthusiasm, on the part of the soldiers, +Hannibal dismissed the assembly with words of praise to the +men and a prayer to the gods on their behalf; after giving +out an order that they should refresh themselves, and make +all their preparations with despatch, as the advance must +begin on the morrow.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_45" id="b3_45"><b>45.</b></a> When the assembly had been dismissed, the reconnoitring +party of Numidians returned in headlong +flight, <span class="sidenote">Skirmish between +reconnoitring +parties.</span>after losing more than half their +numbers. Not far from the camp they had +fallen in with a party of Roman horse, who had been +sent out by Publius on the same errand; and an engagement +took place with such fury on either side, that the Romans and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span> +Celts lost a hundred and forty men, and the Numidians more +than two hundred. After this skirmish, the Romans pursued +them up to the Carthaginian entrenchments: and having surveyed +it, they hastened back to announce to the Consul the +presence of the enemy. As soon as they arrived at the Roman +camp with this intelligence, Publius put his baggage on board +ship, and marched his men up the bank of the river, with the +earnest desire of forcing the enemy to give him battle.</p> + +<p>But at sunrise on the day after the assembly, Hannibal +having stationed his whole cavalry on the rear, in the direction +of the sea, so as to cover the advance, ordered his infantry to +leave the entrenchment and begin their march; while he himself +waited behind for the elephants, and the men who had not +yet crossed the river.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_46" id="b3_46"><b>46.</b></a> The mode of getting the elephants across was as +follows. They made a number of rafts +strongly compacted, <span class="sidenote">The passage of +the elephants.</span> +which they lashed firmly +two and two together, so as to form combined +a breadth of about fifty feet, and brought them close under +the bank at the place of crossing. To the outer edge of +these they lashed some others and made them join exactly; +so that the whole raft thus constructed stretched out some +way into the channel, while the edges towards the stream were +made fast to the land with ropes tied to trees which grew along +the brink, to secure the raft keeping its place and not drifting +down the river. These combined rafts stretching about +two hundred feet across the stream, they joined two other very +large ones to the outer edges, fastened very firmly together, but +connected with the others by ropes which admitted of being +easily cut. To these they fastened several towing lines, that +the wherries might prevent the rafts drifting down stream, and +might drag them forcibly against the current and so get the +elephants across on them. Then they threw a great deal of +earth upon all the rafts, until they had raised the surface to the +level of the bank, and made it look like the path on the land +leading down to the passage. The elephants were accustomed +to obey their Indian riders until they came to water, but could +never be induced to step into water: they therefore led them +upon this earth, putting two females in front whom the others<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span> +obediently followed. When they had set foot on the rafts +that were farthest out in the stream, the ropes were cut which +fastened these to the other rafts, the towing lines were pulled +taut by the wherries, and the elephants, with the rafts on +which they stood, were quickly towed away from the mound of +earth. When this happened, the animals were terror-stricken; +and at first turned round and round, and rushed first to one +part of the raft and then to another, but finding themselves +completely surrounded by the water, they were too frightened +to do anything, and were obliged to stay where they were. +And it was by repeating this contrivance of joining a pair of +rafts to the others, that eventually the greater part of the +elephants were got across. Some of them, however, in the +middle of the crossing, threw themselves in their terror into +the river: but though their Indian riders were drowned, the +animals themselves got safe to land, saved by the strength and +great length of their probosces; for by raising these above the +water, they were enabled to breathe through them, and blow out +any water that got into them, while for the most part they got +through the river on their feet.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_47" id="b3_47"><b>47.</b></a> The elephants having been thus got across, Hannibal +formed them and the cavalry into a rear-guard, and marched +up the river bank away from the sea in an easterly direction, as +though making for the central district of Europe.</p> + +<p>The Rhone rises to the north-west of the Adriatic Gulf on +the northern slopes of the Alps,<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> and flowing westward, eventually +discharges itself into the Sardinian Sea. It flows for the +most part through a deep valley, to the north of which lives the +Celtic tribe of the Ardyes; while its southern side is entirely +walled in by the northern slopes of the Alps, the ridges of +which, beginning at Marseilles and extending to the head of +the Adriatic, separate it from the valley of the Padus, of which +I have already had occasion to speak at length. It was these +mountains that Hannibal now crossed from the Rhone valley +into Italy.</p> + +<p>Some historians of this passage of the Alps, in their desire +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>to produce a striking effect by their descriptions of the wonders +of this country, have fallen into two errors which are more +alien than anything else to the spirit of history,—perversion of +fact and inconsistency. Introducing Hannibal as a prodigy of +strategic skill and boldness, they yet represent him as acting +with the most conspicuous indiscretion; and then, finding +themselves involved in an inextricable maze of falsehood, they +try to cut the knot by the introduction of gods and heroes +into what is meant to be genuine history. They begin by +saying that the Alps are so precipitous and inaccessible that, so +far from horses and troops, accompanied too by elephants, +being able to cross them, it would be very difficult for even +active men on foot to do so: and similarly they tell us that +the desolation of this district is so complete, that, had not some +god or hero met Hannibal’s forces and showed them the way, +they would have been hopelessly lost and perished to a man.</p> + +<p>Such stories involve both the errors I have mentioned,—they +are both false and inconsistent.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_48" id="b3_48"><b>48.</b></a> For could a more irrational proceeding on the part of a +general be imagined than that of Hannibal, if, when in command +of so numerous an army, on whom the success of his +expedition entirely depended, he allowed himself to remain in +ignorance of the roads, the lie of the country, the route to be +taken, and the people to which it led, and above all as to the +practicability of what he was undertaking to do? They, in +fact, represent Hannibal, when at the height of his expectation +of success, doing what those would hardly do who have utterly +failed and have been reduced to despair,—that is, to entrust +themselves and their forces to an unknown country. And so, +too, what they say about the desolation of the district, and its +precipitous and inaccessible character, only serves to bring their +untrustworthiness into clearer light. For first, they pass over +the fact that the Celts of the Rhone valley had on several +occasions before Hannibal came, and that in very recent times, +crossed the Alps with large forces, and fought battles with the +Romans in alliance with the Celts of the valley of the Padus, as +I have already stated. And secondly, they are unaware of the +fact that a very numerous tribe of people inhabit the Alps. +Accordingly in their ignorance of these facts they take refuge<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span> +in the assertion that a hero showed Hannibal the way. They +are, in fact, in the same case as tragedians, who, beginning +with an improbable and impossible plot, are obliged to bring +in a <i>deus ex machina</i> to solve the difficulty and end the play. +The absurd premises of these historians naturally require some +such supernatural agency to help them out of the difficulty: +an absurd beginning could only have an absurd ending. For +of course Hannibal did not act as these writers say he did; +but, on the contrary, conducted his plans with the utmost prudence. +He had thoroughly informed himself of the fertility of +the country into which he designed to descend, and of the +hostile feelings of its inhabitants towards Rome, and for his +journey through the difficult district which intervened he +employed native guides and pioneers, whose interests were +bound up with his own. I speak with confidence on these +points, because I have questioned persons actually engaged on +the facts, and have inspected the country, and gone over the +Alpine pass myself, in order to inform myself of the truth and +see with my own eyes.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_49" id="b3_49"><b>49.</b></a> Three days after Hannibal had resumed his march, the +Consul Publius arrived at the passage of the +river. <span class="sidenote">Scipio finds that +Hannibal has +escaped him.</span>He was in the highest degree astonished +to find the enemy gone: for he had persuaded +himself that they would never venture to take this route into +Italy, on account of the numbers and fickleness of the barbarians +who inhabited the country. But seeing that they had +done so, he hurried back to his ships and at once embarked +his forces. He then despatched his brother Gnaeus to conduct +the campaign in Iberia, while he himself turned back again +to Italy by sea, being anxious to anticipate the enemy by +marching through Etruria to the foot of the pass of the Alps.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, after four days’ march from the passage of the +Rhone, Hannibal arrived at the place called +the Island, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal’s +march to the foot +of the Alps.</span>a district thickly inhabited and +exceedingly productive of corn. Its name is +derived from its natural features: for the Rhone and Isara +flowing on either side of it make the apex of a triangle where +they meet, very nearly of the same size and shape as the delta +of the Nile, except that the base of the latter is formed by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span> +sea into which its various streams are discharged, while in the +case of the former this base is formed by mountains difficult +to approach or climb, and, so to speak, almost inaccessible. +When Hannibal arrived in this district he found two brothers +engaged in a dispute for the royal power, and confronting each +other with their armies. The elder sought his alliance and +invited his assistance in gaining the crown: and the advantage +which such a circumstance might prove to him at that +juncture of his affairs being manifest, he consented; and +having joined him in his attack upon his brother, and aided in +expelling him, he obtained valuable support from the victorious +chieftain. For this prince not only liberally supplied his army +with provisions, but exchanged all their old and damaged +weapons for new ones, and thus at a very opportune time +thoroughly restored the efficiency of the troops: he also gave +most of the men new clothes and boots, which proved of great +advantage during their passage of the mountains. But his +most essential service was that, the Carthaginians being greatly +alarmed at the prospect of marching through the territory of +the Allobroges, he acted with his army as their rear-guard, and +secured them a safe passage as far as the foot of the pass.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_50" id="b3_50"><b>50.</b></a> Having in ten days’ march accomplished a distance +of eight hundred stades along the river bank, <span class="sidenote">The ascent.</span> +Hannibal began the ascent of the Alps,<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> and +immediately found himself involved in the most serious +dangers. For as long as the Carthaginians were on the +plains, the various chiefs of the Allobroges refrained from +attacking them from fear of their cavalry, as well as of the +Gauls who were escorting them. But when these last departed +back again to their own lands, and Hannibal began to enter the +mountainous region, the chiefs of the Allobroges collected +large numbers of their tribe and occupied the points of vantage +in advance, on the route by which Hannibal’s troops were +constrained to make their ascent. If they had only kept their +design secret, the Carthaginian army would have been entirely +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>destroyed: as it was, their plans became known, and though +they did much damage to Hannibal’s army, they suffered as +much themselves. For when that general learnt that the +natives were occupying the points of vantage, he halted and +pitched his camp at the foot of the pass, and sent forward +some of his Gallic guides to reconnoitre the enemy and discover +their plan of operations. The order was obeyed: and +he ascertained that it was the enemy’s practice to keep under +arms, and guard these posts carefully, during the day, but at +night to retire to some town in the neighbourhood. Hannibal +accordingly adapted his measures to this strategy of the enemy. +He marched forward in broad daylight, and as soon as he +came to the mountainous part of the road, pitched his camp +only a little way from the enemy. At nightfall he gave orders +for the watch-fires to be lit; and leaving the main body of his +troops in the camp, and selecting the most suitable of his men, +he had them armed lightly, and led them through the narrow +parts of the road during the night, and seized on the spots +which had been previously occupied by the enemy: they having, +according to their regular custom, abandoned them for the +nearest town.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_51" id="b3_51"><b>51.</b></a> When day broke the natives saw what had taken place, +and at first desisted from their attempts; <span class="sidenote">The Gauls harass +the army.</span> +but presently the sight of the immense string +of beasts of burden, and of the cavalry, slowly +and painfully making the ascent, tempted them to attack +the advancing line. Accordingly they fell upon it at many +points at once; and the Carthaginians sustained severe +losses, not so much at the hands of the enemy, as from the +dangerous nature of the ground, which proved especially fatal +to the horses and beasts of burden. For as the ascent was +not only narrow and rough, but flanked also with precipices, +at every movement which tended to throw the line into disorder, +large numbers of the beasts of burden were hurled down +the precipices with their loads on their backs. And what +added more than anything else to this sort of confusion were +the wounded horses; for, maddened by their wounds, they +either turned round and ran into the advancing beasts of +burden, or, rushing furiously forward, dashed aside everything<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span> +that came in their way on the narrow path, and so threw the +whole line into disorder. Hannibal saw what was taking +place, and knowing that, even if they escaped this attack, they +could never survive the loss of all their baggage, he took with +him the men who had seized the strongholds during the night +and went to the relief of the advancing line. Having the +advantage of charging the enemy from the higher ground he +inflicted a severe loss upon them, but suffered also as severe +a one in his own army; for the commotion in the line now +grew worse, and in both directions at once—thanks to the +shouting and struggling of these combatants: and it was not +until he had killed the greater number of the Allobroges, and +forced the rest to fly to their own land, that the remainder of +the beasts of burden and the horses got slowly, and with difficulty, +over the dangerous ground. Hannibal himself rallied +as many as he could after the fight, and assaulted the town +from which the enemy had sallied; and finding it almost +deserted, because its inhabitants had been all tempted out +by the hope of booty, he got possession of it: from which he +obtained many advantages for the future as well as for the +present. The immediate gain consisted of a large number of +horses and beasts of burden, and men taken with them; and +for future use he got a supply of corn and cattle sufficient for +two or three days: but the most important result of all was the +terror inspired in the next tribes, which prevented any one of +those who lived near the ascent from lightly venturing to meddle +with him again.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_52" id="b3_52"><b>52.</b></a> Here he pitched a camp and remained a day, and +started again. For the next three days <span class="sidenote">Treachery of the +Gauls.</span> +he accomplished a certain amount of his +journey without accident. But on the fourth +he again found himself in serious danger. For the dwellers +along his route, having concerted a plan of treachery, met +him with branches and garlands, which among nearly all +the natives are signs of friendship, as the herald’s staff is +among the Greeks. Hannibal was cautious about accepting +such assurances, and took great pains to discover what their +real intention and purpose were. The Gauls however professed +to be fully aware of the capture of the town, and the destruction<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span> +of those who had attempted to do him wrong; and explained +that those events had induced them to come, because they +wished neither to inflict nor receive any damage; and finally +promised to give him hostages. For a long while Hannibal +hesitated and refused to trust their speeches. But at length +coming to the conclusion that, if he accepted what was offered, +he would perhaps render the men before him less mischievous +and implacable; but that, if he rejected them, he must expect +undisguised hostility from them, he acceded to their request, +and feigned to accept their offer of friendship. The barbarians +handed over the hostages, supplied him liberally with +cattle, and in fact put themselves unreservedly into his hands; +so that for a time Hannibal’s suspicions were allayed, and he +employed them as guides for the next difficulty that had to be +passed. They guided the army for two days: and then these +tribes collected their numbers, and keeping close up with the +Carthaginians, attacked them just as they were passing through +a certain difficult and precipitous gorge.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_53" id="b3_53"><b>53.</b></a> Hannibal’s army would now have certainly been utterly +destroyed, had it not been for the fact that his <span class="sidenote">Severe losses.</span> +fears were still on the alert, and that, having a +prescience of what was to come, he had placed his baggage and +cavalry in the van and his hoplites in the rear. These latter +covered his line, and were able to stem the attack of the enemy, +and accordingly the disaster was less than it would otherwise +have been. As it was, however, a large number of beasts of +burden and horses perished; for the advantage of the higher +ground being with the enemy, the Gauls moved along the +slopes parallel with the army below, and by rolling down +boulders, or throwing stones, reduced the troops to a state of +the utmost confusion and danger; so that Hannibal with half +his force was obliged to pass the night near a certain white rock,<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> +which afforded them protection, separated from his horses and +baggage which he was covering; until after a whole night’s +struggle they slowly and with difficulty emerged from the gorge.</p> + +<p>Next morning the enemy had disappeared: and Hannibal, +having effected a junction with his cavalry and baggage, led<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span> +his men towards the head of the pass, without falling in +again with any important muster of the natives, <span class="sidenote">Arrives at the +summit.</span> +though he was harassed by some of them +from time to time; who seized favourable +opportunities, now on his van and now on his rear, of +carrying off some of his baggage. His best protection +was his elephants; on whatever parts of the line they +were placed the enemy never ventured to approach, being +terrified at the unwonted appearance of the animals. The +ninth day’s march brought him to the head of the pass: +and there he encamped for two days, partly to rest his men +and partly to allow stragglers to come up. Whilst they were +there, many of the horses who had taken fright and run away, +and many of the beasts of burden that had got rid of their +loads, unexpectedly appeared: they had followed the tracks of +the army and now joined the camp.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_54" id="b3_54"><b>54.</b></a> But by this time, it being nearly the period of the +setting of the Pleiads, the snow was beginning <span class="sidenote">9th November.</span> +to be thick on the heights; and seeing his men +in low spirits, owing both to the fatigue they had gone through, +and that which still lay before them, Hannibal called them +together and tried to cheer them by dwelling on the one possible +topic of consolation in his power, namely the view of Italy: +which lay stretched out in both directions below those mountains, +giving the Alps the appearance of a citadel to the whole +of Italy. By pointing therefore to the plains of the Padus, and +reminding them of the friendly welcome which awaited them +from the Gauls who lived there, and at the same time indicating +the direction of Rome itself, he did somewhat to raise the +drooping spirits of his men.</p> + +<p>Next day he began the descent, in which he no longer +met with any enemies, except some few secret +pillagers; <span class="sidenote">The descent.</span>but from the dangerous ground and +the snow he lost almost as many men as on the +ascent. For the path down was narrow and precipitous, +and the snow made it impossible for the men to +see where they were treading, while to step aside from the +path, or to stumble, meant being hurled down the precipices. +The troops however bore up against the fatigue, having now<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span> +grown accustomed to such hardships; but when they came to +a place where the path was too narrow for the elephants or +beasts of burden to pass,—and which, narrowed before by +landslips extending about a stade and a half, had recently +been made more so by another landslip,—then once more +despondency and consternation fell upon the troops. Hannibal’s +first idea was to avoid this <i>mauvais pas</i> by a detour, but +this route too being made impossible by a snow-storm, he +abandoned the idea.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_55" id="b3_55"><b>55.</b></a> The effect of the storm was peculiar and extraordinary. +For the present fall of snow coming <span class="sidenote">A break in the +road.</span> +upon the top of that which was there before, +and had remained from the last winter, it was +found that the former, being fresh, was soft and offered no +resistance to the foot; but when the feet reached the lower +frozen snow, they could no longer make any impression upon +it, but the men found both their feet slipping from under +them, as though they were on hard ground with a layer +of mud on the top. And a still more serious difficulty +followed: for not being able to get a foothold on the lower +snow, when they fell and tried to get themselves up by their +hands and knees, the men found themselves plunging downwards +quicker and quicker, along with everything they laid hold +of, the ground being a very steep decline. The beasts, however, +when they fell did break through this lower snow as they +struggled to rise, and having done so were obliged to remain +there with their loads, as though they were frozen to it, both +from the weight of these loads and the hardness of the old snow. +Giving up, therefore, all hope of making this detour, he encamped +upon the ridge after clearing away the snow upon it. +He then set large parties of his men to work, and, with infinite +toil, began constructing a road on the face of the precipice. +One day’s work sufficed to make a path practicable for beasts +of burden and horses; and he accordingly took them across +at once, and having pitched his camp at a spot below the snow +line, he let them go in search of pasture; while he told off the +Numidians in detachments to proceed with the making of the +road; and after three days’ difficult and painful labour he got +his elephants across, though in a miserable condition from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span> +hunger. For the tops of the Alps, and the parts immediately +below them, are completely treeless and bare of vegetation, +because the snow lies there summer and winter; but about +half-way down the slopes on both sides they produce trees and +shrubs, and are, in fact, fit for human habitation.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_56" id="b3_56"><b>56.</b></a> So Hannibal mustered his forces and continued the +descent; and on the third day after passing <span class="sidenote">He reaches the +plains.</span> +the precipitous path just described he reached +the plains. From the beginning of his march +he had lost many men by the hands of the enemy, and +in crossing rivers, and many more on the precipices and +dangerous passes of the Alps; and not only men in this +last way, but horses and beasts of burden in still greater +numbers. The whole march from New Carthage had occupied +five months, the actual passage of the Alps fifteen days; and he +now boldly entered the valley of the Padus, and the territory of +the Insubres, with such of his army as survived, consisting of +twelve thousand Libyans and eight thousand Iberians, and +not more than six thousand cavalry in all, as he himself +distinctly states on the column erected on the promontory of +Lacinium to record the numbers.</p> + +<p>At the same time, as I have before stated, Publius having left +his legions under the command of his brother Gnaeus, with +orders to prosecute the Iberian campaign and offer an energetic +resistance to Hasdrubal, landed at Pisae with a small body of +men. Thence he marched through Etruria, and taking over +the army of the Praetors which was guarding the country against +the Boii, he arrived in the valley of the Padus; and, pitching +his camp there, waited for the enemy with an eager desire to +give him battle.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_57" id="b3_57"><b>57.</b></a> Having thus brought the generals of the two nations +and the war itself into Italy, before beginning <span class="sidenote">Digression on the +limits of history.</span> +the campaign, I wish to say a few words about +what I conceive to be germane or not to +my history.</p> + +<p>I can conceive some readers complaining that, while +devoting a great deal of space to Libya and Iberia, I have said +little or nothing about the strait of the Pillars of Hercules, the +Mare Externum, or the British Isles, and the manufacture of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span> +tin in them, or even of the silver and gold mines in Iberia itself, +of which historians give long and contradictory accounts. It was +not, let me say, because I thought these subjects out of place in +history that I passed them over; but because, in the first place, +I did not wish to be diffuse, or distract the attention of students +from the main current of my narrative; and, in the next place, +because I was determined not to treat of them in scattered +notices or casual allusions, but to assign them a distinct time +and place, and at these, to the best of my ability, to give a trustworthy +account of them. On the same principle I must +deprecate any feeling of surprise if, in the succeeding portions +of my history, I pass over other similar topics, which might +seem naturally in place, for the same reasons. Those who ask +for dissertations in history on every possible subject, are somewhat +like greedy guests at a banquet, who, by tasting every +dish on the table, fail to really enjoy any one of them at the +time, or to digest and feel any benefit from them afterwards. +Such omnivorous readers get no real pleasure in the present, +and no adequate instruction for the future.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_58" id="b3_58"><b>58.</b></a> There can be no clearer proof, than is afforded by these +particular instances, that this department of historical writing +stands above all others in need of study and correction. For +as all, or at least the greater number of writers, have endeavoured +to describe the peculiar features and positions of the countries +on the confines of the known world, and in doing so have, +in most cases, made egregious mistakes, it is impossible to +pass over their errors without some attempt at refutation; and +that not in scattered observations or casual remarks, but +deliberately and formally. But such confutation should not +take the form of accusation or invective. While correcting +their mistakes we should praise the writers, feeling sure that, +had they lived to the present age, they would have altered and +corrected many of their statements. The fact is that, in past +ages, we know of very few Greeks who undertook to investigate +these remote regions, owing to the insuperable difficulties of the +attempt. The dangers at sea were then more than can easily be +calculated, and those on land more numerous still. And even +if one did reach these countries on the confines of the world, +whether compulsorily or voluntarily, the difficulties in the way<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span> +of a personal inspection were only begun: for some of the +regions were utterly barbarous, others uninhabited; and a still +greater obstacle in way of gaining information as to what he +saw was his ignorance of the language of the country. And +even if he learnt this, a still greater difficulty was to preserve +a strict moderation in his account of what he had seen, and +despising all attempts to glorify himself by traveller’s tales of +wonder, to report for our benefit the truth and nothing but the +truth.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_59" id="b3_59"><b>59.</b></a> All these impediments made a true account of these +regions in past times difficult, if not impossible. Nor ought we +to criticise severely the omissions or mistakes of these writers: +rather they deserve our praise and admiration for having in +such an age gained information as to these places, which +distinctly advanced knowledge. In our own age, however, +the Asiatic districts have been opened up both by sea and +land owing to the empire of Alexander, and the other places +owing to the supremacy of Rome. Men too of practical +experience in affairs, being released from the cares of martial or +political ambition, have thereby had excellent opportunities for +research and inquiry into these localities; and therefore it will +be but right for us to have a better and truer knowledge of +what was formerly unknown. And this I shall endeavour to +establish, when I find a fitting opportunity in the course of my +history. I shall be especially anxious to give the curious a +full knowledge on these points, because it was with that express +object that I confronted the dangers and fatigues of my travels +in Libya, Iberia, and Gaul, as well as of the sea which washes +the western coasts of these countries; that I might correct the +imperfect knowledge of former writers, and make the Greeks +acquainted with these parts of the known world.</p> + +<p>After this digression, I must go back to the pitched +battles between the Romans and Carthaginians in Italy.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_60" id="b3_60"><b>60.</b></a> After arriving in Italy with the number of troops +which I have already stated, <span class="sidenote">Rest and recovery.</span> +Hannibal pitched +his camp at the very foot of the Alps, and +was occupied, to begin with, in refreshing his men. For +not only had his whole army suffered terribly from the +difficulties of transit in the ascent, and still more in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span> +descent of the Alps, but it was also in evil case from the +shortness of provisions, and the inevitable neglect of all +proper attention to physical necessities. Many had quite +abandoned all care for their health under the influence of +starvation and continuous fatigue; for it had proved impossible +to carry a full supply of food for so many thousands over such +mountains, and what they did bring was in great part lost along +with the beasts that carried it. So that whereas, when +Hannibal crossed the Rhone, he had thirty-eight thousand +infantry, and more than eight thousand cavalry, he lost nearly +half in the pass, as I have shown above; while the survivors +had by these long continued sufferings become almost savage +in look and general appearance. Hannibal therefore bent his +whole energies to the restoration of the spirits and bodies of +his men, and of their horses also. When his army had thus +sufficiently recovered, finding the Taurini, <span class="sidenote">Taking of Turin.</span> +who +live immediately under the Alps, at war with +the Insubres and inclined to be suspicious of the Carthaginians, +Hannibal first invited them to terms of friendship +and alliance; and, on their refusal, invested their chief city +and carried it after a three day’s siege. Having put to the +sword all who had opposed him, he struck such terror into the +minds of the neighbouring tribes, that they all gave in their +submission out of hand. The other Celts inhabiting these +plains were also eager to join the Carthaginians, according to +their original purpose; but the Roman legions had by this time +advanced too far, and had intercepted the greater part of them: +they were therefore unable to stir, and in some cases were even +obliged to serve in the Roman ranks. This determined +Hannibal not to delay his advance any longer, but to strike +some blow which might encourage those natives who were +desirous of sharing his enterprise.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_61" id="b3_61"><b>61.</b></a> When he heard, while engaged on this design, that Publius +had already crossed the Padus with his army, <span class="sidenote">Approach of +Scipio.</span> +and was at no great distance, he was at first inclined +to disbelieve the fact, reflecting that it was +not many days since he had left him near the passage of the +Rhone, and that the voyage from Marseilles to Etruria was a +long and difficult one. He was told, moreover, that from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span> +Tyrrhenian Sea to the Alps through Italian soil was a long +march, without good military roads. But when messenger after +messenger confirmed the intelligence with increased positiveness, +he was filled with amazement and admiration at the +Consul’s plan of campaign, and promptness in carrying it out. +The feelings of Publius were much the same: for he had not +expected that Hannibal would even attempt the passage of the +Alps with forces of different races, or, if he did attempt it, +that he could escape utter destruction. Entertaining such ideas +he was immensely astonished at his courage and adventurous +daring, when he heard that he had not only got safe across, +but was actually besieging certain towns in Italy. Similar +feelings were entertained at Rome when the news arrived +there. For scarcely had the last rumour about the taking of +Saguntum by the Carthaginians ceased to attract attention, and +scarcely had the measures adopted in view of that event been +taken,—namely the despatch of one Consul to Libya to besiege +Carthage, and of the other to Iberia to meet Hannibal there,—than +news came that Hannibal had arrived in Italy with his +army, and was already besieging certain towns in it. Thrown +into great alarm by this unexpected turn of affairs, the Roman +government sent at once to Tiberius at Lilybaeum, telling him +of the presence of the enemy in Italy, <span class="sidenote">Tiberius Sempronius +recalled.</span> +and +ordering him to abandon the original design +of his expedition, and to make all haste home +to reinforce the defences of the country. Tiberius at once +collected the men of the fleet and sent them off, with orders +to go home by sea; while he caused the Tribunes to administer +an oath to the men of the legions that they would all +appear at a fixed day at Ariminum by bedtime. Ariminum +is a town on the Adriatic, situated at the southern boundary +of the valley of the Padus. In every direction there was stir +and excitement: and the news being a complete surprise to +everybody, there was everywhere a great and irrepressible +anxiety as to the future.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_62" id="b3_62"><b>62.</b></a> The two armies being now within a short distance of +each other, Hannibal and Publius both thought <span class="sidenote">Gallic prisoners.</span> +it necessary to address their men in terms +suitable to the occasion.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span></p> + +<p>The manner in which Hannibal tried to encourage his army +was this. He mustered the men, and caused some youthful +prisoners whom he had caught when they were attempting +to hinder his march on the Alpine passes, to be brought +forward. They had been subjected to great severities +with this very object, loaded with heavy chains, half-starved, +and their bodies a mass of bruises from scourging. Hannibal +caused these men to be placed in the middle of the +army, and some suits of Gallic armour, such as are worn by +their kings when they fight in single combat, to be exhibited; +in addition to these he placed there some horses, and brought +in some valuable military cloaks. He then asked these young +prisoners, which of them were willing to fight with each other +on condition of the conqueror taking these prizes, and the +vanquished escaping all his present miseries by death. Upon +their all answering with a loud shout that they were desirous +of fighting in these single combats, he bade them draw lots; +and the pair, on whom the first lot fell, to put on the armour +and fight with each other. As soon as the young men heard +these orders, they lifted up their hands, and each prayed the +gods that he might be one of those to draw the lot. And +when the lots were drawn, those on whom they fell were overjoyed, +and the others in despair. When the fight was finished, +too, the surviving captives congratulated the one who had +fallen no less than the victor, as having been freed from many +terrible sufferings, while they themselves still remained to endure +them. And in this feeling the Carthaginian soldiers were +much disposed to join, all pitying the survivors and congratulating +the fallen champion.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_63" id="b3_63"><b>63.</b></a> Having by this example made the impression he desired +upon the minds of his troops, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal’s +speech.</span> +Hannibal +then came forward himself and said, “that he +had exhibited these captives in order that they +might see in the person of others a vivid representation of +what they had to expect themselves, and might so lay their plans +all the better in view of the actual state of affairs. Fortune +had summoned them to a life and death contest very like that +of the two captives, and in which the prize of victory was the +same. For they must either conquer, or die, or fall alive into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span> +the hands of their enemies; and the prize of victory would not +be mere horses and military cloaks, but the most enviable position +in the world if they became masters of the wealth of Rome: +or if they fell in battle their reward would be to end their +life fighting to their last breath for the noblest object, in the +heat of the struggle, and with no sense of pain; while if they +were beaten, or from desire of life were base enough to fly, or +tried to prolong that life by any means except victory, every +sort of misery and misfortune would be their lot: for it was +impossible that any one of them could be so irrational or +senseless, when he remembered the length of the journey he +had performed from his native land, and the number of +enemies that lay between him and it, and the size of the +rivers he had crossed, as to cherish the hope of being able +to reach his home by flight. They should therefore cast away +such vain hopes, and regard their position as being exactly +that of the combatants whom they had but now been watching. +For, as in their case, all congratulated the dead as much as the +victor, and commiserated the survivors; so they should think +of the alternatives before themselves, and should, one and all, +come upon the field of battle resolved, if possible, to conquer, +and, if not, to die. Life with defeat was a hope that must +by no means whatever be entertained. If they reasoned +and resolved thus, victory and safety would certainly attend +them: for it never happened that men who came to such +a resolution, whether of deliberate purpose or from being +driven to bay, were disappointed in their hope of beating their +opponents in the field. And when it chanced, as was the +case with the Romans, that the enemy had in most cases a +hope of quite an opposite character, from the near neighbourhood +of their native country making flight an obvious means +of safety, then it was clear that the courage which came of +despair would carry the day.”</p> + +<p>When he saw that the example and the words he had +spoken had gone home to the minds of the rank and file, and +that the spirit and enthusiasm which he aimed at inspiring +were created, he dismissed them for the present with commendations, +and gave orders for an advance at daybreak on +the next morning.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b3_64" id="b3_64"><b>64.</b></a> About the same day Publius Scipio, having now +crossed the Padus, and being resolved to make <span class="sidenote">Scipio crosses +the Ticinus.</span> +a farther advance across the Ticinus, ordered +those who were skilled in such works to construct +a bridge across this latter river; and then summoned +a meeting of the remainder of his army and addressed them: +dwelling principally on the reputation of their country and of +the ancestors’ achievements. But he referred particularly to +their present position, saying, “that they ought to entertain no +doubt of victory, though they had never as yet had any experience +of the enemy; and should regard it as a piece of +extravagant presumption of the Carthaginians to venture to face +Romans, by whom they had been so often beaten, and to +whom they had for so many years paid tribute and been all +but slaves. And when in addition to this they at present +knew thus much of their mettle,—that they dared not face +them, what was the fair inference to be drawn for the future? +Their cavalry, in a chance encounter on the Rhone with those +of Rome, had, so far from coming off well, lost a large number +of men, and had fled with disgrace to their own camp; and the +general and his army, as soon as they knew of the approach +of his legions, had beat a retreat, which was exceedingly like a +flight, and, contrary to their original purpose, had in their +terror taken the road over the Alps. And it was evident that +Hannibal had destroyed the greater part of his army; and that +what he had left was feeble and unfit for service, from the +hardships they had undergone: in the same way he had +lost the majority of his horses, and made the rest useless from +the length and difficult nature of the journey. They had, therefore, +only to show themselves to the enemy.” But, above all, +he pointed out that “his own presence at their head ought to +be special encouragement to them: for that he would not have +left his fleet and Spanish campaign, on which he had been sent, +and have come to them in such haste, if he had not seen on +consideration that his doing so was necessary for his country’s +safety, and that a certain victory was secured to him by it.”</p> + +<p>The weight and influence of the speaker, as well as their +belief in his words, roused great enthusiasm among the men; +which Scipio acknowledged, and then dismissed them with the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span> +additional injunction that they should hold themselves in readiness +to obey any order sent round to them.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_65" id="b3_65"><b>65.</b></a> Next day both generals led their troops along the river +Padus, on the bank nearest the Alps, <span class="sidenote">Skirmish of +cavalry near the +Ticinus, Nov. +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219.</span> +the Romans +having the stream on their left, the Carthaginians +on their right; and having ascertained on +the second day, by means of scouts, that they +were near each other, they both halted and remained encamped +for that day: but on the next, both taking their cavalry, and +Publius his sharp-shooters also, they hurried across the plain +to reconnoitre each other’s forces. As soon as they came +within distance, and saw the dust rising from the side of their +opponents, they drew up their lines for battle at once. Publius +put his sharp-shooters and Gallic horsemen in front, and +bringing the others into line, advanced at a slow pace. +Hannibal placed his cavalry that rode with bridles, and was +most to be depended on, in his front, and led them straight +against the enemy; having put the Numidian cavalry on either +wing to take the enemy on the flanks. The two generals and +the cavalry were in such hot haste to engage, that they closed +with each other before the sharp-shooters had an opportunity +of discharging their javelines at all. Before they could do so, +they left their ground, and retreated to the rear of their own +cavalry, making their way between the squadrons, terrified at +the approaching charge, and afraid of being trampled to death +by the horses which were galloping down upon them. The +cavalry charged each other front to front, and for a long time +maintained an equal contest; and a great many men dismounting +on the actual field, there was a mixed fight of horse and +foot. The Numidian horse, however, having outflanked the +Romans, charged them on the rear: and so the sharp-shooters, +who had fled from the cavalry charge at the beginning, +were now trampled to death by the numbers and furious +onslaught of the Numidians; while the front ranks originally +engaged with the Carthaginians, after losing many of +their men and inflicting a still greater loss on the enemy, +finding themselves charged on the rear by the Numidians, +broke into flight: most of them scattering in every direction, +while some of them kept closely massed round the Consul.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b3_66" id="b3_66"><b>66.</b></a> Publius then broke up his camp, and marched through the +plains to the bridge over the Padus, in haste to get <span class="sidenote">Scipio retires to +Placentia on the +right bank of +the Po.</span> +his legions across before the enemy came up. He +saw that the level country where he was then was +favourable to the enemy with his superiority in +cavalry. He was himself disabled by a wound;<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> and he +decided that it was necessary to shift his quarters to a place of +safety. For a time Hannibal imagined that Scipio would give +him battle with his infantry also: but when he saw that he had +abandoned his camp, he went in pursuit of him as far as the +bridge over the Ticinus; but finding that the <span class="sidenote">Hannibal crosses +the Po higher up +and follows +Scipio to Placentia.</span> +greater part of the timbers of this bridge had been +torn away, while the men who guarded the bridge +were left still on his side of the river, he took +them prisoners to the number of about six hundred, +and being informed that the main army was far on its +way, he wheeled round and again ascended the Padus in search +of a spot in it which admitted of being easily bridged. After +two days’ march he halted and constructed a bridge over the +river by means of boats. He committed the task of bringing +over the army to Hasdrubal;<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> while he himself crossed at once, +and busied himself in receiving the ambassadors who arrived +from the neighbouring districts. For no sooner had he +gained the advantage in the cavalry engagement, than all the +Celts in the vicinity hastened to fulfil their original engagement +by avowing themselves his friends, supplying him with +provisions, and joining the Carthaginian forces. After giving +these men a cordial reception, and getting his own army across +the Padus, he began to march back again down stream, with an +earnest desire of giving the enemy battle. Publius, too, had +crossed the river and was now encamped under the walls of the +Roman colony Placentia. There he made no sign of any +intention to move; for he was engaged in trying to heal his own +wound and those of his men, and considered that he had a +secure base of operations where he was. A two days’ march +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span>from the place where he had crossed the Padus brought +Hannibal to the neighbourhood of the enemy; and on the +third day he drew out his army for battle in full view of his +opponents: but as no one came out to attack, he pitched his +camp about fifty stades from them.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_67" id="b3_67"><b>67.</b></a> But the Celtic contingent of the Roman army, seeing +that Hannibal’s prospects looked the brighter of +the two, <span class="sidenote">Treachery of the +Gauls serving in +the army of +Scipio.</span> +concerted their plans for a fixed time, +and waited in their several tents for the moment +of carrying them out. When the men within the +rampart of the camp had taken their supper and were gone to +bed, the Celts let more than half the night pass, and just about +the time of the morning watch armed themselves and fell upon +the Romans who were quartered nearest to them; killed a +considerable number, and wounded not a few; and, finally, +cutting off the heads of the slain, departed with them to join +the Carthaginians, to the number of two thousand infantry and +nearly two hundred cavalry. They were received with great satisfaction +by Hannibal; who, after addressing them encouragingly, +and promising them all suitable rewards, sent them to their +several cities, to declare to their compatriots what they had done, +and to urge them to make alliance with him: for he knew that +they would now all feel compelled to take part with him, when +they learnt the treachery of which their fellow-countrymen had +been guilty to the Romans. Just at the same time the Boii +came in, and handed over to him the three Agrarian Commissioners, +sent from Rome to divide the lands; whom, as I have +already related, they had seized by a sudden act of treachery +at the beginning of the war. Hannibal gratefully acknowledged +their good intention, and made a formal alliance with those +who came: but he handed them back their prisoners, bidding +them keep them safe, in order to get back their own hostages +from Rome, as they intended at first.</p> + +<p>Publius regarded this treachery as of most serious importance; +and feeling sure that the Celts in the <span class="sidenote">Scipio changes +his position at +Placentia to one +on the Trebia.</span> +neighbourhood had long been ill-disposed, and +would, after this event, all incline to the Carthaginians, +he made up his mind that some precaution +for the future was necessary. The next night, therefore,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span> +just before the morning watch, he broke up his camp and +marched for the river Trebia, and the high ground near it, +feeling confidence in the protection which the strength of the +position and the neighbourhood of his allies would give him.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_68" id="b3_68"><b>68.</b></a> When Hannibal was informed of Scipio’s change of +quarters, he sent the Numidian horse in pursuit +at once, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal follows +him.</span> +and the rest soon afterwards, following +close behind with his main army. The Numidians, +finding the Roman camp empty, stopped to set fire to it: +which proved of great service to the Romans; for if they had +pushed on and caught up the Roman baggage, a large number +of the rear-guard would have certainly been killed by the +cavalry in the open plains. But as it was, the greater part of +them got across the River Trebia in time; while those who +were after all too far in the rear to escape, were either killed or +made prisoners by the Carthaginians.</p> + +<p>Scipio, however, having crossed the Trebia occupied the +first high ground; and having strengthened <span class="sidenote">Scipio’s position +on the slopes of +Apennines, near +the source of +the Trebia.</span> +his +camp with trench and palisade, waited the +arrival of his colleague, Tiberius Sempronius, +and his army; and was taking the greatest pains +to cure his wound, because he was exceedingly +anxious to take part in the coming engagement. Hannibal +pitched his camp about forty stades from him. While the +numerous Celts inhabiting the plains, excited by the good +prospects of the Carthaginians, supplied his army with provisions +in great abundance, and were eager to take their share with +Hannibal in every military operation or battle.</p> + +<p>When news of the cavalry engagement reached Rome, the +disappointment of their confident expectations caused a feeling +of consternation in the minds of the people. Not but that +plenty of pretexts were found to prove to their own satisfaction +that the affair was not a defeat. Some laid the blame on the +Consul’s rashness, and others on the treacherous lukewarmness +of the Celts, which they concluded from their recent revolt +must have been shown by them on the field. But, after all, +as the infantry was still unimpaired, they made up their minds +that the general result was still as hopeful as ever. Accordingly, +when Tiberius and his legions arrived at Rome, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span> +marched through the city, they believed that his mere appearance +at the seat of war would settle the matter.</p> + +<p>His men met Tiberius at Ariminum, according to their +oath, and he at once led them forward in all <span class="sidenote">Tiberius Sempronius +joins +Scipio.</span> +haste to join Publius Scipio. The junction +effected, and a camp pitched by the side of his +colleague, he was naturally obliged to refresh his men after +their forty days’ continuous march between Ariminum and +Lilybaeum: but he went on with all preparations for a battle; +and was continually in conference with Scipio, asking questions +as to what had happened in the past, and discussing with him +the measures to be taken in the present.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_69" id="b3_69"><b>69.</b></a> Meanwhile Hannibal got possession of Clastidium, by +the treachery of a certain Brundisian, <span class="sidenote">Fall of Clastidium. +Hannibal’s policy +towards the +Italians.</span> +to whom +it had been entrusted by the Romans. Having +become master of the garrison and the stores of +corn he used the latter for his present needs; +but took the men whom he had captured with him, without +doing them any harm, being desirous of showing by an example +the policy he meant to pursue; that those whose present +position towards Rome was merely the result of circumstances +should not be terrified, and give up hope of being spared by +him. The man who betrayed Clastidium to him he treated +with extraordinary honour, by way of tempting all men in +similar situations of authority to share the prospects of the +Carthaginians. But afterwards, finding that certain Celts who +lived in the fork of the Padus and the Trebia, while pretending +to have made terms with him, were sending messages to the +Romans at the same time, believing that they would thus +secure themselves from being harmed by either side, he sent +two thousand infantry with some Celtic and Numidian cavalry +with orders to devastate their territory. This order being +executed, and a great booty obtained, the Celts appeared at the +Roman camp beseeching their aid. Tiberius had been all +along looking out for an opportunity of striking a blow: <span class="sidenote">A skirmish +favourable to +the Romans.</span> +and +once seized on this pretext for sending out +a party, consisting of the greater part of his +cavalry; and a thousand sharp-shooters of his +infantry along with them; who having speedily come up<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span> +with the enemy on the other side of the Trebia, and engaged +them in a sharp struggle for the possession of the booty, +forced the Celts and Numidians to beat a retreat to their own +camp. Those who were on duty in front of the Carthaginian +camp quickly perceived what was going on, and brought some +reserves to support the retreating cavalry; then the Romans +in their turn were routed, and had to retreat to their camp. +At this Tiberius sent out all his cavalry and sharp-shooters; +whereupon the Celts again gave way, and sought the protection +of their own camp. The Carthaginian general being unprepared +for a general engagement, and thinking it a sound +rule not to enter upon one on every casual opportunity, or +except in accordance with a settled design, acted, it must be +confessed, on this occasion with admirable generalship. He +checked their flight when his men were near the camp, and +forced them to halt and face about; but he sent out his +aides and buglers to recall the rest, and prevented them from +pursuing and engaging the enemy any more. So the Romans +after a short halt went back, having killed a large number of +the enemy, and lost very few themselves.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_70" id="b3_70"><b>70.</b></a> Excited and overjoyed at this success Tiberius was +all eagerness for a general engagement. Now, it was in his +power to administer the war for the present as he chose, <span class="sidenote">Sempronius +resolves to give +battle.</span> +owing to the ill-health of Publius Scipio; +yet wishing to have his colleague’s opinion +in support of his own, he consulted him on +this subject. Publius however took quite an opposite view +of the situation. He thought his legions would be all the +better for a winter under arms; and that the fidelity of the +fickle Celts would never stand the test of want of success +and enforced inactivity on the part of the Carthaginians: they +would be certain, he thought, to turn against them once more. +Besides, when he had recovered from his wound, he hoped to +be able to do good service to his country himself. With these +arguments he tried to dissuade Tiberius from his design. The +latter felt that every one of these arguments were true and +sound; but, urged on by ambition and a blind confidence in +his fortune, he was eager to have the credit of the decisive +action to himself, before Scipio should be able to be present<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span> +at the battle, or the next Consuls arrive to take over the +command; for the time for that to take place was now +approaching. As therefore he selected the time for the engagement +from personal considerations, rather than with a view +to the actual circumstances of the case, he was bound to make +a signal failure.</p> + +<p>Hannibal took much the same view of the case as Scipio, +and was therefore, unlike him, eager for a battle; because, in +the first place, he wished to avail himself of the enthusiasm of +the Celts before it had at all gone off: in the second place, he +wished to engage the Roman legions while the soldiers in +them were raw recruits without practice in war: and, in +the third place, because he wished to fight the battle while +Scipio was still unfit for service: but most of all because he +wanted to be doing something and not to let the time slip by +fruitlessly; for when a general leads his troops into a foreign +country, and attempts what looks like a desperate undertaking, +the one chance for him is to keep the hopes of his allies alive +by continually striking some fresh blow.</p> + +<p>Such were Hannibal’s feelings when he knew of the +intended attack of Tiberius.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_71" id="b3_71"><b>71.</b></a> Now he had some time before remarked a certain +piece of ground which was flat and treeless, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal prepares +an ambuscade.</span> +and yet well suited for an ambush, because +there was a stream in it with a high overhanging +bank thickly covered with thorns and brambles. +Here he determined to entrap the enemy. The place was +admirably adapted for putting them off their guard; because +the Romans were always suspicious of woods, from the fact +of the Celts invariably choosing such places for their ambuscades, +but felt no fear at all of places that were level and without +trees: not knowing that for the concealment and safety of an +ambush such places are much better than woods; because +the men can command from them a distant view of all that +is going on: while nearly all places have sufficient cover to +make concealment possible,—a stream with an overhanging +bank, reeds, or ferns, or some sort of bramble-bushes,—which +are good enough to hide not infantry only, but sometimes even +cavalry, if the simple precaution is taken of laying conspicuous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span> +arms flat upon the ground and hiding helmets under shields. +Hannibal had confided his idea to his brother Mago and to his +council, who had all approved of the plan. Accordingly, when +the army had supped, he summoned this young man to his +tent, who was full of youthful enthusiasm, and had been +trained from boyhood in the art of war, and put under his +command a hundred cavalry and the same number of infantry. +These men he had himself earlier in the day selected as the +most powerful of the whole army, and had ordered to come to +his tent after supper. Having addressed and inspired them +with the spirit suitable to the occasion, he bade each of them +select ten of the bravest men of their own company, and to +come with them to a particular spot in the camp. The order +having been obeyed, he despatched the whole party, numbering +a thousand cavalry and as many infantry, with guides, to the +place selected for the ambuscade; and gave his brother +directions as to the time at which he was to make the attempt. +At daybreak he himself mustered the Numidian cavalry, who +were conspicuous for their powers of endurance; and after +addressing them, and promising them rewards if they behaved +with gallantry, he ordered them to ride up to the enemy’s lines, +and then quickly cross the river, and by throwing showers of +darts at them tempt them to come out: his object being to +get at the enemy before they had had their breakfast, or made +any preparations for the day. The other officers of the army +also he summoned, and gave them similar instructions for the +battle, ordering all their men to get breakfast and to see to +their arms and horses.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_72" id="b3_72"><b>72.</b></a> As soon as Tiberius saw the Numidian horse approaching, +he immediately sent out his cavalry by itself <span class="sidenote">Battle of the +Trebia, +December <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +218.</span> +with orders to engage the enemy, and keep them +in play, while he despatched after them six +thousand foot armed with javelins, and got the +rest of the army in motion, with the idea that their appearance +would decide the affair: for his superiority in numbers, and +his success in the cavalry skirmish of the day before, had filled +him with confidence. But it was now mid-winter and the day +was snowy and excessively cold, and men and horses were +marching out almost entirely without having tasted food; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span> +accordingly, though the troops were at first in high spirits, yet +when they had crossed the Trebia, swollen by the floods which +the rain of the previous night had brought down from the high +ground above the camp, wading breast deep through the +stream, they were in a wretched state from the cold and want +of food as the day wore on. While the Carthaginians +on the contrary had eaten and <span class="sidenote">Hannibal’s forces.</span> +drunk in their tents, and got their horses ready, and were all +anointing and arming themselves round the fires. Hannibal +waited for the right moment to strike, and as soon as he saw +that the Romans had crossed the Trebia, throwing out eight +thousand spearmen and slingers to cover his advance, he led out +his whole army. When he had advanced about eight stades from +the camp, he drew up his infantry, consisting of about twenty +thousand Iberians, Celts, and Libyans, in one long line, while +he divided his cavalry and placed half on each wing, amounting +in all to more than ten thousand, counting the Celtic allies; +his elephants also he divided between the two wings, where they +occupied the front rank. Meanwhile Tiberius <span class="sidenote">The Roman +forces.</span> +had recalled his cavalry because he saw that they +could do nothing with the enemy. For the +Numidians when attacked retreated without difficulty, scattering +in every direction, and then faced about again and charged, +which is the peculiar feature of their mode of warfare. But +he drew up his infantry in the regular Roman order, consisting +of sixteen thousand citizens and twenty thousand allies; for +that is the complete number of a Roman army in an important +campaign, when the two Consuls are compelled by +circumstances to combine forces.<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> He then placed the cavalry +on either wing, numbering four thousand, and advanced against +the enemy in gallant style, in regular order, and at a deliberate +pace.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_73" id="b3_73"><b>73.</b></a> When the two forces came within distance, the light-armed +troops in front of the two armies <span class="sidenote">The Roman +cavalry retreat.</span> +closed with each other. In this part of the +battle the Romans were in many respects +at a disadvantage, while the Carthaginians had everything in +their favour. For the Roman spearmen had been on hard +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>service ever since daybreak, and had expended most of their +weapons in the engagement with the Numidians, while those +weapons which were left had become useless from being long +wet. Nor were the cavalry, or indeed the whole army, any +better off in these respects. The case of the Carthaginians +was exactly the reverse: they had come on the field perfectly +sound and fresh, and were ready and eager for every service +required of them. As soon, therefore, as their advanced guard +had retired again within their lines, and the heavy-armed soldiers +were engaged, the cavalry on the two wings of the Carthaginian +army at once charged the enemy with all the effect of +superiority in numbers, and in the condition both of men +and horses secured by their freshness when they started. The +Roman cavalry on the contrary retreated: and the flanks of +the line being thus left unprotected, the Carthaginian spearmen +and the main body of the Numidians, passing their own +advanced guard, charged the Roman flanks: and, by the +damage which they did them, prevented them from keeping +up the fight with the troops on their front. The heavy-armed +soldiers, however, who were in the front rank of both armies, +and in the centre of that, maintained an obstinate and equal +fight for a considerable time.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_74" id="b3_74"><b>74.</b></a> Just then the Numidians, who had been lying in +ambush, left their hiding-place, <span class="sidenote">Both Roman +wings defeated.</span>and by a +sudden charge on the centre of the Roman +rear produced great confusion and alarm +throughout the army. Finally both the Roman wings, being +hard pressed in front by the elephants, and on both flanks by +the light-armed troops of the enemy, gave way, and in their +flight were forced upon the river behind them. After this, +while the centre of the Roman rear was losing heavily, and +suffering severely from the attack of the Numidian ambuscade, +their front, thus driven to bay, defeated the Celts and a division +of Africans, and, after killing a large number of them, succeeded +in cutting their way through the Carthaginian line. Then +seeing that their wings had been forced off their ground, they +gave up all hope of relieving them or getting back to their +camp, partly because of the number of the enemy’s cavalry, +and partly because they were hindered by the river and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span> +pelting storm of rain which was pouring down upon their +heads. They therefore closed their ranks, <span class="sidenote">The Roman centre +fights its way to +Placentia.</span> +and made their way safely to Placentia, +to the number of ten thousand. Of the +rest of the army the greater number were killed by the +elephants and cavalry on the bank of the Trebia; while those +of the infantry who escaped, and the greater part of the cavalry, +managed to rejoin the ten thousand mentioned above, and +arrived with them at Placentia. Meanwhile the Carthaginian +army pursued the enemy as far as the Trebia; but being prevented +by the storm from going farther, returned to their camp. +They regarded the result of the battle with great exultation, as +a complete success; for the loss of the Iberians and Africans +had been light, the heaviest having fallen on the Celts. But +from the rain and the snow which followed it, they suffered +so severely, that all the elephants except one died, and a large +number of men and horses perished from the cold.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_75" id="b3_75"><b>75.</b></a> Fully aware of the nature of his disaster, but wishing +to conceal its extent as well as he could from the people at +home, Tiberius sent messengers to announce that a battle had +taken place, but that the storm had deprived them of the +victory. For the moment this news was believed at Rome; +but when soon afterwards it became known that the Carthaginians +were in possession of the Roman camp, and that all the +Celts had joined them: while their own troops had abandoned +their camp, and, after retiring from the field of battle, were all +collected in the neighbouring cities; and were besides being +supplied with necessary provisions by sea up the Padus, the +Roman people became only too certain of what had really +happened in the battle. <span class="sidenote">Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +118-117. +Great exertions +at Rome to meet +the danger.</span> +It was a most unexpected +reverse, and it forced them at once +to urge on with energy the remaining preparations +for the war. They reinforced those +positions which lay in the way of the enemy’s +advance; sent legions to Sardinia and Sicily, as well as +garrisons to Tarentum, and other places of strategical importance; +and, moreover, fitted out a fleet of sixty quinqueremes. +The Consuls designate, Gnaeus Servilius and +Gaius Flaminius, were collecting the allies and enrolling the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span> +citizen legions, and sending supplies to Ariminum and Etruria, +with a view of going to the seat of war by those two routes. +They sent also to king Hiero asking for reinforcements, who +sent them five hundred Cretan archers and a thousand +peltasts. In fact they pushed on their preparations in every +direction with energy. For the Roman people are most +formidable, collectively and individually, when they have real +reason for alarm.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_76" id="b3_76"><b>76.</b></a> While these events were happening in Italy, Gnaeus +Cornelius Scipio, who had been left by his <span class="sidenote">Gnaeus Scipio +in Spain.</span> +brother Publius in command of the fleet, setting +sail from the mouth of the Rhone, came to +land with his whole squadron at a place in Iberia called +Emporium. Starting from this town, he made descents +upon the coast, landing and besieging those who refused +to submit to him along the seaboard as far as the +Iber; and treating with every mark of kindness those who +acceded to his demands, and taking all the precautions +he could for their safety. When he had garrisoned those +towns on the coast that submitted, he led his whole army +inland, having by this time a not inconsiderable contingent of +Iberian allies; and took possession of the towns on his line of +march, some by negotiation and some by force of arms. The +Carthaginian troops which Hannibal had left in that district +under the command of Hanno, lay entrenched to resist him +under the walls of a town called Cissa.</p> + +<p>Defeating this army in a pitched battle, Gnaeus not only +got possession of a rich booty, for the whole baggage of the +army invading Italy had been left under its charge, but secured +the friendly alliance of all the Iberian tribes north of the Iber, +and took both Hanno, the general of the Carthaginians, and +Andobales, the general of the Iberians, prisoners. The latter +was despot of central Iberia, and had always been especially +inclined to the side of Carthage.</p> + +<p>Immediately he learnt what had happened, Hasdrubal +crossed the Iber to bring aid. There he ascertained that the +Roman troops left in charge of the fleet had abandoned all +precautions, and were trading on the success of the land forces +to pass their time in ease. He therefore took with him eight<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span> +thousand infantry and one thousand cavalry of his own army, +and finding the men of the fleet scattered about the country, +he killed a great many of them and forced the rest to fly for +refuge to their ships. He then retired across the Iber again, +and employed himself in fortifying and garrisoning the posts +south of the river, taking up his winter quarters at New +Carthage. When Gnaeus rejoined his fleet, he punished the +authors of the disaster according to the Roman custom; and +then collected his land and sea forces together in Tarraco, and +there took up his winter quarters; and by dividing the booty +equally between his soldiers, inspired them at once with +affection towards himself and eagerness for future service. +Such was the course of the Iberian campaign.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_77" id="b3_77"><b>77.</b></a> At the beginning of the following spring, Gaius Flaminius +marched his army through Etruria, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</span>and +pitched his camp at Arretium; while his colleague +Gnaeus Servilius on the other hand went to Ariminum, +to await the advance of the enemy in that direction.</p> + +<p>Passing the winter in the Celtic territory, Hannibal kept +his Roman prisoners in close confinement, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal conciliates +the +Italians.</span> +supplying them very sparingly with food; +while he treated their allies with great +kindness from the first, and finally called them together and +addressed them, alleging, “that he had not come to fight +against them, but against Rome in their behalf; and that, +therefore, if they were wise, they would attach themselves to +him: because he had come to restore freedom to the Italians, +and to assist them to recover their cities and territory which +they had severally lost to Rome.” With these words he +dismissed them without ransom to their own homes: wishing +by this policy to attract the inhabitants of Italy to his cause, +and to alienate their affections from Rome, and to awaken the +resentment of all those who considered themselves to have suffered +by the loss of harbours or cities under the Roman rule.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_78" id="b3_78"><b>78.</b></a> While he was in these winter quarters also he practised +a ruse truly Punic. Being apprehensive that from the fickleness +of their character, and the newness of the tie between +himself and them, the Celts might lay plots against his life, he +caused a number of wigs to be made for him, suited in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span> +appearance to men of various ages; and these he constantly +varied, changing at the same time his clothes also to +harmonise with the particular wig which he wore. He thus +made it hard to recognise him, not only for those who +met him suddenly, but even for his intimates. But seeing that +the Celts were discontented at the lengthened continuance of +the war within their borders, and were in a state of restless hurry +to invade the enemy’s territory,—on the pretence of hatred for +Rome, but in reality from love of booty,—he determined to +break up his camp as soon as possible, and satisfy the desires +of his army. Accordingly as soon as the change of season set +in, by questioning those who were reputed to know the +country best, he ascertained that the other roads leading into +Etruria were long and well known to the enemy, but that the one +which led through the marshes was short, and would bring +them upon Flaminius as a surprise.<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> This was what suited his +peculiar genius, and he therefore decided to take this route. +But when the report was spread in his army that the general +was going to lead them through some marshes, every soldier +felt alarmed at the idea of the quagmires and deep sloughs +which they would find on this march.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_79" id="b3_79"><b>79.</b></a> But after a careful inquiry as to what part of the road +was firm or boggy, Hannibal broke up his camp +and marched out. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal starts +for Etruria. +Spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +217.</span>He placed the Libyans and +Iberians and all his best soldiers in the van, +and the baggage within their lines, that there +might be plenty of provisions for their immediate needs. +Provisions for the future he entirely neglected. Because +he calculated that on reaching the enemy’s territory, if he were +beaten he should not require them, and if he were victorious he +would find abundance in the open country. Behind this +vanguard he placed the Celts, and in the rear of all the +cavalry. He entrusted the command of the rear-guard to his +brother Mago, that he might see to the security of all, and +especially to guard against the cowardice and impatience of +hard labour which characterised the Celts; in order that, if the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>difficulty of the route should induce them to turn back, he +might intercept them by means of the cavalry and force them +to proceed. In point of fact, the Iberians and Libyans, +having great powers of endurance and being habituated to such +fatigues, and also because when they marched through them +the marshes<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> were fresh and untrodden, accomplished their +march with a moderate amount of distress: but the Celts +advanced with great difficulty, because the marshes were now +disturbed and trodden into a deep morass: and being quite +unaccustomed to such painful labours, they bore the fatigue +with anger and impatience; but were hindered from turning +back by the cavalry in their rear. All however suffered +grievously, especially from the impossibility of getting +sleep on a continuous march of four days and three nights +through a route which was under water: but none suffered +so much, or lost so many men, as the Celts. Most of his +beasts of burden also slipping in the mud fell and perished, +and could then only do the men one service: they sat upon +their dead bodies, and piling up baggage upon them so as to +stand out above the water, they managed to get a snatch of +sleep<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> for a short portion of the night. Another misfortune +was that a considerable number of the horses lost their hoofs +by the prolonged march through bog. Hannibal himself was +with difficulty and much suffering got across riding on the only +elephant left alive, enduring great agony from a severe attack +of ophthalmia, by which he eventually lost the sight of one +eye, because the time and the difficulties of the situation did +not admit of his waiting or applying any treatment to it.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_80" id="b3_80"><b>80.</b></a> Having crossed the marshes in this unexpected +manner, Hannibal found Flaminius in Etruria +encamped under the walls of Arretium. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal in the +valley of the +Arno.</span> +For the +present he pitched his camp close to the marshes, +to refresh his army, and to investigate the plans of his enemies +and the lie of the country in his front. And being informed that +the country before him abounded in wealth, and that Flaminius +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span>was a mere mob-orator and demagogue, with no ability for +the actual conduct of military affairs, and was moreover +unreasonably confident in his resources; he calculated that, if +he passed his camp and made a descent into the district +beyond, partly for fear of popular reproach and partly from a +personal feeling of irritation, Flaminius would be unable to +endure to watch passively the devastation of the country, and +would spontaneously follow him wherever he went; and being +eager to secure the credit of a victory for himself, without +waiting for the arrival of his colleague, would give him many +opportunities for an attack.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_81" id="b3_81"><b>81.</b></a> And in making these calculations Hannibal showed his +consummate prudence and strategical ability. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal +correctly judges +the character of +Flaminius.</span> +For it is mere blind ignorance to believe that +there can be anything of more vital importance +to a general than the knowledge of his +opponent’s character and disposition. As in combats between +individuals or ranks, he who would conquer must observe +carefully how it is possible to attain his object, and what part +of his enemy appears unguarded or insufficiently armed,—so +must a commander of an army look out for the weak place, +not in the body, but in the mind of the leader of the hostile +force. For it has often happened before now that from mere +idleness and lack of energy, men have let not only the welfare +of the state, but even their private fortunes fall to ruin: some +are so addicted to wine that they cannot sleep without +bemusing their intellects with drink; and others so infatuated in +their pursuit of sensual pleasures, that they have not only been +the ruin of their cities and fortunes, but have forfeited life itself +with disgrace. In the case of individuals, however, cowardice +and sloth bring shame only on themselves; but when it is +a commander-in-chief that is concerned, the disaster affects all +alike and is of the most fatal consequence. It not only +infects the men under him with an inactivity like his own; but +it often brings absolute dangers of the most serious description +upon those who trust such a general. For rashness, temerity, +and uncalculating impetuosity, as well as foolish ambition and +vanity, give an easy victory to the enemy. And are the source +of numerous dangers to one’s friends: for a man who is the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span> +prey of such weaknesses falls the easiest victim to every +stratagem, ambush or ruse. The general then who can gain +a clear idea of his opponent’s weaknesses, and direct his attack +on the point where he is most open to it, will very soon be +the victor in the campaign. For as a ship, if you deprive it +of its steerer, falls with all its crew into the hands of the +enemy; so, in the case of an army in war, if you outwit or +out-manœuvre its general, the whole will often fall into your +hands.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_82" id="b3_82"><b>82.</b></a> Nor was Hannibal mistaken in his calculations in +regard to Flaminius. For no sooner had he <span class="sidenote">Flaminius is +drawn out of +camp.</span> +left the neighbourhood of Faesulae, and, +advancing a short way beyond the Roman +camp, made a raid upon the neighbouring country, than +Flaminius became excited, and enraged at the idea that he was +despised by the enemy: and as the devastation of the country +went on, and he saw from the smoke that rose in every +direction that the work of destruction was proceeding, he could +not patiently endure the sight. Some of his officers advised +that they should not follow the enemy at once nor engage +him, but should act on the defensive, in view of his great +superiority in cavalry; and especially that they should wait for +the other Consul, and not give battle until the two armies were +combined. But Flaminius, far from listening to their advice, +was indignant at those who offered it; and bade them consider +what the people at home would say at the country being laid +waste almost up to the walls of Rome itself, while they +remained encamped in Etruria on the enemy’s rear. Finally, +with these words, he set his army in motion, without any settled +plan of time or place; but bent only on falling in with the +enemy, as though certain victory awaited him. For he had +managed to inspire the people with such confident expectations, +that the unarmed citizens who followed his camp in hope of +booty, bringing chains and fetters and all such gear, were more +numerous than the soldiers themselves.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Hannibal was advancing on his way to Rome +through Etruria, keeping the city of Cortona and its hills on +his left, and the Thrasymene lake on his right; and as he +marched, he burned and wasted the country with a view of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span> +rousing the wrath of the enemy and tempting him to come out. +And when he saw Flaminius get well within distance, and +observed that the ground he then occupied was suited to his +purpose, he bent his whole energies on preparing for a general +engagement.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_83" id="b3_83"><b>83.</b></a> The route which he was following led through a low +valley enclosed on both sides by long lines of +lofty hills. <span class="sidenote">The ambuscade +at Lake Thrasymene.</span>Of its two ends, that in front was +blocked by an abrupt and inaccessible hill, and +that on the rear by the lake, between which and the foot of +the cliff there is only a very narrow defile leading into this +valley. Making his way to the end of the valley along the +bank of the lake, Hannibal posted himself with the Spanish +and Libyan troops on the hill immediately in front of him as +he marched, and pitched a camp on it; but sent his Balearic +slingers and light-armed troops by a détour, and stationed +them in extended order under the cover of the hills to the +right of the valley; and by a similar détour placed the Gauls +and cavalry under the cover of hills to the left, causing them +also to extend their line so far as to cover the entrance of the +defile running between the cliff and lake into the valley.<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">188</a></p> + +<p>Having made these preparations during the night, and +having thus enclosed the valley with ambuscades, Hannibal +remained quiet. In pursuit of him came Flaminius, in hot +haste to close with the enemy. It was late in the evening before +he pitched his camp on the border of the lake; and at daybreak +next morning, just before the morning watch, he led his front +maniples forward along the borders of the lake into the valley +with a view of engaging the enemy.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_84" id="b3_84"><b>84.</b></a> The day was exceedingly misty: and as soon as the +greater part of the Roman line was in the valley, <span class="sidenote">The battle, +22d June.</span> +and the leading maniples were getting close to +him, Hannibal gave the signal for attack; and at the same time +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span>sent orders to the troops lying in ambush on the hills to do +the same, and thus delivered an assault upon the enemy at +every point at once. Flaminius was taken completely by +surprise: the mist was so thick, and the enemy were charging +down from the upper ground at so many points at once, that +not only were the Centurions and Tribunes unable to relieve +any part of the line that was in difficulties, but were not even +able to get any clear idea of what was going on: for they were +attacked simultaneously on front, rear, and both flanks. The +result was that most of them were cut down in the order of +march, without being able to defend themselves: exactly as +though they had been actually given up to slaughter by +the folly of their leader. Flaminius himself, in a state +of the utmost distress and despair, was attacked and killed +by a company of Celts. As many as fifteen thousand +Romans fell in the valley, who could neither yield nor defend +themselves, being habituated to regard it as their supreme +duty not to fly or quit their ranks. But those who were +caught in the defile between the lake and the cliff perished in +a shameful, or rather a most miserable, manner: for being +thrust into the lake, some in their frantic terror endeavoured +to swim with their armour on, and presently sank and were +drowned; while the greater number, wading as far as they could +into the lake, remained there with their heads above water; +and when the cavalry rode in after them, and certain death +stared them in the face, they raised their hands and begged +for quarter, offering to surrender, and using every imaginary +appeal for mercy; but were finally despatched by the +enemy, or, in some cases, begged the favour of the fatal +blow from their friends, or inflicted it on themselves. A +number of men, however, amounting perhaps to six thousand, +who were in the valley, defeated the enemy immediately in +front of them; but though they might have done much to +retrieve the fortune of the day, they were unable to go to the +relief of their comrades, or get to the rear of their opponents, +because they could not see what was going on. They accordingly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span> +pushed on continually to the front, always expecting to +find themselves engaged with some of the enemy: until they +discovered that, without noticing it, they were issuing upon +the higher ground. But when they were on the crest of +the hills, the mist broke and they saw clearly the disaster +which had befallen them; and being no longer able to do any +good, since the enemy was victorious all along the line, and in +complete possession of the ground, they closed their ranks and +made for a certain Etrurian village. After the battle Maharbal +was sent by Hannibal with the Iberians and light-armed troops +to besiege the village; and seeing themselves surrounded by a +complication of dangers, they laid down their arms and surrendered +on condition of their lives being spared. Such was +the end of the final engagement between the Romans and +Carthaginians in Etruria.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_85" id="b3_85"><b>85.</b></a> When the prisoners who had surrendered on terms +were with the other prisoners brought to +Hannibal, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal’s +treatment of +prisoners.</span> +he had them all collected together +to the number of more than fifteen thousand, +and began by saying that Maharbal had no authority +to grant them their lives without consulting him. He then +launched out into an invective against Rome: and when he had +finished that, he distributed all the prisoners who were Romans +among the companies of his army to be held in safe keeping; +but allowed all the allies to depart without ransom to their own +country, with the same remark as he had made before, that +“he was not come to fight against Italians, but in behalf of +Italians against Rome.” He then gave his army time to refresh +themselves after their fatigue, and buried those of highest rank +who had fallen in his army, amounting to about thirty; the +total number of his loss being fifteen hundred, most of whom +were Celts. He then began considering, in conjunction with +his brother and friends, where and how he should continue his +attack, for he now felt confident of ultimate success.</p> + +<p>When the news of this disaster reached Rome, the chief +men of the state could not, <span class="sidenote">Dismay at Rome.</span>in view of the +gravity of the blow, conceal its extent or +soften it down, but were forced to assemble the people +and tell them the truth. When the Praetor, therefore,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span> +from the Rostra said, “We have been beaten in a great +battle,” there was such a consternation, that those who had +been present at the battle as well as at this meeting, felt the +disaster to be graver than when they were on the field of +battle itself. And this feeling of the people was not to be +wondered at. For many years they had been unaccustomed +to the word or the fact of defeat, and they could not now +endure reverse with patience or dignity. The Senate, however, +rose to the occasion, and held protracted debates and consultations +as to the future, anxiously considering what it was +the duty of all classes to do, and how they were to do it.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_86" id="b3_86"><b>86.</b></a> About the same time as the battle of Thrasymene, +the Consul Gnaeus Servilius, <span class="sidenote">Servilius’s +advanced guard +cut to pieces.</span>who had been +stationed on duty at Ariminum,—which +is on the coast of the Adriatic, where the +plains of Cis-Alpine Gaul join the rest of Italy, not far from +the mouths of the Padus,—having heard that Hannibal had +entered Etruria and was encamped near Flaminius, designed +to join the latter with his whole army. But finding himself +hampered by the difficulty of transporting so heavy a force, he +sent Gaius Centenius forward in haste with four thousand +horse, intending that he should be there before himself in case +of need. But Hannibal, getting early intelligence after the +battle of Thrasymene of this reinforcement of the enemy, sent +Maharbal with his light-armed troops, and a detachment of +cavalry, who falling in with Gaius, killed nearly half his men +at the first encounter; and having pursued the remainder to a +certain hill, on the very next day took them all prisoners. +The news of the battle of Thrasymene was three days’ old at +Rome, and the sorrow caused by it was, so to speak, at its +hottest, when this further disaster was announced. The consternation +caused by it was no longer confined to the people. +The Senate now fully shared in it; and it was resolved that the +usual annual arrangements for the election of magistrates +should be suspended, and a more radical remedy be sought +for the present dangers; for they came to the conclusion that +their affairs were in such a state, as to require a commander +with absolute powers.</p> + +<p>Feeling now entirely confident of success, Hannibal rejected<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span> +the idea of approaching Rome for the present; but traversed +the country plundering it without resistance, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal’s +advance after the +battle.</span>and +directing his march towards the coast of the +Adriatic. Having passed through Umbria and +Picenum, he came upon the coast after a ten days’ march +with such enormous booty, that the army could neither +drive nor carry all the wealth which they had taken, and +after killing a large number of people on his road. For +the order was given, usual in the storming of cities, to kill +all adults who came in their way: an order which Hannibal was +prompted to give now by his deep-seated hatred of Rome.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a></p> + +<p><a name="b3_87" id="b3_87"><b>87.</b></a> Pitching his camp on the shore of the Adriatic, in a +district extraordinarily rich in every kind of produce, he took +great pains to refresh his men and restore their health, and no +less so that of the horses. For the cold and squalor of a +winter spent in Gallia Cis-Alpina without the protection of a +roof, and then the painful march through the marshes, had +brought upon most of the horses, and the men as well, an +attack of scurvy and all its consequences. Having therefore +now got possession of a rich country, he got his horses into +condition again, and restored the bodies and spirits of his +soldiers; and made the Libyans change their own for Roman +arms selected for the purpose, which he could easily do from +being possessed of so many sets stripped from the bodies of the +enemy. He now sent messengers, too, to Carthage by sea, to +report what had taken place, for this was the first time he had +reached the sea since he entered Italy. The Carthaginians +were greatly rejoiced at the news: and took measures with +enthusiasm for forwarding supplies to their armies, both in +Iberia and Italy.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Romans had appointed Quintus Fabius +Dictator,<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> a man distinguished no less for his wisdom than his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span> +high birth; as is still commemorated by the fact that the +members of his family are even now called +<i>Maximi</i>, <span class="sidenote">Q. Fabius Maximus +Dictator.</span> +that is “Greatest,” in honour of his +successful achievements. A Dictator differs +from the Consuls in this, that each Consul is followed by twelve +lictors, the Dictator by twenty-four. Again, the Consuls have +frequently to refer to the Senate to enable them to carry out +their proposed plans, but the Dictator is absolute, and when +he is appointed all other magistrates in Rome are at once +deprived of power, except the Tribunes of the People.<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> I shall, +however, take another opportunity of speaking in more detail +about these officers. With the Dictator they appointed Marcus +Minucius master of the horse; this is an officer under the +Dictator, and takes his place when engaged elsewhere.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_88" id="b3_88"><b>88.</b></a> Though Hannibal shifted his quarters from time to +time for short distances in one direction or another, he remained +in the neighbourhood of the Adriatic; and by bathing his +horses with old wine, of which he had a great store, cured +them of the scab and got them into condition again. By a +similar treatment he cured his men of their wounds, and got +the others into a sound state of health and spirits for the +service before them. After traversing with fire and sword +the territories of Praetutia,<a name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> Hadriana, Marrucina, and Frentana, +he started on his road to Iapygia. This district is divided +among three peoples, each with a district name, Daunii, Peucetii, +and Messapii. Hannibal first invaded the territory of the +Daunii, beginning from Luceria, a Roman colony, and laid the +country waste. He next encamped near Vibo, and overran the +territory of Arpi, and plundered all Daunia without resistance.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Fabius, after offering the usual sacrifice to the +gods upon his appointment, started with his <span class="sidenote">Fabius takes the +command.</span> +master of the horse and four legions which +had been enrolled for the purpose; and +having effected a junction near Daunia with the troops that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span>had come to the rescue from Ariminum, he relieved Gnaeus +of his command on shore and sent him with an escort to +Rome, with orders to be ready with help for any emergency, +in case the Carthaginians made any movement by sea. Fabius +himself, with his master of the horse, took over the command of +the whole army and pitched his camp opposite the Carthaginians, +near a place called Aecae,<a name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> about six miles from the enemy.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_89" id="b3_89"><b>89.</b></a> When Hannibal learnt that Fabius had arrived, he +determined to terrify the enemy by promptly attacking. <span class="sidenote">Cunctator.</span>He +therefore led out his army, approached the +Roman camp, and there drew up his men +in order of battle; but when he had waited some time, +and nobody came out to attack him, he drew off and +retired to his own camp. For Fabius, having made up +his mind to incur no danger and not to risk a battle, but to +make the safety of his men his first and greatest object, kept +resolutely to this purpose. At first he was despised for it, and +gave rise to scandalous insinuations that he was an utter +coward and dared not face an engagement: but in course of +time he compelled everybody to confess and allow that it was +impossible for any one to have acted, in the existing circumstances, +with greater discretion and prudence. And it was not +long before facts testified to the wisdom of his policy. Nor +was it wonderful that it was so. For the forces of his +opponents had been trained from their earliest youth without +intermission in war; had a general who had grown up with +them and from childhood had been instructed in the arts of +the camp; had won many battles in Iberia, and twice running +had beaten the Romans and their allies: and, what was more +than all, had thoroughly made up their minds that their one +hope of safety was in victory. In every respect the circumstances +of the Roman army were the exact opposite of these; +and therefore, their manifest inferiority making it impossible +for Fabius to offer the enemy battle, he fell back upon those +resources in which the Romans had the advantage of the +enemy; clung to them; and conducted the war by their means: +and they were—an inexhaustible supply of provisions and of +men.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b3_90" id="b3_90"><b>90.</b></a> He, then, during the following months, kept his army +continually hovering in the neighbourhood of the enemy, his +superior knowledge of the country enabling him to occupy +beforehand all the posts of vantage; and having supplies in +abundance on his rear, he never allowed his soldiers to go on +foraging expeditions, or get separated, on any pretence, from the +camp; but keeping them continually massed together and in +close union, he watched for favourable opportunities of time +and place; and by this method of proceeding captured and +killed a large number of the enemy, who in their contempt of +him straggled from their camp in search of plunder. His +object in these manœuvres was twofold,—to gradually diminish +the limited numbers of the enemy: and to strengthen and renew +by such successes in detail the spirits of his own men, +which had been depressed, to begin with, by the general defeat +of their armies. But nothing would induce him to agree to +give his enemy a set battle. <span class="sidenote">Minucius +discontented.</span> +This policy however +was by no means approved of by his master +of the horse, Marcus. He joined in the general +verdict, and decried Fabius in every one’s hearing, as conducting +his command in a cowardly and unenterprising spirit; and +was himself eager to venture upon a decisive engagement.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Carthaginians, after wasting these districts, +crossed the Apennines; and descending upon +Samnium, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal in +Samnium and +Apulia.</span> +which was rich and had been free +from war for many years past, found themselves +in possession of such an abundance of provisions, that +they could get rid of them neither by use nor waste. They +overran also the territory of Beneventum, which was a Roman +colony; and took the town of Venusia, which was unwalled +and richly furnished with every kind of property. All +this time the Romans were following on his rear, keeping +one or two days’ march behind him, but never venturing to +approach or engage the enemy. Accordingly, when Hannibal +saw that Fabius plainly meant to decline a battle, but yet would +not abandon the country altogether, he formed the bold resolution +of penetrating to the plains round Capua; and actually +did so as far as Falernum, convinced that thereby he should +do one of two things,—force the enemy to give him battle, or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span> +make it evident to all that the victory was his, and that the +Romans had abandoned the country to him. This he hoped +would strike terror into the various cities, and cause them to +be eager to revolt from Rome. For up to that time, though +the Romans had been beaten in two battles, not a single city +in Italy had revolted to the Carthaginians; but all maintained +their fidelity, although some of them were suffering severely;—a +fact which may show us the awe and respect which the +Republic had inspired in its allies.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_91" id="b3_91"><b>91.</b></a> Hannibal, however, had not adopted this plan without +good reason. For the plains about Capua are the best in +Italy for fertility and beauty and proximity to the sea, and for +the commercial harbours, into which merchants run who are +sailing to Italy from nearly all parts of the world. They contain, +moreover, the most famous and beautiful cities of Italy. +On its seaboard are Sinuessa, Cumae, Puteoli, Naples, and +Nuceria; and inland to the north there are Cales and Teanum, +to the east and south [Caudium<a name="FNanchor_194" id="FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">194</a>] and Nola. In the centre +of these plains lies the richest of all the cities, that of Capua. +No tale in all mythology wears a greater appearance of probability +than that which is told of these, which, like others +remarkable for their beauty, are called the Phlegraean plains; +for surely none are more likely for beauty and fertility to have +been contended for by gods. In addition to these advantages, +they are strongly protected by nature and difficult of approach; +for one side is protected by the sea, and the rest by a long +and high chain of mountains, through which there are but +three passes from the interior, narrow and difficult, one from +Samnium [a second from Latium<a name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a>] and a third from Hirpini. +So that if the Carthaginians succeeded in fixing their quarters +in these plains, they would have the advantage of a kind +of theatre, in which to display the terrors of their power before +the gaze of all Italy; and would make a spectacle also of the +cowardice of their enemies in shrinking from giving them +battle, while they themselves would be proved beyond dispute +to be masters of the country.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b3_92" id="b3_92"><b>92.</b></a> With this view Hannibal crossed from Samnium by +the pass of the hill called Eribianus,<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> and +encamped on the bank of the river Vulturnus, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal +descends into the +Falernian plain.</span> +which almost divides these plains in half. +His camp was on the side of the river towards Rome, but +he overran the whole plain with foraging parties. Though +utterly aghast at the audacity of the enemy’s proceedings, +Fabius stuck all the more firmly to the policy upon which he +had determined. But his colleague Minucius, and all the +centurions and tribunes of the army, thinking that they had +caught the enemy in an excellent trap, were of opinion that +they should make all haste into the plains, and not allow the +most splendid part of the country to be devastated. Until +they reached the spot, Fabius hurried on, and feigned to share +their eager and adventurous spirit; and, when he was near the +ager Falernus, he showed himself on the mountain skirts and +kept in a line with the enemy, that he might not be thought by +the allies to abandon the country: but he would not let his army +descend into the plain, being still unwilling to risk a general +engagement, partly for the same reasons as before, and partly +because the enemy were conspicuously superior in cavalry.</p> + +<p>After trying to provoke his enemies, and collecting an +unlimited amount of booty by laying waste +the whole plain, <span class="sidenote">Fabius lies in wait.</span>Hannibal began taking +measures for removing: wishing not to waste his booty, +but to stow it in some safe place, which he might +also make his winter quarters; that the army might not +only be well off for the present, but might have abundant +supplies all through the winter. Fabius, learning that he +meditated returning the same way as he came, and seeing that +the pass was a narrow one, and extremely well suited for an +attack by ambush, placed about four thousand men at the exact +spot that he would have to pass; while he, with the main body +of his troops, encamped on a hill which commanded the +entrance of the pass.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_93" id="b3_93"><b>93.</b></a> Fabius hoped when the Carthaginians came thither, +and encamped on the plain immediately under the foot +of the hill, that he would be able to snatch away their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span> +plunder without any risk to himself; and, most of all, might +even put an end to the whole war by means of <span class="sidenote">Hannibal eludes +him.</span> +the excellent situation for an attack in which +he now was. He was accordingly wholly intent +on forming plans for this purpose, anxiously considering in +what direction and in what manner he should avail himself +of the advantages of the ground, and which of his men were +to be the first to attack the enemy. Whilst his enemies were +making these preparations for the next day, Hannibal, guessing +the truth, took care to give them no time or leisure for executing +their design; but summoning Hasdrubal, the captain +of his pioneers, ordered him, with all speed, to make as +many fagots of dry wood of all sorts as possible, and selecting +two thousand of the strongest of the working oxen from the +booty, to collect them outside the camp. When this was done, +he summoned the pioneers, and pointed out to them a certain +ridge lying between the camp and the gorge by which he meant +to march. To this ridge they were to drive the oxen, when +the order was given, as actively and energetically as they could, +until they came to the top. Having given these instructions, +he bade them take their supper and go to rest betimes. Towards +the end of the third watch of the night he led the pioneers out of +the camp, and ordered them to tie the fagots to the horns of the +oxen. The men being numerous, this did not take long to do; +and he then ordered them to set the fagots all alight, and to +drive the oxen off and force them to mount the ridge; and +placing his light-armed troops behind them he ordered them +to assist the drivers up to a certain distance: but, as soon as +the beasts had got well started, to take open order and pass +them at the double, and, with as much noise as possible, make +for the top of the ridge; that, if they found any of the enemy +there, they might close with and attack them at once. At the +same time he himself led the main army towards the narrow +gorge of the pass,—his heavy-armed men in front, next to them +the cavalry, then the booty, and the Iberians and Celts bringing +up the rear.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_94" id="b3_94"><b>94.</b></a> The Romans who were guarding the gorge, no sooner +saw these fiery fagots advancing to the heights, than, quitting the +narrow part of the pass, they made for the ridge to meet the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span> +enemy. But when they got near the oxen, they were puzzled by +the lights, imagining them to be something more dangerous than +they really were; and when the Carthaginian light-armed troops +came on to the ground, after some slight skirmishing between +the two parties, upon the oxen rushing in among them, they +separated and took up their positions on different heights and +waited for daybreak, not being able to comprehend what was +taking place.</p> + +<p>Partly because he was at a loss to understand what +was happening, and, in the words of the +poet, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal gets +through the pass. +Autumn, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</span>“some deep design suspecting;”<a name="FNanchor_197" id="FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> and +partly that, in accordance with his original +plan, he was determined not to risk a general engagement, +Fabius remained quietly within his camp: while Hannibal, +finding everything going as he designed, led his army and +booty in safety through the gorge, the men who had been set +to guard the narrow road having abandoned their post. At +daybreak, seeing the two troops fronting each other on the +heights, he sent some Iberian companies to the light-armed +troops, who engaged the Romans, and, killing a thousand of +them, easily relieved his own light-armed troops and brought +them down to the main body.</p> + +<p>Having thus effected his departure from the Falernian plain, +Hannibal thenceforth busied himself in looking out for a place in +which to winter, and in making the necessary preparations, after +having inspired the utmost alarm and uncertainty in the cities +and inhabitants of Italy. <span class="sidenote">Fabius goes to +Rome, leaving +the command to +M. Minucius.</span>Though Fabius meanwhile +was in great disrepute among the common +people, for having let his enemy escape from +such a trap, he nevertheless refused to abandon +his policy; and being shortly afterwards obliged to go to Rome +to perform certain sacrifices, he handed over the command of +his legions to his master of the horse, with many parting +injunctions, not to be so anxious to inflict a blow upon the +enemy, as to avoid receiving one himself. Marcus, however, +paid no heed to the advice, and, even while Fabius was speaking, +had wholly resolved to risk a general engagement.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_95" id="b3_95"><b>95.</b></a> While these things were going on in Italy, Hasdrubal,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span> +who was in command in Iberia, having during the winter repaired +the thirty ships left him by his brother, <span class="sidenote">Spain, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</span> +and manned ten additional ones, got a fleet of +forty decked vessels to sea, at the beginning of the summer, +from New Carthage, under the command of Hamilcar; and at +the same time collected his land forces, and led them out of +their winter quarters. The fleet coasted up the country, and +the troops marched along the shore towards the Iber. Suspecting +their design, Gnaeus Scipio was for issuing from his +winter quarters and meeting them both by land and sea. But +hearing of the number of their troops, and the great scale on +which their preparations had been made, he gave up the idea +of meeting them by land; and manning thirty-five ships, and +taking on board the best men he could get from his land +forces to serve as marines, he put to sea, and arrived on the +second day near the mouth of the Iber. Here he came to +anchor, at a distance of about ten miles from the enemy, and +sent two swift-sailing Massilian vessels to reconnoitre. For the +sailors of Marseilles were the first in every service of difficulty +and danger, and ready at the shortest notice to do whatever +was required of them; and, in fact, Marseilles has distinguished +itself above all other places, before and since, in fidelity to +Rome, and never more so than in the Hannibalian war. The +ships sent to reconnoitre having reported that the enemy’s +fleet was lying off the mouth of the Iber, Scipio put to sea +with all speed, wishing to surprise them.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_96" id="b3_96"><b>96.</b></a> But being informed in good time by his look-out +men that the enemy were bearing down upon +him, <span class="sidenote">Roman success +at sea.</span>Hasdrubal drew up his troops on the +beach, and ordered his crews to go on +board; and, when the Romans hove in sight, gave the signal +for the attack, determined to fight the enemy at sea. But, +after engaging, the Carthaginians made but a short struggle for +victory, and very soon gave way. For the support of the +troops on the beach did less service in encouraging them to +attack, than harm in offering them a safe place of retreat. +Accordingly, after losing two ships with their crews, and the +oars and marines of four others, they gave way and made for +the land; and when the Romans pressed on with spirit in pursuit,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span> +they ran their ships ashore, and leaping from the vessels +fled for refuge to the troops. The Romans came boldly close +to land, towed off such of the vessels as could be got afloat, +and sailed away in great exultation at having beaten the enemy +at the first blow, secured the mastery of the sea, and taken +twenty-five of the enemy’s ships.</p> + +<p>In Iberia therefore, after this victory, the Roman prospects +had begun to brighten. But when news of this reverse arrived +at Carthage, the Carthaginians at once despatched a fleet of +seventy ships, judging it to be essential to their whole design +that they should command the sea. These ships touched +first at Sardinia and then at Pisae in Italy, the commanders +believing that they should find Hannibal there. But the +Romans at once put to sea to attack them from Rome itself, +with a fleet of a hundred and twenty quinqueremes; and +hearing of this expedition against them, the Carthaginians +sailed back to Sardinia, and thence returned to Carthage. +Gnaeus Servilius, who was in command of this Roman fleet, +followed the Carthaginians for a certain distance, believing +that he should fall in with them; but, finding that he was far +behind, he gave up the attempt. He first put in at Lilybaeum, +and afterwards sailed to the Libyan island of Cercina; and after +receiving a sum of money from the inhabitants on condition of +not laying waste the country, he departed. On his return voyage +he took the island of Cossyrus, and having put a garrison into its +small capital, returned to Lilybaeum. There he placed the fleet, +and shortly afterwards went off himself to join the land army.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_97" id="b3_97"><b>97.</b></a> When the Senate heard of Gnaeus Scipio’s naval success, +believing it to be advantageous or rather +essential not to relax their hold on Iberia, <span class="sidenote">Publius Scipio, +whose imperium +is prolonged after +his Consulship of +the previous year, +with Spain assigned +as his province, +is sent to +join his brother +there with 20 +ships: early in +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</span> +but +to press on the war there against Carthage with +redoubled vigour, they prepared a fleet of twenty +ships, and put them under the command of +Publius Scipio; and in accordance with arrangements +already made, despatched him with all +speed to join his brother Gnaeus, and carry on +the Iberian campaign in conjunction with him. +Their great anxiety was lest the Carthaginians +should get the upper hand in Iberia, and thus possessing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span> +themselves of abundant supplies and recruits, should get a +more complete mastery of the sea, and assist the invasion of +Italy, by sending troops and money to Hannibal. Regarding +therefore the Iberian war as of the utmost importance, they +sent these ships and Publius Scipio to that country; who, +when he arrived in Iberia, effected a junction with his brother +and did most substantial service to the State. For up to that +time the Romans had not ventured to cross the Iber; but had +thought themselves fortunate if they could secure the friendship +and allies of the tribes up to that river. They now however +did cross it, and for the first time had the courage to +attempt a movement on the other side: their designs being +greatly favoured also by an accidental circumstance.</p> + +<p>When the two brothers, after overawing the Iberian tribes +that lived near the passage of the Iber, had arrived before the +city of Saguntum, they pitched their camp about forty stades +from it, near the temple of Aphrodite, selecting the position as +offering at once security from the attacks of the enemy, and a +means of getting supplies by sea: for their fleet was coasting +down parallel with them.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_98" id="b3_98"><b>98.</b></a> Here an event occurred which produced a decisive +change in their favour. When Hannibal was about to start +for Italy, <span class="sidenote">Treason of +Abilyx.</span> +from the Iberian towns whose loyalty +he suspected he took the sons of their leading +men as hostages, and placed them all in +Saguntum, because of the strength of that town and his confidence +in the fidelity of those who were left in charge +of it. Now there was a certain Iberian there named Abilyx, +who enjoyed the highest character and reputation with his +countrymen, and was believed to be especially well disposed and +loyal to the Carthaginians. Seeing how affairs were going, and +believing that the fortune of the Romans was in the ascendant, +he formed in his own mind a scheme, worthy of an Iberian +and barbarian, for giving up the hostages. Convinced that +he might obtain a high place in the favour of Rome, if he +gave a proof of his fidelity at a critical moment, he made up +his mind to turn traitor to Carthage and put the hostages in +the hands of the Romans. He began his machinations by +addressing himself to Bostar, the Carthaginian general who had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span> +been despatched by Hasdrubal to prevent the Romans from +crossing the river, but, not venturing to do this, had retreated, +and was now encamped in the region of Saguntum next the sea. +To this man, who was of a guileless and gentle character, and +quite disposed to trust him, Abilyx now introduced the subject +of the hostages. He argued that “the Romans having now +crossed the Iber, the Carthaginians could no longer hold Iberia +by terror, but stood now in need of the good feeling of their +subjects: seeing then that the Romans had actually approached +Saguntum and were besieging it, and that the city was in +danger,—if he were to take the hostages and restore them to +their parents and cities, he would not only frustrate the +ambitious scheme of the Romans, who wished above all +things by getting possession of the hostages to have the credit +of doing this; but would also rouse a feeling of goodwill +towards Carthage in all the cities, for having taken thought for +the future and provided for the safety of the hostages. He +would, too, much enhance the favour by personally managing +this business: for if he restored these boys to their homes, he +would provoke the gratitude, not only of their parents, but of +the people at large also, by giving a striking instance of the +magnanimous policy of Carthage towards her allies. He +might even expect large rewards for himself from the families +that recovered their children; for all those, who thus unexpectedly +got into their hands the dearest objects of their +affection, would vie with each other in heaping favours on the +author of such a service.” By these and similar arguments +he persuaded Bostar to fall in with his proposals.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_99" id="b3_99"><b>99.</b></a> Abilyx then went away, after arranging a fixed day on +which he would appear with everything necessary for conveying +the boys. At night he made his way to the Roman lines, and, +having fallen in with some Iberians serving in the Roman +army, was by them conducted to the generals; to whom he +discoursed at great length on the revulsion of feeling of +the Iberians in their favour, which would be caused if they +got possession of the hostages: and finally offered to put the +boys in their hands. Publius Scipio received the proposal +with extreme eagerness: and, promising him large rewards, he +agreed with him on a day, hour, and place at which a party<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span> +were to be waiting to receive him. After returning home, Abilyx +next went with a band of chosen friends to Bostar; and, after +receiving the boys, left the camp at night, as though he wished +not to be seen by the Roman camp as he passed it, and came +at the appointed time to the place arranged, and there handed +over all the boys to the Roman officers. Publius treated +Abilyx with special honour, and employed him in restoring the +boys to their native cities, along with certain of his own +friends. He accordingly went from city to city, giving +them a visible proof by the restoration of the boys of the +Roman mildness and magnanimity, in contrast to the Carthaginian +suspiciousness and harshness; and bidding them +also observe that he had found it necessary to change sides, +he induced many Iberians to join the Roman alliance. Bostar +was thought, in thus surrendering the hostages to the enemy, to +have behaved more like a child than became a man of his age, +and was in serious danger of his life. For the present, however, +as it was getting late in the season, both sides began +dispersing into winter quarters; the Romans having made an +important step towards success in the matter of the boys.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_100" id="b3_100"><b>100.</b></a> Such was the position of affairs in Iberia. To +return to Hannibal, whom we left having just +effected the passage from the Falernian plain. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal takes +Geronium.</span> +Hearing from his scouts that there was abundance +of corn in the district round Luceria and Geronium, +and that Geronium was an excellent place to store it in, he +determined to make his winter quarters there; and accordingly +marched thither by way of Mount Liburnum. And having come +to Geronium, which is about two hundred stades from Luceria, +he first endeavoured to win over the inhabitants by promises, +offering them pledges of his good faith; but when no one +would listen to him, he determined to lay siege to the town. +Having taken it without much delay, he put the inhabitants +to the sword; but preserved most of the houses and walls, +because he wished to use them as granaries for his winter +camp: and having encamped his army in front of it, he fortified +his position with trench and palisade. Having finished these +labours, he sent out two-thirds of the army to collect corn, with +orders to bring home every day, each division for the use of its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span> +own men, as much as the regular heads of this department +would usually supply: while with the remaining third of his +army he kept watch over his camp, and occupied certain places +with a view of protecting the foraging parties in case they were +attacked. The district being mostly very accessible and flat, +and the harvesting party being almost innumerable, and the +season moreover being at the very best stage for such operations, +the amount of corn collected every day was very great.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_101" id="b3_101"><b>101.</b></a> When Minucius took over the command from +Fabius, he at first kept along the line of +hills, <span class="sidenote">Minucius obtains +a slight success. +Autumn <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</span>feeling certain that he would sooner or +later fall in with the Carthaginians; but when +he heard that Hannibal had already taken Geronium, +and was collecting the corn of the country, and had pitched +his camp in front of the town, he changed the direction of his +march, and descended from the top of the hills by way of a +ridge leading down into the plains. Arriving at the height +which lies in the territory of Larinum, and is called Calena, he +encamped round its foot, being eager on any terms whatever to +engage the enemy. When Hannibal saw the enemy approaching, +he sent a third of his army foraging for corn, but took the +other two-thirds with him, and, advancing sixteen stades from +Geronium towards the enemy, pitched a camp upon a piece of +rising ground, with a view at once of overawing his opponents, +and affording safety to his foraging parties: and there being +another elevation between him and the two armies, which was +near, and conveniently placed for an attack upon the enemy’s +lines, he sent out about two thousand light-armed troops in +the night and seized it. At daybreak when Minucius saw +these men, he took his own light-armed troops and assaulted +the hill. After a gallant skirmish the Romans prevailed; and +subsequently their whole camp was transferred to this place. +For a certain time Hannibal kept his men for the most part +within their lines, because the camps were so close to each +other; but, after the lapse of some days, he was obliged to +divide them into two parties, one for pasturing the animals, and +one for gathering corn: being very anxious to carry out his +design of avoiding the destruction of his booty, and of collecting +as much corn as possible, that his men might have abundant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span> +food during the winter, and his horses and beasts of burden as +much so; for the chief hope of his army rested on his +cavalry.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_102" id="b3_102"><b>102.</b></a> It was then that Minucius, seeing the great part of +the enemy scattered about the country on +these services, <span class="sidenote">Carthaginian +foragers cut off.</span> +selected the exact hour of +the day when they would be away to lead +out his army. Having come close to the Carthaginian +lines he drew out his heavy-armed troops there; and then, +dividing his cavalry and light-armed into detachments, sent +them in search of the foragers, ordering them to give no +quarter. This put Hannibal into a great difficulty: for he +was not strong enough to accept battle with the enemy drawn +up outside his lines, or to relieve those of his men who were +scattered about the country. The Romans meanwhile who +had been sent to take the foragers found a great number of +them scattered about, and killed them; while the troops drawn +up in front of the camp grew so contemptuous of the enemy, +that they even began to pull down their palisade, and all but +assaulted the Carthaginians. Hannibal was in a very dangerous +position: but in spite of the storm that had suddenly fallen +on him, he held his ground, repulsing the enemy when they +approached and defending, though with difficulty, the rampart; +until Hasdrubal came to his relief with about four thousand of +the foraging parties, who had fled for refuge from the country +and collected within the lines near Geronium. This encouraged +Hannibal to make a sally: and having got into order +of battle a short distance from the camp, he just managed with +difficulty to avert the threatened danger. After killing large +numbers of the enemy in the struggle at the camp, and still +more in the open country, Minucius for the present retired, +but with great hopes for the future; and on the morrow, the +Carthaginians having abandoned their lines on the hill, he +went up and occupied their position. For Hannibal being +alarmed lest the Romans should go by night and find the +camp at Geronium undefended, and become masters of his +baggage and stores, determined to retire thither himself and +again fix his quarters there. After this the Carthaginians were +more timid and cautious in their manner of foraging; while the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span> +Romans on the other hand acted with greater boldness and +recklessness.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_103" id="b3_103"><b>103.</b></a> An exaggerated account of this success reached Rome, +and caused excessive exultation: first, <span class="sidenote">Minucius invested +with co-equal +powers with +Fabius.</span>because +in their gloomy prospects some sort of change +for the better had at last shown itself; and, +secondly, because the people could now believe +that the ill success and want of nerve, which had hitherto +attended the legions, had not arisen from the cowardice of the +men, but the timidity of their leader. Wherefore everybody +began finding fault with and depreciating Fabius, as failing to +seize his opportunities with spirit; while they extolled Minucius +to such a degree for what had happened, that a thing was done +for which there was no precedent. They gave him absolute +power as well as Fabius, believing that he would quickly put an +end to the campaign; and so there were two Dictators made for +carrying on the same war, which had never happened at Rome +before. When Minucius was informed of his popularity with the +people, and of the office bestowed upon him by the citizens, he +felt doubly incited to run all risks and act with daring boldness +against the enemy. Fabius rejoined the army with sentiments +not in the least changed by what had happened, but rather fixed +still more immovably on his original policy. Seeing, however, +that Minucius was puffed up with pride, and inclined to offer +him a jealous opposition at every turn, and was wholly bent +on risking an engagement, he offered him the choice of two +alternatives: either to command the whole army on alternate +days with him; or that they should separate their two armies, +and each command their respective part in their own way. +Minucius joyfully accepting the second alternative, they divided +the men and encamped separately about twelve stades apart.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_104" id="b3_104"><b>104.</b></a> Partly from observing what was taking place, and +partly from the information of prisoners, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal draws +on Minucius.</span>Hannibal +knew of the mutual jealousy of the two +generals, and the impetuosity and ambition of +Minucius. Looking upon what was happening in the +enemy’s camp as rather in his favour than otherwise, he +set himself to deal with Minucius; being anxious to put an +end to his bold methods and check in time his adventurous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span> +spirit. There being then an elevation between his camp and +that of Minucius, which might prove dangerous to either, he +resolved to occupy it; and, knowing full well that, elated by his +previous success, Minucius would be certain to move out at once +to oppose his design, he concerted the following plan. The +country round the hill being bare of trees, but having much +broken ground and hollows of every description, he despatched +some men during the night, in bodies of two and three hundred, +to occupy the most favourable positions, numbering in all +five hundred horse and five thousand light-armed and other +infantry: and in order that they might not be observed in the +morning by the enemy’s foraging parties, he seized the hill at +daybreak with his light-armed troops. When Marcus saw what +was taking place, he looked upon it as an excellent opportunity; +and immediately despatched his light-armed troops, with +orders to engage the enemy and contest the possession of the +position; after these he sent his cavalry, and close behind +them he led his heavy-armed troops in person, as on the former +occasion, intending to repeat exactly the same manœuvres.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_105" id="b3_105"><b>105.</b></a> As the day broke, and the thoughts and eyes of all +were engrossed in observing the combatants on the hill, the +Romans had no suspicion of the troops lying in ambush. But +as Hannibal kept pouring in reinforcements for his men on the +hill, and followed close behind them himself with his cavalry +and main body, it was not long before the cavalry also of both +sides were engaged. The result was that the Roman light-armed +troops, finding themselves hard pressed by the numbers +of the cavalry, caused great confusion among the heavy-armed +troops by retreating into their lines; and the signal being +given at the same time to those who were in ambush, these +latter suddenly showed themselves and charged: whereby not +only the Roman light-armed troops, but their whole army, were +in the greatest danger. At that moment Fabius, seeing what +was taking place, <span class="sidenote">Fabius comes to +the rescue.</span>and being alarmed lest +they should sustain a complete defeat, led +out his forces with all speed and came to +the relief of his imperilled comrades. At his approach the +Romans quickly recovered their courage; and though their +lines were entirely broken up, they rallied again round their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span> +standards, and retired under cover of the army of Fabius, with +a severe loss in the light-armed division, and a still heavier +one in the ranks of the legions, and that too of the bravest +men. Alarmed at the freshness and perfect order of the relieving +army, Hannibal retired from the pursuit and ceased +fighting. To those who were actually engaged it was quite +clear that an utter defeat had been brought about by the +rashness of Minucius, and that their safety on this and previous +occasions had been secured by the caution of Fabius; +while those at home had a clear and indisputable demonstration +of the difference between the rashness and bravado of a +soldier, and the far-seeing prudence and cool calculation of a +general. Taught by experience the Romans joined camps +once more, and for the future listened to Fabius and obeyed +his orders: while the Carthaginians dug a trench across the +space between the knoll and their own lines, and threw up +a palisade round the crest of the captured hill; and, having +placed a guard upon it, proceeded thenceforth with their preparations +for the winter unmolested.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_106" id="b3_106"><b>106.</b></a> The Consular elections being now come, the Romans +elected Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Terentius. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216. +Coss. G. Terentius +Varro and +L. Aemilius +Paulus.</span> +On their appointment the Dictators laid down +their offices, and the Consuls of the previous +year, Gnaeus Servilius and Marcus Regulus—who +had been appointed after the death of +Flaminius,—were invested with proconsular authority by +Aemilius; and, taking the command at the seat of war, administered +the affairs of the army independently. Meanwhile +Aemilius, in consultation with the Senate, set at once to work +to levy new soldiers, to fill up the numbers of the legions +required for the campaign, and despatched them to headquarters; +enjoining at the same time upon Servilius that he +should by no means hazard a general engagement, but contrive +detailed skirmishes, as sharp and as frequent as he could, +for the sake of practising the raw recruits, and giving them +courage for a pitched battle: for they held the opinion that +their former defeats were owing, as much as anything else, to +the fact that they were employing troops newly levied and +entirely untrained. The Senate also sent the Praetor Lucius<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span> +Postumius into Gaul, to affect a diversion there, and induce the +Celts who were with Hannibal to return home. They also took +measures for recalling the fleet that had wintered at Lilybaeum, +and for sending to the commanders in Iberia such supplies as +were necessary for the service. Thus the Consul and Senate +were busied with these and other preparations for the campaign; +and Servilius, having received his instructions from the Consuls, +carried them out in every particular. The details of this +part of the campaign, therefore, I shall omit to record; for +nothing of importance or worth remembering occurred, partly +in consequence of these instructions, and partly from circumstances; +but there were a considerable number of skirmishes +and petty engagements, in which the Roman commanders +gained a high reputation for courage and prudence.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_107" id="b3_107"><b>107.</b></a> Thus through all that winter and spring the two +armies remained encamped facing each other. <span class="sidenote">Autumn, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216.</span> +But when the season for the new harvest +was come, Hannibal began to move from the +camp at Geronium; and making up his mind that it would +be to his advantage to force the enemy by any possible +means to give him battle, he occupied the citadel of a town +called Cannae, into which the corn and other supplies from +the district round Canusium were collected by the Romans, +and conveyed thence to the camp as occasion required. +The town itself, indeed, had been reduced to ruins the year +before: but the capture of its citadel and the material of war +contained in it, caused great commotion in the Roman army; +for it was not only the loss of the place and the stores in it +that distressed them, but the fact also that it commanded the +surrounding district. They therefore sent frequent messages +to Rome asking for instructions: for if they approached the +enemy they would not be able to avoid an engagement, in view +of the fact that the country was being plundered, and the allies all +in a state of excitement. <span class="sidenote">The Senate order +a battle.</span>The Senate passed +a resolution that they should give the enemy +battle: they, however, bade Gnaeus Servilius +wait, and despatched the Consuls to the seat of war. It was +to Aemilius that all eyes turned, and on him the most confident +hopes were fixed; for his life had been a noble one, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span> +he was thought to have managed the recent Illyrian war with +advantage to the State. The Senate determined to bring eight +legions into the field, which had never been done at Rome +before, each legion consisting of five thousand men besides allies. +For the Romans, as I have stated before,<a name="FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> habitually enrol +four legions each year, each consisting of about four thousand +foot and two hundred horse; and when any unusual necessity +arises, they raise the number of foot to five thousand and of +the horse to three hundred. Of allies, the number in each +legion is the same as that of the citizens, but of the horse three +times as great. Of the four legions thus composed, they +assign two to each of the Consuls for whatever service is going +on. Most of their wars are decided by one Consul and two +legions, with their quota of allies; and they rarely employ all +four at one time and on one service. But on this occasion, so +great was the alarm and terror of what would happen, they +resolved to bring not only four but eight legions into the field.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_108" id="b3_108"><b>108.</b></a> With earnest words of exhortation, therefore, to +Aemilius, putting before him the gravity in +every point of view of the result of the battle, <span class="sidenote">The Consuls +Aemilius Paulus, +and Terentius +Varro go to the +seat of war.</span> +they despatched him with instructions to seek +a favourable opportunity to fight a decisive +battle with a courage worthy of Rome. Having +arrived at the camp and united their forces, they made known +the will of the Senate to the soldiers, and Aemilius exhorted +them to do their duty in terms which evidently came from his +heart. He addressed himself especially to explain and excuse +the reverses which they had lately experienced; for it was on +this point particularly that the soldiers were depressed and stood +in need of encouragement. <span class="sidenote">Speech of +Aemilius.</span> +“The causes,” he argued, “of +their defeats in former battles were many, and +could not be reduced to one or two. But those +causes were at an end; and no excuse existed +now, if they only showed themselves to be men of courage, for +not conquering their enemies. Up to that time both Consuls had +never been engaged together, or employed thoroughly trained +soldiers: the combatants on the contrary had been raw levies, +entirely unexperienced in danger; and what was most important +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span>of all, they had been so entirely ignorant of their opponents, +that they had been brought into the field, and engaged in a +pitched battle with an enemy that they had never once set eyes +on. Those who had been defeated on the Trebia were drawn +up on the field at daybreak, on the very next morning after +their arrival from Sicily; while those who had fought in Etruria, +not only had never seen the enemy before, but did not do so +even during the very battle itself, owing to the unfortunate +state of the atmosphere.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_109" id="b3_109"><b>109.</b></a> But now the conditions were quite different. For in +the first place both Consuls were with the army: and were not +only prepared to share the danger themselves, but had also +induced the Consuls of the previous year to remain and take +part in the struggle. While the men had not only seen the arms, +order, and numbers of the enemy, but had been engaged in +almost daily fights with them for the last two years. The conditions +therefore under which the two former battles were fought +being quite different, it was but natural that the result of the +coming struggle should be different too. For it would be strange +or rather impossible that those who in various skirmishes, where +the numbers of either side were equal, had for the most part +come off victorious, should, when drawn up all together, and +nearly double of the enemy in number, be defeated.”</p> + +<p>“Wherefore, men of the army,” he continued, “seeing that +we have every advantage on our side for securing a victory, +there is only one thing necessary—your determination, your +zeal! And I do not think I need say more to you on that +point. To men serving others for pay, or to those who fight as +allies on behalf of others, who have no greater danger to expect +than meets them on the field, and for whom the issues at stake +are of little importance,—such men may need words of exhortation. +But men who, like you, are fighting not for others, but +themselves,—for country, wives, and children; and for whom +the issue is of far more momentous consequence than the mere +danger of the hour, need only to be reminded: require no +exhortation. For who is there among you who would not wish +if possible to be victorious; and next, if that may not be, to +die with arms in his hands, rather than to live and see the outrage +and death of those dear objects which I have named?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span> +Wherefore, men of the army, apart from any words of mine, +place before your eyes the momentous difference to you +between victory and defeat, and all their consequences. Enter +upon this battle with the full conviction, that in it your country +is not risking a certain number of legions, but her bare existence. +For she has nothing to add to such an army as this, +to give her victory, if the day now goes against us. All she +has of confidence and strength rests on you; all her hopes of +safety are in your hands. Do not frustrate those hopes: +but pay back to your country the gratitude you owe her; and +make it clear to all the world that the former reverses occurred, +not because the Romans are worse men than the Carthaginians, +but from the lack of experience on the part of those who were +then fighting, and through a combination of adverse circumstances.” +With such words Aemilius dismissed the troops.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_110" id="b3_110"><b>110.</b></a> Next morning the two Consuls broke up their camp, +and advanced to where they heard that the enemy +were entrenched. <span class="sidenote">The Roman army +approaches +Cannae.</span>On the second day they +arrived within sight of them, and pitched their +camp at about fifty stades’ distance. But when Aemilius observed +that the ground was flat and bare for some distance +round, he said that they must not engage there with an enemy +superior to them in cavalry; but that they must rather try to +draw him off, and lead him to ground on which the battle would +be more in the hands of the infantry. But Gaius Terentius being, +from inexperience, of a contrary opinion, there was a dispute +and misunderstanding between the leaders, which of all things +is the most dangerous. It is the custom, when the two Consuls +are present, that they should take the chief command +on alternate days; <span class="sidenote">Terentius Varro +orders an advance.</span> +and the next day +happening to be the turn of Terentius, he +ordered an advance with a view of approaching the enemy, +in spite of the protests and active opposition of his colleague. +Hannibal set his light-armed troops and cavalry in motion to meet +him, and charging the Romans while they were +still marching, <span class="sidenote">The Romans are +successful.</span>took them by surprise and caused +a great confusion in their ranks. The Romans +repulsed the first charge by putting some of their heavy-armed +in front; and then sending forward their light-armed and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span> +cavalry, began to get the best of the fight all along the +line: the Carthaginians having no reserves of any importance, +while certain companies of the legionaries were mixed with the +Roman light-armed, and helped to sustain the battle. Nightfall +for the present put an end to a struggle which had not +at all answered to the hopes of the Carthaginians. But next +day Aemilius, not thinking it right to engage, and yet being +unable any longer to lead off his army, encamped with two-thirds +of it on the banks of the Aufidus, the only river which +flows right through the Apennines,—that chain of mountains +which forms the watershed of all the Italian rivers, which flow +either west to the Tuscan sea, or east to the Hadriatic. This +chain is, I say, pierced by the Aufidus, which rises on the side +of Italy nearest the Tuscan Sea, and is discharged into the +Hadriatic. For the other third of his army he caused a camp +to be made across the river, to the east of the ford, about +ten stades from his own lines, and a little more from those of +the enemy; that these men, being on the other side of the river, +might protect his own foraging parties, and threaten those of +the enemy.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_111" id="b3_111"><b>111.</b></a> Then Hannibal, seeing that his circumstances called +for a battle with the enemy, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal harangues +his troops.</span>being anxious +lest his troops should be depressed by +their previous reverse, and believing that +it was an occasion which required some encouraging +words, summoned a general meeting of his soldiers. When +they were assembled, he bid them all look round upon the +country, and asked them, “What better fortune they could +have asked from the gods, if they had had the choice, than to +fight in such ground as they saw there, with the vast superiority +of cavalry on their side?” And when all signified their +acquiescence in such an evident truth, he added: “First, then, +give thanks to the gods: for they have brought the enemy into +this country, because they designed the victory for us. And, +next to me, for having compelled the enemy to fight,—for +they cannot avoid it any longer,—and to fight in a place so +full of advantages for us. But I do not think it becoming in +me now to use many words in exhorting you to be brave and +forward in this battle. When you had had no experience of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span> +fighting the Romans this was necessary, and I did then suggest +many arguments and examples to you. But now seeing that +you have undeniably beaten the Romans in three successive +battles of such magnitude, what arguments could have greater +influence with you in confirming your courage than the actual +facts? Now, by your previous battles you have got possession +of the country and all its wealth; in accordance with my +promises: for I have been absolutely true in everything I have +ever said to you. But the present contest is for the cities and +the wealth in them: and if you win it, all Italy will at once be +in your power; and freed from your present hard toils, and +masters of the wealth of Rome, you will by this battle become +the leaders and lords of the world. This, then, is a time for +deeds, not words: for by God’s blessing I am persuaded that I +shall carry out my promises to you forthwith.” His words were +received with approving shouts, which he acknowledged with +gratitude for their zeal; and having dismissed the assembly, +he at once formed a camp on the same bank of the river as +that on which was the larger camp of the Romans.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_112" id="b3_112"><b>112.</b></a> Next day he gave orders that all should employ themselves +in making preparations and getting themselves into a fit +state of body. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal irritates +the enemy.</span>On the day after that he drew out his men +along the bank of the river, and showed that he was eager to +give the enemy battle. But Aemilius, dissatisfied with his +position, and seeing that the Carthaginians +would soon be obliged to shift their quarters +for the sake of supplies, kept quiet in his +camps, strengthening both with extra guards. After waiting +a considerable time, when no one came out to attack him, +Hannibal put the rest of the army into camp again, but +sent out his Numidian horse to attack the enemy’s water +parties from the lesser camp. These horsemen riding right +up to the lines and preventing the watering, Gaius Terentius +became more than ever inflamed with the desire of fighting, +and the soldiers were eager for a battle, and chafed at the +delay. For there is nothing more intolerable to mankind than +suspense; when a thing is once decided, men can but endure +whatever out of the catalogue of evils it is their misfortune to +undergo.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span></p> + +<p>But when the news arrived at Rome that the two armies +were face to face, and that skirmishes <span class="sidenote">Anxiety at +Rome.</span> +between advanced parties of both sides were +daily taking place, the city was in a state of +high excitement and uneasiness; the people dreading the +result owing to the disasters which had now befallen +them on more than one occasion; and foreseeing and anticipating +in their imaginations what would happen if they were +utterly defeated. All the oracles preserved at Rome were in +everybody’s mouth; and every temple and house was full of +prodigies and miracles: in consequence of which the city +was one scene of vows, sacrifices, supplicatory processions, +and prayers. For the Romans in times of danger take extraordinary +pains to appease gods and men, and look upon no +ceremony of that kind in such times as unbecoming or +beneath their dignity.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_113" id="b3_113"><b>113.</b></a> When he took over the command on the following +day, as soon as the sun was above the horizon, <span class="sidenote">Dispositions for +the battle of +Cannae.</span> +Gaius Terentius got the army in motion from +both the camps. Those from the larger camp +he drew up in order of battle, as soon as he had got +them across the river, and bringing up those of the smaller +camp he placed them all in the same line, selecting the south +as the aspect of the whole. The Roman horse he stationed +on the right wing along the river, and their foot next them in +the same line, placing the maniples, however, closer together +than usual, and making the depth of each maniple several +times greater than its front. The cavalry of the allies +he stationed on the left wing, and the light-armed troops he +placed slightly in advance of the whole army, which amounted +with its allies to eighty thousand infantry and a little more +than six thousand horse. At the same time Hannibal brought +his Balearic slingers and spearmen across the river, and +stationed them in advance of his main body; which he led +out of their camp, and, getting them across the river at two +spots, drew them up opposite the enemy. On his left wing, +close to the river, he stationed the Iberian and Celtic horse +opposite the Roman cavalry; and next to them half the Libyan +heavy-armed foot; and next to them the Iberian and Celtic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span> +foot; next, the other half of the Libyans, and, on the right +wing, the Numidian horse. Having now got them all into +line he advanced with the central companies of the Iberians +and Celts; and so arranged the other companies next these in +regular gradations, that the whole line became crescent-shaped, +diminishing in depth towards its extremities: his object being +to have his Libyans as a reserve in the battle, and to commence +the action with his Iberians and Celts.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_114" id="b3_114"><b>114.</b></a> The armour of the Libyans was Roman, for Hannibal +had armed them with a selection of the spoils taken in previous +battles. The shield of the Iberians and Celts was about the +same size, but their swords were quite different. For that of the +Roman can thrust with as deadly effects as it can cut, while +the Gallic sword can only cut, and that requires some room. +And the companies coming alternately,—the naked Celts, and +the Iberians with their short linen tunics bordered with purple +stripes, the whole appearance of the line was strange and terrifying. +The whole strength of the Carthaginian cavalry was +ten thousand, but that of their foot was not more than forty +thousand, including the Celts. Aemilius commanded on the +Roman right, Gaius Terentius on the left, Marcus Atilius and +Gnaeus Servilius, the Consuls of the previous year, on the +centre. The left of the Carthaginians was commanded by +Hasdrubal, the right by Hanno, the centre by Hannibal in +person, attended by his brother Mago. And as the Roman +line faced the south, as I said before, and the Carthaginian +the north, the rays of the rising sun did not inconvenience +either of them.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_115" id="b3_115"><b>115.</b></a> The battle was begun by an engagement between +the advanced guard of the two armies; <span class="sidenote">The Battle, 2d +August, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216.</span> +and +at first the affair between these light-armed +troops was indecisive. But as soon as the +Iberian and Celtic cavalry got at the Romans, the battle +began in earnest, and in the true barbaric fashion: for there +was none of the usual formal advance and retreat; but when +they once got to close quarters, they grappled man to man, +and, dismounting from their horses, fought on foot. But +when the Carthaginians had got the upper hand in this encounter +and killed most of their opponents on the ground,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span>— +because the Romans all maintained the fight with spirit and +determination,—and began chasing the remainder along the +river, <span class="sidenote">The Romans +outflanked by +the cavalry.</span>slaying as they went and giving no quarter; then the +legionaries took the place of the light-armed and closed +with the enemy. For a short time the Iberian and Celtic +lines stood their ground and fought gallantly; but, presently +overpowered by the weight of the heavy-armed lines, they +gave way and retired to the rear, thus breaking up the +crescent. The Roman maniples followed with spirit, and +easily cut their way through the enemy’s line; since the Celts +had been drawn up in a thin line, while the Romans had +closed up from the wings towards the centre and the point +of danger. For the two wings did not come into action at +the same time as the centre: but the centre was first engaged, +because the Gauls, having been stationed on the arc +of the crescent, had come into contact with the enemy long +before the wings, the convex of the crescent being towards the +enemy. The Romans, however, going in +pursuit of these troops, and hastily closing +in towards the centre and the part of the +enemy which was giving ground, advanced so far, that the +Libyan heavy-armed troops on either wing got on their flanks. +Those on the right, facing to the left, charged from the right +upon the Roman flank; while those who were on the left wing +faced to the right, and, dressing by the left, charged their +right flank,<a name="FNanchor_199" id="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> the exigency of the moment suggesting to them +what they ought to do. Thus it came about, as Hannibal +had planned, that the Romans were caught between two +hostile lines of Libyans—thanks to their impetuous pursuit of +the Celts. Still they fought, though no longer in line, yet +singly, or in maniples, which faced about to meet those who +charged them on the flanks.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_116" id="b3_116"><b>116.</b></a> Though he had been from the first on the right wing, +and had taken part in the cavalry engagement, Lucius Aemilius<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span> +still survived. Determined to act up to his own exhortatory +speech, and seeing that the decision of the battle rested +mainly on the legionaries, riding up to the centre of the line +he led the charge himself, and personally grappled with the +enemy, at the same time cheering on and exhorting his soldiers +to the charge. Hannibal, on the other side, did the same, for +he too had taken his place on the centre from the commencement. +The Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were +meanwhile charging the cavalry on the Roman left; and though, +from the peculiar nature of their mode of fighting, they neither +inflicted nor received much harm, they yet rendered the +enemy’s horse useless by keeping them occupied, and charging +them first on one side and then on another. But when +Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river, +came from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman +allied cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled. +At that point Hasdrubal appears to have acted with great skill +and discretion. Seeing the Numidians to be strong in numbers, +and more effective and formidable to troops that had once +been forced from their ground, he left the pursuit to them; +while he himself hastened to the part of the field where the +infantry were engaged, and brought his men up to support the +Libyans. Then, by charging the Roman legions on the rear, +and harassing them by hurling squadron after squadron upon +them at many points at once, he raised the spirits of the +Libyans, and dismayed and depressed those of the Romans. <span class="sidenote">Fall of Aemilius +Paulus.</span> +It was at this point that Lucius Aemilius fell, +in the thick of the fight, covered with wounds: +a man who did his duty to his country at +that last hour of his life, as he had throughout its previous +years, if any man ever did.<a name="FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> As long as the Romans could +keep an unbroken front, to turn first in one direction and then +in another to meet the assaults of the enemy, they held out; +but the outer files of the circle continually falling, and the +circle becoming more and more contracted, they at last were +all killed on the field, and among them Marcus Atilius and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>Gnaeus Servilius, the Consuls of the previous year, who had +shown themselves brave men and worthy of Rome in the battle. +While this struggle and carnage were going on, the Numidian +horse were pursuing the fugitives, most of whom they cut down +or hurled from their horses; but some few escaped into Venusia, +among whom was Gaius Terentius, the Consul, who thus sought +a flight, as disgraceful to himself, as his conduct in office had +been disastrous to his country.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_117" id="b3_117"><b>117.</b></a> Such was the end of the battle of Cannae, in which +both sides fought with the most conspicuous gallantry, the +conquered no less than the conquerors. This is proved by the +fact that, out of six thousand horse, only seventy escaped with +Gaius Terentius to Venusia, and about three hundred of the +allied cavalry to various towns in the neighbourhood. Of +the infantry ten thousand were taken prisoners in fair fight, but +were not actually engaged in the battle: of those who were +actually engaged only about three thousand perhaps escaped +to the towns of the surrounding district, all the rest died +nobly, to the number of seventy thousand, the Carthaginians +being on this occasion, as on previous ones, mainly indebted +for their victory to their superiority in cavalry: a lesson to +posterity that in actual war it is better to have half the +number of infantry, and the superiority in cavalry, than to +engage your enemy with an equality in both. On the side of +Hannibal there fell four thousand Celts, fifteen hundred +Iberians and Libyans, and about two hundred horse.</p> + +<p>The ten thousand Romans who were captured had not, +as I said, been engaged in the actual battle; <span class="sidenote">Losses of the +Romans.</span> +and the reason was this. Lucius Aemilius +left ten thousand infantry in his camp that, +in case Hannibal should disregard the safety of his own +camp, and take his whole army on to the field, they might +seize the opportunity, while the battle was going on, of +forcing their way in and capturing the enemy’s baggage; or if, +on the other hand, Hannibal should, in view of this contingency, +leave a guard in his camp, the number of the enemy in +the field might thereby be diminished. These men were +captured in the following circumstances. Hannibal, as a +matter of fact, did leave a sufficient guard in his camp; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span> +as soon as the battle began, the Romans, according to their +instructions, assaulted and tried to take those thus left by +Hannibal. At first they held their own: but just as they were +beginning to waver, Hannibal, who was by this time gaining +a victory all along the line, came to their relief, and routing the +Romans, shut them up in their own camp; killed two thousand +of them; and took all the rest prisoners. In like manner the +Numidian horse brought in all those who had taken refuge in +the various strongholds about the district, amounting to two +thousand of the routed cavalry.</p> + +<p><a name="b3_118" id="b3_118"><b>118.</b></a> The result of this battle, such as I have described it, +had the consequences which both sides expected. <span class="sidenote">The results of the +battle. Defection +of the allies.</span> +For the Carthaginians by their victory +were thenceforth masters of nearly the whole +of the Italian coast which is called <i>Magna Graecia</i>. Thus the +Tarentines immediately submitted; and the Arpani and some +of the Campanian states invited Hannibal to come to them; +and the rest were with one consent turning their eyes to the +Carthaginians: who, accordingly, began now to have high +hopes of being able to carry even Rome itself by assault.</p> + +<p>On their side the Romans, after this disaster, despaired of +retaining their supremacy over the Italians, and were in the +greatest alarm, believing their own lives and the existence of +their city to be in danger, and every moment expecting that +Hannibal would be upon them. <span class="sidenote">Fall of Lucius +Postumius in Gaul. +See <i>supra</i>, ch. +<a href="#b3_106">106</a>.</span> +For, as though Fortune were +in league with the disasters that had already +befallen them to fill up the measure of their ruin, +it happened that only a few days afterwards, +while the city was still in this panic, the Praetor +who had been sent to Gaul fell unexpectedly into an ambush +and perished, and his army was utterly annihilated by the Celts. +In spite of all, however, the Senate left no means untried to +save the State. It exhorted the people to fresh exertions, +strengthened the city with guards, and deliberated on the +crisis in a brave and manly spirit. And subsequent events +made this manifest. For though the Romans were on that +occasion indisputably beaten in the field, and had lost reputation +for military prowess; by the peculiar excellence of their +political constitution, and the prudence of their counsels, they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span> +not only recovered their supremacy over Italy, by eventually +conquering the Carthaginians, but before very long became +masters of the whole world.</p> + +<p>I shall, therefore, end this book at this point, having now +recounted the events in Iberia and Italy, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216.</span> +embraced +by the 140th Olympiad. When I have +arrived at the same period in my history of Greece during this +Olympiad, I shall then fulfil my promise of devoting a book +to a formal account of the Roman constitution itself; for I +think that a description of it will not only be germane to the +matter of my history, but will also be of great help to practical +statesmen, as well as students, either in reforming or establishing +other constitutions.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span></p> + +<h2>BOOK IV</h2> + +<p><a name="b4_1" id="b4_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">In</span> my former book I explained the causes of the second +war between Rome and Carthage; and described Hannibal’s +invasion of Italy, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-216.</span>and the engagements which took place between +them up to the battle of Cannae, on the banks of the Aufidus. +I shall now take up the history of Greece during +the same period, ending at the same date, and +commencing from the 140th Olympiad. But I shall first recall +to the recollection of my readers what I stated in my second book +on the subject of the Greeks, and especially of the Achaeans; +for the league of the latter has made extraordinary progress up +to our own age and the generation immediately preceding.</p> + +<p>I started, then, from Tisamenus, one of the sons of Orestes, +and stated that the dynasty existed from his +time to that of Ogygus: <span class="sidenote">Recapitulation of +Achaean history, +before <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220, +contained in Book +II., cc. 41-71.</span>that then there was an +excellent form of democratical federal government +established: and that then the league was +broken up by the kings of Sparta into separate +towns and villages. Then I tried to describe how these towns +began to form a league once more: which were the first to +join; and the policy subsequently pursued, which led to their +inducing all the Peloponnesians to adopt the general title +of Achaeans, and to be united under one +federal government. <span class="sidenote">Ending with the +deaths of Antigonus +Doson, Seleucus +Ceraunus, +and Ptolemy +Euergetes, before +the 140th Olympiad, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-216.</span>Descending to particulars, +I brought my story up to the flight of +Cleomenes, King of Sparta: then briefly summarising +the events included in my prefatory +sketch up to the deaths of Antigonus Doson, +Seleucus Ceraunus, and Ptolemy Euergetes, +who all three died at about the same time, I +announced that my main history was to begin from that point.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b4_2" id="b4_2"><b>2.</b></a> I thought this was the best point; first, because it is there +that Aratus leaves off, and I meant my work, <span class="sidenote">Reasons for starting +from this +point. (1.) The +fact that the history +of Aratus ends +at that point. +(2.) The possibility +of getting +good evidence. +(3.) The changes +in the various +governments in the +139th Olympiad. +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 224-220.</span> +as +far as it was Greek history, to be a continuation +of his; and, secondly, because the period thus +embraced in my history would fall partly in the +life of my father, and partly in my own; and +thus I should be able to speak as eye-witness +of some of the events, and from the information +of eye-witnesses of others. To go further back +and write the report of a report, traditions at +second or third hand, seemed to me unsatisfactory +either with a view to giving clear impressions +or making sound statements. But, above +all, I began at this period because it was then that the history +of the whole world entered on a new phase. Philip, son of +Demetrius, had just become the boy king of Macedonia; +Achaeus, prince of Asia on this side of Taurus, had converted +his show of power into a reality; Antiochus the Great had, a +short time before, by the death of his brother Seleucus, +succeeded while quite a young man to the throne of Syria; +Ariarathes to that of Cappadocia; and Ptolemy Philopator to +that of Egypt. Not long afterwards Lycurgus became King of +Sparta, and the Carthaginians had recently elected Hannibal +general to carry on the war lately described. Every government +therefore being changed about this time, there seemed +every likelihood of a new departure in policy: which is but +natural and usual, and in fact did at this time occur. For +the Romans and Carthaginians entered upon the war I have +described; Antiochus and Ptolemy on one for the possession +of Coele-Syria; and the Achaeans and Philip one against the +Aetolians and Lacedaemonians. The causes of this last war +must now be stated.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_3" id="b4_3"><b>3.</b></a> The Aetolians had long been discontented with a state of +peace and tired at living at their own charges; <span class="sidenote">The Aetolians.</span> +for they were accustomed to live on their neighbours, +and their natural ostentation required abundant means +to support it. Enslaved by this passion they live a life as +predatory as that of wild beasts, respecting no tie of friendship +and regarding every one as an enemy to be plundered.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span></p> + +<p>Hitherto, however, as long as Antigonus Doson was alive, their +fear of the Macedonians had kept them quiet. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222.</span>But when he +was succeeded at his death by the boy Philip, +they conceived a contempt for the royal power, +and at once began to look out for a pretext and opportunity +for interfering in the Peloponnese: induced partly by an old +habit of getting plunder from that country, and partly by +the belief that, now the Achaeans were unsupported by +Macedonia, they would be a match for them. While their +thoughts were fixed on this, chance to a certain extent contributed +to give them the opportunity which they desired.</p> + +<p>There was a certain man of Trichonium<a name="FNanchor_201" id="FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> named Dorimachus, +son of that Nicostratus who made the +treacherous attack <span class="sidenote">The raids of +Dorimachus in +Messenia.</span>on the Pan-Boeotian congress.<a name="FNanchor_202" id="FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">202</a> +This Dorimachus, being young and inspired +with the true spirit of Aetolian violence and aggressiveness, +was sent by the state to Phigalea in the Peloponnese, which, +being on the borders of Arcadia and Messenia, happened at +that time to be in political union with the Aetolian league. +His mission was nominally to guard the city and territory of +Phigalea, but in fact to act as a spy on the politics of the +Peloponnese. A crowd of pirates flocked to him at Phigalea; +and being unable to get them any booty by fair means, because +the peace between all Greeks which Antigonus had concluded +was still in force, he was finally reduced to allowing the pirates +to drive off the cattle of the Messenians, though they were friends +and allies of the Aetolians. These injurious acts were at first +confined to the sheep on the border lands; but becoming more +and more reckless and audacious, they even ventured to break +into the farm-houses by sudden attacks at night. The +Messenians were naturally indignant, and sent embassies to +Dorimachus; which he at first disregarded, because he wanted +not only to benefit the men under him, but himself also, by +getting a share in their spoils. But when the arrival of such embassies +became more and more frequent, owing to the perpetual +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>recurrence of these acts of depredation, he said at last that he +would come in person to Messene, and decide on the claims +they had to make against the Aetolians. When he came, +however, and the sufferers appeared, he laughed at some, +threatened to strike others, and drove others away with abusive +language.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_4" id="b4_4"><b>4.</b></a> Even while he was actually in Messene, the pirates +came close to the city walls in the night, and by means of +scaling-ladders broke into a country-house called Chiron’s +villa; killed all the slaves who resisted them; and having +bound the others, <span class="sidenote">Dorimachus +leaves Messene.</span> +took them and the cattle away +with them. The Messenian Ephors had long +been much annoyed by what was going on, and +by the presence of Dorimachus in their town; but this they +thought was too insolent: and they accordingly summoned +him to appear before the assembled magistrates. There +Sciron, who happened to be an Ephor at the time, and enjoyed +a high reputation for integrity among his fellow-citizens, +advised that they should not allow Dorimachus to leave the +city, until he had made good all the losses sustained by the +Messenians, and had given up the guilty persons to be +punished for the murders committed. This suggestion being +received with unanimous approval, as but just, Dorimachus +passionately exclaimed that “they were fools if they imagined +that they were now insulting only Dorimachus, and not the +Aetolian league.” In fact he expressed the greatest indignation +at the whole affair, and said that “they would meet with +a public punishment, which would serve them well right.” +Now there was at that time in Messene a man of disgraceful +and effeminate character named Babyrtas, who was so exactly +like Dorimachus in voice and person, that, when he was dressed +in Dorimachus’s sun-hat and cloak, it was impossible to tell +them apart; and of this Dorimachus was perfectly aware. When +therefore he was speaking in these threatening and insolent +tones to the Messenian magistrates, Sciron lost his temper and +said “Do you think we care for you or your threats, +<i>Babyrtas</i>?” After this Dorimachus was compelled for the +present to yield to circumstances, and to give satisfaction for +the injuries inflicted upon the Messenians: but when he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span> +returned to Aetolia, he nursed such a bitter and furious feeling +of anger at this taunt, that, without any other reasonable pretext, +but for this cause and this alone, he got up a war against +the Messenians.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_5" id="b4_5"><b>5.</b></a> The Strategus of the Aetolians at that time was Ariston; +but being from physical infirmities unable to +serve in the field, <span class="sidenote">Dorimachus becomes +practically +Strategus of +Aetolia, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 221.</span>and being a kinsman of +Dorimachus and Scopas, he had somehow or +another surrendered his whole authority to the +former. In his public capacity Dorimachus could not venture +to urge the Aetolians to undertake the Messenian war, because +he had no reasonable pretext for so doing: the origin of his wish +being, as everybody well knew, the wrongs committed by himself +and the bitter gibe which they had brought upon him. He +therefore gave up the idea of publicly advocating the war, <span class="sidenote">He induces +Scopas to go +to war with +Messenia, Epirus, +Achaia, Acarnania, +and +Macedonia.</span> +but +tried privately to induce Scopas to join in the +intrigue against the Messenians: He pointed +out that there was now no danger from the side +of Macedonia owing to the youth of the king +(Philip being then only seventeen years old); +that the Lacedaemonians were alienated from +the Messenians; and that they possessed the affection and +alliance of the Eleans; and these circumstances taken together +would make an invasion of Messenia perfectly safe. But the +argument most truly Aetolian which he used was to put before +him that a great booty was to be got from Messenia, because it +was entirely unguarded, and had alone, of all the Peloponnesian +districts, remained unravaged throughout the Cleomenic war. +And, to sum up all, he argued that such a move would secure +them great popularity with the Aetolians generally. And if +the Achaeans were to try to hinder their march through the +country, they would not be able to complain if they retaliated: +and if, on the other hand, they did not stir, would be no +hindrance to their enterprise. Besides, he affirmed that they +would have plenty of pretext against the Messenians; for they +had long been in the position of aggressors by promising the +Achaeans and Macedonians to join their alliance.</p> + +<p>By these, and similar arguments to the same effect, he +roused such a strong feeling in the minds of Scopas and his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span> +friends, that, without waiting for a meeting of the Aetolian +federal assembly, and without communicating with the Apocleti +or taking any of the proper constitutional steps, of their +own mere impulse and opinion they committed acts of hostility +simultaneously against Messenia, Epirus, Achaia, Acarnania, +and Macedonia.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_6" id="b4_6"><b>6.</b></a> By sea they immediately sent out privateers, who, falling +in with a royal vessel of Macedonia near +Cythera, <span class="sidenote">Acts of hostility +against +Macedonia,</span> +brought it with all its crew to Aetolia, +and sold ship-owners, sailors, and marines, and +finally the ship itself. Then they began sacking the seaboard +of Epirus, employing the aid of some Cephallenian +ships for carrying out this act of violence. <span class="sidenote">Epirus, +and Acarnania.</span> +They tried also to capture Thyrium in Acarnania. +At the same time they secretly sent some men to +seize a strong place called Clarium, in the centre of the territory +of Megalopolis; which they used thenceforth as a place of +sale for their spoils, and a starting place for their marauding +expeditions. However Timoxenus, the Achaean Strategus, +with the assistance of Taurion, who had been left by Antigonus +in charge of the Macedonian interests in the Peloponnese, +took the place after a siege of a very few days. For +Antigonus retained Corinth, in accordance with his convention +with the Achaeans, made at the time of the Cleomenic war;<a name="FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> +and had never restored Orchomenus to the Achaeans after he +had taken it by force, but claimed and retained it in his own +hands; with the view, as I suppose, not only of commanding +the entrance of the Peloponnese, but of guarding also its interior +by means of his garrison and warlike apparatus in +Orchomenus.</p> + +<p>Dorimachus and Scopas waited until Timoxenus had a +very short time of office left, and when Aratus, though elected +by the Achaeans for the coming year, would not yet be in +office;<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> and then collecting a general levy of Aetolians at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span> +Rhium, and preparing means of transport, with some Cephallenian +ships ready to convoy them, <span class="sidenote">Before midsummer +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220. +Invasion of +Messenia by +Dorimachus and +Scopas.</span> +they got +their men across to the Peloponnese, and led +them against Messenia. While marching through +the territories of Patrae, Pharae, and Tritaea +they pretended that they did not wish to do any +injury to the Achaeans; but their forces, from +their inveterate passion for plunder, could not be restrained +from robbing the country; and consequently they committed +outrages and acts of violence all along their line of march, till +they arrived at Phigalea. Thence, by a bold and sudden +movement, they entered Messenia; and without any regard +for their ancient friendship and alliance with the Messenians, or +for the principles of international justice common to all mankind, +subordinating every consideration to their selfish greed, +they set about plundering the country without resistance, the +Messenians being absolutely afraid to come out to attack them.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_7" id="b4_7"><b>7.</b></a> This being the time, according to their laws, for the +meeting of the Achaean federal assembly, <span class="sidenote">The Achaean +league decide +to assist the +Messenians.</span>the +members arrived at Aegium. When the assembly +met, the deputies from Patrae and Pharae made +a formal statement of the injuries inflicted upon +their territories during the passage of the Aetolians: an embassy +from Messenia also appeared, begging for their assistance +on the ground that the treatment from which they were suffering +was unjust and in defiance of treaty. When these statements +were heard, great indignation was felt at the wrongs of +Patrae and Pharae, and great sympathy for the misfortunes of +the Messenians. But it was regarded as especially outrageous +that the Aetolians should have ventured to enter Achaia with +an army, contrary to treaty, without obtaining or even asking +for permission from any one to pass through the country. +Roused to indignation by all these considerations, the assembly +voted to give assistance to the Messenians: that the +Strategus should summon a general levy of the Achaean +arms: and that whatever was decided by this levy, when it met, +should be done. Now Timoxenus, the existing Strategus, was +just on the point of quitting office, and felt besides small confidence +in the Achaeans, because martial exercise had been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span> +allowed to fall into neglect among them; he therefore shrank +from undertaking the expedition, or from even summoning +the popular levy. The fact was that, after the expulsion +of Cleomenes, King of Sparta, the Peloponnesians, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222-221.</span> +weary of the wars that had taken +place, and trusting to the peaceful arrangement that had +been come to, neglected all warlike preparations. Aratus, +however, indignant and incensed at the audacity of the +Aetolians, was not inclined to take things so calmly, +for he had in fact a grudge of long standing against these +people. Wherefore he was for instantly summoning the +Achaeans to an armed levy, and was all eagerness to attack +the Aetolians. <span class="sidenote">Aratus becomes +Strategus of the +Achaean league, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220 +(May-June).</span> +Eventually he took over from +Timoxenus the seal of the league, five days +before the proper time, and wrote to the various +cities summoning a meeting in arms of all those +who were of the military age, at Megalopolis. +But the peculiar character of this man, I think, makes it +proper for me to give a brief preliminary sketch of him.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_8" id="b4_8"><b>8.</b></a> Aratus had many of the qualities of a great ruler. He +could speak, and contrive, and conceal his purpose: <span class="sidenote">Character of +Aratus.</span> +no one surpassed him in the moderation +which he showed in political contests, or in his +power of attaching friends and gaining allies: in intrigue, +stratagem, and laying plots against a foe, and in bringing +them to a successful termination by personal endurance and +courage, he was pre-eminent. Many clear instances of these +qualities may be found; but none more convincing than the +episodes of the capture of Sicyon and Mantinea, of the expulsion +of the Aetolians from Pellene, and especially of the surprise of +the Acrocorinthus.<a name="FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> On the other hand whenever he attempted +a campaign in the field, he was slow in conception and timid +in execution, and without personal gallantry in the presence of +danger. The result was that the Peloponnese was full of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span>trophies which marked reverses sustained by him; and that in +this particular department he was always easily defeated. So +true is it that men’s minds, no less than their bodies, have +many aspects. Not only is it the case that the same man has +an aptitude for one class of activities and not for another; it +often happens that in things closely analogous, the same man +will be exceedingly acute and exceedingly dull, exceedingly +courageous and exceedingly timid. Nor is this a paradox: it +is a very ordinary fact, well known to all attentive observers. +For instance you may find men who in hunting show the +greatest daring in grappling with wild beasts, and yet are utter +cowards in the presence of an armed enemy. Or again, in +actual war some are active and skilful in single combats, who +are yet quite ineffective in the ranks. For example, the +Thessalian cavalry in squadron and column are irresistible, but +when their order is once broken up, they have not the skill +in skirmishing by which each man does whatever the time and +place suggests: while, on the other hand, exactly the reverse of +this is the case with the Aetolians. The Cretans, again, either +by land or sea, in ambushes and piratical excursions, in deceiving +the enemy, in making night attacks, and in fact in +every service which involves craft and separate action, are +irresistible; but for a regular front to front charge in line +they have neither the courage nor firmness; and the reverse +again is the case with the Achaeans and Macedonians.</p> + +<p>I have said thus much, that my readers may not refuse me +credit if I have at times to make contradictory statements +about the same men and in regard to analogous employments. +To return to my narrative.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_9" id="b4_9"><b>9.</b></a> The men of military age having assembled in arms at +Megalopolis, in accordance with the decree of +the federal assembly, <span class="sidenote">The armed levy +of Achaeans +summoned.</span> +the Messenian envoys once +more came forward, and entreated the people not +to disregard the flagrant breach of treaty from which they were +suffering; and expressed their willingness to become allies of +the league, and their anxiety to be enrolled among its members. +The Achaean magistrates declined the offered alliance, on the +ground that it was impossible to admit a new member without the +concurrence of Philip and the other allies,—for the sworn alliance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span> +negotiated by Antigonus during the Cleomenic war was +still in force, and included Achaia, Epirus, Phocis, Macedonia, +Boeotia, Acarnania, and Thessaly;—but they said that they +would march out to their relief, if the envoys there present +would place their sons in Sparta, as hostages for their promise +not to make terms with the Aetolians without the consent of +the Achaeans. The Spartans among the rest were encamped +on the frontier of Megalopolis, having marched out in accordance +with the terms of their alliance; but they were acting +rather as reserves and spectators than as active allies. <span class="sidenote">Dorimachus +ordered to quit +Messenia without +passing through +Achaia.</span> +Having +thus settled the terms of the arrangement with +the Messenians, Aratus sent a messenger to the +Aetolians to inform them of the decree of the +Achaean federation, and to order them to quit +the territory of Messenia without entering that +of Achaia, on pain of being treated as enemies if they set foot +in it. When they heard the message and knew that the +Achaeans were mustered in force, Scopas and Dorimachus +thought it best for the present to obey. <span class="sidenote">Scopas and +Dorimachus prepare +to obey.</span> +They +therefore at once sent despatches to Cyllene and +to the Aetolian Strategus, Ariston, begging that +the transports should be sent to a place on the coast of Elis called +the island of Pheia;<a name="FNanchor_206" id="FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">206</a> and they themselves two days later +struck camp, and laden with booty marched towards Elis. +For the Aetolians always maintained a friendship with the +Eleans that they might have through them an entrance for +their plundering and piratical expeditions into the Peloponnese.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_10" id="b4_10"><b>10.</b></a> Aratus waited two days: and then, foolishly believing +that the Aetolians would return by the route +they had indicated, <span class="sidenote">Aratus dismisses +the Achaean levy, +with the exception +of 3000 foot and +300 horse.</span> +he dismissed all the Achaeans +and Lacedaemonians to their homes, except +three thousand foot and three hundred horse +and the division under Taurion, which he led to +Patrae, with the view of keeping on the flank of the Aetolians. +But when Dorimachus learnt that Aratus was +thus watching his march, and was still under +<span class="sidenote">Dorimachus turns +upon Aratus.</span> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span>arms; partly from fear of being attacked when his forces +were engaged on the embarkation, and partly with a view +to confuse the enemy, he sent his booty on to the +transports with a sufficient number of men to secure their +passage, under orders to meet him at Rhium where he intended +to embark; while he himself, after remaining for a time +to superintend and protect the shipment of the booty, changed +the direction of his march and advanced towards Olympia. +But hearing that Taurion, with the rest of the army, was near +Cleitoria; and feeling sure that in these circumstances he would +not be able to effect the crossing from Rhium without danger +and a struggle with the enemy; he made up his mind that it +would be best for his interests to bring on an engagement with +the army of Aratus as soon as possible, since it was weak in +numbers and wholly unprepared for the attack. He calculated +that if he could defeat this force, he could then plunder the +country, and effect his crossing from Rhium in safety, while +Aratus was waiting and deliberating about again convoking +the Achaean levy; but if on the other hand Aratus were +terrified and declined the engagement, he would then effect his +departure unmolested, whenever he thought it advisable. With +these views, therefore, he advanced, and pitched his camp at +Methydrium in the territory of Megalopolis.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_11" id="b4_11"><b>11.</b></a> But the leaders of the Achaeans, on learning the +arrival of the Aetolians, adopted a course of proceeding +quite unsurpassable for folly. <span class="sidenote">The Battle of +Caphyae, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span>They +left the territory of Cleitor and encamped at +Caphyae; but the Aetolians marching from Methydrium past +the city of Orchomenus, they led the Achaean troops into the +plain of Caphyae, and there drew them up for battle, with the +river which flows through that plain protecting their front. +The difficulty of the ground between them and their enemy, +for there were besides the river a number of ditches not easily +crossed,<a name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> and the show of readiness on the part of the Achaeans +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span>for the engagement, caused the Aetolians to shrink from +attacking according to their original purpose; but they retreated +in good order to the high ground of Oligyrtus, content +if only they were not attacked and forced to give battle. But +Aratus, when the van of the Aetolians was already making +the ascent, while the cavalry were bringing up the rear along +the plain, and were approaching a place called Propus at the +foot of the hills, sent out his cavalry and light-armed troops, +under the command of Epistratus of Acarnania, with orders to +attack and harass the enemy’s rear. Now if an engagement +was necessary at all, they ought not to have attempted it with +the enemy’s rear, when they had already accomplished the +march through the plain, but with his van directly it had +debouched upon the plain: for in this way the battle would +have been wholly confined to the plain and level ground, +where the peculiar nature of the Aetolian arms and general +tactics would have been least effective; while the Achaeans, +from precisely opposite reasons, would have been most effective +and able to act. As it was, they surrendered the advantages +of time and place which were in their favour, and deliberately +accepted the conditions which were in favour of the enemy.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_12" id="b4_12"><b>12.</b></a> Naturally the result of the engagement was in harmony +with such a beginning. For when the light-armed +troops approached, <span class="sidenote">The Achaeans +defeated.</span> +the Aetolian cavalry +retired in good order up the hill, being anxious +to effect a junction with their own infantry. But Aratus, +having an imperfect view of what was going on, and making +a bad conjecture of what would happen next, no sooner saw +the cavalry retiring, than, hoping that they were in absolute +flight, he sent forward the heavy-armed troops of his two wings, +with orders to join and support the advanced guard of their +light-armed troops; while he himself, with his remaining forces, +executed a flank movement, and led his men on at the double. +But the Aetolian cavalry had now cleared the plain, and, having +effected the junction with their infantry, drew up under cover +of the hill; massed the infantry on their flanks; and called to +them to stand by them: the infantry themselves showing great +promptness in answering to their shouts, and in coming to +their relief, as the several companies arrived. Thinking themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span> +now sufficiently strong in numbers, they closed their +ranks, and charged the advanced guard of Achaean cavalry +and light armed troops; and being superior in number, and +having the advantage of charging from higher ground, after a +long struggle, they finally turned their opponents to flight: +whose flight involved that of the heavy-armed troops also which +were coming to their relief. For the latter were advancing in +separate detachments in loose order, and, either in dismay at +what was happening, or upon meeting their flying comrades on +their retreat, were compelled to follow their example: the result +being that, whereas the number of those actually defeated on +the field was less than five hundred, the number that fled was +more than two thousand. Taught by experience what to do, +the Aetolians followed behind them with round after round of +loud and boisterous shouts. The Achaeans at first retreated +in good order and without danger, because they were retiring +upon their heavy-armed troops, whom they imagined to be in +a place of safety on their original ground; but when they saw +that these too had abandoned their position of safety, and were +marching in a long straggling line, some of them immediately +broke off from the main body and sought refuge in various +towns in the neighbourhood; while others, meeting the phalanx +as it was coming up to their relief, proved to be quite sufficient, +without the presence of an enemy, to strike fear into it and +force it into headlong flight. They directed their flight, as I +said, to the towns of the neighbourhood. Orchomenus and +Caphyae, which were close by, saved large numbers of them: +and if this had not been the case, they would in all probability +have been annihilated by this unlooked-for catastrophe. +Such was the result of the engagement at Caphyae.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_13" id="b4_13"><b>13.</b></a> When the people of Megalopolis learnt that the Aetolians +were at Methydrium, they came to the rescue <i>en masse</i>, <span class="sidenote">The Aetolians +retire at their +leisure.</span>at +the summons of a trumpet, on the very day +after the battle of Caphyae; and were compelled +to bury the very men with whose assistance +they had expected to fight the Aetolians. Having +therefore dug a trench in the territory of Caphyae, and +collected the corpses, they performed the funeral rites of these +unhappy men with all imaginable honour. But the Aetolians,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span> +after this unlooked-for success gained by the cavalry and light-armed +troops, traversed the Peloponnese from that time in +complete security. In the course of their march they made +an attack upon the town of Pellene, and, after ravaging the +territory of Sicyon, finally quitted the Peloponnese by way of +the Isthmus.</p> + +<p>This then, was the cause and occasion of the Social war: +its formal beginning was the decree passed by all the allies +after these events, which was confirmed by a general meeting +held at Corinth, on the proposal of King Philip, who presided +at the assembly.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_14" id="b4_14"><b>14.</b></a> A few days after the events just narrated the ordinary +meeting of the Achaean federal assembly +took place, <span class="sidenote">Midsummer, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +and Aratus was bitterly denounced, +publicly as well as privately, as indisputably +responsible for this disaster; and the anger of the general +public was still further roused and embittered by the +invectives of his political opponents. It was shown to +every one’s satisfaction that Aratus had been guilty of +four flagrant errors. His first was that, having taken office +before his predecessor’s time was legally at an end, he had +availed himself of a time properly belonging to another to +engage in the sort of enterprise in which he +was conscious of having often failed. <span class="sidenote">Attacked at the +Achaean Congress, +Aratus successfully +defends himself.</span> +His +second and graver error was the disbanding the +Achaeans, while the Aetolians were still in the +middle of the Peloponnese; especially as he had been well +aware beforehand that Scopas and Dorimachus were anxious +to disturb the existing settlement, and to stir up war. His +third error was to engage the enemy, as he did, with such a +small force, without any strong necessity; when he might have +retired to the neighbouring towns and have summoned a levy +of the Achaeans, and then have engaged, if he had thought +that measure absolutely necessary. But his last and gravest +error was that, having determined to fight, he did so in such +an ill-considered manner, and managed the business with so +little circumspection, as to deprive himself of the advantages +of the plain and the support of his heavy-armed troops, and +allow the battle to be settled by light-armed troops, and to take<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span> +place on the slopes, than which nothing could have been more +advantageous or convenient to the Aetolians. Such were the +allegations against Aratus. He, however, came forward and +reminded the assembly of his former political services and +achievements; and urged in his defence that, in the matters +alleged, his was not the blame for what had occurred. He +begged their indulgence if he had been guilty of any oversight +in the battle, and claimed that they should at any rate look at +the facts without prejudice or passion. These words created +such a rapid and generous change in the popular feeling, that +great indignation was roused against the political opponents +who attacked him; and the resolutions as to the measures to +be taken in the future were passed wholly in accordance with +the views of Aratus.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_15" id="b4_15"><b>15.</b></a> These events occurred in the previous Olympiad,<a name="FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> what +I am now going to relate belong to the 140th. <span class="sidenote">139th Olympiad, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 224-220; +140th Olympiad, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-216.</span> +The resolutions passed by the Achaean +federal assembly were these. That embassies +should be sent to Epirus, Boeotia, Phocis, +Acarnania, and Philip, +to declare how the Aetolians, in defiance +of treaty, had twice entered Achaia with arms, +<span class="sidenote">The Achaean +league determine +upon war with +the Aetolians, +and send round +to their allies for +assistance.</span> +and to call upon them for assistance in virtue of +their agreement, and for their consent to the +admission of the Messenians into the alliance. +Next, that the Strategus of the Achaeans should +enrol five thousand foot and five hundred horse, +and support the Messenians in case the Aetolians were to invade +their territory; and to arrange with the Lacedaemonians +and Messenians how many horse and foot were to be supplied +by them severally for the service of the league. These decrees +showed a noble spirit on the part of the Achaeans in the +presence of defeat, which prevented them from abandoning +either the cause of the Messenians or their own purpose. +Those who were appointed to serve on these embassies to the +allies proceeded to carry them out; while the Strategus at once, +in accordance with the decree, set about enrolling the troops +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span>from Achaia, and arranged with the Lacedaemonians and +Messenians to supply each two thousand five hundred infantry +and two hundred and fifty cavalry, so that the whole army for +the coming campaign should amount to ten thousand foot and +a thousand horse.</p> + +<p>On the day of their regular assembly the Aetolians also +met and decided to maintain peace with the Spartans and +Messenians; hoping by that crafty measure to tamper with the +loyalty of the Achaean allies and sow disunion among them. +With the Achaeans themselves they voted to maintain peace, +on condition that they withdrew from alliance with Messenia, +and to proclaim war if they refused,—than which nothing +could have been more unreasonable. For being themselves in +alliance, both with Achaeans and Messenians, they proclaimed +war against the former, unless the two ceased to be in +alliance and friendly relationship with each other; while if +the Achaeans chose to be at enmity with the Messenians, +they offered them a separate peace. Their proposition was +too iniquitous and unreasonable to admit of being even +considered.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_16" id="b4_16"><b>16.</b></a> The Epirotes and King Philip on hearing the ambassadors +consented to admit the Messenians to alliance; but though +the conduct of the Aetolians caused them momentary indignation, +they were not excessively moved by it, because it was no +more than what the Aetolians habitually did. Their anger, +therefore, was short-lived, and they presently voted against +going to war with them. So true is it that an habitual course +of wrong-doing finds readier pardon than when it is spasmodic +or isolated. The former, at any rate, was the case with the +Aetolians: they perpetually plundered Greece, and levied unprovoked +war upon many of its people: they did not deign either +to make any defence to those who complained, but answered +only by additional insults if any one challenged them to arbitration +for injuries which they had inflicted, or indeed which they +meditated inflicting. <span class="sidenote">Treachery of the +Spartans.</span>And yet the Lacedaemonians, +who had but recently been liberated +by means of Antigonus and the generous zeal +of the Achaeans, and though they were bound not to commit +any act of hostility towards the Macedonians and Philip, sent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span> +clandestine messages to the Aetolians, and arranged a secret +treaty of alliance and friendship with them.</p> + +<p>The army had already been enrolled from the Achaeans of +military age, and had been assigned to the duty +of assisting the Lacedaemonians and Messenians, <span class="sidenote">Invasion of +Achaia by the +Aetolians and +Illyrians.</span> +when Scerdilaidas and Demetrius of +Pharos sailed with ninety galleys beyond Lissus, +contrary to the terms of their treaty with Rome. These men +first touched at Pylos, and failing in an attack upon it, they +separated: Demetrius making for the Cyclades, from some +of which he exacted money and plundered others; while +Scerdilaidas, directing his course homewards, put in at Naupactus +with forty galleys at the instigation of Amynas, king of +the Athamanes, who happened to be his brother-in-law; and +after making an agreement with the Aetolians, by the agency +of Agelaus, for a division of spoils, he promised to join them +in their invasion of Achaia. With this agreement made with +Scerdilaidas, and with the co-operation of the city of Cynaetha, +Agelaus, Dorimachus, and Scopas, collected a general levy +of the Aetolians, and invaded Achaia in conjunction with the +Illyrians.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_17" id="b4_17"><b>17.</b></a> But the Aetolian Strategus Ariston, ignoring everything +that was going on, remained quietly at home, asserting that he +was not at war with the Achaeans, but was maintaining peace: +a foolish and childish mode of acting,—for what better epithets +could be applied to a man who supposed that he could cloak +notorious facts by mere words? Meanwhile Dorimachus and +his colleague had marched through the Achaean territory and +suddenly appeared at Cynaetha.</p> + +<p>Cynaetha was an Arcadian city<a name="FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> which, for many years past, +had been afflicted with implacable and violent +political factions. <span class="sidenote">The previous history +of Cynaetha.</span> +The two parties had frequently +retaliated on each other with massacres, +banishments, confiscations, and redivisions of lands; but +finally the party which affected the Achaean connexion prevailed +and got possession of the city, securing themselves by a +city-guard and commandant from Achaia. This was the state +of affairs when, shortly before the Aetolian invasion, the exiled +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span>party sent to the party in possession intreating that they would +be reconciled and allow them to return to their own city; +whereupon the latter were persuaded, and sent an embassy to +the Achaeans with the view of obtaining their consent to the +pacification. The Achaeans readily consented, in the belief +that both parties would regard them with goodwill: since the +party in possession had all their hopes centred in the Achaeans, +while those who were about to be restored would owe that +restoration to the consent of the same people. Accordingly +the Cynaethans dismissed the city guard and commandant, and +restored the exiles, to the number of nearly three hundred, +after taking such pledges from them as are reckoned the most +inviolable among all mankind. But no sooner had they +secured their return, than, without any cause or pretext arising +which might give a colour to the renewal of the quarrel, but +on the contrary, at the very first moment of their restoration, +they began plotting against their country, and against those who +had been their preservers. I even believe that at the very +sacrifices, which consecrated the oaths and pledges which they +gave each other, they were already, even at such a solemn +moment, revolving in their minds this offence against religion +and those who had trusted them. For, as soon as they were +restored to their civil rights they called in the Aetolians, and +betrayed the city into their hands, eager to effect the utter ruin +both of the people who had preserved, and the city which had +nourished, them.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_18" id="b4_18"><b>18.</b></a> The bold stroke by which they actually consummated +this treason was as follows. Of the restored exiles certain +officers had been appointed called Polemarchs, whose duty it +was to lock the city-gates, and keep the keys while they +remained closed, and also to be on guard during the day at +the gate-houses. The Aetolians accordingly waited for this +period of closing the gates, ready to make the attempt, and +provided with ladders; while the Polemarchs of the exiles, +having assassinated their colleagues on guard at the gate-house, +opened the gate. Some of the Aetolians, therefore, got into +the town by it, while others applied their ladders to the walls, +and mounting by their means, took forcible possession of them. +The inhabitants of the town, panic-stricken at the occurrence,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span> +could not tell which way to turn. They could not give their +undivided energies to opposing the party which was forcing +its way through the gate, because of those who were attacking +them at the walls; nor could they defend the walls owing to the +enemies that were pouring through the gate. The Aetolians +having thus become rapidly masters of the town, in spite of the +injustice of the whole proceeding, did one act of supreme +justice. For the very men who had invited them, and betrayed +the town to them, they massacred before any one else, and +plundered their property. They then treated all the others of +the party in the same way; and, finally, taking up their +quarters in the houses, they systematically robbed them of all +valuables, and in many cases put Cynaethans to the rack, if +they suspected them of having anything concealed, whether +money, or furniture, or anything else of unusual value.</p> + +<p>After inflicting this ruin on the Cynaethans they departed, +leaving a garrison to guard the walls, and marched towards Lusi. +Arrived at the temple of Artemis, which lies between Cleitor +and Cynaetha, and is regarded as inviolable by the Greeks, +they threatened to plunder the cattle of the goddess and the +other property round the temple. But the people of Lusi +acted with great prudence: they gave the Aetolians some of +the sacred furniture, and appealed to them not to commit +the impiety of inflicting any outrage. The gift was accepted, +and the Aetolians at once removed to Cleitor and pitched +their camp under its walls.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_19" id="b4_19"><b>19.</b></a> Meanwhile Aratus, the Achaean Strategus, had despatched +an appeal for help to Philip; <span class="sidenote">Measures taken +by Aratus.</span> +was +collecting the men selected for service; and was +sending for the troops, arranged for by virtue of +the treaty, from Sparta and Messenia.</p> + +<p>The Aetolians at first urged the people of Cleitor to abandon +their alliance with the Achaeans and adopt one +with themselves; <span class="sidenote">The Aetolians at +the temple of +Artemis. They +fail at Cleitor.</span> +and upon the Cleitorians +absolutely refusing, they began an assault upon +the town, and endeavoured to take it by an +escalade. But meeting with a bold and determined resistance +from the inhabitants, they desisted from the attempt; and +breaking up their camp marched back to Cynaetha, driving off<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span> +with them on their route the cattle of the goddess. They at +first offered the city to the Eleans, but upon their refusing to +accept it, they determined to keep the town in their own +hands, <span class="sidenote">They burn +Cynaetha and +return home.</span> +and appointed Euripides to command +it: but subsequently, on the alarm of an army +of relief coming from Macedonia, they set fire +to the town and abandoned it, directing their march to +Rhium with the purpose of there taking ship and crossing +home. But when Taurion heard of the Aetolian +invasion, <span class="sidenote">Demetrius of +Pharos.</span> +and what had taken place at Cynaetha, +and saw that Demetrius of Pharos had sailed +into Cenchreae from his island expedition, he urged the latter +to assist the Achaeans, and dragging his galleys across the +Isthmus to attack the Aetolians as they crossed the gulf. +Now though Demetrius had enriched himself by his island +expedition, he had had to beat an ignominious retreat, owing to +the Rhodians putting out to sea to attack him: he was therefore +glad to accede to the request of Taurion, as the latter undertook +the expense of having his galleys dragged across the +Isthmus.<a name="FNanchor_210" id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> He accordingly got them across, and arriving two +days after the passage of the Aetolians, plundered some places +on the seaboard of Aetolia and then returned to Corinth.</p> + +<p>The Lacedaemonians had dishonourably failed to send the +full complement of men to which they were <span class="sidenote">Treason of the +Spartans.</span> +bound by their engagement, but had despatched +a small contingent only of horse and foot, to +save appearances.</p> + +<p>Aratus however, having his Achaean troops, behaved in this +instance also with the caution of a statesman, <span class="sidenote">Inactivity of +Aratus.</span> +rather than the promptness of a general: for +remembering his previous failure he remained +inactively watching events, until Scopas and Dorimachus had +accomplished all they wanted and were safe home again; +although they had marched through a line of country which +was quite open to attack, full of defiles, and wanting only a +trumpeter<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> to sound a call to arms. But the great disaster +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span>and misfortunes endured by the Cynaethans at the hands +of the Aetolians were looked upon as most richly deserved by +them.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_20" id="b4_20"><b>20.</b></a> Now, seeing that the Arcadians as a whole have a +reputation for virtue throughout Greece, <span class="sidenote">The reasons of +the barbarity of +the Cynaethans. +Their neglect of +the refining +influences of +music, which is +carefully encouraged +in the rest +of Arcadia.</span> +not +only in respect of their hospitality and humanity, +but especially for their scrupulous piety, it +seems worth while to investigate briefly the +barbarous character of the Cynaethans: and +inquire how it came about that, though indisputably +Arcadians in race, they at that time so +far surpassed the rest of Greece in cruelty and +contempt of law.</p> + +<p>They seem then to me to be the first, and indeed the +only, Arcadians who have abandoned institutions nobly conceived +by their ancestors and admirably adapted to the +character of all the inhabitants of Arcadia. For music, and I +mean by that <i>true</i> music, which it is advantageous to every one +to practise, is obligatory with the Arcadians. For we must +not think, as Ephorus in a hasty sentence of his preface, wholly +unworthy of him, says, that music was introduced among mankind +for the purpose of deception and jugglery; nor must the +ancients Cretans and Spartans be supposed to have introduced +the pipe and rhythmic movement in war, instead of the +trumpet, without some reason; nor the early Arcadians to have +given music such a high place in their constitution, that not +only boys, but young men up to the age of thirty, are compelled +to practise it, though in other respects most simple and +primitive in their manner of life. Every one is familiarly +acquainted with the fact that the Arcadians are the only +people among whom boys are by the laws trained from infancy +to sing hymns and paeans, in which they celebrate in the +traditional fashion the heroes and gods of their particular +towns. They next learn the airs of Philoxenus and Timotheus, +and dance with great spirit to the pipers at the yearly Dionysia +in the theatres, the boys at the boys’ festival, and the young men +at what is called the men’s festival. Similarly it is their universal +custom, at all festal gatherings and banquets, not to have +strangers to make the music, but to produce it themselves, calling<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span> +on each other in turn for a song. They do not look upon it +as a disgrace to disclaim the possession of any other accomplishment: +but no one can disclaim the knowledge of how to +sing, because all are forced to learn, nor can they confess the +knowledge, and yet excuse themselves from practising it, because +that too among them is looked upon as disgraceful. Their +young men again practise a military step to the music of the +pipe and in regular order of battle, producing elaborate +dances, which they display to their fellow-citizens every year in +the theatres, at the public charge and expense.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_21" id="b4_21"><b>21.</b></a> Now the object of the ancient Arcadians in introducing +these customs was not, as I think, the gratification +of luxury and extravagance. <span class="sidenote">The object of the +musical training +of the Arcadians.</span> +They +saw that Arcadia was a nation of workers; +that the life of the people was laborious and hard; and +that, as a natural consequence of the coldness and gloom +which were the prevailing features of a great part of the +country, the general character of the people was austere. For +we mortals have an irresistible tendency to yield to climatic +influences: and to this cause, and no other, may be traced +the great distinctions which prevail amongst us in character, +physical formation, and complexion, as well as in +most of our habits, varying with nationality or wide local +separation. And it was with a view of softening and tempering +this natural ruggedness and rusticity, that they not only introduced +the things which I have mentioned, but also the custom +of holding assemblies and frequently offering sacrifices, in both +of which women took part equally with men; and having mixed +dances of girls and boys and in fact did everything they +could to humanise their souls by the civilising and softening +influence of such culture. The people of Cynaetha entirely +neglected these things, although they needed them more than +any one else, because their climate and country is by far the +most unfavourable in all Arcadia; and on the contrary gave +their whole minds to mutual animosities and contentions. They +in consequence became finally so brutalised, that no Greek city +has ever witnessed a longer series of the most atrocious crimes. +I will give one instance of the ill fortune of Cynaetha in this +respect, and of the disapproval of such proceedings on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span> +part of the Arcadians at large. When the Cynaethans, after +their great massacre, sent an embassy to Sparta, every city +which the ambassadors entered on their road at once ordered +them by a herald to depart; while the Mantineans not only +did that, but after their departure regularly purified their city +and territory from the taint of blood, by carrying victims +round them both.</p> + +<p>I have had three objects in saying thus much on this subject. +First, that the character of the Arcadians should not +suffer from the crimes of one city: secondly, that other +nations should not neglect music, from an idea that certain +Arcadians give an excessive and extravagant attention to it: +and, lastly, I speak for the sake of the Cynaethans themselves, +that, if ever God gives them better fortune, they may humanise +themselves by turning their attention to education, and especially +to music.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_22" id="b4_22"><b>22.</b></a> To return from this digression. When the Aetolians +had reached their homes in safety after this raid <span class="sidenote">Philip V. comes +to Corinth. +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +upon the +Peloponnese, Philip, coming to the aid of +the Achaeans with an army, arrived at Corinth. +Finding that he was too late, he sent despatches +to all the allies urging them to send deputies at once to +Corinth, to consult on the measures required for the +common safety. Meanwhile he himself marched towards +Tegea, being informed that the Lacedaemonians were in a +state of revolution, <span class="sidenote">Advances toward +Sparta.</span> +and were fallen to mutual +slaughter. For being accustomed to have a +king over them, and to be entirely submissive +to their rulers, their sudden enfranchisement by means of +Antigonus, and the absence of a king, produced a state +of civil war; because they all imagined themselves to be +on a footing of complete political equality. At first two of +the five Ephors kept their views to themselves; while the other +three threw in their lot with the Aetolians, because they were +convinced that the youth of Philip would prevent him as yet +from having a decisive influence in the Peloponnese. But when, +contrary to their expectations, the Aetolians retired quickly from +the Peloponnese, and Philip arrived still more quickly from +Macedonia, the three Ephors became distrustful of Adeimantus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span> +one of the other two, because he was privy to and disapproved +of their plans; and were in a great state of anxiety lest he +should tell Philip everything as soon as that monarch approached. +After some consultation therefore with certain +young men, <span class="sidenote">Adeimantus +assassinated.</span> +they published a proclamation ordering all citizens +of military age to assemble in arms in the +sacred enclosure of Athene of the Brazen-house, +on the pretext that the Macedonians +were advancing against the town. This startling announcement +caused a rapid muster: when Adeimantus, who disapproved +of the measure, came forward and endeavoured to +show that “the proclamation and summons to assemble in arms +should have been made some time before, when they were +told that their enemies the Aetolians were approaching the +frontier: not then, when they learnt that their benefactors and +preservers the Macedonians were coming with their king.” In +the middle of this dissuasive speech the young men whose +co-operation had been secured struck him dead, and with him +Sthenelaus, Alcamenes, Thyestes, Bionidas, and several other +citizens; whereupon Polyphontes and certain of his party, +seeing clearly what was going to happen, went off to join +Philip.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_23" id="b4_23"><b>23.</b></a> Immediately after the commission of this crime, the +Ephors who were then in power sent men +to Philip, <span class="sidenote">Philip summons +Spartan deputies +to Tegea.</span> +to accuse the victims of this +massacre; and to beg him to delay his +approach, until the affairs of the city had returned to their +normal state after this commotion; and to be assured meanwhile +that it was their purpose to be loyal and friendly to the +Macedonians in every respect. These ambassadors found +Philip near Mount Parthenius,<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> and communicated to him +their commission. Having listened, he bade the ambassadors +make all haste home, and inform the Ephors that he was going +to continue his march to Tegea, and expected that they would +as quickly as possible send him men of credit to consult with +him on the present position of affairs. After hearing this +message from the king, the Lacedaemonian officers despatched +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span>ten commissioners headed by Omias to meet Philip; who, +on arriving at Tegea, and entering the king’s council chamber, +accused Adeimantus of being the cause of the late commotion; +and promised that they would perform all their +obligations as allies to Philip, and show that they were second +to none of those whom he looked upon as his most loyal +friends, in their affection for his person. With these and +similar asseverations the Lacedaemonian commissioners left +the council chamber. The members of the council were +divided in opinion: one party knowing the secret treachery of +the Spartan magistrates, and feeling certain that Adeimantus +had lost his life from his loyalty to Macedonia, while the Lacedaemonians +had really determined upon an alliance with the +Aetolians, advised Philip to make an example of the Lacedaemonians, +by treating them precisely as Alexander had treated +the Thebans, immediately after his assumption of his sovereignty. +But another party, consisting of the older counsellors, +sought to show that such severity was too great for the occasion, +and that all that ought to be done was to rebuke the +offenders, depose them, and put the management of the state +and the chief offices in the hands of his own friends.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_24" id="b4_24"><b>24.</b></a> The king gave the final decision, if that decision may +be called the king’s: for it is not reasonable <span class="sidenote">The king decides +not to chastise +Sparta.</span> +to suppose that a mere boy should be +able to come to a decision on matters of such +moment. Historians, however, must attribute to the highest +official present the final decisions arrived at: it being +thoroughly understood among their readers that propositions +and opinions, such as these, in all probability proceed from the +members of the council, and particularly from those highest +in his confidence. In this case the decision of the king ought +most probably to be attributed to Aratus. It was to this +effect: the king said that “in the case of injuries inflicted by +the allies upon each other separately, his intervention ought +to be confined to a remonstrance by word of mouth or +letter; but that it was only injuries affecting the whole +body of the allies which demanded joint intervention and +redress: and seeing that the Lacedaemonians had plainly +committed no such injury against the whole body of allies,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span> +but professed their readiness to satisfy every claim that could +with justice be made upon them, he held that he ought not +to decree any measure of excessive severity against them. +For it would be very inconsistent for him to take severe +measures against them for so insignificant a cause; while his +father inflicted no punishment at all upon them, though when +he conquered them they were not allies but professed enemies.” +It having, therefore, been formally decided to overlook the +incident, the king immediately sent Petraeus, one of his most +trusted friends, with Omias, to exhort the people to remain +faithful to their friendship with him and Macedonia, and to +interchange oaths of alliance; while he himself started once +more with his army and returned towards Corinth, having in +his conduct to the Lacedaemonians given an excellent specimen +of his policy towards the allies.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_25" id="b4_25"><b>25.</b></a> When he arrived at Corinth he found the envoys from +the allied cities already there; and in consultation <span class="sidenote">The congress of +allies at Corinth +declare war +against the +Aetolians.</span> +with them he discussed the measures to +be taken in regard to the Aetolians. The complaints +against them were stated by the various +envoys. The Boeotians accused them of +plundering the temple of Athene at Itone<a name="FNanchor_213" id="FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> in time of peace: +the Phocians of having attacked and attempted to seize the +cities of Ambrysus and Daulium: the Epirotes of having committed +depredations in their territory. The Acarnanians +showed how they had contrived a plot for the betrayal of +Thyrium into their hands, and had gone so far as to actually +assault it under cover of night. The Achaeans made a statement +showing that they had seized Clarium in the territory of +Megalopolis; traversed the territories of Patrae and Pharae, +pillaging the country as they went; completely sacked +Cynaetha; plundered the temple of Artemis in Lusi; laid +siege to Cleitor; attempted Pylus by sea, and Megalopolis by +land, doing all they could by aid of the Illyrians to lay waste +the latter after its recent restoration. After listening to these +depositions, the congress of allies unanimously decided to go +to war with the Aetolians. A decree was, therefore, formulated +in which the aforesaid causes for war were stated as a preamble, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span>and a declaration sub-joined of their intention of restoring to +the several allies any portion of their territory seized by the +Aetolians since the death of Demetrius, father of Philip; and +similarly of restoring to their ancestral forms of government +all states that had been compelled against their will to join the +Aetolian league; with full possession of their own territory and +cities; subject to no foreign garrison or tribute; in complete +independence; and in enjoyment of their own constitutions and +laws. Finally a clause in the decree declared their intention +of assisting the Amphictyonic council to restore the laws, and +to recover its control of the Delphic temple, wrested from it +by the Aetolians, who were determined to keep in their own +hands all that belonged to that temple.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_26" id="b4_26"><b>26.</b></a> This decree was made in the first year of the +140th Olympiad, and with it began the so-called +Social war, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +the commencement of +which was thoroughly justifiable and a natural consequence +of the injurious acts of the Aetolians. The first step of the +congress was to send commissioners at once to the several +allies, that the decree having been confirmed by as many as +possible, all might join in this national war. Philip also sent +a declaratory letter to the Aetolians, in order that, if they had +any justification to put forward on the points alleged against +them, they might even at that late hour meet and settle the +controversy by conference: “but if they supposed that they +were, with no public declaration of war, to sack and plunder, +without the injured parties retaliating, on pain of being considered, +if they did so, to have commenced hostilities, they +were the most simple people in the world.” On the receipt +of this letter the Aetolian magistrates, thinking that Philip +would never come, named a day on which they would meet +him at Rhium. When they were informed, however, that he +had actually arrived there, they sent a despatch informing him +that they were not competent, before the meeting of the +Aetolian assembly, to settle any public matter on their own +authority. But when the Achaeans met at the usual federal +assembly, they ratified the decree, and published a proclamation +authorising reprisals upon the Aetolians. And when King +Philip appeared before the council at Aegium, and informed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span> +them at length of all that had taken place, they received +his speech with warmth, and formally renewed <span class="sidenote">Autumn, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +220.</span> +with him personally the friendship which had +existed between his ancestors and themselves.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_27" id="b4_27"><b>27.</b></a> Meanwhile, the time of the annual election having +come round, the Aetolians elected Scopas as +their Strategus, <span class="sidenote">Scopas elected +Aetolian +Strategus.</span> +the man who had been the +moving spirit in all these acts of violence. I +am at a loss for fitting terms to describe such a public +policy. To pass a decree against going to war,<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> and yet to go +on an actual expedition in force and pillage their neighbours’ +territories: not to punish one of those responsible for this: but +on the contrary to elect as Strategi and bestow honours on the +leaders in these transactions,—this seems to me to involve the +grossest disingenuousness. I can find no word which better +describes such a treacherous policy; and I will quote two instances +to show what I mean by it. When Phoebidas treacherously +seized the Cadmeia, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 382.</span>the Lacedaemonians +fined the guilty general but declined to withdraw +the garrison, on the ground that the wrong was fully +atoned for by the punishment of the perpetrator of it: though +their plain duty was to have done the reverse, for it was the +latter which was of importance to the Thebans. Again this +same people published a proclamation giving the various +cities freedom and autonomy in accordance <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 387.</span> +with the terms of the peace of Antalcidas, and +yet did not withdraw their Harmosts from the cities. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 385.</span> +Again, +having driven the Mantineans from their +home, who were at the time their friends +and allies, they denied that they were doing any wrong, +inasmuch as they removed them from one city and settled +them in several. But indeed a man is a fool, as much as a +knave, if he imagines that, because he shuts his own eyes, +his neighbours cannot see. Their fondness for such tortuous +policy proved however, both to the Lacedaemonians and +Aetolians, the source of the greatest disasters; and it is not +one which should commend itself to the imitation either of +individuals or states, if they are well advised.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span></p> +<p>King Philip, then, after his interview with the Achaean +assembly, started with his army on the way to Macedonia, in +all haste to make preparations for war; leaving a pleasant impression +in the minds of all the Greeks: for the nature of the +decree, which I have mentioned as having been passed by him,<a name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">215</a> +gave them good hopes of finding him a man of moderate +temper and royal magnanimity.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_28" id="b4_28"><b>28.</b></a> These transactions were contemporaneous with Hannibal’s +expedition against Saguntum, after his conquest of all +Iberia south of the Iber. Now, had the first attempts of +Hannibal been from the beginning involved with the transactions +in Greece, it would have been plainly my proper course +to have narrated the latter side by side with those in Iberia in +my previous book, with an eye solely to dates. But seeing +that the wars in Italy, Greece, and Asia were at their commencements +entirely distinct, and yet became finally involved +with each other, I decided that my history of them must also +be distinct, until I came to the point at which they became +inseparably interlaced, and began to tend towards a common +conclusion. Thus both will be made clear,—the account of their +several commencements: and the time, manner, and causes +which led to the complication and amalgamation, of which I +spoke in my introduction. This point having been reached, +I must thenceforth embrace them all in one uninterrupted +narrative. This amalgamation began towards the end of the +war, in the third year of the 140th Olympiad. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 118.</span> +From that year, +therefore, my history will, with a due regard to +dates, become a general one. Before that +year it must be divided into distinct narratives, with a mere +recapitulation in each case of the events detailed in the preceding +book, introduced for the sake of facilitating the comprehension, +and rousing the admiration, of my readers.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_29" id="b4_29"><b>29.</b></a> Philip then passed the winter in Macedonia, in an +energetic enlistment of troops for the coming +campaign, <span class="sidenote">Philip secures +the support of +Scerdilaidas.</span> +and in securing his frontier on the +side of the Barbarians. And having accomplished +these objects, he met Scerdilaidas and put himself +fearlessly in his power, and discussed with him the terms +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span>of friendship and alliance; and partly by promising to help +him in securing his power in Illyria, and partly by bringing +against the Aetolians the charges to which they were only +too open, persuaded him without difficulty to assent to his +proposals. The fact is that public crimes do not differ from +private, except in quantity and extent; and just as in the case +of petty thieves, what brings them to ruin more than anything +else is that they cheat and are unfaithful to each other, so +was it in the case of the Aetolians. They had agreed with +Scerdilaidas to give him half the booty, if he would join them +in their attack upon Achaea; but when, on his consenting to do +so, and actually carrying out his engagement, they had sacked +Cynaetha and carried off a large booty in slaves and cattle, +they gave him no share in the spoil at all. He was therefore +already enraged with them; and required very little persuasion +on Philip’s part to induce him to accept the proposal, +and agree to join the alliance, on condition of receiving a +yearly subsidy of twenty talents; and, in return, putting to +sea with thirty galleys and carrying on a naval war with the +Aetolians.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_30" id="b4_30"><b>30.</b></a> While Philip was thus engaged, the commissioners sent +out to the allies were performing their mission. <span class="sidenote">The Acarnanians, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +The first place they came to was Acarnania; +and the Acarnanians, with a noble promptitude, +confirmed the decree and undertook to join the war against +the Aetolians with their full forces. And yet they, if any +one, might have been excused if they had put the matter +off, and hesitated, and shown fear of entering upon a +war with their neighbours; both because they lived upon the +frontiers of Aetolia, and still more because they were peculiarly +open to attack, and, most of all, because they had a short +time before experienced the most dreadful disasters from the +enmity of the Aetolians. But I imagine that men of noble +nature, whether in private or public affairs, look upon duty as +the highest consideration; and in adherence to this principle +no people in Greece have been more frequently conspicuous +than the Acarnanians, although the forces at their command +were but slender. With them, above all others in Greece, an +alliance should be sought at a crisis, without any misgiving;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span> +for they have, individually and collectively, an element of +stability and a spirit of liberality. The conduct of the Epirotes +was in strong contrast. <span class="sidenote">Duplicity of +the Epirotes.</span>When they +heard what the commissioners had to say, +indeed, they, like the Acarnanians, joined in +confirming the decree, and voted to go to war with the +Aetolians at such time as Philip also did the same; but +with ignoble duplicity they told the Aetolian envoys that they +had determined to maintain peace with them.</p> + +<p>Ambassadors were despatched also to King Ptolemy, to +urge him not to send money to the Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy Philopator.</span> +nor to supply them with any aid against Philip +and the allies.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_31" id="b4_31"><b>31.</b></a> The Messenians again, on whose account the war began, +answered the commissioners sent to +them that, <span class="sidenote">Timidity of the +Messenians.</span> +seeing Phigalia was on their +frontier and was in the power of the Aetolians, +they would not undertake the war until that city was +wrested from them. This decision was forcibly carried, +much against the will of the people at large, by the Ephors +Oenis and Nicippus, and some others of the oligarchical party: +wherein they showed, to my thinking, great ignorance of their +true interests. I admit, indeed, that war is a terrible thing; +but it is less terrible than to submit to anything whatever in +order to avoid it. For what is the meaning of our fine talk +about equality of rights, freedom of speech, and liberty, if the +one important thing is peace? We have no good word for +the Thebans, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 480-479. +Pindar fr.</span> +because they shrunk from fighting +for Greece and chose from fear to side with the +Persians,—nor indeed for Pindar who supported their inaction +in the verses—<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line">A quiet haven for the ship of state</div> +<div class="line i1">Should be the patriot’s aim,</div> +<div class="line i0">And smiling peace, to small and great</div> +<div class="line i1">That brings no shame.</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>For though his advice was for the moment acceptable, it was +not long before it became manifest that his opinion was as +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>mischievous as it was dishonourable. For peace, with justice +and honour, is the noblest and most advantageous thing in +the world; when joined with disgrace and contemptible +cowardice, it is the basest and most disastrous.<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a></p> + +<p><a name="b4_32" id="b4_32"><b>32.</b></a> The Messenian leaders, then, being of oligarchical +tendencies, and aiming at their own immediate advantage, were +always too much inclined to peace. On many critical occasions +indeed they managed to elude fear and danger: but all the while +this policy of theirs was accumulating a heavy retribution for +themselves; and they finally involved their country in the +gravest misfortunes. And the reason in my opinion was this, +that being neighbours to two of the most powerful nations in +the Peloponnese, or I might almost say in Greece, I mean the +Arcadians and Lacedaemonians,—one of which had been +irreconcilably hostile to them from the moment they occupied +the country, and the other disposed to be friendly and protect +them,—they never frankly accepted hostility to the Spartans, or +friendship with the Arcadians. Accordingly when the attention +of the former was distracted by domestic or foreign war, the +Messenians were secure; for they always enjoyed peace and +tranquillity from the fact of their country lying out of the road: +but when the Lacedaemonians, having nothing else on hand +to distract their attention, took to inflicting injuries on them, +they were unable to withstand the superior strength of the +Lacedaemonians by their own power; and, having failed to +secure the support of their true friends, who were ready to do +anything for their protection, they were reduced to the alternatives +of becoming the slaves of Sparta and enduring her +heavy exactions; or of leaving their homes to escape from this +servitude, abandoning their country with wives and children. +And this has repeatedly happened to them within comparatively +recent times.</p> + +<p>That the present settlement of the Peloponnese may prove a +lasting one, so that no measure such as I am about to describe +may be ever necessary, is indeed my earnest wish: but if anything +does happen to disturb it, and threaten revolutionary +changes, the only hope for the Messenians and Megalopolitans +of continuing to occupy their present territory, that I can see, +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span>is a recurrence to the policy of Epaminondas. They must +resolve, that is to say, upon a cordial and sincere partnership +with each other in every danger and labour.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_33" id="b4_33"><b>33.</b></a> And perhaps my observation may receive some +support from ancient history. For, among many other indications, +it is a fact that the Messenians did set up a pillar +close to the altar of Zeus Lycaeus in the time of Aristomenes,<a name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">218</a> +according to the evidence of Callisthenes, in which they inscribed +the following verses:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line">A faithless king will perish soon or late!</div> +<div class="line i1">Messene tracked him down right easily,</div> +<div class="line">The traitor:—perjury must meet its fate;</div> +<div class="line i1">Glory to Zeus, and life to Arcady!</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>The point of this is, that, having lost their own country, they +pray the gods to save Arcadia as their second country.<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> +And it was very natural that they should do so; for not only did +the Arcadians receive them when driven from their own land, +at the time of the Aristomenic war, and make them welcome +to their homes and free of their civic rights; but they also +passed a vote bestowing their daughters in marriage upon those +of the Messenians who were of proper age; and besides all +this, investigated the treason of their king Aristocrates in the +battle of the Trench; and, finding him guilty, put him to death +and utterly destroyed his whole family. But setting aside +these ancient events, what has happened recently after the +restoration of Megalopolis and Messene will be sufficient to +support what I have said. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 362.</span>For when, upon +the death of Epaminondas leaving the result +of the battle of Mantinea doubtful, the Lacedaemonians +endeavoured to prevent the Messenians from being included +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span>in the truce, hoping even then to get Messenia into their +own hands, the Megalopolitans, and all the other Arcadians +who were allied with the Messenians, made such a point of +their being admitted to the benefits of the new confederacy, +that they were accepted by the allies and allowed to take the +oaths and share in the provisions of the peace; while the +Lacedaemonians were the only Greeks excluded from the +treaty. With such facts before him, could any one doubt the +soundness of the suggestion I lately made?</p> + +<p>I have said thus much for the sake of the Arcadians and +Messenians themselves; that, remembering all the misfortunes +which have befallen their countries at the hands of the +Lacedaemonians, they may cling close to the policy of mutual +affection and fidelity; and let no fear of war, or desire of peace, +induce them to abandon each other in what affects the highest +interests of both.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_34" id="b4_34"><b>34.</b></a> In the matter of the commissioners from the allies, to +go back to my story, the behaviour of the +Lacedaemonians was very characteristic. <span class="sidenote">Division of opinion +in Sparta, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +For +their own ill-considered and tortuous policy +had placed them in such a difficulty, that they finally dismissed +them without an answer: thus illustrating, as it +seems to me, the truth of the saying, that, “boldness pushed +to extremes amounts to want of sense, and comes to nothing.” +Subsequently, however, on the appointment of new Ephors, the +party who had originally promoted the outbreak, and had been +the causes of the massacre, sent to the Aetolians to induce them +to despatch an ambassador to Sparta. The Aetolians gladly +consented, and in a short time Machatas arrived there in that +capacity. Pressure was at once put upon the Ephors to +allow Machatas to address the people,<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> and to re-establish +royalty in accordance with the ancient constitution, and not to +allow the Heraclid dynasty to be any longer suppressed, contrary +to the laws. The Ephors were annoyed at the proposal, but +were unable to withstand the pressure, and afraid of a rising +of the younger men: they therefore answered that the question +of restoring the kings must be reserved for future consideration; +but they consented to grant Machatas an opportunity of addressing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span> +a public assembly. When the people accordingly were met, +Machatas came forward, and in a long speech urged them to +embrace the alliance with Aetolia; inveighing in reckless and +audacious terms against the Macedonians, while he went +beyond all reason and truth in his commendations of the +Aetolians. Upon his retirement, there was a long and animated +debate between those who supported the Aetolians and +advised the adoption of their alliance, and those who took the +opposite side. When, however, some of the elders reminded +the people of the good services rendered them by Antigonus +and the Macedonians, and the injuries inflicted on them by +Charixenus and Timaeus,—when the Aetolians invaded them +with their full force and ravaged their territory, enslaved the +neighbouring villages, and laid a plot for attacking Sparta +itself by a fraudulent and forcible restoration of exiles,—these +words produced a great revulsion of feeling, and the people +finally decided to maintain the alliance with Philip and the +Macedonians. Machatas accordingly had to go home without +attaining the object of his mission.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_35" id="b4_35"><b>35.</b></a> The party, however, at Sparta who were the original +of the instigators of the outbreak could not make up +their minds to give way. <span class="sidenote">Murder of the +Ephors, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +They once more therefore +determined to commit a crime of the most +impious description, having first corrupted some of the +younger men. It was an ancestral custom that, at a certain +sacrifice, all citizens of military age should join fully armed in +a procession to the temple of Athene of the Brazen-house, +while the Ephors remained in the sacred precinct and completed +the sacrifice. As the young men therefore were +conducting the procession, some of them suddenly fell upon +the Ephors, while they were engaged with the sacrifice, and +slew them. The enormity of this crime will be made apparent +by remembering that the sanctity of this temple was such, that +it gave a safe asylum even to criminals condemned to death; +whereas its privileges were now by the cruelty of these +audacious men treated with such contempt, that the whole of +the Ephors were butchered round the altar and the table of the +goddess. In pursuance of their purpose they next killed one +of the elders, Gyridas, and drove into exile those who had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span> +spoken against the Aetolians. They then chose some of +their own body as Ephors, and made an alliance with the +Aetolians. Their motives for doing all this, for incurring the +enmity of the Achaeans, for their ingratitude to the Macedonians, +and generally for their unjustifiable conduct towards all, was +before everything else their devotion to Cleomenes, and the +hopes and expectations they continued to cherish that he +would return to Sparta in safety. So true it is that men who +have the tact to ingratiate themselves with those who +surround them can, even when far removed, leave in their +hearts very effective materials for kindling the flame of a +renewed popularity. This people for instance, to say nothing +of other examples, after nearly three years of constitutional +government, following the banishment of Cleomenes, without +once thinking of appointing kings at Sparta, no sooner heard +of the death of Cleomenes than they were eager—populace +and Ephors alike—to restore kingly rule. <span class="sidenote">Agesipolis appointed +king,</span> +Accordingly the Ephors who were in sympathy +with the conspirators, and who had +made the alliance with Aetolia which I just now mentioned, did +so. One of these kings so restored they appointed in accordance +with the regular and legal succession, namely Agesipolis. +He was a child at the time, a son of Agesipolis, and grandson of +that Cleombrotus who had become king, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 242.</span>as the +next of kin to this family, when Leonidas was +driven from office. As guardian of the young king they elected +Cleomenes, son of Cleombrotus and brother of Agesipolis.</p> + +<p>Of the other royal house there were surviving two sons of +Archidamus, son of Eudamidas, by the daughter +of Hippodemon; <span class="sidenote">and Lycurgas.</span> +as well as Hippodemon himself, +the son of Agesilaus, and several other members of +the same branch, though somewhat less closely connected +than those I have mentioned. But these were all passed +over, and Lycurgus was appointed king, none of whose +ancestors had ever enjoyed that title. A present of a +talent to each of the Ephors made him “descendant of +Hercules” and king of Sparta. So true is it all the world +over that such nobility<a name="FNanchor_221" id="FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> is a mere question of a little money.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span></p> +<p>The result was that the penalty for their folly had to be paid, +not by the third generation, but by the very authors of this +royalist restoration.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_36" id="b4_36"><b>36.</b></a> When Machatas heard what had happened at Sparta, +he returned thither and urged the Ephors and +kings to go to war with the Achaeans; <span class="sidenote">Spartans attack +Argos, and proclaim +war with +the Achaeans.</span> +arguing +that that was the only way of stopping the ambition +of the party in Sparta who were doing +all they could to break up the alliance with the Aetolians, or +of the party in Aetolia who were co-operating with them. +Having obtained the consent of the Ephors and kings, +Machatas returned home with a success secured him by the +blindness of his partisans in Sparta; while Lycurgus with the +army and certain others of the citizens invaded the Argive +territory, the inhabitants being quite unprepared for an attack, +owing to the existing settlement. By a sudden assault he +seized Polichna, Prasiae, Leucae, and Cyphanta, but was +repulsed at Glympes and Zarax. After these achievements of +their king, the Lacedaemonians proclaimed a licence of reprisal +against the Achaeans. With the Eleans also Machatas +was successful in persuading them, by the same arguments as +he had used at Sparta, to go to war with the Achaeans.</p> + +<p>The unexpected success of these intrigues caused the +Aetolians to enter upon the war with high spirits. But it was +quite the contrary with the Achaeans: for Philip, on whom +their hopes rested, was still busy with his preparations; the +Epirotes were hesitating about going to war, and the Messenians +were entirely passive; and meantime the Aetolians, aided +by the blind policy of the Eleans and Lacedaemonians, were +threatening them with actual war on every side.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_37" id="b4_37"><b>37.</b></a> The year of Aratus’s office was just expiring, and his +son Aratus the younger had been elected to +succeed him as Strategus, <span class="sidenote">Aratus succeeded +by his son as +Strategus of the +Achaeans, +May <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219.</span> +and was on the point +of taking over the office. Scopas was still +Strategus of the Aetolians, and in fact it was +just about the middle of his year. For the +Aetolians hold their elections immediately after the autumn +equinox, while the Achaeans hold theirs about the time of +the rising of the Pleiads. As soon therefore as summer had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span> +well set in, and Aratus the younger had taken over his +office, all these wars at once began simultaneously. +Hannibal began besieging Saguntum; <span class="sidenote">June-September. +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219.</span> +the +Romans sent Lucius Aemilius with an army to Illyria against +Demetrius of Pharos,—of both which I spoke in the last book; +Antiochus, having had Ptolemais and Tyre betrayed to him by +Theodotus, meditated attacking Coele-Syria; and Ptolemy was +engaged in preparing for the war with Antiochus. While +Lycurgus, wishing to make a beginning after the pattern of +Cleomenes, pitched his camp near the Athenaeum of Megalopolis +and was laying siege to it: the Achaeans were collecting +mercenary horse and foot for the war which was upon them: +and Philip, finally, was starting from Macedonia with an army +consisting of ten thousand heavy-armed soldiers of the phalanx, +five thousand light-armed, and eight hundred cavalry. Such +was the universal state of war or preparation for war.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_38" id="b4_38"><b>38.</b></a> At the same time the Rhodians went to +war with the Byzantines, for reasons which I <span class="sidenote">Rhodian and +Byzantium war, +220-219 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span></span> +must now describe.</p> + +<p>As far as the sea is concerned, Byzantium occupies a position +the most secure and in every way the most <span class="sidenote">Advantages of +the situation of +Byzantium.</span> +advantageous of any town in our quarter of the +world: while in regard to the land, its situation +is in both respects the most unfavourable. By sea it so completely +commands the entrance to the Pontus, that no merchant +can sail in or out against its will. The Pontus therefore +being rich in what the rest of the world requires for the +support of life, the Byzantines are absolute masters of all such +things. For those commodities which are the first necessaries +of existence, cattle and slaves, are confessedly supplied by the +districts round the Pontus in greater profusion, and of better +quality, than by any others: and for luxuries, they supply us with +honey, wax, and salt-fish in great abundance; while they take +our superfluous stock of olive oil and every kind of wine. In the +matter of corn there is a mutual interchange, they supplying or +taking it as it happens to be convenient. Now the Greeks +would necessarily have been excluded entirely from traffic in +these articles, or at least would have had to carry it on at a +loss, if the Byzantines had adopted a hostile attitude, and made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span> +common cause formerly with the Gauls, or still more at this +time with the Thracians, or had abandoned the place altogether: +for owing to the narrowness of the strait, and the number of +the barbarians along its shores, it would have become entirely +impassable to our ships. The Byzantines themselves probably +feel the advantages of the situation, in the supplies of the +necessaries of life, more than any one else; for their superfluity +finds a ready means of export, and what they lack is readily +imported, with profit to themselves, and without difficulty or +danger: but other people too, as I have said, get a great +many commodities by their means. As common benefactors +therefore of all Greece they might justly expect, not only +gratitude, but the united assistance of Greeks, when threatened +by the barbarians.</p> + +<p>But since the peculiar natural advantages of this site are +generally unknown, because it lies somewhat outside the parts +of the world ordinarily visited; and since it is an universal +wish to be acquainted with things of this sort, by ocular +inspection, if possible, of such places as have any unusual +or remarkable features; or, if that is impossible, by having in +our minds some ideas or images of them as like the truth as +may be, I must now state the facts of the case, and what it +is that makes this city so eminently rich and prosperous.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_39" id="b4_39"><b>39.</b></a> The sea called “The Pontus” has a circumference of +twenty-two thousand stades, and two mouths <span class="sidenote">The Pontus.</span> +diametrically opposite to each other, the one +opening into the Propontis and the other into the Maeotic +Lake; which latter also has itself a circumference of eight +thousand stades. Into these two basins many great rivers +discharge themselves on the Asiatic side, and still larger +and more numerous on the European; and so the +Maeotic lake, as it gets filled up, flows into the Pontus, +and the Pontus into the Propontis. The mouth of the +Maeotic lake is called the Cimmerian Bosporus, about +thirty stades broad and sixty long, and shallow all over; that +of the Pontus is called the Thracian Bosporus, and is a +hundred and twenty stades long, and of a varying breadth. +Between Calchedon and Byzantium the channel is fourteen +stades broad, and this is the entrance at the end nearest the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span> +Propontis. Coming from the Pontus, it begins at a place +called Hieron, at which they say that Jason on his return +voyage from Colchis first sacrificed to the twelve gods. This +place is on the Asiatic side, and its distance from the European +coast is twelve stades, measuring to Sarapieium, which lies +exactly opposite in Thrace. There are two causes which account +for the fact that the waters, both of the Maeotic lake and the +Pontus, continually flow outwards. One is patent at once to +every observer, namely, that by the continual discharge of +many streams into basins which are of definite circumference and +content, the water necessarily is continually increasing in bulk, +and, had there been no outlet, would inevitably have encroached +more and more, and occupied an ever enlarging area in the +depression: but as outlets do exist, the surplus water is carried +off by a natural process, and runs perpetually through the +channels that are there to receive it. The second cause is the +alluvial soil brought down, in immense quantities of every +description, by the rivers swollen from heavy rains, which +forms shelving banks and continually forces the water to take +a higher level, which is thus also carried through these outlets. +Now as this process of alluvial deposit and influx of water is +unceasing and continuous, so also the discharge through the +channels is necessarily unceasing and continuous.</p> + +<p>These are the true causes of the outflow of the Pontus, +which do not depend for their credit on the stories of +merchants, but upon the actual observation of nature, which is +the most accurate method discoverable.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_40" id="b4_40"><b>40.</b></a> As I have started this topic I must not, as most +historians do, leave any point undiscussed, or only barely +stated. My object is rather to give information, and to clear +up doubtful points for my readers. This is the peculiarity of +the present day, in which every sea and land has been thrown +open to travellers; and in which, therefore, one can no longer +employ the evidence of poets and fabulists, as my predecessors +have done on very many points, “offering,” as Heraclitus says, +“tainted witnesses to disputed facts,”—but I must try to +make my narrative in itself carry conviction to my readers.</p> + +<p>I say then the Pontus has long been in process of being +filled up with mud, and that this process is actually going on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span> +now: and further, that in process of time both it and the +Propontis, assuming the same local conditions to be maintained, +and the causes of the alluvial deposit to continue +active, will be entirely filled up. For time being infinite, and +the depressions most undoubtedly finite, it is plain that, even +though the amount of deposit be small, they must in course of +time be filled. For a finite process, whether of accretion or +decrease, must, if we presuppose infinite time, be eventually +completed, however infinitesimal its progressive stages may be. +In the present instance the amount of soil deposited being not +small, but exceedingly large, it is plain that the result I +mentioned will not be remote but rapid. And, in fact, it is +evident that it is already taking place. The Maeotic lake is +already so much choked up, that the greater part of it is only +from seven to five fathoms deep, and accordingly cannot any +longer be passed by large ships without a pilot. And having +moreover been originally a sea precisely on a level with the +Pontus, it is now a freshwater lake: the sea-water has been +expelled by the silting up of the bottom, and the discharge of +the rivers has entirely overpowered it. The same will happen +to the Pontus, and indeed is taking place at this moment; and +though it is not evident to ordinary observers, owing to the +vastness of its basin, yet a moderately attentive study will +discover even now what is going on.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_41" id="b4_41"><b>41.</b></a> For the Danube discharging itself into the Pontus by +several mouths, we find opposite it a bank formed by the mud +discharged from these mouths extending for nearly a thousand +stades, at a distance of a day’s sail from the shore as it now exists; +upon which ships sailing to the Pontus run, while apparently still +in deep water, and find themselves unexpectedly stranded on +the sandbanks which the sailors call the Breasts. That this +deposit is not close to the shore, but projected to some distance, +must be accounted for thus: exactly as far as the currents of +the rivers retain their force from the strength of the descending +stream, and overpower that of the sea, it must of course follow +that to that distance the earth, and whatever else is carried +down by the rivers, would be projected, and neither settle nor +become fixed until it is reached. But when the force of the +currents has become quite spent by the depth and bulk of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span> +sea, it is but natural that the soil held in solution should settle +down and assume a fixed position. This is the explanation of +the fact, that, in the case of large and rapid rivers, such embankments +are at considerable distances, and the sea close in shore +deep; while in the case of smaller and more sluggish streams, these +sandbanks are at their mouths. The strongest proof of this is +furnished by the case of heavy rains; for when they occur, +rivers of inferior size, overpowering the waves at their mouths, +project the alluvial deposit out to sea, to a distance exactly in +proportion to the force of the streams thus discharging themselves. +It would be mere foolish scepticism to disbelieve in +the enormous size of this sandbank, and in the mass of stones, +timber, and earth carried down by the rivers; when we often see +with our own eyes an insignificant stream suddenly swell into +a torrent, and force its way over lofty rocks, sweeping along +with it every kind of timber, soil, and stones, and making such +huge moraines, that at times the appearance of a locality +becomes in a brief period difficult to recognise.<a name="FNanchor_222" id="FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">222</a></p> + +<p><a name="b4_42" id="b4_42"><b>42.</b></a> This should prevent any surprise that rivers of such +magnitude and rapidity, flowing perpetually instead of intermittently, +should produce these effects and end by filling up +the Pontus. For it is not a mere probability, but a logical +certainty, that this must happen. And a proof of what is going +to take place is this, that in the same proportion as the +Maeotic lake is less salt than the Pontus, the Pontus is less +so than the Mediterranean. From which it is manifest that, +when the time which it has taken for the Maeotic lake to fill +up shall have been extended in proportion to the excess of the +Pontic over the Maeotic basin, then the Pontus will also +become like a marsh and lake, and filled with fresh water like +the Maeotic lake: nay, we must suppose that the process will +be somewhat more rapid, insomuch as the rivers falling into +it are more numerous and more rapid. I have said thus much +in answer to the incredulity of those who cannot believe that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span>the Pontus is actually being silted up, and will some day be +filled; and that so vast a sea will ever become a lake or marsh. +But I have another and higher object also in thus speaking: +which is to prevent our ignorance from forcing us to give a +childish credence to every traveller’s tale and marvel related +by voyagers; and that, by possessing certain indications of the +truth, we may be enabled by them to test the truth or falsehood +of anything alleged by this or that person.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_43" id="b4_43"><b>43.</b></a> I must now return to the discussion of the excellence +of the site of Byzantium. <span class="sidenote">Site of +Byzantium.</span> +The length of the +channel connecting the Pontus and Propontis +being, as I have said, a hundred and twenty +stades, and Hieron marking its termination towards the +Pontus, and the Strait of Byzantium that towards the Propontis,—half-way +between these, on the European side, stands Hermaeum, +on a headland jutting out into the channel, about +five stades from the Asiatic coast, just at the narrowest point +of the whole channel; <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 512.</span> +where Darius is said to +have made his bridge of ships across the strait, +when he crossed to invade Scythia. In the rest of the channel +the running of the current from the Pontus is much the same, +owing to the similarity of the coast formation on either side +of it; but when it reaches Hermaeum on the European side, +which I said was the narrowest point, the stream flowing from +the Pontus, and being thus confined, strikes the European coast +with great violence, and then, as though by a rebound from a +blow, dashes against the opposite Asiatic coast, and thence again +sweeps back and strikes the European shore near some headlands +called the Hearths: thence it runs rapidly once more to +the spot on the Asiatic side called the Cow, the place on +which the myth declares Io to have first stood after swimming +the channel. Finally the current runs from the Cow right up +to Byzantium, and dividing into two streams on either side of the +city, the lesser part of it forms the gulf called the Horn, while +the greater part swerves once more across. But it has no longer +sufficient way on it to reach the opposite shore on which Calchedon +stands: for after its several counter-blows the current, finding +at this point a wider channel, slackens; and no longer makes +short rebounds at right angles from one shore to the other, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span> +more and more at an obtuse angle, and accordingly, falling +short of Calchedon, runs down the middle of the channel.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_44" id="b4_44"><b>44.</b></a> What then makes Byzantium a most excellent site, and +Calchedon the reverse, is just this: and although at first sight +both positions seem equally convenient, the practical fact is +that it is difficult to sail up to the latter, even if you wish to do +so; while the current carries you to the former, whether you +will or no, as I have just now shown. And a proof of my +assertion is this: those who want to cross from Calchedon to +Byzantium cannot sail straight across the channel, but coast up +to the Cow and Chrysopolis,—which the Athenians formerly +seized, by the advice of Alcibiades, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 410.</span> +when +they for the first time levied customs on +ships sailing into the Pontus,<a name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a>—and then drift down +the current, which carries them as a matter of course to +Byzantium. And the same is the case with a voyage on +either side of Byzantium. For if a man is running before a +south wind from the Hellespont, or to the Hellespont from the +Pontus before the Etesian winds, if he keeps to the European +shore, he has a direct and easy course to the narrow part of the +Hellespont between Abydos and Sestos, and thence also back +again to Byzantium: but if he goes from Calchedon along the +Asiatic coast, the case is exactly the reverse, from the fact that +the coast is broken up by deep bays, and that the territory of +Cyzicus projects to a considerable distance. Nor can a man +coming from the Hellespont to Calchedon obviate this by +keeping to the European coast as far as Byzantium, and then +striking across to Calchedon; for the current and other circumstances +which I have mentioned make it difficult. Similarly, +for one sailing out from Calchedon it is absolutely impossible +to make straight for Thrace, owing to the intervening +current, and to the fact that both winds are unfavourable +to both voyages; for as the south wind blows into the +Pontus, and the north wind from it, the one or the other of +these must be encountered in both these voyages. These, +then, are the advantages enjoyed by Byzantium in regard to +the sea: I must now describe its disadvantages on shore.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_45" id="b4_45"><b>45.</b></a> They consist in the fact that its territory is so completely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span> +hemmed in by Thrace from shore to shore, that the +Byzantines have a perpetual and dangerous +war continually on hand with the Thracians. <span class="sidenote">Disadvantages of +Byzantium.</span> +For they are unable once for all to arm and +repel them by a single decisive battle, owing to the number +of their people and chiefs. For if they conquer one chief, +three others still more formidable invade their territory. Nor +again do they gain anything by consenting to pay tribute +and make terms; for a concession of any sort to one brings at +once five times as many enemies upon them. Therefore, as I +say, they are burdened by a perpetual and dangerous war: for +what can be more hazardous or more formidable than a war +with barbarians living on your borders? Nay, it is not only +this perpetual struggle with danger on land, but, apart from the +evils that always accompany war, they have to endure a misery +like that ascribed by the poets to Tantalus: for being in +possession of an extremely fertile district, no sooner have +they expended their labour upon it and been rewarded by +crops of the finest quality, than the barbarians sweep down, +and either destroy them, or collect and carry them off; and +then, to say nothing of the loss of their labour and expense, +the very excellence of the crops enhances the misery and +distress of seeing them destroyed before their eyes. Still, +habit making them able to endure the war with the Thracians, +they maintained their original connexions with the other +Greeks; but when to their other misfortunes was added the +attack of the Gauls under Comontorius, they were reduced to +a sad state of distress indeed.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_46" id="b4_46"><b>46.</b></a> These Gauls had left their country with Brennus, and +having survived the battle at Delphi and made +their way to the Hellespont, <span class="sidenote">The Gauls, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 279.</span> +instead of crossing +to Asia, were captivated by the beauty +of the district round Byzantium, and settled there. Then, +having conquered the Thracians and erected Tyle<a name="FNanchor_224" id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">224</a> into +a capital, they placed the Byzantines in extreme danger. In +their earlier attacks, made under the command of Comontorius +their first king, the Byzantines always bought them off by +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span>presents amounting to three, or five, or sometimes even ten +thousand gold pieces, on condition of their not devastating +their territory: and at last were compelled to agree to pay +them a yearly tribute of eighty talents, until the time of Cavarus, +in whose reign their kingdom came to an end; and their whole +tribe, being in their turn conquered by the Thracians, were +entirely annihilated. It was in these times, then, that being +hard pressed by the payment of these exactions, the Byzantines +first sent embassies to the Greek states with a prayer for aid +and support in their dangerous situation: but being disregarded +by the greater number, they, under pressure of +necessity, attempted to levy dues upon ships sailing into the +Pontus.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_47" id="b4_47"><b>47.</b></a> Now this exaction by the Byzantines of a duty upon +goods brought from the Pontus, <span class="sidenote">The Byzantines +levy a toll.</span> +being a +heavy loss and burden to everybody, was +universally regarded as a grievance; and accordingly +an appeal from all those engaged in the trade was +made to the Rhodians, as acknowledged masters of the sea: +and it was from this circumstance that the war originated of +which I am about to speak.</p> + +<p>For the Rhodians, roused to action by the loss incurred +by themselves, as well as that of their +neighbours, <span class="sidenote">The Rhodians +declare war, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +at first joined their allies in an +embassy to Byzantium, and demanded the +abolition of the impost. The Byzantines refused compliance, +being persuaded that they were in the right by the +arguments advanced by their chief magistrates, Hecatorus and +Olympidorus, in their interview with the ambassadors. The +Rhodian envoys accordingly departed without effecting their +object. But upon their return home, war was at once voted +against Byzantium on these grounds; and messengers were +immediately despatched to Prusias inviting his co-operation in +the war: for they knew that Prusias was from various causes +incensed with the Byzantines.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_48" id="b4_48"><b>48.</b></a> The Byzantines took steps of a similar nature, by +sending to Attalus and Achaeus begging for their assistance. +For his part Attalus was ready enough to give it: but his +importance was small, because he had been reduced within the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span> +limits of his ancestral dominions by Achaeus. But Achaeus +who exercised dominion throughout Asia on this side Taurus, +and had recently established his regal power, promised assistance; +and his attitude roused high hopes in the minds of the +Byzantines, and corresponding depression in those of the Rhodians +and Prusias. <span class="sidenote">Achaeus.</span> +Achaeus was a relation of +the Antiochus who had just succeeded to the +kingdom of Syria; and he became possessed of the dominion +I have mentioned through the following circumstances. +After the death of Seleucus, father of the above-named +Antiochus, and the succession of his eldest son +Seleucus to the throne, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 226.</span> +Achaeus accompanied +the latter in an expedition over Mount Taurus, about two years +before the period of which we are speaking.<a name="FNanchor_225" id="FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">225</a> For as soon as +Seleucus the younger had succeeded to the kingdom he learnt +that Attalus had already reduced all Asia on this side of Taurus +under his power; and being accordingly eager to support his +own rights, he crossed Taurus with a large army. There he +was treacherously assassinated by Apaturius the Gaul, and +Nicanor. Achaeus, in right of his relationship, promptly +revenged his murder by killing Nicanor and Apaturius; and +taking supreme command of the army and administration, +conducted it with wisdom and integrity. For the opportunity +was a convenient one, and the feeling of the common soldiers +was all in favour of his assuming the crown; yet he refused to +do so, and preserving the royal title for Antiochus the younger, +son of Seleucus, went on energetically with the expedition, and +the recovery of the whole of the territory this side Taurus. +Meeting however with unexpected success,—for he shut up +Attalus within the walls of Pergamus and became master of all +the rest of the country,—he was puffed up by his good fortune, +and at once swerved from his straightforward course of policy. +He assumed the diadem, adopted the title of king, and was at +this time the most powerful and formidable of all the kings +and princes this side Taurus. This was the man on whose +help the Byzantines relied when they undertook the war +against the Rhodians and Prusias.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b4_49" id="b4_49"><b>49.</b></a> As to the provocations given before this to Prusias by +the Byzantines they were various. <span class="sidenote">Prusias.</span> +In the first +place he complained that, having voted to put +up certain statues of him, they had not done so, but had +delayed or forgotten it. In the second place he was +annoyed with them for taking great pains to compose the +hostility, and put an end to the war, between Achaeus and +Attalus; because he looked upon a friendship between these +two as in many ways detrimental to his own interests. He +was provoked also because it appeared that when Attalus was +keeping the festival of Athene, the Byzantines had sent a +mission to join in the celebration; but had sent no one to him +when he was celebrating the Soteria. Nursing therefore a +secret resentment for these various offences, he gladly snatched +at the pretext offered him by the Rhodians; and arranged with +their ambassadors that they were to carry on the war by sea, +while he would undertake to inflict no less damage on the +enemy by land.</p> + +<p>Such were the causes and origin of the war between +Rhodes and Byzantium.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_50" id="b4_50"><b>50.</b></a> At first the Byzantines entered upon the war with +energy, in full confidence of receiving the +assistance of Achaeus; <span class="sidenote">Hostilities +commence, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +and of being able +to cause Prusias as much alarm and danger +by fetching Tiboetes from Macedonia as he had done +to them. For Prusias, entering upon the war with all the +animosity which I have described, had seized the place called +Hieron at the entrance of the channel, which the Byzantines +not long before had purchased for a considerable sum of +money, because of its convenient situation; and because they +did not wish to leave in any one else’s hands a point of vantage +to be used against merchants sailing into the Pontus, or one +which commanded the slave trade, or the fishing. Besides +this, Prusias had seized in Asia a district of Mysia, which had +been in the possession of Byzantium for many years past.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Rhodians manned six ships and received +four from their allies; and, having elected Xenophantus to +command them, they sailed with this squadron of ten ships +to the Hellespont. Nine of them dropped anchor near Sestos,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span> +and stopped ships sailing into the Pontus; with the tenth the +admiral sailed to Byzantium, to test the spirit of the people, and +see whether they were already sufficiently alarmed to change +their minds about the war. Finding them resolved not to +listen he sailed away, and, taking up his other nine ships, +returned to Rhodes with the whole squadron.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Byzantines sent a message to Achaeus +asking for aid, and an escort to conduct Tiboetes from +Macedonia. For it was believed that Tiboetes had as good a +claim to the kingdom of Bithynia as Prusias, who was his +nephew.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_51" id="b4_51"><b>51.</b></a> But seeing the confident spirit of the Byzantines, the +Rhodians adopted an exceedingly able plan to +obtain their object. <span class="sidenote">The Rhodians +secure the +friendship of +Achaeus.</span> +They perceived that the +resolution of the Byzantines in venturing on +the war rested mainly on their hopes of the +support of Achaeus. Now they knew that the father of +Achaeus was detained at Alexandria, and that Achaeus was +exceedingly anxious for his father’s safety: they therefore hit +upon the idea of sending an embassy to Ptolemy, and asking +him to deliver this Andromachus to them. This request, +indeed, they had before made, but without laying any great +stress upon it: now, however, they were genuinely anxious for +it; that, by doing this favour to Achaeus, they might lay him +under such an obligation to them, that he would be unable to +refuse any request they might make to him. When the +ambassadors arrived, Ptolemy at first deliberated as to detaining +Andromachus; because there still remained some points of +dispute between himself and Antiochus unsettled; and Achaeus, +who had recently declared himself king, could exercise a +decisive influence in several important particulars. For +Andromachus was not only father of Achaeus, but brother also +of Laodice, the wife of Seleucus.<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> However, on a review of +the whole situation, Ptolemy inclined to the Rhodians; and +being anxious to show them every favour, he yielded to their +request, and handed over Andromachus to them to conduct to +his son. Having accordingly done this, and having conferred +some additional marks of honour on Achaeus, they deprived the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span>Byzantines of their most important hope. And this was not +the only disappointment which the Byzantines had to +encounter; for as Tiboetes was being escorted from +Macedonia, he entirely defeated their plans by dying. This +misfortune damped the ardour of the Byzantines, while it +encouraged Prusias to push on the war. On the Asiatic side +he carried it on in person, and with great energy; while on the +European side he hired Thracians who prevented the Byzantines +from leaving their gates. For their party being thus +baulked of their hopes, and surrounded on every side by +enemies, the Byzantines began to look about then for some +decent pretext for withdrawing from the war.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_52" id="b4_52"><b>52.</b></a> So when the Gallic king, Cavarus, came to Byzantium, +and showed himself eager to put an end to the +war, <span class="sidenote">The Gallic king, +Cavarus, negotiates +a peace, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +and earnestly offered his friendly intervention, +both Prusias and the Byzantines consented +to his proposals. And when the +Rhodians were informed of the interference of Cavarus and +the consent of Prusias, being very anxious to secure their own +object also, they elected Aridices as ambassador to Byzantium, +and sent Polemocles with him in command of three triremes, +wishing, as the saying is, to send the Byzantines “spear +and herald’s staff at once.” Upon their appearance a pacification +was arranged, in the year of Cothon, son of Callisthenes, +Hieromnemon in Byzantium.<a name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> The treaty with the +Rhodians was simple: “The Byzantines will not collect toll +from any ship sailing into the Pontus; and in that case the +Rhodians and their allies are at peace with the Byzantines.” +But that with Prusias contained the following provisions: +“There shall be peace and amity for ever between Prusias +and the Byzantines; the Byzantines shall in no way attack +Prusias, nor Prusias the Byzantines. Prusias shall restore to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span>Byzantines all lands, forts, populations, and prisoners of war, +without ransom; and besides these things, the ships taken at +the beginning of the war, and the arms seized in the fortresses; +and also the timbers, stone-work, and roofing belonging to the +fort called Hieron” (for Prusias, in his terror of the approach of +Tiboetes, had pulled down every fort which seemed to lie +conveniently for him): “finally, Prusias shall compel such of +the Bithynians as have any property taken from the Byzantine +district of Mysia to restore it to the farmers.”</p> + +<p>Such were the beginning and end of the war of Rhodes and +Prusias with Byzantium.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_53" id="b4_53"><b>53.</b></a> At the same time the Cnossians sent an embassy to +the Rhodians, and persuaded them to send them <span class="sidenote">War between +Rhodes and +Crete.</span> +the ships that were under the command of Polemocles, +and to launch three undecked vessels +besides and send them also to Crete. The Rhodians having +complied, and the vessels having arrived at Crete, the people +of Eleutherna suspecting that one of their citizens named +Timarchus had been put to death by Polemocles to please the +Cnossians, first proclaimed a right of reprisal against the +Rhodians, and then went to open war with them.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_54" id="b4_54"><b>54.</b></a> The people of Lyttos,<a name="FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> too, a short time before this, met +with an irretrievable disaster. <span class="sidenote">The destruction +of Lyttos.</span> +At that time +the political state of Crete as a whole was this. +The Cnossians, in league with the people of +Gortyn, had a short time previously reduced the whole island +under their power, with the exception of the city of Lyttos; +and this being the only city which refused obedience, they +resolved to go to war with it, being bent upon removing +its inhabitants from their homes, as an example and terror to +the rest of Crete. Accordingly at first the whole of the other +Cretan cities were united in war against Lyttos: but presently +when some jealousy arose from certain trifling causes, as is the +way with the Cretans, they separated into hostile parties, the +peoples of Polyrrhen, Cere, and Lappa, along with the Horii +and Arcades,<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">229</a> forming one party and separating themselves +from connexion with the Cnossians, resolved to make common +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span>cause with the Lyttians. Among the people of Gortyn, +again, the elder men espoused the side of Cnossus, the younger +that of Lyttos, and so were in opposition to each other. Taken +by surprise by this disintegration of their allies, the Cnossians +fetched over a thousand men from Aetolia in virtue of their +alliance: upon which the party of the elders in Gortyn +immediately seized the citadel; introduced the Cnossians +and Aetolians; and either expelled or put to death the young +men, and delivered the city into the hands of the Cnossians. +And at the same time, the Lyttians having gone out with their +full forces on an expedition into the enemy’s territory, the +Cnossians got information of the fact, and seized Lyttos while +thus denuded of its defenders. The children and women they +sent to Cnossus; and having set fire to the town, thrown down +its buildings, and damaged it in every possible way, returned. +When the Lyttians reached home from their expedition, and +saw what had happened, they were struck with such violent +grief that not a man of the whole host had the heart to enter +his native city; but one and all having marched round its +walls, with frequent cries and lamentations over their misfortune +and that of their country, turned back again towards the city +of Lappa. The people of Lappa gave them a kind and entirely +cordial reception; and having thus in one day become cityless +and aliens, they joined these allies in their war against the +Cnossians. Thus at one fell swoop was Lyttos, a colony of +Sparta and allied with the Lacedaemonians in blood, the most +ancient of the cities in Crete, and by common consent the +mother of the bravest men in the island, utterly cut off.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_55" id="b4_55"><b>55.</b></a> But the peoples of Polyrrhen and Lappa and all their +allies, seeing that the Cnossians clung to +the alliance of the Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">Appeal to the +Achaeans and +Philip.</span> +and that the +Aetolians were at war with King Philip and +the Achaeans, sent ambassadors to the two latter asking +for their help and to be admitted to alliance with them. +Both requests were granted: they were admitted into the roll +of allies, and assistance was sent to them, consisting of four +hundred Illyrians under Plator, two hundred Achaeans, and a +hundred Phocians; whose arrival was of the utmost advantage +to the interest of Polyrrhenia and her allies: for in a brief space<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span> +of time they shut the Eleuthernaeans and Cydonians within +their walls, and compelled the people of Aptera to forsake the +alliance of the Cnossians and share their fortunes. When these +results had been obtained, the Polyrrhenians and their allies +joined in sending to the aid of Philip and the Achaeans five +hundred Cretans, the Cnossians having sent a thousand to the +Aetolians a short time before; both of which contingents took +part in the existing war on their respective sides. Nay more, +the exiled party of Gortyn seized the harbour of Phaestus,<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">230</a> +and also by a sudden and bold attack occupied the port of +Gortyn itself; and from these two places as bases of operation +they carried on the war with the party in the town. Such was +the state of Crete.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_56" id="b4_56"><b>56.</b></a> About the same time Mithridates also declared war +against the people of Sinope; <span class="sidenote">Mithridates IV., +king of Pontus, +declares war +against Sinope.</span> +which proved to +be the beginning and occasion of the disaster +which ultimately befell the Sinopeans. Upon +their sending an embassy with a view to this +war to beg for assistance from the Rhodians, the latter +decided to elect three men, and to grant them a hundred and +forty thousand drachmae with which to procure supplies +needed by the Sinopeans. The men so appointed got ready +ten thousand jars of wine, three hundred talents<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> of prepared +hair, a hundred talents of made-up bowstring, a thousand +suits of armour, three thousand gold pieces, and four +catapults with engineers to work them. The Sinopean +envoys took these presents and departed; for the people +of Sinope, being in great anxiety lest Mithridates should +attempt to besiege them both by land and sea, were making +all manner of preparations with this view. Sinope lies on the +right-hand shore of the Pontus as one sails to Phasis, and is built +upon a peninsula jutting out into the sea: it is on the neck of +this peninsula, connecting it with Asia, which is not more than +two stades wide, that the city is so placed as to entirely close +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span>it up from sea to sea; the rest of the peninsula stretches out +into the open sea,—a piece of flat land from which the town +is easily accessible, but surrounded by a steep coast offering +very bad harbourage, and having exceedingly few spots admitting +of disembarkation. The Sinopeans then were dreadfully +alarmed lest Mithridates should blockade them, by throwing +up works against their town on the side towards Asia, and by +making a descent on the opposite side upon the low ground +in front of the town: and they accordingly determined to +strengthen the line of the peninsula, where it was washed by +the sea, by putting up wooden defences and erecting palisades +round the places accessible from the sea; and at the same +time by storing weapons and stationing guards at all points +open to attack: for the whole area is not large, but is capable +of being easily defended and by a moderate force.</p> + +<p>Such was the situation at Sinope at the time of the commencement +of the Social war,—to which I must now return.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_57" id="b4_57"><b>57.</b></a> King Philip started from Macedonia with his army for +Thessaly and Epirus, being bent on taking +that route in his invasion of Aetolia. <span class="sidenote">The History of +the Social war +resumed from +ch. 37. +Philip starts for +Aetolia, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219. +Night surprise +of Aegira.</span> +And +at the same time Alexander and Dorimachus, +having succeeded in establishing an intrigue +for the betrayal of Aegira, had collected about +twelve hundred Aetolians into Oeanthe, which +is in Aetolia, exactly opposite the above-named +town; and, having prepared vessels to convey +them across the gulf, were waiting for favourable weather for +making the voyage in fulfilment of their design. For a +deserter from Aetolia, who had spent a long time at Aegira, +and had had full opportunity of observing that the guards of +the gate towards Aegium were in the habit of getting drunk, and +keeping their watch with great slackness, had again and again +crossed over to Dorimachus; and, laying this fact before him, +had invited him to make the attempt, well knowing that he +was thoroughly accustomed to such practices. The city of +Aegira lies on the Peloponnesian coast of the Corinthian gulf, +between the cities of Aegium and Sicyon, upon some strong +and inaccessible heights, facing towards Parnassus and that +district of the opposite coast, and standing about seven stades<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span> +back from the sea. At the mouth of the river which flows +past this town Dorimachus dropped anchor under cover of +night, having at length obtained favourable weather for +crossing. He and Alexander, accompanied by Archidamus the +son of Pantaleon and the main body of the Aetolians, then +advanced towards the city along the road leading from Aegium. +But the deserter, with twenty of the most active men, having +made his way by a shorter cut than the others over the cliffs +where there was no road, owing to his knowledge of the +locality, got into the city through a certain water-course and +found the guards of the gate still asleep. Having killed them +while actually in their beds, and cut the bolts of the gates with +their axes, they opened them to the Aetolians. Having thus +surprised the town, they behaved with a conspicuous want of +caution, which eventually saved the people of Aegira, and +proved the destruction of the Aetolians themselves. They +seemed to imagine that to get within the gates was all there +was to do in occupying an enemy’s town; and accordingly +acted as I shall now describe.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_58" id="b4_58"><b>58.</b></a> They kept together for a very brief space of time +near the market-place, and then scattering +in every direction, <span class="sidenote">Alexander killed.</span> +in their passion for plunder, +rushed into the houses and began carrying off the wealth +they contained. But it was now broad daylight: and the +attack being wholly unexpected and sudden, those of +the Aegiratans whose houses were actually entered by the +enemy, in the utmost terror and alarm, all took to flight and +made their way out of the town, believing it to be completely in +the power of the enemy; but those of them whose houses were +untouched, and who, hearing the shouting, sallied out to the +rescue, all rushed with one accord to the citadel. These last +continually increased in number and confidence; while the +Aetolians on the contrary kept continually becoming less +closely united, and less subject to discipline, from the causes +above mentioned. But Dorimachus, becoming conscious of +his danger, rallied his men and charged the citizens who were +occupying the citadel: imagining that, by acting with decision +and boldness, he would terrify and turn to flight those who +had rallied to defend the town. But the Aegiratans, cheering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span> +each other on, offered a strenuous resistance, and grappled +gallantly with the Aetolians. The citadel being unwalled, and +the struggle being at close quarters and man to man, the battle +was at first as desperate as might be expected between two +sides, of which one was fighting for country and children, the +other for bare life. Finally the invading Aetolians were repulsed: +and the Aegiratans, taking advantage of their higher +position, made a fierce and vigorous charge down the slope +upon the enemy; which struck such terror in them, that in the +confusion that followed the fugitives trampled each other to +death at the gates. Alexander himself fell fighting in the +actual battle; but Archidamus was killed in the struggle and +crush at the gates. Of the main body of Aetolians, some +were trampled to death; others flying over the pathless hills +fell over precipices and broke their necks; while such as +escaped in safety to the ships managed, after shamefully +throwing away their arms, to sail away and escape from what +seemed a desperate danger. Thus it came about that the +Aegiratans having lost their city by their carelessness, unexpectedly +regained it by their valour and gallantry.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_59" id="b4_59"><b>59.</b></a> About the same time Euripidas, who had been sent +out to act as general to the Eleans, <span class="sidenote">Euripidas.</span> +after +overrunning the districts of Dyme, Pharae, +and Tritaea, and collecting a considerable amount of +booty, was marching back to Elis. But Miccus of Dyme, +who happened at the time to be Sub-strategus of the +Achaean league, went out to the rescue with a body of +Dymaeans, Pharaeans, and Tritaeans, and attacked him as he +was returning. But proceeding too precipitately, he fell into +an ambush and lost a large number of his men: for forty of +his infantry were killed and about two hundred taken prisoners. +Elated by this success, Euripidas a few days afterwards made +another expedition, and seized a fort belonging to the Dymaeans +on the river Araxus, standing in an excellent situation, and +called the Wall, which the myths affirm to have been anciently +built by Hercules, when at war with the Eleans, as a base of +operations against them.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_60" id="b4_60"><b>60.</b></a> The peoples of Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea having +been worsted in their attempt to relieve the country, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span> +afraid of what would happen from this capture of the fort, +first sent messengers to the Strategus, Aratus, <span class="sidenote">Inactivity of +Aratus. Dyme, +Pharae, and +Tritaea separate +from the league.</span> +to +inform him of what had happened and to ask for +aid, and afterwards a formal embassy with the +same request. But Aratus was unable to get the +mercenaries together, because in the Cleomenic +war the Achaeans had failed to pay some of the wages of the hired +troops: and his entire policy and management of the whole war +was in a word without spirit or nerve. Accordingly Lycurgus +seized the Athenaeum of Megalopolis, and Euripidas followed +up his former successes by taking Gortyna<a name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> in the territory of +Telphusa. But the people of Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea, +despairing of assistance from the Strategus, came to a mutual +agreement to cease paying the common contribution to the +Achaean league, and to collect a mercenary army on their own +account, three hundred infantry and fifty horse; and to secure +the country by their means. In this action they were considered +to have shown a prudent regard for their own interests, +but not for those of the community at large; for they were +thought to have set an evil example, and supplied a precedent +to those whose wish it was to break up the league. But in +fact the chief blame for their proceeding must rightfully be assigned +to the Strategus, who pursued such a dilatory policy, and +slighted or wholly rejected the prayers for help which reached +him from time to time. For as long as he has any hope, from +relations and allies, any man who is in danger will cling to +them; but when in his distress he has to give up that hope, he +is forced to help himself the best way he can. Wherefore we +must not find fault with the people of Tritaea, Pharae, and +Dyme for having mercenaries on their own account, when the +chief magistrate of the league hesitated to act: but some blame +does attach to them for renouncing the joint contribution. +They certainly were not bound to neglect to secure their own +safety by every opportunity and means in their power; but +they were bound at the same time to keep up their just dues +to the league: especially as the recovery of such payment was +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span>perfectly secured to them by the common laws; and most of +all because they had been the originators of the Achaean +confederacy.<a name="FNanchor_233" id="FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">233</a></p> + +<p><a name="b4_61" id="b4_61"><b>61.</b></a> Such was the state of things in the Peloponnese when +King Philip, after crossing Thessaly, <span class="sidenote">Philip V. at +Ambracia, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219.</span> +arrived +in Epirus. Reinforcing his Macedonians by +a full levy of Epirotes, and being joined by +three hundred slingers from Achaia, and the five hundred +Cretans sent him by the Polyrrhenians, he continued his +march through Epirus and arrived in the territory of the +Ambracians. Now, if he had continued his march without +interruption, and thrown himself into the interior of Aetolia, by +the sudden and unlooked-for attack of so formidable an +army he would have put an end to the whole campaign: but +as it was, he was over-persuaded by the Epirotes to take +Ambracus first; and so gave the Aetolians an interval in which +to make a stand, to take precautionary measures, and to prepare +for the future. For the Epirotes, thinking more of their own +advantage than of that of the confederacy, and being very +anxious to get Ambracus<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> into their power, begged Philip to +invest the town and take it before doing anything else: the +fact being that they regarded it as a matter of the utmost +importance to recover Ambracia from the Aetolians; and +thought that the only way of doing this was to become +masters of this place, Ambracus, and besiege the town of +Ambracia from it. For Ambracus is a place strongly fortified +by walls and out-works, standing in the midst of marshes, and +approached from the land by only one narrow raised causeway; +and commanding by its situation both the district and town +of Ambracia.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_62" id="b4_62"><b>62.</b></a> While Philip, then, by the persuasion of the Epirotes, pitching his +camp near Ambracus, was engaged in making his preparations for the +siege, Scopas raised a general levy of Aetolians, and marching through +Thessaly crossed the frontiers +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span> +of Macedonia; traversed the plain of +Plena, and laid it waste; and after securing considerable booty, <span class="sidenote">Scopas +tries to effect a diversion by invading Macedonia. On his return he +destroys Dium.</span> returned by the road leading to Dium. The inhabitants of +that town abandoning the place, he entered it and threw down its walls, +houses, and gymnasium; set fire to the covered walks round the sacred +enclosure, and destroyed all the other offerings which had been placed +in it, either for ornament, or for the use of visitors to the public +assemblies, and threw down all the statues of the kings. And this man, +who, at the very beginning and first action of the war, had thus turned +his arms against the gods as well as men, was not treated on his return +to Aetolia as guilty of impiety, but was honoured and looked up to. For +he had indeed filled the Aetolians with empty hopes and irrational +conceit. From this time they indulged the idea that no one would venture +to set foot in Aetolia, while they would be able without resistance not +only to plunder the Peloponnese, which they were quite accustomed to do, +but Thessaly and Macedonia also.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_63" id="b4_63"><b>63.</b></a> When he heard what had happened in Macedonia, and +had thus paid on the spot for the selfishness +and folly of the Epirotes, <span class="sidenote">Ambracus +taken.</span> +Philip proceeded to +besiege Ambracus. By an energetic use of +earthworks, and other siege operations, he quickly terrified the +people into submission, and the place surrendered after a delay +of forty days in all. He let the garrison, consisting of five +hundred Aetolians, depart on fixed conditions, and gratified the +cupidity of the Epirotes by handing over Ambracus to them, +while he himself set his army in motion, and marched by way +of Charadra, being anxious to cross the Ambracian gulf +where it is narrowest, that is to say, near the Acarnanian +temple called Actium. For this gulf is a branch of the +Sicilian sea between Epirus and Acarnania, with a very narrow +opening of less than five stades, but expanding as it extends +inland to a breadth of a hundred stades; while the length of +the whole arm from the open sea is about three hundred +stades. It forms the boundary between Epirus on the north +and Acarnania on the south. Philip, therefore, having got his +army across this entrance of the gulf, and advanced through<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span> +Acarnania, came to the city of Phoeteiae, which belonged to +the Aetolians;<a name="FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> having, during his march, <span class="sidenote">Philip enters +Aetolia; takes +Phoeteiae.</span> +been +joined by an Acarnanian force of two thousand +foot and two hundred horse. Encamping +under the walls of this town, and making energetic and +formidable assaults upon it during two days, it was surrendered +to him on terms, and the Aetolian garrison were +dismissed on parole. Next night, however, five hundred other +Aetolians, believing the town still untaken, came to its relief; +whose arrival being ascertained beforehand by the king, he +stationed some men in ambush at certain convenient spots, +and slew most of the new-comers and captured all but a very +few of the rest. After these events, he distributed a month’s +rations of corn among his men from what had been captured, +for a large store was found collected at Phoeteiae, and then +continued his advance into the territory of Stratus. At +about ten stades from that town he pitched his camp on the +banks of the river Achelous; and from that began laying waste +the country without resistance, none of the enemy venturing +out to attack him.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_64" id="b4_64"><b>64.</b></a> Meanwhile the Achaeans, being hard pressed by the +war, and ascertaining that the king was not +far off, <span class="sidenote">Metropolis and +Conope.</span> +sent ambassadors to him begging +for help. They found Philip still in his camp +near Stratus, and there delivered their commission: and +besides the message with which they were charged, they +pointed out to him the richness of the booty which his army +would get from the enemy’s country, and tried to persuade him +to cross to Rhium and invade Elis. The king listened to +what they had to say, and kept the ambassadors with him, +alleging that he must consider of their request; and meanwhile +broke up his camp, and marched in the direction of +Metropolis and Conope. The Aetolians kept possession of the +citadel of Metropolis but abandoned the town: whereupon +Philip set fire to Metropolis, and continued his advance against +Conope. But when the Aetolian horse rallied and ventured +to meet him at the ford of the Achelous, which is about twenty +stades before you reach the town, believing that they would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span> +either stop his advance altogether, or inflict much damage on +the Macedonians while crossing the river; <span class="sidenote">Skirmish on the +Achelous.</span> +the king, fully understanding their tactics, +ordered his light-armed troops to enter the +river first and to cross it in close order, keeping to their +regular companies, and with shields interlocked. His orders +were obeyed: and as soon as the first company had effected +the crossing, the Aetolian cavalry attacked it; but they could +make no impression upon it, standing as it did in close order, +and being joined in similar close order, shield to shield, by a +second and a third company as they crossed. Therefore they +wheeled off discomfited and retired to the city. <span class="sidenote">Ithoria.</span>From this +time forth the proud gallantry of the Aetolians +was fain to confine itself to the protection of +the towns, and keep quiet; while Philip crossed with +his army, and after wasting this district also without resistance, +arrived at Ithoria. This is a position completely +commanding the road, and of extraordinary strength, natural +as well as artificial. On his approach, however, the garrison +occupying the place abandoned it in a panic; and the king, +taking possession, levelled it to the ground: and gave orders +to his skirmishing parties to treat all forts in the district in +the same way.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_65" id="b4_65"><b>65.</b></a> Having thus passed the narrow part of the road, he +proceeded at a slow and deliberate pace, giving his army time +to collect booty from the country; and by the time he reached +Oeniadae his army was richly provided with every kind of +goods. But he resolved first to take Paeanium: <span class="sidenote">Paeanium.</span> +and having pitched his camp under its walls, +by a series of assaults carried the place by force,—a +town not large in circumference, for that was less +than seven stades, but second to none in the construction +of its houses, walls, and towers. The wall of this town +he levelled with its foundation, and, breaking down its +houses, he packed their timbers and tiles with great care upon +rafts, and sent them down the river to Oeniadae. At first the +Aetolians resolved to hold the citadel in Oeniadae, which they +had strengthened with walls and other fortifications; but upon +Philip’s approach they evacuated it in a panic. The king<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span> +therefore having taken this city also, advanced from it and +encamped on a certain secure position in Calydonia, called +Elaeus, which had been rendered extraordinarily strong with +walls and other fortifications by Attalus, who undertook the +work for the Aetolians. Having carried this also by assault, +and plundered the whole of Calydonia, the Macedonians returned +to Oeniadae. <span class="sidenote">Fortifies Oeniadae.</span>And observing the convenient position +of this place for all purposes, and especially +as providing a place of embarkation for the +Peloponnese, Philip resolved to build a wall round the town. +For Oeniadae lies on the sea-coast, at the juncture of the +Acarnanian and Aetolian frontiers, just at the entrance of the +Corinthian gulf; and the town faces the sea-coast of Dyme in +the Peloponnesus, and is the nearest point to the promontory +of Araxus in it; for the intervening sea is not more than a hundred +stades across. Looking to these facts he fortified the citadel +by itself; and, building a wall round the harbour and dockyards, +was intending to connect them with the citadel, employing +for the construction the materials brought from Paeanium.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_66" id="b4_66"><b>66.</b></a> But whilst he was still engaged on this work, news was +brought to the king that the Dardani, <span class="sidenote">Philip recalled to +Macedonia by a +threatened +invasion of +Dardani.</span> +suspecting +his intention of invading the Peloponnese, were +collecting forces and making great preparations +with the determination of invading Macedonia. +When he heard this, Philip made up his mind +that he was bound to go with all speed to the protection of +Macedonia: and accordingly he dismissed the Achaean envoys +with the answer, which he now gave them, that when he had +taken effectual measures with regard to the circumstances that +had just been announced to him, he would look upon it as his +first business to bring them aid to the best of his ability. +Thereupon he broke up his camp, and began his return march +with all speed, by the same route as that by which he had +come. When he was on the point of recrossing the Ambracian +gulf from Acarnania into Epirus, Demetrius of Pharos presented +himself, sailing with a single galley, having just been banished +from Illyria by the Romans,—as I have stated in the previous +book.<a name="FNanchor_236" id="FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> Philip received him with kindness and bade him sail<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span> +to Corinth, and go thence through Thessaly to Macedonia; +while he himself crossed into Epirus and pushed on without a +halt. When he had reached Pella in Macedonia, the Dardani +learnt from some Thracian deserters that he was in the country, +and they at once in a panic broke up their army, though they +were close to the Macedonian frontier. And Philip, being +informed of their change of purpose, dismissed his Macedonian +soldiers to gather in their harvest: <span class="sidenote">Late summer of +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219.</span> +while he +himself went to Thessaly, and spent the rest of +the summer at Larisa.</p> + +<p>It was at this season that Aemilius celebrated a splendid +triumph at Rome for his Illyrian victories; <span class="sidenote">Contemporary +events in Spain +and Italy.</span> +and +Hannibal after the capture of Saguntum dismissed +his troops into winter quarters; while the Romans, +on hearing of the capture of Saguntum, were sending ambassadors +to Carthage to demand the surrender of Hannibal, +and at the same time were making preparations for the war +after electing Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius Sempronius +Longus Consuls for the following year, as I have stated in +detail in the previous book. My object in recalling the facts +here is to carry out my original plan of showing what events in +various parts of the world were contemporaneous.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_67" id="b4_67"><b>67.</b></a> And so the first year of this Olympiad was drawing +to a close. In Aetolia, the time of the elections +having come round, <span class="sidenote">Midsummer <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +217. Dorimachus +Aetolian +Strategus, +Sept. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 119.</span> +Dorimachus was elected +Strategus. He was no sooner invested with his +office, than, summoning the Aetolian forces, +he made an armed foray upon the highlands +of Epirus, and began wasting the country with an +even stronger passion for destruction than usual; for his +object in everything he did was not so much +to secure booty for himself, as to damage the +Epirotes. <span class="sidenote">Destroys Dodona.</span> +And having come to Dodona<a name="FNanchor_237" id="FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">237</a> he burnt the colonnades, +destroyed the sacred offerings, and even demolished +the sacred building; so that we may say that the Aetolians +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span>had no regard for the laws of peace or war, but in the one as +well as in the other, acted in defiance of the customs and +principles of mankind. After those, and other similar achievements, +Dorimachus returned home.</p> + +<p>But the winter being now considerably advanced, and all +idea of the king coming being given up owing +to the time of the year, <span class="sidenote">Philip starts +again.</span> +Philip suddenly started +from Larisa with an army of three thousand hoplites armed +with brass shields, two thousand light-armed, three hundred +Cretans, and four hundred horse of the royal guard; and +having transported them into Euboea and thence to Cynos he +came through Boeotia and the Megarid to +Corinth, <span class="sidenote">Dec. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219.</span> +about the time of the winter solstice; +having conducted his arrival with such promptitude and +secrecy, that not a single Peloponnesian suspected it. He at +once closed the gates of Corinth and secured the roads by +guards; and on the very next day sent for Aratus the elder +to come to him from Sicyon, and issued despatches to the +Strategus of the Achaean league and the cities, in which he +named a time and place for them all to meet him in arms. +Having made these arrangements, he again started, and pitched +his camp near the temple of the Dioscuri in Phliasia.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_68" id="b4_68"><b>68.</b></a> Meanwhile Euripidas, with two companies of Eleans,—who +combined with the pirates and mercenaries <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218, +Jan.-Feb. +Destruction of a +marauding army +of Eleans under +Euripidas.</span> +made up an army of two thousand two hundred +men, besides a hundred horse,—started from +Psophis and began marching by way of Pheneus +and Stymphalus, knowing nothing about Philip’s +arrival, with the purpose of wasting the territory +of Sicyon. The very night in which it chanced that Philip +had pitched his camp near the temple of the Dioscuri, he +passed the royal quarters, and succeeded in entering the +territory of Sicyon, about the time of the morning watch. But +some Cretans of Philip’s army who had left their ranks, and +were prowling about on the track of prey, fell into the hands +of Euripidas, and being questioned by him informed him of +the arrival of the Macedonians. Without saying a word of his +discovery to any one, he at once caused his army to face +about, and marched back by the same road as that by which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span> +he had come; with the intention and hope of getting through +Stymphalia, and reaching the difficult ground beyond it, before +the Macedonians could catch him. But the king knowing +nothing at all about the proceedings of the enemy, at daybreak +broke up his camp and began his advance in pursuance of his +original plan, determining to march by way of Stymphalus itself +to Caphyae: for it was at that town that he had written to the +Achaeans to meet him.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_69" id="b4_69"><b>69.</b></a> Now it happened that, just as the Macedonian advanced +guard came to the top of the hill, <span class="sidenote">The Eleans come +across the +Macedonians at +the junction of +the two roads +above +Stymphalus.</span> +near a place +called Apelaurus, about ten stades before you +come to Stymphalus, the advanced guard of +the Eleans converged upon it also. Understanding +from his previous information what +had happened, Euripidas took some horsemen +with him and avoided the danger by flight, making his way +across country to Psophis. The rest of the Eleans being thus +deserted by their leader, and panic-struck at what had +happened, remained stationary on the road, not knowing what +to do, or which way to turn. For at first their officers +imagined that the troops they saw were some Achaeans come +out to resist them. What favoured this mistake more than +anything else were the brass shields of the hoplites: for they +imagined that they were Megalopolitans, because the soldiers +of that town had borne shields of that sort at the battle of +Sellasia against Cleomenes, King Antigonus having furnished +them for the occasion. Under this idea, they retired in good +order to some rising ground, by no means despairing of getting +off safely: but as soon as the Macedonians had advanced close +up to them, grasping the true state of the case, they threw +down their shields and fled. About twelve hundred of them +were taken prisoners; but the rest perished utterly, some at +the hands of the Macedonians, and others by falling down +precipices: and finally not more than a hundred altogether +escaped. Having despatched the spoils and the prisoners to +Corinth, Philip continued his expedition. But a great impression +was made upon the Peloponnesians: for they had not +heard of the king’s arrival until they heard of his victory.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_70" id="b4_70"><b>70.</b></a> Continuing his march through Arcadia, and encountering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span> +heavy snow storms and much fatigue in the pass over +Mount Oligyrtus, he arrived on the third day at +Caphyae. <span class="sidenote">Philip advances +to Psophis.</span> +There he rested his army for two +days, and was joined by Aratus the younger, +and the Achaean soldiers whom he had collected; so that, +with an army now amounting to ten thousand men, he advanced +by way of Clitoria towards Psophis, collecting missiles and +scaling ladders from the towns through which he passed. +Psophis is a place of acknowledged antiquity, <span class="sidenote">A description of +Psophis.</span> +and a colony of the Arcadian town of Azanis. +Taking the Peloponnesus as a whole, it occupies +a central position in the country; but in regard to Arcadia it +is on its western frontier, and is close also to the western +borderland of Achaia: its position also commands the territory +of the Eleans, with whom at that time it was politically united. +Philip reached this town on the third day after leaving Caphyae, +and pitched his camp on some rising ground overhanging the +city, from which he could in perfect security command a view +both of the whole town and the country round it. But when the +king saw the great strength of the place, he was at a loss what +to do. Along the left side of it rushes a violent winter torrent, +which for the greater part of the winter is impassable, and in +any case renders the city secure and difficult of approach, owing +to the size of the bed which its waters have worn out for themselves +by slow degrees, in the course of ages, as it comes rushing +down from the higher ground. On the east again there is a +broad and rapid river, the Erymanthus, about which so many +tales are told. This river is joined by the winter torrent at a +point south of the town, which is thus defended on three sides +by these streams; while the fourth, or northern, side is commanded +by a hill, which has been fortified, and serves as a +convenient and efficient citadel. The town has walls also of +unusual size and construction; and besides all this, a reinforcement +of Eleans happened to have just come in, and Euripidas +himself was in the town after his escape from Stymphalus.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_71" id="b4_71"><b>71.</b></a> The sight of these things caused Philip much anxious +thought. Sometimes he was for giving up his plan of +attacking and besieging the place: at others the excellence of +its situation made him eager to accomplish this. For just as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span> +it was then a source of danger to the Achaeans and Arcadians, +and a safe place of arms for the Eleans; <span class="sidenote">Capture of +Psophis.</span> +so +would it on the other hand, if captured, +become a source of safety to the Arcadians, +and a most convenient base of operations for the allies +against the Eleans. These considerations finally decided +him to make the attempt: and he therefore issued orders to +the Macedonians to get their breakfasts at daybreak, and be +ready for service with all preparations completed. Everything +being done as he ordered, the king led his army over the bridge +across the Erymanthus; and no one having offered him resistance, +owing to the unexpectedness of the movement, he arrived +under the walls of the town in gallant style and with formidable +show. Euripidas and the garrison were overpowered with +astonishment; because they had felt certain that the enemy +would not venture on an assault, or try to carry a town of such +strength; and that a siege could not last long either, owing to +the severity of the season. This calculation of chances made +them begin to entertain suspicions of each other, from a misgiving +that Philip must have established a secret intrigue with +some persons in the town against it. But finding that nothing +of the sort existed among themselves, the greater number +hurried to the walls to defend them, while the mercenary +Elean soldiers sallied out of a gate in the upper part of the +town to attack the enemy. The king stationed his men who +had ladders at three different spots, and divided the other +Macedonians among these three parties; this being arranged, +he gave the signal by the sound of trumpet, and began the +assault on the walls at once. At first the garrison offered a +spirited resistance and hurled many of the enemy from their +ladders; but when the supply of weapons inside the town, as +well as other necessary materials, began to run short,—as was to +be expected from the hasty nature of the preparations for +defence,—and the Macedonians showed no sign of terror, the +next man filling up the place of each who was hurled from the +scaling-ladder, the garrison at length turned to flight, and made +their escape one and all into the citadel. In the king’s army +the Macedonians then made good their footing on the wall, +while the Cretans went against the party of mercenaries who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span> +had sallied from the upper gate, and forced them to throw away +their shields and fly in disorder. Following the fugitives with +slaughter, they forced their way along with them through the +gate: so that the town was captured at all points at once. +The Psophidians with their wives and children retreated into +the citadel, and Euripidas with them, as well as all the soldiers +who had escaped destruction.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_72" id="b4_72"><b>72.</b></a> Having thus carried the place, the Macedonians at once +plundered all the furniture of the houses; +and then, setting up +their quarters in the houses, took regular possession of the +town. But the people who had taken refuge in a body in the +citadel, having no provisions with them, <span class="sidenote">Surrender of +the citadel of +Psophis.</span>and +well foreseeing what must happen, made up +their minds to give themselves up to Philip. +They accordingly sent a herald to the king; and having +received a safe-conduct for an embassy, they despatched their +magistrates and Euripidas with them on this mission, who +made terms with the king by which the lives and liberties +of all who were on the citadel, whether citizens or foreigners, +were secured. The ambassadors then returned whence they +came, carrying an order to the people to remain where they +were until the army had marched out, for fear any of the +soldiers should disobey orders and plunder them. A fall of snow +however compelled the king to remain where he was for some +days; in the course of which he summoned a meeting of such +Achaeans as were in the army, and after pointing out to them +the strength and excellent position of the town for the purposes +of the present war, he spoke also of his own friendly disposition +towards their nation: and ended by saying, “We hereby +yield up and present this town to the Achaeans; for it is our +purpose to show them all the favour in our power, and to +omit nothing that may testify to our zeal.” After receiving +the thanks of Aratus and the meeting, Philip dismissed the +assembly, and getting his army in motion, marched towards +Lasion. The Psophidians descending from the citadel received +back the possession of the town, each man recovering his own +house; while Euripidas departed to Corinth, and thence to +Aetolia. Those of the Achaean magistrates who were present +put Prolaus of Sicyon in command of the citadel, with an adequate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">344</a></span> +garrison; and Pythias of Pallene in command of the +town. Such was the end of the incident of Psophis.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_73" id="b4_73"><b>73.</b></a> But when the Elean garrison of Lasion heard of the +coming of the Macedonians, <span class="sidenote">Lasion and +Stratus.</span> +and were informed +of what had taken place at Psophis, +they at once abandoned the town; so that +upon his arrival the king took it immediately, and by way +of enhancing his favours to the Achaeans handed Lasion +also over to them; and in a similar spirit restored Stratus +to the Telphusians, which was also evacuated by the Eleans. +On the fifth day after settling these matters he arrived at +Olympia. <span class="sidenote">Philip at Olympia.</span> +There he offered a sacrifice to Zeus +and entertained his officers at a banquet; +and, having given his army three days’ rest, commenced +his return march. After advancing some way into Elis, he +allowed foraging parties to scour the country while he himself +lay encamped near Artemisium, as it is called; and after receiving +the booty there, he removed to the Dioscurium.<a name="FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> In +the course of this devastation of the country the number of the +captives was indeed great, but a still greater number made +their escape to the neighbouring villages and strongholds. <span class="sidenote">Prosperity of Elis.</span> +For +Elis is more populous, as well as more richly +furnished with slaves and other property, than +the rest of the Peloponnese: and some of the Eleans are so +enamoured of a country life, that there are cases of families +who, being in enjoyment of considerable wealth, have for two +or three generations never entered a public law-court at all.<a name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">239</a> +And this result is brought about by the great care and attention +bestowed upon the agricultural class by the government, to +see that their law-suits should be settled on the spot, and every +necessary of life abundantly supplied them. To me it seems +that they owed these laws and customs originally to the wide +extent of their arable land, and still more to the fact that their +lives were under the protection of religion; for, owing to the +Olympic assembly, their territory was especially exempted by +the Greeks from pillage; and they had accordingly been free +from all injury and hostile invasion.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b4_74" id="b4_74"><b>74.</b></a> But in the course of time, when the Arcadians advanced +a claim for Lasion and the whole district of Pisa, <span class="sidenote">The ancient +privileges of Elis +lost.</span> +being +forced to defend their territory and change their +habits of life, they no longer troubled themselves +in the least about recovering from the +Greeks their ancient and ancestral immunity from pillage, +but were content to remain exactly as they were. This in my +opinion was a short-sighted policy. For peace is a thing we +all desire, and are willing to submit to anything to obtain: it is +the only one of our so-called blessings that no one questions. If +then there are people who, having the opportunity of obtaining +it, with justice and honour, from the Greeks, without question +and for perpetuity, neglect to do so, or regard other objects as +of superior importance to it, must we not look upon them as +undoubtedly blind to their true interests? But if it be objected +that, by adopting such a mode of life, they would become easily +open to attack and exposed to treachery: I answer that such +an event would be rare, and if it did happen, would be a claim +on the aid of united Greece; but that for minor injuries, having +all the wealth which unbroken peace would be sure to bring +them, they would never have been at a loss for foreign soldiers +or mercenaries to protect them at certain places and times. As +it is, from dread of what is occasional and unlikely, they involve +their country and property in perpetual wars and losses.</p> + +<p>My object in thus speaking is to admonish the Eleans: for +they have never had a more favourable time than the present +to get back their ancient privilege of exemption from pillage, +which is universally acknowledged to belong to them. Even +now, some sparks, so to speak, of their old habit remaining, +Elis is more thickly populated than other districts.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_75" id="b4_75"><b>75.</b></a> And therefore during Philip’s occupation of the country +the number of prisoners taken was immense; <span class="sidenote">Capture of +Thalamae.</span> +and the number of those who escaped by +flight still greater. An enormous amount of +movable property, and an enormous crowd of slaves and +cattle, were collected at a place called Thalamae; which was +selected for the purpose, because the approach to it was +narrow and difficult, and the place itself was retired and not +easy to enter. But when the king was informed of the number<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">346</a></span> +of those who had taken refuge in this place, resolved to +leave nothing unattempted or incomplete, he occupied certain +spots which commanded the approach to it, with his mercenaries: +while leaving his baggage and main army in his +entrenched camp, he himself led his peltasts and light-armed +troops through the gorge, and, without meeting with any resistance, +came directly under the fortress. The fugitives were +panic-stricken at his approach: for they were utterly inexperienced +in war and unprovided with means of defence,—a +mere rabble hurriedly collected together; they therefore at +once surrendered, and among them two hundred mercenary +soldiers, of various nationalities, who had been brought there by +Amphidamus the Elean Strategus. Having thus become +master of an immense booty in goods, and of more than five +thousand slaves, and having in addition to these driven off an +incalculable number of cattle, Philip now returned to his +camp; but finding his army overburdened with spoils of every +description, and rendered by that means cumbrous and useless +for service, he retraced his steps, and once more marched to +Olympia.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_76" id="b4_76"><b>76.</b></a> But now a difficulty arose which was created by +Apelles. Apelles was one of those who had <span class="sidenote">Oppressive conduct +of Apelles to +the Achaeans.</span> +been left by Antigonus as guardians of his son, +and had, as it happened, more influence than +any one else with the king. He conceived the wish to bring +the Achaeans into the same position as the Thessalians; and +adopted for that purpose a very offensive line of conduct. +The Thessalians were supposed to enjoy their own constitution, +and to have quite a different status to the Macedonians; but +in fact they had exactly the same, and obeyed every order of +the royal ministers. It was with the purpose of bringing about +the same state of things, that this officer now set himself to test +the subservience of the Achaean contingent. At first he confined +himself to giving the Macedonian soldiers leave to +eject Achaeans from their quarters, who on any occasion had +taken possession of them first, as well as to wrest from them +any booty they might have taken; but he afterwards treated +them with actual violence, through the agency of his subordinates, +on any trifling pretext; while such as complained of this treatment,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">347</a></span> +or took the part of those who were being beaten, he +personally arrested and put into confinement: being convinced +that by this method he would gradually and imperceptibly +bring them into the habit of submitting, without remonstrance, +to any thing which the king might choose to inflict. And this +opinion he deduced from his previous experience in the army of +Antigonus, when he had seen the Achaeans willing to endure +any hardship, on the one condition of escaping from the yoke +of Cleomenes. However, certain young Achaeans held a +meeting, and going to Aratus explained to him the policy +which was being pursued by Apelles: whereupon Aratus at +once went to Philip, feeling that a stand must be made on +this point at once and without delay. He made his statement +to the king; who, being informed of the facts, first of +all encouraged the young men by a promise that nothing of +the sort should happen to them again; and then commanded +Apelles not to impose any orders upon the Achaeans without +consulting their own Strategus.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_77" id="b4_77"><b>77.</b></a> Philip, then, was acquiring a great reputation, not only +among those actually in his army, <span class="sidenote">Character of +Philip V.</span> +but among +the other Peloponnesians also, for his behaviour +to the allies serving with him, as well as for his +ability and courage in the field. Indeed it would not be easy +to find a king endowed with more natural qualities requisite +for the acquisition of power. He had in an eminent degree +a quick understanding, a retentive memory, and a winning +grace of manner, joined to a look of royal dignity and +authority; and most important of all, ability and courage as +a general. What neutralised all these excellent qualities, +and made a cruel tyrant of a naturally well-disposed king, it is +not easy to say in a few words: and therefore that inquiry +must be reserved for a more suitable time than the present.</p> + +<p>Starting from Olympia by the road leading to Pharae, +Philip came first to Telphusa, <span class="sidenote">Philip continues +his campaign.</span> +and thence to +Heraea. There he had the booty sold by +auction, and repaired the bridge over the +Alpheus, with the view of passing over it to the invasion of +Triphylia.</p> + +<p>Just at that time the Aetolian Strategus, Dorimachus, in answer<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">348</a></span> +to a request of the Eleans for protection against the devastation +they were enduring, despatched six hundred +Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">Arrival of +Aetolian troops +under Phillidas, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218.</span> +under the command of Phillidas, to +their aid. Having arrived in Elis, and taken over +the Elean mercenaries, who were five hundred +in number, as well as a thousand citizen soldiers and the Tarentine +cavalry,<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">240</a> he marched to the relief of Triphylia. <span class="sidenote">Triphylia.</span> +This +district is so called from Triphylus, one of the +sons of Arcas, and lies on the coast of the +Peloponnese between Elis and Messenia, facing the Libyan +Sea, and touching the south-west frontier of Arcadia. It +contains the following towns, Samicum, Lepreum, Hypana, +Typaneae, Pyrgos, Aepium, Bolax, Stylangium, Phrixa; all of +which, shortly before this, the Eleans had conquered and annexed, +as well as the city of Alipheira, which had originally been +subject to Arcadia and Megalopolis, but had been exchanged +with the Eleans, for some private object of his own, by +Lydiadas when tyrant of Megalopolis.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_78" id="b4_78"><b>78.</b></a> Phillidas, then, sent his Elean troops to Lepreum, and his +mercenaries to Aliphera; while he himself went with the Aetolian +troops to Typaneae, and waited to see what would happen. +Meanwhile the king, having got rid of his heavy baggage, and +crossed the bridge over the river Alpheus, which flows right +under Heraea, came to Alipheira, which lies on a hill precipitous +on every side, and the ascent of which is more than +ten stades. The citadel is on the very summit of this hill, +adorned with a colossal statue of Athene, of extraordinary size +and beauty. The origin and purpose of this statue, and at +whose expense it was set up, are doubtful questions even +among the natives; for it has never been clearly discovered +why or by whom it was dedicated: yet it is universally allowed +that its skilful workmanship classes it among the most splendid +and artistic productions of Hecatodorus<a name="FNanchor_241" id="FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> and Sostratus.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">349</a></span></p> + +<p>The next morning being fine and bright, the king made his +dispositions at daybreak. <span class="sidenote">Capture of Alipheira.</span> +He placed parties +of men with scaling ladders at several points, +and supported each of them with bodies of +mercenaries, and detachments of Macedonian hoplites, on +the rear of these several parties. His orders being fulfilled +with enthusiasm and a formidable display of power, +the garrison of Alipheira were kept continually rushing and +rallying to the particular spots to which they saw the Macedonians +approaching: and while this was going on, the king +himself took some picked men, and mounted unobserved +over some steep hills up to the suburb of the citadel; and +then, at a given signal, all at once put the scaling ladders to +the walls and began attempting the town. The king was the +first to take the suburb of the acropolis, which had been +abandoned by the garrison; and when this was set on fire, +those who were defending the town walls, foreseeing what must +happen, and afraid that by the fall of the citadel they would +be deprived of their last hope, abandoned the town walls, and +fled into it: whereupon the Macedonians at once took the +walls and the town. Subsequently the garrison on the citadel +sent an embassy to Philip, who granted them their lives, and +received possession of it also by formal surrender.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_79" id="b4_79"><b>79.</b></a> These achievements of the king alarmed the whole +people of Triphylia, and made them take <span class="sidenote">Typanae and Phigalia +surrender +to Philip.</span> +counsel severally for the safety of themselves +and their respective cities: while Phillidas left +Typaneae, after plundering some of the houses there, and +retired to Lepreum. This was the reward which the allies +of the Aetolians at that time usually got: not only to be +deserted at the hour of utmost need in the most barefaced +way, but, by being plundered as well as betrayed, to suffer at +the hands of their allies exactly what they had a right to expect +from a victorious enemy. But the people of Typaneae surrendered +their city to Philip; as also did the inhabitants of +Hypana. And the people of Phigalia, hearing of what had +taken place in Triphylia, and disliking the alliance with the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">350</a></span> +Aetolians, rose in arms and seized the space round the Polemarchium.<a name="FNanchor_242" id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">242</a> +The Aetolian pirates who were residing in this +city, for the purpose of plundering Messene, were able at first +to keep down and overawe the people; but when they saw +that the whole town was mustering to the rescue, they desisted +from the attempt. Having made terms with them, they took +their baggage and evacuated the town; whereupon the inhabitants +sent an embassy to Philip, and delivered themselves +and their town into his hands.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_80" id="b4_80"><b>80.</b></a> While these things were going on, the people of +Lepreum, having seized a certain quarter of +their town, <span class="sidenote">Lepreum.</span> +demanded that the Elean, Aetolian, +and Lacedaemonian garrisons (for a reinforcement had come +from Sparta also) should all alike evacuate the citadel and city. +At first Phillidas refused, and stayed on, hoping to overawe +the citizens; but when the king, despatching Taurion with +a guard of soldiers to Phigalia, advanced in person towards +Lepreum, and was now close to the town, Phillidas lowered +his tone, and the Lepreates were encouraged in their determination. +It was indeed a glorious act of gallantry on their part. +Though there was a garrison within their walls of a thousand +Eleans, a thousand Aetolians with the pirates, five hundred +mercenaries, and two hundred Lacedaemonians, and though +too their citadel was in the occupation of these troops, yet +they ventured to make a stand for the freedom of their +native city, and would not give up hope of deliverance. +Phillidas therefore, seeing that the Lepreates were prepared to +offer a stout resistance, and that the Macedonians were +approaching, evacuated the town with the Eleans and Lacedaemonians. +The Cretans, who had been sent by the Spartans, +made their way home through Messenia; but Phillidas departed +for Samicum. The people of Lepreum, having thus got +control of their own town, sent ambassadors to place it in the +power of Philip. Hearing the news, Philip sent all his army, +except the peltasts and light-armed troops, to Lepreum; and +taking the latter with him, he made all the haste he could to +catch Phillidas. He succeeded so far as to capture all his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">351</a></span> +baggage; but Phillidas himself managed to outstrip him and +throw himself into Samicum. <span class="sidenote">Samicum,</span> +The king therefore +sat down before this place: and having +sent for the rest of his army from Lepreum, made the garrison +believe that he meant to besiege the town. But the +Aetolians and Eleans within it, having nothing ready for +sustaining a siege beyond their bare hands, alarmed at their +situation, held a parley with Philip to secure their lives; +and having obtained leave from him to march out with their +arms, they departed into Elis. Thus the king became master +of Samicum on the spot: and this was followed by deputations +from other towns to him, with entreaties for protection; in +virtue of which he took over Phrixa, Stylangium, <span class="sidenote">and other towns.</span> +Aepium, Bolax, Pyrgos, and Epitalium. +Having settled these things, and reduced all Triphylia into +his power in six days, he returned to Lepreum; and having +addressed the necessary warnings to the Lepreates, and put a +garrison into the citadel, he departed with his army towards +Heraea, leaving Ladicus of Acarnania in command of Triphylia. +When he arrived at Heraea, he made a distribution of all the +booty; and taking up again his baggage from Heraea, arrived +about the middle of the winter at Megalopolis.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_81" id="b4_81"><b>81.</b></a> While Philip was thus engaged in Triphylia, Chilon +the Lacedaemonian, holding that the kingship +belonged to him in virtue of birth, <span class="sidenote">Chilon tries to +seize the crown of +Sparta, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218.</span> +and annoyed +at the neglect of his claims by the Ephors +in selecting Lycurgus, determined to stir up a revolution: +and believing that if he took the same course as Cleomenes +had done, and gave the common people hopes of land +allotments and redivision of property, the masses would quickly +follow him, he addressed himself to carrying out this policy. +Having therefore agreed with his friends on this subject, and +got as many as two hundred people to join his conspiracy, +he entered upon the execution of his project. But perceiving +that the chief obstacles in the way of the accomplishment +of his design were Lycurgus, and those Ephors who had invested +him with the crown, he directed his first efforts against them. +The Ephors he seized while at dinner, and put them all to +death on the spot,—chance thus inflicting upon them the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">352</a></span> +punishment they deserved: for whether we regard the person +at whose hands, or the person for whose sake they were thus +destroyed, we cannot but say that they richly merited their +fate.</p> + +<p>After the successful accomplishment of this deed, Chilon +went to the house of Lycurgus, whom he found at home, but +failed to seize. Assisted by slaves and neighbours Lycurgus +was smuggled out of the house, and effected a secret escape; +and thence got away by a cross-country route to the town of +Pellene in Tripolis. Thus baffled in the most important point +of his enterprise, Chilon was greatly discouraged; but was +forced all the same to go on with what he had begun. +Accordingly he made a descent upon the market-place, and laid +violent hands upon those opposed to him; tried to rouse his +relations and friends; and declared to the rest of the people +there what hopes of success he had. But when nobody seemed +inclined to join him, but on the contrary a mob began to +collect with threatening looks, he saw how it was, and found a +secret way of leaving the town; and, making his way across +Laconia, arrived in Achaia alone and an exile. But the +Lacedaemonians who were in the territory of Megalopolis, +terrified by the arrival of Philip, stowed away all the goods +they had got from the country, and first demolished and +then abandoned the Athenaeum.</p> + +<p>The fact is that the Lacedaemonians enjoyed a most +excellent constitution, and had a most extensive <span class="sidenote">Decline of +Sparta.</span> +power, from the time of the legislation +of Lycurgus to that of the battle of Leuctra. +But after that event their fortune took an unfavourable turn; +and their political state continued ever growing +worse and worse, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 800(?)-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +371.</span> +until they finally suffered +from a long succession of internal +struggles and partisan warfare; were repeatedly agitated +by schemes for the redivision of lands and the banishment +of one party or another; and were subjected to the +severest possible slavery, culminating in the tyrannical government +of Nabis: though the word “tyrant” was one which +they had in old times scarcely endured to hear mentioned. +However, the ancient history of Sparta as well as the great<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">353</a></span> +part of it since, has been recorded by many in terms of eulogy +or the reverse; but the part of that history <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 236-222.</span> +which admits of the least controversy is that +which followed the entire destruction of the ancient constitution +by Cleomenes;<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> and that shall be narrated by me +in the order of events as they occur.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_82" id="b4_82"><b>82.</b></a> Meanwhile Philip left Megalopolis, and marching by +way of Tegea arrived at Argos, and there spent +the rest of the winter, <span class="sidenote">Apelles opposes +Aratus, Jan.-May, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218.</span> +having gained in this +campaign an admiration beyond his years for his +general conduct and his brilliant achievements. But, in spite +of all that had happened, Apelles was by no means inclined to +desist from the policy on which he had entered; but was +resolved little by little to bring the Achaeans under the +yoke. He saw that the most determined opponents of his +scheme were the elder and younger Aratus; and that Philip +was inclined to listen to them, and especially to the elder, +both on account of his former intimacy with Antigonus, +and his pre-eminent influence in Achaia, and, most of all, +because of his readiness of resource and practical ability: he +therefore determined to devote his attention to them, and +enter upon the intrigue against them which I shall proceed to +describe. He sought out in the several cities all such as were +opposed to Aratus, and invited them to visit him: and having +got them into his hands he tried all he could to win their +affections, encouraged them to look upon him as a friend, +and introduced them to Philip. To the king he was always +pointing out that, if he listened to Aratus, he would have to +treat the Achaeans according to the letter of the treaty of +alliance; but that, if he would listen to him, and take men like +those which he had introduced to him into favour, he would +have the whole of the Peloponnese at his own unfettered disposal. +But what he was most anxious about was the election; being +desirous to secure the office of Strategus for one of this party, +and to oust Aratus in accordance with his settled plan. <span class="sidenote">May, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218.</span>With +this purpose, he persuaded Philip to be at +Aegium at the time of the Achaean election, on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">354</a></span> +the pretext of being on his way to Elis. The king’s consent to +this enabled Apelles himself to be there at the right time; <span class="sidenote">Election of +Eperatus as +Achaean +Strategus.</span> +and +though he found great difficulty, in spite of +entreaties and threats, in carrying his point; yet +he did eventually succeed in getting Eperatus +of Pharae elected Strategus, and Timoxenus, the +candidate proposed by Aratus, rejected.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_83" id="b4_83"><b>83.</b></a> This over, the king departed by way of Patrae and +Dyme, and arrived with his army before the +fortress called the Wall, <span class="sidenote">Capture of the +Wall, and +expedition into +Elis.</span> +which is situated on +the frontier of the territory of Dyme, and had +a short time before, as I mentioned above,<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> been +occupied by Euripidas. The king, being anxious at all hazards +to recover this place for the Dymaeans, encamped under its +walls with his full force: and thereupon the Elean garrison in +alarm surrendered the place to Philip, which, though not large, +had been fortified with extraordinary care. For though the +circumference of its walls was not more than a stade and a +half, its height was nowhere less than thirty cubits. Having +handed the place over to the Dymaeans, Philip continued +his advance, plundering the territory of Elis: and when he had +thoroughly devastated it, and acquired a large booty, he +returned with his army to Dyme.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_84" id="b4_84"><b>84.</b></a> Meanwhile Apelles, thinking that, by the election +of the Achaean Strategus through his influence, <span class="sidenote">The intrigue of +Apelles.</span> +he had partly succeeded in his policy, began +once more attacking Aratus, with the view of +entirely detaching Philip from his friendship: and he accordingly +determined to make up an accusation against him +grounded on the following circumstance: When Amphidamus, +the Elean Strategus, had been, with the other refugees, made +prisoner at Thalamae, and had been brought among other +captives to Olympia, he made earnest efforts by the agency +of certain individuals to be allowed an interview with the +king. This favour having been accorded him, he made a +statement to the effect that it was in his power to bring over +the Eleans to the king’s side, and induce them to enter into +alliance with him. Philip believed him; and accordingly dismissed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">355</a></span> +Amphidamus without ransom, with instructions to +promise the Eleans, that, if they would join the king, he would +restore their captive citizens without ransom, and would himself +secure their territory safely from all outside attacks: and +besides this would maintain them in freedom, without impost +or foreign garrison, and in enjoyment of their several constitutions.</p> + +<p>But the Eleans refused to listen to the proposal, although +the offer was thought attractive and substantial. Apelles +therefore used this circumstance to found the false accusation +which he now brought before Philip, alleging that Aratus was +not a loyal friend to the Macedonians, nor sincere in his +feelings towards them: “He was responsible for this alienation +of the Eleans; for when the king despatched Amphidamus +from Olympia into Elis, Aratus took him aside and talked to +him, asserting that it was by no means to the interest of the +Peloponnesians that Philip should become supreme in Elis: +and this was the reason of the Eleans despising the king’s offers, +and clinging to the friendship of the Aetolians, and persisting +in war against the Macedonians.”</p> + +<p><a name="b4_85" id="b4_85"><b>85.</b></a> Regarding the matter as important, the first step the +king took was to summon the elder and +younger Aratus, <span class="sidenote">The king investigates +the charge +against Aratus.</span> +and order Apelles to repeat +these assertions in their presence: which he +thereupon did in a bold and threatening tone. And upon +the king still not saying a word, he added: “Since his +Majesty finds you, Aratus, so ungrateful and so exceedingly +adverse to his interests, he is determined to summon a meeting +of the Achaeans, and, after making a statement of his reasons, +forthwith to return to Macedonia.” Aratus the elder answered +him with a general exhortation to Philip, never to give a hasty or +inconsiderate credit to any thing which might be alleged before +him against his friends and allies: but when any such allegation +were made, to test its truth before accepting it; for that was +the conduct which became a king, and was in every way to his +interest. Wherefore he said, “I claim that you should, in the +present instance of these accusations of Apelles, summon those +who heard my words; and openly produce the man that +informed Apelles of them, and omit no means of ascertaining<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">356</a></span> +the real truth, before making any statement in regard to these +matters to the Achaeans.”</p> + +<p><a name="b4_86" id="b4_86"><b>86.</b></a> The king approved of this speech, and said that he +would not neglect the matter, but would thoroughly investigate +it. And so for the present the audience was dissolved. But +during the following days, while Apelles failed to bring any +proof of his allegations, <span class="sidenote">Aratus is +cleared.</span> +Aratus was favoured +by the following combination of circumstances. +While Philip was laying waste their territory, +the Eleans, suspecting Amphidamus of treachery, determined +to arrest him and send him in chains to Aetolia. But getting +intelligence of their purpose, he escaped first to Olympia; +and there, hearing that Philip was at Dyme engaged in the +division of his spoils, he followed him to that town in great +haste. When Aratus heard that Amphidamus had been driven +from Elis and was come to Dyme, he was delighted, because +his conscience was quite clear in the matter; and going to the +king demanded that he should summon Amphidamus to his +presence; on the ground that the man to whom the words +were alleged to have been spoken would best know about +the accusations, and would declare the truth; for he had become +an exile from his home from Philip’s sake, and had now +no hope of safety except in him. These arguments satisfied +the king, who thereupon sent for Amphidamus and ascertained +that the accusation was false. The result was that from that day +forward his liking and respect for Aratus continually increased, +while he began to regard Apelles with suspicion; though being +still under the influence of his old ascendency, he was compelled +to connive at many of his actions.</p> + +<p><a name="b4_87" id="b4_87"><b>87.</b></a> Apelles however by no means abandoned his policy. He +began undermining the position of Taurion also, who had been +placed in command of the Peloponnese by Antigonus, not indeed +openly attacking him, but rather praising his character, +and asserting that he was a proper person to be with the king on +a campaign; his object being to get some one else appointed +to conduct the government of the Peloponnese. This was +indeed a novel method of defamation,—to damage one’s neighbours, +not by attacking, but by praising their characters; and +this method of wreaking one’s malice, envy, and treachery may<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">357</a></span> +be regarded as primarily and specially the invention of the +jealousy and selfish ambition of courtiers. In the same spirit +he began making covert attacks upon Alexander, the captain of +the bodyguard, whenever he got an opportunity; being bent +on reconstituting by his own authority even the personal +attendants of the king, and on making a clean sweep of all +arrangements left existing by Antigonus. For as in his life +Antigonus had managed his kingdom and his son with wisdom, +so at his death he made wise provisions for every department +of the State. For in his will he explained to the Macedonians +the nature of these arrangements; and also gave definite +instructions for the future, how and by whom each of these +arrangements was to be carried out: being desirous of leaving +no vantage-ground to the courtiers for mutual rivalry and +strife. Among these arrangements was one selecting Apelles +from among his companions in arms to be one of the guardians +of his son; Leontius to command the peltasts; Megaleas to be +chief secretary; Taurion to be governor of the Peloponnese; +and Alexander to be captain of the bodyguard. Apelles had +already got Leontius and Megaleas completely under his influence: +and he was now desirous to remove Alexander and +Taurion from their offices, and so to control these, as well as +all other departments of the government, by the agency of his +own friends. And he would have easily succeeded in doing +so, had he not raised up an opponent in the person of Aratus. +As it was, he quickly reaped the fruits of his own blind +selfishness and ambition; for that which he purposed inflicting +on his neighbours he had to endure himself, and that within +a very brief space. How and by what means this was brought +about, I must forbear to tell for the present, and must bring +this book to an end: but in subsequent parts of my work I +will endeavour to make every detail of these transactions +clear.</p> + +<p>For the present, after concluding the business which I have +described, Philip returned to Argos, and there spent the rest +of the winter season with his friends, while he sent back his +forces to Macedonia.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">358</a></span></p> + +<h2>BOOK V</h2> + +<p><a name="b5_1" id="b5_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">The</span> year of office as Strategus of the younger Aratus had +now come to an end with the rising of the +Pleiades; <span class="sidenote">May, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218.</span> +for that was the arrangement of +time then observed by the Achaeans.<a name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> Accordingly he laid +down his office and was succeeded in the command of the +Achaeans by Eperatus; Dorimachus being still Strategus of +the Aetolians.</p> + +<p>It was at the beginning of this summer that Hannibal entered +upon open war with Rome; started from New Carthage; and +crossing the Iber, definitely began his expedition and march +into Italy; while the Romans despatched Tiberius Sempronius +to Libya with an army, and Publius Cornelius to Iberia.</p> + +<p>This year, too, Antiochus and Ptolemy, abandoning +diplomacy, and the support of their mutual claims upon Coele-Syria +by negotiation, began actual war with each other.</p> + +<p>As for Philip, being in need of corn and money for his +army, he summoned the Achaeans to a general +assembly by means of their magistrates. <span class="sidenote">Recognition of +Philip’s services +by the assembly +of the Achaean +league.</span> +When +the assembly had met, according to the federal +law, at Aegium,<a name="FNanchor_246" id="FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">246</a> the king saw that Aratus and +his son were indisposed to act for him, because +of the intrigues against them in the matter of the election, +which had been carried on by Apelles; and that Eperatus was +naturally inefficient, and an object of general contempt. These +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">359</a></span>facts convinced the king of the folly of Apelles and Leontius, +and he once more decided to stand by Aratus. He therefore +persuaded the magistrates to transfer the assembly to Sicyon; +and there inviting both the elder and younger Aratus to an +interview, he laid the blame of all that had happened upon +Apelles, and urged them to maintain their original policy. +Receiving a ready consent from them, he then entered the +Achaean assembly, and being energetically supported by these +two statesmen, earned all the measures that he desired. For +the Achaeans passed a vote decreeing “that five hundred talents +should be paid to the king at once for his last campaign, that +three months’ pay should be given to his army, and ten +thousand medimni of corn; and that, for the future, so long +as the king should remain in the Peloponnese as their ally in +the war, he should receive seventeen talents a month from the +Achaeans.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_2" id="b5_2"><b>2.</b></a> Having passed this decree, the Achaeans dispersed to +their various cities. And now the king’s forces +mustered again from their winter quarters; <span class="sidenote">The king prepares +to carry on the +war by sea.</span> +and +after deliberations with his friends, Philip +decided to transfer the war to the sea. For he had become +convinced that it was only by so doing that he would himself +be able to surprise the enemy at all points at once, and would +best deprive them of the opportunity of coming to each others’ +relief; as they were widely scattered, and each would be in +alarm for their own safety, because the approach of an enemy +by sea is so silent and rapid. For he was at war with three +separate nations,—Aetolians, Lacedaemonians, and Eleans.</p> + +<p>Having arrived at this decision, he ordered the ships of +the Achaeans as well as his own to muster at Lechaeum; and +there he made continual experiments in practising the soldiers +of the phalanx to the use of the oar. The Macedonians +answered to his instructions with ready enthusiasm: for they +are in fact the most gallant soldiers on the field of battle, the +promptest to undertake service at sea if need be, and the +most laborious workers at digging trenches, making palisades, +and all such engineering work, in the world: just such as +Hesiod describes the Aeacidae to be</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line">“Joying in war as in a feast.”</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">360</a></span></p> + +<p>The king, then, and the main body of the Macedonian army, +remained in Corinth, busied with these practisings +and preparations for taking the sea. <span class="sidenote">Fresh intrigue of +Apelles.</span> +But +Apelles, being neither able to retain an ascendency +over Philip, nor to submit to the loss of influence which +resulted from this disregard, entered into a conspiracy with +Leontius and Megaleas, by which it was agreed that these two +men should stay on the spot and damage the king’s service by +deliberate neglect; while he went to Chalcis, and contrived +that no supplies should be brought the king from thence for the +promotion of his designs. Having made this arrangement and +mischievous stipulation with these two men, Apelles set out +for Chalcis, having found some false pretexts to satisfy the king +as to his departure. And while protracting his stay there, he +carried out his sworn agreement with such determination, that, +as all men obeyed him because of this former credit, the king was +at last reduced by want of money to pawn some of the silver-plate +used at his own table, to carry on his affairs. <span class="sidenote">Philip starts on +his naval expedition, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218.</span> +However, when the ships were all collected, and +the Macedonian soldiers already well trained to +the oar; the king, giving out rations of corn and pay to the +army, put to sea, and arrived at Patrae on the second day, with +six thousand Macedonians and twelve hundred mercenaries.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_3" id="b5_3"><b>3.</b></a> Just at that time the Aetolian Strategus Dorimachus +sent Agelaus and Scopas with five hundred Neo-Cretans<a name="FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> into +Elis; while the Eleans, in fear of Philip’s attempting the siege +of Cyllene, were collecting mercenaries, preparing their own +citizens, and carefully strengthening the defences of Cyllene. +When Philip saw what was going on, he stationed a force at +Dyme, consisting of the Achaean mercenaries, some of the +Cretans serving with him, and some of the Gallic horse, +together with two thousand picked Achaean infantry. These he +left there as a reserve, as well as an advance guard to prevent +the danger of an attack from Elis; while he himself, having +first written to the Acarnanians and Scerdilaidas, that each of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">361</a></span> +their towns should man such vessels as they had and meet him +at Cephallenia, put to sea from Patrae at the time arranged, and +arrived off Pronni in Cephallenia. But when he saw that this +fortress was difficult to besiege, and its position a contracted +one, he coasted past it with his fleet and came +to anchor at Palus. <span class="sidenote">The siege of +Palus.</span> +Finding that the country +there was full of corn and capable of supporting +an army, he disembarked his troops and encamped close to +the city: and having beached his ships close together, secured +them with a trench and palisade, and sent out his Macedonian +soldiers to forage. He himself made a personal inspection of the +town, to see how he could bring his siege-works and artillery to +bear upon the wall. He wished to be able to use the place as a +rendezvous for his allies; but he was also desirous of taking it: +first, because he would thereby deprive the Aetolians of their +most useful support,—for it was by means of Cephallenian +ships that they made their descents upon the Peloponnese, and +ravaged the sea-boards of Epirus and Acarnania,—and, +secondly, that he might secure for himself and his allies a +convenient base of operations against the enemy’s territory. +For Cephallenia lies exactly opposite the Corinthian Gulf, in +the direction of the Sicilian Sea, and commands the north-western +district of the Peloponnese, and especially Elis; as well +as the south-western parts of Epirus, Aetolia, and Acarnania.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_4" id="b5_4"><b>4.</b></a> The excellent position, therefore, of the island, both as +a rendezvous for the allies and as a base of attack against the +hostile, or of defence for the friendly, territory, made the king +very anxious to get it into his power. His survey of the town +showed him that it was entirely defended by the sea and steep +hills, except for a short distance in the direction of Zacynthus, +where the ground was flat; and he accordingly resolved to +erect his works and concentrate his attack at that spot.</p> + +<p>While the king was engaged in these operations fifty galleys +arrived from Scerdilaidas, who had been prevented <span class="sidenote">Arrival of the +allies at Palus.</span> +from sending more by the plots and +civil broils throughout Illyria, caused by the +despots of the various cities. There arrived also the appointed +contingents of allies from Epirus, Acarnania, and even +Messenia; for the Messenians had ceased to excuse themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">362</a></span> +from taking part in the war ever since the capture of +Phigalia. +Having now made his arrangements for the siege, and +having got his catapults and ballistae in +position to annoy the defenders on the walls, <span class="sidenote">The walls are +undermined and +a breach made. +Leontius plays +the traitor.</span> +the king harangued his Macedonian troops, and, +bringing his siege-machines up to the walls, +began under their protection to sink mines. +The Macedonians worked with such enthusiastic eagerness +that in a short time two hundred feet of the wall were undermined +and underpinned: and the king then approached the +walls and invited the citizens to come to terms. Upon their +refusal, he set fire to the props, and thus brought down +the whole part of the wall that rested upon them simultaneously. +Into this breach he first sent his peltasts under the +command of Leontius, divided into cohorts, and with orders +to force their way over the ruin. But Leontius, in fulfilment of +his compact with Apelles, three times running prevented the +soldiers, even after they had carried the breach, from effecting +the capture of the town. He had corrupted beforehand the +most important officers of the several cohorts; and he himself +deliberately affected fear, and shrunk from every service of danger; +and finally they were ejected from the town with considerable +loss, although they could have mastered the enemy with +ease. When the king saw that the officers were behaving with +cowardice, and that a considerable number of the Macedonian +soldiers were wounded, he abandoned the siege, and deliberated +with his friends on the next step to be taken.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_5" id="b5_5"><b>5.</b></a> Meanwhile Lycurgus had invaded Messenia; and Dorimachus +had started for Thessaly with half the <span class="sidenote">Ambassadors +from Acarnania +urge Philip to +invade Aetolia; +others from +Messenia beg him +to come there.</span> +Aetolian army,—both with the idea that they +would thus draw off Philip from the siege of +Palus. Presently ambassadors arrived at the +court to make representations on these subjects +from Acarnania and Messenia: the former +urging Philip to prevent Dorimachus’s invasion of Macedonia +by himself invading Aetolia, and traversing and plundering the +whole country while there was no one to resist him; the latter +begged him to come to their assistance, representing that in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">363</a></span> +existing state of the Etesian winds the passage from Cephallenia +to Messenia could be effected in a single day, whereby, +so Gorgus of Messenia and his colleagues argued, a sudden +and effective attack would be made upon Lycurgus. In +pursuance of his policy Leontius eagerly supported Gorgus, +seeing that by this means Philip would absolutely waste the +summer. For it was easy enough to sail to Messenia; but to +sail back again, while the Etesian winds prevailed, was impossible. +It was plain therefore that Philip would get shut up +in Messenia with his army, and remain inactive for what +remained of the summer; while the Aetolians would traverse +Thessaly and Epirus and plunder them at their pleasure. +Such was the insidious nature of the advice given by Gorgus +and Leontius. But Aratus, who was present, advocated an +exactly opposite policy, urging the king to sail to Aetolia and +devote himself to that part of the campaign: for as the +Aetolians had gone on an expedition across the frontier under +Dorimachus, it was a most excellent opportunity for invading +and plundering Aetolia. <span class="sidenote">Philip decides on +the invasion of +Aetolia.</span> +The king had begun +to entertain distrust of Leontius since his +exhibition of cowardice in the siege; and had +detected his dishonesty in the course of the discussions held +about Palus: he therefore decided to act in the present +instance in accordance with the opinion of Aratus. Accordingly +he wrote to the Achaean Strategus Eperatus, bidding him +take the Achaean levies, and go to the aid of the Messenians; +while he himself put to sea from Cephallenia, and arrived at +night after a two days’ voyage at Leucas: and having managed +by proper contrivances to get his ships through the channel +of Dioryctus,<a name="FNanchor_248" id="FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> he sailed up the Ambracian Gulf, which, as I +have already stated,<a name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">249</a> stretches from the Sicilian Sea a long +distance into the interior of Aetolia. Having made the whole +length of this gulf, and anchored a short time before daybreak +at Limnaea, he ordered his men to get their breakfast, and +leaving the greater part of their baggage behind them, to make +themselves ready in light equipment for a march; while he +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">364</a></span>himself collected the guides, and made careful inquiries of +them about the country and neighbouring towns.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_6" id="b5_6"><b>6.</b></a> Before they started, Aristophanes the Acarnanian +Strategus arrived with the full levy of his people. <span class="sidenote">Philip is joined +by the +Acarnanians, and +marches to the +Achelous.</span> +For having in former times suffered many severe +injuries at the hands of the Aetolians, they were +now inspired with a fierce determination to be +revenged upon them and damage them in every +possible way: they gladly therefore seized this opportunity +of getting the help of the Macedonians; and the men who now +appeared in arms were not confined to those forced by law to +serve, but were in some cases past the military age. The +Epirotes were quite as eager to join, and for the same motives; +but owing to the wide extent of their country, and the +suddenness of the Macedonian arrival, they had not been able +to muster their forces in time. As to the Aetolians, Dorimachus +had taken half their army with him, as I have said, while the +the other half he had left at home, thinking that it would be +an adequate reserve to defend the towns and district against +unforeseen contingencies. The king, leaving a sufficient guard +for his baggage, started from Limnaea in the evening, and after +a march of sixty stades pitched his camp: but, having dined +and given his men a short rest, he started again; and marching +right through the night, arrived just as the day was breaking +at the river Achelous, between the towns of Stratus and +Conope, being anxious that his entrance into the district of +Thermus should be sudden and unexpected.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_7" id="b5_7"><b>7.</b></a> Leontius saw that it was likely that the king would attain +his object, and the Aetolians be unable to +resist him, <span class="sidenote">Leontius tries to +hinder the +march.</span> +for the double reason of the speed +and unexpectedness of the Macedonian attack, +and of his having gone to Thermus; for the Aetolians would +never suppose him likely to venture to expose himself so +rashly, seeing the strongly fortified nature of the country, +and would therefore be sure to be caught off their guard and +wholly unprepared for the danger. Clinging still to his +purpose, therefore, he advised the king to encamp on the +Achelous, and rest his army after their night’s march; being +anxious to give the Aetolians a short respite to make preparations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span> +for their defence. But Aratus, seeing clearly that the +opportunity for action was fleeting, and that Leontius was +plainly trying to hinder their success, conjured Philip not to +let slip the opportunity by delaying.</p> + +<p>The king was now thoroughly annoyed with Leontius: and +accepting the advice of Aratus, continued his +march without interruption; <span class="sidenote">The king crosses +the Achelous and +advances against +Thermus.</span>and, after crossing +the Achelous, advanced rapidly upon Thermus, +plundering and devastating the country as he +went, and marching so as to keep Stratus, Agrinium, and +Thestia on his left, Conope, Lysimachia, Trichonium, and +Phytaeum on his right. Arrived at the town of Metapa, which +is on the borders of the Trichonian Lake, and close to the +narrow pass along it, about sixty stades from Thermus, he +found it abandoned by the Aetolians, and occupied it with a +detachment of five hundred men, with a view of its serving as +a fortress to secure both ends of the pass: for the whole shore +of the lake is mountainous and rugged, closely fringed with +forest, and therefore affording but a narrow and difficult path. +He now arranged his order of march, putting the mercenaries +in the van, next them the Illyrians, and then the peltasts and +the men of the phalanx, and thus advanced through the pass; +his rear protected by the Cretans: while the Thracians and +light-armed troops took a different line of country, parallel to +his own, and kept up with him on his right: his left being +secured by the lake for nearly thirty stades.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_8" id="b5_8"><b>8.</b></a> At the end of this distance he arrived at the village of +Pamphia; and having, as in the case of Panapa, secured it by +a guard, he continued his advance towards Thermus: the road +now being not only steep and exceedingly rough, but with +deep precipices also on either side, so as to make the path in +places very dangerous and narrow; and the whole ascent being +nearly thirty stades. But having accomplished this also in a +short time, thanks to the energy with which the Macedonians +conducted the march, he arrived late in the day at Thermus. +There he pitched a camp, <span class="sidenote">The plundering of +Thermus.</span> +and allowed his men to go off +plundering the neighbouring villages and +scouring the plain of Thermus, as well as to +sack the dwelling-houses in Thermus itself,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">366</a></span> +which were full, not only of corn and such like provisions, but +of all the most valuable property which the Aetolians +possessed. For as the annual fair and most famous games, as +well as the elections, were held there, everybody kept their most +costly possessions in store at Thermus, to enable them to entertain +their friends, and to celebrate the festivals with proper +magnificence. But besides this occasion for the employment +of their property, they expected to find the most complete +security for it there, because no enemy had ever yet ventured +to penetrate to that place; while its natural strength was so +great as to serve as an acropolis to the whole of Aetolia. The +place therefore having been in the enjoyment of peace from +time immemorial, not only were the buildings immediately round +the temple filled with a great variety of property, but the +homesteads on the outskirts also. For that night the army +bivouacked on the spot laden with booty of every description; +but the next morning they selected the most valuable and +portable part of it, and making the rest into a heap in front of +their tents, set fire to it. So also in regard to the dedicated +arms which were hanging up in the porticoes,—those of them +which were valuable they took down and carried off, some +they exchanged for their own, while the rest they collected +together and burnt. The number of these was more than +fifteen thousand.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_9" id="b5_9"><b>9.</b></a> Up to this point everything was right and fair by the +laws of war; but I do not know how to +characterise their next proceedings. <span class="sidenote">Sacrilege +committed at +Thermus. Was it +justifiable?</span> +For remembering +what the Aetolians had done at +Dium<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> and Dodona,<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> they burnt the colonnades, +and destroyed what were left of the dedicated offerings, some +of which were of costly material, and had been elaborated with +great skill and expense. And they were not content with +destroying the roofs of these buildings with fire, they levelled +them to their foundations; and threw down all the statues, which +numbered no less than two thousand; and many of them they +broke to pieces, sparing only those that were inscribed with +the names or figures of gods. Such they did abstain from +injuring. On the walls also they wrote the celebrated line composed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">367</a></span> +by Samus, the son of Chrysogonus, a foster-brother of +the king, whose genius was then beginning to manifest itself. +The line was this—</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line">“Seest thou the path the bolt divine has sped?“</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>And in fact the king and his staff were fully convinced that, in +thus acting, they were obeying the dictates of right and +justice, by retaliating upon the Aetolians with the same +impious outrages as they had themselves committed at Dium.<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">252</a> +But I am clearly of an opposite opinion. And the readiest +argument, to prove the correctness of my view, may be drawn +from the history of this same royal family of Macedonia.</p> + +<p>For when Antigonus, by his victory in a pitched battle over +Cleomenes the King of the Lacedaemonians, had become master +of Sparta, and had it absolutely in his own power to treat the +town and its citizens as he chose, he was so far from doing +any injury to those who had thus fallen into his hands, that +he did not return to his own country until he had bestowed +upon the Lacedaemonians, collectively and individually, some +benefits of the utmost importance. The consequence was +that he was honoured at the time with the title of “Benefactor,” +and after his death with that of “Preserver”; and not only +among the Lacedaemonians, but among the Greeks generally, +has obtained undying honour and glory.<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">253</a></p> + +<p><a name="b5_10" id="b5_10"><b>10.</b></a> Take again the case of Philip, the founder of the +family splendour, and the first of the race to establish the +greatness of the kingdom. The success which he obtained, +after his victory over the Athenians at Chaeronea, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 338.</span> +was not due so much to his superiority +in arms, as to his justice and humanity. His victory in +the field gave him the mastery only over those immediately +engaged against him; while his equity and moderation +secured his hold upon the entire Athenian people and +their city. For he did not allow his measures to be dictated +by vindictive passion; but laid aside his arms and warlike +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">368</a></span>measures, as soon as he found himself in a position to display +the mildness of his temper and the uprightness of his motives. +With this view he dismissed his Athenian prisoners without +ransom, and took measures for the burial of those who had +fallen, and, by the agency of Antipater, caused their bones to +be conveyed home; and presented most of those whom he +released with suits of clothes. And thus, at small expense, his +prudence gained him a most important advantage. The +pride of the Athenians was not proof against such magnanimity; +and they became his zealous supporters, instead of antagonists, +in all his schemes.</p> + +<p>Again in the case of Alexander the Great. He was so +enraged with the Thebans that he sold all the <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 335.</span> +inhabitants of the town into slavery, and +levelled the city itself with the ground; yet in making +its capture he was careful not to outrage religion, and +took the utmost precautions against even involuntary damage +being done to the temples, or any part of their sacred enclosures. +Once more, when he crossed into Asia, to +avenge on the Persians the impious outrages which they +had inflicted on the Greeks, he did his best to exact the +full penalty from men, but refrained from injuring places +dedicated to the gods; though it was in precisely such that the +injuries of the Persians in Greece had been most conspicuous. +These were the precedents which Philip should have called to +mind on this occasion; and so have shown himself the +successor and heir of these men,—not so much of their power, +as of their principles and magnanimity. But throughout his +life he was exceedingly anxious to establish his relationship +to Alexander and Philip, <span class="sidenote">The subsequent +decline in Philip’s +character.</span>and yet took not the +least pains to imitate them. The result was +that, as he advanced in years, as his conduct +differed from theirs, so his general reputation came to +be different also.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_11" id="b5_11"><b>11.</b></a> The present affair was an instance of this. He +imagined that he was doing nothing wrong in giving the rein +to his anger, and retaliating upon the impious acts of the +Aetolians by similar impieties, and “curing ill by ill”; and +while he was always reproaching Scopas and Dorimachus with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">369</a></span> +depravity and abandoned wickedness, on the grounds of their +acts of impiety at Dodona and Dium, he imagined that, while +emulating their crimes, he would leave quite a different +impression of his character in the minds of those to whom he +spoke. But the fact is, that whereas the taking and demolishing +an enemy’s forts, harbours, cities, men, ships and crops, and +other such things, by which our enemy is weakened, and our +own interests and tactics supported, are necessary acts +according to the laws and rights of war; to deface temples, +statues, and such like erections in pure wantonness, and without +any prospect of strengthening oneself or weakening the enemy, +must be regarded as an act of blind passion and insanity. +For the purpose with which good men wage war is not the +destruction and annihilation of the wrongdoers, but the +reformation and alteration of the wrongful acts. Nor is it +their object to involve the innocent in the destruction of the +guilty, but rather to see that those who are held to be guilty should +share in the preservation and elevation of the guiltless. It is the +act of a tyrant to inflict injury, and so to maintain his power +over unwilling subjects by terror,—hated, and hating those +under him: but it is the glory of a king to secure, by doing +good to all, that he should rule over willing subjects, whose +love he has earned by humanity and beneficence.</p> + +<p>But the best way of appreciating the gravity of Philip’s +mistake is to put before our eyes the idea which <span class="sidenote">The error of such +sacrilege as a +matter of policy.</span> +the Aetolians would probably have conceived of +him, had he acted in an opposite way, and destroyed +neither colonnades nor statutes, nor done injury to any +of the sacred offerings. For my part I think it would have +been one of the greatest goodness and humanity. For they +would have had on their consciences their own acts at Dium +and Dodona; and would have seen unmistakably that, +whereas Philip was absolutely master of the situation, and +could do what he chose, and would have been held fully +justified as far as their deserts went in taking the severest +measures, yet deliberately, from mere gentleness and magnanimity, +he refused to copy their conduct in any respect.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_12" id="b5_12"><b>12.</b></a> Clearly these considerations would most probably +have led them to condemn themselves, and to view Philip<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">370</a></span> +with respect and admiration for his kingly and high minded +qualities, shown by his respect for religion and by the moderation +of his anger against themselves. For in truth to +conquer one’s enemies in integrity and equity is not of less, +but of greater, practical advantage than victories in the field. +In the one case the defeated party yields under compulsion; +in the other with cheerful assent. In the one case the victor +effects his reformation at the cost of great losses; in the other +he recalls the erring to better courses without any damage to +himself. But above all, in the one case the chief credit of the +victory belongs to the soldiers, in the other it falls wholly and +solely to the part of the leaders.</p> + +<p>Perhaps, however, one ought not to lay all the blame for +what was done on that occasion on Philip, <span class="sidenote">The blame chiefly +belongs to +Demetrius of +Pharos.</span> +taking +his age into consideration; but chiefly on his +friends, who were in attendance upon him and +co-operating with him, among whom were +Aratus and Demetrius of Pharos. In regard to them it would +not be difficult to assert, even without being there, from +which of the two a counsel of this sort proceeded. For apart +from the general principles animating the whole course of his +life, in which nothing savouring of rashness and want of +judgment can be alleged of Aratus, while the exact contrary +may be said of Demetrius, we have an undisputed instance of +the principles actuating both the one and the other in +analogous circumstances, on which I shall speak in its proper +place.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_13" id="b5_13"><b>13.</b></a> To return then to Philip. Taking with him as much +booty living and dead as he could, he started +from Thermus, <span class="sidenote">The return of +Philip from +Thermus.</span> +returning by the same road as +that by which he had come; putting the booty +and heavy-armed infantry in the van, and reserving the +Acarnanians and mercenaries to bring up the rear. He was +in great haste to get through the difficult passes, because he +expected that the Aetolians, relying on the security of their +strongholds, would harass his rear. And this in fact promptly +took place: for a body of Aetolians, that had collected to the +number of nearly three thousand for the defence of the +country, under the command of Alexander of Trichonium,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">371</a></span> +hovered about, concealing themselves in certain secret hiding-places, +and not venturing to approach as long as Philip was +on the high ground; but as soon as he got his rear-guard in +motion they promptly threw themselves into Thermus and +began harassing the hindermost of the enemy’s column. The +rear being thus thrown into confusion, the attacks and charges +of the Aetolians became more and more furious, encouraged +by the nature of the ground. But Philip had foreseen this +danger, and had provided for it, by stationing his Illyrians +and his best peltasts under cover of a certain hill on the +descent. These men suddenly fell upon the advanced bodies +of the enemy as they were charging; whereupon the rest of +the Aetolian army fled in headlong haste over a wild and +trackless country, with a loss of a hundred and thirty killed, and +about the same number taken prisoners. This success relieved +his rear; which, after burning Pamphium, accomplished the +passage of the narrow gorge with rapidity and safety, and +effected a junction with the Macedonians near +Matape, <span class="sidenote">Matape.</span> +at which place Philip had pitched a +camp and was waiting for his rear-guard to come up. Next +day, after levelling Metape to the ground, <span class="sidenote">Acrae.</span> +he advanced to the +city called Acrae; next day to Conope, ravaging +the country as he passed, and there encamped +for the night. <span class="sidenote">Stratus.</span>On the next he marched along the Achelous as +far as Stratus; there he crossed the river, and, +having halted his men out of range, endeavoured +to tempt the garrison outside the walls; for he had been informed +that two thousand Aetolian infantry and about four hundred +horse, with five hundred Cretans, had collected into Stratus. +But when no one ventured out, he renewed his march, and +ordered his van to advance towards Limnaea and the ships.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_14" id="b5_14"><b>14.</b></a> But no sooner had his rear passed the town than, +first, a small body of Aetolian cavalry sallied +out and began harassing the hindmost men; <span class="sidenote">Philip victorious +in a skirmish +with the garrison +of Stratus.</span> +and then, the whole of the Cretans and some +Aetolian troops having joined their cavalry, the +conflict became more severe, and the rear of Philip’s army +were forced to face about and engage the enemy. At first the +conflict was undecided; but on Philip’s mercenaries being<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">372</a></span> +supported by the arrival of the Illyrians, the Aetolian cavalry +and mercenaries gave way and fled in disorder. The royal +troops pursued most of them to the entrance of the gates, or up +to the walls, <span class="sidenote">Arrival at +Limnaea.</span> +and killed about a hundred of +them. After this skirmish the garrison remained +inactive, and the rear of the royal army reached +the camp and the ships in safety.</p> + +<p>Philip pitched his camp early in the day, and proceeded to +make a thank offering to the gods for the successful issue of +his undertaking; and to invite the officers to a banquet, at +which it was his intention to entertain them all. His view +was that he had ventured upon a dangerous country, and such +as no one had ever ventured to enter with an army before; +while he had not only entered it with an army, but had returned +in safety, after accomplishing all that he had intended. But +while he was thus intent on entertaining his officers in great +elation of mind, Megaleas and Leontius were nursing feelings +of great annoyance at the success of the king. They had +arranged with Apelles to hamper all his plans, but had been +unable to do so; and now saw everything turning out exactly +contrary to their views.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_15" id="b5_15"><b>15.</b></a> Still they came to the banquet, where they from the first +excited the suspicions of the king and the rest +of the company, <span class="sidenote">Megaleas and +Leontius betray +their chagrin +at the king’s +success.</span> +by showing less joy at the +events than the others present. But as the +drinking went on, and grew less and less +moderate, being forced to do just as the others +did, they soon showed themselves in their true colours. For +as soon as the company broke up, losing control over themselves +under the influence of wine, <span class="sidenote">They assault +Aratus.</span> +they roamed +about looking for Aratus; and having fallen in +with him on his way home, they first attacked +him with abusive language, and then threw stones at him; +and a number of people coming to the assistance of both +parties, there was a noise and disturbance in the camp. But +the king hearing the noise sent some officers to ascertain the +cause, and to put an end to the disturbance. On their coming +upon the scene, Aratus stated what had occurred, called those +present to witness the truth of his words, and retired to his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">373</a></span> +own tent; but Leontius by some unexplained means slipped +away in the crowd. When informed of what had taken place, <span class="sidenote">Megaleas and +Crinon held to +bail.</span> +the king sent for Megaleas and Crinon and +rebuked them sharply: and when they not only +expressed no submission, but actually retorted +with a declaration that they would never desist until they had +paid Aratus out, the king, enraged at their words, at once +required them to give security for the payment of a fine of +twenty talents, and ordered them to be placed under arrest.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_16" id="b5_16"><b>16.</b></a> Next morning, too, he sent for Aratus and bade him +have no fears, for that he would see that the business was +properly settled. When Leontius learned what had happened +to Megaleas, he came to the king’s tent with some peltasts, +believing that, owing to his youth, he should overawe the king, +and quickly induce him to repent of his purpose. Coming +into the royal presence he demanded who had ventured to lay +hands on Megaleas, and lead him to confinement? But when +the king answered with firmness that he had given the order, +Leontius was dismayed; and, with an exclamation of indignant +sorrow, departed in high wrath. <span class="sidenote">Arrival at Leucas. +Megaleas fined +twenty talents.</span> +Immediately +after getting the fleet across the gulf, and +anchoring at Leucas, the king first gave orders +to the officers appointed to distribute the spoils to carry out +that business with all despatch; and then summoned his +friends to council, and tried the case of Megaleas. In his +speech as accuser Aratus went over the crimes of Leontius +and his party from beginning to end; detailed the massacre in +Argos perpetrated by them after the departure of Antigonus; +their arrangement made with Apelles; and finally their contrivance +to prevent success at Palus. Of all these accusations he +gave distinct proof, and brought forward witnesses: and +Megaleas and Crinon being entirely unable to refute any of +them, were unanimously condemned by the king’s friends. +Crinon remained under arrest, but Leontius went bail for the +payment of the Megaleas’s fine. Thus the intrigue of Apelles +and Leontius turned out quite contrary to their original hopes: +for they had expected, by terrifying Aratus and isolating +Philip, to do whatever seemed to suit their interests; whereas +the result had been exactly the reverse.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">374</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b5_17" id="b5_17"><b>17.</b></a> About the same time Lycurgus returned from Messenia +without having accomplished anything of +importance. <span class="sidenote">Lycurgus of +Sparta attacks +Tegea.</span> +Afterwards he started again and +seized Tegea. The inhabitants having retreated +into the citadel, he determined to besiege it; but finding himself +unable to make any impression upon it he returned once +more to Sparta.</p> + +<p>The Eleans after overrunning Dymaea, gained an easy +victory over some cavalry that had come out to +resist them, <span class="sidenote">Elis.</span> +by decoying them into an ambush. +They killed a considerable number of the Gallic mercenaries, +and among the natives whom they took prisoners were +Polymedes of Aegium, and Agesipolis, and Diocles of Dyme.</p> + +<p>Dorimachus had made his expedition originally, as I have +already mentioned, under the conviction that <span class="sidenote">Dorimachus +recalled from +Thessaly by +Philip’s invasion +of Aetolia.</span> +he would be able to devastate Thessaly without +danger to himself, and would force Philip to +raise the siege of Palus. But when he found +Chrysogonus and Petraeus ready in Thessaly to +engage him, he did not venture to descend into the plain, but +kept close upon the skirts of the mountains; and when news +reached him of the Macedonian invasion of Aetolia, he +abandoned his attempt upon Thessaly, and hurried home to +resist the invaders, whom he found however already departed +from Aetolia: and so was too late for the campaign +at all points.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the king set sail from Leucas; and after ravaging +the territory of Oeanthe as he coasted along, <span class="sidenote">Philip arrives at +Corinth.</span> +arrived with his whole fleet at Corinth, and +dropping anchor in the harbour of Lechaeum, +disembarked his troops, and sent his letter-bearers to the +allied cities in the Peloponnese, naming a day on which he +wished all to be at Tegea by bedtime.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_18" id="b5_18"><b>18.</b></a> Then, without making any stay in Corinth, he gave the +<span class="sidenote">Tegea.</span>Macedonians marching orders; and came at the +end of a two days’ march by way of Argos to +Tegea. There he took on the Achaean troops that had +assembled, and advanced by the mountain road, being very +desirous to effect an entrance into the territory of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">375</a></span> +Lacedaemonians before they became aware of it. Thus after +a circuitous route through an uninhabited <span class="sidenote">Amyclae and +Sparta.</span> +district he came out upon the hills facing the +town, and continued his advance right upon +Amyclae, keeping the Menelaïum on his right. The Lacedaemonians +were dismayed and terrified at seeing from the town +the army passing along the hills, and wondered what was happening. +For they were still in a state of excitement at the news +of Philip which had arrived,—his destruction +of Thermus, <span class="sidenote">Dismay at +Sparta.</span> +and his whole campaign in Aetolia; +and there was even some talk among them of +sending Lycurgus to the assistance of the Aetolians. But no +one had so much as thought of danger coming so quickly to +their own gates from such a distance, especially as the youth +of the king still gave room for a certain feeling of contempt. +The event therefore being totally contrary to their expectations, +they were naturally in a state of great dismay. For the +courage and energy beyond his years, with which Philip acted, +reduced all his enemies to a state of the utmost difficulty and +terror. For setting out, as I have shown, from the centre of +Aetolia, and crossing the Ambracian gulf by night, he passed +over to Leucas; and after a two days’ halt there, on the third +he renewed his voyage before daybreak, and after a two days’ +sail, during which he ravaged the seaboard of the Aetolians, he +dropped anchor in Lechaeum; thence, after seven days’ +continuous march, he arrived on the heights above Sparta in +the neighbourhood of the Menelaïum,—a feat which most of +those even who saw it done could scarcely believe.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_19" id="b5_19"><b>19.</b></a> While the Lacedaemonians were thus thoroughly +terrified at the unexpected danger, and at a loss what to do +to meet it, Philip encamped on the first day at Amyclae: +a place in Laconia about twenty stades from Lacedaemon, +exceedingly rich in forest and corn, and containing a temple +of Apollo, which is about the most splendid of all the +temples in Laconia, situated in that quarter of the city which +slopes down towards the sea. Next day the king descended +to a place called the Camp of Pyrrhus,<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> wasting the country as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">376</a></span> +he went. After devastating the neighbouring districts for the +two following days, he encamped near Carnium; <span class="sidenote">Carnium.</span> +thence he started for Asine, and after some +fruitless assaults upon it, he started again, and thenceforth +devoted himself to plundering all the country bordering on +the Cretan Sea as far as Taenarum. <span class="sidenote">Gythium.</span>Then, once more +changing the direction of his march, he advanced +to Gythium, the naval arsenal of Sparta, which +possesses a safe harbour, and is about thirty stades from the +city. <span class="sidenote">Helos.</span> +Then leaving this on the right, he pitched +his camp in the territory of Helos, which of +all the districts of Laconia is the most extensive and most +beautiful. Thence he sent out foraging parties and wasted +the country with fire and sword, and destroyed the crops in it: +pushing his devastation as far as Acriae and Leucae, and +even to the district of Boeae.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_20" id="b5_20"><b>20.</b></a> On the receipt of the despatch from Philip commanding +the levy, the Messenians were no less forward <span class="sidenote">Abortive attempt +of the Messenians +to join Philip.</span> +than the other allies to undertake it. They +showed indeed great zeal in making the expedition, +sending out the flower of their troops, two thousand +infantry and two hundred cavalry. Owing, however, to their +distance from the seat of war, they arrived at Tegea after Philip +had left, and at first were at a loss what to do; but being +very anxious not to appear lukewarm in the campaign, because +of the suspicions which had attached to them before, they +pressed forward through Argolis into Laconia, with a view of +effecting a junction with Philip; and having reached a fort +called Glympes, which is situated on the frontiers of Argolis and +Laconia, they encamped there in an unskilful and careless +manner: for they neither entrenched themselves with ditch +nor rampart, nor selected an advantageous spot; but trusting +to the friendly disposition of the natives, bivouacked there +unsuspiciously outside the walls of the fortress. But on +news being brought to Lycurgus of the arrival of the +Messenians, he took his mercenaries and some Lacedaemonians +with him, and reaching the place before daybreak, +boldly attacked the camp. Ill advised as the proceedings +of the Messenians had been, and especially in advancing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">377</a></span> +from Tegea with inadequate numbers and without the direction +of experts, in the actual hour of danger, when the enemy +was upon them, they did all that circumstances admitted of +to secure their safety. For as soon as they saw the enemy +appearing they abandoned everything and took refuge within +the fort. Accordingly, though Lycurgus captured most of the +horses and the baggage, he did not take a single prisoner, and +only succeeded in killing eight of the cavalry. After this +reverse, the Messenians returned home through Argolis: but +elated with success Lycurgus went to Sparta, <span class="sidenote">Lycurgus resolves +to intercept Philip +on his return at +the pass opposite +Sparta.</span> +and set about preparations for war; and took +secret counsel with his friends to prevent +Philip from getting safe out of the country without +an engagement. Meanwhile the king had +started from the district of Helos, and was on his return +march, wasting the country as he came; and on the fourth day, +about noon, arrived once more with his whole army at +Amyclae.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_21" id="b5_21"><b>21.</b></a> Leaving directions with his officers and friends as to +the coming engagement, Lycurgus himself left Sparta and +occupied the ground near the Menelaïum, with as many as two +thousand men. He agreed with the officers in the town that +they should watch carefully, in order that, whenever he raised +the signal, they might lead out their troops from the town at +several points at once, and draw them up facing the Eurotas, at +the spot where it is nearest the town. Such were the measures +and designs of Lycurgus and the Lacedaemonians.</p> + +<p>But lest ignorance of the locality should render my story +unintelligible and vague, I must describe its +natural features and general position: <span class="sidenote">Value of local +knowledge.</span> +following +my practice throughout this work of drawing +out the analogies and likenesses between places which are +unknown and those already known and described. For seeing +that in war, whether by sea or land, it is the difference of +position which generally is the cause of failure; and since I +wish all to know, not so much what happened, as how it +happened, I must not pass over local description in detailing +events of any sort, least of all in such as relate to war: and I +must not shrink from using as landmarks, at one time harbours<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">378</a></span> +and seas and islands, at another temples, mountains, or local +names; or, finally, variations in the aspect of the heaven, these +being of the most universal application throughout the world. +For it is thus, and thus only, that it is possible, as I have said, +to bring my readers to a conception of an unknown scene.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_22" id="b5_22"><b>22.</b></a> These then are the features of the country in question. +Sparta, as a whole, is in the shape of a circle; <span class="sidenote">The position of +Sparta and the +neighbouring +heights.</span> +and is situated on level ground, broken at +certain points by irregularities and hills. The +river Eurotas flows past it on the east, and for +the greater part of the year is too large to be forded; and the +hills on which the Menelaïum stands are on the other side of +the river, to the south-east of the town, rugged and difficult of +access and exceedingly lofty; they exactly command the space +between the town and the Eurotas, which flows at the very +foot of the hill, the whole valley being at this point no more +than a stade and a half wide. <span class="sidenote">The dispositions +of Lycurgus.</span> +Through this Philip was +obliged to pass on his return march, with the +city, and the Lacedaemonians ready and +drawn up for battle, on his left hand, and on +his right the river, and the division of Lycurgus posted upon +the hills. In addition to these arrangements the Lacedaemonians +had had recourse to the following device: They +had dammed up the river above the town, and turned the +stream upon the space between the town and the hills; with the +result that the ground became so wet that men could not +keep their feet, to say nothing of horses. The only course, +therefore, left to the king was to lead his men close under the +skirts of the hills, thus presenting to the attack of the enemy +a long line of march, in which it was difficult for one part to +relieve another.</p> + +<p>Philip perceived these difficulties, and after consultation +with his friends decided that the matter of most <span class="sidenote">Philip succeeds +in baffling +Lycurgus.</span> +urgent necessity was to dislodge the division of +Lycurgus, first of all, from the position near the +Menelaïum. He took therefore his mercenaries, peltasts, +and Illyrians, and advanced across the river in the direction of +the hills. Perceiving Philip’s design, Lycurgus began getting +his men ready, and exhorted them to face the battle, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">379</a></span> +at the same time displayed the signal to the forces in the +town: whereupon those whose duty it was immediately led +out the troops from the town, as had been arranged, and +drew them up outside the wall, with the cavalry on their right +wing.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_23" id="b5_23"><b>23.</b></a> When he had got within distance of Lycurgus, Philip +at first ordered the mercenaries to charge alone: and, accordingly, +their superiority in arms and position contributed not a +little to give the Lacedaemonians the upper hand at the +beginning of the engagement. But when Philip supported his +men by sending his reserve of peltasts on to the field, and +caused the Illyrians to charge the enemy on the flanks, the +king’s mercenaries were encouraged by the appearance of +these reserves to renew the battle with much more vigour than +ever; while Lycurgus’s men, terrified at the approach of the +heavy-armed soldiers, gave way and fled, leaving a hundred killed +and rather more prisoners, while the rest escaped into the +town. Lycurgus himself, with a few followers going by a +deserted and pathless route, made his way into the town +under cover of night. Philip secured the hills by means of +the Illyrians; and, accompanied by his light-armed troops and +peltasts, rejoined his main forces. Just at the same time +Aratus, leading the phalanx from Amyclae, had come close +to the town. So the king, after recrossing the Eurotas, halted +with his light-armed peltasts and cavalry until the heavy-armed +got safely through the narrow part of the road at the foot of +the hills. Then the troops in the city ventured to attack the +covering force of cavalry. There was a serious engagement, +in which the peltasts fought with conspicuous valour; and the +success of Philip being now beyond dispute, he chased the +Lacedaemonians to their very gates, and then, having got his +army safely across the Eurotas he brought up the rear of his +phalanx.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_24" id="b5_24"><b>24.</b></a> But it was now getting late: and being obliged to +encamp, he availed himself for that purpose of +a place at the very mouth of the pass, <span class="sidenote">Philip’s strong +position.</span> +his +officers having chanced already to have +selected that very place; than which it would be impossible +to find one more advantageous for making an invasion of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">380</a></span> +Laconia by way of Sparta itself. For it is at the very +commencement of this pass, just where a man coming from +Tegea, or, indeed, from any point in the interior, approaches +Sparta; being about two stades from the town and right upon +the river. The side of it which looks towards the town and +river is entirely covered by a steep, lofty, and entirely +inaccessible rock; while the top of this rock is a table-land of +good soil and well supplied with water, and very conveniently +situated for the exit and entrance of troops. A general, +therefore, who was encamped there, and who had command +of the height overhanging it, would evidently be in a place of +safety as regards the neighbouring town, and in a most +advantageous situation as commanding the entrance and exit +of the narrow pass. Having accordingly encamped himself +on this spot in safety, next day Philip sent forward his baggage; +but drew out his army on the table-land in full view of the +citizens, and remained thus for a short time. <span class="sidenote">Sellasia, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222.</span> +Then he wheeled +to the left and marched in the direction of +Tegea; and when he reached the site of the +battle of Antigonus and Cleomenes, he encamped +there. Next day, having made an inspection of the +ground and sacrificed to the gods on both the eminences, +Olympus and Evas, he advanced with his rear-guard strengthened. +On arriving at Tegea he caused all the <span class="sidenote">Philip proceeds to +Tegea, where he +is visited by +ambassadors from +Rhodes and Chios +seeking to end +the Aetolian war.</span> +booty to be sold; and then, marching through +Argos, arrived with his whole force at Corinth. +There ambassadors appeared from Rhodes +and Chios to negotiate a suspension of +hostilities; to whom the king gave audience, +and feigning that he was, and always had +been, quite ready to come to terms with the Aetolians, sent +them away to negotiate with the latter also; while he himself +went down to Lechaeum, and made preparations for an +embarkation, as he had an important undertaking to complete +in Phocis.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_25" id="b5_25"><b>25.</b></a> Leontius, Megaleas, and Ptolemy, being still persuaded +that they could frighten Philip, and thus neutralise +their former failures, took this opportunity of tampering +with the peltasts, and what the Macedonians call the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">381</a></span> +<i>Agema</i>,<a name="FNanchor_255" id="FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">255</a> by suggesting to them that they were risking their all, +and getting none of their just rights, nor receiving +the booty which, <span class="sidenote">Treason of +Megaleas and +Ptolemy.</span>according to custom, properly +fell to their share. By these words they incited +the young men to collect together, and attempt to plunder the +tents of the most prominent of the king’s friends, and to pull +down the doors, and break through the roof of the royal +headquarters.</p> + +<p>The whole city being thereby in a state of confusion +and uproar, the king heard of it and immediately came hastily +running to the town from Lechaeum; and having summoned +the Macedonians to the theatre he addressed them in terms of +mingled exhortation and rebuke for what had happened. A +scene of great uproar and confusion followed: and while some +advised him to arrest and call to account the guilty, others to +come to terms and declare an indemnity, for the moment the +king dissembled his feelings, and pretended to be satisfied; and +so with some words of exhortation addressed to all, retired: +and though he knew quite well who were the ringleaders +in the disturbance, he made a politic pretence of not doing so.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_26" id="b5_26"><b>26.</b></a> After this outbreak the king’s schemes in Phocis met +with certain impediments which prevented their +present execution. <span class="sidenote">Apelles sent for +by Leontius.</span> +Meanwhile Leontius, despairing +of success by his own efforts, had +recourse to Apelles, urging him by frequent messages to come +from Chalcis, and setting forth his own difficulties and the +awkwardness of his position owing to his quarrel with the +king. Now Apelles had been acting in Chalcis with an +unwarrantable assumption of authority. He gave out that +the king was still a mere boy, and for the most part under his +control, and without independent power over anything; the +management of affairs and the supreme authority in the +kingdom he asserted to belong to himself. Accordingly, the +magistrates and commissioners of Macedonia and Thessaly +reported to him; and the cities in Greece in their decrees and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">382</a></span> +votes of honours and rewards made brief reference to the +king, while Apelles was all in all to them. Philip had been +kept informed of this, and had for some time past been feeling +annoyed and offended at it,—Aratus being at his side, and +using skilful means to further his own views; still he kept his +own counsel, and did not let any one see what he intended to +do, or what he had in his mind. In ignorance, therefore, of his +own position, and persuaded that, if he could only come into +Philip’s presence, he would manage everything as he chose, +Apelles set out from Chalcis to the assistance +of Leontius. <span class="sidenote">Apelles rebuffed +by the king.</span> +On his arrival at Corinth, Leontius, +Ptolemy and Megaleas, being commanders of +the peltasts and the other chief divisions of the army, took great +pains to incite the young men to go to meet him. He entered +the town, therefore, with great pomp, owing to the number of +officers and soldiers who went to meet him, and proceeded +straight to the royal quarters. But when he would have +entered, according to his former custom, one of the ushers +prevented him, saying that the king was engaged. Troubled +at this unusual repulse, and hesitating for a long while what to +do, Apelles at last turned round and retired. Thereupon all +those who were escorting him began at once openly to fall off +from him and disperse, so that at last he entered his own +lodging, with his children, absolutely alone. So true it is all the +world over that a moment exalts and abases +us; <span class="sidenote">Courtiers.</span> +but most especially is this true of courtiers. +They indeed are exactly like counters on a board, which, according +to the pleasure of the calculator, are one moment worth a +farthing, the next a talent. Even so courtiers at the king’s +nod are one moment at the summit of prosperity, at another +the objects of pity. When Megaleas saw that the help +he had looked for from Apelles was failing him, he was +exceedingly frightened, and made preparations for flight. +Apelles meanwhile was admitted to the king’s banquets and +honours of that sort, but had no share in his council or daily +social employments; and when, some days afterwards, the +king resumed his voyage from Lechaeum, to complete his +designs in Phocis, he took Apelles with him.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_27" id="b5_27"><b>27.</b></a> The expedition to Phocis proving a failure, the king<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">383</a></span> +was retiring from Elatea; and while this was going on, +Megaleas removed to Athens, leaving Leontius behind him +as his security for his twenty talents fine. <span class="sidenote">Flight of +Megaleas.</span> +The +Athenian Strategi however refused to admit him, +and he therefore resumed his journey and went +to Thebes. Meanwhile the king put to sea from the coast +of Cirrha and sailed with his guards<a name="FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> to the harbour of +Sicyon, whence he went up to the city and, excusing himself to +the magistrates, took up his quarters with Aratus, and spent +the whole of his time with him, ordering Apelles to sail back +to Corinth. But upon news being brought him +of the proceedings of Megaleas, <span class="sidenote">Leontius put to +death.</span> +he despatched +the peltasts, whose regular commander was +Leontius, in the charge of Taurion to Triphylia, on the pretext +of some service of pressing need; and, when they had departed, +he gave orders to arrest Leontius to answer his bail. When +the peltasts heard what had happened from a messenger sent +to them by Leontius, they despatched ambassadors to the king, +begging him that, “if he had arrested Leontius on any other +score, not to have him tried on the charges alleged against him +without their presence: for otherwise they should consider +themselves treated with signal contempt, and to be one and all +involved in the condemnation.” Such was the freedom of speech +towards their king which the Macedonians always enjoyed. +They added, that “if the arrest was on account of his bail for +Megaleas, they would themselves pay the money by a common +subscription.” The king however was so enraged, that he put +Leontius to death sooner than he had intended, owing to the +zeal displayed by the peltasts.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_28" id="b5_28"><b>28.</b></a> Presently the ambassadors of Rhodes and Chios +returned from Aetolia. They had agreed to a +truce of thirty days, <span class="sidenote">A thirty days’ +truce offered by +the Aetolians +through the +Rhodian and +Chian +ambassadors.</span> +and asserted that the +Aetolians were ready to make peace: they had +also arranged for a stated day on which they +claimed that Philip should meet them at Rhium; +undertaking that the Aetolians would be ready +to do anything on condition of making peace. Philip accepted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">384</a></span> +the truce and wrote letters to the allies, bidding +them send assessors and commissioners to discuss the terms +with the Aetolians; <span class="sidenote">Treason of +Megaleas detected. +His +arrest and suicide.</span> +while he himself sailed +from Lechaeum and arrived on the second day +at Patrae. Just then certain letters were sent to +him from Phocis, which Megaleas had written +to the Aetolians, exhorting them not to be frightened, but to +persist in the war, because Philip was in extremities through a +lack of provisions. Besides this the letters contained some +offensive and bitter abuse of the king. As soon as he had +read these, the king feeling no doubt that Apelles was the +ringleader of the mischief, placed him under a guard and despatched +him in all haste to Corinth, with his son and favourite +boy; while he sent Alexander to Thebes to arrest Megaleas, +with orders to bring him before the magistrates to answer to +his bail. When Alexander had fulfilled his commission, +Megaleas, not daring to await the issue, committed +suicide: <span class="sidenote">Death of Appelles.</span> +and about the same time +Apelles, his son and favourite boy, ended their lives also. Such +was the end of these men, thoroughly deserved in every way, +and especially for their outrageous conduct to Aratus.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_29" id="b5_29"><b>29.</b></a> Now the Aetolians were at first very anxious for the +ratification of a peace, because they found the +war burdensome, <span class="sidenote">Failure of the +negotiations with +the Aetolians.</span> +and because things had not +gone as they expected. For, looking to his +tender years and lack of experience, they had expected to have +a mere child to deal with in Philip; but had found him a full-grown +man both in his designs and his manner of executing +them: while they had themselves made a display of imbecility +and childishness alike in the general conduct, and the particular +actions, of the campaign. But as soon as they heard of the +outbreak of the disturbance among the peltasts, and of the +deaths of Apelles and Leontius, hoping that there was a +serious and formidable disaffection at the court, they procrastinated +until they had outstayed the day appointed for the +meeting at Rhium. But Philip was delighted to seize the +pretext: for he felt confident of success in the war, and had +already resolved to avoid coming to terms. He therefore +at once exhorted such of the allies as had come to meet him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">385</a></span> +to make preparations, not for the peace, but for war; and +putting to sea again sailed back to Corinth. He then dismissed +his Macedonian soldiers to go home through Thessaly for +the winter: while he himself putting to sea from Cenchreae, +and coasting along Attica, sailed through the Euripus to +Demetrias, and there before a jury of Macedonians had +Ptolemy tried and put to death, who was the last survivor of +the conspiracy of Leontius.</p> + +<p>It was in this season that Hannibal, having succeeded in +entering Italy, was lying encamped in presence +of the Roman army in the valley of the Padus. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218. +Review of the +events of the year +in Italy, Asia, +Sparta.</span> +Antiochus, after subduing the greater part of +Coele-Syria, had once more dismissed his army +into winter quarters. The Spartan king +Lycurgus fled to Aetolia in fear of the Ephors: for acting on a +false charge that he was meditating a <i>coup d’état</i>, they had +collected the young men and come to his house at night. But +getting previous intimation of what was impending, he had +quitted the town accompanied by the members of his household.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_30" id="b5_30"><b>30.</b></a> When the next winter came, Philip having departed +to Macedonia, and the Achaean Strategus <span class="sidenote">Winter of +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218-217.</span> +Eperatus having incurred the contempt of the +Achaean soldiers and the complete disregard +of the mercenaries, no one would obey his orders, and +no preparation was made for the defence of the country. +This was observed by Pyrrhias, who had been <span class="sidenote">Disorder in +Achaia owing to +the incompetence +of the Strategus +Eperatus.</span> +sent by the Aetolians to command the Eleans. +He had under him a force of thirteen hundred +Aetolians, and the mercenaries hired by the +Eleans, as well as a thousand Elean infantry and +two hundred Elean cavalry, amounting in all to three thousand: +and he now began committing frequent raids, not only upon +the territories of Dyme and Pharae, but upon that of Patrae +also. Finally he pitched his camp on what is called the Panachaean +Mountain, which commands the town of Patrae, and +began wasting the whole district towards Rhium and Aegium. +The result was that the cities, being exposed to much suffering, +and unable to obtain any assistance, began to make difficulties<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">386</a></span> +about paying their contribution to the league; and the soldiers +finding their pay always in arrear and never paid at the right +time acted in the same way about going to the relief of the +towns. Both parties thus mutually retaliating on each other, +affairs went from bad to worse, and at last the foreign contingent +broke up altogether. And all this was the result of the +incompetence of the chief magistrate. <span class="sidenote">May, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217. +Aratus the elder +elected Strategus.</span> +The +time for the next election finding Achaean +affairs in this state, Eperatus laid down his office, +and just at the beginning of summer Aratus the elder was +elected Strategus.<a name="FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">257</a></p> + +<p>Such was the position of affairs in Europe. We have now +arrived at a proper juncture, both of events +and of time, <span class="sidenote">140th Olympiad, +Asia.</span> +to transfer our narrative to the +history of Asia. I will therefore resume my +story of the transactions which occurred there during the same +Olympiad.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_31" id="b5_31"><b>31.</b></a> I will first endeavour, in accordance with my original +plan, to give an account of the war between Antiochus and +Ptolemy for the possession of Coele-Syria. Though I am +fully aware that at the period, at which I have stopped in my +Greek history, this war was all but decided and concluded, I +have yet deliberately chosen this particular break and division +in my narrative; believing that I shall effectually provide +against the possibility of mistakes on the part of my readers in +regard to dates, if I indicate in the course of my narrative the +years in this Olympiad in which the events in the several parts +of the world, as well as in Greece, began and ended. For I +think nothing more essential to the clearness of my history of +this Olympiad than to avoid confusing the several narratives. +Our object should be to distinguish and keep them separate as +much as possible, until we come to the next Olympiad, and +begin setting down the contemporary events in the several +countries under each year. For since I have undertaken to +write, not a particular, but a universal history, and have +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">387</a></span>ventured upon a plan on a greater scale, as I have already +shown, than any of my predecessors, it will be necessary also +for me to take greater care than they, as to my method of +treatment and arrangement; so as to secure clearness, both in +the details, and in the general view adopted in my history. I +will accordingly go back a short way in the history of +the kingdoms of Antiochus and Ptolemy, and try to fix upon +a starting-point for my narrative which shall be accepted +and recognised by all: for this is a matter of the first +importance.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_32" id="b5_32"><b>32.</b></a> For the old saying, “Well begun is half done,” was +meant by its inventors to urge the importance of taking the +greater pains to make a good beginning than anything else. +And though some may consider this an exaggeration, in my +opinion it comes short of the truth; for one might say with +confidence, not that “the beginning was half the business,” but +rather that it was near being the whole. For how can one +make a good beginning without having first grasped in thought +the complete plan, or without knowing where, with what +object, and with what purpose he is undertaking the business? +Or how can a man sum up a series of events satisfactorily +without a reference to their origin, and without showing his +point of departure, or why and how he has arrived at the +particular crisis at which he finds himself? Therefore both +historian and reader alike should be exceedingly careful to +mark the beginnings of events, with a conviction that their +influence does not stop half-way, but is paramount to the end. +And this is what I shall endeavour to do.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_33" id="b5_33"><b>33.</b></a> I am aware, however, that a similar profession has +been made by many other historians of an intention to write a +universal history, and of undertaking a work on a larger scale +than their predecessors. About these writers, putting out of +the question Ephorus, the first and only man who has really attempted +a universal history, I will not mention any name or say +more about them than this,—that several of my contemporaries, +while professing to write a universal history have imagined that +they could tell the story of the war of Rome and Carthage in +three or four pages. Yet every one knows that events more +numerous or important were never accomplished in Iberia,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">388</a></span> +Libya, Sicily, and Italy than in that war; and that the +Hannibalian war was the most famous and lasting of any that +has taken place except the Sicilian. So momentous was it, +that all the rest of the world were compelled to watch it in +terrified expectation of what would follow from its final +catastrophe. Yet some of these writers, without even giving +as many details of it as those who, after the manner of the +vulgar, inscribe rude records of events on house walls, pretend +to have embraced the whole of Greek and foreign history. +The truth of the matter is, that it is a very easy matter to +profess to undertake works of the greatest importance; but by +no means so simple a matter in practice to attain to any +excellence. The former is open to every one with the +requisite audacity: the latter is rare, and is given to few. So +much for those who use pompous language about themselves +and their historical works. I will now return to my narrative.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_34" id="b5_34"><b>34.</b></a> Immediately after his father’s death, Ptolemy Philopator +put his brother Magas and his partisans to +death, <span class="sidenote">Death of Ptolemy +Euergetes, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222.</span> +and took possession of the throne of +Egypt. He thought that he had now freed himself +by this act from domestic danger; and that by the deaths +of Antigonus and Seleucus, and their being respectively +succeeded by mere children like Antiochus and Philip, fortune +had released him from danger abroad. He therefore felt +secure of his position and began conducting his reign as +though it were a perpetual festival. He would attend to no +business, and would hardly grant an interview to the officials +about the court, or at the head of the administrative departments +in Egypt. Even his agents abroad found him entirely +careless and indifferent; though his predecessors, far from +taking less interest in foreign affairs, had generally given them +precedence over those of Egypt itself. For being masters of +Coele-Syria and Cyprus, they maintained a threatening +attitude towards the kings of Syria, both by land and sea; and +were also in a commanding position in regard to the princes of +Asia, as well as the islands, through their possession of the most +splendid cities, strongholds, and harbours all along the sea-coast +from Pamphylia to the Hellespont and the district round +Lysimachia. Moreover they were favourably placed for an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">389</a></span> +attack upon Thrace and Macedonia from their possession of +Aenus, Maroneia, and more distant cities still. And having +thus stretched forth their hands to remote regions, and long +ago strengthened their position by a ring of princedoms, these +kings had never been anxious about their rule in Egypt; and +had naturally, therefore, given great attention to foreign politics. +But when Philopator, absorbed in unworthy intrigues, +and senseless and continuous drunkenness, treated these several +branches of government with equal indifference, it was naturally +not long before more than one was found to lay plots against +his life as well as his power: of whom the first was Cleomenes, +the Spartan.<a name="FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">258</a></p> + +<p><a name="b5_35" id="b5_35"><b>35.</b></a> As long as Euergetes was alive, with whom he had +agreed to make an alliance and confederacy, +Cleomenes took no steps. <span class="sidenote">Cleomenes +endeavours to get +assistance from +the Egyptian +court.</span>But upon that +monarch’s death, seeing that the time was +slipping away, and that the peculiar position of +affairs in Greece seemed almost to cry aloud for +Cleomenes,—for Antigonus was dead, the Achaeans involved +in war, and the Lacedaemonians were at one with the +Aetolians in hostility to the Achaeans and Macedonians, which +was the policy originally adopted by Cleomenes,—then, indeed, +he was actually compelled to use some expedition, and to +bestir himself to secure his departure from Alexandria. +First therefore, in interviews with the king, he urged him to +send him out with the needful amount of supplies and troops; +but not being listened to in this request, he next begged him +earnestly to let him go alone with his own servants; for he +affirmed that the state of affairs was such as to show him sufficient +opportunities for recovering his ancestral throne. The king, +however, for the reasons I have mentioned, taking absolutely +no interest in such matters, nor exercising any foresight +whatever, continued with extraordinary folly and blindness to +neglect the petitions of Cleomenes. But the party of Sosibius, +the leading statesman at the time, took counsel together, and +agreed on the following course of action in regard to him. +They decided not to send him out with a fleet and supplies; +for, owing to the death of Antigonus, they took little account +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">390</a></span>of foreign affairs, and thought money spent on such things +would be thrown away. Besides, they were afraid that since +Antigonus was dead, and no one was left who could balance him, +Cleomenes might, if he got Greece into his power quickly and +without trouble, prove a serious and formidable rival to themselves; +especially as he had had a clear view of Egyptian +affairs, had learnt to despise the king; and had discovered that +the kingdom had many parts loosely attached, and widely +removed from the centre, and presenting many facilities for +revolutionary movements: for not a few of their ships were at +Samos, and a considerable force of soldiers at Ephesus. These +considerations induced them to reject the idea of sending +Cleomenes out with supplies; for they thought it by no means +conducive to their interests to carelessly let a man go, who was +certain to be their opponent and enemy. The other proposal +was to keep him there against his will; but this they all +rejected at once without discussion, on the principle that the +lion and the flock could not safely share the same stall. +Sosibius himself took the lead in regarding this idea with +aversion, and his reason was this.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_36" id="b5_36"><b>36.</b></a> While engaged in effecting the destruction of Magas +and Berenice, his anxiety at the possible failure +of his attempt, <span class="sidenote">The reason of +the opposition of +Sosibius.</span> +especially through the courageous +character of Berenice, had forced him to flatter +the courtiers, and give them all hopes of advantage in case +his intrigue succeeded. It was at this juncture that, observing +Cleomenes to stand in need of the king’s help, and to be +possessed of a clear understanding and a genuine grasp of the +situation, he admitted him to a knowledge of his design, holding +out to him hopes of great advantage. And when +Cleomenes saw that Sosibius was in a state of great anxiety, +and above all afraid of the foreign soldiers and mercenaries, +he bade him not be alarmed; and undertook that the +foreign soldiers should do him no harm, but should +rather be of assistance to him. And on Sosibius expressing +surprise rather than conviction at this promise, he +said, “Don’t you see that there are three thousand +foreign soldiers here from the Peloponnese, and a thousand +from Crete? I have only to nod to these men, and every<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">391</a></span> +man of them will at once do what I want. With these +all ready to hand, whom do you fear? Surely not mere +Syrians and Carians.” Sosibius was much pleased at the +remark at the time, and doubly encouraged in his intrigue +against Berenice; but ever afterwards, when observing the +indifference of the king, he repeated it to himself, and put +before his eyes the boldness of Cleomenes, and the goodwill +of the foreign contingent towards him.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_37" id="b5_37"><b>37.</b></a> These feelings now moved him to advise the king and +his friends above all things to arrest and incarcerate +Cleomenes: <span class="sidenote">The intrigue of +Sosibius against +Cleomenes.</span>and to carry out this policy +he availed himself of the following circumstance, +which happened conveniently for him. There was a certain +Messenian called Nicagoras, an ancestral guest-friend of the +Lacedaemonian king Archidamus. They had not previously +had much intercourse; but when Archidamus fled from Sparta, +for fear of Cleomenes, and came to Messenia, not only did +Nicagoras show great kindness in receiving him under his +roof and furnishing him with other necessaries, but from the +close association that followed a very warm friendship and +intimacy sprang up between them: and accordingly when +Cleomenes subsequently gave Archidamus some expectation +of being restored to his city, and composing their quarrels, +Nicagoras devoted himself to conducting the negotiation and +settling the terms of their compact. These being ratified, +Archidamus returned to Sparta relying on the treaty made by +the agency of Nicagoras. But as soon as he met him, +Cleomenes assassinated Archidamus,<a name="FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> sparing however Nicagoras +and his companions. To the outside world Nicagoras +pretended to be under an obligation to Cleomenes for saving +his life; but in heart he was exceedingly incensed at what had +happened, because he had the discredit of having been the +cause of the king’s death. Now it happened that this same +Nicagoras had, a short time before the events of which we are +speaking, come to Alexandria with a cargo of horses. Just as +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">392</a></span>he was disembarking he came upon Cleomenes, Panterus, and +Hippitas walking together along the quay. When Cleomenes +saw him, he came up and welcomed him warmly, and asked +him on what business he was come. Upon his replying that +he had brought a cargo of horses, “You had better,” said he, +“have brought a cargo of catamites and sakbut girls; for +that is what the present king is fond of.” Nicagoras laughed, +and said nothing at the time: but some days afterwards, when +he had, in the course of his horse-sales, become more intimate +with Sosibius, he did Cleomenes the ill turn of repeating his +recent sarcasm; and seeing that Sosibius heard it with +satisfaction, he related to him the whole story of his grievance +against Cleomenes.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_38" id="b5_38"><b>38.</b></a> Finding then that he was hostile in feeling to +Cleomenes, Sosibius persuaded Nicagoras, partly by presents +given on the spot and partly by promises for the future, to +write a letter accusing Cleomenes, and leave it sealed; that as +soon as he had sailed, as he would do in a few days, his servant +might bring it to him as though sent by Nicagoras. Nicagoras +performed his part in the plot; and after he had sailed, the +letter was brought by the servant to Sosibius, who at once +took the servant and the letter to the king. The servant +stated that Nicagoras had left the letter with orders to deliver +it to Sosibius; and the letter declared that it was the intention +of Cleomenes, if he failed to secure his despatch from the +country with suitable escort and provisions, to stir up a +rebellion against the king. Sosibius at once seized the +opportunity of urging on the king and his friends to take +prompt precautions against Cleomenes and to put him +in ward. <span class="sidenote">Cleomenes put +under arrest.</span> +This was at once done, and a very +large house was assigned to him in which he +lived under guard, differing from other prisoners +only in the superior size of his prison. Finding himself in +this distressing plight, and with fear of worse for the future, +Cleomenes determined to make the most desperate attempts +for freedom: not so much because he felt confident of success,—for +he had none of the elements of success in such an enterprise +on his side,—but rather because he was eager to die +nobly, and endure nothing unworthy of the gallantry which he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">393</a></span> +had previously displayed. He must, I think, as is usually +the case with men of high courage, have recalled and reflected +upon as his model those words of the hero:<a name="FNanchor_260" id="FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">260</a>—</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line">“Yea, let me die,—but not a coward’s death,</div> +<div class="line">Nor all inglorious: let me do one deed,</div> +<div class="line">That children yet unborn may hear and mark!”</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p><a name="b5_39" id="b5_39"><b>39.</b></a> He therefore waited for the time at which the king left +Alexandria for Canopus, and then spread a +report among his guards that he was going to +be released by the king; <span class="sidenote">Bold attempt of +Cleomenes to +recover his +liberty. His +failure and death, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +and on this pretext +entertained his own attendants at a banquet, +and sent out some flesh of the sacrificial victims, +some garlands, and some wine to his guards. +The latter indulged in these good things unsuspiciously, and +became completely drunk; whereupon Cleomenes walked out +about noon, accompanied by his friends and servants armed +with daggers, without being noticed by his guard. As the +party advanced they met Ptolemy in the street, who had been +left by the king in charge of the city; and overawing his +attendants by the audacity of his proceeding, dragged Ptolemy +himself from his chariot and put him in a place of security, +while they loudly called upon the crowds of citizens to assert +their freedom. But every one was unprepared for the movement, +and therefore no one obeyed their summons or joined +them; and they accordingly turned their steps to the citadel, +with the intention of bursting open the doors and obtaining +the help of the prisoners confined there. But the commanders +of the citadel were on the alert, and learning what was going +to take place had secured the entrance gate: having therefore +failed in this design they killed themselves like brave men and +Spartans.</p> + +<p>Such was the end of Cleomenes: a man of brilliant social +qualities, with a natural aptitude for affairs, and, in a word, +endued with all the qualifications of a general and a king.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_40" id="b5_40"><b>40.</b></a> Shortly after the catastrophe of Cleomenes, the governor +of Coele-Syria, who was an Aetolian by birth, resolved to hold +treasonable parley with Antiochus and put the cities of that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">394</a></span> +province into his hands. He was induced to take this step +partly by the contempt with which Ptolemy’s <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-219. +The origin of the +war in Coele-Syria.</span> +shameful debauchery and general conduct had +inspired him; and partly by distrust of the +king’s ministers, which he had learned to entertain +in the course of the recent attempt of Antiochus upon +Coele-Syria: for in that campaign he had rendered signal +service to Ptolemy, and yet, far from receiving any thanks for +it, he had been summoned to Alexandria and barely escaped +losing his life. The advances which he now made to Antiochus +were gladly received, and the affair was soon in the course of +being rapidly completed.</p> + +<p>But I must make my readers acquainted with the position +of the royal family of Syria as I have already done with that +of Egypt; and in order to do so, I will go back to the +succession of Antiochus to the throne, and give a summary of +events from that point to the beginning of the war of which I +am to speak.</p> + +<p>Antiochus was the younger son of Seleucus Callinicus; and +on the death of his father, and the succession <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 226.</span> +in right of seniority of his brother Seleucus to +the throne, he at first removed to upper Asia and lived there. +But Seleucus having been treacherously assassinated after crossing +Mount Taurus with his army, as I have already related, +he succeeded to the throne himself; <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 223. +See <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_48">48</a>.</span> +and made +Achaeus governor of Asia on this side Taurus, +Molon and his brother Alexander guardians of +his dominions in upper Asia,—Molon acting as Satrap of Media, +his brother of Persia.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_41" id="b5_41"><b>41.</b></a> These two brothers despising the king for his youth, +and hoping that Achaeus would join in their +treason, <span class="sidenote">Revolt of Molon.</span> +but most of all because they dreaded +the cruel character and malign influence of Hermeias, who +was at that time the chief minister of the entire kingdom, +formed the design of revolting themselves and causing the +upper Satrapies to revolt also.</p> + +<p>This Hermeias was a Carian and had obtained his power +by the appointment of the king’s brother Seleucus, who had +entrusted it to him when he was setting out on his expedition<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">395</a></span> +to the Taurus. Invested with this authority he at once began +to display jealousy of all those about the court +who were in any way prominent; <span class="sidenote">Intrigues of +Hermeias.</span> +and being +cruel by nature he inflicted punishment on +some for acts of ignorance, on which he always managed +to place the worst interpretation; while against others he +brought trumped-up and lying charges, and then acted towards +them the part of an inflexible and harsh judge. But his chief +end and object was to secure the destruction of Epigenes who +had brought home the forces which had accompanied Seleucus; +because he saw that he was a man of eloquence and practical +ability, and highly acceptable to the army. With this design +he was ever on the watch to lay hold of some handle or +pretext against him. Accordingly when a council was +summoned on the subject of Molon’s revolt, and when the +king bade each councillor deliver his opinion on the measures +to be taken against the rebels, Epigenes spoke first and urged +that “there ought to be no delay, but the matter should be +taken in hand at once; and that, first and foremost, the king +should go in person to the district, and be ready to seize the +right moments for action. For the actual presence of the king, +and his appearance at the head of an army before the eyes of +the common people, would prevent the party of Molon from +venturing upon revolutionary measures at all; or if they had +the audacity to do so, and persisted in their design, they would +be quickly arrested by the populace and handed over into the +king’s power.”</p> + +<p><a name="b5_42" id="b5_42"><b>42.</b></a> While Epigenes was still speaking in this strain, +Hermeias, in a burst of rage, exclaimed, “That Epigenes had +long been secretly plotting treason against the king; but that +now he had happily shown his real sentiments by the advice +which he had given, proving how eager he was to expose the +king’s person to the rebels with an insignificant guard.” For the +present he was content with making this insinuation as fuel for +a future outburst of slander, and without further reference to +Epigenes, after what was rather an ill-timed ebullition of temper +than serious hostility, he delivered his own opinion; which, from +his fear of the danger and his inexperience in war, was against +undertaking the expedition against Molon personally, but was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">396</a></span> +warmly in favour of an attack upon Ptolemy, because he was +of opinion that this latter war would involve no danger, owing +to that monarch’s cowardly character. For the present he +overawed the rest of the council into agreement with him and +he thereupon sent Xenon and Theodotus Hemiolius with an +army against Molon; while he employed himself in continually +inciting Antiochus to undertake the expedition into Coele-Syria: +thinking that it was only by involving the young king in +war on every side that he could escape punishment for his +past misdeeds, and avoid being deprived of his position of +authority, for the king would have need of his services when +he found himself surrounded by struggles and dangers. With +this object in view, he finally hit on the device of forging a +letter, which he presented to the king as having been sent by +Achaeus. In it Achaeus was made to state that “Ptolemy +had urged him to assert his right to the government and promised +to supply him with ships and money for all his attempts, +if he would only take the crown, and come forward in the sight +of all the world as a claimant of the sovereign power; which +he already possessed, in fact, though he grudged himself the +title, and rejected the crown which fortune gave him.”</p> + +<p>This letter successfully imposed on the king, who became +ready and eager to go on the expedition against Coele-Syria.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_43" id="b5_43"><b>43.</b></a> While this was going on, Antiochus happened to be at +Seleucia, on the Zeugma, when the Navarchus +Diognetus arrived from Cappadocia, <span class="sidenote">Marriage of +Antiochus III.</span> +on the +Euxine, bringing Laodice, the daughter of +king Mithridates, an unmarried girl, destined to be the king’s +wife. This Mithridates boasted of being a descendant of one +of the seven Persians who killed the Magus,<a name="FNanchor_261" id="FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">261</a> and he had +maintained the sovereignty handed down from his ancestors, +as it had been originally given to them by Darius along the +shore of the Euxine. Having gone to meet the princess +with all due pomp and splendour, Antiochus immediately +celebrated his nuptials with royal magnificence. The marriage +having been completed, he went to Antioch, and after proclaiming +Laodice queen, devoted himself thenceforth to making +preparation for the war.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">397</a></span></p> + +<p>Meanwhile Molon had prepared the people of his own +Satrapy to go all lengths, partly by holding out +to them hopes of advantages to be gained, <span class="sidenote">Molon.</span> +and +partly by working on the fears of their chief men, by means of +forged letters purporting to be from the king, and couched in +threatening terms. He had also a ready coadjutor in his +brother Alexander; and had secured the co-operation of the +neighbouring Satrapies, by winning the goodwill of their leading +men with bribes. It was, therefore, at the head of a large +force that he took the field against the royal generals. Terrified +at his approach Xenon and Theodotus retired into the +cities; and Molon, having secured the territory of Apollonia, +had now a superabundance of supplies.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_44" id="b5_44"><b>44.</b></a> But, indeed, even before that he was a formidable +enemy owing to the importance of his province. <span class="sidenote">Description of +Media.</span> +For the whole of the royal horses +out at grass are entrusted to the Medes;<a name="FNanchor_262" id="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">262</a> +and they have an incalculable quantity of corn and cattle. +Of the natural strength and extent of the district it would +be impossible to speak highly enough. For Media lies +nearly in the centre of Asia and in its size, and in the height +of its steppes compares favourably with every other district of +Asia. And again it overlooks some of the most warlike and +powerful tribes. On the east lie the plains of the desert +which intervenes between Persia and Parthia; and, moreover, +it borders on and commands the “Caspian Gates,” and touches +the mountains of the Tapyri, which are not far from the +Hyrcanian Sea. On the south it slopes down to Mesopotamia +and the territory of Apollonia. It is protected from Persia by +the barrier of Mount Zagrus, which has an ascent of a +hundred stades, and containing in its range many separate +peaks and defiles is subdivided by deep valleys, and at certain +points by cañons, inhabited by Cosseans, Corbrenians, Carchi, +and several other barbarous tribes who have the reputation of +being excellent warriors. Again on the west it is coterminous +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">398</a></span>with the tribe called Satrapeii, who are not far from the tribes +which extend as far as the Euxine. Its northern frontier is +fringed by Elymaeans, Aniaracae, Cadusii, and Matiani, and +overlooks that part of the Pontus which adjoins the Maeotis. +Media itself is subdivided by several mountain chains running +from east to west, between which are plains thickly studded +with cities and villages.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_45" id="b5_45"><b>45.</b></a> Being masters, then, of a territory of proportions +worthy of a kingdom, his great power had +made Molon from the first a formidable +enemy: <span class="sidenote">Molon takes up +arms.</span> +but when the royal generals appeared +to have abandoned the country to him, and his own +forces were elated at the successful issue of their first hopes, +the terror which he inspired became absolute, and he was +believed by the Asiatics to be irresistible. Taking advantage +of this, he first of all resolved to cross the Tigris and lay siege +to Seleucia; but when his passage across the river was stopped +by Zeuxis seizing the river boats, he retired to the camp at +Ctesiphon, and set about preparing winter quarters for his army.</p> + +<p>When King Antiochus heard of Molon’s advance and the +retreat of his own generals, he was once more for +giving up the expedition against Ptolemy, <span class="sidenote">Xenoetas sent +against Molon, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 221.</span> +and +going in person on the campaign against Molon, +and not letting slip the proper time for action. But Hermeias +persisted in his original plan, and despatched the Achaean +Xenoetas against Molon, in command of an army, with full +powers; asserting that against rebels it was fitting that generals +should have the command; but that the king ought to confine +himself to directing plans and conducting national wars against +monarchs. Having therefore the young king entirely in his +power, owing to his age, he set out; and having mustered the +army at Apameia he started thence and arrived +at Laodiceia. <span class="sidenote">King Antiochus +in Coele-Syria.</span> +Advancing from that +time with his whole army, the king crossed +the desert and entered the cañon called Marsyas, which lies +between the skirts of Libanus and Anti-Libanus, and is contracted +into a narrow gorge by those two mountains. Just +where the valley is narrowest it is divided by marshes and +lakes, from which the scented reed is cut.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">399</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b5_46" id="b5_46"><b>46.</b></a> On one side of the entrance to this pass lies a place called +Brochi, on the other Gerrha, which leave but a narrow space +between them. After a march of several days through this cañon, +and subduing the towns that lay along it, Antiochus arrived +at Gerrha. Finding that Theodotus the Aetolian had already +occupied Gerrha and Brochi, and had secured the narrow road +by the lakes with ditches and palisades and a proper disposition +of guards, the king at first tried to carry the pass by force; +but after sustaining more loss than he inflicted, and finding +that Theodotus remained still stanch, he gave up the +attempt. In the midst of these difficulties news was brought +that Xenoetas had suffered a total defeat and that Molon was +in possession of all the upper country: he therefore abandoned +his foreign expedition and started to relieve his own +dominions.</p> + +<p>The fact was that when the general Xenoetas had been despatched +with absolute powers, as I have before <span class="sidenote">Xenoetas at first +successful.</span> +stated, his unexpected elevation caused him to +treat his friends with haughtiness and his +enemies with overweening temerity. His first move however +was sufficiently prudent. He marched to Seleucia, and after +sending for Diogenes the governor of Susiana, and Pythiades +the commander in the Persian Gulf, he led out his forces and +encamped with the river Tigris protecting his front. But there +he was visited by many men from Molon’s camp, who swam +across the river and assured him that, if he would only cross +the Tigris, the whole of Molon’s army would declare for him; +for the common soldiers were jealous of Molon and warmly +disposed towards the king. Xenoetas was encouraged by +these statements to attempt the passage of the Tigris. He +made a feint of bridging the river at a spot where it is divided +by an island; but as he was getting nothing ready for such an +operation, Molon took no notice of his pretended move; while +he was really occupied in collecting boats and getting them +ready with every possible care. Then having selected the most +courageous men, horse and foot, from his entire army, he left +Zeuxis and Pythiades in charge of his camp, and marched up +stream at night about eighty stades above Molon’s camp; and +having got his force safely over in boats, encamped them before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">400</a></span> +daybreak in an excellent position, nearly surrounded by the +river, and covered where there was no river by marshes and +swamps.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_47" id="b5_47"><b>47.</b></a> When Molon learnt what had taken place, he sent his +cavalry, under the idea that they would easily stop those who +were actually crossing, and ride down those who had already +crossed. But as soon as they got near Xenoetas’s force, their +ignorance of the ground proved fatal to them without any +enemy to attack them; for they got immersed by their own +weight, and sinking in the lakes were all rendered useless, +while many of them actually lost their lives. Xenoetas, however, +feeling sure that if he only approached, Molon’s forces +would all desert to him, advanced along the bank of the river and +pitched a camp close to the enemy. Thereupon Molon, either +as a stratagem, or because he really felt some doubt of the +fidelity of his men, and was afraid that some of Xenoetas’s +expectations might be fulfilled, left his baggage in his camp +and started under cover of night in the direction of Media. +Xenoetas, imagining that Molon had fled in terror at his approach, +and because he distrusted the fidelity of his own troops, first +attacked and took the enemy’s camp, and then sent for his own +cavalry and their baggage from the camp of Zeuxis. He next +summoned the soldiers to a meeting, and told them that they +should feel encouraged and hopeful now that Molon had fled. +With this preface, he ordered them all to attend to their bodily +wants and refresh themselves; as he intended without delay to +go in pursuit of the enemy early next morning.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_48" id="b5_48"><b>48.</b></a> But the soldiers, filled with confidence, and enriched +with every kind of provisions, eagerly turned <span class="sidenote">Molon returns to +his camp.</span> +to feasting and wine and the demoralisation +which always accompanies such excesses. +But Molon, after marching a considerable distance, caused +his army to get their dinner, and then wheeling round +reappeared at the camp. He found all the enemy scattered +about and drunk, and attacked their palisade just before daybreak. +Dismayed by this unexpected danger, and unable to +awake his men from their drunken slumber, Xenoetas and his +staff rushed furiously upon the enemy and were killed. Of +the sleeping soldiers most were killed in their beds, while the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">401</a></span> +rest threw themselves into the river and endeavoured to cross +to the opposite camp. The greater part however even of +these perished; for in the blind hurry and confusion which +prevailed, and in the universal panic and dismay, seeing the +camp on the other side divided by so narrow a space, they all +forgot the violence of the stream, and the difficulty of crossing +it, in their eagerness to reach a place of safety. In wild +excitement therefore, and with a blind instinct of self-preservation, +they not only hurled themselves into the river, +but threw their beasts of burden in also, with their packs, as +though they thought that the river by some providential +instinct would take their part and convey them safely to the +opposite camp. The result was that the stream presented a +truly pitiable and extraordinary spectacle,—horses, beasts of +burden, arms, corpses, and every kind of baggage being carried +down the current along with the swimmers.</p> + +<p>Having secured the camp of Xenoetas, Molon crossed the +river in perfect safety and without any resistance, <span class="sidenote">Molon’s successful +campaign. +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 221.</span> +as Zeuxis also now fled at his approach; +took possession of the latter’s camp, and then +advanced with his whole army to Seleucia; carried it at the +first assault, Zeuxis and Diomedon the governor of the place +both abandoning it and flying; and advancing from this place +reduced the upper Satrapies to submission without a blow. +That of Babylon fell next, and then the Satrapy which lay along +the Persian Gulf. This brought him to Susa, which he also +carried without a blow; though his assaults upon the citadel +proved unavailing, because Diogenes the general had thrown himself +into it before he could get there. He therefore abandoned +the idea of carrying it by storm, and leaving a detachment to +lay siege to it, hurried back with his main army to Seleucia on +the Tigris. There he took great pains to refresh his army, +and after addressing his men in encouraging terms he started +once more to complete his designs, and occupied Parapotamia +as far as the city Europus, and Mesopotamia as far as Dura.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_49" id="b5_49"><b>49.</b></a> When news of these events was brought to Antiochus, as +I have said before, he gave up all idea of the Coele-Syrian +campaign, and turned all his attention to this war. Another +meeting of his council was thereupon summoned: and on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">402</a></span> +king ordering the members of it to deliver their opinions as to the +tactics to be employed against Molon, the first +to speak on the business was again Epigenes: <span class="sidenote">Epigenes put to +death by the +intrigues of +Hermeias.</span> +who said that “his advice should have been followed +all along, and measures have been promptly +taken before the enemy had obtained such important successes: +still even at this late hour they ought to take it in hand +resolutely.” Thereupon Hermeias broke out again into an +unreasonable and violent fit of anger and began to heap abuse +upon Epigenes; and while belauding himself in a fulsome +manner, brought accusations against Epigenes that were +absurd as well as false. He ended by adjuring the king not +to be diverted from his purpose without better reason, nor to +abandon his hopes in Coele-Syria. This advice was ill-received +by the majority of the council, and displeasing to Antiochus +himself; and, accordingly, as the king showed great anxiety to +reconcile the two men, Hermeias was at length induced to +put an end to his invectives. The council decided by a +majority that the course recommended by Epigenes was the +most practical and advantageous, and a resolution was come +to that the king should go on the campaign against Molon, +and devote his attention to that. Thereupon Hermeias +promptly made a hypocritical pretence of having changed his +mind and remarking that it was the duty of all to acquiesce +loyally in the decision, made a great show of readiness and +activity in pushing on the preparations.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_50" id="b5_50"><b>50.</b></a> The forces, however, having been mustered at Apameia, +upon a kind of mutiny arising among the common soldiers, +on account of some arrears of pay, Hermeias, observing the +king to be in a state of anxiety, and to be alarmed at the +disturbance at so critical a moment, offered to discharge all +arrears, if the king would only consent to Epigenes not +accompanying the expedition; on the ground that nothing +could be properly managed in the army when such angry +feelings, and such party spirit, had been excited. The proposal +was very displeasing to the king, who was exceedingly anxious +that Epigenes should accompany him on the campaign, owing +to his experience in the field; but he was bound so +completely hand and foot, and entangled by the craft of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">403</a></span> +Hermeias, his skilful finance, constant watchfulness, and +designing flattery, that he was not his own master; and +accordingly he yielded to the necessity of the moment and +consented to his demand. When Epigenes thereupon retired, +as he was bidden, the members of the council were too much +afraid of incurring displeasure to remonstrate; while the army +generally, by a revulsion of feeling, turned with gratitude to +the man to whom they owed the settlement of their claims +for pay. The Cyrrhestae were the only ones that stood out: +and they broke out into open mutiny, and for some time +occasioned much trouble; but, being at last conquered by one +of the king’s generals, most of them were killed, and the rest +submitted to the king’s mercy. Hermeias having thus secured +the allegiance of his friends by fear, and of the troops by +being of service to them, started on the expedition in company +with the king; while in regard to Epigenes he elaborated the +following plot, with the assistance of Alexis, the commander +of the citadel of Apameia. He wrote a letter purporting to have +been sent from Molon to Epigenes, and persuaded one of the +latter’s servants, by holding out the hope of great rewards, to +take it to the house of Epigenes, and mix it with his other +papers. Immediately after this had been done, Alexis came +to the house and asked Epigenes whether he had not received +certain letters from Molon; and, upon his denial, demanded in +menacing terms to be allowed to search. Having entered, he +quickly discovered the letter, which he availed himself of as a +pretext for putting Epigenes to death on the spot. By this +means the king was persuaded to believe that Epigenes had +justly forfeited his life; and though the courtiers had their +suspicions, they were afraid to say anything.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_51" id="b5_51"><b>51.</b></a> When Antiochus had reached the Euphrates, and had +taken over the force stationed there, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 221-220. +Antiochus advances +through +Mesopotamia.</span>he once +more started on his march and got as far as Antioch, +in Mygdonia, about mid-winter, and there +remained until the worst of the winter should +be over. Thence after a stay of forty days he advanced to +Libba. Molon was now in the neighbourhood of Babylon: +and Antiochus consulted his council as to the route to be +pursued, the tactics to be adopted, and the source from which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">404</a></span> +provisions could best be obtained for his army on the march +in their expedition against Molon. The proposal of Hermeias +was to march along the Tigris, with this river, and the Lycus +and Caprus, on their flank. Zeuxis, having the fate of +Epigenes before his eyes, was in a state of painful doubt +whether to speak his real opinion or no; but as the mistake +involved in the advice of Hermeias was flagrant, he at last +mustered courage to advise that the Tigris should be crossed; +alleging as a reason the general difficulty of the road along +the river: especially from the fact that, after a considerable +march, the last six days of which would be through a desert, +they would reach what was called the “King’s Dyke,” which it +would be impossible to cross if they found it invested by the +enemy; while a retirement by a second march through the +wilderness would be manifestly dangerous, especially as their +provisions would be sure to be running short. On the other +hand he showed that if they crossed the Tigris it was evident +the Apolloniates would repent of their treason and join the +king; for even as it was they had submitted to Molon, not from +choice, but under compulsion and terror; and the fertility of +their soil promised abundance of provisions for the troops. +But his most weighty argument was that by their thus acting +Molon would be cut off from a return to Media, and from +drawing supplies from that country, and would thereby be +compelled to risk a general action: or, if he refused to do so, +his troops would promptly fix their hopes upon the king.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_52" id="b5_52"><b>52.</b></a> The suggestion of Zeuxis being approved, the army was +immediately arranged in three divisions, <span class="sidenote">Antiochus crosses +the Tigris.</span> +and got +across with the baggage at three points in the +river. Thence they marched in the direction +of Dura, where they quickly caused the siege of the citadel to be +raised, which was being invested at the time by some of Molon’s +officers; and thence, after a march of eight successive days, they +crossed the mountain called Oreicum and arrived at Apollonia.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Molon had heard of the king’s arrival, and not +feeling confidence in the inhabitants of Susiana and Babylonia, +because he had conquered them so recently and by surprise, +fearing also to be cut off from a retreat to Media, he determined +to throw a bridge over the Tigris and get his army<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">405</a></span> +across; being eager if it were possible to secure the mountain +district of Apollonia, because he had great confidence in his +corps of slingers called Cyrtii. <span class="sidenote">Molon also +crosses the Tigris.</span> +He carried out +his resolution, and was pushing forward in an +unbroken series of forced marches. Thus it +came about that, just as he was entering the district of +Apollonia, the king at the head of his whole army was marching +out. The advanced guard of skirmishers of the two armies +fell in with each other on some high ground, and at first +engaged and made trial of each other’s strength; but upon the +main armies on either side coming on to the ground, they +separated. For the present both retired to their respective +entrenchments, and encamped at a distance of forty stades +from each other. <span class="sidenote">Abortive attempt +of Molon to make +a night attack on +the king.</span> +When night had fallen, Molon reflected that +there was some risk and disadvantage in a battle +by broad daylight and in the open field between +rebels and their sovereign, and he determined +therefore to attack Antiochus by night. Selecting +the best and most vigorous of his soldiers, he made a considerable +detour, with the object of making his attack from +higher ground. But having learnt during his march that ten +young men had deserted in a body to the king, he gave up his +design, and facing right about returned in haste to his own +entrenchment where he arrived about daybreak. His arrival +caused a panic in the army; for the troops in the camp, +startled out of their sleep by the arrival of the returning men, +were very near rushing out of the lines.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_53" id="b5_53"><b>53.</b></a> But while Molon was doing his best to calm the panic, +the king, fully prepared for the engagement, <span class="sidenote">Disposition of the +king’s army.</span> +was +marching his whole army out of their lines at +daybreak. On his right wing he stationed his +lancers under the command of Ardys, a man of proved ability +in the field; next to them the Cretan allies, and next the +Gallic Rhigosages. Next these he placed the foreign contingent +and mercenary soldiers from Greece, and next to them +he stationed his phalanx: the left wing he assigned to the +cavalry called the “Companions.”<a name="FNanchor_263" id="FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">263</a> His elephants, which +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">406</a></span>were ten in number, he placed at intervals in front of +the line. His reserves of infantry and cavalry he divided +between the two wings, with orders to outflank the enemy as +soon as the battle had begun. He then went along the line +and addressed a few words of exhortation to the men suitable +to the occasion; and put Hermeias and Zeuxis in command +of the left wing, taking that of the right himself.</p> + +<p>On the other side, owing to the panic caused by his rash +movement of the previous night, Molon was unable +to get his men out of camp, <span class="sidenote">Molon’s disposition.</span> +or into position +without difficulty and confusion. He did +however divide his cavalry between his two wings, guessing +what the disposition of the enemy would be; and stationed +the scutati and Gauls, and in short all his heavy-armed +men in the space between the two bodies of cavalry. His +archers, slingers, and all such kind of troops he placed +on the outer flank of the cavalry on either wing; while +his scythed chariots he placed at intervals in front of his line. +He gave his brother Neolaus command of the left wing, taking +that of the right himself.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_54" id="b5_54"><b>54.</b></a> When the two armies advanced to the battle, Molon’s +right wing remained faithful to him, and +vigorously engaged the division of Zeuxis; <span class="sidenote">Death of Molon +and his fellow-conspirators.</span> +but +the left wing no sooner came within sight of +the king than it deserted to the enemy: the result of which +was that Molon’s army was thrown into consternation, while +the king’s troops were inspired with redoubled confidence. +When Molon comprehended what had taken place, and found +himself surrounded on every side, reflecting on the tortures +which would be inflicted upon him if he were taken alive, he +put an end to his own life. So too all who had taken part in the +plot fled severally to their own homes, and terminated their +lives in the same way. Neolaus escaped from the field and +found his way into Persis, to the house of Molon’s brother +Alexander; and there first killed his mother and Molon’s children +and afterwards himself, having previously persuaded Alexander +to do the same to himself. After plundering the enemy’s +camp, the king ordered the body of Molon to be impaled on +the most conspicuous spot in Media: which the men appointed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">407</a></span> +to the work immediately did; for they took it to Callonitis +and impaled it close to the pass over Mount Zagrus. The +king, after plundering the enemy’s camp, rebuked the rebel +army in a long speech; and finally receiving them back into +favour by holding out his right hand to them, appointed certain +officers to lead them back to Media and settle the affairs of +that district; while he himself went down to Seleucia and +made arrangements for the government of the Satrapies round +it, treating all with equal clemency and prudence. But Hermeias +acted with his usual harshness: he got up charges +against the people of Seleucia, and imposed a fine of a thousand +talents upon the city; drove their magistrates, called +Adeiganes, into exile; and put many Seleucians to death with +various tortures, by mutilation, the sword and the rack. With +great difficulty, sometimes by dissuading Hermeias, and sometimes +by interposing his own authority, the king did at length +put an end to these severities; and, exacting only a fine of a +hundred and fifty talents from the citizens for the error they +had committed, restored the city to a state of order. This +being done, he left Diogenes in command of Media, and +Apollodorus of Susiana; and sent Tychon, his chief military +secretary, to command the district along the Persian Gulf.</p> + +<p>Thus was the rebellion of Molon and the rising in the +upper Satrapies suppressed and quieted.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_55" id="b5_55"><b>55.</b></a> Elated by his success, and wishing to strike awe and +terror into the minds of the princes of the +barbarians who were near, <span class="sidenote">Extension of the +expedition. The +treasonable +designs of Hermeias.</span> +or conterminous +with his own Satrapies, that they might never +venture to aid by supplies or arms those who +revolted from him, he determined to march +against them. And first of all against Artabazanes, who +appeared to be the most formidable and able of +all the princes, and who ruled over a tribe called +the Satrapeii, and others on their borders. But Hermeias was +at that time afraid of an expedition further up country, owing to +its danger; and was always yearning for the expedition against +Ptolemy in accordance with his original plan. When news, +however, came that a son had been born to the king, thinking +that Antiochus might possibly fall by the hands of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">408</a></span> +barbarians in upper Asia, or give him opportunities of putting +him out of the way, he consented to the expedition; believing +that, if he could only effect the death of Antiochus, he would +be guardian to his son and so sole master of the whole kingdom. +This having been decided, <span class="sidenote">Artabazanes.</span> +the army crossed Mount +Zagrus and entered the territory of Artabazanes, which borders +on Media, and is separated from it by an intervening chain of +mountains. Part of it overlooks the Pontus, near the valley +of the Phasis; and it extends to the Hyrcanian Sea. Its +inhabitants are numerous and warlike and especially strong in +horsemen; while the district produces within itself all other +things necessary for war. The dynasty has lasted from the +time of the Persians, having been overlooked at the period +of Alexander’s conquests. But now in great alarm at the king’s +approach, and at his own infirmities, for he was an extremely +old man, Artabazanes yielded to the force of circumstances, +and made a treaty with Antiochus on his own terms.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_56" id="b5_56"><b>56.</b></a> It was after the settlement of this treaty that Apollophanes, +the physician, who was regarded with +great affection by the king, <span class="sidenote">Fall and death +of Hermeias, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</span> +observing that Hermeias +was getting beyond all bounds in his +high place, began to be anxious for the king’s safety, and still +more suspicious and uneasy for his own. He took an +opportunity, therefore, of conveying a suggestion to the king, +that he had better not be too careless or unsuspicious of the +audacious character of Hermeias; nor let things go on until he +found himself involved in a disaster like that of his brother. +“The danger,” he said, “is not at all remote.” And he +begged him to be on his guard, and take prompt measures for +the safety of himself and his friends. Antiochus owned to +him that he disliked and feared Hermeias; and thanked him +for the care of his person, which had emboldened him to +speak to him on the subject. This conversation encouraged +Apollophanes by convincing him that he had not been +mistaken about the feelings and opinions of the king; and +Antiochus begged him not to confine his assistance to words, +but to take some practical steps to secure the safety of himself +and his friends. Upon Apollophanes replying that he +was ready to do anything in the world, they concerted the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">409</a></span> +following plan. On the pretext of the king being afflicted +with an attack of vertigo, it was given out that the daily +attendance of courtiers and officials was to be discontinued +for a few days: the king and his physician thus getting the +opportunity of conferring with such of his friends as he chose, +who came on the pretext of visiting him. In the course of +these visits suitable persons for carrying out the design were +prepared and instructed; and every one readily responding to +the proposal, from hatred of Hermeias, they proceeded to +complete it. The physicians having prescribed walks at daybreak +for Antiochus on account of the coolness, Hermeias +came to the place assigned for the walk, and with him those of +the king’s friends who were privy to the design; while the rest +were much too late on account of the time of the king’s +coming out being very different from what it had usually been. +Thus they got Hermeias gradually a considerable distance +from the camp, until they came to a certain lonely spot, and +then, on the king’s going a little off the road, on the pretence +of a necessary purpose, they stabbed him to death. Such was +the end of Hermeias, whose punishment was by no means +equal to his crimes. Thus freed from much fear and +embarrassment, the king set out on his march home amidst +universal manifestations from the people of the country in +favour of his measures and policy; but nothing was more +emphatically applauded in the course of his progress than the +removal of Hermeias. In Apameia, at the same time, the +women stoned the wife of Hermeias to death, and the boys +his sons.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_57" id="b5_57"><b>57.</b></a> When he had reached home and had dismissed his +troops into winter quarters, Antiochus sent a message to Achaeus, +protesting against his assumption of the diadem and royal +title, and warning him that he was aware of his dealings with +Ptolemy, and of his restless intrigues generally. <span class="sidenote">Attempted treason +of Achaeus.</span> +For while the king was engaged on his expedition +against Artabazanes, Achaeus, being persuaded +that Antiochus would fall, or that, if he did not fall, +would be so far off, that it would be possible for him to +invade Syria before his return, and with the assistance of the +Cyrrhestae, who were in revolt against the king, seize the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">410</a></span> +kingdom, started from Lydia with his whole army; and on +arriving at Laodiceia, in Phrygia, assumed the diadem, and +had the audacity for the first time to adopt the title of king, and +to send royal despatches to the cities, the exile Garsyeris being +his chief adviser in this measure. But as he advanced farther +and farther, and was now almost at Lycaonia, a mutiny broke +out among his forces, arising from the dissatisfaction of the men +at the idea of being led against their natural king. When +Achaeus found that this disturbed state of feeling existed +among them, he desisted from his enterprise; and wishing to +make his men believe that he had never had any intention of +invading Syria, he directed his march into Pisidia, and +plundered the country. By thus securing large booty for his +army he conciliated its affection and confidence, and then +returned to his own Satrapy.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_58" id="b5_58"><b>58.</b></a> Every detail of these transactions was known to the king: +who, while sending frequent threatening messages to Achaeus, +was now concentrating all his efforts on the preparations for +the war against Ptolemy. <span class="sidenote">War with Ptolemy, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 219.</span> +Having accordingly +mustered his forces at Apameia just before +spring, he summoned his friends to advise with +him as to the invasion of Coele-Syria. After many suggestions +had been made in respect to this undertaking, touching the +nature of the country, the military preparation required, and +the assistance to be rendered by the fleet,—Apollophanes of +Seleucia, whom I mentioned before, <span class="sidenote">Apollophanes +advises that they +begin by taking +Seleucia.</span> +put an abrupt end to all +these suggestions by remarking that “it was folly +to desire Coele-Syria and to march against that, +while they allowed Seleucia to be held by +Ptolemy, which was the capital, and so to speak, +the very inner shrine of the king’s realm. Besides the disgrace +to the kingdom which its occupation by the Egyptian monarchs +involved, it was a position of the greatest practical importance, +as a most admirable base of operations. Occupied by the +enemy it was of the utmost hindrance to all the king’s designs; +for in whatever direction he might have it in his mind to move +his forces, his own country, owing to the fear of danger from +this place, would need as much care and precaution as the +preparations against his foreign enemies. Once taken, on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">411</a></span> +other hand, not only would it perfectly secure the safety of +the home district, but was also capable of rendering effective +aid to the king’s other designs and undertakings, whether by +land or sea, owing to its commanding situation.” His words +carried conviction to the minds of all, and it was resolved +that the capture of the town should be their first step. For +Seleucia was still held by a garrison for the Egyptian kings; +and had been so since the time of Ptolemy Euergetes, who +took it when he invaded Syria to revenge the murder of +Berenice.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_59" id="b5_59"><b>59.</b></a> In consequence of this decision, orders were sent to +Diognetus the commander of the fleet to sail towards Seleucia: +while Antiochus himself started from Apameia with his army, +and encamped near the Hippodrome, about five stades from +the town. He also despatched Theodotus Hemiolius with an +adequate force against Coele-Syria, with orders to occupy the +passes and to keep the road open for him.</p> + +<p>The situation of Seleucia and the natural features of the +surrounding country are of this kind. <span class="sidenote">Description of +Seleucia.</span> +The city +stands on the sea coast between Cilicia and +Phoenicia; and has close to it a very great +mountain called Coryphaeus, which on the west is washed by +the last waves of the sea which lies between Cyprus and +Phoenicia; while its eastern slopes overlook the territories of +Antioch and Seleucia. It is on the southern skirt of this +mountain that the town of Seleucia lies, separated from it by +a deep and difficult ravine. The town extends down to the +sea in a straggling line broken by irregularities of the soil, and +is surrounded on most parts by cliffs and precipitous rocks. +On the side facing the sea, where the ground is level, stand +the market-places, and the lower town strongly walled. Similarly +the whole of the main town has been fortified by walls of a +costly construction, and splendidly decorated with temples and +other elaborate buildings. There is only one approach to it +on the seaward side, which is an artificial ascent cut in the +form of a stair, interrupted by frequently occurring drops and +awkward places. Not far from the town is the mouth of the +river Orontes, which rises in the district of Libanus and +Anti-Libanus, and after traversing the plain of Amyca reaches<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">412</a></span> +Antioch; through which it flows, and carrying off by the force +of its current all the sewage of that town, finally discharges +itself into this sea not far from Seleucia.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_60" id="b5_60"><b>60.</b></a> Antiochus first tried sending messages to the magistrates +of Seleucia, offering money and other +rewards on condition of having the city surrendered +without fighting. <span class="sidenote">Capture of +Seleucia.</span> +And though he +failed to persuade the chief authorities, he corrupted some of +the subordinate commanders; and relying on them, he made +preparations to assault the town on the seaward side with the +men of his fleet, and on the land side with his soldiers. He +divided his forces therefore into three parts, and addressed +suitable words of exhortation to them, causing a herald to +proclaim a promise to men and officers alike of great gifts and +crowns that should be bestowed for gallantry in action. To +the division under Zeuxis he entrusted the attack upon the +gate leading to Antioch; to Hermogenes that upon the walls +near the temple of Castor and Pollux; and to Ardys and +Diognetus the assault upon the docks and the lower town: in +accordance with his understanding with his partisans in the +town, whereby it had been agreed that, if he could carry the +lower town by assault, the city also should then be put into his +hands. When the signal was given, a vigorous and determined +assault was begun simultaneously at all these points: though +that made by Ardys and Diognetus was by far the most daring; +for the other points did not admit of any assault at all by +means of scaling ladders, nor could be carried except by the men +climbing up on their hands and knees; while at the docks and +lower town it was possible to apply scaling ladders and fix +them firmly and safely against the walls. The naval contingent +therefore having fixed their ladders on the docks, and +the division of Ardys theirs upon the lower town, a violent +effort was made to carry the walls: and the garrison of the +upper town being prevented from coming to the assistance of +these places, because the city was being assaulted at every +other point at the same time, Ardys was not long before he +captured the lower town. No sooner had this fallen, than the +subordinate officers who had been corrupted hurried to the +commander-in-chief Leontius, and urged that he ought to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">413</a></span> +send ambassadors to Antiochus, and make terms with him, +before the city was taken by storm. Knowing nothing about +the treason of these officers, but alarmed by their consternation, +Leontius sent commissioners to the king to make terms for +the safety of all within the city.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_61" id="b5_61"><b>61.</b></a> The king accepted the proposal and agreed to grant +safety to all in the town who were free, amounting to six +thousand souls. And when he took over the town, he not +only spared the free, but also recalled those of the inhabitants +who had been exiled, and restored to them their citizenship +and property; while he secured the harbour and citadel with +garrisons.</p> + +<p>While still engaged in this business, he received a letter +from Theodotus offering to put Coele-Syria +into his hands, <span class="sidenote">Theodotus turns +against Ptolemy. +See ch. <a href="#b5_46">46</a>.</span> +and inviting him to come +thither with all speed. This letter caused +him great embarrassment and doubt as to what he ought +to do, and how best to take advantage of the offer. This +Theodotus was an Aetolian who, as I have already narrated, +had rendered important services to Ptolemy’s kingdom: for +which, far from being reckoned deserving of gratitude, he had +been in imminent danger of his life, just about the time of the +expedition of Antiochus against Molon. Thereupon conceiving +a contempt for Ptolemy, and a distrust of his courtiers, +he seized upon Ptolemais with his own hands, and upon Tyre by +the agency of Panaetolus, and made haste to invite Antiochus. +Postponing therefore his expedition against Achaeus, and regarding +everything else as of secondary importance, Antiochus +started with his army by the same route as he had come. +After passing the cañon called Marsyas, he encamped near +Gerrha, close to the lake which lies between the two mountains. +Hearing there that Ptolemy’s general Nicolaus was besieging +Theodotus in Ptolemais, he left his heavy-armed troops +behind with orders to their leaders to besiege Brochi,—the +stronghold which commands the road along the lake,—and +led his light-armed troops forward himself, with the intention +of raising the siege of Ptolemais. But Nicolaus had already +got intelligence of the king’s approach; and had accordingly +retired from Ptolemais himself, and sent forward Diogoras the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">414</a></span> +Cretan and Dorymenes the Aetolian to occupy the passes at +Berytus. The king therefore attacked these men, and having +easily routed them took up a position near the pass.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_62" id="b5_62"><b>62.</b></a> There he awaited the coming up of the remainder +of his forces, and, after addressing them in +words befitting the occasion, <span class="sidenote">Antiochus invades +Coele-Syria.</span> +continued his +advance with his entire army, full of courage +and with high hopes of success. When Theodotus and +Panaetolus met him with their partisans he received them +graciously, and took over from them Tyre and Ptolemais, and +the war material which those cities contained. Part of this +consisted of forty vessels, of which twenty were decked and +splendidly equipped, and none with less than four banks of +oars; the other twenty were made up of triremes, biremes, +and cutters. These he handed over to the care of the +Navarch Diognetus; and being informed that Ptolemy had +come out against him, and had reached Memphis, and that all +his forces were collected at Pelusium, and were opening the +sluices, and filling up the wells of drinking water, he abandoned +the idea of attacking Pelusium; but making a progress through +the several cities, endeavoured to win them over by force or +persuasion to his authority. Some of the less-fortified cities +were overawed at his approach and made no difficulty about +submitting, but others trusting to their fortifications or the +strength of their situations held out; and to these he was +forced to lay regular siege and so wasted a considerable time.</p> + +<p>Though treated with such flagrant perfidy, the character of +Ptolemy was so feeble, and his neglect of all military preparations +had been so great, that the idea of protecting his rights +with the sword, which was his most obvious duty, never +occurred to him.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_63" id="b5_63"><b>63.</b></a> Agathocles and Sosibius, however, the leading ministers +in the kingdom at that time, took counsel +together and did the best they could with +the means at their disposal, <span class="sidenote">Active measures +of Agathocles +and Sosibius.</span>in view of the +existing crisis. They resolved to devote themselves to the +preparations for war; and, meanwhile, by embassies to +try to retard the advance of Antiochus: pretending to confirm +him in the opinion he originally entertained about<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">415</a></span> +Ptolemy, namely, that he would not venture to fight, but would +trust to negotiations, and the interposition of common friends, +to induce him to evacuate Coele-Syria. Having determined +upon this policy, Agathocles and Sosibius, to whom the whole +business was entrusted, lost no time in sending their ambassadors +to Antiochus: and at the same time they sent messages to +Rhodes, Byzantium, and Cyzicus, not omitting the Aetolians, +inviting them to send commissioners to discuss the terms of a +treaty. The commissioners duly arrived, and by occupying +the time with going backwards and forwards between the two +kings, abundantly secured to these statesmen the two things +which they wanted,—delay, and time to make their preparations +for war. They fixed their residence at Memphis and +there carried on these negotiations continuously. Nor were +they less attentive to the ambassadors from Antiochus, whom +they received with every mark of courtesy and kindness. But +meanwhile they were calling up and collecting at Alexandria +the mercenaries whom they had on service in towns outside +Egypt; were despatching men to recruit foreign soldiers; +and were collecting provisions both for the troops they already +possessed, and for those that were coming in. No less active +were they in every other department of the military preparations. +They took turns in going on rapid and frequent visits +to Alexandria, to see that the supplies should in no point be +inadequate to the undertaking before them. The manufacture +of arms, the selection of men, and their division into companies, +they committed to the care of Echecrates of Thessaly and +Phoxidas of Melita. With these they associated Eurylochus +of Magnesia, and Socrates of Boeotia, who were also joined by +Cnopias of Allaria. By the greatest good fortune they had +got hold of these officers, who, while serving with Demetrius +and Antigonus,<a name="FNanchor_264" id="FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">264</a> had acquired some experience of real war and +actual service in the field. Accordingly they took command +of the assembled troops, and made the best of them by giving +them the training of soldiers.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_64" id="b5_64"><b>64.</b></a> Their first measure was to divide them according to +their country and age, and to assign to each division its +appropriate arms, taking no account of what they had borne<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">416</a></span> +before. Next they broke up their battalions and muster-rolls, +which had been formed on the basis +of their old system of pay, <span class="sidenote">Reorganisation +of the army.</span> +and formed +them into companies adapted to the immediate purpose. +Having effected this they began to drill the men; habituating +them severally not only to obey the words of command, +but also to the proper management of their weapons.<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">265</a> +They also frequently summoned general meetings at headquarters, +and delivered speeches to the men. The most +useful in this respect were Andromachus of Aspendus and +Polycrates of Argos; because they had recently crossed from +Greece, and were still thoroughly imbued with the Greek +spirit, and the military ideas prevalent in the several states. +Moreover, they were illustrious on the score of their private +wealth, as well as on that of their respective countries; to +which advantages Polycrates added those of an ancient family, +and of the reputation obtained by his father Mnasiades as an +athlete. By private and public exhortations these officers +inspired their men with a zeal and enthusiasm for the struggle +which awaited them.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_65" id="b5_65"><b>65.</b></a> All these officers, too, had commands in the army +suited to their particular accomplishments. Eurylochus +of Magnesia commanded about three thousand men of what +were called in the royal armies the Agema, or Guard; +Socrates of Boeotia had two thousand light-armed troops under +him; while the Achaean Phoxidas, and Ptolemy the son of +Thraseas, and Andromachus of Aspendus were associated in +the duty of drilling the phalanx and the mercenary Greek +soldiers on the same ground,—Andromachus and Ptolemy +commanding the phalanx, Phoxidas the mercenaries; of which +the numbers were respectively twenty-five thousand and eight +thousand. The cavalry, again, attached to the court, amounting +to seven hundred, as well as that which was obtained from +Lybia or enlisted in the country, were being trained by +Polycrates, and were under his personal command: amounting +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">417</a></span>in all to about three thousand men. In the actual campaign the +most effective service was performed by Echecrates of Thessaly, +by whom the Greek cavalry, which, with the whole body of mercenary +cavalry, amounted to two thousand men, was splendidly +trained. No one took more pains with the men under his +command than Cnopias of Allaria. He commanded all the +Cretans, who numbered three thousand, and among them a +thousand Neo-Cretans,<a name="FNanchor_266" id="FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">266</a> over whom he had set Philo of Cnossus. +They also armed three thousand Libyans in the Macedonian +fashion, who were commanded by Ammonius of Barce. The +Egyptians themselves supplied twenty thousand soldiers to the +phalanx, and were under the command of Sosibius. A body +of Thracians and Gauls was also enrolled, four thousand being +taken from settlers in the country and their descendants, while +two thousand had been recently enlisted and brought over: +and these were under the command of Dionysius of Thrace. +Such in its numbers, and in the variety of the elements of which +it was composed, was the force which was being got ready for +Ptolemy.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_66" id="b5_66"><b>66.</b></a> Meanwhile Antiochus had been engaged in the +siege of Dura:<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> but the strength of the +place and the support given it by Nicolaus <span class="sidenote">Negotiations at +Memphis, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +219-218.</span> +prevented him from effecting anything; and as +the winter was closing in, he agreed with the ambassadors of +Ptolemy to a suspension of hostilities for four months, and +promised that he would discuss the whole question at issue in +a friendly spirit. But he was as far as possible from being +sincere in this negotiation: his real object was to avoid being +detained any length of time from his own country, and to be +able to place his troops in winter quarters in Seleucia; because +Achaeus was now notoriously plotting against him, and without +disguise co-operating with Ptolemy. So having come to this +agreement, Antiochus dismissed the ambassadors with injunctions +to acquaint him as soon as possible with the decision of +Ptolemy, and to meet him at Seleucia. He then placed the +necessary guards in the various strongholds, committed to +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">418</a></span>Theodotus the command-in-chief over them all, and returned +home. On his arrival at Seleucia he distributed his forces +into their winter quarters; and from that time forth took +no pains to keep the mass of his army under discipline, being +persuaded that the business would not call for any more +fighting; because he was already master of some portions of +Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, and expected to secure the rest by +voluntary submission or by diplomacy: for Ptolemy, he believed, +would not venture upon a general engagement. This opinion +was shared also by the ambassadors: because Sosibius fixing +his residence at Memphis conducted his negotiations with +them in a friendly manner; while he prevented those who went +backwards and forwards to Antiochus from ever becoming eye-witnesses +of the preparations that were being carried on at +Alexandria. Nay, even by the time that the ambassadors +arrived, Sosibius was already prepared for every eventuality.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_67" id="b5_67"><b>67.</b></a> Meanwhile Antiochus was extremely anxious to have +as much the advantage over the government <span class="sidenote">Antiochus’s case.</span> +of Alexandria in diplomatic argument as +he had in arms. Accordingly when the ambassadors +arrived at Seleucia, and both parties began, in accordance +with the instructions of Sosibius, to discuss the clauses +of the proposed arrangement in detail, the king made very +light of the loss recently sustained by Ptolemy, and the +injury which had been manifestly inflicted upon him by the +existing occupation of Coele-Syria; and in the pleadings on +this subject he refused to look upon this transaction in the light +of an injury at all, alleging that the places belonged to him of +right. He asserted that the original occupation of the country +by Antigonus the One-eyed, and the royal authority exercised +over it by Seleucus,<a name="FNanchor_268" id="FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">268</a> constituted an absolutely decisive and +equitable claim, <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy, son of +Lagus, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 323-285.</span> +in virtue of which Coele-Syria +belonged of right to himself and not to +Ptolemy; for Ptolemy I. went to war with +Antigonus with the view of annexing this country, not to his +own government, but to that of Seleucus. But, above all, he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">419</a></span> +pressed the convention entered into by the three kings, +Cassander, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, when, after having +conquered Antigonus,<a name="FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">269</a> they deliberated in common upon the +arrangements to be made, and decided that the whole of Syria +should belong to Seleucus. The commissioners of Ptolemy +endeavoured to establish the opposite case. They magnified +the existing injury, and dilated on its hardship; <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy’s case.</span> +asserting that the treason of Theodotus and the +invasion of Antiochus amounted to a breach of treaty-rights. +They alleged the possession of these places in the reign of +Ptolemy, son of Lagus; and tried to show that Ptolemy had +joined Seleucus in the war on the understanding that he was +to invest Seleucus with the government of the whole of Asia, +but was to take Coele-Syria and Phoenicia for himself.</p> + +<p>Such were the arguments brought forward by the two +contracting parties in the course of the embassies and counter-embassies +and conferences. There was no prospect, however, +of arriving at any result, because the controversy was conducted, +not by the principals, but by the common friends of both; and +there was no one to intervene authoritatively to check and +control the caprice of the party which they might decide to be +in the wrong. But what caused the most insuperable difficulty +was the matter of Achaeus. For Ptolemy was eager that the +terms of the treaty should include him: while Antiochus would +not allow the subject to be so much as mentioned; and was +indignant that Ptolemy should venture to protect rebels, or +bring such a point into the discussion at all.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_68" id="b5_68"><b>68.</b></a> The approach of spring found both sides weary of +negotiations, and with no prospect of coming to +a conclusion. <span class="sidenote">Renewal of hostilities, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218.</span> +Antiochus therefore began collecting +his forces, with a view of making an invasion +by land and sea, and completing his conquest of Coele-Syria. +On his part Ptolemy gave the supreme management of the war +to Nicolaus, sent abundant provisions to Gaza, and despatched +land and sea forces. The arrival of these reinforcements gave +Nicolaus courage to enter upon the war: the commander of +the navy promptly co-operating with him in carrying out all his +orders. This admiral was Perigenes, whom Ptolemy sent out +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">420</a></span>in command of the fleet, consisting of thirty fully decked ships +and more than four thousand ships of burden. Nicolaus was +by birth an Aetolian, and was the boldest and most experienced +officer in the service of Ptolemy. With one division of his +army he hastened to seize the pass at Platanus; with the rest, +which he personally commanded, he occupied the environs of +Porphyrion; and there prepared to resist the invasion of the +king: the fleet being also anchored close to him.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Antiochus had advanced as far as Marathus. +On his way he had received a deputation +of Aradians, <span class="sidenote">Antiochus marches +to Beirût.</span> +asking for an alliance; and had +not only granted their request, but had put +an end to a quarrel which they had amongst themselves, +by reconciling those of them who lived on the island with +those who lived on the mainland. Starting from Marathus +he entered the enemy’s country near the promontory called +Theoprosopon, and advanced to Berytus, having seized Botrys +on his way, and burnt Trieres and Calamus. From Berytus he +sent forward Nicarchus and Theodotus with orders to secure +the difficult passes near the river Lyons; while he himself set +his army in motion and encamped near the river Damuras: +Diognetus, the commander of his navy, coasting along parallel +with him all the while. Thence once more, taking with him +the divisions commanded by Theodotus and Nicarchus, which +were the light troops of the army, he set out to reconnoitre +the pass occupied already by Nicolaus. After thoroughly +surveying the nature of the ground, he retired to his camp for +that day. But on the next, leaving his heavy-armed troops in +the charge of Nicarchus, he set out with the rest of his forces +to execute his design.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_69" id="b5_69"><b>69.</b></a> At this point there is but a small and narrow space +between the foot of Libanus and the sea; <span class="sidenote">The pass at +Porphyrion.</span> +and even that is intersected by a steep +and rugged spur, leaving only a narrow and +difficult passage along the very water’s edge. On this pass +Nicolaus had taken up his position; and having occupied some +of the points by means of his large numbers, and secured +others by artificial works, he felt certain that he would be +able to prevent Antiochus from effecting an entrance. But<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">421</a></span> +the king divided his army into three parts, of which he +entrusted one to Theodotus with orders to close with the +enemy and force their way along the skirts of Libanus; the +second to Menedemus with urgent orders to attempt the centre +of the spur; while the third he put under the command of +Diocles, the military governor of Parapotamia, and ordered +them to keep close to the sea. He himself with his guard +occupied a central position, intending to superintend the +whole action and give help where it was wanted. At the +same time Diognetus and Perigenes made preparations +for a sea-fight, coming as close as possible to the shore, +and endeavouring to make the battles at sea and on land +present the appearance of a single contest. <span class="sidenote">carried by +Antiochus.</span> +A general advance having begun by sea +and land, at the same signal and word of +command, the battle on the sea was undecided, because +the number of vessels on either side and their equipment +were about equal: but on land the troops of Nicolaus got +the best of it at first, from the advantage of their position. +But when Theodotus routed the men on the mountain skirts, +and then charged from the higher ground, Nicolaus’s men all +turned and fled precipitately. In this flight two thousand of +them fell, and as many were taken prisoners: the rest retreated +towards Sidon. Though he now had the better prospect of +the two in the sea-fight; yet, when he saw the defeat of the +army on land, Perigenes turned his prows and made good his +retreat to the same place.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_70" id="b5_70"><b>70.</b></a> Thereupon Antiochus got his army on the march, and, +arriving at Sidon, encamped under its wall. <span class="sidenote">The advance of +Antiochus continued.</span> +He +did not however venture to attempt the town, +because of the vast stores it contained and the +number of its ordinary inhabitants, as well as of the refugees +who had collected there. He therefore broke up his camp +again, and continued his march towards Philoteria: <span class="sidenote">Philoteria.</span> +ordering Diognetus his navarch to sail back +with his ships to Tyre. Now Philoteria is situated right upon +the shores of the lake into which the river Jordan discharges +itself, and from which it issues out again into the plains +surrounding Scythopolis. The surrender of these two cities<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">422</a></span> +to him encouraged him to prosecute his further designs; +because the country subject to them was easily <span class="sidenote">Scythopolis.</span> +able to supply his whole army with provisions, +and everything necessary for the campaign in abundance. +Having therefore secured them by garrisons, he crossed the +mountain chain and arrived at Atabyrium, <span class="sidenote">Atabyrium.</span> +which +is situated upon a rounded hill, the ascent of +which is more than fifteen stades long. But on this occasion +he managed to take it by an ambuscade and stratagem. He +induced the men of the town to come out to a skirmish, and +enticed their leading columns to a considerable distance; then +his troops suddenly turned from their pretended flight, and +those who were concealed rising from their ambush, he attacked +and killed a large number of the enemy; and finally, by +pursuing close upon their heels, and thus creating a panic in +the town before he reached it, he carried it as he had done +others by assault. <span class="sidenote">Defections from +Ptolemy.</span> +At this juncture Ceraeas, one of Ptolemy’s +officers, deserted to Antiochus, whose distinguished +reception caused great excitement in +the minds of many other of the enemy’s officers. +At any rate, not long afterwards, Hippolochus of Thessaly +joined Antiochus with four hundred cavalry of +Ptolemy’s army. Having therefore secured Atabyrium +also with a garrison, <span class="sidenote">Pella, Camus, +Gephrus.</span> +Antiochus started +once more and took over Pella, Camus, and Gephrus.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_71" id="b5_71"><b>71.</b></a> This unbroken stream of success caused the inhabitants +of the neighbouring Arabia to rouse each other up to take action; +and they unanimously joined Antiochus. With the additional +encouragement and supplies which they afforded he continued +his advance; and, arriving in the district of Galatis, made himself +master of Abila, <span class="sidenote">Abila.</span> +and the relieving force which +had thrown itself into that town, under the +command of Nicias, a friend and kinsman of Menneas. +<span class="sidenote">Gadara.</span> +Gadara was the only town now left, which is +thought to be the strongest of any in those parts. +He therefore encamped under its walls and, bringing siege-works +to bear upon it, quickly terrified it into +submission. <span class="sidenote">Rabbatamana.</span> +Then hearing that a strong force +of the enemy were concentrated at Rabbatamana in Arabia,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">423</a></span> +and were pillaging and overrunning the territory of those +Arabians who had joined him, he threw everything else aside +and started thither; and pitched his camp at the foot of the +high ground on which that city stands. After going round +and reconnoitring the hill, and finding that it admitted of being +ascended only at two points, he led his army to them and set +up his siege artillery at these points. He put one set of siege-works +under the care of Nicarchus, the other under that of +Theodotus: while he superintended both equally, and observed +the zeal shown by the two respectively. Great exertions were +accordingly made by each, and a continual rivalry kept up as +to which should be the first to make a breach in the wall +opposite their works: and the result was that both breaches +were made with unexpected rapidity; whereupon they kept +making assaults night and day, and trying every +means to force an entrance, without an hour’s +intermission. <span class="sidenote">Fall of Rabbatamana.</span> +But though they kept up these +attempts continuously, they failed to make any impression; until +a prisoner showed them the underground passage through which +the besieged were accustomed to descend to fetch water. +They broke into this and stopped it up with timber and +stones and everything of that sort; and when this was done, +the garrison surrendered for want of water. Having thus got +<span class="sidenote">Samaria.</span> +possession of Rabbatamana, Antiochus left Nicarchus with an +adequate garrison in command of it; and sent the two +deserters from Ptolemy, +<span class="sidenote">Antiochus goes +into winter +quarters,<br /> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218-217.</span> +Hippolochus and Ceraeas, with five +thousand infantry, to Samaria: with orders to +take the government of the district and protect all +who submitted to him. +He then started with +his army for Ptolemais, where he was resolved +to winter.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_72" id="b5_72"><b>72.</b></a> In the course of this same summer, the Pednelissians, +being besieged and reduced to great straits by +the Selgians, <span class="sidenote">Asia Minor, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 218. Relief +of Pednelissus.</span> +sent messages to Achaeus asking<a name="FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">270</a> +for help: and upon receiving a ready assent, +continued to sustain the siege with great spirit in reliance upon +this hope of relief. Achaeus selected Garsyeris to conduct +the expedition; and sent him out in all haste, with six thousand +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">424</a></span>infantry and five hundred horse, to relieve the Pednelissians. +But when they heard of the approach of the army of relief, +the Selgians occupied the pass called the Stair with the +main body of their own army; and put a garrison at the +entrance into Saperda: breaking up and spoiling all the +paths and tracks leading to it. After entering Milyades and +encamping under the walls of Cretopolis, perceiving that a +farther advance was made impossible by the occupation +of these positions by the enemy, Garsyeris hit upon the +following ruse. He broke up his camp, and began his +return march, as though he had abandoned all thoughts +of relieving Pednelissus, owing to the enemy’s occupation +of these positions. The Selgians were readily persuaded +that he had really abandoned the relief of Pednelissus, and +departed, some to the besieging camp and others home to +Selge, as it was now close upon harvest-time. Thereupon +Garsyeris faced about, and, marching with great speed, arrived +at the pass over the mountain; and finding it unguarded, +secured it by a garrison, under the command of Phayllus; +while he himself with his main army went to Perga: and thence +sent embassies to the other states in Pisidia and Pamphylia, +pointing out that the power of the Selgians was a standing +menace, and urging all to ally themselves with Achaeus and +join in relieving Pednelissus.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_73" id="b5_73"><b>73.</b></a> Meanwhile the Selgians had sent out a general in command +of a force which they hoped would terrify Phallyus by +their superior knowledge of the country, and expel him from his +strong position. But when, far from attaining their object, they +lost large numbers of men in their attacks upon him; though +they abandoned the hope of accomplishing this, they yet +persisted with increased ardour in the siege of Pednelissus. +Garsyeris was now reinforced by eight thousand hoplites from +the Etennes, who inhabit the highlands of Pisidia above Side, +and half that number from Aspendus. The people of Side +itself, partly from a wish to curry favour with Antiochus, but +chiefly from hatred to the Aspendians, refused to take part in +the relief of Pednelissus. With these reinforcements, as well +as his own army, Garsyeris advanced towards Pednelissus, +feeling certain that he would be able to raise the siege at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">425</a></span> +first attack: but when the Selgians showed no sign of alarm, +he entrenched himself at a moderate distance from them. +The Pednelissians were now becoming hard pressed from want +of provisions; and Garsyeris, being anxious to do all he could, +got ready two thousand men, giving each a medimnus of +wheat, and despatched them under cover of night into Pednelissus. +But the Selgians getting intelligence of what was going +on, and, coming out to intercept them, most of those who +were carrying in the corn were killed, and the Selgians got +possession of the wheat. Elated with this success, they now +essayed to storm the camp of Garsyeris as well as the city. An +adventurous daring in the presence of the enemy is indeed +characteristic of the Selgians: and on this occasion they left a +barely sufficient number to guard their camp; and, surrounding +the enemy’s entrenchment with the rest, assaulted it at several +points at once. Finding himself unexpectedly attacked on +every side, and portions of his palisade being already torn down, +Garsyeris, appreciating the gravity of the danger, and feeling +that there was but little chance of averting total destruction, +sent out some cavalry at a point which the enemy had left +unguarded. These the Selgians imagined to be flying in a +panic and for fear of what was coming: and therefore, instead +of attending to them, they treated them with utter contempt. +When these horsemen, however, had ridden round, so as to +get on the rear of the enemy, they charged and fought with +great fierceness. This raised the spirits of Garsyeris’s infantry, +though they had already given way: and they therefore faced +round, and once more offered resistance to the troops that were +storming their camp. The Selgians, accordingly, being now +attacked on front and rear at once, broke and fled. At the +same time the Pednelissians sallied out and attacked the +troops left in charge of the Selgian camp, and drove them out. +The pursuit lasted to so great a distance that no less than +ten thousand of the Selgian army fell: of the survivors all +who were allies fled to their own cities; while the Selgians +themselves escaped over the highlands into their native land.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_74" id="b5_74"><b>74.</b></a> Garsyeris immediately started in pursuit of the +fugitives, being in haste to get over the narrow pass, and +approach Selge, before they could make a stand, and form any<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">426</a></span> +plan for meeting his approach. <span class="sidenote">Panic at Selge.</span> +Thus he came to Selge with +his army. But the inhabitants, having no longer +any hopes in their allies, after the disaster which +had affected them all alike, and themselves dispirited at the +misfortune which had befallen them, became exceedingly +anxious for the safety of themselves and their country. They +accordingly determined in public assembly to send one of their +citizens on an embassy to Garsyeris, and selected for the +purpose Logbasis, who had been for a long time on terms of +intimacy and friendship with the Antiochus that lost his life +in Thrace.<a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> Laodice,<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> also, who became afterwards the wife of +Achaeus, having been committed to his care, he had brought +this young lady up as his daughter, and had treated her with +conspicuous kindness. <span class="sidenote">Logbasis turns +traitor.</span> +The Selgians therefore +thought that his character made him eminently +fitted for an ambassador in the circumstances, and +accordingly sent him on the mission. He, however, obtained a +private interview with Garsyeris, and was so far from carrying +out the purpose for which he came, by properly supporting the +interests of his country, that on the contrary he strongly urged +Garsyeris to send with all speed for Achaeus, and undertook +to put the city into their hands. Garsyeris, of course, grasped +eagerly at the chance offered to him and sent messengers to induce +Achaeus to come, and to inform him of the position of +affairs. Meanwhile he concluded an armistice with the Selgians, +and protracted the negotiations for a treaty by continually bringing +forward objections and scruples on points of detail, in order +to give time for the arrival of Achaeus, and for Logbasis to +conduct his negotiations and mature his plot.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_75" id="b5_75"><b>75.</b></a> While this was going on frequent meetings for discussion +took place between the camp and the town, and it +became quite an ordinary thing for the soldiers to go into the +town to purchase corn. This is a state of things which has +on many occasions proved fatal. And it appears to me that +of all animals the most easily deceived is man, though he has +the credit of being the most cunning. For consider how +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">427</a></span>many entrenched camps and fortresses, how many and what +great cities have been betrayed by this kind of trick! And yet +in spite of such frequent and conspicuous examples of the many +people to whom it has happened, somehow or another we are +always new to such deceit, and fall into the trap with the inexperience +of youth. The reason is that we do not keep ready +for reference in our minds the disasters of those who have made +mistakes before us in this or that particular. But while preparing +with great labour and cost stores of corn and money, and a +provision of walls and weapons to meet unforeseen eventualities, +that which is the easiest of all and the most serviceable in the +hour of danger—that we all neglect; although we might obtain +this experience from history and research, which in themselves +add a dignity to leisure and a charm to existence.</p> + +<p>Achaeus then duly arrived at the time expected: and after +conference with him, the Selgians had great <span class="sidenote">Failure of the +treason of +Logbasis.</span> +hopes of experiencing some signal kindness at +his hands. But in the interval Logbasis had +little by little collected in his house some of the soldiers who +came into the town from the camp; and now advised the +citizens not to let slip the opportunity, but to act with the +display of Achaeus’s kindly disposition towards them before their +eyes; and to put the finishing stroke to the treaty, after holding +a general assembly of the whole community to discuss the +situation. An assembly was at once convened, to which even +those on guard were all summoned to assist in bringing the +treaty to completion; and the citizens began deliberating on +the state of affairs.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_76" id="b5_76"><b>76.</b></a> Meanwhile Logbasis, who had agreed with the enemy +to take that opportunity, began getting ready those who had +congregated at his house, and prepared and armed himself +and his sons also for the fight. And now Achaeus with half +the hostile force was advancing towards the city itself; while +Garsyeris with the remainder was marching towards the +Cesbedium as it is called, or temple of Zeus, which stands +in a position commanding the city and presenting very much +the appearance of a citadel. But a goatherd, having by +chance observed what was going on, brought the news to the +assembly; thereupon some of the citizens made a hurried rush<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">428</a></span> +to the Cesbedium, others to their posts on the wall, and +the majority in great anger to the house of Logbasis. His +treasonable practice being thus detected, some of them climbed +upon the roof, others forced their way in by the front door, and +murdered Logbasis and his sons and all the other men which +they found there at the same time. Then they caused a proclamation +to be made promising freedom to all slaves who +would join them: and dividing themselves into three companies, +they hastened to defend all the points of vantage. +When he saw that the Cesbedium was already occupied, +Garsyeris abandoned his enterprise; but Achaeus held on his +way until he came right up to the gates: whereupon the +Selgians sallied out, killed seven hundred, and forced the rest +to give up the attempt. Upon this conclusion of their enterprise, +Achaeus and Garsyeris retired to the camp. But the +Selgians fearing treason among themselves, and alarmed at the +presence of a hostile camp, sent out some of their elders in the +guise of suppliants, and concluded a peace, on condition of +paying four hundred talents on the spot and restoring the +Pednelissians whom they had taken prisoners, and paying a +further sum of three hundred talents at a fixed date. Thus +did the Selgians by their own valour save their country, which +they had been in danger of losing through the infamous +treason of Logbasis; and thus neither disgraced their freedom, +nor their relationship to the Lacedaemonians.<a name="FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">273</a></p> + +<p><a name="b5_77" id="b5_77"><b>77.</b></a> But after reducing Milyas, and the greater part of +Pamphylia, Achaeus took his departure, and arriving at Sardis +kept up a continuous warfare with Attalus, and began threatening +Prusias, and making himself an object of terror and +alarm to all the inhabitants on this side Taurus.</p> + +<p>But while Achaeus was engaged on his expedition against +Selge, Attalus with the Aegosagae from Gaul was +going through all the cities in Aeolis, <span class="sidenote">The expedition of +Attalus to +recover cities +which had joined +Achaeus.</span> +and the +neighbourhood, which had before this been +terrified into joining Achaeus; but most of which +now voluntarily and even gratefully gave in +their adherence to him, though there were some few which +waited to be forced. Now the cities which transferred their +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">429</a></span>allegiance to him in the first instance were Cyme, Smyrna, and +Phocaea; after them Aegae and Temnus submitted, in terror at +his approach; and thereupon he was waited upon by ambassadors +from Teos and Colophon with offers to surrender themselves +and their cities. He received them also upon the same terms +as they had enjoyed before, taking hostages; but he treated the +ambassadors from Smyrna with special kindness, because they +had been the most constant in their loyalty of all. Continuing +his march without interruption, he crossed the Lycus +and arrived at the hamlets of Mysia, and thence came to +Carseae. Overawing the inhabitants of this town, as well as +the garrison of the Two Walls, he got them surrendered to him +by Themistocles, who had been, as it happened, left by Achaeus +in command of this district. Starting thence, and wasting the +plain of Apia, he crossed Mount Pelecas and encamped near +the river Megistus.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_78" id="b5_78"><b>78.</b></a> While he was here an eclipse of the moon occurred: +and the Gauls who had all along been <span class="sidenote">Mutiny of the +Gauls.</span> +much discontented at the hardships of the +march,—which was rendered the more painful +for them by the fact of their being accompanied by their +wives and children, who followed the host in waggons,—now +regarded the eclipse as an evil augury, and refused to go +on. But King Attalus, who got no effective service out of +them, and saw that they straggled during the march and +encamped by themselves, and wholly declined to obey orders +and despised all authority, was in great doubt as to what to +do. He was anxious less they should desert to Achaeus, and +join in an attack upon himself: and was at the same time uneasy +at the scandal to which he would give rise, if he caused his +soldiers to surround and kill all these men, who were believed +to have crossed into Asia in reliance on his honour. He +therefore seized the occasion of their refusal to proceed, to +promise them that he would see that they were taken back to +the place where they had crossed into Asia; would assign them +suitable lands for a settlement; and would afterwards do them +any service they asked for, if it was within his power and +consistent with justice.</p> + +<p>Accordingly Attalus led the Aegosagae back to the Hellespont;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">430</a></span> +and after negotiations with the people of Lampsacus, +Ilium, and Alexandria, conducted in a friendly spirit because +they had preserved their loyalty to him, he returned with his +army to Pergamum.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_79" id="b5_79"><b>79.</b></a> At the beginning of the following spring, having all +preparations for war completed, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217. +Antiochus and +Ptolemy recommence +hostilities +in the spring.<br />Ptolemy’s army: +70,000 infantry, +5000 cavalry, 73 +elephants.</span> +Antiochus and +Ptolemy determined to bring their claims to +Coele-Syria to the decision of a battle. Ptolemy +accordingly set out from Alexandria with seventy +thousand infantry, five thousand cavalry, and +seventy three elephants. Being informed of his +approach, Antiochus drew his forces together. +These consisted of Daae, Carmani, and Cilicians, +equipped as light armed troops to the number of about +five thousand, under the charge and command +of Byttacus the Macedonian. +Under Theodotus, the +Aetolian, who had deserted from +Ptolemy, were ten thousand picked men from +the whole kingdom, armed in the Macedonian +fashion, most of whom had silver shields. The number of +<span class="sidenote">The army of +Antiochus: +62,000 infantry, +6000 cavalry, +102 elephants.</span>the phalanx was twenty thousand, and they were led by +Nicarchus and Theodotus Hemiolius. In addition to these +there were Agrianes and Persians, who were either bowmen +or slingers, to the number of two thousand. With them +were a thousand Thracians, under the command of Menedemus +of Alabanda. There was also a mixed force of Medes, +Cissians, Cadusians, and Carmanians, amounting to five +thousand men, who were assigned to the chief command of +Aspasianus the Mede. Certain Arabians also and men of +neighbouring tribes, to the number of ten thousand, were +commanded by Zabdibelus. The mercenaries from Greece +amounting to five thousand were led by Hippolochus of +Thessaly. Antiochus had also fifteen hundred Cretans who +came with Eurylochus, and a thousand Neo-Cretans commanded +by Zelys of Gortyna; with whom were five hundred +javelin men of Lydia, and a thousand Cardaces who came with +Lysimachus the Gaul. The entire number of his horse was +six thousand; four thousand were commanded by the king’s +nephew Antipater, the rest by Themison; so that the whole<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">431</a></span> +number of Antiochus’s force was sixty-two thousand infantry, +six thousand cavalry, and one hundred and two elephants.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_80" id="b5_80"><b>80.</b></a> Having marched to Pelusium Ptolemy made his first +halt in that town: and having been there +joined by the stragglers, <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy enters +Palestine.</span> +and having given +out their rations of corn to his men, he +got the army in motion, and led them by a line of march +which goes through the waterless region skirting Mount +Casius and the Marshes.<a name="FNanchor_274" id="FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">274</a> On the fifth day’s march he +reached his destination, and pitched his camp a distance of +fifty stades from Rhaphia, which is the first city of Coele-Syria +towards Egypt.</p> + +<p>While Ptolemy was effecting this movement Antiochus +arrived with his army at Gaza, where he +was joined by some reinforcements, <span class="sidenote">Antiochus goes +to meet him.</span> +and +once more commenced his advance, proceeding +at a leisurely pace. He passed Rhaphia and encamped +about ten stades from the enemy. For a while the +two armies preserved this distance, and remained encamped +opposite each other. But after some few days, wishing to +remove to more advantageous ground and to inspire confidence +in his troops, Antiochus pushed forward his camp so much +nearer Ptolemy, that the palisades of the two camps were not +more than five stades from each other; and while in this +position, there were frequent struggles at the watering-places +and on forays, as well as infantry and cavalry skirmishes in +the space between the camps.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_81" id="b5_81"><b>81.</b></a> In the course of these proceedings Theodotus conceived +and put into execution an enterprise, very +characteristic of an Aetolian, <span class="sidenote">Daring attempt of +Theodotus to assassinate +Ptolemy.</span> +but undoubtedly +requiring great personal courage. Having +formerly lived at Ptolemy’s court he knew the king’s tastes and +habits. Accordingly, accompanied by two others, he entered +the enemy’s camp just before daybreak; where, owing to the +dim light, he could not be recognised by his face, while his +dress and other accoutrements did not render him noticeable, +owing to the variety of costume prevailing among themselves. +He had marked the position of the king’s tent during the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">432</a></span>preceding days, for the skirmishes took place quite close; and +he now walked boldly up to it, and passed through all the outer +ring of attendants without being observed: but when he came +to the tent in which the king was accustomed to transact +business and dine, though he searched it in every conceivable +way, he failed to find the king; for Ptolemy slept in another +tent, separate from the public and official tent. He however +wounded two men who were sleeping there, and killed +Andreas, the king’s physician; and then returned safely to his +own camp, without meeting with any molestation, except just as +he was passing over the vallum of the enemy’s camp. As far +as daring went, he had fulfilled his purpose: but he had failed +in prudence by not taking the precaution to ascertain where +Ptolemy was accustomed to sleep.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_82" id="b5_82"><b>82.</b></a> After being encamped opposite each other for five +days, the two kings resolved to bring matters +to the decision of battle. <span class="sidenote">Disposition of the +two armies for +the battle of +Rhaphia.</span> +And upon +Ptolemy beginning to move his army outside +its camp, Antiochus hastened to do the +same. Both formed their front of their phalanx and men +armed in the Macedonian manner. But Ptolemy’s two +wings were formed as follows:—Polycrates, with the cavalry +under his command, occupied the left, and between him and +the phalanx were Cretans standing close by the horsemen; +next them came the royal guard;<a name="FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> then the peltasts under +Socrates, adjoining the Libyans armed in Macedonian fashion. +On the right wing was Echecrates of Thessaly, with his division +of cavalry; on his left were stationed Gauls and Thracians; +next them Phoxidas and the Greek mercenaries, extending to +the Egyptian phalanx. Of the elephants forty were on the left +wing, where Ptolemy was to be in person during the battle; +the other thirty-three had been stationed in front of the right +wing opposite the mercenary cavalry.</p> + +<p>Antiochus also placed sixty of his elephants commanded +by his foster-brother Philip in front of his right wing, on which +he was to be present personally, to fight opposite Ptolemy. +Behind these he stationed the two thousand cavalry commanded +by Antipater, and two thousand more at right angles to them.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">433</a></span></p> +<p>In line with the cavalry he placed the Cretans, and next +them the Greek mercenaries; with the latter he mixed two +thousand of these armed in the Macedonian fashion under +the command of the Macedonian Byttacus. At the extreme +point of the left wing he placed two thousand cavalry under +the command of Themison; by their side Cardacian and +Lydian javelin-men; next them the light-armed division of +three thousand, commanded by Menedemus; then the Cissians, +Medes, and Carmanians; and by their side the Arabians and +neighbouring peoples who continued the line up to the phalanx. +The remainder of the elephants he placed in front of his left +wing under the command of Myiscus, one of the boys about +the court.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_83" id="b5_83"><b>83.</b></a> The two armies having been drawn up in the order I +have described; the kings went along their +respective lines, <span class="sidenote">Addresses to the +two armies before +the battle of +Rhaphia.</span> +and addressed words of encouragement +and exhortation to their officers +and friends. But as they both rested their +strongest hopes on their phalanx, they showed their greatest +earnestness and addressed their strongest exhortations to them; +which were re-echoed in Ptolemy’s case by Andromachus and +Sosibius and the king’s sister Arsinoe; in the case of Antiochus +by Theodotus and Nicarchus: these officers being the commanders +of the phalanx in the two armies respectively. The +substance of what was said on both sides was the same: for +neither monarch had any glorious or famous achievement of +his own to quote to those whom he was addressing, seeing that +they had but recently succeeded to their crowns; but they +endeavoured to inspire the men of the phalanx with spirit +and boldness, by reminding them of the glory of their ancestors, +and the great deeds performed by them. But they chiefly +dwelt upon the hopes of advancement which the men might +expect at their hands in the future; and they called upon and +exhorted the leaders and the whole body of men, who were +about to be engaged, to maintain the fight with a manly and +courageous spirit. So with these or similar words, delivered +by their own lips or by interpreters, they rode along their +lines.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_84" id="b5_84"><b>84.</b></a> Ptolemy, accompanied by his sister, having arrived at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">434</a></span> +the left wing of his army, and Antiochus with the royal guard +at the right: they gave the signal for the battle, <span class="sidenote">The battle of +Rhaphia.</span> +and opened the fight by a charge of elephants. +Only some few of Ptolemy’s elephants +came to close quarters with the foe: seated on these the +soldiers in the howdahs maintained a brilliant fight, lunging at +and striking each other with crossed pikes.<a name="FNanchor_276" id="FNanchor_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> But the elephants +themselves fought still more brilliantly, using all their strength +in the encounter, and pushing against each other, forehead to +forehead.</p> + +<p>The way in which elephants fight is this: they get their +tusks entangled and jammed, <span class="sidenote">Fighting elephants.</span> +and then push +against one another with all their might, trying +to make each other yield ground until one of +them proving superior in strength has pushed aside the other’s +trunk; and when once he can get a side blow at his enemy, +he pierces him with his tusks as a bull would with his horns. +Now, most of Ptolemy’s animals, as is the way with Libyan +elephants, were afraid to face the fight: for they cannot stand +the smell or the trumpeting of the Indian elephants, but are +frightened at their size and strength, I suppose, and run away +from them at once without waiting to come near them. <span class="sidenote">Antiochus’s right +wing successful.</span> +This +is exactly what happened on this occasion: and upon their +being thrown into confusion and being driven +back upon their own lines, Ptolemy’s guard +gave way before the rush of the animals; while +Antiochus, wheeling his men so as to avoid the elephants, +charged the division of cavalry under Polycrates. At the +same time the Greek mercenaries stationed near the phalanx, +and behind the elephants, charged Ptolemy’s peltasts and made +them give ground, the elephants having already thrown their +ranks also into confusion. Thus Ptolemy’s whole left wing +began to give way before the enemy.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_85" id="b5_85"><b>85.</b></a> Echecrates the commander of the right wing waited at +first to see the result of the struggle between <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy’s right +wing also +successful.</span> +the other wings of the two armies: but when he +saw the dust coming his way, and that the +elephants opposite his division were afraid even to approach +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">435</a></span>the hostile elephants at all, he ordered Phoxidas to charge the +part of the enemy opposite him with his Greek mercenaries; +while he made a flank movement with the cavalry and the +division behind the elephants; and so getting out of the line of +the hostile elephants’ attack, charged the enemy’s cavalry on +the rear or the flank and quickly drove them from their +ground. Phoxidas and his men were similarly successful: for +they charged the Arabians and Medes and forced them into +precipitate flight. Thus Antiochus’s right wing gained a victory, +while his left was defeated. <span class="sidenote">The centre +coming into +action. Ptolemy +is victorious.</span> +The phalanxes, left +without the support of either wing, remained +intact in the centre of the plain, in a state of +alternate hope and fear for the result. Meanwhile +Antiochus was assisting in gaining the victory on his right +wing; while Ptolemy, who had retired behind his phalanx, +now came forward in the centre, and showing himself in the +view of both armies struck terror in the hearts of the enemy, +but inspired great spirit and enthusiasm in his own men; +and Andromachus and Sosibius at once ordered them to lower +their sarissae and charge. The picked Syrian troops stood +their ground only for a short time, and the division of Nicarchus +quickly broke and fled. Antiochus presuming, in his youthful +inexperience, from the success of his own division, that he +would be equally victorious all along the line, was pressing on +the pursuit; but upon one of the older officers at length +giving him warning, and pointing out that the cloud of dust +raised by the phalanx was moving towards their own camp, he +understood too late what was happening; and endeavoured to +gallop back with the squadron of royal cavalry on to the field. +<span class="sidenote">Final retreat of +Antiochus.</span> +But finding his whole line in full retreat he was +forced to retire to Rhaphia: comforting himself +with the belief that, as far as he was personally +concerned, he had won a victory, but had been defeated in +the whole battle by the want of spirit and courage shown by +the rest.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_86" id="b5_86"><b>86.</b></a> Having secured the final victory by his phalanx, and +killed large numbers of the enemy in the pursuit by means of +his cavalry and mercenaries on his right wing, Ptolemy retired +to his own camp and there spent the night. But next day,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">436</a></span> +after picking up and burying his own dead, and stripping the +bodies of the enemy, he advanced towards Rhaphia. Antiochus +had wished, immediately after the retreat of his army, to make +a camp outside the city; and there rally such of his men as had +fled in compact bodies: but finding that the greater number +had retreated into the town, he was compelled to enter it himself +also. Next morning, however, before daybreak, he led out +the relics of his army and made the best of his way to Gaza. +There he pitched a camp: and having sent an embassy to +obtain leave to pick up his dead, he obtained a truce for +performing their obsequies. <span class="sidenote">The losses on +either side.</span> +His loss amounted +to nearly ten thousand infantry and three +hundred cavalry killed, and four thousand taken +prisoners. Three elephants were killed on the field, and two +died afterwards of their wounds. On Ptolemy’s side the +losses were fifteen hundred infantry killed and seven hundred +cavalry: sixteen of his elephants were killed, and most of the +others captured.</p> + +<p>Such was the result of the battle of Rhaphia between kings +Ptolemy and Antiochus for the possession of Coele-Syria.</p> + +<p>After picking up his dead Antiochus retired with his army +to his own country: while Ptolemy took over +Rhaphia and the other towns without difficulty, <span class="sidenote">The effect of the +battle of Rhaphia.</span> +all the states vying with each other as to +which should be first to renew their allegiance and come over +to him. And perhaps it is the way of the world everywhere +to accommodate one’s self to circumstances at such times; but +it is eminently true of the race inhabiting that country, that they +have a natural turn and inclination to worship success. Moreover +it was all the more natural in this case, owing to the +existing disposition of the people in favour of the Alexandrian +kings; for the inhabitants of Coele-Syria are somehow always +more loyally disposed to this family than to any other. Accordingly +they now stopped short of no extravagance of adulation, +honouring Ptolemy with crowns, sacrifices, and every possible +compliment of the kind.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_87" id="b5_87"><b>87.</b></a> Meanwhile Antiochus, on arriving at the city which +bears his own name, immediately despatched an embassy to +Ptolemy, consisting of Antipater, his nephew, and Theodotus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">437</a></span> +Hemiolius, to treat of a peace, in great alarm lest the enemy +should advance upon him. For his defeat had +inspired him with distrust of his own forces, <span class="sidenote">Peace between +Ptolemy and +Antiochus for a +year, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</span> +and he was afraid that Achaeus would seize +the opportunity to attack him. It did not +occur to Ptolemy to take any of these circumstances into +account: but being thoroughly satisfied with his unexpected +success, and generally at his unlooked for acquisition of Coele-Syria, +he was by no means indisposed to peace; but even more +inclined to it than he ought to have been: influenced in that +direction by the habitual effeminacy and corruption of his +manner of life. Accordingly, when Antipater and his colleague +arrived, after some little bluster and vituperation of Antiochus +for what had taken place, he agreed to a truce for a year. He +sent Sosibius back with the ambassadors to ratify the treaty: +while he himself, after remaining three months in Syria and +Phoenicia, and settling the towns, left Andromachus of +Aspendus as governor of this district, and started with his +sister and friends for Alexandria: having brought the war to a +conclusion in a way that surprised his subjects, when they +contrasted it with the principles on which he spent the rest of +his life. Antiochus after exchanging ratifications of the treaty +with Sosibius, employed himself in making preparations for +attacking Achaeus, as he had originally begun doing. Such +was the political situation in Asia.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_88" id="b5_88"><b>88.</b></a> About the same period the earthquake occurred at +Rhodes, which overthrew the great Colossus and +the larger part of the walls and dockyards. <span class="sidenote">Earthquake at +Rhodes. Royal +liberality, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 224.</span> +But +the adroit policy of the Rhodians converted this +misfortune into an opportunity; and under their +skilful management, instead of adding to their embarrassments, +it became the means of restoring their prosperity. So decisive +in human affairs, public or private, is the difference between incapacity +and good sense, between idle indifference and a close +attention to business. Good fortune only damages the one, +while disaster is but a means of recovery to the other. This +was illustrated by the manner in which the Rhodians turned +the misfortune that befel them to account. They enhanced its +magnitude and importance by the prominence which they gave<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">438</a></span> +it, and the serious tone in which they spoke of it, as well +by the mouth of their ambassadors as in the intercourse +of private life; and they created thus such an effect upon +other states, and especially upon the feelings of the +kings, that they were not only overwhelmed with presents, +but made the donors feel actually obliged for their acceptance +of them. Hiero and Gelo, for instance, <span class="sidenote">Hiero and Gelo.</span> +presented them with seventy-five talents of +silver, part at once, and the rest at a very short interval, as a +contribution towards the expenses of the gymnasium; gave +them for religious purposes some silver cauldrons and their +stands, and some water vessels; and in addition to this +ten talents for their sacrifices, and ten more to attract +new citizens: their intention being that the whole present +should amount to a hundred talents.<a name="FNanchor_277" id="FNanchor_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">277</a> Not only so, but +they gave immunity from customs to Rhodian merchants +coming to their ports; and presented them besides with fifty +catapults of three cubits length. In spite too of these large +gifts, they regarded themselves as under an obligation to the +Rhodians; and accordingly erected statues in the <i>Deigma</i> or +Mart of Rhodes, representing the community of Rhodes +crowned by that of Syracuse.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_89" id="b5_89"><b>89.</b></a> Then too Ptolemy offered them three hundred talents +of silver; a million medimni<a name="FNanchor_278" id="FNanchor_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> of corn; <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy.</span> +ship +timber for ten quinqueremes and ten triremes, +consisting of forty thousand cubits of squared pine planking; +a thousand talents of bronze coinage; three thousand +talents<a name="FNanchor_279" id="FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> of tow; three thousand pieces of sail cloth; three +thousand talents for the repair of the Colossus; a hundred +master builders with three hundred and fifty workmen, +and fourteen talents yearly to pay their wages. +Besides this he gave twelve thousand medimni of corn for +their public games and sacrifices, and twenty thousand medimni +for victualling ten triremes. The greater part of these goods +was delivered at once, as well as a third of the whole of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">439</a></span> +money named. In a similar spirit Antigonus offered ten +thousand timbers, varying from sixteen to eight cubits in +length, to be used as purlins; <span class="sidenote">Antigonus.</span> +five thousand +rafters seven cubits long; three thousand +talents of iron; a thousand talents of pitch; a thousand +amphorae of the same unboiled; and a hundred talents +of silver besides. His queen, Chryseis, also gave a hundred +thousand medimni of corn, and three thousand talents of +lead. Again Seleucus,<a name="FNanchor_280" id="FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">280</a> father of Antiochus, besides granting +freedom from imports to Rhodians sailing to his dominions, +and besides giving ten quinqueremes fully equipped, and two +hundred thousand medimni of corn; gave also ten thousand +cubits of timber, and a thousand talents of resin and hair.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_90" id="b5_90"><b>90.</b></a> Nor were Prusias and Mithridates far behind these in +liberality; nor the princes Lysanias, Olympichus, +and Lymnaeas, <span class="sidenote">Other princes.</span> +who were at that time in power +in different parts of Asia; and as for states that, according to +their several abilities contributed to their assistance, it would be +difficult to reckon their number. In fact, though when we +regard the time which it took the city to recover its populousness, +and the state of desolation from which it started, we +cannot fail to be struck at the rapidity and the extent of its +improvement in regard both to private and public wealth; yet +when we contemplate the natural advantages of its site, and +the contributions from outside which served to raise its +fortunes to their original height, this feeling must give way to +a conviction that the advance was somewhat less than might +have been expected.</p> + +<p>My object in giving these details is twofold. I wished to +exhibit the brilliant conduct of their public affairs by the +Rhodians, for indeed they deserve both to be commended and +imitated: and I wished also to point out the insignificance of +the gifts bestowed by the kings of our own day, and received +by nations and states; that these monarchs may not imagine +that by the expenditure of four or five talents they are doing +anything so very great, or expect to receive at the hands of the +Greeks the honour enjoyed by former kings; and that states +when they see before their eyes the magnitude of the presents +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">440</a></span>formerly bestowed, may not, nowadays, in return for insignificant +and paltry benefactions, blindly bestow their most ample +and splendid honours; but may use that discrimination in +apportioning their favours to desert, in which Greeks excel the +rest of the world.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_91" id="b5_91"><b>91.</b></a> Just at the beginning of this summer, while Agetas +was Strategus of the Aetolians, and when Aratus +had just become Strategus of <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217. Greece. +Return of Lycurgus +to Sparta. +He projects an +invasion of +Messenia.</span> +the Achaean +league,—at which point we broke off in our +history of the Social war,<a name="FNanchor_281" id="FNanchor_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">281</a>—Lycurgus of Sparta +returned home from Aetolia. The Ephors had +discovered that the charge on which he had +been banished was false; and had accordingly sent for him +back, and recalled him from exile. He at once began making +an arrangement with Pyrrhias the Aetolian, who happened at +the time to be commander in Elis, for an invasion of Messenia. +<span class="sidenote">The preparations +of Aratus.</span> +Now, when Aratus came into office, he found the +mercenary army of the league in a state of +complete demoralisation, and the cities very +slack to pay the tax for their support, owing to the bad and +spiritless manner in which his predecessor Eperatus had +managed the affairs of the league. He, however, exhorted +the members of the league to reform, and obtained a decree +dealing with this matter; and then threw himself with energy +into the preparations for the war. The decree passed by +the Achaeans ordered the maintenance of eight thousand +mercenary infantry and five hundred horse, together with three +thousand Achaean infantry and three hundred horse, enrolled +in the usual way; and that of these latter five hundred foot and +fifty horse were to be brazen-shield men from Megalopolis, +and the same number of Argives. It ordered also that +three ships should be manned to cruise off Acte and in the +Argolic gulf, and three off Patrae and Dyme, and in the sea +there.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_92" id="b5_92"><b>92.</b></a> While Aratus was engaged in these transactions, and +in completing these preparations, Lycurgus and Pyrrhias, after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">441</a></span> +an interchange of messages to secure their making their +expedition at the same time, marched into Messenia. +The Achaean Strategus, aware of their +design, <span class="sidenote">The ill-success of +Lycurgus.</span> +came with the mercenaries and some of +the picked Achaeans to Megalopolis, with the view of supporting +the Messenians. After setting out, Lycurgus got possession of +Calamae, a stronghold in Messenia, by treachery; and pressed +hurriedly forward to effect a junction with the Aetolians. But +Pyrrhias had started from Elis with a wholly inadequate force, +and, having been easily stopped at the pass into Messenia by the +Cyparissians, had turned back. Lycurgus therefore being +unable to effect his junction with Pyrrhias, and not being +strong enough by himself, after assaulting Andania for a +short time, returned back to Sparta without having effected +anything.</p> + +<p>When the plot of the enemy had thus gone to pieces; +Aratus, with a provident regard for the future, arranged with +Taurion to provide fifty horse and five hundred foot, and with +the Messenians to send an equal number; with the view of +using these men to protect the territories of Messenia, Megalopolis, +Tegea, and Argos,—for these districts, being on the +frontier of Laconia, have to bear the brunt of Lacedaemonian +invasion for the rest of the Peloponnese; while with the +Achaean levies and mercenaries he planned to guard the parts +of Achaia which lay towards Elis and Aetolia.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_93" id="b5_93"><b>93.</b></a> After adjusting these matters, he settled in accordance +with the decree of the league the +intestine disputes at Megalopolis. <span class="sidenote">Condition of +Megalopolis.</span> +For it +happened that the people of this town having +been recently deprived of their country by Cleomenes,<a name="FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> and, to +use a common expression, shaken to their foundations, were +in absolute want of many things, and ill-provided with all: +for they persisted in maintaining their usual scale of living, +while their means both public and private were entirely +crippled. The consequence was that the town was filled with +disputes, jealousies, and mutual hatred; which is ever the +case, both with states and individuals, when means fall short of +desires. The first controversy was about the walling of the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">442</a></span>town,—one party maintaining that the limits of the city should +be contracted to a size admitting of being completely walled +and guarded at a time of danger; for that in the late occasion +it was its size and unguarded state which had caused their +disaster. In addition to this it was maintained by this party +that the landowners should contribute the third part of their +land to provide for the enrolment of new citizens. The other +party rejected the notion of contracting the limits of the city +and would not consent to contribute a third part of their lands. +But the most serious controversy of all was in regard to the +laws draughted for them by Prytanis, an eminent Peripatetic +philosopher, whom Antigonus Doson appointed to draw them +up a constitution. In this distracted state of politics, Aratus +intervened with all the earnestness he could command, and +succeeded in pacifying the heated feelings of the citizens. The +terms on which the controversies were settled were engraved on +a column, and set up near the altar of Vesta in the Homarium.<a name="FNanchor_283" id="FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">283</a></p> + +<p><a name="b5_94" id="b5_94"><b>94.</b></a> After arranging this settlement, Aratus broke up his +camp; and going on himself to the congress +from of the Achaeans, <span class="sidenote">Another raid of +Aetolians from +Elis.</span>handed over the mercenaries +to Lycus of Pharae, as the Sub-Strategus +of the league. But the Eleans, being dissatisfied with +Pyrrhias, once more induced the Aetolians to send them +Euripidas; who, waiting until the Achaeans were engaged in +their congress, took sixty horse and two thousand foot, and +started on a raid. Having passed through the territory of +Pharae, he overran the country up to the territory of Aegium; +and after securing and driving off a considerable booty, he +began a retreat towards Leontium. But Lycus, learning what +had happened, went in all haste to protect the country; and +falling in with the enemy, he attacked them at once and killed +four hundred and took two hundred prisoners, among whom +were the following men of rank: Physsias, Antanor, Clearchus, +Androlochus, Euanoridas, Aristogeiton, Nicasippus, and +Aspasius. <span class="sidenote">The Achaean +fleet retaliates on +Aetolia.</span> +The arms and baggage fell entirely +into his hands. About the same time the +Navarch of the league having gone on an +expedition to Molycria, returned with nearly a hundred +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">443</a></span>captives. Returning once more to Aetolia he sailed to +Chalceia and captured two war ships, with their crews, which +put out to resist him; and took also a long boat with its men +on the Aetolian Rhium. There being thus an influx of booty +both by sea and land at the same period, and a considerable +amount of money and provisions being obtained from this, the +soldiers felt confident of getting their pay, and the cities of the +league were sanguine of not being likely to be hard pressed by +their contributions.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_95" id="b5_95"><b>95.</b></a> While these events were taking place Scerdilaidas, +thinking that he was not being treated fairly, <span class="sidenote">Scerdilaidas the +Illyrian plunders +the coast.</span> +because some of the payments agreed upon +in his treaty with Philip were in arrear, sent +out fifteen galleys, treacherously pretending that their object +was to receive and convoy the money. These galleys +sailed to Leucas, where they were received by all as friendly, +owing to their former alliance: but the only mischief they +had time to do was to make a treacherous attack on the +Corinthian Agathinus and Cassander, who had come there on +board Taurion’s ships, and were lying at anchor close to them +with four vessels. These they captured with their vessels and +sent to Scerdilaidas; and then putting out to sea from Leucas, +and sailing towards Malea, they plundered and captured the +merchants whom they met.</p> + +<p>Harvest time was now approaching: and as Taurion paid +little attention to the protection of the cities +I mentioned above; <span class="sidenote">More raids.</span> +Aratus in person, at the +head of some picked Achaean troops, protected the getting +in of the harvest round Argos: while Euripidas at the head +of a force of Aetolians set out on a raid, with the object +of ravaging the territory of Tritaea. But when Lycus and +Demodocus, the Hipparch of the league, heard of the expedition +of the Aetolians from Elis, they collected the people of +Dymae, Patrae and Pharae, and joining the mercenaries to +these forces made an incursion upon Elis. Arrived at a place +called Phyxium, they allowed their light-armed troops and +their horse to plunder the country, but kept their hoplites +concealed near this place: and when the Eleans had sallied +out in full force to attack the foraging parties, and were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">444</a></span> +pursuing them as they retreated, the hoplites with Lycus rose +from their hiding-place and charged them as they rushed +heedlessly on. The Eleans did not stand against the attack, +but fled at the mere appearance of the hoplites: who killed two +hundred of them and took eighty prisoners, and carried off +with them in safety all the booty that had been driven in from +the country. At the same time the Navarch of the league +made numerous descents upon Calydonia and the territory of +Naupactus; and not only overran the country, but twice +annihilated the force sent out to resist him. Among others he +took Cleonicus of Naupactus prisoner: who owing to this being +a proxenus of the Achaeans was not sold on the spot, and after +some little time was set free without ransom.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_96" id="b5_96"><b>96.</b></a> About the same time Agetas, the Strategus of the +Aetolian league, proclaimed a general levy of +Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">Acarnania.</span> +and went on a foraging expedition into +the territory of the Acarnanians. He marched through all +Epirus, plundering as he went without let or hindrance; +after doing which he returned home, and dismissed the Aetolian +levy to their own cities. But the Acarnanians, upon making a +retaliatory invasion of the territory of Stratus, were seized with a +panic: and returned with disgrace, though without loss; because +the people of Stratus did not venture to pursue them, believing +that their retreat was a ruse to cover an ambuscade.</p> + +<p>An instance of counter-treachery occurred also at Phanoteus. +Alexander who had been appointed governor of +Phocis by Philip, <span class="sidenote">Phanoteus in +Phocis. The biter +bit.</span> +entered into a plot against +the Aetolians, through the agency of a certain +Jason, who had been appointed by himself to command the +city of Phanoteus. This man sent a message to Agetas, the +Strategus of the Aetolian league, agreeing to hand over to him +the citadel of Phanoteus; and he confirmed his offer by a +regularly sworn treaty. On the appointed day Agetas came +with his Aetolian levy to Phanoteus under cover of night; and +concealing the rest at some little distance, he selected a hundred +of the most active men and sent them towards the citadel. Jason +had Alexander all ready with his soldiers, but duly received +the Aetolians as he had sworn into the citadel. Immediately +Alexander and his men threw themselves into the citadel also:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">445</a></span> +the Aetolian hundred picked soldiers were made prisoners; +and when daylight showed Agetas what had taken place, he +drew off his troops,—baffled by a ruse very like what he had +on many occasions practised himself.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_97" id="b5_97"><b>97.</b></a> About this same period King Philip captured Bylazora, +the largest town of Paeonia, and very favourably +situated for commanding the pass from <span class="sidenote">Philip’s campaign +in Upper +Macedonia and +Thessaly.</span> +Dardania to Macedonia: so that by this +achievement he was all but entirely freed from +any fear of the Dardani, it being no longer easy for them to +invade Macedonia, as long as this city gave Philip the +command of the pass. Having secured this place, he despatched +Chrysogonus with all speed to summon the upper +Macedonians to arms; while he himself, taking on the men of +Bottia and Amphaxitis, arrived at Edessa. Waiting there until +he was joined by the Macedonians under Chrysogonus, he +started with his whole army, and on the sixth day’s march +arrived at Larisa; and thence by a rapid night +march he came before daybreak to Meliteia, <span class="sidenote">Meliteia.</span> +and placing scaling ladders against the walls, attempted to take +the town by escalade. The suddenness and unexpectedness of +the attack so dismayed the people of Meliteia, that he would +easily have taken the town; but he was baffled by the fact +of the ladders proving to be far too short.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_98" id="b5_98"><b>98.</b></a> This is the kind of mistake which above all others +reflects discredit on the commanders. For what can be more +culpable than to arrive at a town which they mean to carry, in +an entirely unprovided state, without having taken the precaution +of measuring walls, cliffs, and the like, by which they +intend to effect their entrance? Or again, while satisfying +themselves as to these measurements, to entrust the construction +of ladders and all such machinery, which, though taking little +time to make, have to stand the test of a very critical service, +without consideration, and to incompetent persons,—is not +this deserving of censure? For in such actions it is not a +question of succeeding or failing without ill consequences; but +failure is followed by positive damage in manifold respects: +danger to the bravest of the men at the actual time, and still +greater danger during their retreat, when they have once<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">446</a></span> +incurred the contempt of the enemy. The examples of such +disasters are numerous; for you will find that of those who +have failed in such attempts, many more have perished, or +have been reduced to the last extremity of danger, than have +come off scatheless. Moreover, no one can deny that they +arouse distrust and hatred against themselves for the future, +and give all men warning to be on their guard. For it is not +only the persons attacked, but all who know what has +happened, who are thereby bidden to look out for themselves +and be on the watch. Wherefore it is never right for men +in places of trust to conduct such enterprises inconsiderately. +The method also of taking such measurements, and constructing +machines of this kind, is easy and liable to no +mistakes, if they are taken in hand scientifically.</p> + +<p>For the present, however, I must resume the thread of my +narrative, but I shall take another fitting opportunity in the +course of my work to speak of these matters, and will endeavour +to show how mistakes may best be avoided in such +undertakings.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_99" id="b5_99"><b>99.</b></a> Thus baffled in his attempt upon Meliteia, Philip encamped +upon the bank of the Enipeus, and collected from +Larisa and the other cities the siege train which he had caused +to be constructed during the winter. <span class="sidenote">Thebae Phthiotides, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</span> +For the chief object of +his campaign was the capture of the city called +Phthiotid Thebes. Now this city lies no long +way from the sea, about thirty stades from +Larisa, and is conveniently situated in regard both to Magnesia +and Thessaly; but especially as commanding the district +of Demetrias in Magnesia, and of Pharsalus and Pherae in +Thessaly. From it, at that very time, much damage was +being inflicted upon the Demetrians, Pharsalians, and +Larisaeans; as the Aetolians were in occupation of it, and +made continual predatory expeditions, often as far as to the +plain of Amyrus. Philip did not regard the matter as at all +of small importance, but was exceedingly bent on taking the +town. Having therefore got together a hundred and fifty +catapults, and twenty-five stone-throwing ballistae, he sat down +before Thebes. He distributed his forces between three +points in the vicinity of the city; one was encamped near<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">447</a></span> +Scopium; a second near a place called Heliotropium; and the +third on the hill overhanging the town. The spaces between +these camps he fortified by a trench and double palisade, and +further secured them by towers of wood, at intervals of a +hundred feet, with an adequate guard. When these works +were finished, he collected all his siege train together and began +to move his engines towards the citadel.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_100" id="b5_100"><b>100.</b></a> For the first three days the king was unable to make +any progress in bringing his machines against +the town, <span class="sidenote">Thebes is taken, +its inhabitants +enslaved, and +its name changed +to Philippopolis.</span> +owing to the gallant and even desperate +defence which the garrison opposed to him. +But when the continual skirmishing, and the +volleys of missiles, had began to tell upon the +defenders, and some of them were killed and others disabled +by wounds; the defence becoming a little slacker, the +Macedonians began sinking mines, and at last after nine days’ +work reached the walls. They then carried on the work by +relays, so as never to leave it off day or night: and thus in three +days had undermined and underpinned two hundred feet of +the wall. The props, however, proved too weak to support +the weight, and gave way; so that the wall fell without the +Macedonians having the trouble of setting fire to them. +When they had worked energetically at clearing the debris, and +had made every preparation for entering by the breach, and +were just on the point of carrying it, the Thebans in a panic +surrendered the town. The security which this achievement +of Philip’s gave to Magnesia and Thessaly deprived the +Aetolians of a rich field for plunder; and demonstrated to his +army that he had been justified in putting Leontius to death, +for his deliberate treachery in the previous siege of Palae. +Having thus become master of Thebes he sold its existing +inhabitants into slavery, and drafting in some Macedonian +settlers changed its name to Philippopolis.</p> + +<p>Just as the king had finished the settlement of Thebes, +ambassadors once more came from Chios, Rhodes, Byzantium, +and King Ptolemy to negotiate terms of peace. He answered +them in much the same terms as he had the former,<a name="FNanchor_284" id="FNanchor_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> that he +was not averse to peace; and bade them go and find out +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">448</a></span>what the feelings of the Aetolians were. Meanwhile he himself +cared little about making peace, but continued steadily +to prosecute his designs.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_101" id="b5_101"><b>101.</b></a> Accordingly, when he heard that the galleys of +Scerdilaidas were committing acts of piracy off Malea, and +treating all merchants as open enemies, and had treacherously +seized some of his own vessels which were at anchor at +Leucas, he fitted out twelve decked ships, eight open +vessels, and thirty light craft called hemioliae,<a name="FNanchor_285" id="FNanchor_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> and sailed +through the Euripus in hot haste to come up with the +Illyrians; exceedingly excited about his plans for carrying +on the war against the Aetolians, as he knew nothing as +yet of what had happened in Italy. For the defeat of the +Romans by Hannibal in Etruria took place while Philip was +besieging Thebes, but the report of that occurrence had not +yet reached Greece. Philip arrived too late to capture the +galleys: and therefore, dropping anchor at Cenchreae, he sent +away his decked ships, with orders to sail round Malea in the +direction of Aegium and Patrae; but having caused the rest of +his vessels to be dragged across the Isthmus, he ordered +them to anchor at Lechaeum; while he went in haste with his +friends to Argos to attend the Nemean festival. <span class="sidenote">Nemean festival. +Midsummer of +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</span> +Just as he was engaged in watching the gymnastic +contest, a courier arrived from Macedonia +with news of the Romans having been defeated in a great battle, +and of Hannibal being in possession of the open +country. Philip showed the letter to no one at +the moment, except to Demetrius of Pharos, +enjoining him not to say a word. The latter seized the +<span class="sidenote">Philip hears of the +Battle of Thrasymene, +22d June.</span>occasion to advise Philip to throw over the war against the +Aetolians as soon as possible; and to concentrate his efforts +upon Illyria, and an expedition into Italy. “For Greece,” said +he, “is already entirely obedient to you, and will remain so: +the Achaeans from genuine affection; the Aetolians from the +terror which their disasters in the present war have inspired +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">449</a></span>them. Italy, and your crossing into it, is the first step in the +acquirement of universal empire, to which no one has a better +claim than yourself. And now is the moment to act when +the Romans have suffered a reverse.”</p> + +<p><a name="b5_102" id="b5_102"><b>102.</b></a> By using such arguments he found no difficulty in +firing Philip’s ambition: as was natural, I think, considering +that he was but a youthful monarch, who had as yet been +successful in all his undertakings, and was in any case of a +singularly daring character; and considering too that he was +sprung from a family which above all families has somehow a +tendency to aim at universal monarchy.</p> + +<p>At the moment then, as I said, Philip communicated the +news conveyed by the letter to Demetrius alone; and afterwards +summoning a council of his friends consulted them on +the subject of making peace with the Aetolians. And when +even Aratus professed no disinclination to the measure, on the +ground that they would be making peace as conquerors, the +king without waiting for the ambassadors, who were officially +engaged in negotiating its terms, sent Cleonicus of Naupactus +at once to Aetolia, whom he found still awaiting the meeting +of the Achaean league after his captivity;<a name="FNanchor_286" id="FNanchor_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> while he himself, +taking his ships and land force from Corinth, came with it to +Aegium. Thence he advanced as far as Lasion and took the +Tower in Perippia, and pretended, in order to avoid appearing +too eager for the conclusion of the war, that he was meditating +an invasion of Elis. <span class="sidenote">A peace congress +summoned.</span> +By this time Cleonicus +had been backwards and forwards two or three +times; and as the Aetolians begged that he +would meet them personally in conference, he assented, and +abandoning all warlike measures, he sent couriers to the allied +cities, bidding their commissioners to sit in the conference +with him and take part in the discussion of the terms of +peace: <span class="sidenote">Zacynthus visited +by Philip.</span> +and then crossed over with his army +and encamped near Panormus, which is a +harbour of the Peloponnese, and lies exactly +opposite Naupactus. There he waited for the commissioners +from the allies, and employed the time required for their +assembling in sailing to Zacynthus, and settling on his own +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">450</a></span>authority the affairs of the island; and having done so he +sailed back to Panormus.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_103" id="b5_103"><b>103.</b></a> The commissioners having now assembled, Philip sent +Aratus and Taurion, and some others who had come with +them, to the Aetolians. They found them in full assembly +at Naupactus; and after a short conference with them, and +satisfying themselves as to their inclination for peace, they +sailed back to Philip to inform him of the state of the case. +But the Aetolians, being very eager to bring the war to a +conclusion, sent ambassadors with them to Philip urging him +to visit them with his army, that by a personal conference the +business might be brought to a satisfactory conclusion. +Moved by these representations, <span class="sidenote">Philip goes to +Naupactus.</span> +the king +sailed across with his army to what is +called the Hollows of Naupactus, about +twenty stades from the town. Having pitched a camp there, +and having caused both it and his ships to be surrounded by +a palisade, he waited for the time fixed for the interview. +The Aetolians came <i>en masse</i> without arms; and keeping at a +distance of two stades from Philip’s camp, interchanged +messages and discussions on the subjects in question. The +negotiation was begun by the king sending all the commissioners +of the allies, with instructions to offer the Aetolians peace, on +the condition of both parties retaining what they then held. +This preliminary the Aetolians readily agreed to; and then +there began a continuous interchange of messages between the +two, most of which I shall omit as containing no point of +interest: but I shall record the speech made by Agelaus of +Naupactus in the first conference before the king and the +assembled allies. It was this.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_104" id="b5_104"><b>104.</b></a> “The best thing of all is that the Greeks should not +go to war with each other at all, but give the +gods hearty thanks if by all speaking with +one voice, <span class="sidenote">Speech of Agelaus +of Naupactus +foreshadowing +the Roman +conquest.</span> +and joining hands like people crossing +a stream, they may be able to repel the +attacks of barbarians and save themselves and +their cities. But if this is altogether impossible, in the +present juncture at least we ought to be unanimous and on our +guard, when we see the bloated armaments and the vast<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">451</a></span> +proportions assumed by the war in the west. For even now it is +evident to any one who pays even a moderate attention to public +affairs, that whether the Carthaginians conquer the Romans, +or the Romans the Carthaginians, it is in every way improbable +that the victors will remain contented with the empire of Sicily +and Italy. They will move forward: and will extend their +forces and their designs farther than we could wish. Wherefore, +I beseech you all to be on your guard against the +danger of the crisis, and above all you, O King. You will do +this, if you abandon the policy of weakening the Greeks, and +thus rendering them an easy prey to the invader; and consult +on the contrary for their good as you would for your own +person, and have a care for all parts of Greece alike, as part +and parcel of your own domains. If you act in this spirit, the +Greeks will be your warm friends and faithful coadjutors in all +your undertakings; while foreigners will be less ready to form +designs against you, seeing with dismay the firm loyalty of the +Greeks. If you are eager for action, turn your eyes to the +west, and let your thoughts dwell upon the wars in Italy. Wait +with coolness the turn of events there, and seize the opportunity +to strike for universal dominion. Nor is the present crisis +unfavourable for such a hope. But I intreat of you to postpone +your controversies and wars with the Greeks to a time of greater +tranquillity; and make it your supreme aim to retain the power +of making peace or war with them at your own will. For if once +you allow the clouds now gathering in the west to settle upon +Greece, I fear exceedingly that the power of making peace or +war, and in a word all these games which we are now playing +against each other, will be so completely knocked out of the +hands of us all, that we shall be praying heaven to grant us +only this power of making war or peace with each other at our +own will and pleasure, and of settling our own disputes.”</p> + +<p><a name="b5_105" id="b5_105"><b>105.</b></a> This speech of Agelaus greatly influenced the allies +in favour of peace; and Philip more than any +one: <span class="sidenote">The peace is +ratified.</span> +as the arguments employed chimed in with +the wishes which the advice of Demetrius had +already roused in him. Both parties therefore came to terms +on the details of the treaty; and after ratifying it, separated to +their several cities, taking peace with them instead of war.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">452</a></span></p> + +<p>These events all fell in the third year of the 140th Olympiad. +<span class="sidenote">Olympiad 140, 3. +Before July +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</span> +I mean the battle of the Romans in Etruria, +that of Antiochus for Coele-Syria, and lastly the +treaty between Philip and the Aetolians.</p> + +<p>This then was the first point of time, and the first instance +of a deliberation, which may be said to have +regarded the affairs of Greece, <span class="sidenote">The Eastern and +Western politics +become involved +with each other.</span> +Italy, and Libya +as a connected whole: for neither Philip nor the +leading statesmen of the Greek cities made war +or peace any longer with each other with a view to Greek +affairs, but were already all fixing their eyes upon Italy. Nor +was it long before the islanders and inhabitants of Asia +were affected in the same way; for those who were displeased +with Philip, or who had quarrels with Attalus, no longer turned +to Antiochus or Ptolemy, to the south or the east, but from +this time forth fixed their eyes on the west, some sending +embassies to Carthage, others to Rome. The Romans similarly +began sending legates to Greece, alarmed at the daring character +of Philip, and afraid that he might join in the attack upon them +in their present critical position. Having thus fulfilled my +original promise of showing when, how, and why Greek politics +became involved in those of Italy and Libya, I shall now bring +my account of Greek affairs down to the date of the battle of +Cannae, to which I have already brought the history of Italy, +and will end this book at that point.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_106" id="b5_106"><b>106.</b></a> Directly the Achaeans had put an end to the war, +they elected Timoxenus Strategus for the next <span class="sidenote">Timoxenus +Achaean Strategus, +May <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216.</span> +year<a name="FNanchor_287" id="FNanchor_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">287</a> and departed to take up once more their +regular ways and habits. Along with the +Achaeans the other Peloponnesian communities +also set to work to repair the losses they had sustained; +recommenced the cultivation of the land; and re-established +their national sacrifices, games, and other religious observances +peculiar to their several states. For these things<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">453</a></span> +had all but sunk into oblivion in most of the states through +the persistent continuance of the late wars. It has ever +somehow been the case that the Peloponnesians, who of +all men are the most inclined to a peaceful and civilised +way of life, have hitherto enjoyed it less than any other +nation in the world; but have been rather as Euripides<a name="FNanchor_288" id="FNanchor_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">288</a> says +“still worn with toil and war’s unrest.” But to me it seems clear +that they bring this upon themselves in the natural course of +events: for their universal desire of supremacy, and their obstinate +love of freedom, involve them in perpetual wars with each +other, all alike being resolutely set upon occupying the first place. +<span class="sidenote">Isolation of +Athens.</span> +The Athenians on the contrary had by this time +freed themselves from fear of Macedonia, and +considered that they had now permanently secured +their independence. They accordingly adopted Eurycleidas +and Micion as their representatives, and took no part whatever +in the politics of the rest of Greece; but following the lead +and instigation of these statesmen, they laid themselves out to +flatter all the kings, and Ptolemy most of all; nor was there +any kind of decree or proclamation too fulsome for their +digestion: any consideration of dignity being little regarded, +under the guidance of these vain and frivolous leaders.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_107" id="b5_107"><b>107.</b></a> Ptolemy however immediately after these events +became involved in a war with his Egyptian +subjects. <span class="sidenote">Revolt in Egypt.</span> +For in arming them for his campaign +against Antiochus he had taken a step which, while it +served his immediate purpose sufficiently well, proved eventually +disastrous. Elated with their victory at Rhaphia they +refused any longer to receive orders from the king; but looked +out for a leader to represent them, on the ground that they +were quite able to maintain their independence. And this +they succeeded in doing before very long.</p> + +<p>Antiochus spent the winter in extensive preparations for +war; and when the next summer came, <span class="sidenote">Winter of +217-216 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.<br /> +B.C.</span>216.</span> +he crossed +Mount Taurus and after making a treaty of +alliance with King Attalus entered upon the +war against Achaeus.</p> + +<p>At the time the Aetolians were delighted at the settlement<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">454</a></span> +of peace with the Achaean league, because the war had not +answered to their wishes; and they accordingly +elected Agelaus of Naupactus as their Strategus, <span class="sidenote">Discontent of the +Aetolians with +the peace.</span> +because he was believed to have contributed +more largely than any one to the success of the negotiations. +But this was scarcely arranged before they began to be discontented, +and to find fault with Agelaus for having cut off all +their opportunities of plundering abroad, and all their hopes of +gain for the future, since the peace was not made with certain +definite states, but with all Greeks. But this statesman +patiently endured these unreasonable reproaches and succeeded +in checking the popular impulse. The Aetolians therefore were +forced to acquiesce in an inactivity quite alien to their nature.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_108" id="b5_108"><b>108.</b></a> King Philip having returned, after the completion of +the treaty of peace, to Macedonia by sea, <span class="sidenote">Philip’s war +against Scerdilaidas +of Illyria, +autumn of +217 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span></span> +found +that Scerdilaidas on the same pretext of money +owed to him, on which he had treacherously +seized the vessels at Leucas, had now plundered +a town in Pelagonia called Pissaeum; had won +over by promises some cities of the Dassaretae, namely, Phibotides, +Antipatria, Chrysondym, and Geston; and had overrun +much of the district of Macedonia bordering on these places. +He therefore at once started with his army in great haste to +recover the revolted cities, and determined to proclaim open +war with Scerdilaidas; for he thought it a matter of the most +vital importance to bring Illyria into a state of good order, with +a view to the success of all his projects, and above all of his +passage into Italy. For Demetrius was so assiduous in +keeping hot these hopes and projects in the king’s mind, that +Philip even dreamed of them in his sleep, and thought of +nothing else but this Italian expedition. The motive of +Demetrius in so acting was not a consideration for Philip, for +he certainly did not rank higher than third in the calculations +of Demetrius. A stronger motive than that was his hatred of +Rome: but the strongest of all was the consideration of his +own prospects. For he had made up his mind that it was +only in this way that he could ever recover his principality in +Pharos. Be that as it may, Philip went on his expedition and +recovered the cities I have named, and took besides Creonium<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">455</a></span> +and Gerus in Dassaretis; Enchelanae, Cerax, Sation, Boei, round +the Lychnidian Lake; Bantia in the district of the Calicoeni; +and Orgyssus in that of the Pisantini. After completing these +operations he dismissed his troops to their winter quarters.</p> + +<p>This was the winter in which Hannibal, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217-216.<br /><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216. +Coss. Caius +Terentius Varro +and Lucius Aemilius +Paulus II.</span> +after plundering +the fairest districts of Italy, intended to place +his winter quarters near Geranium in Daunia. +And it was then that at Rome Caius Terentius +and Lucius Aemilius entered upon their +Consulship.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_109" id="b5_109"><b>109.</b></a> In the course of the winter, Philip, taking into +consideration that he would want ships to +carry out his designs, <span class="sidenote">Philip’s preparation +for an +invasion of Italy.</span> +and men for rowing, not +for fighting,—for he could never have even +entertained a hope of fighting the Romans at sea,-—but rather +for the transport of soldiers, and to enable him to cross with +greater speed to any point to which he might desire to go, +and so surprise the enemy by a sudden appearance, and +thinking that the Illyrian build was the best for the sort of +ships he wanted, determined to have a hundred galleys built; +which hardly any Macedonian king had ever done before. +<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216.</span> +Having had these fitted out, he collected his +forces at the beginning of the summer; and, after +a brief training of the Macedonians in rowing them, put to sea. +It was just at the time that Antiochus crossed Mount Taurus +when Philip, after sailing through the Euripus and rounding +Cape Malea, came to Cephallenia and Leucas, where he +dropped anchor, and awaited anxiously the movements of the +Roman fleet. Being informed that it was at anchor off Lilybaeum, +he mustered up courage to put to sea, and steered for +Apollonia.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_110" id="b5_110"><b>110.</b></a> As he neared the mouth of the Aous, which flows +past Apollonia, a panic fell upon his fleet such +as happens to land forces. <span class="sidenote">Panic-stricken at +the reported +approach of a +Roman squadron, +Philip retreats to +Cephallenia.</span> +Certain galleys on +the rear of the fleet being anchored at an island +called Sason, which lies at the entrance to the +Ionian Sea, came by night to Philip with a +report that some men who had lately come from +the Sicilian Strait had been anchored with them at Sason, who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">456</a></span> +reported that they left some Roman quinqueremes at Rhegium, +which were bound for Apollonia to support Scerdilaidas. Thinking +this fleet must be all but upon him, Philip, in great alarm, +promptly ordered his ships to weigh anchor and sail back the +way they came. They started and got out to sea in great +disorder, and reached Cephallenia, after sailing two nights and +days without intermission. Having now partially recovered +his courage, Philip remained there, covering his flight under the +pretext of having returned for some operations in the Peloponnese. +It turned out that it was a false alarm altogether. +The truth was that Scerdilaidas, hearing in the course of the +winter that Philip was having a number of galleys built, and +expecting him to come to attack him by sea, had sent +messages to Rome stating the facts and imploring help; and +the Romans had detached a squadron of ten ships from the +fleet at Lilybaeum, which were what had been seen at +Rhegium. But if Philip had not fled from them in such +inconsiderate alarm, he would have had the best opportunity +possible of attaining his objects in Illyria; because the thoughts +and resources of Rome were absorbed in the war with +Hannibal and the battle of Cannae, and it may fairly be presumed +that he would have captured the ten Roman ships. As +it was, he was utterly upset by the news and returned to +Macedonia, without loss indeed, but with considerable dishonour.</p> + +<p><a name="b5_111" id="b5_111"><b>111.</b></a> During this period Prusias also did a thing which +deserves to be recorded. The Gauls, whom <span class="sidenote">Prusias and the +Gauls. +See ch. <a href="#b5_78">78</a>.</span> +King Attalus had brought over from Europe to +assist him against Achaeus on account of their +reputation for courage, had separated from that monarch on +account of the jealous suspicions of which I have before spoken, +and were plundering the cities on the Hellespont with gross +licentiousness and violence, and finally went so far as actually +to besiege Ilium. In these circumstances the inhabitants of +the Alexandria in the Troad acted with commendable spirit. +They sent Themistes with four thousand men and forced the +Gauls to raise the siege of Ilium, and drove them entirely out of +the Troad, by cutting off their supplies and frustrating all their +designs. Thereupon the Gauls seized Arisba, in the territory<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">457</a></span> +of Abydos, and thenceforth devoted themselves to forming +designs and committing acts of hostility against the cities +built in that district. Against them Prusias led out an army; +and in a pitched battle put the men to the sword on the field, and +slew nearly all their women and children in the camp, leaving +the baggage to be plundered by his soldiers. This achievement +of Prusias delivered the cities on the Hellespont from +great fear and danger, and was a signal warning for future +generations against barbarians from Europe being over-ready +to cross into Asia.</p> + +<p>Such was the state of affairs in Greece and Asia. Meanwhile +the greater part of Italy had joined the Carthaginians +after the battle of Cannae, as I have shown before. I will +interrupt my narrative at this point, after having detailed +the events in Asia and Greece, embraced by the 140th +Olympiad. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220-216.</span> +In my next book after a brief +recapitulation of this narrative, I shall fulfil +the promise made at the beginning of my work by recurring +to the discussion of the Roman constitution.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">458</a></span></p> + +<h2>BOOK VI</h2> + +<h3>PREFACE</h3> + +<p><a name="b6_1" id="b6_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">I am</span> aware that some will be at a loss to account for +my interrupting the course of my narrative for the sake +of entering upon the following disquisition on the Roman +constitution. But I think that I have already in many +passages made it fully evident that this particular branch of my +work was one of the necessities imposed on me by the nature of +my original design; and I pointed this out with special clearness +in the preface which explained the scope of my history. +I there stated that the feature of my work which was at once +the best in itself, and the most instructive to the students of it, +was that it would enable them to know and fully realise in +what manner, and under what kind of constitution, it came +about that nearly the whole world fell under the power of Rome +in somewhat less than fifty-three years,—an event certainly +without precedent. This being my settled purpose, I could +see no more fitting period than the present for making a pause, +and examining the truth of the remarks about to be made on +this constitution. In private life if you wish to satisfy yourself +as to the badness or goodness of particular persons, you would +not, if you wish to get a genuine test, examine their conduct +at a time of uneventful repose, but in the hour of brilliant +success or conspicuous reverse. For the true test of a perfect +man is the power of bearing with spirit and dignity violent +changes of fortune. An examination of a constitution should +be conducted in the same way: and therefore being unable to +find in our day a more rapid or more signal change than +that which has happened to Rome, I reserved my disquisition +on its constitution for this place....</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">459</a></span></p> + +<p>What is really educational and beneficial to students of +history is the clear view of the causes of events, and the consequent +power of choosing the better policy in a particular +case. Now in every practical undertaking by a state we must +regard as the most powerful agent for success or failure the +form of its constitution; for from this as from a fountain-head +all conceptions and plans of action not only proceed, but +attain their consummation.<a name="FNanchor_289" id="FNanchor_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">289</a>...</p> + +<p class="tb"><a name="b6_3" id="b6_3"><b>3.</b></a> Of the Greek republics, which have again and again +risen to greatness and fallen into insignificance, it is not difficult +to speak, whether we recount their past history or venture an +opinion on their future. For to report what is already known +is an easy task, nor is it hard to guess what is to come from +our knowledge of what has been. But in regard to the +Romans it is neither an easy matter to describe their present +state, owing to the complexity of their constitution; nor to +speak with confidence of their future, from our inadequate +acquaintance with their peculiar institutions in the past whether +affecting their public or their private life. It will require then +no ordinary attention and study to get a clear and comprehensive +conception of the distinctive features of this constitution.</p> + +<p>Now, it is undoubtedly the case that most of those who +profess to give us authoritative instruction <span class="sidenote">Classification of +polities.</span> +on this subject distinguish three kinds of +constitutions, which they designate <i>kingship</i>, +<i>aristocracy</i>, <i>democracy</i>. But in my opinion the question +might fairly be put to them, whether they name these as +being the <i>only</i> ones, or as the <i>best</i>. In either case I think +they are wrong. For it is plain that we must regard as the +<i>best</i> constitution that which partakes of all these three +elements. And this is no mere assertion, but has been proved +by the example of Lycurgus, who was the first to construct a +constitution—that of Sparta—on this principle. Nor can we +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">460</a></span>admit that these are the <i>only</i> forms: for we have had before +now examples of absolute and tyrannical forms of government, +which, while differing as widely as possible from kingship, yet +appear to have some points of resemblance to it; on which +account all absolute rulers falsely assume and use, as far as +they can, the title of king. Again there have been many +instances of oligarchical governments having in appearance +some analogy to aristocracies, which are, if I may say so, as +different from them as it is possible to be. The same also +holds good about democracy.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_4" id="b6_4"><b>4.</b></a> I will illustrate the truth of what I say. We cannot +hold every absolute government to be a kingship, +but only that which is accepted voluntarily, <span class="sidenote">Six forms of +polity, and their +natural cycle.</span> +and is directed by an appeal to reason +rather than to fear and force. Nor again is every oligarchy +to be regarded as an aristocracy; the latter exists only +where the power is wielded by the justest and wisest men +selected on their merits. Similarly, it is not enough to constitute +a democracy that the whole crowd of citizens should +have the right to do whatever they wish or propose. But +where reverence to the gods, succour of parents, respect to +elders, obedience to laws, are traditional and habitual, in such +communities, if the will of the majority prevail, we may speak +of the form of government as a democracy. So then we +enumerate six forms of government,—the three commonly +spoken of which I have just mentioned, and three more allied +forms, I mean <i>despotism</i>, <i>oligarchy</i> and <i>mob-rule</i>. The first +of these arises without artificial aid and in the natural order of +events. Next to this, and produced from it by the aid of art +and adjustment, comes <i>kingship</i>; which degenerating into the +evil form allied to it, by which I mean <i>tyranny</i>, both are once +more destroyed and <i>aristocracy</i> produced. Again the latter +being in the course of nature perverted to <i>oligarchy</i>, and the +people passionately avenging the unjust acts of their rulers, +<i>democracy</i> comes into existence; which again by its violence +and contempt of law becomes sheer <i>mob-rule</i>.<a name="FNanchor_290" id="FNanchor_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> No clearer +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">461</a></span>proof of the truth of what I say could be obtained than by a +careful observation of the natural origin, genesis, and decadence +of these several forms of government. For it is only by seeing +distinctly how each of them is produced that a distinct view +can also be obtained of its growth, zenith, and decadence, +and the time, circumstance, and place in which each of these +may be expected to recur. This method I have assumed to +be especially applicable to the Roman constitution, because +its origin and growth have from the first followed natural +causes.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_5" id="b6_5"><b>5.</b></a> Now the natural laws which regulate the merging of one +form of government into another are perhaps discussed with +greater accuracy by Plato and some other philosophers. But +their treatment, from its intricacy and exhaustiveness, is only +within the capacity of a few. I will therefore endeavour to +give a summary of the subject, just so far as I suppose it to fall +within the scope of a practical history and the intelligence of +ordinary people. For if my exposition appear in any way +inadequate, owing to the general terms in which it is expressed, +the details contained in what is immediately to follow will +amply atone for what is left for the present unsolved.</p> + +<p>What is the origin then of a constitution, and whence is it +produced? Suppose that from floods, pestilences, failure of crops, +<span class="sidenote">The origin of +the social +compact.</span> +or some such causes the race of man is reduced almost to extinction. +Such things we are told have happened, and it is +reasonable to think will happen again. Suppose accordingly +all knowledge of social habits and arts to have been lost. +Suppose that from the survivors, as from seeds, the race of +man to have again multiplied. In that case I presume they +would, like the animals, herd together; for it is but reasonable +to suppose that bodily weakness would induce them to seek +those of their own kind to herd with. And in that case too, +as with the animals, he who was superior to the rest in strength +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">462</a></span>of body or courage of soul would lead and rule them. For +what we see happen in the case of animals that are without the +faculty of reason, such as bulls, goats, and cocks,—among +whom there can be no dispute that the strongest take the lead,—that +we must regard as in the truest sense the teaching of +nature. Originally then it is probable that the condition of +life among men was this,—herding together like animals and +following the strongest and bravest as leaders. The limit of +this authority would be physical strength, and the name we +should give it would be despotism. But as soon as the idea +of family ties and social relation has arisen amongst such +agglomerations of men, then is born also the idea of kingship, +and then for the first time mankind conceives the notion of +goodness and justice and their reverse.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_6" id="b6_6"><b>6.</b></a> The way in which such conceptions originate and come +into existence is this. The intercourse of +the sexes is an instinct of nature, <span class="sidenote">Origin of +morality,</span> +and the +result is the birth of children. Now, if any +one of these children who have been brought up, when +arrived at maturity, is ungrateful and makes no return to those +by whom he was nurtured, but on the contrary presumes to +injure them by word and deed, it is plain that he will probably +offend and annoy such as are present, and have seen the care +and trouble bestowed by the parents on the nurture and +bringing up of their children. For seeing that men differ from +the other animals in being the only creatures possessed of +reasoning powers, it is clear that such a difference of conduct +is not likely to escape their observation; but that they will +remark it when it occurs, and express their displeasure on the +spot: because they will have an eye to the future, and will +reason on the likelihood of the same occurring to each of +themselves. Again, if a man has been rescued or helped in +an hour of danger, and, instead of showing gratitude to his +preserver, seeks to do him harm, it is clearly probable that the +rest will be displeased and offended with him, when they know +it: sympathising with their neighbour and imagining themselves +in his case. Hence arises a notion in every breast of the +meaning and theory of duty, which is in fact the beginning +and end of justice. Similarly, again, when any one man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">463</a></span> +stands out as the champion of all in a time of danger, and +braves with firm courage the onslaught of the most powerful +wild beasts, it is probable that such a man would meet with +marks of favour and pre-eminence from the common people; +while he who acted in a contrary way would fall under their +contempt and dislike. From this, once more, it is reasonable +to suppose that there would arise in the minds of the multitude +a theory of the disgraceful and the +honourable, <span class="sidenote">which transmutes +despotism into +kingship,</span> +and of the difference between +them; and that one should be sought and +imitated for its advantages, the other shunned. When, therefore, +the leading and most powerful man among his people +ever encourages such persons in accordance with the popular +sentiment, and thereby assumes in the eyes of his subject the +appearance of being the distributor to each man according to +his deserts, they no longer obey him and support his rule from +fear of violence, but rather from conviction of its utility, however +old he may be, rallying round him with one heart and soul, +and fighting against all who form designs against his government. +In this way he becomes a <i>king</i> instead of a <i>despot</i> by +imperceptible degrees, reason having ousted brute courage and +bodily strength from their supremacy.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_7" id="b6_7"><b>7.</b></a> This then is the natural process of formation among +mankind of the notion of goodness and justice, and their +opposites; and this is the origin and genesis of genuine kingship; +for people do not only keep up the government of such +men personally, but for their descendants also for many generations; +from the conviction that those who are born from and +educated by men of this kind will have principles also like +theirs. But if they subsequently become displeased with their +descendants, they do not any longer decide their choice of +rulers and kings by their physical strength or brute courage; +but by the differences of their intellectual and reasoning +faculties, from practical experience of the decisive importance +of such a distinction. In old times, then, <span class="sidenote">which in its turn +degenerates into +tyranny.</span> +those who were once thus selected, and obtained +this office, grew old in their royal +functions, making magnificent strongholds and surrounding +them with walls and extending their frontiers, partly for the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">464</a></span> +security of their subjects, and partly to provide them with +abundance of the necessaries of life; and while engaged in +these works they were exempt from all vituperation or jealousy; +because they did not make their distinctive dress, food, or drink, +at all conspicuous, but lived very much like the rest, and joined +in the everyday employments of the common people. But +when their royal power became hereditary in their family, and +they found every necessary for security ready to their hands, +as well as more than was necessary for their personal support, +then they gave the rein to their appetites; imagined that +rulers must needs wear different clothes from those of +subjects; have different and elaborate luxuries of the table; +and must even seek sensual indulgence, however unlawful the +source, without fear of denial. These things having given rise +in the one case to jealousy and offence, in the other to outburst +of hatred and passionate resentment, the kingship +became a tyranny; the first step in disintegration was taken; +and plots began to be formed against the government, which +did not now proceed from the worst men but from the noblest, +most high-minded, and most courageous, because these are +the men who can least submit to the tyrannical acts of their +rulers.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_8" id="b6_8"><b>8.</b></a> But as soon as the people got leaders, they co-operated +with them against the dynasty for +the reasons I have mentioned; <span class="sidenote">Tyranny is then +displaced by +aristocracy,</span> +and then +<i>kingship</i> and <i>despotism</i> were alike entirely +abolished, and <i>aristocracy</i> once more began to revive and +start afresh. For in their immediate gratitude to those +who had deposed the despots, the people employed them as +leaders, and entrusted their interests to them; who, looking +upon this charge at first as a great privilege, made the public +advantage their chief concern, and conducted all kinds of +business, public or private, with diligence and caution. But +when the sons of these men received the same position of +authority from their fathers,—having had no experience of +misfortunes, and none at all of civil equality and freedom of +speech, but having been bred up from the first under the +shadow of their fathers’ authority and lofty position,—some +of them gave themselves up with passion to avarice and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">465</a></span> +unscrupulous love of money, others to drinking and the +boundless debaucheries which accompanies it, <span class="sidenote">which degenerates +into oligarchy,</span> +and others to the violation of women or the +forcible appropriation of boys; and so they +turned an <i>aristocracy</i> into an <i>oligarchy</i>. But it was +not long before they roused in the minds of the people the same +feelings as before; and their fall therefore was very like the +disaster which befell the tyrants.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_9" id="b6_9"><b>9.</b></a> For no sooner had the knowledge of the jealousy and +hatred existing in the citizens against them <span class="sidenote">which is replaced +by democracy,</span> +emboldened some one to oppose the government +by word or deed, than he was sure to +find the whole people ready and prepared to take his side. +Having then got rid of these rulers by assassination or exile, +they do not venture to set up a king again, being still in terror +of the injustice to which this led before; nor dare they intrust +the common interests again to more than one, considering the +recent example of their misconduct: and therefore, as the only +sound hope left them is that which depends upon themselves, +they are driven to take refuge in that; and so changed the +constitution from an oligarchy to a <i>democracy</i>, and took upon +themselves the superintendence and charge of the state. And +as long as any survive who have had experience of oligarchical +supremacy and domination, they regard their present constitution +as a blessing, and hold equality and freedom as +of the utmost value. But as soon as a new generation has +arisen, and the democracy has descended to their children’s +children, long association weakens their value for equality +and freedom, and some seek to become more powerful +than the ordinary citizens; and the most liable to this temptation +are the rich. <span class="sidenote">which degenerates +into rule of corruption +and violence, +only to be +stopped by a return +to despotism.</span> +So when they begin to be fond of office, +and find themselves unable to obtain it by +their own unassisted efforts and their own +merits, they ruin their estates, while enticing +and corrupting the common people in every +possible way. By which means when, in their +senseless mania for reputation, they have made +the populace ready and greedy to receive bribes, the virtue of +democracy is destroyed, and it is transformed into a government<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">466</a></span> +of violence and the strong hand. For the mob, +habituated to feed at the expense of others, and to have its +hopes of a livelihood in the property of its neighbours, as soon +as it has got a leader sufficiently ambitious and daring, being +excluded by poverty from the sweets of civil honours, produces +a reign of mere violence. Then come tumultuous +assemblies, massacres, banishments, redivisions of land; until, +after losing all trace of civilisation, it has once more found a +master and a despot.</p> + +<p>This is the regular cycle of constitutional revolutions, and +the natural order in which constitutions change, are transformed, +and return again to their original stage. If a man +have a clear grasp of these principles he may perhaps make a +mistake as to the dates at which this or that will happen to a +particular constitution; but he will rarely be entirely mistaken +as to the stage of growth or decay at which it has arrived, or +as to the point at which it will undergo some revolutionary +change. However, it is in the case of the Roman constitution +that this method of inquiry will most fully teach us its +formation, its growth, and zenith, as well as the changes +awaiting it in the future; for this, if any constitution ever did, +owed, as I said just now, its original foundation and growth +to natural causes, and to natural causes will owe its decay. My +subsequent narrative will be the best illustration of what I say.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_10" id="b6_10"><b>10.</b></a> For the present I will make a brief reference to the +legislation of Lycurgus: for such a discussion +is not at all alien to my subject. <span class="sidenote">Lycurgus recognized +these truths, +and legislated +accordingly.</span> +That statesman +was fully aware that all those changes +which I have enumerated come about by an +undeviating law of nature; and reflected that every form of +government that was unmixed, and rested on one species of +power, was unstable; because it was swiftly perverted into that +particular form of evil peculiar to it and inherent in its nature. +For just as rust is the natural dissolvent of iron, wood-worms +and grubs to timber, by which they are destroyed without any +external injury, but by that which is engendered in themselves; +so in each constitution there is naturally engendered a particular +vice inseparable from it: in kingship it is absolutism; +aristocracy it is oligarchy; in democracy lawless ferocity and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">467</a></span> +violence; and to these vicious states all these forms of government +are, as I have lately shown, inevitably transformed. +Lycurgus, I say, saw all this, and accordingly combined +together all the excellences and distinctive features of the best +constitutions, that no part should become unduly predominant, +and be perverted into its kindred vice; and that, each power +being checked by the others, no one part should turn the scale +or decisively out-balance the others; but that, by being +accurately adjusted and in exact equilibrium, the whole might +remain long steady like a ship sailing close to the wind. The +royal power was prevented from growing insolent by fear of +the people, which had also assigned to it an adequate share +in the constitution. The people in their turn were restrained +from a bold contempt of the kings by fear of +the Gerusia: the members of which, being selected on grounds +of merit, were certain to throw their influence on the side of +justice in every question that arose; and thus the party placed +at a disadvantage by its conservative tendency was always +strengthened and supported by the weight and influence of +the Gerusia. The result of this combination has been that the +Lacedaemonians retained their freedom for the longest period +of any people with which we are acquainted.</p> + +<p>Lycurgus however established his constitution without the +discipline of adversity, because he was able to foresee by the +light of reason the course which events naturally take and the +source from which they come. But though the Romans have +arrived at the same result in framing their commonwealth, they +have not done so by means of abstract reasoning, but through +many struggles and difficulties, and by continually adopting +reforms from knowledge gained in disaster. The result has +been a constitution like that of Lycurgus, and the best of any +existing in my time....</p> + +<p class="tb"><a name="b6_11" id="b6_11"><b>11.</b></a> I have given an account of the constitution of Lycurgus, +I will now endeavour to describe that of Rome at the period +of their disastrous defeat at Cannae.</p> + +<p>I am fully conscious that to those who actually live under<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">468</a></span> +this constitution I shall appear to give an inadequate account +of it by the omission of certain details. <span class="sidenote">The Roman constitution +at the +epoch of Cannae, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216.</span> +Knowing +accurately every portion of it from personal +experience, and from having been bred up in +its customs and laws from childhood, they will +not be struck so much by the accuracy of the description, +as annoyed by its omissions; nor will they believe that the +historian has purposely omitted unimportant distinctions, but +will attribute his silence upon the origin of existing institutions +or other important facts to ignorance. What is told they depreciate +as insignificant or beside the purpose; what is omitted +they desiderate as vital to the question: their object being to +appear to know more than the writers. But a good critic +should not judge a writer by what he leaves unsaid, but from +what he says: if he detects misstatement in the latter, he may +then feel certain that ignorance accounts for the former; but +if what he says is accurate, his omissions ought to be attributed +to deliberate judgment and not to ignorance. So much for +those whose criticisms are prompted by personal ambition +rather than by justice....</p> + +<p>Another requisite for obtaining a judicious approval for an +historical disquisition, is that it should be germane to the +matter in hand; if this is not observed, though its style may +be excellent and its matter irreproachable, it will seem out of +place, and disgust rather than please....</p> + +<p>As for the Roman constitution, it had three elements, +each of them possessing sovereign powers: <span class="sidenote">Triple element in +the Roman +Constitution.</span> +and their respective share of power in the +whole state had been regulated with such a +scrupulous regard to equality and equilibrium, that no one +could say for certain, not even a native, whether the constitution +as a whole were an aristocracy or democracy or +despotism. And no wonder: for if we confine our observation +to the power of the Consuls we should be inclined to regard it +as despotic; if on that of the Senate, as aristocratic; and +if finally one looks at the power possessed by the people it +would seem a clear case of a democracy. What the exact +powers of these several parts were, and still, with slight modifications, +are, I will now state.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">469</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b6_12" id="b6_12"><b>12.</b></a> The Consuls, before leading out the legions, remain +in Rome and are supreme masters of the +administration. <span class="sidenote">The Consuls.</span> +All other magistrates, except +the Tribunes, are under them and take their orders. They +introduce foreign ambassadors to the Senate; bring matters +requiring deliberation before it; and see to the execution +of its decrees. If, again, there are any matters of state +which require the authorisation of the people, it is their +business to see to them, to summon the popular meetings, to +bring the proposals before them, and to carry out the decrees +of the majority. In the preparations for war also, and in a +word in the entire administration of a campaign, they have all +but absolute power. It is competent to them to impose on +the allies such levies as they think good, to appoint the +Military Tribunes, to make up the roll for soldiers and select +those that are suitable. Besides they have absolute power of +inflicting punishment on all who are under their command +while on active service and they have authority to expend as +much of the public money as they choose, being accompanied +by a quaestor who is entirely at their orders. A survey of +these powers would in fact justify our describing the constitution +as despotic,—a clear case of royal government. +Nor will it affect the truth of my description, if any of the +institutions I have described are changed in our time, or in +that of our posterity: and the same remarks apply to what +follows.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_13" id="b6_13"><b>13.</b></a> The Senate has first of all the control of the treasury, +and regulates the receipts and disbursements +alike. <span class="sidenote">The Senate.</span> +For the Quaestors cannot issue any +public money for the various departments of the state +without a decree of the Senate, except for the service of +the Consuls. The Senate controls also what is by far the +largest and most important expenditure, that, namely, which +is made by the censors every <i>lustrum</i> for the repair or construction +of public buildings; this money cannot be obtained +by the censors except by the grant of the Senate. Similarly all +crimes committed in Italy requiring a public investigation, +such as treason, conspiracy, poisoning, or wilful murder, are +in the hands of the Senate. Besides, if any individual or state<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">470</a></span> +among the Italian allies requires a controversy to be settled, a +penalty to be assessed, help or protection to be afforded,—all +this is the province of the Senate. Or again, outside Italy, if +it is necessary to send an embassy to reconcile warring communities, +or to remind them of their duty, or sometimes to +impose requisitions upon them, or to receive their submission, +or finally to proclaim war against them,—this too is the business +of the Senate. In like manner the reception to be given +to foreign ambassadors in Rome, and the answers to be returned +to them, are decided by the Senate. With such business +the people have nothing to do. Consequently, if one +were staying at Rome when the Consuls were not in town, one +would imagine the constitution to be a complete aristocracy: +and this has been the idea entertained by many Greeks, and +by many kings as well, from the fact that nearly all the business +they had with Rome was settled by the Senate.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_14" id="b6_14"><b>14.</b></a> After this one would naturally be inclined to ask +what part is left for the people in the constitution, <span class="sidenote">The people.</span> +when the Senate has these various +functions, especially the control of the receipts and expenditure +of the exchequer; and when the Consuls, again, +have absolute power over the details of military preparation, +and an absolute authority in the field? There is, however, +a part left the people, and it is a most important one. +For the people is the sole fountain of honour and of punishment; +and it is by these two things and these alone that +dynasties and constitutions and, in a word, human society are +held together: for where the distinction between them is not +sharply drawn both in theory and practice, there no undertaking +can be properly administered,—as indeed we might expect +when good and bad are held in exactly the same honour. +The people then are the only court to decide matters of life +and death; and even in cases where the penalty is money, if +the sum to be assessed is sufficiently serious, and especially +when the accused have held the higher magistracies. And in +regard to this arrangement there is one point deserving especial +commendation and record. Men who are on trial for their +lives at Rome, while sentence is in process of being voted,—if +even only one of the tribes whose votes are needed to ratify the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">471</a></span> +sentence has not voted,—have the privilege at Rome of openly +departing and condemning themselves to a voluntary exile. +Such men are safe at Naples or Praeneste or at Tibur, and +at other towns with which this arrangement has been duly +ratified on oath.</p> + +<p>Again, it is the people who bestow offices on the deserving, +which are the most honourable rewards of virtue. It has also +the absolute power of passing or repealing laws; and, most +important of all, it is the people who deliberate on the question +of peace or war. And when provisional terms are made for +alliance, suspension of hostilities, or treaties, it is the people +who ratify them or the reverse.</p> + +<p>These considerations again would lead one to say that the +chief power in the state was the people’s, and that the constitution +was a democracy.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_15" id="b6_15"><b>15.</b></a> Such, then, is the distribution of power between the +several parts of the state. <span class="sidenote">The mutual +relation of the +three.</span> +I must now show +how each of these several parts can, when they +choose, oppose or support each other.</p> + +<p>The Consul, then, when he has started on an expedition +with the powers I have described, is to all <span class="sidenote">The Consul +dependent on +the Senate,</span> +appearance absolute in the administration of +the business in hand; still he has need of +the support both of people and Senate, and, without them, +is quite unable to bring the matter to a successful conclusion. +For it is plain that he must have supplies sent to his +legions from time to time; but without a decree of the Senate +they can be supplied neither with corn, nor clothes, nor pay, +so that all the plans of a commander must be futile, if the +Senate is resolved either to shrink from danger or hamper his +plans. And again, whether a Consul shall bring any undertaking +to a conclusion or no depends entirely upon the Senate: +for it has absolute authority at the end of a year to send another +Consul to supersede him, or to continue the existing one +in his command. Again, even to the successes of the generals +the Senate has the power to add distinction and glory, and on +the other hand to obscure their merits and lower their credit. +For these high achievements are brought in tangible form before +the eyes of the citizens by what are called “triumphs.”</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">472</a></span></p> + +<p>But these triumphs the commanders cannot celebrate with +proper pomp, or in some cases celebrate at all, unless the +Senate concurs and grants the necessary money. <span class="sidenote">and on the +people.</span> +As for the +people, the Consuls are pre-eminently obliged +to court their favour, however distant from +home may be the field of their operations; for +it is the people, as I have said before, that ratifies, or refuses +to ratify, terms of peace and treaties; but most of all because +when laying down their office they have to give an account<a name="FNanchor_291" id="FNanchor_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">291</a> +of their administration before it. Therefore in no case is it +safe for the Consuls to neglect either the Senate or the goodwill +of the people.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_16" id="b6_16"><b>16.</b></a> As for the Senate, which possesses the immense +power I have described, in the first place +it is obliged in public affairs to take the +multitude into account, <span class="sidenote">The Senate controlled +by the +people.</span> +and respect the +wishes of the people; and it cannot put into execution the +penalty for offences against the republic, which are punishable +with death, unless the people first ratify its decrees. +Similarly even in matters which directly affect the senators,—for +instance, in the case of a law diminishing the Senate’s +traditional authority, or depriving senators of certain dignities +and offices, or even actually cutting down their property,—even +in such cases the people have the sole power of passing +or rejecting the law. But most important of all is the fact +that, if the Tribunes interpose their veto, the Senate not only +are unable to pass a decree, but cannot even hold a meeting +at all, whether formal or informal. Now, the Tribunes are +always bound to carry out the decree of the people, and above +all things to have regard to their wishes: therefore, for all these +reasons the Senate stands in awe of the multitude, and cannot +neglect the feelings of the people.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_17" id="b6_17"><b>17.</b></a> In like manner the people on its part is far from +being independent of the Senate, and is bound to take its +wishes into account both collectively and individually. For<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">473</a></span> +contracts, too numerous to count, are given out by the +censors in all parts of Italy for the repairs +or construction of public buildings; <span class="sidenote">The people +dependent on +the Senate.</span> +there +is also the collection of revenue from many +rivers, harbours, gardens, mines, and land—everything, in a +word, that comes under the control of the Roman government: +and in all these the people at large are engaged; so that there +is scarcely a man, so to speak, who is not interested either as +a contractor or as being employed in the works. For some +purchase the contracts from the censors for themselves; and +others go partners with them; while others again go security +for these contractors, or actually pledge their property to the +treasury for them. Now over all these transactions the Senate +has absolute control. It can grant an extension of time; and +in case of unforeseen accident can relieve the contractors from +a portion of their obligation, or release them from it altogether, +if they are absolutely unable to fulfil it. And there are many +details in which the Senate can inflict great hardships, or, on +the other hand, grant great indulgences to the contractors: for +in every case the appeal is to it. But the most important +point of all is that the judges are taken from its members in +the majority of trials, whether public or private, in which the +charges are heavy.<a name="FNanchor_292" id="FNanchor_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">292</a> Consequently, all citizens are much at its +mercy; and being alarmed at the uncertainty as to when they +may need its aid, are cautious about resisting or actively +opposing its will. <span class="sidenote">and Consul.</span> +And for a similar reason +men do not rashly resist the wishes of the +Consuls, because one and all may become subject to their +absolute authority on a campaign.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_18" id="b6_18"><b>18.</b></a> The result of this power of the several estates for +mutual help or harm is a union sufficiently firm for all emergencies, +and a constitution than which it is impossible to find +a better. For whenever any danger from without compels +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">474</a></span>them to unite and work together, the strength which is developed +by the State is so extraordinary, that everything required +is unfailingly carried out by the eager rivalry shown by all +classes to devote their whole minds to the need of the hour, +and to secure that any determination come to should not fail +for want of promptitude; while each individual works, privately +and publicly alike, for the accomplishment of the business in +hand. Accordingly, the peculiar constitution of the State +makes it irresistible, and certain of obtaining whatever it +determines to attempt. Nay, even when these external alarms +are past, and the people are enjoying their good fortune and +the fruits of their victories, and, as usually happens, growing +corrupted by flattery and idleness, show a tendency to violence +and arrogance,—it is in these circumstances, more than ever, +that the constitution is seen to possess within itself the power +of correcting abuses. For when any one of the three classes +becomes puffed up, and manifests an inclination to be contentious +and unduly encroaching, the mutual interdependency +of all the three, and the possibility of the pretensions of any +one being checked and thwarted by the others, must plainly +check this tendency: and so the proper equilibrium is maintained +by the impulsiveness of the one part being checked +by its fear of the other....</p> + +<h3>ON THE ROMAN ARMY</h3> + +<p><a name="b6_19" id="b6_19"><b>19.</b></a> After electing the Consuls they proceed to elect military +tribunes,—fourteen from those who had five years’, and +ten from those who had ten years’, service. All citizens must +serve ten years in the cavalry or twenty years in the infantry +before the forty-sixth year of their age, except those rated +below four hundred asses. The latter are employed in the +navy; but if any great public necessity arises they are obliged +to serve as infantry also for twenty campaigns: and no one can +hold an office in the state until he has completed ten years of +military service....</p> + +<p>When the Consuls are about to enrol the army they +give public notice of the day on which all +Roman citizens of military age must appear. <span class="sidenote">The levy.</span> +This is done every year. When the day has arrived,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">475</a></span> +and the citizens fit for service are come to Rome and +have assembled on the Capitoline, the fourteen junior +tribunes divide themselves, in the order in which they were +appointed by the people or by the Imperators, into four +divisions, because the primary division of the forces thus raised +is into four legions. The four tribunes first appointed are +assigned to the legion called the 1st; the next three to the +2d; the next four to the 3d; and the three last to the +4th. Of the ten senior tribunes, the two first are assigned to +the 1st legion; the next three to the 2d; the two next to +the 3d; and the three last to the 4th.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_20" id="b6_20"><b>20.</b></a> This division and assignment of the tribunes having +been settled in such a way that all four legions have an +equal number of officers, the tribunes of the several legions +take up a separate position and draw lots for the tribes +one by one; and summon the tribe on whom it from time +to time falls. From this tribe they select four young men +as nearly like each other in age and physical strength as +possible. These four are brought forward, and the tribunes +of the first legion picks out one of them, those of the second +another, those of the third another, and the fourth has to +take the last. When the next four are selected the tribunes +of the second legion have the first choice, and those of the first +the last. With the next four the tribunes of the third legion +have the first choice, those of the second the last; and so on +in regular rotation: of which the result is that each legion +gets men of much the same standard. But when they have +selected the number prescribed,—which is four thousand two +hundred infantry for each legion, or at times of special danger +five thousand,—they next used to pass men for the cavalry, in +old times <i>after</i> the four thousand two hundred infantry; but +now they do it before them, the selection having been made by +the censor on the basis of wealth; and they enrol three hundred +for each legion.<a name="FNanchor_293" id="FNanchor_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">293</a></p> + +<p><a name="b6_21" id="b6_21"><b>21.</b></a> The roll having been completed in this manner, the +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">476</a></span>tribunes belonging to the several legions muster their men; +and selecting one of the whole body that they think most +suitable for the purpose, they cause him to take an oath that +he will obey his officers and do their orders to the best of his +ability. And all the others come up and take the oath +separately, merely affirming that they will do the same as the +first man.</p> + +<p>At the same time the Consuls send orders to the magistrates +of the allied cities in Italy, from which they determine that +allied troops are to serve: declaring the number required, and +the day and place at which the men selected must appear. +The cities then enrol their troops with much the same +ceremonies as to selection and administration of the oath, and +appoint a commander and a paymaster.<a name="FNanchor_294" id="FNanchor_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">294</a></p> + +<p>The Military Tribunes at Rome, after the administering +of the oath to their men, and giving out the +day and place at which they are to appear +without arms, <span class="sidenote">Fourfold division +of the +Legionaries.</span> +for the present dismiss them. +When they arrive on the appointed day, they first select the +youngest and poorest to form the <i>Velites</i>, the next to them +the <i>Hastati</i>, while those who are in the prime of life they +select as <i>Principes</i>, and the oldest of all as <i>Triarii</i>. For in +the Roman army these divisions, distinct not only as to their +ages and nomenclature, but also as to the manner in which +they are armed, exist in each legion. The division is made in such +proportions that the senior men, called <i>Triarii</i>, should number +six hundred, the <i>Principes</i> twelve hundred, the <i>Hastati</i> twelve +hundred, and that all the rest as the youngest should be +reckoned among the <i>Velites</i>. And if the whole number of the +legion is more than four thousand, they vary the numbers of +these divisions proportionally, except those of the <i>Triarii</i>, +which is always the same.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_22" id="b6_22"><b>22.</b></a> The youngest soldiers or <i>Velites</i> are ordered to +carry a sword, spears, and target (<i>parma</i>). <span class="sidenote">1. Arms of the +<i>Velites</i>.</span> +The +target is strongly made, and large enough to +protect the man; being round, with a diameter +of three feet. Each man also wears a head-piece without a +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">477</a></span>crest (<i>galea</i>); which he sometimes covers with a piece of +wolf’s skin or something of that kind, for the sake both of +protection and identification; that the officers of his company +may be able to observe whether he shows courage or the +reverse on confronting dangers. The spear of the velites has +a wooden haft of about two cubits, and about a finger’s +breadth in thickness; its head is a span long, hammered fine, +and sharpened to such an extent that it becomes bent the first +time it strikes, and cannot be used by the enemy to hurl +back; otherwise the weapon would be available for both +sides alike.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_23" id="b6_23"><b>23.</b></a>The second rank, the <i>Hastati</i>, are ordered to have the +complete panoply. This to a Roman means, +first, a large shield (<i>scutum</i>), <span class="sidenote">2. Arms of the +<i>Hastati</i>, <i>Principes</i>, +and <i>Triarii</i>.</span> +the surface of +which is curved outwards, its breadth two and +a half feet, its length four feet,—though there is also an extra +sized shield in which these measures are increased by a palm’s +breadth. It consists of two layers of wood fastened together +with bull’s-hide glue; the outer surface of which is first +covered with canvas, then with calf’s skin, on the upper and +lower edges it is bound with iron to resist the downward +strokes of the sword, and the wear of resting upon the ground. +Upon it also is fixed an iron boss (<i>umbo</i>), to resist the more formidable +blows of stones and pikes, and of heavy missiles +generally. With the shield they also carry a sword (<i>gladius</i>) +hanging down by their right thigh, which is called a Spanish +sword.<a name="FNanchor_295" id="FNanchor_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">295</a> It has an excellent point, and can deal a formidable +blow with either edge, because its blade is stout and unbending. +In addition to these they have two <i>pila</i>, a brass helmet, and +greaves (<i>ocreae</i>). Some of the <i>pila</i> are thick, some fine. +Of the thicker, some are round with the diameter of a palm’s +length, others are a palm square. The fine pila are like +moderate sized hunting spears, and they are carried along with +the former sort. The wooden haft of them all is about three +cubits long; and the iron head fixed to each half is barbed, and +of the same length as the haft. They take extraordinary pains +to attach the head to the haft firmly; they make the fastening +of the one to the other so secure for use by binding it half +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">478</a></span>way up the wood, and riveting it with a series of clasps, that +the iron breaks sooner than this fastening comes loose, +although its thickness at the socket and where it is fastened +to the wood is a finger and a half’s breadth. Besides these +each man is decorated with a plume of feathers, with three +purple or black feathers standing upright, about a cubit long. +The effect of these being placed on the helmet, combined with +the rest of the armour, is to give the man the appearance of +being twice his real height, and to give him a noble aspect +calculated to strike terror into the enemy. The common +soldiers also receive a brass plate, a span square, which they +put upon their breast and call a breastpiece (<i>pectorale</i>), +and so complete their panoply. Those who are rated above +a hundred thousand asses, instead of these breastpieces +wear, with the rest of their armour, coats of mail (<i>loricae</i>). +The Principes and Triarii are armed in the same way as the +<i>Hastati</i>, except that instead of <i>pila</i> they carry long spears +(<i>hastae</i>).</p> + +<p><a name="b6_24" id="b6_24"><b>24.</b></a> The <i>Principes</i>, <i>Hastati</i>, and <i>Triarii</i>, each elect ten +centurions according to merit, and then a +second ten each. <span class="sidenote">Election of +Centurions.</span> +All these sixty have the +title of centurion alike, of whom the first man +chosen is a member of the council of war. And they in +their turn select a rear-rank officer each who is called <i>optio</i>. +Next, in conjunction with the centurions, they divide the +several orders (omitting the <i>Velites</i>) into ten companies each, +and appoint to each company two centurions and two +<i>optiones</i>; the <i>Velites</i> are divided equally among all the companies; +these companies are called orders (<i>ordines</i>) or maniples +(<i>manipuli</i>), or vexilla, and their officers are called centurions or +<i>ordinum ductores</i>.<a name="FNanchor_296" id="FNanchor_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> Each maniple selects two of their strongest +and best born men as standard-bearers (<i>vexillarii</i>). And that +each maniple should have two commanding officers is only +reasonable; for it being impossible to know what a commander +may be doing or what may happen to him, and necessities of +war admitting of no parleying, they are anxious that the +maniple may never be without a leader and commander.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">479</a></span></p> +<p>When the two centurions are both on the field, the first elected +commands the right of the maniple, the second the left: if +both are not there, the one who is commands the whole. And +they wish the centurions not to be so much bold and adventurous, +as men with a faculty for command, steady, and of a +profound rather than a showy spirit; not prone to engage +wantonly or be unnecessarily forward in giving battle; but such +as in the face of superior numbers and overwhelming pressure +will die in defence of their post.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_25" id="b6_25"><b>25.</b></a> Similarly they divide the cavalry into ten squadrons +(<i>turmae</i>), and from each they select three +officers (<i>decuriones</i>), <span class="sidenote">Officers and arms +of the equites.</span> +who each select a subaltern +(<i>optio</i>). The decurio first elected +commands the squadron, the other two have the rank +of <i>decuriones</i>: a name indeed which applies to all alike. If +the first <i>decurio</i> is not on the field, the second takes command +of the squadron. The armour of the cavalry is very like that +in Greece. In old times they did not wear the lorica, but +fought in their tunics (<i>campestria</i>); the result of which was +that they were prompt and nimble at dismounting and +mounting again with despatch, but were in great danger at +close quarters from the unprotected state of their bodies. +And their lances too were useless in two ways: first because +they were thin, and prevented their taking a good aim; and +before they could get the head fixed in the enemy, the +lances were so shaken by the mere motion of the horse +that they generally broke. Secondly, because, having no +spike at the butt end of their lance, they only had one stroke, +namely that with the spear-head; and if the lance broke, what +was left in their hands was entirely useless. Again they used +to have shields of bull’s hide, just like those round cakes, with +a knob in the middle which are used at sacrifices, which were +useless at close quarters because they were flexible rather than +firm; and, when their leather shrunk and rotted from the rain, +unserviceable as they were before, they then became entirely +so. Wherefore, as experience showed them the uselessness of +these, they lost no time in changing to the Greek fashion of +arms: the advantages of which were, first, that men were able +to deliver the first stroke of their lance-head with a good<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">480</a></span> +aim and effect, because the shaft from the nature of its construction +was steady and not quivering; and, secondly, that they +were able, by reversing the lance, to use the spike at the butt-end +for a steady and effective blow. And the same may be +said about the Greek shields: for, whether used to ward off +a blow or to thrust against the enemy, they neither give nor +bend. When the Romans learnt these facts about the Greek +arms they were not long in copying them; for no nation has +ever surpassed them in readiness to adopt new fashions from +other people, and to imitate what they see is better in others +than themselves.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_26" id="b6_26"><b>26.</b></a> Having made this distribution of their men and +given orders for their being armed, as I have +described, <span class="sidenote">Assembly of the +legions.</span> +the military tribunes dismiss them +to their homes. But when the day has arrived +on which they were all bound by their oath to appear at +the place named by the Consuls (for each Consul generally +appoints a separate place for his own legions, each having +assigned to him two legions and a moiety of the allies), all +whose names were placed on the roll appear without fail: <span class="sidenote">The Socii.</span> +no +excuse being accepted in the case of those +who have taken the oath, except a prohibitory +omen or absolute impossibility. The allies muster along +with the citizens, and are distributed and managed by +the officers appointed by the Consuls, who have the title +of <i>Praefecti sociis</i> and are twelve in number. These officers +select for the Consuls from the whole infantry and cavalry +of the allies such as are most fitted for actual service, +and these are called <i>extraordinarii</i> (which in Greek is +ἐπίλεκτοι). The whole number of the infantry of the socii +generally equals that of the legions, but the cavalry is treble +that of the citizens. Of these they select a third of the +cavalry, and a fifth of the infantry to serve as <i>extraordinarii</i>. +The rest they divide into two parts, one of which is called the +right, the other the left wing (<i>alae</i>).</p> + +<p>These arrangements made, the military tribunes take over +the citizens and allies and proceed to form a camp. Now the +principle on which they construct their camps, no matter when +or where, is the same; I think therefore that it will be in place<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">481</a></span> +here to try and make my readers understand, as far as words +can do so, the Roman tactics in regard to the march (<i>agmen</i>), +the camp (<i>castrorum metatio</i>), and the line of battle (<i>acies</i>). I +cannot imagine any one so indifferent to things noble and +great, as to refuse to take some little extra trouble to understand +things like these; for if he has once heard them, he will +be acquainted with one of those things genuinely worth observation +and knowledge.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_27" id="b6_27"><b>27.</b></a> Their method of laying out a camp is as follows. The +place for the camp having been selected, <span class="sidenote"><i>Castrorum +metatio.</i></span> +the spot in it best calculated to give a view +of the whole, and most convenient for issuing +orders, is appropriated for the general’s tent (<i>Praetorium</i>).</p> + +<p>Having placed a standard on the spot on which they intend +to put the Praetorium, they measure off a square round this +standard, in such a way that each of its sides is a hundred feet +from the standard, and the area of the square is four plethra.<a name="FNanchor_297" id="FNanchor_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">297</a> +Along one side of this square—whichever aspect appears +most convenient for watering and foraging—the legions are +stationed as follows. I have said that there were six Tribuni +in each legion, and that each Consul had two legions,—it +follows that there are twelve <i>Tribuni</i> in a Consular army. Well, +they pitch the tents of these Tribuni all in one straight line, +parallel to the side of the square selected, at a distance of fifty +feet from it (there is a place too selected for the horses, +beasts of burden, and other baggage of the Tribuni); these +tents face the outer side of the camp and away from the square +described above,—a direction which will henceforth be called +“the front” by me. The tents of the Tribuni stand at equal +distances from each other, so that they extend along the whole +breadth of the space occupied by the legions.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_28" id="b6_28"><b>28.</b></a> From the line described by the front of these tents +they measure another distance of a hundred +feet towards the front. <span class="sidenote">The principia.</span> +At that distance another +parallel straight line is drawn, and it is from this last that they +begin arranging the quarters of the legions, which they do as +follows:—they bisect the last mentioned straight line and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">482</a></span> +from that point draw another straight line at right angles +to it; along this line, on either side of it facing +each other, <span class="sidenote">The quarters.</span> +the cavalry of the two legions are +quartered with a space of fifty feet between them, which space +is exactly bisected by the line last mentioned. The manner +of encamping the infantry is similar to that of the cavalry. +The whole area of each space occupied by the maniples and +squadrons is a square, and faces the <i>via</i>;<a name="FNanchor_298" id="FNanchor_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> the length facing +the <i>via</i> is one hundred feet, and they generally try to make the +depth the same, except in the case of the socii; and when they +are employing legions of an extra number, they increase the +length and depth of these squares proportionally.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_29" id="b6_29"><b>29.</b></a> The spaces assigned to the cavalry are opposite the +space between the two groups of tents belonging to the Tribuni +of the two legions, at right angles to the line along which they +stand, like a cross-road; and indeed the whole arrangement +of the <i>viae</i> is like a system of cross-roads, running on either side +of the blocks of tents, those of the cavalry on one side and those +of the infantry on the other. The spaces assigned to the +cavalry and the Triarii in each legion are back to back, with no +<i>via</i> between them, but touching each other, looking opposite +ways; and the depth of the spaces assigned to the Triarii is +only half that assigned to other maniples, because their +numbers are generally only half; but though the number of +the men is different, the length of the space is always the same +owing to the lesser depth. Next, parallel with these spaces, at +a distance of fifty feet, they place the <i>Principes</i> facing the +Triarii; and as they face the space between themselves and +the <i>Triarii</i>, we have two more roads formed at right angles +to the hundred-foot area in front of the tents of the Tribunes, +and running down from it to the outer agger of the camp on the +side opposite to that of the Principia, which we agreed to call +the front of the camp. Behind the spaces for the <i>Triarii</i> and +looking in the opposite direction, and touching each other, are +the spaces for the <i>Hastati</i>. These several branches of the +service (<i>Triarii</i>, <i>Principes</i>, <i>Hastati</i>), being each divided into +ten maniples, the cross-roads between the blocks are all the +same length and terminate in the front agger of the camp; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">483</a></span>towards which they cause the last maniples in the rows to +face.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_30" id="b6_30"><b>30.</b></a> Beyond the <i>Hastati</i> they again leave a space of fifty +feet, and there, beginning from the same base (the Principia), +and going in a parallel direction, and to the same distance +as the other blocks, they place the cavalry of the allies facing +the <i>Hastati</i>. Now the number of the allies, as I have stated +above, is equal to that of the legions in regard to the infantry, +though it falls below that if we omit the <i>extraordinarii</i>; but +that of the cavalry is double, when the third part is deducted +for service among the <i>extraordinarii</i>. Therefore in marking +out the camp the spaces assigned to the latter are made proportionally +deeper, so that their length remains the same as +those occupied by the legions. Thus five viae are formed:<a name="FNanchor_299" id="FNanchor_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">299</a> +and back to back with these cavalry are the spaces for the +infantry of the allies, the depth being proportionally increased +according to their numbers;<a name="FNanchor_300" id="FNanchor_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">300</a> and these maniples face the outer +sides of the camp and the agger. In each maniple the first +tent at either end is occupied by the centurions. Between +the fifth and sixth squadrons of cavalry, and the +fifth and sixth maniple of infantry, there is a +space of fifty left, <span class="sidenote">Via Quintana.</span> +so that another road is made across the +camp at right angles to the others and parallel to the tents +of the Tribuni, and this they call the <i>Via Quintana</i>, as it runs +along the fifth squadrons and maniples.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_31" id="b6_31"><b>31.</b></a> The space behind the tents of the Tribuni is thus +used. On one side of the square of the Praetorium +is the market, <span class="sidenote">The space between +the Principia and +the agger.</span> +on the other the office of +the Quaestor and the supplies which he has +charge of. Then behind the last tent of the Tribuni on +either side, arranged at right angles to those tents, are the +quarters of the cavalry picked out of the <i>extraordinarii</i>, +as +well as of some of those who are serving as +volunteers from personal friendship to +<span class="sidenote">The Staff, or +Praetoria cohors.</span>Consuls. All these are arranged parallel to +the side aggers, facing on the one side the Quaestorium, on +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">484</a></span>the other the market-place. And, generally speaking, it falls +to the lot of these men not only to be near the Consul in the +camp, but to be wholly employed about the persons of the +Consul and the Quaestor on the march and all other occasions. +Back to back with these again, facing the agger, are placed +the infantry who serve in the same way as these cavalry.<a name="FNanchor_301" id="FNanchor_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">301</a></p> + +<p>Beyond these there is another empty space or road left, +one hundred feet broad, parallel to the tents of the Tribuni, +skirting the market-place, Praetorium, and Quaestorium, from +agger to agger. On the further side of this road the rest of +the <i>equites extraordinarii</i> are placed facing the market-place +and Quaestorium: and between the quarters of these cavalry +of the two legions a passage is left of fifty feet, exactly opposite +and at right angles to the square of the Praetorium, leading +to the rearward agger.</p> + +<p>Back to back with the <i>equites extraordinarii</i> are the infantry +of the same, facing the agger at the rear of the whole camp. +And the space left empty on either side of these, facing the +agger on each side of the camp, is given up to foreigners and +such allies as chance to come to the camp.</p> + +<p>The result of these arrangements is that the whole camp is +a square, with streets and other constructions +regularly planned like a town. <span class="sidenote">The space round +the quarters.</span> +Between the line +of the tents and the agger there is an empty space +of two hundred feet on every side of the square, which is turned +to a great variety of uses. To begin with, it is exceedingly convenient +for the marching in and out of the legions. For each +division descends into this space by the <i>via</i> which passes its own +quarters, and so avoids crowding and hustling each other, as +they would if they were all collected on one road. Again, all +cattle brought into the camp, as well as booty of all sorts taken +from the enemy, are deposited in this space and securely +guarded during the night-watches. But the most important +use of this space is that, in night assaults, it secures the tents +from the danger of being set on fire, and keeps the soldiers +out of the range of the enemy’s missiles; or, if a few of them +do carry so far, they are spent and cannot penetrate the tents.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">485</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b6_32" id="b6_32"><b>32.</b></a> The number then of foot-soldiers and cavalry being +given (at the rate, that is to say, of four +thousand or of five thousand for each legion), <span class="sidenote">Provision for +extra numbers,</span> +and the length, depth, and number of the +maniples being likewise known, as well as the breadth of +the passages and roads, it becomes possible to calculate +the area occupied by the camp and the length of the +aggers. If on any occasion the number of allies, either +those originally enrolled or those who joined subsequently, +exceeds their due proportion, the difficulty is provided for +in this way. To the overplus of allies who joined subsequent +to the enrolment of the army are assigned the spaces on either +side of the Praetorium, the market-place and Quaestorium being +proportionally contracted. For the extra numbers of allies +who joined originally an extra line of tents (forming thus another +<i>via</i>) is put up parallel with the other tents of the socii, +facing the agger on either side of the camp. <span class="sidenote">and for two consular +armies.</span> +But if all four +legions and both Consuls are in the same +camp, all we have to do is to imagine a second +army, arranged back to back to the one +already placed, in exactly the same spaces as the former, +but side by side with it at the part where the picked men +from the <i>extraordinarii</i> are stationed facing the rearward agger. +In this case the shape of the camp becomes an oblong, the +area double, and the length of the entire agger half as much +again. This is the arrangement when both Consuls are within +the same agger; but if they occupy two separate camps, the +above arrangements hold good, except that the market-place is +placed half way between the two camps.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_33" id="b6_33"><b>33.</b></a> The camp having thus been laid out, the Tribuni +next administer an oath to all in it separately, +whether free or slave, <span class="sidenote">Guard duty.</span> +that they will steal +nothing within the agger, and in case they find anything will +bring it to the Tribuni. They next select for their several +duties the maniples of the Principes and Hastati in each +legion. Two are told off to guard the space in front of the +quarters of the Tribuni. For in this space, which is called the +Principia, most of the Romans in the camp transact all the +business of the day; and are therefore very particular about its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">486</a></span> +being kept well watered and properly swept. Of the other +eighteen maniples, three are assigned to each of the six Tribuni, +that being the respective numbers in each legion; and of these +three maniples each takes its turn of duty in waiting upon the +Tribune. The services they render him are such as these: +they pitch his tent for him when a place is selected for +encampment, and level the ground all round it; and if any +extra precaution is required for the protection of his baggage, +it is their duty to see to it. They also supply him with two +relays of guards. A guard consists of four men, two of whom +act as sentries in front of his tent, and two on the rear of it +near the horses. Seeing that each Tribune has three maniples, +and each maniple has a hundred men, without counting <i>Triarii</i> +and <i>Velites</i> who are not liable for this service, the duty is a +light one, coming round to each maniple only once in three +days; while by this arrangement ample provision is made for +the convenience as well as the dignity of the Tribuni. The +maniples of Triarii are exempted from this personal service to +the Tribuni, but they each supply a watch of four men to the +squadron of cavalry nearest them. These watches have to +keep a general look out; but their chief duty is to keep an eye +upon the horses, to prevent their hurting themselves by getting +entangled in their tethers, and so becoming unfit for use; or +from getting loose, and making a confusion and disturbance in +the camp by running against other horses. Finally, all the +maniples take turns to mount guard for a day each at the +Consul’s tent, to protect him from plots, and maintain the +dignity of his office.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_34" id="b6_34"><b>34.</b></a> As to the construction of the foss and vallum,<a name="FNanchor_302" id="FNanchor_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">302</a> two +sides fall to the lot of the socii, each division +taking that side along which it is quartered; <span class="sidenote">Construction of +the <i>fossa</i> and +<i>agger</i>.</span> +the other two are left to the Romans, one +to each legion. Each side is divided into portions according +to the number of maniples, and the centurions stand +by and superintend the work of each maniple; while two +of the Tribunes superintend the construction of the whole<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">487</a></span> +side and see that it is adequate. In the same way the +Tribunes superintend all other operations in the camp. They +divide themselves in twos, and each pair is on duty for two +months out of six; they draw lots for their turns, and the pair +on whom the lot falls takes the superintendence of all active +operations. The prefects of the socii divide their duty in the +same way. <span class="sidenote">Orders of the +day.</span> +At daybreak the officers of the +cavalry and the centurions muster at the tents +of the Tribunes, while the Tribunes go to that +of the Consul. He gives the necessary orders to the Tribunes, +they to the cavalry officers and centurions, and these last pass +them on to the rank and file as occasion may demand.</p> + +<p>To secure the passing round of the watchword for the +night the following course is followed. One +man is selected from the tenth maniple, <span class="sidenote">The watchword.</span> +which, in the case both of cavalry and infantry, is quartered +at the ends of the road between the tents; this +man is relieved from guard-duty and appears each day +about sunset at the tent of the Tribune on duty, takes the +<i>tessera</i> or wooden tablet on which the watchword is inscribed, +and returns to his own maniple and delivers the wooden tablet +and watchword in the presence of witnesses to the chief +officer of the maniple next his own; he in the same way to +the officer of the next, and so on, until it arrives at the first +maniple stationed next the Tribunes. These men are +obliged to deliver the tablet (<i>tessera</i>) to the Tribunes before +dark. If they are all handed in, the Tribune knows that the +watchword has been delivered to all, and has passed through +all the ranks back to his hands: but if any one is missing, he +at once investigates the matter; for he knows by the marks on +the tablets from which division of the army the tablet has not +appeared; and the man who is discovered to be responsible +for its non-appearance is visited with condign punishment.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_35" id="b6_35"><b>35.</b></a> Next as to the keeping guard at night. The +Consul’s tent is guarded by the maniple +on duty: <span class="sidenote">Night watches.</span> +those of the Tribuni and praefects +of the cavalry by the pickets formed as described above +from the several maniples. And in the same way each +maniple and squadron posts guards of their own men. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">488</a></span> +other pickets are posted by the Consul. Generally speaking +there are three pickets at the Quaestorium, and two at the +tent of each of the legati or members of council. The vallum +is lined by the <i>velites</i>, who are on guard all along it from +day to day. That is their special duty; while they also guard +all the entrances to the camp, telling off ten sentinels to take +their turn at each of them. Of the men told off for duty at the +several <i>stationes</i>, the man who in each maniple is to take the +first watch is brought by the rear-rank man of his company to +the Tribune at eventide. The latter hands over to them +severally small wooden tablets (<i>tesserae</i>), one for each watch, +inscribed with small marks; on receiving which they go off to +the places indicated.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_36" id="b6_36"><b>36.</b></a> The duty of going the rounds is intrusted to the cavalry. +The first Praefect of cavalry in each legion, early +in the morning, <span class="sidenote">Visiting rounds.</span> +orders one of his rear-rank men +to give notice before breakfast to four young men of his squadron +who are to go the rounds. At evening this same man’s duty +is to give notice to the Praefect of the next squadron that it is +his turn to provide for going the rounds until next morning. +This officer thereupon takes measures similar to the preceding +one until the next day; and so on throughout the cavalry +squadrons. The four men thus selected by the rear-rank men +from the first squadron, after drawing lots for the watch they +are to take, proceed to the tent of the Tribune on duty, and +receive from him a writing stating the order<a name="FNanchor_303" id="FNanchor_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">303</a> and the number +of the watches they are to visit. The four then take up their +quarters for the night alongside of the first maniple of +Triarii; for it is the duty of the centurion of this maniple to +see that a bugle is blown at the beginning of every watch. +When the time has arrived, the man to whose lot the first +watch has fallen goes his rounds, taking some of his friends as +witnesses. He walks through the posts assigned, which are +not only those along the vallum and gates, but also the +pickets set by the several maniples and squadrons. If he +find the men of the first watch awake he takes from them their +tessera; but if he find any one of them asleep or absent from +his post, he calls those with him to witness the fact and passes +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">489</a></span>on. The same process is repeated by those who go the +rounds during the other watches. The charge of seeing that +the bugle is blown at the beginning of each watch, so that the +right man might visit the right pickets, is as I have said, laid +upon the centurions of the first maniple of Triarii, each one +taking the duty for a day.</p> + +<p>Each of these men who have gone the rounds (<i>tessarii</i>) at +daybreak conveys the tesserae to the Tribune on duty. If the +whole number are given in they are dismissed without +question; but if any of them brings a number less than that +of the pickets, an investigation is made by means of the mark +on the tessera, as to which picket he has omitted. Upon this +being ascertained the centurion is summoned; he brings the +men who were on duty, and they are confronted with the +patrol. If the fault is with the men on guard, the patrol +clears himself by producing the witnesses whom he took with +him; for he cannot do so without. If nothing of that sort +happened, the blame recoils upon the patrol.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_37" id="b6_37"><b>37.</b></a> Then the Tribunes at once hold a court-martial, +and the man who is found guilty is punished +by the <i>fustuarium</i>; <span class="sidenote">Military punishments: +the <i>fustuarium</i>.</span> +the nature of which is +this. The Tribune takes a cudgel and merely +touches the condemned man; whereupon all the soldiers +fall upon him with cudgels and stones. Generally speaking +men thus punished are killed on the spot; but if +by any chance, after running the gauntlet, they manage +to escape from the camp, they have no hope of ultimately +surviving even so. They may not return to their own country, +nor would any one venture to receive such an one into his +house. Therefore those who have once fallen into this +misfortune are utterly and finally ruined. The same fate +awaits the praefect of the squadron, as well as his rear-rank +man, if they fail to give the necessary order at the proper time, +the latter to the patrols, and the former to the praefect of the +next squadron. The result of the severity and inevitableness +of this punishment is that in the Roman army the night +watches are faultlessly kept. The common soldiers are +amenable to the Tribunes; the Tribunes to the Consuls. +The Tribune is competent to punish a soldier by inflicting a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">490</a></span> +fine, distraining his goods, or ordering him to be flogged; so too +the praefects in the case of the socii. The punishment of the +<i>fustuarium</i> is assigned also to any one committing theft in +the camp, or bearing false witness: as also to any one who in +full manhood is detected in shameful immorality: or to any +one who has been thrice punished for the same offence. All +these things are punished as crimes. But such as the following +are reckoned as cowardly and dishonourable in a soldier:—for +a man to make a false report to the Tribunes of his +valour in order to get reward; or for men who have been +told off to an ambuscade to quit the place assigned them from +fear; and also for a man to throw away any of his arms from +fear, on the actual field of battle. Consequently it sometimes +happens that men confront certain death at their stations, because, +from their fear of the punishment awaiting them at +home, they refuse to quit their post: while others, who have +lost shield or spear or any other arm on the field, throw themselves +upon the foe, in hopes of recovering what they have lost, +or of escaping by death from certain disgrace and the insults +of their relations.<a name="FNanchor_304" id="FNanchor_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">304</a></p> + +<p><a name="b6_38" id="b6_38"><b>38.</b></a> But if it ever happens that a number of men are +involved in these same acts: if, for instance, <span class="sidenote">Decimatio.</span> +some entire maniples have quitted their ground +in the presence of the enemy, it is deemed impossible to +subject all to the <i>fustuarium</i> or to military execution; +but a solution of the difficulty has been found at once +adequate to the maintenance of discipline and calculated +to strike terror. The Tribune assembles the legion, calls +the defaulters to the front, and, after administering a sharp +rebuke, selects five or eight or twenty out of them by lot, +so that those selected should be about a tenth of those who +have been guilty of the act of cowardice. These selected +are punished with the <i>fustuarium</i> without mercy; the rest are +put on rations of barley instead of wheat, and are ordered to +take up their quarters outside the vallum and the protection of +the camp. As all are equally in danger of having the lot fall +on them, and as all alike who escape that, are made a conspicuous +example of by having their rations of barley, the best +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">491</a></span>possible means are thus taken to inspire fear for the future, +and to correct the mischief which has actually occurred.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_39" id="b6_39"><b>39.</b></a> A very excellent plan also is adopted for inducing +young soldiers to brave danger. <span class="sidenote">Military +decorations.</span> +When an +engagement has taken place and any of them +have showed conspicuous gallantry, the Consul +summons an assembly of the legion, puts forward those +whom he considers to have distinguished themselves in any +way, and first compliments each of them individually on his +gallantry, and mentions any other distinction he may have +earned in the course of his life, and then presents them with +gifts: to the man who has wounded an enemy, a spear; to +the man who has killed one and stripped his armour, a cup, +if he be in the infantry, horse-trappings if in the cavalry: +though originally the only present made was a spear. This +does not take place in the event of their having wounded or +stripped any of the enemy in a set engagement or the storming +of a town; but in skirmishes or other occasions of that +sort, in which, without there being any positive necessity for +them to expose themselves singly to danger, they have done +so voluntarily and deliberately. In the capture of a town +those who are first to mount the walls are presented +with a gold crown. <span class="sidenote">Mural crown.</span> +So too those who +have covered and saved any citizens or allies are distinguished +by the Consul with certain presents; <span class="sidenote">Civic crown.</span> +and those whom they +have preserved present them voluntarily with a +crown, or if not, they are compelled to do so +by the Tribunes. The man thus preserved, too, reverences +his preserver throughout his life as a father, and is bound to +act towards him as a father in every respect. By such incentives +those who stay at home are stirred up to a noble +rivalry and emulation in confronting danger, no less than those +who actually hear and see what takes place. For the recipients +of such rewards not only enjoy great glory among +their comrades in the army, and an immediate reputation at +home, but after their return they are marked men in all +solemn festivals; for they alone, who have been thus distinguished +by the Consuls for bravery, are allowed to wear +robes of honour on those occasions: and moreover they place<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">492</a></span> +the spoils they have taken in the most conspicuous places in +their houses, as visible tokens and proofs of their valour. No +wonder that a people, whose rewards and punishments are +allotted with such care and received with such feelings, should +be brilliantly successful in war.</p> + +<p>The pay of the foot soldier is 5-1/3 asses a day; of the +centurion 10-2/3; of the cavalry 16. The infantry receive a +ration of wheat equal to about 2/3 of an Attic medimnus a +month, and the cavalry 7 medimni of barley, and 2 of wheat; +of the allies the infantry receive the same, the cavalry 1-1/3 +medimnus of wheat, and 5 of barley. This is a free gift to +the allies; but in the cases of the Romans, the Quaestor stops +out of their pay the price of their corn and clothes, or any +additional arms they may require at a fixed rate.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_40" id="b6_40"><b>40.</b></a> The following is their manner of moving camp. At +the first bugle the men all strike their tents and collect their +baggage; but no soldier may strike his tent, or set it up either, +till the same is done to that of the Tribuni and the Consul. +At the second bugle they load the beasts of burden with their +baggage: at the third the first maniples must advance and +set the whole camp in motion. Generally speaking, the men +appointed to make this start are the <i>extraordinarii</i>: next comes +the right wing of the socii; and behind them their beasts of +burden. These are followed by the first legion with its own +baggage immediately on its rear; then comes the second +legion, followed by its own beasts of burden, and the baggage +of those socii who have to bring up the rear of the march, +that is to say, the left wing of the socii. The cavalry sometimes +ride on the rear of their respective divisions, sometimes +on either side of the beasts of burden, to keep them together +and secure them. If an attack is expected on the rear, the +<i>extraordinarii</i> themselves occupy the rear instead of the +van. Of the two legions and wings each takes the lead in +the march on alternate days, that by this interchange of position +all may have an equal share in the advantage of being +first at the water and forage. The order of march, however, +is different at times of unusual danger, if they have open ground +enough. For in that case they advance in three parallel +columns, consisting of the <i>Hastati</i>, <i>Principes</i>, and <i>Triarii</i>: the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">493</a></span> +beasts of burden belonging to the maniples in the van are placed +in front of all, those belonging to the second behind the leading +maniples, and those belonging to the third behind the second +maniples, thus having the baggage and the maniples in alternate +lines. With this order of march, on an alarm being given, the +columns face to the right or left according to the quarter on +which the enemy appears, and get clear of the baggage. So +that in a short space of time, and by one movement, the whole +of the hoplites are in line of battle—except that sometimes it +is necessary to half-wheel the <i>Hastati</i> also-—and the baggage +and the rest of the army are in their proper place for safety, +namely, in the rear of the line of combatants.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_41" id="b6_41"><b>41.</b></a> When the army on the march is approaching the +place of encampment, a Tribune, and those +of the centurions who have been from time <span class="sidenote">Encampment on +the march.</span> +to time selected for that duty, are sent +forward to survey the place of encampment. Having done +this they proceed first of all to fix upon the place for the Consul’s +tent (as I have described above), and to determine on +which side of the Praetorium to quarter the legions. Having +decided these points they measure out the Praetorium, then +they draw the straight line along which the tents of the Tribunes +are to be pitched, and then the line parallel to this, beyond +which the quarters of the legions are to begin. In the same +way they draw the lines on the other sides of the Praetorium +in accordance with the plan which I have already detailed at +length. This does not take long, nor is the marking out of +the camp a matter of difficulty, because the dimensions are all +regularly laid down, and are in accordance with precedent. +Then they fix one flag in the ground where the Consul’s tent +is to stand, and another on the base of the square containing +it, and a third on the line of the Tribunes’ tents; the two latter +are scarlet, that which marks the Consul’s tent is white; the +lines on the other sides of the Praetorium are marked sometimes +with plain spears and sometimes by flags of other colours. +After this they lay out the <i>viae</i> between the quarters, fixing +spears at each <i>via</i>. Consequently when the legions in the +course of their march have come near enough to get a clear +view of the place of encampment, they can all make out<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">494</a></span> +exactly the whole plan of it, taking as their base the Consul’s +flag and calculating from that. Moreover as each soldier +knows precisely on which <i>via</i>, and at what point of it, his +quarters are to be, because all occupy the same position in +the camp wherever it may be, it is exactly like a legion entering +its own city; when breaking off at the gates each man makes +straight for his own residence without hesitation, because he +knows the direction and the quarter of the town in which +home lies. It is precisely the same in a Roman camp.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_42" id="b6_42"><b>42.</b></a> It is because the first object of the Romans in the +matter of encampment is facility, that they seem to me to +differ diametrically from Greek military men in this respect. +Greeks, in choosing a place for a camp, think primarily of +security from the natural strength of the position: first, because +they are averse from the toil of digging a foss, and, secondly, +because they think that no artificial defences are comparable +to those afforded by the nature of the ground. Accordingly, +they not only have to vary the whole configuration of the camp +to suit the nature of the ground, but to change the arrangement +of details in all kinds of irregular ways; so that neither +soldier nor company has a fixed place in it. The Romans, on +the other hand, prefer to undergo the fatigue of digging, and +of the other labours of circumvallation, for the sake of the +facility in arrangement, and to secure a plan of encampment +which shall be one and the same and familiar to all.</p> + +<p>Such are the most important facts in regard to the legions +and the method of encamping them....</p> + +<h3>THE ROMAN REPUBLIC COMPARED WITH OTHERS</h3> + +<p><a name="b6_43" id="b6_43"><b>43.</b></a> Nearly all historians have recorded as constitutions +of eminent excellence those of Lacedaemonia, +Crete, Mantinea, and Carthage. <span class="sidenote">The Theban constitution +may be +put aside,</span> +Some have +also mentioned those of Athens and Thebes. +The former I may allow to pass; but I am convinced that +little need be said of the Athenian and Theban constitutions: +their growth was abnormal, the period of their +zenith brief, and the changes they experienced unusually +violent. Their glory was a sudden and fortuitous flash, so to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">495</a></span> +speak; and while they still thought themselves prosperous, and +likely to remain so, they found themselves involved in +circumstances completely the reverse. The Thebans got their +reputation for valour among the Greeks, by taking advantage +of the senseless policy of the Lacedaemonians, and the hatred +of the allies towards them, owing to the valour of one, or at +most two, men who were wise enough to appreciate the +situation. Since fortune quickly made it evident that it was +not the peculiarity of their constitution, but the valour of +their leaders, which gave the Thebans their success. For the +great power of Thebes notoriously took its rise, attained its +zenith, and fell to the ground with the lives of Epaminondas +and Pelopidas. We must therefore conclude that it was not +its constitution, but its men, that caused the high fortune +which it then enjoyed.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_44" id="b6_44"><b>44.</b></a> A somewhat similar remark applies to the Athenian +constitution also. For though it perhaps had +more frequent interludes of excellence, <span class="sidenote">as also the +Athenian.</span>yet +its highest perfection was attained during the +brilliant career of Themistocles; and having reached that +point it quickly declined, owing to its essential instability. +For the Athenian demus is always in the position of a ship +without a commander. In such a ship, if fear of the enemy, +or the occurrence of a storm induce the crew to be of one mind +and to obey the helmsman, everything goes well; but if they +recover from this fear, and begin to treat their officers with +contempt, and to quarrel with each other because they are no +longer all of one mind,—one party wishing to continue the +voyage, and the other urging the steersman to bring the ship +to anchor; some letting out the sheets, and others hauling +them in, and ordering the sails to be furled,-—their discord and +quarrels make a sorry show to lookers on; and the position of +affairs is full of risk to those on board engaged on the same +voyage: and the result has often been that, after escaping the +dangers of the widest seas, and the most violent storms, they +wreck their ship in harbour and close to shore. And this is what +has often happened to the Athenian constitution. For, after +repelling, on various occasions, the greatest and most formidable +dangers by the valour of its people and their leaders, there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">496</a></span> +have been times when, in periods of secure tranquillity, it has +gratuitously and recklessly encountered disaster.<a name="FNanchor_305" id="FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">305</a> Therefore I +need say no more about either it, or the Theban constitution: in +both of which a mob manages everything on its own unfettered +impulse—a mob in the one city distinguished for headlong outbursts +of fiery temper, in the other trained in long habits of +violence and ferocity.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_45" id="b6_45"><b>45.</b></a> Passing to the Cretan polity there are two points +which deserve our consideration. The first +is how such writers as Ephorus, <span class="sidenote">The Spartan +polity unlike +that of Crete.</span>Xenophon, +Callisthenes and Plato<a name="FNanchor_306" id="FNanchor_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">306</a>—who are the most +learned of the ancients—could assert that it was like that +of Sparta; and secondly how they came to assert that it was +at all admirable. I can agree with neither assertion; and +I will explain why I say so. And first as to its dissimilarity +with the Spartan constitution. The peculiar merit of the latter +is said to be its land laws, by which no one possesses more than +another, but all citizens have an equal share in the public +land.<a name="FNanchor_307" id="FNanchor_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> The next distinctive feature regards the possession of +money: for as it is utterly discredited among them, the +jealous competition which arises from inequality of wealth is +entirely removed from the city. A third peculiarity of the +Lacedaemonian polity is that, of the officials by whose hands +and with whose advice the whole government is conducted, +the kings hold an hereditary office, while the members of the +Gerusia are elected for life.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_46" id="b6_46"><b>46.</b></a> Among the Cretans the exact reverse of all these arrangements<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">497</a></span> +obtains. The laws allow them to possess as much land +as they can get with no limitation whatever. Money is so +highly valued among them, that its possession is not only +thought to be necessary but in the highest degree creditable. +And in fact greed and avarice are so native to the soil in +Crete, that they are the only people in the world among whom +no stigma attaches to any sort of gain whatever. Again all +their offices are annual and on a democratical footing. I have +therefore often felt at a loss to account for these writers +speaking of the two constitutions, which are radically different, +as though they were closely united and allied. But, besides +overlooking these important differences, these writers have +gone out of their way to comment at length on the legislation +of Lycurgus: “He was the only legislator,” they say, “who +saw the important points. For there being two things on +which the safety of a commonwealth depends,—courage in +the face of the enemy and concord at home,—by abolishing +covetousness, he with it removed all motive for civil broil and +contest: whence it has been brought about that the Lacedaemonians +are the best governed and most united people in +Greece.” Yet while giving utterance to these sentiments, and +though they see that, in contrast to this, the Cretans by their +ingrained avarice are engaged in countless public and private +seditions, murders and civil wars, they yet regard these facts as +not affecting their contention, but are bold enough to speak of +the two constitutions as alike. Ephorus, indeed, putting aside +names, employs expressions so precisely the same, when discoursing +on the two constitutions, that, unless one noticed the +proper names, there would be no means whatever of distinguishing +which of the two he was describing.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_47" id="b6_47"><b>47.</b></a> In what the difference between them consists I have +already stated. I will now address myself to showing that the +Cretan constitution deserves neither praise nor imitation.</p> + +<p>To my mind, then, there are two things fundamental +to every state, in virtue of which its powers +and constitution become desirable or objectionable. <span class="sidenote">Tests of a +good polity.</span> +These are customs and laws. +Of these the desirable are those which make men’s private +lives holy and pure, and the public character of the state<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">498</a></span> +civilised and just. The objectionable are those whose effect +is the reverse. As, then, when we see good customs +and good laws prevailing among certain people, we confidently +assume that, in consequence of them, the men and +their civil constitution will be good also, so when we see +private life full of covetousness, and public policy of injustice, +plainly we have reason for asserting their laws, particular customs, +and general constitution to be bad. Now, with few exceptions, +you could find no habits prevailing in private life more +steeped in treachery than those in Crete, and no public policy +more inequitable. Holding, then, the Cretan constitution to +be neither like the Spartan, nor worthy of choice or imitation, +I reject it from the comparison which I have instituted.</p> + +<p>Nor again would it be fair to introduce the Republic +of Plato, which is also spoken of in high +terms by some Philosophers. <span class="sidenote">Ideal polities may +be omitted.</span> +For just as we +refuse admission to the athletic contests +to those actors or athletes who have not acquired a +recognised position<a name="FNanchor_308" id="FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">308</a> or trained for them, so we ought not to +admit this Platonic constitution to the contest for the prize +of merit unless it can first point to some genuine and practical +achievement. Up to this time the notion of bringing it into +comparison with the constitutions of Sparta, Rome, and Carthage +would be like putting up a statue to compare with living +and breathing men. Even if such a statue were faultless in +point of art, the comparison of the lifeless with the living +would naturally leave an impression of imperfection and incongruity +upon the minds of the spectators.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_48" id="b6_48"><b>48.</b></a> I shall therefore omit these, and proceed with my +description of the Laconian constitution. <span class="sidenote">The aims of +Lycurgus.</span> +Now +it seems to me that for securing unity among +the citizens, for safe-guarding the Laconian +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">499</a></span>territory, and preserving the liberty of Sparta inviolate, +the legislation and provisions of Lycurgus were so excellent, +that I am forced to regard his wisdom as something +superhuman. For the equality of landed possessions, the +simplicity in their food, and the practice of taking it in common, +which he established, were well calculated to secure morality +in private life and to prevent civil broils in the State; as also +their training in the endurance of labours and dangers to make +men brave and noble minded: but when both these virtues, +courage and high morality, are combined in one soul or in one +state, vice will not readily spring from such a soil, nor will +such men easily be overcome by their enemies. By constructing +his constitution therefore in this spirit, and of these +elements, he secured two blessings to the Spartans,—safety for +their territory, and a lasting freedom for themselves long after he +was gone. He appears however to have made no one provision +whatever, particular or general, for the acquisition of the territory +of their neighbours; or for the assertion of their supremacy; or, +in a word, for any policy of aggrandisement at all. What he +had still to do was to impose such a necessity, or create such a +spirit among the citizens, that, as he had succeeded in making +their individual lives independent and simple, the public +character of the state should also become independent and +moral. <span class="sidenote">Their partial +failure.</span> +But the actual fact is, that, though he made them the +most disinterested and sober-minded men in +the world, as far as their own ways of life and +their national institutions were concerned, he +left them in regard to the rest of Greece ambitious, eager for +supremacy, and encroaching in the highest degree.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_49" id="b6_49"><b>49.</b></a> For in the first place is it not notorious that they +were nearly the first Greeks to cast a covetous +eye upon the territory of their neighbours, <span class="sidenote">First and second +Messenian wars, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 745-724 (?), +685-668.</span> +and that accordingly they waged a +war of subjugation on the Messenians? +In the next place is it not related in all histories that in +their dogged obstinacy they bound themselves with an oath +never to desist from the siege of Messene until they +had taken it? And lastly it is known to all that in their +efforts for supremacy in Greece they submitted to do<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">500</a></span> +the bidding of those whom they had once conquered in +war. For when the Persians invaded Greece, +they conquered them, <span class="sidenote">Battle of Plataea, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 479.</span>as champions of the +liberty of the Greeks; yet when the invaders +had retired and fled, they betrayed the cities of Greece into +their hands by the peace of Antalcidas, <span class="sidenote">Peace of +Antalcidas, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 387.</span>for the +sake of getting money to secure their supremacy +over the Greeks. +It was then that the defect +in their constitution was rendered apparent. For as long as +their ambition was confined to governing their +immediate neighbours, or even the Peloponnesians +only, they were content with the +<span class="sidenote">The causes of +this failure.</span>resources and supplies provided by Laconia itself, having all +material of war ready to hand, and being able without much +expenditure of time to return home or convey provisions with +them. But directly they took in hand to despatch naval +expeditions, or to go on campaigns by land outside the Peloponnese, +it was evident that neither their iron currency, nor +their use of crops for payment in kind, would be able to +supply them with what they lacked if they abided by the +legislation of Lycurgus; for such undertakings required money +universally current, and goods from foreign countries. Thus +they were compelled to wait humbly at Persian doors, impose +tribute on the islanders, and exact contributions from all the +Greeks: knowing that, if they abided by the laws of Lycurgus, +it was impossible to advance any claims upon any outside power +at all, much less upon the supremacy in Greece.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_50" id="b6_50"><b>50.</b></a> My object, then, in this digression is to make it +manifest by actual facts that, for guarding +their own country with absolute safety, <span class="sidenote">Sparta fails where +Rome succeeds.</span> +and +for preserving their own freedom, the legislation +of Lycurgus was entirely sufficient; and for those who +are content with these objects we must concede that there +neither exists, nor ever has existed, a constitution and civil order +preferable to that of Sparta. But if any one is seeking +aggrandisement, and believes that to be a leader and ruler and +despot of numerous subjects, and to have all looking and +turning to him, is a finer thing than that,—in this point of +view we must acknowledge that the Spartan constitution is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">501</a></span> +deficient, and that of Rome superior and better constituted for +obtaining power. And this has been proved by actual facts. +For when the Lacedaemonians strove to possess themselves of +the supremacy in Greece, it was not long before they brought +their own freedom itself into danger. Whereas the Romans, +after obtaining supreme power over the Italians themselves, soon +brought the whole world under their rule,—in which achievement +the abundance and availability of their supplies largely +contributed to their success.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_51" id="b6_51"><b>51.</b></a> Now the Carthaginian constitution seems to me +originally to have been well contrived in +these most distinctively important particulars. <span class="sidenote">Rome fresher +than Carthage;</span> +For they had kings,<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">309</a> and the Gerusia +had the powers of an aristocracy, and the multitude were +supreme in such things as affected them; and on the whole +the adjustment of its several parts was very like that of Rome +and Sparta. But about the period of its entering on the +Hannibalian war the political state of Carthage was on the +decline,<a name="FNanchor_310" id="FNanchor_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">310</a> that of Rome improving. For whereas there is in +every body, or polity, or business a natural stage of growth, +zenith, and decay; and whereas everything in them is at its +best at the zenith; we may thereby judge of the difference between +these two constitutions as they existed at that period. +For exactly so far as the strength and prosperity of Carthage +preceded that of Rome in point of time, by so much was +Carthage then past its prime, while Rome was exactly at its +zenith, as far as its political constitution was concerned. In +Carthage therefore the influence of the people in the policy +of the state had already risen to be supreme, while at Rome +the Senate was at the height of its power: and so, as in the +one measures were deliberated upon by the many, in the +other by the best men, the policy of the Romans in +all public undertakings proved the stronger; on which +account, though they met with capital disasters, by force of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">502</a></span>prudent counsels they finally conquered the Carthaginians in +the war.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_52" id="b6_52"><b>52.</b></a> If we look however at separate details, for instance +at the provisions for carrying on a war, <span class="sidenote">and its citizen +levies superior +to Carthaginian +mercenaries.</span> +we +shall find that whereas for a naval expedition +the Carthaginians are the better trained and +prepared,—as it is only natural with a people +with whom it has been hereditary for many generations to +practise this craft, and to follow the seaman’s trade above all +nations in the world,—yet, in regard to military service on +land, the Romans train themselves to a much higher pitch +than the Carthaginians. The former bestow their whole +attention upon this department: whereas the Carthaginians +wholly neglect their infantry, though they do take some slight +interest in the cavalry. The reason of this is that they employ +foreign mercenaries, the Romans native and citizen levies. It +is in this point that the latter polity is preferable to the +former. They have their hopes of freedom ever resting on the +courage of mercenary troops: the Romans on the valour of their +own citizens and the aid of their allies. The result is that even +if the Romans have suffered a defeat at first, they renew the war +with undiminished forces, which the Carthaginians cannot do. +For, as the Romans are fighting for country and children, it is +impossible for them to relax the fury of their struggle; but +they persist with obstinate resolution until they have overcome +their enemies. What has happened in regard to their +navy is an instance in point. In skill the Romans are much +behind the Carthaginians, as I have already said; yet the upshot +of the whole naval war has been a decided triumph for +the Romans, owing to the valour of their men. For although +nautical science contributes largely to success in sea-fights, +still it is the courage of the marines that turns the scale most +decisively in favour of victory. The fact is that Italians as a +nation are by nature superior to Phoenicians and Libyans both +in physical strength and courage; but still their habits also do +much to inspire the youth with enthusiasm for such exploits. +One example will be sufficient of the pains taken by the +Roman state to turn out men ready to endure anything to win +a reputation in their country for valour.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">503</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b6_53" id="b6_53"><b>53.</b></a> Whenever one of their illustrious men dies, in the +course of his funeral, <span class="sidenote">Laudations at +funerals.</span> +the body with all its +paraphernalia is carried into the forum to the +Rostra, as a raised platform there is called, +and sometimes is propped upright upon it so as to be +conspicuous, or, more rarely, is laid upon it. Then with all +the people standing round, his son, if he has left one of full +age and he is there, or, failing him, one of his relations, mounts +the Rostra and delivers a speech concerning the virtues of the +deceased, and the successful exploits performed by him in his +lifetime. By these means the people are reminded of what +has been done, and made to see it with their own eyes,—not +only such as were engaged in the actual <span class="sidenote">Imagines.</span> +transactions but those also who were not;—and +their sympathies are so deeply moved, that the loss +appears not to be confined to the actual mourners, but to be +a public one affecting the whole people. After the burial +and all the usual ceremonies have been performed, they place +the likeness of the deceased in the most conspicuous spot in +his house, surmounted by a wooden canopy or shrine. This +likeness consists of a mask made to represent the deceased +with extraordinary fidelity both in shape and colour. These +likenesses they display at public sacrifices adorned with much +care. And when any illustrious member of the family dies, +they carry these masks to the funeral, putting them on men +whom they thought as like the originals as possible in height +and other personal peculiarities. And these substitutes assume +clothes according to the rank of the person represented: <span class="sidenote">Toga praetexta, +purpurea, +picta.</span>if he +was a consul or praetor, a toga with purple +stripes; if a censor, whole purple;<a name="FNanchor_311" id="FNanchor_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">311</a> if he had also +celebrated a triumph or performed any exploit +of that kind, a toga embroidered with gold. +These representatives also ride themselves in chariots, while +the fasces and axes, and all the other customary insignia of the +particular offices, lead the way, according to the dignity of the +rank in the state enjoyed by the deceased in his lifetime; <span class="sidenote">Sellae curules.</span> +and on arriving at the Rostra they all take +their seats on ivory chairs in their order.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">504</a></span></p> +<p>There could not easily be a more inspiring spectacle than this +for a young man of noble ambitions and virtuous aspirations. +For can we conceive any one to be unmoved at the sight of +all the likenesses collected together of the men who have +earned glory, all as it were living and breathing? Or what +could be a more glorious spectacle?</p> + +<p><a name="b6_54" id="b6_54"><b>54.</b></a> Besides the speaker over the body about to be buried, +after having finished the panegyric of this +particular person, <span class="sidenote">Devotion of the +citizens.</span> +starts upon the others whose +representatives are present, beginning with the +most ancient, and recounts the successes and achievements +of each. By this means the glorious memory of brave +men is continually renewed; the fame of those who have +performed any noble deed is never allowed to die; and the +renown of those who have done good service to their country +becomes a matter of common knowledge to the multitude, +and part of the heritage of posterity. But the chief benefit of +the ceremony is that it inspires young men to shrink from no +exertion for the general welfare, in the hope of obtaining the +glory which awaits the brave. And what I say is confirmed +by this fact. Many Romans have volunteered to decide a +whole battle by single combat; not a few have deliberately +accepted certain death, some in time of war to secure the +safety of the rest, some in time of peace to preserve the safety +of the commonwealth. There have also been instances of +men in office putting their own sons to death, in defiance of +every custom and law, because they rated the interests of +their country higher than those of natural ties even with their +nearest and dearest. There are many stories of this kind, +related of many men in Roman history; but one will be +enough for our present purpose; and I will give the name as +an instance to prove the truth of my words.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_55" id="b6_55"><b>55.</b></a> The story goes that Horatius Cocles, while fighting +with two enemies at the head of the bridge <span class="sidenote">Horatius +Cocles.</span> +over the Tiber, which is the entrance to the +city on the north, seeing a large body of +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">505</a></span>men advancing to support his enemies, and fearing that +they would force their way into the city, turned round, and +shouted to those behind him to hasten back to the other +side and break down the bridge. They obeyed him: and +whilst they were breaking the bridge, he remained at his +post receiving numerous wounds, and checked the progress +of the enemy: his opponents being panic stricken, not so much +by his strength as by the audacity with which he held his +ground. When the bridge had been broken down, the attack +of the enemy was stopped; and Cocles then threw himself into +the river with his armour on and deliberately sacrificed his +life, because he valued the safety of his country and his own +future reputation more highly than his present life, and the +years of existence that remained to him.<a name="FNanchor_312" id="FNanchor_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> Such is the +enthusiasm and emulation for noble deeds that are engendered +among the Romans by their customs.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_56" id="b6_56"><b>56.</b></a> Again the Roman customs and principles regarding +money transactions are better than those of +the Carthaginians. <span class="sidenote">Purity of +election.</span> +In the view of the latter +nothing is disgraceful that makes for gain; +with the former nothing is more disgraceful than to receive +bribes and to make profit by improper means. For they +regard wealth obtained from unlawful transactions to be as +much a subject of reproach, as a fair profit from the most +unquestioned source is of commendation. A proof of the fact +is this. The Carthaginians obtain office by open bribery, but +among the Romans the penalty for it is death. <span class="sidenote">Cf. ch. 14.</span> +With such a radical difference, therefore, between +the rewards offered to virtue among the two peoples, it is natural +that the ways adopted for obtaining them should be different also.</p> + +<p>But the most important difference for the better which +the Roman commonwealth appears to me to +display is in their religious beliefs. <span class="sidenote">Regard to +religion.</span> +For I +conceive that what in other nations is looked +upon as a reproach, I mean a scrupulous fear of the gods, is +the very thing which keeps the Roman commonwealth together. +To such an extraordinary height is this carried among them, +both in private and public business, that nothing could +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">506</a></span>exceed it. Many people might think this unaccountable; but +in my opinion their object is to use it as a check upon the +common people. If it were possible to form a state wholly of +philosophers, such a custom would perhaps be unnecessary. +But seeing that every multitude is fickle, and full of lawless +desires, unreasoning anger, and violent passion, the only +resource is to keep them in check by mysterious terrors and +scenic effects of this sort. Wherefore, to my mind, the ancients +were not acting without purpose or at random, when they +brought in among the vulgar those opinions about the gods, +and the belief in the punishments in Hades: much rather do +I think that men nowadays are acting rashly and foolishly in +rejecting them. This is the reason why, apart from anything +else, Greek statesmen, if entrusted with a single talent, though +protected by ten checking-clerks, as many seals, and twice as +many witnesses, yet cannot be induced to keep faith: whereas +among the Romans, in their magistracies and embassies, men +have the handling of a great amount of money, and yet from +pure respect to their oath keep their faith intact. And, again, +in other nations it is a rare thing to find a man who keeps his +hands out of the public purse, and is entirely pure in such +matters: but among the Romans it is a rare thing to detect a +man in the act of committing such a crime.<a name="FNanchor_313" id="FNanchor_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">313</a>...</p> + +<h3>RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION</h3> + +<p><a name="b6_57" id="b6_57"><b>57.</b></a> That to all things, then, which exist there is ordained +decay and change I think requires no further arguments to +show: for the inexorable course of nature is sufficient to +convince us of it.</p> + +<p>But in all polities we observe two sources of decay existing +from natural causes, the one external, the other internal and +self-produced. The external admits of no certain or fixed +definition, but the internal follows a definite order. What +kind of polity, then, comes naturally first, and what second, I +have already stated in such a way, that those who are capable +of taking in the whole drift of my argument can henceforth +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">507</a></span>draw their own conclusions as to the future of the Roman +polity. For it is quite clear, in my opinion. When a commonwealth, +after warding off many great dangers, has arrived at a +high pitch of prosperity and undisputed power, it is evident +that, by the lengthened continuance of great wealth within it, +the manner of life of its citizens will become more extravagant; +and that the rivalry for office, and in other spheres of activity, will +become fiercer than it ought to be. And as this state of things +goes on more and more, the desire of office and the shame of +losing reputation, as well as the ostentation and extravagance +of living, will prove the beginning of a deterioration. And of +this change the people will be credited with being the authors, +when they become convinced that they are being cheated by +some from avarice, and are puffed up with flattery by others from +love of office. For when that comes about, in their passionate +resentment and acting under the dictates of anger, they will +refuse to obey any longer, or to be content with having equal +powers with their leaders, but will demand to have all or far +the greatest themselves. And when that comes to pass the +constitution will receive a new name, which sounds better than +any other in the world, liberty or democracy; but, in fact, it +will become that worst of all governments, mob-rule.</p> + +<p>With this description of the formation, growth, zenith, and +present state of the Roman polity, and having discussed also +its difference, for better and worse, from other polities, I will +now at length bring my essay on it to an end.</p> + +<p><a name="b6_58" id="b6_58"><b>58.</b></a> Resuming my history from the point at which I started +on this digression I will briefly refer to one transaction, that +I may give a practical illustration of the perfection and power +of the Roman polity at that period, as though I were producing +one of his works as a specimen of the skill of a good artist.</p> + +<p>When Hannibal, after conquering the Romans in the battle at +Cannae, got possession of the eight thousand who +were guarding the Roman camp, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216. +Hannibal offers to +put the prisoners +at Cannae to +ransom.</span> +he made them +all prisoners of war, and granted them permission +to send messages to their relations that they might +be ransomed and return home. They accordingly +selected ten of their chief men, whom Hannibal allowed +to depart after binding them with an oath to return. But one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">508</a></span> +of them, just as he had got outside the palisade of the camp, +saying that he had forgotten something, went back; and, having +got what he had left behind, once more set out, under the belief +that by means of this return he had kept his promise and discharged +his oath. Upon the arrival of the envoys at Rome, +imploring and beseeching the Senate not to grudge the captured +troops their return home, but to allow them to rejoin their +friends by paying three minae each for them,—for these were +the terms, they said, granted by Hannibal,—and declaring that +the men deserved redemption, for they had neither played the +coward in the field, nor done anything unworthy of Rome, +but had been left behind to guard the camp; and that, when +all the rest had perished, they had yielded to absolute necessity +in surrendering to Hannibal: though the Romans had +been severely defeated in the battles, and though they were at +the time deprived of, roughly speaking, all their allies, they +neither yielded so far to misfortune as to disregard what was +becoming to themselves, nor omitted to take into account +any necessary consideration. They saw through Hannibal’s +purpose in thus acting,—which was at once to get a large supply +of money, and at the same time to take away all enthusiasm +from the troops opposed to him, by showing that even the +conquered had a hope of getting safe home again. Therefore +the Senate, far from acceding to the request, refused all pity +even to their own relations, and disregarded the services to be +expected from these men in the future: and thus frustrated +Hannibal’s calculations, and the hopes which he had founded +on these prisoners, by refusing to ransom them; and at the +same time established the rule for their own men, that they +must either conquer or die on the field, as there was no other +hope of safety for them if they were beaten. With this answer +they dismissed the nine envoys who returned of their own +accord; but the tenth who had put the cunning trick in +practice for discharging himself of his oath they put in chains +and delivered to the enemy. So that Hannibal was not so +much rejoiced at his victory in the battle, as struck with +astonishment at the unshaken firmness and lofty spirit displayed +in the resolutions of these senators.<a name="FNanchor_314" id="FNanchor_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">314</a></p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">509</a></span></p> + +<h2>BOOK VII</h2> + +<h3>CAPUA AND PETELIA</h3> + +<p><a name="b7_1" id="b7_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">The</span> people of Capua, in Campania, becoming wealthy +through the fertility of their soil, <span class="sidenote">Capua and +Petelia, the contrast +of their +fortunes.</span> +degenerated into +luxury and extravagance surpassing even the common +report about Croton and Sybaris. Being +then unable to support their burden of prosperity +they called in Hannibal; and were accordingly treated with great +severity by Rome. But the people of Petelia maintained their +loyalty to Rome and held out so obstinately, when besieged by +Hannibal, that after having eaten all the leather in the town, and +the bark of all the trees in it, and having stood the siege for +eleven months, as no one came to their relief, they surrendered +with the entire approval of the Romans.... But Capua by its +influence drew over the other cities to the Carthaginians....</p> + +<h3>HIERONYMUS OF SYRACUSE</h3> + +<p><a name="b7_2" id="b7_2"><b>2.</b></a> After the plot against Hieronymus, King of Syracuse, +Thraso having departed, <span class="sidenote">Hieronymus succeeded +his grandfather +Hiero II. in +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216. Under +the influence of +his uncles, +Zoippus and +Andranodorus, +members of the +Council of 15 +established by +Hiero, +Hieronymus +opens communications +with +Hannibal.</span> +Zoippus and Andranodorus +persuaded Hieronymus to lose no time in +sending ambassadors to Hannibal. He accordingly +selected Polycleitus of Cyrene and Philodemus +of Argos for the purpose, and sent them +into Italy, with a commission to discuss the +subject of an alliance with the Carthaginians; +and at the same time he sent his brothers to +Alexandria. Hannibal received Polycleitus and +Philodemus with warmth; held out great prospects +to the young king; and sent the ambassadors +back without delay, accompanied by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">510</a></span> +the commander of his triremes, a Carthaginian also named +Hannibal, and the Syracusan Hippocrates and his younger +brother Epicydes. These men had been for some time +serving in Hannibal’s army, being domiciled at Carthage, +owing to their grandfather having been banished from Syracuse +because he was believed to have assassinated Agatharchus, +one of the sons of Agathocles. On the arrival of these +commissioners at Syracuse, Polycleitus and his colleague +reported the result of their embassy, and the Carthaginian +delivered the message given by Hannibal: <span class="sidenote">Commissioners +sent to Carthage +to formulate a +treaty of alliance.</span> +whereupon the king +without hesitation expressed his willingness to +make a treaty with the Carthaginians; and, +begging the Hannibal who had come to him +to go with all speed to Carthage, promised that +he also would send commissioners from his own court, to +settle matters with the Carthaginians.</p> + +<p><a name="b7_3" id="b7_3"><b>3.</b></a> Meanwhile intelligence of this transaction had reached +the Roman praetor at Lilybaeum, who immediately +despatched legates to Hieronymus, <span class="sidenote">The Roman +praetor sends to +remonstrate. A +scene with the +king.</span> +to +renew the treaty which had been made with his +ancestors. Being thoroughly annoyed with this +embassy, Hieronymus said that “He was sorry +for the Romans that they had come to such utter and shameful +grief<a name="FNanchor_315" id="FNanchor_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> in the battles in Italy at the hands of the Carthaginians.” +The legates were overpowered by the rudeness of +the answer: still they proceeded to ask him, “Who said +such things about them?” Whereupon the king pointed +to the Carthaginian envoys who were there, and said, “You +had better convict them, if they have really been telling +me lies?” The Roman legates answered that it was not +their habit to take the word of enemies: and advised him +to do nothing in violation of the existing treaty; for that +would be at once equitable and the best thing for himself. +To this the king answered that he would take time to consider +of it, and tell them his decision another time; but he proceeded +to ask them, “How it came about that before his grandfather’s +death a squadron of fifty Roman ships had sailed as far as +Pachynus and then gone back again.” The fact was that a short +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">511</a></span>time ago the Romans had heard that Hiero was dead; and being +much alarmed lest people in Syracuse, despising the youth of +the grandson whom he left, should stir up a revolution, they +had made this cruise with the intention of being ready there +to assist his youthful weakness, and to help in maintaining his +authority; but being informed that his grandfather was still +alive, they sailed back again. When the ambassadors had +stated these facts, the young king answered again, “Then +please to allow me too now, O Romans, to maintain my +authority by ’sailing back’ to see what I can get from +Carthage.” The Roman legates perceiving the warmth +with which the king was engaging in his policy, said nothing +at the time; but returned and informed the praetor who had +sent them of what had been said. From that time forward, +therefore, the Romans kept a careful watch upon him as an +enemy.</p> + +<p><a name="b7_4" id="b7_4"><b>4.</b></a> Hieronymus on his part selected Agatharchus, Onesimus, +and Hipposthenes to send with Hannibal to +Carthage, <span class="sidenote">The treaty with +Carthage.</span> +with instructions to make an alliance +on the following terms: “The Carthaginians to +assist him with land and sea forces, in expelling the Romans +from Sicily, and then divide the island with him; so as to have +the river Himera, which divides Sicily almost exactly in half, as +the boundary between the two provinces.” The commissioners +arrived in Carthage: and finding, on coming to a conference, +that the Carthaginians were prepared to meet them in every +point, they completed the arrangement. Meanwhile Hippocrates +got the young Hieronymus entirely into his hands: and at first +fired his imagination by telling him of Hannibal’s marches +and pitched battles in Italy; and afterwards by repeating to +him that no one had a better right to the government of all +Siceliots than he; in the first place as the son of Nereis +daughter of Pyrrhus, the only man whom all Siceliots alike +had accepted deliberately and with full assent as their leader +and king; and in the second place in virtue of his grandfather +Hiero’s sovereign rights. At last he and his brother so won +upon the young man by their conversation, that he would +attend to no one else at all: partly from the natural feebleness +of his character, but still more from the ambitious feelings<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">512</a></span> +which they had excited in him. And therefore, just when +Agatharchus and his colleagues were completing <span class="sidenote">The king’s pretensions +rise, and +a new arrangement +is made +with Carthage.</span> +the business on which they had been sent in +Carthage, he sent fresh ambassadors, saying that +all Sicily belonged to him; and demanding that +the Carthaginians should help him to recover +Sicily: while he promised he would assist the Carthaginians +in their Italian campaign. Though the Carthaginians now saw +perfectly well the whole extent of the young man’s fickleness +and infatuation: yet thinking it to be in manifold ways to their +interests not to let Sicilian affairs out of their hands, they +assented to his demands; and having already prepared ships +and men, they set about arranging for the transport of their +forces into Sicily.</p> + +<p><a name="b7_5" id="b7_5"><b>5.</b></a> When they heard of this, the Romans sent legates to him +again, protesting against his violation of the +treaty made with his forefathers. <span class="sidenote">The Romans +again remonstrate. +Another +scene at the +Council.</span> +Hieronymus +thereupon summoned a meeting of his council +consulted them as to what he was to do. +The native members of it kept silent, because +they feared the folly of their ruler. Aristomachus of Corinth, +Damippus of Sparta, Autonous of Thessaly advised that he +should abide by the treaty with Rome. Andranodorus alone +urged that he should not let the opportunity slip; and affirmed +that the present was the only chance of establishing his rule +over Sicily. After the delivery of this speech, the king +asked Hippocrates and his brother what they thought, and +upon their answering, “The same as Andranodorus,” the deliberation +was concluded in that sense. Thus, then, war with +Rome had been decided upon: but while the king was anxious +to be thought to have given an adroit answer to the ambassadors, +he committed himself to such an utter absurdity as +to make it certain that he would not only fail to conciliate the +Romans, but would inevitably offend them violently. For he +said that he would abide by the treaty, firstly, if the Romans +would repay all the gold they had received from his grandfather +Hiero; and secondly, if they would return the corn and +other presents which they had received from him from the first +day of their intercourse with him; and thirdly, if they would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">513</a></span> +acknowledge all Sicily east of the Himera to be Syracusan +territory. At these propositions of course the <span class="sidenote">War with Rome +decided upon.</span> +ambassadors and council separated; and from +that time forth Hieronymus began pushing on +his preparations for war with energy: collected and armed his +forces, and got ready the other necessary provisions....</p> + +<p><a name="b7_6" id="b7_6"><b>6.</b></a> The city of Leontini taken as a whole faces north, +and is divided in half by a valley of level ground, +in which are the state buildings, <span class="sidenote">Description of +Leontini, where +Hieronymus was +murdered. +See Livy, 24, 7.</span> +the court-houses, +and market-place. Along each side of +this valley run hills with steep banks all the way; +the flat tops of which, reached after crossing their +brows, are covered with houses and temples. The city has two +gates, one on the southern extremity of this valley leading to +Syracuse, the other at the northern leading on to the “Leontine +plains,” and the arable district. Close under the westernmost +of the steep cliffs runs a river called Lissus; parallel to which +are built continuous rows of houses, in great numbers, close +under the cliff, between which and the river runs the road I +have mentioned....</p> + +<p><a name="b7_7" id="b7_7"><b>7.</b></a> Some of the historians who have described the fall of +Hieronymus have written at great length and in +terms of mysterious solemnity. <span class="sidenote">Fall of Hieronymus, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 214.</span> +They tell us of +prodigies preceding his coming to the throne, +and of the misfortunes of Syracuse. They describe in dramatic +language the cruelty of his character and the impiety of his +actions; and crown all with the sudden and terrible nature of +the circumstances attending his fall. One would think from +their description that neither Phalaris, nor Apollodorus, nor +any other tyrant was ever fiercer than he. Yet he was a mere +boy when he succeeded to power, and only lived thirteen +months after. In this space of time it is possible that one or +two men may have been put to the rack, or certain of his +friends, or other Syracusan citizens, put to death; but it is improbable +that his tyranny could have been extravagantly wicked, +or his impiety outrageous. It must be confessed that he was +reckless and unscrupulous in disposition; still we cannot +compare him with either of the tyrants I have named. The +fact is that those who write the histories of particular episodes,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">514</a></span> +having undertaken limited and narrow themes, appear to me to +be compelled from poverty of matter to exaggerate insignificant +incidents, and to speak at inordinate length on subjects that +scarcely deserve to be recorded at all. There are some, too, +who fall into a similar mistake from mere want of judgment. +With how much more reason might the space employed on +these descriptions,—which they use merely to fill up and spin +out their books,—have been devoted to Hiero and Gelo, +without mentioning Hieronymus at all! It would have given +greater pleasure to readers and more instruction to students.</p> + +<p><a name="b7_8" id="b7_8"><b>8.</b></a> For, in the first place, Hiero gained the sovereignty of +Syracuse and her allies by his own unaided +abilities without inheriting wealth, <span class="sidenote">Character of +Hiero II., King +of Syracuse, from +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 269 to <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +215.</span> +or reputation, +or any other advantage of fortune. And, in +the second place, was established king of Syracuse +without putting to death, banishing, or +harassing any one of the citizens,—which is the most astonishing +circumstance of all. And what is quite as surprising as +the innocence of his acquisition of power is the fact that it did +not change his character. For during a reign of fifty-four +years he preserved peace for the country, maintained his own +power free from all hostile plots, and entirely escaped the envy +which generally follows greatness; for though he tried on +several occasions to lay down his power, he was prevented by +the common remonstrances of the citizens. And having +shown himself most beneficent to the Greeks, and most +anxious to earn their good opinion, he left behind him not +merely a great personal reputation but also a universal feeling of +goodwill towards the Syracusans. Again, though he passed his +life in the midst of the greatest wealth, luxury, and abundance, +he survived for more than ninety years, in full possession of +his senses and with all parts of his body unimpaired; which, +to my mind, is a decisive proof of a well-spent life....</p> + +<p>Gelo, his son, in a life of more than fifty years +<span class="sidenote">Gelo, son of +Hiero II., associated +with his +father in the kingdom, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216. +See <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_88">88</a>, Livy, +23, 30.</span>regarded it as the most honourable object +of ambition to obey his father, and to +regard neither wealth, nor sovereign power, +nor anything else as of higher value than love +and loyalty to his parents....</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">515</a></span></p> + +<h3>TREATY BETWEEN HANNIBAL AND KING PHILIP V. +OF MACEDON</h3> + +<p><a name="b7_9" id="b7_9"><b>9.</b></a> This is a sworn treaty made between Hannibal, Mago, +<span class="sidenote">Preamble of a +treaty made +between Philip and +Hannibal, by +envoys sent +after the battle of +Cannae. +Ratified subsequently +to March +13, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215. +See Livy, 23, 33-39. +<i>Ante</i> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_2">2</a>.</span> +Barmocarus, and such members of the Carthaginian +Gerusia as were present, +and all Carthaginians +serving in his army, on the one part; and +Xenophanes, son of Cleomachus of Athens, +sent to us by King Philip, as his ambassador, +on behalf of himself, the Macedonians, and their +allies, on the other part.</p> + +<p>The oath is taken in the presence of Zeus, +Hera, and Apollo: of the god of the Carthaginians, +Hercules, and Iolaus: of Ares, Triton, +Poseidon: of the gods that accompany the +army, and of the sun, moon, and earth: of +rivers, harbours, waters: of all the gods who +<span class="sidenote">Gods by whom +the oath is taken +on either side.</span> +rule Carthage: of all the gods who rule Macedonia and the rest +of Greece: of all the gods of war that are witnesses to this oath.</p> + +<p>Hannibal, general, and all the Carthaginian senators with +him, and all Carthaginians serving in his army, <span class="sidenote">Declaration on +the part of Hannibal +of the objects +of the treaty.</span> +subject to our mutual consent, proposes to +make this sworn treaty of friendship and +honourable goodwill. Let us be friends, close +allies, and brethren, on the conditions herein following:—</p> + +<p>(1) Let the Carthaginians, as supreme, Hannibal their +chief general and those serving with him, <span class="sidenote">1st article sworn +to by Philip’s +representative.</span> +all +members of the Carthaginian dominion living +under the same laws, as well as the people of +Utica, and the cities and tribes subject to Carthage, and their +soldiers and allies, and all cities and tribes in Italy, Celt-land, +and Liguria, with whom we have a compact of friendship, and +with whomsoever in this country we may hereafter form such +compact, be supported by King Philip and the Macedonians, +and all other Greeks in alliance with them.</p> + +<p>(2) On their parts also King Philip and the Macedonians, +and such other Greeks as are his allies, <span class="sidenote">1st article sworn +to by Hannibal and the Carthaginians.</span> +shall +be supported and protected by the Carthaginians<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">516</a></span> +now in this army, and by the people of Utica, +and by all cities and tribes subject to Carthage, +both soldiers and allies, and by all allied cities and tribes in +Italy, Celt-land, and Liguria, and by all others in Italy as +shall hereafter become allies of the Carthaginians.</p> + +<p>(3) We will not make plots against, nor lie in ambush for, +each other; but in all sincerity and goodwill, <span class="sidenote">2d article sworn +to by Phillip’s +representative.</span> +without reserve or secret design, will be enemies +to the enemies of the Carthaginians, saving and +excepting those kings, cities, and ports with which we have +sworn agreements and friendships.</p> + +<p>(4) And we, too, will be enemies to the enemies of +King Philip, saving and excepting those kings, <span class="sidenote">2d article sworn +to by Hannibal.</span> +cities, and tribes, with which we have sworn +agreements and friendships.</p> + +<p>(5) Ye shall be friends to us in the war in which we now +are engaged against the Romans, till such time <span class="sidenote">3d article sworn +to by Philip’s +representative.</span> +as the gods give us and you the victory: and +ye shall assist us in all ways that be needful, +and in whatsoever way we may mutually determine.</p> + +<p>(6) And when the gods have given us victory in our +war with the Romans and their allies, <span class="sidenote">3d article sworn +to by Hannibal.</span> +if Hannibal +shall deem it right to make terms with the +Romans, these terms shall include the same +friendship with you, made on these conditions: (1) the +Romans not to be allowed to make war on you; (2) not to +have power over Corcyra, Apollonia, Epidamnum, Pharos, +Dimale, Parthini, nor Atitania; (3) to restore to Demetrius of +Pharos all those of his friends now in the dominion of Rome.</p> + +<p>(7) If the Romans ever make war on you or on us we will +aid each other in such war, according to the <span class="sidenote">1st joint article.</span> +need of either.</p> + +<p>(8) So also if any other nation whatever does so, always +excepting kings, cities, <span class="sidenote">2d joint article.</span> +and tribes, with whom +we have sworn agreements and friendships.</p> + +<p>(9) If we decide to take away from, or +<span class="sidenote">3d joint article. +Mutual consent +required for an +alteration.</span> +add to this sworn treaty, +we will so take +away, or add thereto, only as we both +may agree....</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">517</a></span></p> + +<h3>MESSENE AND PHILIP V. IN B.C. 215</h3> + +<p><a name="b7_10" id="b7_10"><b>10.</b></a> Democracy being established at Messene, and the men +of rank having been banished, while those who <span class="sidenote">Political state of +Messene.</span> +had received allotments on their lands obtained +the chief influence in the government, those of +the old citizens who remained found it very hard to put up +with the equality which these men had obtained....</p> + +<p>Gorgus of Messene, in wealth and extraction, was inferior +to no one in the town; and had been a famous +athlete in his time, <span class="sidenote">The character of +the Messenian +athlete and statesman +Gorgus. +See <i>ante</i>, <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_5">5</a>.</span> +far surpassing all rivals in +that pursuit. In fact he was not behind any +man of his day in physical beauty, or the +general dignity of his manner of life, or the +number of prizes he had won. Again, when he gave up +athletics and devoted himself to politics and the service of his +country, he gained no less reputation in this department than +in his former pursuit. For he was removed from the +Philistinism that usually characterises athletes, and was +looked upon as in the highest degree an able and clear-headed +politician....</p> + +<p><a name="b7_11" id="b7_11"><b>11.</b></a> Philip, king of the Macedonians, being desirous of +seizing the acropolis of Messene, told the <span class="sidenote">Philip V. of +Macedon at +Messene, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +215. See +Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> +49-50.</span> +leaders of the city that he wished to see it and +to sacrifice to Zeus, and accordingly walked up +thither with his attendants and joined in the +sacrifice. When, according to custom, the +entrails of the slaughtered victims were brought +to him, he took them in his hands, and, turning round a little +to one side, held them out to Aratus and asked him “what he +thought the sacrifices indicated? To quit the citadel or hold +it?” Thereupon Demetrius struck in on the spur of the +moment by saying, “If you have the heart of an augur,—to +quit it as quick as you can: but if of a gallant and wise king, +to keep it, lest if you quit it now you may never have so good +an opportunity again: for it is by thus holding the two horns +that you can alone keep the ox under your control.” By the +“two horns” he meant Ithome and the Acrocorinthus, and by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">518</a></span> +the “ox” the Peloponnese. Thereupon Philip turned to +Aratus and said, “And do you give the same advice?” +Aratus not making any answer at once, he urged him to speak +his real opinion. After some hesitation he said, “If you can +get possession of this place without treachery to the Messenians, +I advise you to do so; but if, by the act of occupying this +citadel with a guard, you shall ruin all the citadels, and the +guard wherewith the allies were protected when they came into +your hands from Antigonus” (meaning by that, <i>confidence</i>), +“consider whether it is not better to take your men away and +leave the confidence there, and with it guard the Messenians, +and the other allies as well.” As far as his own inclination was +concerned, Philip was ready enough to commit an act of treachery, +as his own subsequent conduct proved: but having been sharply +rebuked a little while before by the younger Aratus for his +destruction of human life; and seeing that, on the present +occasion, the elder spoke with boldness and authority, and +begged him not to neglect his advice, he gave in from sheer +shame, and taking the latter by his right hand, said, “Then let +us go back the same way we came.”</p> + +<p><a name="b7_12" id="b7_12"><b>12.</b></a> I wish here to stop in my narrative in order to speak +briefly of the character of Philip, <span class="sidenote">Deterioration in +the character of +Philip V. +See <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_77">77</a>.</span> +because this +was the beginning of the change and deterioration +in it. For I think that no more telling +example can be proposed to practical statesmen +who wish to correct their ideas by a study of history. For +the splendour of his early career, and the brilliancy of his +genius, have caused the dispositions for good and evil displayed +by this king to be more conspicuous and widely known +throughout Greece than is the case with any other man; as +well as the contrast between the results accompanying the +display of those opposite tendencies.</p> + +<p>Now that, upon his accession to the throne, Thessaly, +Macedonia, and in fact all parts of his own kingdom were more +thoroughly loyal and well disposed to him, young as he was on +his succeeding to the government of Macedonia, than they had +ever been to any of his predecessors, may be without difficulty +inferred from the following fact. Though he was with extreme +frequency forced to leave Macedonia by the Aetolian and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">519</a></span> +Lacedaemonian wars, not only was there no disturbance in +these countries, but not a single one of the neighbouring +barbarians ventured to touch Macedonia. It would be impossible, +again, to speak in strong enough terms of the affection +of Alexander, Chrysogonus, and his other friends towards +him; or that of the Epirotes, Acarnanians, and all those on +whom he had within a short time conferred great benefits. +On the whole, if one may use a somewhat hyperbolical phrase, +I think it has been said of Philip with very great propriety, +that his beneficent policy had made him “The darling of all +Greece.” And it is a conspicuous and striking proof of the +advantage of lofty principle and strict integrity, that the Cretans, +having at length come to an understanding with each other and +made a national alliance, selected Philip to arbitrate between +them; and that this settlement was completed without an +appeal to arms and without danger,—a thing for which it +would be difficult to find a precedent in similar circumstances. +From the time of his exploits at Messene all this was utterly +changed. And it was natural that it should be so. For his +purposes being now entirely reversed, it inevitably followed +that men’s opinions of him should be reversed also, as well as +the success of his various undertakings. This actually was the +case, as will become evident to attentive students from what +I am now about to relate....</p> + +<p><a name="b7_13" id="b7_13"><b>13.</b></a> Aratus seeing that Philip was now openly engaging in +war with Rome, and entirely changed in his policy toward his +allies, with difficulty diverted him from his intention by +suggesting numerous difficulties and scruples.</p> + +<p>I wish now to remind my readers of what, in my fifth Book, I +put forward merely as a promise and unsupported statement, but +which has now been confirmed by facts; in order that I may +not leave any proposition of mine unproved or open to +question. In the course of my history of the Aetolian war, +<span class="sidenote"><b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_12">12</a>.</span> +where I had to relate the violent proceedings of +Philip in destroying the colonnades and other +sacred objects at Thermus; and added that, in consideration of +his youth, the blame of these measures ought not to be referred +to Philip so much as to his advisers; I then remarked that +the life of Aratus sufficiently proved that he would not have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">520</a></span> +committed such an act of wickedness, but that such principles +exactly suited Demetrius of Pharos; and I promised to make this +clear from what I was next to narrate. I thereby designedly +postponed the demonstration of the truth of my assertion, <span class="sidenote">Recapitulation of +the substance of +book 7, viz. +the treacherous +dealings of Philip +with the +Messenians, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215.</span> +till +I had come to the period of which I have just +been speaking; which with the +presence of Demetrius, and in the absence of +Aratus, who arrived a day too late, Philip made +the first step in his career of crime; and, as +though from the first taste of human blood and +murder and treason to his allies, was changed +not into a wolf from a man, as in the Arcadian fable +mentioned by Plato, <span class="sidenote">Plato, <i>Rep.</i> +565 D.</span> +but from a king into a +savage tyrant. But a still more decisive proof +of the sentiments of these two men is furnished +by the plot against the citadel of Messene, and may help us to +make up our minds which of the two were responsible for the +proceedings in the Aetolian war; and, when we are satisfied +on that point, it will be easy to form a judgment on the +differences of their principles.</p> + +<p><a name="b7_14" id="b7_14"><b>14.</b></a> For as in this instance, under the influence of Aratus, +Philip refrained from actually breaking faith with the Messenians +in regard to the citadel; and thus, to use a common +expression, poured a little balm into the wide wound which his +slaughters had caused: so in the Aetolian war, when under the +influence of Demetrius, he sinned against the gods by destroying +the objects consecrated to them, and against man by +transgressing the laws of war; and entirely deserted his +original principles, by showing himself an implacable and +bitter foe to all who opposed him. The same remark +applies to the Cretan business.<a name="FNanchor_316" id="FNanchor_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> As long as he employed +Aratus as his chief director, not only without doing injustice +to a single islander, but without even causing them any +vexation, he kept the whole Cretan people under control; and +led all the Greeks to regard him with favour, owing to the +greatness of character which he displayed. So again, when +under the guidance of Demetrius, he became the cause of the +misfortunes I have described to the Messenians, he at once +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">521</a></span>lost the goodwill of the allies and his credit with the rest of +Greece. Such a decisive influence for good or evil in the +security of their government has the choice by youthful +sovereigns of the friends who are to surround them; though +it is a subject on which by some unaccountable carelessness +they take not the smallest care....</p> + +<h3>THE WAR OF ANTIOCHUS WITH ACHAEUS</h3> + +<p class="center">(See <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_107">107</a>)</p> + +<p><a name="b7_15" id="b7_15"><b>15.</b></a> Round Sardis ceaseless and protracted skirmishes were +taking place and fighting by night and day, <span class="sidenote">Siege of Sardis +from the end of +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216 to +autumn of +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215.</span> +both +armies inventing every possible kind of plot and +counterplot against each other: to describe +which in detail would be as useless as it would +be in the last degree wearisome. At last, when +the siege had already entered upon its second year, Lagoras +the Cretan came forward. He had had a considerable experience +in war, and had learnt that as a rule cities fall into +the hands of their enemies most easily from some neglect on +the part of their inhabitants, when, trusting to the natural or +artificial strength of their defences, they neglect to keep proper +guard and become thoroughly careless. He had observed +too, that in such fortified cities captures were effected at +the points of greatest strength, which were believed to have +been despaired of by the enemy. So in the present instance, +when he saw that the prevailing notion of the strength of +Sardis caused the whole army to despair of taking it by storm, +and to believe that the one hope of getting it was by starving +it out, he gave all the closer attention to the subject; and +eagerly scanned every possible method of making an attempt to +capture the town. Having observed therefore that a portion +of the wall was unguarded, near a place called the Saw, which +unites the citadel and city, he conceived the hope and idea of +performing this exploit. He had discovered the carelessness +of the men guarding this wall from the following circumstance. +The place was extremely precipitous: and there was a deep +gully below, into which dead bodies from the city, and the +offal of horses and beasts of burden that died, were accustomed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">522</a></span> +to be thrown; and in this place therefore there was always a +great number of vultures and other birds collected. Having +observed, then, that when these creatures were gorged, they +always sat undisturbed upon the cliffs and the wall, he +concluded that the wall must necessarily be left unguarded and +deserted for the larger part of the day. Accordingly, under +cover of night, he went to the spot and carefully examined the +possibilities of approaching it and setting ladders; and finding +that this was possible at one particular rock, he communicated +the facts to the king.</p> + +<p><a name="b7_16" id="b7_16"><b>16.</b></a> Antiochus encouraged the attempt and urged Lagoras +to carry it out. The latter promised to do his best, and +desired the king to join with him Theodotus the Aetolian, and +Dionysius the commander of his bodyguard, with orders to +devote them to assist him in carrying out the intended enterprise. +The king at once granted his request, and these officers +agreed to undertake it: and having held a consultation on the +whole subject, they waited for a night on which there should +be no moon just before daybreak. Such a night having +arrived, on the day on which they intended to act, an hour +before sunset, they selected from the whole army fifteen of +the strongest and most courageous men to carry the ladders, +and also to mount with them and share in the daring attempt. +After these they selected thirty others, to remain in reserve at +a certain distance; that, as soon as they had themselves climbed +over the walls, and come to the nearest gate, the thirty might +come up to it from the outside and try to knock off the hinges +and fastenings, while they on the inside cut the cross bar and +bolt pins.<a name="FNanchor_317" id="FNanchor_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">317</a> They also selected two thousand men to follow +behind the thirty, who were to rush into the town with them +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">523</a></span>and seize the area of the theatre, which was a favourable position +to hold against those on the citadel, as well as those in the town. +To prevent suspicion of the truth getting about, owing to the +picking out of the men, the king gave out that the Aetolians +were about to throw themselves into the town through a certain +gully, and that it was necessary, in view of that information, to +take energetic measures to prevent them.</p> + +<p><a name="b7_17" id="b7_17"><b>17.</b></a> When Lagoras and his party had made all their +preparations, as soon as the moon set, <span class="sidenote">The town of +Sardis entered +and sacked.</span> +they +came stealthily to the foot of the cliffs with +their scaling ladders, and ensconced themselves +under a certain overhanging rock. When day broke, and +the picket as usual broke up from that spot; and the king +in the ordinary way told off some men to take their usual +posts, and led the main body on to the hippodrome and +drew them up; at first no one suspected what was going on. +But when two ladders were fixed, and Dionysius led the way +up one, and Lagoras up the other, there was excitement and a +stir throughout the camp. For while the climbing party were +not visible to the people in the town, or to Achaeus in the +citadel, because of the beetling brow of the rock, their bold +and adventurous ascent was in full view of the camp; which +accordingly was divided in feeling between astonishment at +the strangeness of the spectacle, and a nervous horror of what +was going to happen next, all standing dumb with exulting +wonder. Observing the excitement in the camp, and wishing to +divert the attention both of his own men and of those in the +city from what was going on, the king ordered an advance; and +delivered an attack upon the gates on the other side of the +town, called the Persian gates. Seeing from the citadel the +unwonted stir in the camp, Achaeus was for some time at a +loss to know what to do, being puzzled to account for it, and +quite unable to see what was taking place. However he despatched +a force to oppose the enemy at the gate; whose +assistance was slow in arriving, because they had to descend +from the citadel by a narrow and precipitous path. But +Aribazus, the commandant of the town, went unsuspiciously +to the gates on which he saw Antiochus advancing; and +caused some of his men to mount the wall, and sent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">524</a></span> +others out through the gate, with orders to hinder the +approaching enemies, and come to close quarters with +them.</p> + +<p><a name="b7_18" id="b7_18"><b>18.</b></a> Meanwhile Lagoras, Theodotus, Dionysius, and their +men had climbed the rocks and had arrived at the gate +nearest them; and some of them were engaged in fighting the +troops sent from the citadel to oppose them, while others were +cutting through the bars; and at the same time the party outside +told off for that service were doing the same. The gates +having thus been quickly forced open, the two thousand entered +and occupied the area round the theatre. On this all the men +from the walls, and from the Persian gate, to which Aribazus +had already led a relieving force, rushed in hot haste to pass +the word to attack the enemy within the gates. The result +was that, the gate having been opened as they retreated, some +of the king’s army rushed in along with the retiring garrison; +and, when they had thus taken possession of the gate, they were +followed by an unbroken stream of their comrades; some of +whom poured through the gate, while others employed themselves +in bursting open other gates in the vicinity. Aribazus +and all the men in the city, after a brief struggle against the +enemy who had thus got within the walls, fled with all speed to +the citadel. After that, Theodotus and Lagoras and their party +remained on the ground near the theatre, determining with +great good sense and soldier-like prudence to form a reserve +until the whole operation was completed; while the main body +rushed in on every side and occupied the town. And now by +dint of some putting all they met to the sword, others setting +fire to the houses, others devoting themselves to plunder and +taking booty, the destruction and sacking of the town was +completed. Thus did Antiochus become master of Sardis....</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">525</a></span></p> + +<h2>BOOK VIII</h2> + +<h3>THE NECESSITY OF CAUTION IN DEALING WITH AN ENEMY</h3> + +<p><a name="b8_1" id="b8_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">Tiberius</span> a Roman Proconsul fell into an ambuscade, +and, after offering with his attendants a gallant +<span class="sidenote">Fall of Tiberius +Sempronius +Gracchus (Cons. +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215 and 213) +as he was advancing +from Lucania +to Capua, by the +treachery of the +Lucanian Flavius, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212. Livy, +25, 16.</span>resistance to the enemy, was killed.</p> + +<p>Now in regard to such catastrophes, whether +it is right to blame or pardon the sufferers is +by no means a safe matter on which to pronounce +an opinion; because it has happened +to several men, who have been perfectly +correct in all their actions, to fall +into these misfortunes, equally with those +who do not scruple to transgress principles of right +confirmed by the consent of mankind. We should not however +idly refrain from pronouncing an opinion: but should +blame or condone this or that general, after a review of +the necessities of the moment and the circumstances of +the case. And my observation will be rendered evident +by the following instances. <span class="sidenote">Fall of +Archidamus, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 226-225.</span> +Archidamus, king +of the Lacedaemonians, alarmed at the love +of power which he observed in Cleomenes, +fled from Sparta; but being not long afterwards persuaded +to return, put himself in the power of the latter. The +consequence was that he lost his kingdom and his life +together,<a name="FNanchor_318" id="FNanchor_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">318</a> and left a character not to be defended before +posterity on the score of prudence; for while affairs remained +in the same state, and the ambition and power +of Cleomenes remained in exactly the same position, how<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">526</a></span> +could he expect to meet any other fate than he did, if he +put himself in the hands of the very men from whom he had +before barely escaped destruction by flight? <span class="sidenote">Fall of Pelopidas +in Thessaly, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 363.</span> +Again Pelopidas of Thebes, though acquainted +with the unprincipled character of the tyrant +Alexander, and though he knew thoroughly well that every +tyrant regards the leaders of liberty as his bitterest enemies, +first took upon himself to persuade Epaminondas to stand +forth as the champion of democracy, not only in Thebes, but +in all Greece also; and then, being in Thessaly in arms, for the +express purpose of destroying the absolute rule of Alexander, +he yet twice ventured to undertake a mission to him. The consequence +was that he fell into the hands of his enemies, did +great damage to Thebes, and ruined the reputation he had +acquired before; <span class="sidenote">Gnaeus Cornelius +Scipio Asina with +his fleet surprised +and captured at +Lipara, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 260. +See <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_21">21</a>.</span> +and all by putting a rash and ill advised +confidence in the very last person in whom he +ought to have done so. Very similar to these +cases is that of the Roman Consul Gnaeus +Cornelius who fell in the Sicilian war by imprudently +putting himself in the power of the +enemy. And many parallel cases might be +quoted.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_2" id="b8_2"><b>2.</b></a> The conclusion, then, is that those who put themselves +in the power of the enemy from want of proper precaution +deserve blame; but those who use every practicable precaution +not so: for to trust absolutely no one is to make all action impossible; +but reasonable action, taken after receiving adequate +security, cannot be censured. Adequate securities are oaths, +children, wives, and, strongest of all, a blameless past. To be +betrayed and entrapped by such a security as any of these is a +slur, not on the deceived, but on the deceiver. The first +object then should be to seek such securities as it is impossible +for the recipient of the confidence to evade; but since such +are rare, the next best thing will be to take every reasonable +precaution one’s self: and then, if we meet with any disaster, we +shall at least be acquitted of wrong conduct by the lookers on. +And this has been the case with many before now: of which the +most conspicuous example, and the one nearest to the times on +which we are engaged, will be the fate of Achaeus. He<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">527</a></span> +omitted no possible precaution for securing his safety, but +thought of everything that it was possible for +human ingenuity to conceive: <span class="sidenote">Betrayal of +Achaeus by Bolis. +See <i>infra</i>, ch. <a href="#b8_17">17</a>-23.</span> +and yet he fell +into the power of his enemies. In this instance +his misfortune procured the pity and pardon +of the outside world for the victim, and nothing but disparagement +and loathing for the successful perpetrators....</p> + +<p class="tb"><a name="b8_3" id="b8_3"><b>3.</b></a> It appears to me not to be alien to my general +purpose, and the plan which I originally laid down, to +recall the attention of my readers to the magnitude of the +events, and the persistency of purpose displayed by the two +<span class="sidenote">Sardinia reduced +by T. Manlius +Torquatus, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215. +Marcellus took +Leontini, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 214 +(autumn). Livy, +24, 30.</span> +States of Rome and Carthage. For who could think +it otherwise than remarkable that these two powers, +while engaged in so serious a war for the possession +of Italy, and one no less serious for that +of Iberia; and being still both of them equally +balanced between uncertain hopes and fears for +the future of these wars, and confronted at the +very time with battles equally formidable to either, +<span class="sidenote">Marcus Valerius +Laevinus +commands a fleet +off Greece, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215-214. +Livy, 24, 10. +Publius Sulpicius +Galba Cos. (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +211.) sent to +Macedonia. Livy, +26, 22; 27, 31. +Appius Claudius +Pulcher, Praetor, +sent to Sicily, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215. +Livy, 23, 31, +Propraetor, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 214. +Livy 24, 33.</span> +should yet not be content with their existing undertakings: +but should raise another controversy +as to the possession of Sardinia and Sicily; +and not content with +merely hoping for all these things, should grasp +at them with all the resources of their wealth +and warlike forces? Indeed the more we +examine into details the greater becomes +our astonishment. The Romans had two +complete armies under the two Consuls on +active service in Italy; two in Iberia in which +Gnaeus Cornelius commanded the land, +Publius Cornelius the naval forces; and +naturally the same was the case with the +Carthaginians. But besides this, a Roman +fleet was anchored off Greece, watching it and +the movements of Philip, of which first +Marcus Valerius, and afterward Publius +Sulpicius was in command. Along with all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">528</a></span> +these undertakings Appius with a hundred quinqueremes, +and Marcus Claudius with an army, +<span class="sidenote">Marcus Claudius +Marcellus, Cos. +III., <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 214.</span>were +threatening Sicily; while Hamilcar was doing +the same on the side of the Carthaginians.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_4" id="b8_4"><b>4.</b></a> By means of these facts I presume that what I more than +once asserted at the beginning of my work is now shown by +actual experience to deserve unmixed credit. I mean my +assertion, that it is impossible for historians of particular places +to get a view of universal history. For how is it possible for +a man who has only read a separate history of Sicilian or +Spanish affairs to understand and grasp the greatness of the +events? Or, what is still more important, in what manner and +under what form of polity fortune brought to pass that most +surprising of all revolutions that have happened in our time, I +mean the reduction of all known parts of the world under one +rule and governance, a thing unprecedented in the history of +mankind. In what manner the Romans took Syracuse or +Iberia may be possibly learned to a certain extent by means of +such particular histories; but how they arrived at universal +supremacy, and what opposition their grand designs met with +in particular places, or what on the other hand contributed to +their success, and at what epochs, this it is difficult to take in +without the aid of universal history. Nor, again, is it easy to +appreciate the greatness of their achievements except by the +latter method. For the fact of the Romans having sought to +gain Iberia, or at another time Sicily; or having gone on a +campaign with military and naval forces, told by itself, would +not be anything very wonderful. But if we learn that these +were all done at once, and that many more undertakings were +in course of accomplishment at the same time,—all at the cost +of one government and commonwealth; and if we see what +dangers and wars in their own territory were, at the very time, +encumbering the men who had all these things on hand: thus, +and only thus, will the astonishing nature of the events fully +dawn upon us, and obtain the attention which they deserve. +So much for those who suppose that by studying an episode +they have become acquainted with universal history....</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">529</a></span></p> + +<h3>THE SIEGE OF SYRACUSE</h3> + +<p><i>Hieronymus succeeded his grandfather, Hiero, in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 216, +and was assassinated in Leontini thirteen months afterwards, +in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215. His death, however, did not bring more peaceful +relations between Syracuse and Rome, but only gave the Syracusans +more able leaders (Livy, 24, 21). After the slaughter of +Themistius and Andranodorus, who had been elected on the +board of Generals, and the cruel murder of all the royal family, +Epicydes and Hippocrates,—Syracusans by descent, but born and +brought up at Carthage, and who had been sent to Syracuse on a +special mission by Hannibal,—were elected into the vacant places +in the board of Generals. They became the leading spirits in +the Syracusan government, and for a time kept up an appearance +of wishing to come to terms with Rome; and legates were actually +sent to Marcellus, at Morgantia (near Catana). But when the +Carthaginian fleet arrived at Pachynus, Hippocrates and +Epicydes threw off their mask, and declared that the other +magistrates were betraying the town to the Romans. This +accusation was rendered more specious by the appearance of +Appius with a Roman fleet at the mouth of the harbour. A rush +was made to the shore by the inhabitants to prevent the Romans +landing; and the tumult was with difficulty composed by the +wisdom of one of the magistrates, Apollonides, who persuaded the +people to vote for the peace with Rome (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215. Livy, 24, 21-28). +But Hippocrates and Epicydes determined not to acknowledge the +peace: they therefore provoked the Romans by plundering in or +near the Roman pale,<a name="FNanchor_319" id="FNanchor_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">319</a> and then took refuge in Leontini. +Marcellus complained at Syracuse, but was told that Leontini +was not within Syracusan jurisdiction. Marcellus, therefore, +took Leontini. Hippocrates and Epicydes managed to escape, +and by a mixture of force and fraud contrived soon afterwards to +force their way into Syracuse, seize and put to death most of the +generals, and induce the excited mob, whom they had inspired +with the utmost dread of being betrayed to Rome, to elect them</i> +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">530</a></span><i>sole generals (Livy, 24, 29-32). The Romans at once ordered +Syracuse to be besieged, giving out that they were coming not +to wage war with the inhabitants, but to deliver them.</i></p> + +<p class="tb"><a name="b8_5" id="b8_5"><b>5.</b></a> When Epicydes and Hippocrates had occupied Syracuse, +and had alienated the rest of the citizens with <span class="sidenote">Siege of Syracuse, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 215-214.</span> +themselves from the friendship of Rome, the +Romans who had already been informed of the +murder of Hieronymus, tyrant of Syracuse, appointed Appius +Claudius as Propraetor to command a land force, while +Marcus Claudius Marcellus commanded the fleet. These +officers took up a position not far from Syracuse, and +determined to assault the town from the land at Hexapylus, +and by sea at what was called Stoa Scytice in Achradina, +where the wall has its foundation close down to the sea. +Having prepared their wicker pent-houses, and darts, and +other siege material, they felt confident that, with so many +hands employed, they would in five days get their works in +such an advanced state as to give them the +advantage over the enemy. <span class="sidenote">Archimedes.</span> +But in this they +did not take into account the abilities of Archimedes; nor calculate +on the truth that, in certain circumstances, the genius +of one man is more effective than any numbers whatever.<a name="FNanchor_320" id="FNanchor_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">320</a> +However they now learnt it by experience. The city was strong +from the fact of its encircling wall lying along a chain of hills +with overhanging brows, the ascent of which was no easy task, +even with no one to hinder it, except at certain definite points. +Taking advantage of this, Archimedes had constructed such +defences both in the town, and at the places where an +attack might be made by sea, that the garrison would have +everything at hand which they might require at any moment, +and be ready to meet without delay whatever the enemy might +attempt against them.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_6" id="b8_6"><b>6.</b></a> The attack was begun by Appius bringing his pent-houses, +and scaling ladders, and attempting to fix the latter +against that part of the wall which abuts on Hexapylus towards +the east. At the same time Marcus Claudius Marcellus with +sixty quinqueremes was making a descent upon Achradina. Each<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">531</a></span> +of these vessels were full of men armed with bows and slings +and javelins, with which to dislodge those who fought on the +battlements. As well as these vessels he had eight quinqueremes +in pairs. Each pair had had their oars removed, +one on the larboard and the other on the starboard side, and +then had been lashed together on the sides thus left bare. +On these double vessels, rowed by the outer oars of each of +the pair, they brought up under the walls some +engines called “Sambucae,” <span class="sidenote">Sambucae or +Harps.</span> +the construction +of which was as follows:—A ladder was made +four feet broad, and of a height to reach the top of the wall +from the place where its foot had to rest; each side of the +ladder was protected by a railing, and a covering or pent-house +was added overhead. It was then placed so that its foot +rested across the sides of the lashed-together vessels, which +touched each other with its other extremity protruding a +considerable way beyond the prows. On the tops of the masts +pulleys were fixed with ropes: and when the engines were +about to be used, men standing on the sterns of the vessels +drew the ropes tied to the head of the ladder, while others +standing on the prows assisted the raising of the machine and +kept it steady with long poles. Having then brought the +ships close in shore by using the outer oars of both vessels +they tried to let the machine down upon the wall. At the +head of the ladder was fixed a wooden stage secured on three +sides by wicker-shields, upon which stood four men who +fought and struggled with those who tried to prevent the +Sambuca from being made to rest on the battlements. But +when they have fixed it and so got above the level of the top +of the wall, the four men unfasten the wicker-shields from +either side of the stage, and walk out upon the battlements +or towers as the case may be; they are followed by their +comrades coming up by the Sambuca, since the ladder’s +foot is safely secured with ropes and stands upon both the +ships. This construction has got the name of “Sambuca,” +or “Harp,” for the natural reason, that when it is raised the +combination of the ship and ladder has very much the appearance +of such an instrument.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_7" id="b8_7"><b>7.</b></a> With such contrivances and preparations were the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">532</a></span> +Romans intending to assault the towers. <span class="sidenote">The engines invented +by Archimedes. +Cf. Plut. +<i>Marcellus</i>, 15.</span> +But Archimedes +had constructed catapults to suit every range; +and as the ships sailing up were still at a considerable +distance, he so wounded the enemy with +stones and darts, from the tighter wound and +longer engines, as to harass and perplex them to the last +degree; and when these began to carry over their heads, he +used smaller engines graduated according to the range required +from time to time, and by this means caused so much +confusion among them as to altogether check their advance +and attack; and finally Marcellus was reduced in despair to +bringing up his ships under cover of night. But when they +had come close to land, and so too near to be hit by the +catapults, they found that Archimedes had prepared another +contrivance against the soldiers who fought from the decks. +He had pierced the wall as high as a man’s stature with +numerous loop-holes, which, on the outside, were about as +big as the palm of the hand. Inside the wall he stationed +archers and cross-bows, or scorpions,<a name="FNanchor_321" id="FNanchor_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> and by the volleys +discharged through these he made the marines useless. By +these means he not only baffled the enemy, whether at a +distance or close at hand, but also killed the greater number +of them. As often, too, as they tried to work their Sambucae, +he had engines ready all along the walls, not visible at other +times, but which suddenly reared themselves above the wall +from inside, when the moment for their use had come, and +stretched their beams far over the battlements, <span class="sidenote">570 lbs. av.</span>some of them +carrying stones weighing as much as ten talents, +and others great masses of lead. So whenever +the Sambucae were approaching, these beams swung round on +their pivot the required distance, and by means of a rope +running through a pulley dropped the stone upon the Sambucae, +with the result that it not only smashed the machine +itself to pieces, but put the ship also and all on board into the +most serious danger.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">533</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b8_8" id="b8_8"><b>8.</b></a> Other machines which he invented were directed against +storming parties, who, advancing under the protection of pent-houses, +were secured by them from being hurt by missiles +shot through the walls. Against these he either shot stones +big enough to drive the marines from the prow; or let down +an iron hand swung on a chain, by which the man who +guided the crane, having fastened on some part of the prow +where he could get a hold, pressed down the lever of the +machine inside the wall; and when he had thus lifted the prow +and made the vessel rest upright on its stern, he fastened +the lever of his machine so that it could not be moved; and then +suddenly slackened the hand and chain by means of a rope +and pulley. The result was that many of the vessels heeled over +and fell on their sides: some completely capsized; while the +greater number, by their prows coming down suddenly from a +height, dipped low in the sea, shipped a great quantity of +water, and became a scene of the utmost confusion. Though +reduced almost to despair by these baffling inventions of +Archimedes, and though he saw that all his attempts were +repulsed by the garrison with mockery on their part and loss +to himself, Marcellus could not yet refrain from making a joke +at his own expense, saying that “Archimedes was using his +ships to ladle out the sea-water, but that his ‘harps’ not having +been invited to the party were buffeted and turned out with +disgrace.” Such was the end of the attempt at storming +Syracuse by sea.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_9" id="b8_9"><b>9.</b></a> Nor was Appius Claudius more successful. He, too, +was compelled by similar difficulties to desist +from the attempt; <span class="sidenote">The assault by +land repulsed.</span> +for while his men were +still at a considerable distance from the +wall, they began falling by the stones and shots from the +engines and catapults. The volleys of missiles, indeed, were +extraordinarily rapid and sharp, for their construction had been +provided for by all the liberality of a Hiero, and had been +planned and engineered by the skill of an Archimedes. Moreover, +when they did at length get near the walls, they were +prevented from making an assault by the unceasing fire +through the loop-holes, which I mentioned before; or if they +tried to carry the place under cover of pent-houses, they were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">534</a></span> +killed by the stones and beams let down upon their heads. +The garrison also did them no little damage with those hands +at the end of their engines; for they used to lift the men, +armour, and all, into the air, and then throw them down. At +last Appius retired into the camp, and summoning the Tribunes +to a council of war, decided to try every possible means of +taking Syracuse except a storm. <span class="sidenote">The siege turned +into a blockade, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 214. Coss. +Q. Fabius Maximus +IV. M. Claudius +Marcellus III.</span> +And this +decision they carried out; for during the eight +months of siege which followed, though there +was no stratagem or measure of daring which they +did not attempt, they never again ventured to +attempt a storm. So true it is that one man +and one intellect, properly qualified for the particular undertaking, +is a host in itself and of extraordinary efficacy. In +this instance, at any rate, we find the Romans confident that +their forces by land and sea would enable them to become +masters of the town, if only one old man could be got rid of; +while as long as he remained there, they did not venture even +to think of making the attempt, at least by any method which +made it possible for Archimedes to oppose them. They +believed, however, that their best chance of reducing the +garrison was by a failure of provisions sufficient for so large a +number as were within the town; they therefore relied upon +this hope, and with their ships tried to cut off their supplies by +sea, and with their army by land. But desiring that the time +during which they were blockading Syracuse should not be +entirely wasted, but that some addition should be made to their +power in other parts of the country, the two commanders +separated and divided the troops between them: Appius +Claudius keeping two-thirds and continuing the blockade, while +Marcus Marcellus with the remaining third went to attack the +cities that sided with the Carthaginians....</p> + +<p class="tb"><a name="b8_10" id="b8_10"><b>10.</b></a> Upon arriving in Messenia Philip began devastating the +country, like an open enemy, with more passion +than reason; <span class="sidenote">Philip’s second +devastation of +Messene, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 214.</span> +for while pursuing this continuous +course of injurious actions, he expected, it +appears to me, that the sufferers would feel no +anger or hatred towards him. I was induced +to speak of these proceedings in somewhat full +detail in the present as well as in the last book, not alone by +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">535</a></span> +<span class="sidenote">See Plutarch, +<i>Aratus</i>, ch. 51. +Cp. <i>supra</i>, <b>7</b>, <a href="#b7_10">10</a>-14.</span>the same motives as those which I have assigned for other +parts of my work, but also by the fact that of our historians, +some have entirely omitted this Messenian episode; while +others from love or fear of kings have maintained that, so far +from the outrages committed by Philip in defiance of religion +and law upon the Messenians being a subject of blame, his +actions were on the contrary matters for praise and gratulation. +But it is not only in regard to the Messenians that we +may notice the historians of Philip acting thus; they have +done much the same in other cases also. And the result is +that their compositions have the appearance of a panegyric +rather than of a history. I however hold that an historian ought +neither to blame or praise kings untruly, as has often been +done; but to make what we say consistent with what has been +written before, and tally with the characters of the several +persons in question. But it may be urged perhaps that this is +easy to say, but very difficult to carry out; because situations +and circumstances are so many and various, to which men +have to give way in the course of their life, and which prevent +them from speaking out their real opinions. This may excuse +some, but not others.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_11" id="b8_11"><b>11.</b></a> I do not know any one who deserves more blame in +this particular than Theopompus. In the beginning <span class="sidenote">The extravagance +of Theopompus’s +account of +Philip II.</span> +of his history of Philip he said that what +chiefly induced him to undertake it was the fact +that Europe had never produced such a man as +Philip son of Amyntas; and then immediately afterwards, both +in his preface and in the whole course of his history, he +represents this king as so madly addicted to women, that he +did all that in him lay to ruin his own family by this inordinate +passion; as having behaved with the grossest unfairness and +perfidy to his friends and allies, as having enslaved and +treacherously seized a vast number of towns by force or fraud; +and as having been besides so violently addicted to strong +drink, that he was often seen by his friends drunk in open day.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">536</a></span> +But if any one will take the trouble to read the opening +passage of his forty-ninth book, he would be indeed astonished +at this writer’s extravagance. Besides his other strange statements +he has ventured to write as follows—for I here subjoin +his actual words:—“If there was any one in all Greece, or among +the Barbarians, whose character was lascivious and shameless, he +was invariably attracted to Philip’s court in Macedonia and got +the title of ‘the king’s companion.’ For it was Philip’s constant +habit to reject those who lived respectably and were careful of +their property; but to honour and promote those who were +extravagant, and passed their lives in drinking and dicing. His +influence accordingly tended not only to confirm them in these +vices, but to make them proficients in every kind of rascality +and lewdness. What vice or infamy did they not possess? +What was there virtuous or of good report that they did not +lack? Some of them, men as they were, were ever clean +shaven and smooth-skinned; and even bearded men did not +shrink from mutual defilement. They took about with them +two or three slaves of their lust, while submitting to the same +shameful service themselves. The men whom they called +companions deserved a grosser name, and the title of soldier +was but a cover to mercenary vice; for, though bloodthirsty +by nature, they were lascivious by habit. In a word, to make +a long story short, especially as I have such a mass of matter +to deal with, I believe that the so-called ‘friends’ and +‘companions’ of Philip were more bestial in nature and +character than the Centaurs who lived on Pelion, or the +Laestrygones who inhabited the Leontine plain, or in fact any +other monsters whatever.”<a name="FNanchor_322" id="FNanchor_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">322</a></p> + +<p><a name="b8_12" id="b8_12"><b>12.</b></a> Who would not disapprove of such bitterness and intemperance +of language in an historian? It is not only because +his words contradict his opening statement that he deserves +stricture; but also because he has libelled the king and his +friends; and still more because his falsehood is expressed in +disgusting and unbecoming words. If he had been speaking +of Sardanapalus, or one of his associates, he could hardly have +ventured to use such foul language; and what that monarch<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">537</a></span>’s +principles and debauchery were in his lifetime we gather from +the inscription on his tomb, which runs thus:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line i04">“The joys I had from love or wine</div> +<div class="line">Or dainty meats-—those now are mine.”</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>But when speaking of Philip and his friends, a man ought to be +on his guard, not so much of accusing them of effeminacy and +want of courage, or still more of shameless immorality, but on +the contrary lest he should prove unequal to express their praises +in a manner worthy of their manliness, indefatigable energy, +and the general virtue of their character. <span class="sidenote">The vigorous +characters of the +Diadochi.</span> +It is notorious that +by their energy and boldness they raised the +Macedonian Empire from a most insignificant +monarchy to the first rank in reputation and +extent. And, putting aside the achievements of Philip, what +was accomplished by them after his death, under the rule +of Alexander, has secured for them a reputation for valour +with posterity universally acknowledged. For although a large +share of the credit must perhaps be given to Alexander, as +the presiding genius of the whole, though so young a man; +yet no less is due to his coadjutors and friends, who won many +wonderful victories over the enemy; endured numerous desperate +labours, dangers and sufferings; and, though put into +possession of the most ample wealth, and the most abundant +means of gratifying all their desires, never lost their bodily +vigour by these means, or contracted tastes for violence or +debauchery. On the contrary, all those who were associated +with Philip, and afterwards with Alexander, became truly royal in +greatness of soul, temperance of life, and courage. Nor is it +necessary to mention any names: but after Alexander’s death, +in their mutual rivalries for the possession of various parts of +nearly all the world, they filled a very large number of histories +with the record of their glorious deeds. We may admit then +that the bitter invective of the historian Timaeus against +Agathocles, despot of Sicily, though it seems unmeasured, has +yet some reason in it,-—for it is directed against a personal +enemy, a bad man, and a tyrant; but that of Theopompus is +too scurrilous to be taken seriously.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_13" id="b8_13"><b>13.</b></a> For, after premising that he is going to write about a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">538</a></span> +king most richly endowed by nature with virtue, he has raked up +against him every shameful and atrocious charge that he could +find. There are therefore but two alternatives: either this +writer in the preface to his work has shown himself a liar and +a flatterer; or in the body of that history a fool and utter +simpleton, if he imagined that by senseless and improper +invective he would either increase his own credit, or gain +great acceptance for his laudatory expressions about Philip.</p> + +<p>But the fact is that the general plan of this writer is one +also which can meet with no one’s approval. <span class="sidenote">Thucydides breaks +off in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 411. +Battle of Leuctra +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 371.</span> +For +having undertaken to write a Greek History from +the point at which Thucydides left off, when he +got near the period of the battle of Leuctra, and +the most splendid exploits of the Greeks, he threw aside Greece +and its achievements in the middle of his story, and, changing +his purpose, undertook to write the history of Philip. And yet +it would have been far more telling and fair to have included +the actions of Philip in the general history of Greece, than the +history of Greece in that of Philip. For one cannot conceive +any one, who had been preoccupied by the study of a royal +government, hesitating, if he got the power and opportunity, to +transfer his attention to the great name and splendid personality +of a nation like Greece; but no one in his senses, after beginning +with the latter, would have exchanged it for the showy biography +of a tyrant. Now what could it have been that compelled +Theopompus to overlook such inconsistencies? Nothing +surely but this, that whereas the aim of his original history was +honour, that of his history of Philip was expediency. As to +this deviation from the right path however, which made him +change the theme of his history, he might perhaps have had +something to say, if any one had questioned him about it; but +as to his abominable language about the king’s friends, I do not +think that he could have said a word of defence, but must have +owned to a serious breach of propriety....</p> + +<p><a name="b8_14" id="b8_14"><b>14.</b></a> Though regarding the Messenians as open enemies, +Philip was unable to inflict serious damage upon them, in spite +of his setting to work to devastate their territory; but he was +guilty of abominable conduct of the worst description to men<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">539</a></span> +who had been his most intimate friends. For on the elder +Aratus showing disapproval of his proceedings at Messene, <span class="sidenote">Death of Aratus, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 213.</span> +he +caused him not long afterwards to be made +away with by poison, through the agency of +Taurion who had charge of his interests in the +Peloponnese. The crime was not known at the time by other +people; for the drug was not one of those which kill on the +spot, but was a slow poison producing a morbid state of the body. +Aratus himself however was fully aware of the cause of his illness; +and showed that he was so by the following circumstance. +Though he kept the secret from the rest of the world, he did not +conceal it from one of his servants named Cepholon, with whom +he was on terms of great affection. This man waited on him +during his illness with great assiduity, and having one day +pointed out some spittle on the wall which was stained with +blood, Aratus remarked, “That is the reward I have got for +my friendship to Philip.” Such a grand and noble thing is +disinterested virtue, that the sufferer was more ashamed, than +the inflicter of the injury, of having it known, that, after so +many splendid services performed in the interests of Philip, he +had got such a return as that for his loyalty.<a name="FNanchor_323" id="FNanchor_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">323</a></p> + +<p>In consequence of having been so often elected Strategus +of the Achaean league, and of having performed +so many splendid services for that people, <span class="sidenote">Seventeen times +Strategus. +Plutarch, <i>Aratus</i>, +53.</span> +Aratus +after his death met with the honours he deserved, +both in his own native city and from the league +as a body. They voted him sacrifices and the honours of +heroship, and in a word every thing calculated to perpetuate his +memory; so that, if the departed have any consciousness, it is +but reasonable to think that he feels pleasure at the gratitude +of the Achaeans, and at the thought of the hardships and +dangers he endured in his life....</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">540</a></span></p> + +<h3>PHILIP TAKES LISSUS IN ILLYRIA, B.C. 213</h3> + +<p><a name="b8_15" id="b8_15"><b>15.</b></a> Philip had long had his thoughts fixed upon Lissus and +its citadel; and, being anxious to become master +of those places, <span class="sidenote">Lissus founded +by Dionysius of +Syracuse, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 385. +See Diod. Sic. +15, 13.</span> +he started with his army, and +after two days’ march got through the pass and +pitched his camp on the bank of the river +Ardaxanus, not far from the town. He found +on surveying the place that the fortifications of +Lissus, both on the side of the sea and of the land, were +exceedingly strong both by nature and art; and that the citadel, +which was near it, from its extraordinary height and its other +sources of strength, looked more than any one could hope to +carry by storm. He therefore gave up all hope of the latter, +but did not entirely despair of taking the town. He observed +that there was a space between Lissus and the foot of the Acrolissus +which was fairly well suited for making an attempt upon +the town. He conceived the idea therefore of bringing on a +skirmish in this space, and then employing a stratagem suited +to the circumstances of the case. Having given his men a day +for rest; and having in the course of it addressed them in +suitable words of exhortation; he hid the greater and most +effective part of his light-armed troops during the night in +some woody gulleys, close to this space on the land side; and +next morning marched to the other side of the town next the +sea, with his peltasts and the rest of his light-armed. Having +thus marched round the town, and arrived at this spot, he +made a show of intending to assault it at that point. Now as +Philip’s advent had been no secret, a large body of men from +the surrounding country of Illyria had flocked into Lissus; +but feeling confidence in the strength of the citadel, they had +assigned a very moderate number of men to garrison it.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_16" id="b8_16"><b>16.</b></a> As soon therefore as the Macedonians approached, +they began pouring out of the town, confident +in their numbers and in the strength of the places. <span class="sidenote">The Acrolissus +taken by a feint, +and Lissus afterwards.</span> +The king stationed his peltasts on the level +ground, and ordered the light-armed troops to +advance towards the hills and energetically engage the enemy.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">541</a></span> +These orders being obeyed, the fight remained doubtful for a +time; but presently Philip’s men yielded to the inequality of +the ground, and the superior number of the enemy, and gave +way. Upon their retreating within the ranks of the peltasts, +the sallying party advanced with feelings of contempt, and +having descended to the same level as the peltasts joined battle +with them. But the garrison of the citadel seeing Philip +moving his divisions one after the other slowly to the rear, and +believing that he was abandoning the field, allowed themselves +to be insensibly decoyed out, in their confidence in the strength +of their fortifications; and thus, leaving the citadel by degrees, +kept pouring down by bye-ways into the lower plain, under the +belief that they would have an opportunity of getting booty and +completing the enemy’s discomfiture. Meanwhile the division, +which had been lying concealed on the side of the mainland, +rose without being observed, and advanced at a rapid pace. +At their approach the peltasts also wheeled round and charged +the enemy. On this the troops from Lissus were thrown into +confusion, and, after a straggling retreat, got safely back into +the town; while the garrison which had abandoned the citadel +got cut off from it by the rising of the troops which had been +lying in ambush. The result accordingly was that what +seemed hopeless, namely the capture of the citadel, was +effected at once and without any fighting; while Lissus did +not fall until next day, and then only after desperate struggles, +the Macedonians assaulting with vigour and even terrific fury. +Thus Philip having, beyond all expectation, made himself +master of these places, reduced by this exploit all the +neighbouring populations to obedience; so much so that the +greater number of the Illyrians voluntarily surrendered their +cities to his protection; for it had come to be believed that, +after the storming of such strongholds as these, no fortification +and no provision for security could be of any avail against the +might of Philip.</p> + +<h3>THE CAPTURE OF ACHAEUS AT SARDIS</h3> + +<p class="center">(See <b>7</b>, <a href="#b7_15">15</a>-18)</p> + +<p><a name="b8_17" id="b8_17"><b>17.</b></a> Bolis was by birth a Cretan, who had long enjoyed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">542</a></span> +the honours of high military rank at King Ptolemy’s court, +and the reputation of being second to none +in natural ability, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 214. +Sosibius secures +the help of +Bolis to rescue +Achaeus.</span> +adventurous daring, and experience +in war. By repeated arguments Sosibius +secured this man’s fidelity; and when he felt +sure of his zeal and affection he communicated +the business in hand to him. He told him that he could not +do the king a more acceptable service at the present crisis +than by contriving some way of saving Achaeus. At the +moment Bolis listened, and retired without saying more than +that he would consider the suggestion. But after two or +three days’ reflection, he came to Sosibius and said that he would +undertake the business; remarking that, having spent some +considerable time at Sardis, he knew its topography, and that +Cambylus, the commander of the Cretan contingent of the +army of Antiochus, was not only a fellow citizen of his but a +kinsmen and friend. It chanced moreover that Cambylus and +his men had in charge one of the outposts on the rear of the +acropolis, where the nature of the ground did not admit of +siege-works, but was guarded by the permanent cantonment of +troops under Cambylus. Sosibius caught at the suggestion, +convinced that, if Achaeus could be saved at all from his +dangerous situation, it could be better accomplished by the +agency of Bolis than of any one else; and, this conviction being +backed by great zeal on the part of Bolis, the undertaking was +pushed on with despatch. Sosibius at once supplied the +money necessary for the attempt, and promised a large sum +besides in case of its success; at the same time raising the +hopes of Bolis to the utmost by dilating upon the favours he +might look for from the king, as well as from the rescued +prince himself.</p> + +<p>Full of eagerness therefore for success, Bolis set sail without +delay, taking with him a letter in cipher and other +credentials addressed to Nicomachus at Rhodes, who was +believed to entertain a fatherly affection and devotion for +Achaeus, and also to Melancomas at Ephesus; for these were +the men formerly employed by Achaeus in his negotiations +with Ptolemy, and in all other foreign affairs.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_18" id="b8_18"><b>18.</b></a> Bolis went to Rhodes, and thence to Ephesus; communicated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">543</a></span> +his purpose to Nicomachus and Melancomas; and +found them ready to do what they were asked. He then +despatched one of his staff, named Arianus, to Cambylus, with +a message to the effect that he had been sent from Alexandria +on a recruiting tour, and that he wished for an interview with +Cambylus on some matters of importance; he thought it +therefore necessary to have a time and place arranged for them +to meet without the privity of a third person. Arianus quickly +obtained an interview with Cambylus and delivered his +message; nor was the latter at all unwilling to listen to the +proposal. Having appointed a day, and a place known to +both himself and Bolis, at which he would be after nightfall, +he dismissed Arianus. Now Bolis had all the subtlety of a +Cretan, and he accordingly weighed carefully in his own mind +every possible line of action, and patiently examined every +idea which presented itself to him. <span class="sidenote">Bolis turns +traitor.</span> +Finally he +met Cambylus according to the arrangement +made with Arianus, and delivered his letter. This +was now made the subject of discussion between them in a +truly Cretan spirit. They never took into consideration the +means of saving the person in danger, or their obligations of +honour to those who had entrusted them with the undertaking, +but confined their discussions entirely to the question of their +own safety and their own advantage. As they were both +Cretans they were not long in coming to an unanimous +agreement: which was, first of all, to divide the ten talents +supplied by Sosibius between themselves in equal shares; and, +secondly, to discover the whole affair to Antiochus, and to +offer with his support to put Achaeus into his hands, on +condition of receiving a sum of money and promises for the +future, on a scale commensurate with the greatness of the +undertaking. Having settled upon this plan of action: +Cambylus undertook the negotiation with Antiochus, while to +Bolis was assigned the duty of sending Arianus within the +next few days to Achaeus, bearing letters in cipher from +Nicomachus and Melancomas: he bade Cambylus however +take upon himself to consider how Arianus was to make his +way into the acropolis and return with safety. “If,” said +Bolis, “Achaeus consents to make the attempt, and sends an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">544</a></span> +answer to Nicomachus and Melancomas, I will be ready to +act and will communicate with you.” Having thus arranged +the parts which each was to take in the plot, they separated +and set about their several tasks.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_19" id="b8_19"><b>19.</b></a> At the first opportunity Cambylus laid the proposal +before the king. It was as acceptable to +Antiochus as it was unexpected: <span class="sidenote">The intended +treason against +Achaeus communicated +to +Antiochus.</span> +in the first +flush of his exultation he promised everything +they asked; but presently feeling some distrust, +he questioned Cambylus on every detail of their +plan, and their means of carrying it out. Being eventually +satisfied on these points, and believing that the undertaking +was under the special favour of Providence, he repeatedly +begged and prayed Cambylus to bring it to a conclusion. +Bolis was equally successful with Nicomachus and Melancomas. +They entertained no doubt of his sincerity, and joined him in +the composition of letters to Achaeus,—composed in a +cipher which they had been accustomed to use,—to prevent +any one who got hold of the letter from making out its contents, +exhorting him to trust Bolis and Cambylus. So Arianus, +having by the aid of Cambylus made his way into the acropolis, +delivered the letters to Achaeus; and having had personal +acquaintance with the whole business from its commencement, +he was able to give an account of every detail when questioned +and cross-questioned again and again by Achaeus about +Sosibius and Bolis, about Nicomachus and Melancomas, and +most particularly about the part which Cambylus was taking +in the affair. He could of course stand this cross-examination +with some air of sincerity and candour, because, in point of +fact, he was not acquainted with the most important part of +the plan which Cambylus and Bolis had +adopted. <span class="sidenote">Achaeus is +deceived.</span> +Achaeus was convinced by the +answers returned by Arianus, and still more +by the cipher of Nicomachus and Melancomas; gave his +answer; and sent Arianus back with it without delay. This +kind of communication was repeated more than once: and at +last Achaeus entrusted himself without reserve to Nicomachus, +there being absolutely no other hope of saving himself left +remaining, and bade him send Bolis with Arianus on a certain<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">545</a></span> +moonless night, promising to place himself in their hands. +The idea of Achaeus was, first of all, to escape his immediate +danger; and then by a circuitous route to make his way into +Syria. For he entertained very great hopes that, if he appeared +suddenly and unexpectedly to the Syrians, while Antiochus +was still lingering about Sardis, he would be able to stir up a +great movement, and meet with a cordial reception from the +people of Antioch, Coele-Syria, and Phoenicia.</p> + +<p>With such expectations and calculations Achaeus was +waiting for the appearance of Bolis.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_20" id="b8_20"><b>20.</b></a> Meanwhile Arianus had reached Melancomas, who, on +reading the letter which he brought, immediately despatched +Bolis with many words of exhortation and great promises of +profit if he succeeded in his enterprise. Bolis sent Arianus +in advance to signify his arrival to Cambylus, and went after +nightfall to their usual place of meeting. There they spent a +whole day together settling every detail of their plan of +operations; and having done this they went into the camp +under cover of night. The arrangement made between them +was this. If it turned out that Achaeus came from the +acropolis alone with Bolis and Arianus, or with only one +attendant, he would give them no cause for anxiety at all, +but would be easily captured by the ambuscade set for him. +If, on the other hand, he should be accompanied by a +considerable number, the business would be one of some +difficulty to those on whose good faith he relied; especially +as they were anxious to capture him alive, that being what +would most gratify Antiochus. In that case, therefore, Arianus, +while conducting Achaeus, was to go in front, because he knew +the path by which he had on several occasions effected his +entrance and return; Bolis was to bring up the rear, in order +that, when they arrived at the spot where Cambylus was to +have his ambuscade ready, he might lay hold on Achaeus, and +prevent his getting away through wooded ground, in the confusion +and darkness of the night, or throwing himself in his +terror from some precipice; thus they would secure that he +fell, as they intended, into his enemies’ hands alive.</p> + +<p>These arrangements having been agreed upon, Bolis was +taken by Cambylus on the very night of his arrival, without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">546</a></span> +any one else, and introduced to Antiochus. The king was +alone and received them graciously; he pledged himself to +the performance of his promises, and urged them both again +and again not to postpone any longer the performance of their +purpose. Thereupon they returned for the present to their +own camp; but towards morning Bolis, accompanied by +Arianus, ascended to the acropolis, and entered it before +daybreak.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_21" id="b8_21"><b>21.</b></a> Achaeus received them with warmth and cordiality, +and questioned Bolis at great length on every +detail. <span class="sidenote">Achaeus takes +vain precautions.</span> +From the expression of his face, and +his conversation, he judged Bolis to be a man of +a character weighty enough for so serious an undertaking; but +while at one time he exulted in the prospect of his release, at +another, he grew painfully excited, and was torn with an agony of +anxiety at the gravity of the issues at stake. But no one had a +clearer head or greater experience in affairs than he; and in spite +of the good opinion he had formed of him, he still determined +that his safety should not depend entirely on the good faith of +Bolis. He accordingly told him that it was impossible for +him to leave the acropolis at the moment: but that he would +send some two or three of his friends with him, and by the +time that they had joined Melancomas he would be prepared +to depart. So Achaeus did all he could for his security; but +he did not know that he was trying to do what the proverb +declares to be impossible—out-cretan a Cretan. For there was +no trick likely to be tried that Bolis had not anticipated. However +when the night came, in which Achaeus said that he would +send his friends with them, he sent on Arianus and Bolis to the +entrance of the acropolis, with instructions to wait there until +those who were to go with them arrived. They did as he bade +them. Achaeus then, at the very moment of his departure, +communicated his plan to his wife Laodice; and she was so +terrified at his sudden resolve, that he had to spend some time +in entreating her to be calm, in soothing her feelings, and +encouraging her by pointing out the hopes which he entertained. +This done he started with four companions, whom he +dressed in ordinary clothes, while he himself put on a mean +and common dress and disguised his rank as much as possible.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">547</a></span> +He selected one of his four companions to be always prepared +to answer anything said by Arianus, and to ask any necessary +question of him, and bade him say that the other four did not +speak Greek.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_22" id="b8_22"><b>22.</b></a> The five then joined Arianus, and they all started +together on their journey. Arianus went in +front, <span class="sidenote">Achaeus made +prisoner.</span> +as being acquainted with the way; while +Bolis took up his position behind in accordance +with the original plan, puzzled and annoyed at the way things +were turning out. For, Cretan as he was, and ready to suspect +every one he came near, he yet could not make out which of +the five was Achaeus, or whether he was there at all. But the +path was for the most part precipitous and difficult, and in +some places there were abrupt descents which were slippery +and dangerous; and whenever they came to one of these, +some of the four gave Achaeus a hand down, and the others +caught him at the bottom, for they could not entirely conceal +their habitual respect for him; and Bolis was quick to detect, +by observing this, which of them was Achaeus. When therefore +they arrived at the spot at which it had been arranged that +Cambylus was to be, Bolis gave the signal by a whistle, and +the men sprang from their places of concealment and seized +the other four, while Bolis himself caught hold of Achaeus, +at the same time grasping his mantle, as his hands were inside +it; for he was afraid that having a sword concealed about his +person he would attempt to kill himself when he understood +what was happening. Being thus quickly surrounded on every +side, Achaeus fell into the hands of his enemies, and along +with his four friends was taken straight off to Antiochus.</p> + +<p>The king was in his tent in a state of extreme anxiety +awaiting the result. He had dismissed his +usual court, <span class="sidenote">Achaeus brought +to Antiochus, +sentenced and +executed.</span> +and, with the exception of two +or three of the bodyguard, was alone and +sleepless. But when Cambylus and his men +entered, and placed Achaeus in chains on the ground, he fell +into a state of speechless astonishment: and for a considerable +time could not utter a word, and finally overcome by a feeling +of pity burst into tears; caused, I have no doubt, by this +exhibition of the capriciousness of Fortune, which defies<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">548</a></span> +precaution and calculation alike. For here was Achaeus, a +son of Andromachus, the brother of Seleucus’s queen Laodice, +and married to Laodice, a daughter of King Mithridates, and +who had made himself master of all Asia this side of Taurus, +and who at that very moment was believed by his own army, +as well as by that of his enemy, to be safely ensconced in +the strongest position in the world,—sitting chained upon the +ground, in the hands of his enemies, before a single person +knew of it except those who had effected the capture.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_23" id="b8_23"><b>23.</b></a> And, indeed, when at daybreak the king’s friends +assembled as usual at his tent, and saw this strange spectacle, +they too felt emotions very like those of the king; while extreme +astonishment made them almost disbelieve the evidence of their +senses. However the council met, and a long debate ensued +as to what punishment they were to inflict upon Achaeus. +Finally, it was resolved that his extremities should be cut off, +his head severed from his body and sewn up in the skin of an +ass, and his body impaled. When this sentence had been +carried out, and the army learnt what had happened, there +was such excitement in the ranks and such a rush of the soldiers +to the spectacle, that Laodice on the acropolis, who alone +knew that her husband had left it, guessed what had happened +from the commotion and stir in the camp. And before long +a herald arrived, told Laodice what had happened to Achaeus, +and ordered her to resign the command and quit the +acropolis. <span class="sidenote">The citadel +of Sardis surrendered.</span> +At first any answer was prevented +by an outburst of sorrow and overpowering +lamentation on the part of the occupants of +the acropolis; not so much from affection towards Achaeus, +as from the suddenness and utter unexpectedness of the +catastrophe. But this was succeeded by a feeling of +hesitation and dismay; and Antiochus, having got rid of +Achaeus, never ceased putting pressure on the garrison of +the acropolis, feeling confident that a means of taking it +would be put into his hands by those who occupied it, and +most probably by the rank and file of the garrison. And this +is just what did finally happen: for the soldiers split up into +factions, one joining Ariobazus, the other Laodice. This +produced mutual distrust, and before long both parties surrendered<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">549</a></span> +themselves and the acropolis. Thus Achaeus, in spite +of having taken every reasonable precaution, lost his life by +the perfidy of those in whom he trusted. His fate may teach +posterity two useful lessons,—not to put faith in any one +lightly; and not to be over-confident in the hour of prosperity, +knowing that, in human affairs, there is no accident which we +may not expect....</p> + +<h3>THE GALLIC KING, CAUARUS</h3> + +<p><a name="b8_24" id="b8_24"><b>24.</b></a> Cauarus, king of the Gauls in Thrace, was of a truly +royal and high-minded disposition, <span class="sidenote">Cauarus, king of +the Gauls, +settled on the +Hellespont. See +<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_46">46</a> and <a href="#b4_52">52</a>.</span> +and gave +the merchants sailing into the Pontus great +protection, and rendered the Byzantines important +services in their wars with the +Thracians and Bithynians....</p> + +<p>This king, so excellent in other respects, was corrupted +by a flatterer named Sostratus, who was a Chalchedonian by +birth....</p> + +<h3>ANTIOCHUS THE GREAT AT ARMOSATA</h3> + +<p><a name="b8_25" id="b8_25"><b>25.</b></a> In the reign of Xerxes, prince of the city of Armosata, +situated on the “Fair Plain,” between +the Tigris and Euphrates, <span class="sidenote">In the course of +his campaigns for +the recovering +of the eastern +provinces (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +212-205), +Antiochus makes +a demonstration +before the city of +Armosata, in +Armenia, to recover +the arrears +of tribute owed by +the late king, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212.</span> +King Antiochus +encamped under its walls and prepared to +attack it. When he saw the king’s forces, +Xerxes at first conveyed himself away; but +feeling afterwards that, if his palace were seized +by his enemies, his whole kingdom would be +overthrown, he changed his mind, and sent a +message to Antiochus declaring his wish for +a conference. The most loyal of the friends +of Antiochus were against letting the young +prince go when they once got him into their +hands, and advised Antiochus to take possession of the town, +and hand over the principality to Mithridates, his own sister’s +son. The king, however, would not listen to any of these +suggestions; but sent for the young prince and accommodated +their differences, forgiving him the larger part of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">550</a></span> +money which he allowed to be owing from his father under +the head of tribute, and accepting a present payment from him +of three hundred talents, a thousand horses, and a thousand +mules with their trappings. He then settled the government +of the city, and gave the prince his sister Antiochis as a wife. +By these proceedings, in which he was thought to have acted +with true royal magnanimity, he won the affection and +support of all the inhabitants of that part of the country.</p> + +<h3>THE HANNIBALIAN WAR—TARENTUM</h3> + +<p><a name="b8_26" id="b8_26"><b>26.</b></a> It was in the wantonness of excessive prosperity that +the Tarentines invited Pyrrhus of Epirus; for democratic +liberty that has enjoyed a long and unchecked career comes +naturally to experience a satiety of its blessings, and then it +looks out for a master; and when it has got one, it is not +long before it hates him, because it is seen that the change is +for the worse. This is just what happened to the Tarentines +on that occasion....</p> + +<p>On this news being brought to Tarentum and Thurii there +was great popular indignation....</p> + +<p>The conspirators left the town at first under the pretext of +a foray, and got near Hannibal’s camp before +daybreak. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal +marched south +early in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212 +to renew his +attempt upon +Tarentum, on +which he had +wasted much of +the previous summer +(Livy, 25, 1). +The severity of +the punishment +of the Tarentine +hostages who tried +to escape from +Rome caused a +conspiracy of Tarentines +to betray +the town to +Hannibal. Livy, +25, 7-8.</span> +Then, while the rest crouched down +on a certain wooded spot by the side of the +road, Philemenus and Nicon went up to the +camp. They were seized by the sentries and +taken off to Hannibal, without saying a word as +to where they came from or who they were, but +simply stating that they wished for an interview +with the general. Being taken without delay +to Hannibal they said that they wished to +speak with him privately. He assented with +the utmost readiness; whereupon they explained +to him their own position and that of their +native city, charging the Romans with many +various acts of oppression, that they might not +seem to be entering on their present undertaking +without good reason. For the present<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">551</a></span> +Hannibal dismissed them with thanks and a cordial acceptance +of their proposed movement, and charging them to come back +very soon and have another interview with him. “This time,” +he added, “when you get at a sufficient distance from the camp, +take possession of the first cattle you find being driven out to +pasture in the early morning, and go off boldly with them and +their herdsmen; for I will take care that you are unmolested.” +His object in doing this was to give himself time to inquire +into the tale of the young men; and also to confirm their credit +with their fellow-citizens, by making it appear that their +expedition had really been for the purpose of foraging. +Nicon and his companions did as they were bidden, and left +Hannibal in great exultation at having at last got an opportunity +of completing his enterprise: while they themselves +were made all the more eager to carry out their plot by having +been able to accomplish their interview with Hannibal without +danger, and by having found him warmly disposed to their +undertaking, and by having besides gained the confidence of +their own people by the considerable amount of booty which +they had brought home. This they partly sold and partly +used in splendid entertainments, and thus not only were +believed in by the Tarentines, but excited a considerable +number to emulate their exploit.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_27" id="b8_27"><b>27.</b></a> On their next expedition, which they conducted in the +same way as the first, they interchanged pledges +of fidelity with Hannibal on the following conditions: +<span class="sidenote">Bargain made +with Hannibal.</span> +“He was to set the Tarentines free; +and the Carthaginians were neither to exact tribute of any sort +from them, nor impose any burden upon them; but the houses +and lodgings occupied by Romans should, on their taking +possession of the town, be given up to the Carthaginians to +plunder.” They also arranged on a watchword at which the +sentries were to admit them without delay into the camp +whenever they came. After making these arrangements, they +got the opportunity of often having interviews with Hannibal: +sometimes pretending to be going out of the town on a foray, +and sometimes on a hunting expedition. Everything having +thus been put in train, the greater part of the conspirators +waited for the proper occasions for acting, while they assigned<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">552</a></span> +to Philemenus the part of leader of their hunting excursions; for, +owing to his excessive taste for that amusement, he had the reputation +of thinking hunting the most important thing in life. +Accordingly they left it to him, first to win the favour of Gaius +Livius the commander of the town by presents of game, and +then that of the guards of the gate-tower which protected what +were called the Temenid gates. Philemenus undertook the +task: and partly by what he caught himself, and partly with what +Hannibal supplied, always managed to bring in some game; +which he divided between Livius and the guards of the gate, +to induce them to be always ready to open the wicket to him. +For he generally went and returned from his expeditions after +nightfall, under the pretext of being afraid of the enemy, but +really with a view of preparing for the plot. When Philemenus +then had managed to make it a regular arranged thing with +the picket at the gate, that the guards should have no hesitation; +but that, whenever he came under the wall and whistled, they +should open the wicket to him; he waited for a day on which +the Roman commander of the town was engaged to be present +at a large party, meeting early in the Musaeum, which is near +the agora, and agreed with Hannibal to carry out their plot +on that day.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_28" id="b8_28"><b>28.</b></a> For some time before this, Hannibal had given out that +he was ill, to prevent the Romans wondering <span class="sidenote">Hannibal prepares +to act.</span> +when they were told of his staying so long on +the same ground; and he now made a greater +pretence than ever of ill-health, and remained encamped three +days’ march from Tarentum. But when the time was come, he +got ready the most conspicuous for their speed and daring in +his cavalry and infantry, to the number of about ten thousand, +and gave orders that they should take provisions for four days. +He started just before daybreak, and marched at full speed; +having told off eighty Numidian horsemen to keep thirty stades +ahead, and to scour the country on both sides of the road; so +that no one might get a sight of the main body, but might +either be taken prisoners by this advanced guard, or, if he +escaped, might carry a report of it into the city as if it were +merely a raid of Numidian horsemen. When the Numidians +were about a hundred and twenty stades from the town,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">553</a></span> +Hannibal halted his men for supper by the side of a river +flowing through a deep gully, and offering excellent cover; and +having summoned his officers, did not indeed tell them outright +what the service was on which they were going, but +simply exhorted them, first to show themselves brave men, +as the prize awaiting them was the greatest they had ever had; +and, secondly, that each should keep the men of his own +company well together, and rebuke sharply all who left their +own division on any pretext whatever; and, thirdly, to attend +strictly to orders, and not attempt anything on their own account +outside them. Dismissing the officers with these words, he got +his troops on the march just after dark, being very anxious to +reach the wall about midnight; having Philemenus to act as +guide, and having got ready for him a wild-boar to enable +him to sustain the part which he was to perform.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_29" id="b8_29"><b>29.</b></a> About sunset news was brought to Gaius Livius, who +had been with his friends in the Musaeum since +early in the day, <span class="sidenote">Gaius Livius +thrown off the +scent.</span> +just when the drinking was at +its height, that the Numidians were scouring +the country. He therefore took measures for that and +nothing more, calling some of his officers and bidding +them take half the cavalry, and sally out to stop the progress +of the enemy, who were devastating the country: but this +only made him still more unsuspicious of the whole extent +of the movement. Nicon, Tragiscus, and their confederates +collected together at nightfall in the town and waited for the +return of Livius and his friends. As these last rose from table +somewhat early, because the banquet had begun before the usual +time, the greater number of the conspirators retired to a certain +spot and there remained; but some of the younger men went to +meet Gaius, imitating by their disorderly procession and mutual +jests a company returning from a carouse. As Livius and his +company were even more flustered with drink, as soon as +they met laughter and joking were readily excited on both +sides. Finally, they turned and conducted Gaius to his house; +where he went to bed full of wine, as might be expected after +a party beginning so early in the day, without any anxiety or +trouble in his thoughts, but full of cheerfulness and idle +content. Then Nicon and Tragiscus rejoined their companions,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">554</a></span> +and, dividing themselves into three companies, took +up their positions at the most favourable points in the market-place, +to keep themselves fully acquainted with everything +reported from outside the walls, or that happened within the +city itself. They posted some also close to the house of +Livius: being well aware that, if any suspicion of what was +coming arose, it would be to him that the news would be first +brought, and that from him every measure taken would +originate. So when the noise of the returning guests, and every +disturbance of the sort, had subsided, and the great bulk of the +citizens was asleep; and now the night was advancing, and +nothing had happened to dash their hopes, they collected +together and proceeded to perform their part of the undertaking.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_30" id="b8_30"><b>30.</b></a> The arrangements between these young men and +Hannibal were these. Hannibal was to arrive at the town by the +inland road and on the eastern side near the Temenid gates; +and when there, was to light a fire on the tomb, which some +called the tomb of Hyacinthus, and others of Apollo: Tragiscus +and his confederates, when they saw this, were to light an +answering fire from within the walls. This done, Hannibal +was to put out his fire and advance slowly towards the gate. +In pursuance of these arrangements, the young men marched +<span class="sidenote">Why the +Tarentines bury +within the walls.</span> +through the inhabited part of the town and +came to the tombs. For the eastern quarter of +Tarentum is full of monuments, because those who +die there are to this day all buried within the walls, in obedience +to an ancient oracle. For it is said that the god delivered +this answer to the Tarentines, “That it were better and more +profitable for them if they made their dwelling with the majority”; +and they thought therefore that they would be living +in accordance with the oracle if they kept the departed within +the walls. That is why to this day they bury inside the gates.</p> + +<p>The young men, then, having gone as far as the tomb of +Pythionicus, waited to see what would happen. +<span class="sidenote">Hannibal arrives +and gets into the +town.</span> +Presently Hannibal arrived and did as arranged: +whereupon Nicon and Tragiscus with renewed +courage displayed their beacon also; and, as soon as they saw +the fire of the Carthaginians being put out, they ran to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">555</a></span> +gates as fast as they could go, wishing to get the picket at the +gate tower killed before the Carthaginians arrived; as it had +been agreed that they should advance leisurely and at a foot’s +pace. Everything went smoothly: the guards were overpowered; +and while some of the young men were engaged in +killing them, others were cutting the bolts. The gates having +been quickly thrown open, Hannibal arrived at the right +moment, having so timed his march that he never had to stop +on the way to the town at all.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_31" id="b8_31"><b>31.</b></a> Having thus effected their intended entrance, without +danger or any disturbance whatever, and thinking that the most +important part of their undertaking was accomplished, the +Carthaginians now began advancing boldly along the street +leading up from what is called the Batheia or Deep Road. +They left the cavalry however outside the walls, numbering as +many as two thousand, intending them to act as a reserve both +in case of any appearance of the enemy from without, and of +any of those unforeseen casualties which do occur in such +operations. But when they had come to the immediate +neighbourhood of the market-place, they halted, and waited +to see how the attempt of Philemenus would turn out: being +anxious as to the success of this part of their plan as well as +the other. For at the same moment that he lighted his fire, +and was on the point of starting for the gates, Hannibal had +despatched Philemenus also, <span class="sidenote">Philemenus also +gets in.</span> +with his boar on +a litter, and a thousand Libyans, to the next +gate; wishing, in accordance with his original +design, not to depend solely on one chance, but to have several. +When Philemenus, then, arrived at the wall and gave his +customary signal by whistling, the sentry immediately appeared +coming down to open the wicket; and when Philemenus told +him from outside to open quickly because they had a great +weight to carry, as they were bringing a wild boar, he made +haste to open the wicket, expecting that some of the game +which Philemenus was conveying would come his way, as +he had always had a share of what was brought in.</p> + +<p>Thereupon Philemenus himself, being at the head of the +litter, entered first; and with him another dressed like a +shepherd, as though he were one of the country folk<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">556</a></span> +of those parts; and after him two others besides who were +carrying the dead beast behind. But when the four had +got inside the wicket, they struck and killed the man who +opened it, as he was unsuspiciously examining and feeling the +boar, and then let the men who were just behind them, and +were in advance of the main body of Libyan horsemen, to +the number of thirty, leisurely and quietly through. This +having been accomplished without a hitch, some set about +cutting the bolts, others were engaged in killing the picket +on duty at the gate, and others in giving the signal to +the Libyans still outside to come in. These having also +effected their entrance in safety, they began making their way +towards the market-place according to the arrangement. As +soon as he was joined by this division also, in great delight at +the successful progress of the operation, Hannibal proceeded +to carry out the next step.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_32" id="b8_32"><b>32.</b></a> He told off two thousand of his Celts: and, having +divided them into three companies, he assigned two of the +young men who had managed the plot to each company; and +sent with them also certain of his own officers, with orders to +close up the several most convenient streets that led to the +market-place. And when he had done this, he bade the +young men of the town pick out and save those of their +fellow-citizens whom they might chance to meet, by shouting +out before they came up with them, “That Tarentines should +remain where they were, as they were in no danger”; but he +ordered both Carthaginian and Celtic officers to kill all the +Romans they met.</p> + +<p>So these companies separated and proceeded to carry out +their orders. But when the entrance of the <span class="sidenote">Escape of Livius +into the Citadel.</span> +enemy became known to the Tarentines, the +city began to be full of shouting and extraordinary +confusion. As for Gaius, when the enemy’s entrance was +announced to him, being fully aware that his drunkenness had +incapacitated him, he rushed straight out of the house with his +servants, and having come to the gate leading to the harbour, +and the sentinel having opened the wicket for him, he got +through that way; and having seized one of the boats lying at +anchor there, went on board it with his servants and arrived<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">557</a></span> +safely at the citadel. Meanwhile Philemenus had provided +himself with some Roman bugles, <span class="sidenote">Massacre of +Roman soldiers.</span> +and some +men who were able to blow them, from being +used to do so; and they stood in the theatre and +sounded a call to arms. The Romans promptly rallying in +arms, as was their custom at this sound, and directing their +steps towards the citadel, everything happened exactly as the +Carthaginians intended; for as the Roman soldiers came into +the streets, without any order and in scattered groups, some of +them came upon the Carthaginians and others upon the Celts; +and by their being in this way put to the sword in detail, a +very considerable number of them perished.</p> + +<p>But when day began to break, the Tarentines kept quietly +in their houses, not yet being able to comprehend what was +happening. For thanks to the bugle, and the absence of all +outrage or plundering in the town, they thought that the +movement arose from the Romans themselves. But the sight +of many of the latter lying killed in the streets, and the +spectacle of some Gauls openly stripping the Roman corpses, +suggested a suspicion of the presence of the Carthaginians.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_33" id="b8_33"><b>33.</b></a> Presently when Hannibal had marched his forces into +the market-place, and the Romans had retired +into the citadel, <span class="sidenote">Roman houses +sacked, Tarentines +spared.</span> +as having been previously +secured by them with a garrison, and it had +become broad daylight, the Carthaginian general caused a +proclamation to be made to the Tarentines to assemble in full +number in the market-place; while the young conspirators +went meanwhile round the town talking loudly about liberty, +and bidding everybody not to be afraid, for the Carthaginians had +come to save them. Such of the Tarentines as held to their +loyalty to Rome, upon learning the state of the case, went off +to the citadel; but the rest came to the meeting, in obedience +to the proclamation, without their arms: and to them Hannibal +addressed a cordial speech. The Tarentines heartily cheered +everything he said from joy at their unexpected safety; and he +dismissed the crowd with an injunction to each man, to go with +all speed to his own house, and write over the door, “A +Tarentine’s”; but if any one wrote the same word on a house +where a Roman was living, he declared the penalty to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">558</a></span> +death. He then personally told off the best men he had for +the service, and sent them to plunder the houses of the +Romans; giving them as their instructions to consider all +houses which had no inscription as belonging to the enemy: +the rest of his men he kept drawn up as a reserve.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_34" id="b8_34"><b>34.</b></a> A vast quantity of miscellaneous property having been +got together by this plundering, and a booty +fully answering the expectations of the Carthaginians, +<span class="sidenote">Fortifications +raised to preserve +the town from +attack from the +citadel.</span> +they bivouacked for that night under +arms. But the next day, after consulting with the +Tarentines, Hannibal decided to cut off the city +from the citadel by a wall, that the Tarentines might not any +longer be under continual alarm from the Romans in possession +of the citadel. His first measure was to throw up a +palisade, parallel to the wall of the citadel and to the trench in +front of it. But as he very well knew that the enemy would +not allow this tamely, but would make a demonstration of their +power in that direction, he got ready for the work a number +of his best hands, thinking that the first thing necessary was to +overawe the Romans and give confidence to the Tarentines. +But as soon as the first palisade was begun, the Romans began +a bold and determined attack; whereupon Hannibal, offering +just enough resistance to induce the rest to come out, as soon +as the greater part of them had crossed the trench, gave the +word of command to his men and charged the enemy. A +desperate struggle ensued; for the fight took place in a narrow +space surrounded by walls; but at last the Romans were forced +to turn and fly. Many of them fell in the actual fighting, but +the larger number were forced over the edge of the trench and +were killed by the fall over its steep bank.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_35" id="b8_35"><b>35.</b></a> For the present Hannibal, after completing the palisade +unmolested, was content to remain quiet, as his +plan had succeeded to his wish; <span class="sidenote">Further works of +security.</span> +for he had +shut in the enemy and compelled them to +remain inside their wall, in terror for the safety of the citadel +as well as for their own; while he had raised the courage of +the citizens of Tarentum to such an extent, that they now +imagined themselves to be a match for the Romans, even +without the Carthaginians. A little later he made at a short<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">559</a></span> +distance from the palisade, in the direction of the town, a trench +parallel to the palisade and the wall of the citadel; and the +earth dug out from it having been piled up on the other side +along the edge nearest the town, he erected another palisade +on the top, thus making a fortification no less secure than the +wall itself. Once more, at a moderate distance, nearer the city, +he commenced building a wall, starting from the street called +Soteira up to that called Batheia; so that, even without a garrison, +the Tarentines were adequately protected by the mere constructions +themselves. Then leaving a sufficient garrison, and +enough cavalry to serve on outpost duty for the protection of the +wall, he encamped along the bank of the river which is called by +some the Galaesus, but by most people the Eurotas, after the +river which flows past Sparta. The Tarentines have many +such derived names, both in town and country, from the +acknowledged fact of their being a colony from Sparta and +connected by blood with the Lacedaemonians. As the wall +quickly approached completion, owing to the activity and zeal +of the Tarentines, and the vigorous co-operation of the Carthaginians, +Hannibal next conceived the idea of taking the +citadel also.</p> + +<p><a name="b8_36" id="b8_36"><b>36.</b></a> But when he had already completed the preparation +of the necessary engines for the assault, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal’s +arrangements for +storming the +citadel frustrated.</span> +the +Romans received some slight encouragement +on a reinforcement throwing itself into the +citadel by sea from Metapontium; and consequently +they sallied out by night and attacked the works, and +destroyed all Hannibal’s apparatus and engines. +After this Hannibal abandoned the idea of a +storm: but as the new wall was now completed, +he summoned a meeting of the Tarentines and pointed out to +<span class="sidenote">Romans reinforced.</span>them that the most imperative necessity, in view of the present +state of things, was to get command of the sea. For as the citadel +commanded the entrance to the harbour, the Tarentines could +not use their ships nor sail out of it; while the Romans could +get supplies conveyed to them by sea without danger: and as +long as that was the case, it was impossible that the city should +have any security for its freedom. <span class="sidenote">New plans for +cutting off the Roman supplies +by sea.</span> +Hannibal +saw this clearly, and explained to the Tarentines<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">560</a></span> +that, if the enemy on the citadel were +deprived of hope of succour by sea, they +would at once give way, and abandon it of their own accord, +without attempting to defend the place. The Tarentines were +fully convinced by his words: but how it was to be brought +about in the present state of affairs they could form no idea, +unless a fleet should appear from Carthage; which at that +time of the year was impossible. They therefore said that they +could not understand what Hannibal was aiming at in these +remarks to them. When he replied that it was plain that, +even without the Carthaginians, they were all but in command +of the sea, they were still more puzzled, and could not guess +his meaning. The truth was that Hannibal had noticed that the +broad street, which was at once within the wall separating the +town from the citadel, and led from the harbour into the open +sea, was well suited for the purpose; and he had conceived the +idea of dragging the ships out of the harbour to the sea on +the southern side of the town. Upon his disclosing his idea to +the Tarentines, they not only expressed their agreement with +the proposal, but the greatest admiration for himself; and made +up their minds that there was nothing which his acuteness and +daring could not accomplish. Trucks on wheels were quickly +constructed: and it was scarcely sooner said than done, owing +to the zeal of the people and the numbers who helped to work +at it. In this way the Tarentines dragged their ships across +into the open sea, and were enabled without danger to themselves +to blockade the Romans on the citadel, having deprived +them of their supplies from without. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212-211.</span>But Hannibal himself, +leaving a garrison for the city, started with his +army, and returned in a three days’ march to his +original camp; and there remained without further movements +for the rest of the winter....</p> + +<h3>FALL OF SYRACUSE, B.C. 212</h3> + +<p><span class="sidenote">The method taken +by a Roman to estimate +the height +of the wall of Syracuse. +Livy, 25, 23.</span> +<a name="b8_37" id="b8_37"><b>37.</b></a> He counted the layers; for as the +tower had been built of regular layers of +stone, it was very easy to reckon the height +of the battlements from the ground....</p> + +<p>Some days afterwards on information being given by a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">561</a></span> +deserter that the Syracusans had been engaged in a public +sacrifice to Artemis for the last three days; <span class="sidenote">Fall of Syracuse +by an escalade, +autumn <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212. +Livy, 24, 23-31.</span> +and +that they were using very scanty food in the +festival though plenty of wine, both Epicydes and +certain Syracusans having given a large supply; +Marcus Marcellus selected a part of the wall somewhat lower +than the rest, and thinking it probable that the men were +drunk, owing to the license of the hour, and the short supply of +food with their wine, he determined to attempt an escalade. +Two ladders of the proper height for the wall having been +quickly made, he pressed on the undertaking. He spoke +openly to those who were fit to make the ascent and to face +the first and most conspicuous risk, holding out to them +brilliant prospects of reward. He also picked out some men +to give them necessary help and bring ladders, without telling +them anything except to bid them be ready to obey +orders. His directions having been accurately obeyed, at +the proper time in the night he put the first men in motion, +sending with them the men with the ladders together with a +maniple and a tribune, and having first reminded them of the +rewards awaiting them if they behaved with gallantry. After +this he got his whole force ready to start; and despatching the +vanguard by maniples at intervals, when a thousand had been +massed in this way, after a short pause, he marched himself +with the main body. The men carrying the ladders having +succeeded in safely placing them against the wall, those who +had been told off to make the ascent mounted at once without +hesitation. Having accomplished this without being observed, +and having got a firm footing on the top of the wall, +the rest began to mount by the ladders also, not in any fixed +order, but as best they could. At first as they made their way +upon the wall they found no one to oppose them, for the +guards of the several towers, owing to it being a time of public +sacrifice, were either still drinking or were gone to sleep again +in a state of drunkenness. Consequently of the first and second +companies of guards, which they came upon, they killed the +greater number before they knew that they were being attacked. +And when they came near Hexapyli, they descended from the +wall, and forced open the first postern they came to which was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">562</a></span> +let into the wall, through which they admitted the general and +the rest of the army. This is the way in which the Romans +took Syracuse....</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">Livy, 25, 24.</span> +None of the citizens knew what was happening +because of the distance; for the town is +a very large one....</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">The first quarter +occupied. +Livy, 25, 24.</span> +But the Romans were rendered very confident +by their conquest of Epipolae....</p> + +<p class="tb"><a name="b8_38" id="b8_38"><b>38.</b></a> He gave orders that the infantry should take the beasts +of burden along with the baggage tied upon them from the +rear and range them in front of themselves. This produced a +defence of greater security than any palisade.<a name="FNanchor_324" id="FNanchor_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">324</a>...</p> + +<p class="tb">So entirely unable are the majority of mankind to submit +to that lightest of all burdens—silence....</p> + +<p class="tb">Anything in the future seems preferable to what exists in +the present....</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">563</a></span></p> + +<h2>BOOK IX</h2> + +<h3>EXTRACT FROM THE PREFACE</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_1" id="b9_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">Such</span> are the most conspicuous transactions of this +Olympiad, that is, of the four years which an <span class="sidenote">142d Olympiad, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212-208.</span> +Olympiad must be reckoned to contain; and I +shall endeavour to include the history of them +in two books.</p> + +<p>I am quite aware that my history has an element of +austerity in it, and is adapted to, and will be approved by +only one class of readers, owing to the uniformity of its plan. +Nearly all other historians, or at any rate most, attract a +variety of readers by entering upon all the various branches of +history. The curious reader is attracted by the genealogical +style; the antiquarian by the discussion of colonisations, +origins of cities, and ties of blood, such as is found in +Ephorus; the student of polities by the story of tribes, cities, +and dynasties. It is to this last branch of the subject that I +have had a single eye, and have devoted my whole work; and +accordingly have, as I said before, accommodated all my +plans to one particular class of narrative. The result is that I +have made my work by no means attractive reading to the +majority. Why I thus neglected other departments of history, +and deliberately resolved to confine myself to chronicling +actions, I have already stated at length; however, there is +no reason why I should not briefly remind my readers +of it again in this place, for the sake of impressing it upon +them.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_2" id="b9_2"><b>2.</b></a> Seeing that many writers have discussed in many +varieties of style the question of genealogies, myths, and +colonisations, as well as of the foundations of cities and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">564</a></span> +consanguinity of peoples, there was nothing left for a writer at +this date but to copy the words of others and claim them as his +own,—than which nothing could be more dishonourable; or, +if he did not choose to do that, to absolutely waste his labour, +being obliged to acknowledge that he is composing a history +and bestowing thought on what has already been sufficiently set +forth and transmitted to posterity by his predecessors. For +these and sundry other reasons I abandoned such themes as +these, and determined on writing a history of actions: first, +because they are continually new and require a new narrative,—as +of course one generation cannot give us the history of +the next; and secondly, because such a narrative is of all +others the most instructive. This it has always been: but it +is eminently so now, because the arts and sciences have made +such an advance in our day, that students are able to arrange +every event as it happens according to fixed rules, as it were, +of scientific classification. Therefore, as I did not aim so +much at giving pleasure to my readers, as at profiting those +who apply to such studies, I omitted all other themes and +devoted myself wholly to this. But on these points, those who +give a careful attention to my narrative will be the best +witnesses to the truth of what I say....</p> + +<h3>THE HANNIBALIAN WAR</h3> + +<p><i>In the previous year (212 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>) Syracuse had fallen: the +two Scipios had been conquered and killed in Spain: the siege-works +had been constructed round Capua, at the very time of the +fall of Syracuse, i.e. in the autumn, Hannibal being engaged in +fruitless attempts upon the citadel of Tarentum. See Livy, +25, 22.</i></p> + +<p class="tb"><a name="b9_3" id="b9_3"><b>3.</b></a> Entirely surrounding the position of Appius Claudius, +Hannibal at first skirmished, and tried all he +could to tempt him to come out and give him <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 211. Coss. +Gnaeus Fulvius +Centumalus, P. +Sulpicius Galba. +The Romans were +still engaged in +the siege of Capua.<br />Q. Fulvius and +Appius Claudius, +the Consuls of +the previous year, +were continued +in command there, +with orders not +to leave the place +till it fell. Livy, +26, 1. Hannibal +tries to raise the +siege.</span> +battle. But as no one attended to him, his +attack became very like an attempt to storm +the camp; for his cavalry charged in their +squadrons, and with loud cries hurled their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">565</a></span> +javelins inside the entrenchments, and the +infantry attacked in their regular companies, +and tried to pull down the palisading round +the camp. But not even so could he move the +Romans from their purpose: they employed +their light-armed troops to repulse those who +were actually attacking the palisade, but protecting +themselves with their heavy shields +against the javelins of the enemy, they remained +drawn up near their standards without moving. +Discomfited at being neither able to throw himself into Capua, +nor induce the Romans to leave their camp, Hannibal retired +to consult as to what was best to be done.</p> + +<p>It is no wonder, in my opinion, that the Carthaginians +were puzzled. I think any one who heard +the facts would be the same. <span class="sidenote">The determination +and cautious +tactics of the +Romans.</span> +For who would +not have received with incredulity the statement +that the Romans, after losing so many battles to +the Carthaginians, and though they did not venture to meet +them on the field, could not nevertheless be induced to give +up the contest or abandon the command of the country? +Up to this time, moreover, they had contented themselves +with hovering in his neighbourhood, keeping along the skirts +of the mountains; but now they had taken up a position on +the plains, and those the fairest in all Italy, and were besieging +the strongest city in it; and that with an enemy attacking +them, whom they could not endure even the thought of +meeting face to face: while the Carthaginians, who beyond +all dispute had won the battles, were sometimes in as great +difficulties as the losers. I think the reason of the strategy +adopted by the two sides respectively was, that they both had +seen that Hannibal’s cavalry was the main cause of the +Carthaginian victory and Roman defeat. Accordingly the +plan of the losers after the battles, of following their enemies +at a distance, was the natural one to adopt; for the country +through which they went was such that the enemy’s cavalry +would be unable to do them any damage. Similarly what +now happened at Capua to either side was natural and +inevitable.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">566</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b9_4" id="b9_4"><b>4.</b></a> For the Roman army did not venture to come out +and give battle, from fear of the enemy’s +horse, <span class="sidenote">Carthaginian +difficulties.</span> +but remained resolutely within their +entrenchment; well knowing that the cavalry, +by which they had been worsted in the battles, could not +hurt them there. While the Carthaginians, again, naturally +could not remain any longer encamped with their cavalry, +because all the pastures in the surrounding country had been +utterly destroyed by the Romans with that very view; and it was +impossible for animals to come from such a distance, carrying +on their backs hay and barley for so large a body of cavalry, +and so many beasts of burden; nor again did they venture, +when encamped without their cavalry, to attack an enemy +protected by a palisade and fosse, with whom a contest, even +without these advantages in their favour, was likely to be a +doubtful one if they had not got their cavalry. Besides this +they were much alarmed about the new Consuls, lest they +should come and encamp against them, and reduce them to +serious straits by cutting off their supplies of provisions.</p> + +<p>These considerations convinced Hannibal that it was +impossible to raise the siege by an open attack, +and he therefore changed his tactics. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal determines +on creating +a diversion by +threatening +Rome.</span> +He +imagined that if by a secret march he could +suddenly appear in the neighbourhood of Rome, +he might by the alarm which he would inspire +in the inhabitants by his unexpected movement, perhaps do +something worth while against the city itself; or, if he could not +do that, would at least force Appius either to raise the siege of +Capua, in order to hasten to the relief of his native town, or +to divide the Roman forces; which would then be easier for +him to conquer in detail.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_5" id="b9_5"><b>5.</b></a> With this purpose in his mind he sent a letter-carrier +into Capua. This he did by persuading one of +his Libyans to desert to the Roman camp, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal informs +the Capuans of +his purpose.</span> +and +thence to Capua. He took this trouble to +secure the safe delivery of his letter, because he was very +much afraid that the Capuans, if they saw him departing, +would consider that he despaired of them, and would therefore +give up hope and surrender to the Romans. He wrote therefore<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">567</a></span> +an explanation of his design, and sent the Libyan the day +after, in order that the Capuans, being acquainted with the +purpose of his departure, might go on courageously sustaining +the siege.</p> + +<p>When the news had arrived at Rome that Hannibal had +encamped over against their lines, <span class="sidenote">Excitement and +activity at Rome.</span> +and was +actually besieging their forces, there was +universal excitement and terror, from a +feeling that the result of the impending battle would +decide the whole war. Consequently, with one heart and +soul, the citizens had all devoted themselves to sending out +reinforcements and making preparations for this struggle. On +their part, the Capuans were encouraged by the receipt of +Hannibal’s letter, and by thus learning the object of the +Carthaginian movement, to stand by their determination, and +to await the issue of this new hope. At the end of the fifth day, +therefore, after his arrival on the ground, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal starts.</span> +Hannibal ordered his +men to take their supper as usual, and leave +their watch-fires burning; and started with such +secrecy, that none of the enemy knew what was happening. +He took the road through Samnium, and marched at a great +pace and without stopping, his skirmishers always keeping +before him to reconnoitre and occupy all the posts along the +route: and while those in Rome had their thoughts still wholly +occupied with Capua and the campaign there, he crossed the +Anio without being observed; and having arrived at a distance +of not more than forty stades from Rome, there pitched +his camp.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_6" id="b9_6"><b>6.</b></a> On this being known at Rome, the utmost confusion +and terror prevailed among the inhabitants,—this +movement of Hannibal’s being as unexpected +as it was sudden; <span class="sidenote">Terror at +Rome.</span> +for he had never +been so close to the city before. At the same time their +alarm was increased by the idea at once occurring to them, +that he would not have ventured so near, if it were not that +the armies at Capua were destroyed. Accordingly, the men +at once went to line the walls, and the points of vantage in the +defences of the town; while the women went round to the +temples of the gods and implored their protection, sweeping<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">568</a></span> +the pavements of the temples with their hair: for this is their +customary way of behaving when any serious danger comes +upon their country. But just as Hannibal had encamped, +and was intending to attempt the city itself next day, an +extraordinary coincidence occurred which proved fortunate +for the preservation of Rome.</p> + +<p>For Gnaeus Fulvius and Publius Sulpicius, having already +enrolled one consular army, had bound the men <span class="sidenote">The Consular +levies fortunately +being at Rome +enable the +Romans to make +a counter-demonstration.</span> +with the usual oath to appear at Rome armed on +that very day; and were also engaged on that day +in drawing out the lists and testing the men for +the other army:<a name="FNanchor_325" id="FNanchor_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">325</a> whereby it so happened that a +large number of men had been collected in Rome +spontaneously in the very nick of time. These troops the +Consuls boldly led outside the walls, and, entrenching themselves +there, checked Hannibal’s intended movement. For the +Carthaginians were at first eager to advance, and were not +altogether without hope that they would be able to take Rome +itself by assault. But when they saw the enemy drawn up in +order, and learnt before long from a prisoner what had +happened, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal +devastates the +Campagna.</span> +they abandoned the idea of attacking +the city, and began devastating the country-side +instead, and setting fire to the houses. In +these first raids they collected an innumerable amount of booty, +for the field of plunder upon which they were entered was +one into which no one had ever expected an enemy to set +foot.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_7" id="b9_7"><b>7.</b></a> But presently, when the Consuls ventured to encamp +within ten stades of him, Hannibal broke up his +quarters before daylight. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal +starts on his +return.</span> +He did so for three +reasons:—first, because he had collected an +enormous booty; secondly, because he had given up all hope +of taking Rome; and lastly, because he reckoned that the +time had now come at which he expected, according to +his original idea, that Appius would have learnt the danger +threatening Rome, and would have raised the siege of Capua<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">569</a></span> +and come with his whole force to the relief of the city; or at +any rate would hurry up with the greater part, leaving a detachment +to carry on the siege. Publius had caused the bridges +over the Anio to be broken down, and thus compelled +Hannibal to get his army across by a ford; <span class="sidenote">The passage of +the Anio.</span> +and +he now attacked the Carthaginians as they were +engaged in making the passage of the stream +and caused them great distress. They were not able however +to strike an important blow, owing to the number of Hannibal’s +cavalry, and the activity of the Numidians in every part of the +field. But before retiring to their camp they wrested the +greater part of the booty from them, and killed about three +hundred men; and then, being convinced that the Carthaginians +were beating a hasty retreat in a panic, they followed +in their rear, keeping along the line of hills. At first Hannibal +continued to march at a rapid pace, being anxious to meet the +force which he expected; but at the end of the fifth day, +being informed that Appius had not left the +siege of Capua, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal +turns upon his +pursuers.</span> +he halted; and waiting for the +enemy to come up, made an attack upon his +camp before daylight, killed a large number of them, and drove +the rest out of their camp. But when day broke, and he saw +the Romans in a strong position upon a steep hill, to which +they had retired, he decided not to continue his attack upon +them; but marching through Daunia and Bruttium he +appeared at Rhegium, so unexpectedly, that he was within an +ace of capturing the city, and did cut off all who were out in +the country; and during this excursion captured a very large +number of the Rhegini.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_8" id="b9_8"><b>8.</b></a> It seems to me that the courage and determination both +of the Carthaginians and Romans at this crisis were truly remarkable; +and merit quite as much admiration as the conduct +of Epaminondas, which I will describe here for the sake of +pointing the comparison.</p> + +<p>He reached Tegea with the allies, and when he saw that +the Lacedaemonians with their own forces in <span class="sidenote">The rapid march +of Epaminondas +to Sparta, and +back again to +Mantinea. See Xenophon, <i>Hell.</i> +7, 5, 8 <i>sq.</i> +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 362.</span> +full were come to Mantinea, and that their allies +had mustered together in the same city, with the +intention of offering the Thebans battle; having<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">570</a></span> +<span class="sidenote">Xenophon, <i>Hell.</i> +7, 5, 8 <i>sq.</i> +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 362.</span> +given orders to his men to get their supper +early, he led his army out immediately after +nightfall, on the pretext of being anxious to +seize certain posts with a view to the coming battle. But +having impressed this idea upon the common soldiers, he led +them along the road to Lacedaemon itself; and having arrived +at the city about the third hour of his march, contrary to all +expectation, and finding Sparta destitute of defenders, he +forced his way right up to the market-place, and occupied the +quarters of the town which slope down to the river. <span class="sidenote">A Cretan warns +Agesilaus.</span>Then +however a contretemps occurred: a deserter +made his way into Mantinea and told Agesilaus +what was going on. Assistance accordingly +arrived just as the city was on the point of being taken; and +Epaminondas was disappointed of his hope. But having +caused his men to get their breakfast along the bank of the +Eurotas, and recovered them from their fatigue, he started to +march back again by the same road, calculating that, as the +Lacedaemonians and their allies had come to the relief of +Sparta, Mantinea would in its turn be left undefended: which +turned out to be the case. So he exhorted the Thebans to +exert themselves; and, after a rapid night march, arrived at +Mantinea about midday, finding it entirely destitute of +defenders.</p> + +<p>But the Athenians, who were at that time zealously supporting +the Lacedaemonians in their contest with the Thebans, had +arrived in virtue of their treaty of alliance; and just as the +Theban vanguard reached the temple of Poseidon, seven stades +from the town, it happened that the Athenians showed themselves, +by design, as if on the brow of the hill overhanging +Mantinea. And when they saw them, the Mantineans who +had been left behind at last ventured to man the wall and +resist the attack of the Thebans. Therefore historians are +justified in speaking with some dissatisfaction of these events,<a name="FNanchor_326" id="FNanchor_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">326</a> +when they say that the leader did everything which a good +general could, but that, while conquering his enemies, Epaminondas +was conquered by Fortune.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">571</a></span></p> + +<p><a name="b9_9" id="b9_9"><b>9.</b></a> Much the same remark applies to Hannibal. For who +can refrain from regarding with respect and admiration a +general capable of doing what he did? First he attempted by +harassing the enemy with skirmishing attacks to raise the siege: +having failed in this he made direct for Rome itself: baffled +once more by a turn of fortune entirely independent of human +calculation, he kept his pursuers in play,<a name="FNanchor_327" id="FNanchor_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> and waited till the +moment was ripe to see whether the besiegers of Capua +stirred: and finally, without relaxing in his determination, swept +down upon his enemies to their destruction, and all but +depopulated Rhegium. One would be inclined however to +judge the Romans to be superior to the Lacedaemonians at this +crisis. For the Lacedaemonians rushed off <i>en masse</i> at the +first message and relieved Sparta, but, as far as they were +concerned, lost Mantinea. The Romans guarded their own +city without breaking up the siege of Capua: on the contrary, +they remained unshaken and firm in their purpose, and in fact +from that time pressed the Capuans with renewed spirit.</p> + +<p>I have not said this for the sake of making a panegyric on +either the Romans or Carthaginians, whose great qualities I +have already remarked upon more than once: but for the sake +of those who are in office among the one or the other people, or +who are in future times to direct the affairs of any state whatever; +that by the memory, or actual contemplation, of exploits +such as these they may be inspired with emulation. For in an +adventurous and hazardous policy it often turns out that +audacity was the truest safety and the finest sagacity;<a name="FNanchor_328" id="FNanchor_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">328</a> and +success or failure does not affect the credit and excellence of +the original design, so long as the measures taken are the result +of deliberate thought....</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">572</a></span></p> + +<h3>TARENTUM</h3> + +<p>When the Romans were besieging Tarentum, Bomilcar the +admiral of the Carthaginian fleet came to its <span class="sidenote">The Carthaginian +fleet invited from +Sicily to relieve +Tarentum does +more harm than +good, and departs +to the joy of the +people, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 211. +Livy, 26, 20.</span> +relief with a very large force; and being unable +to afford efficient aid to those in the town, +owing to the strict blockade maintained by the +Romans, without meaning to do so he used up +more than he brought; and so after having +been constrained by entreaties and large +promises to come, he was afterwards forced at +the earnest supplication of the people to depart....</p> + +<h3>THE SPOILS OF SYRACUSE</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_10" id="b9_10"><b>10.</b></a> A city is not really adorned by what is brought from +without, but by the virtue of its own inhabitants....</p> + +<p>The Romans, then, decided to transfer these things to their +own city and to leave nothing behind. <span class="sidenote">Syracuse was +taken in the +autumn, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212. +“The ornaments +of the city, statues +and pictures were +taken to Rome.” +Livy, 25, 40, cp. +26, 21.</span> +Whether +they were right in doing so, and consulted their +true interests or the reverse, is a matter admitting +of much discussion; but I think the balance of +argument is in favour of believing it to have been +wrong then, and wrong now. If such had been +the works by which they had exalted their +country, it is clear that there would have been +some reason in transferring thither the things by which they +had become great. But the fact was that, while leading lives +of the greatest simplicity themselves, as far as possible removed +from the luxury and extravagance which these things +imply, they yet conquered the men who had always possessed +them in the greatest abundance and of the finest quality. Could +there have been a greater mistake than theirs? Surely it +would be an incontestable error for a people to abandon the +habits of the conquerors and adopt those of the conquered; +and at the same time involve itself in that jealousy which is the +most dangerous concomitant of excessive prosperity. For the +looker-on never congratulates those who take what belongs<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">573</a></span> +to others, without a feeling of jealousy mingling with his pity for +the losers. But suppose such prosperity to go on increasing, and +a people to accumulate into its own hands all the possessions +of the rest of the world, and moreover to invite in a way the +plundered to share in the spectacle they present, in that case +surely the mischief is doubled. For it is no longer a case of +the spectators pitying their neighbours, but themselves, as they +recall the ruin of their own country. Such a sight produces +an outburst, not of jealousy merely, but of rage against the +victors. For the reminder of their own disaster serves to enhance +their hatred of the authors of it. To sweep the gold and silver, +however, into their own coffers was perhaps reasonable; for it +was impossible for them to aim at universal empire without +crippling the means of the rest of the world, and securing the +same kind of resources for themselves. But they might have +left in their original sites things that had nothing to do with +material wealth; and thus at the same time have avoided +exciting jealousy, and raised the reputation of their country: +adorning it, not with pictures and statues, but with dignity of +character and greatness of soul. I have spoken thus much as +a warning to those who take upon themselves to rule over +others, that they may not imagine that, when they pillage cities, +the misfortunes of others are an honour to their own country. +The Romans, however, when they transferred these things to +Rome, used such of them as belonged to individuals to increase +the splendour of private establishments, and such as belonged +to the state to adorn the city....</p> + +<h3>SPAIN</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_11" id="b9_11"><b>11.</b></a> The leaders of the Carthaginians, though they had +conquered their enemies, could not control <span class="sidenote">The two Scipios +fall in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212.</span> +themselves: and having made up their minds +that they had put an end to the Roman war, +they began quarrelling with each other, finding continual +subjects of dispute through the innate covetousness and +ambition of the Phoenician character; <span class="sidenote">Hasdrubal +Gisconis +tertius Carthaginiensium dux. +Livy 24, 41, cp. +25, 37.</span> +among +whom Hasdrubal, son of Gesco, pushed his +authority to such a pitch of iniquity as to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">574</a></span> +demand a large sum of money from Andobales, +the most faithful of all their Iberian friends, +who had some time before lost his chieftainship +for the sake of the Carthaginians, and had but recently +recovered it through his loyalty to them. When Andobales, +trusting to his long fidelity to Carthage, refused this demand, +Hasdrubal got up a false charge against him and compelled +him to give up his daughters as hostages....</p> + +<h3>ON THE ART OF COMMANDING ARMIES</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_12" id="b9_12"><b>12.</b></a> The chances and accidents that attend military expeditions +require great circumspection; and it is possible to +provide for all of them with precision, provided that a man +gives his mind to the conduct of his plan of campaign. Now +that fewer operations in war are carried out openly and by +mere force, than by stratagem and the skillful use of opportunity, +any one that chooses may readily learn from the history +of the past. And again that operations depending on the +choice of opportunity oftener fail than succeed is easily proved +from experience. Nor can there be any doubt that the greater +part of such failures are due to the folly or carelessness of the +leaders. It is time therefore to inquire into the rules of this +art of strategy.</p> + +<p>Such things as occur in campaigns without having been +calculated upon in any way we must not speak of as operations, +but as accidents or casualties. It is the conduct of a campaign +in accordance with an exact plan that I am to set forth: +omitting all such things as do not fall under a scientific rule, +and have no fixed design.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_13" id="b9_13"><b>13.</b></a> Every operation requires a time fixed for its commencement, +a period and place for its execution, <span class="sidenote">The points of +inherent importance +in the +conduct of a +campaign,—time, +place, secrecy, +code of signals, +agents, and +method.</span> +secrecy, definite signals, persons by whom and +with whom it is to be executed, and a settled plan +for conducting it. It is evident that the man +who has rightly provided for each of these details +will not fail in the ultimate result, while he who +has neglected any single one of them will fail in +the whole. Such is the order of nature, that one insignificant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">575</a></span> +circumstance will suffice for failure, while for success rigid +perfection of every detail is barely enough.</p> + +<p>Leaders then should neglect no single point in conducting +such expeditions.</p> + +<p>Now the head and front of such precautions is silence; and +not to allow either joy at the appearance of an +unexpected hope, or fear, or familiarity, <span class="sidenote">Things necessary. +1. Silence.</span> +or +natural affection, to induce a man to communicate +his plans to any one unconcerned, but to impart it +to those and those alone without whom it is impossible to +complete his plan, and not even to them a moment sooner +than necessary, but only when the exigencies of the particular +service make it inevitable. It is necessary, moreover, not only +to be silent with the tongue, but much more so in the mind. +For it has happened to many generals before now, while +preserving an inviolable silence, to betray their thoughts +either by the expression of their countenances or by their +actions.</p> + +<p>The second requisite is to know accurately the conditions +under which marches by day or night may be <span class="sidenote">2. Knowledge of +the capabilities of +the force in +moving.</span> +performed, and the distances to which they can +extend, and not only marches on land, but also +voyages by sea.</p> + +<p>The third and most important is to have some knowledge +of the seasons, and to be able to adapt the design to them.</p> + +<p>Nor again is the selection of the ground for the operation +to be regarded as unimportant, since it often happens that it +is this which makes what seems impossible possible, and what +seemed possible impossible.</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">3. Care in concerting +signals.<br />4. Care in selecting +men.</span>Finally there must be no neglect of the +subject of signals and counter signals; and the +choice of persons by whom and with whom the +operation is to be carried out.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_14" id="b9_14"><b>14.</b></a> Of these points some are learnt by experience, some +from history, and others by the study of +scientific strategy. <span class="sidenote">5. Knowledge of +localities.</span> +It is a most excellent thing +too that the general should have a personal +knowledge both of the roads, and the locality which he has +to reach, and its natural features, as well as of the persons by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">576</a></span> +whom and with whom he is to act. If that is not possible, the +next best thing is that he should make careful inquiries and +not trust just any one: and men who undertake to act as +guides to such places should always deposit security with +those whom they are conducting.</p> + +<p>These, and other points like them, it is perhaps possible +that leaders may learn sufficiently from the mere +study of strategy, <span class="sidenote">6. Accurate knowledge +of natural +phenomena enabling +a general +to make accurate +calculation of time.</span> +whether practical or in books. +But scientific investigation requires scientific +processes and demonstrations, especially in +astronomy and geometry; the working out of +which is not much to our present point, though +their results are important, and may contribute largely to the +success of such undertakings.</p> + +<p>The most important operation in astronomy is the calculation +of the lengths of the days and nights. If these had been +uniform it would not have been a matter requiring any study, +but the knowledge would have been common to all the world: +since however they not only differ with each other but also +with themselves, it is plainly necessary to be acquainted with +the increase and diminution of both the one and the other. +How can a man calculate a march, and the distance practicable +in a day or in a night, if he is unacquainted with the variation of +these periods of time? In fact nothing can be done up to time +without this knowledge,—it is inevitable otherwise that a man +should be sometimes too late and sometimes too soon. And +these operations are the only ones in which being too soon is a +worse fault than being too late. For the general who overstays +the proper hour of action only misses his chance, since he can +find out that he has done so before he arrives, and so get off +safely: but he that anticipates the hour is detected when he +comes up; and so not only misses his immediate aim, but runs +a risk of ruining himself altogether.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_15" id="b9_15"><b>15.</b></a> In all human undertakings opportuneness is the most +important thing, but especially in operations of war. Therefore +a general must have at his fingers’ ends the season of the +summer and winter solstice, the equinoxes, and the periods +between them in which the days and nights increase and +diminish. For it is by this knowledge alone that he can<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">577</a></span> +compute the distance that can be done whether by sea or +land. Again, he must necessarily understand <span class="sidenote">The divisions of +the day;</span> +the subdivisions both of the day and +the night, in order to know at what hour to +order the reveillé, or the march out; for the end cannot be +attained unless the beginning be rightly taken. As for the +periods of the day, they may be observed by the shadows or +by the sun’s course, and the quarter of the heaven in which +it has arrived, but it is difficult to do the same for the +night, unless a man is familiar with the phenomenon +of the twelve signs of the Zodiac, <span class="sidenote">of the night.</span> +and their law and order: and this is easy to those who +have studied astronomy. For since, though the nights are +unequal in length, at least six of the signs of the Zodiac are +nevertheless above the horizon every night, it is plain that in +the same portions of every night equal portions of the twelve +signs of the Zodiac rise. Now as it is known what portion of +the sphere is occupied by the sun during the day, it is evident +that when he has set the arc subtended by the diameter of +his arc must rise. Therefore the length of the night is exactly +commensurate with the portion of the Zodiac which appears +above the horizon after sunset. And, given that we know the +number and size of the signs of the Zodiac, the corresponding +divisions of the night are also known. If however the nights +be cloudy, the moon must be watched, since owing to its size +its light as a general rule is always visible, at whatsoever point +in the heaven it may be. The hour may be guessed sometimes +by observing the time and place of its rising, or again of +its setting, if you only have sufficient acquaintance with this +phenomenon to be familiar with the daily variation of its rising. +And the law which it too follows admits of being easily +observed; for its revolution is limited by the period of one +month, which serves as a model to which all subsequent +revolutions conform.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_16" id="b9_16"><b>16.</b></a> And here one may mention with admiration that +Homer represents Ulysses, that truest type of +a leader of men, <span class="sidenote">The example of +Ulysses. See +Odyss. 5, 270 <i>sq.</i></span> +taking observations of the +stars, not only to direct his voyages, but his operations +on land also. For such accidents as baffle expectation,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">578</a></span> +and are incapable of being accurately reckoned upon, are +quite sufficient to bring us to great and frequent distress, +for instance, downpours of rain and rise of torrents, excessive +frosts and snows, misty and cloudy weather, and other things +like these;—but if we also neglect to provide for those which +can be foreseen, is it not likely that we shall have ourselves +to thank for frequent failures? None of these means then +must be neglected, if we wish to avoid those errors into which +many others are said to have fallen, as well as the particular +generals whom I am about to mention by way of examples.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_17" id="b9_17"><b>17.</b></a> When Aratus, the Strategus of the Achaean league, +attempted to take Cynaetha by treachery, <span class="sidenote">Aratus fails at +Cynaetha.</span> +he +arranged a day with those in the town who +were co-operating with him, on which he was to arrive on the +banks of the river which flows past Cynaetha, and to remain +there quietly with his forces: while the party inside the town +about midday, when they got an opportunity, were to send +out one of their men quietly, wrapped in a cloak, and order +him to take his stand upon a tomb agreed upon in front of +the city; the rest were to attack the officers who were accustomed +to guard the gate while taking their siesta. This being +done, the Achaeans were to rise from their ambush and to +make all haste to occupy the gate. These arrangements +made, and the time having come, Aratus arrived; and having +concealed himself down by the river, waited there for the +signal. But about an hour before noon, a man, whose profession +it was to keep a fine kind of sheep near the town, +wishing to ask some business question of the shepherd, came +out of the gate with his cloak on, and standing upon the same +tomb looked round to find the shepherd. Whereupon Aratus, +thinking that the signal had been given, hurried with all his +men as fast as he could towards the gate. But the gate being +hurriedly closed by the guard, owing to no preparations having +yet been made by the party in the town, the result was +that Aratus not only failed in his attempt but was the cause +of the worst misfortunes to his partisans. For being thus +detected they were dragged forward and put to death. What +is one to say was the cause of this catastrophe? Surely that +the general arranged only for a single signal, and being then<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">579</a></span> +quite young had no experience of the accuracy secured by +double signals and counter-signals. On so small a point in +war does the success or failure of an operation turn.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_18" id="b9_18"><b>18.</b></a> Again the Spartan Cleomenes, when proposing to take +Megalopolis by a stratagem, arranged with the <span class="sidenote">Cleomenes. +See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_55">55</a>.</span> +guards of that part of the wall near what is called +the Cavern to come out with all their men in the third watch, +the hour at which his partisans were on duty on the wall; +but not having taken into consideration the fact that at the +time of the rising of the Pleiads the nights are +very short, <span class="sidenote">May 12.</span>he started his army from Sparta +about sunset. The result was that he was not able to get +there in time, but being overtaken by daybreak, made a rash +and ill-considered attempt to carry the town, and was repulsed +with considerable loss and the danger of a complete overthrow. +Now if he had, in accordance with his arrangement, hit the +proper time, and led in his men while his partisans were in +command of the entrance, he would not have failed in his +attempt.</p> + +<p>Similarly, once more, King Philip, as I have already +stated, when carrying on an intrigue in the +city of Meliteia, <span class="sidenote">Philip’s attack +on Meliteia. +See <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_97">97</a>.</span> +made a mistake in two ways. +The ladders which he brought were too short +for their purpose, and he mistook the time. For having +arranged to arrive about midnight, when every one was fast +asleep, he started from Larissa and arrived in the territory of +Meliteia too early, and was neither able to halt, for fear of his +arrival being announced in the city, nor to get back again +without being discovered. Being compelled therefore to continue +his advance, he arrived at the city while the inhabitants +were still awake. Consequently he could neither carry the +wall by an escalade, because of the insufficient length of the +ladders; nor enter by the gate, because it was too early for his +partisans inside to help him. Finally, he did nothing but +irritate the people of the town, and, after losing a considerable +number of his own men, retired unsuccessful and covered with +disgrace; having only given a warning to the rest of the +world to distrust him and be on their guard against him.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_19" id="b9_19"><b>19.</b></a> Again Nicias, the general of the Athenians, had it in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">580</a></span> +his power to have saved the army besieging Syracuse, <span class="sidenote">Nicias, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 413. +Thucyd. 7, 50.</span>and +had selected the proper time of the night +for escaping the observation of the enemy, and +retiring to a place of safety. And then because the moon was +eclipsed, regarding it superstitiously as of evil portent, he +stopped the army from starting. Thanks to this it came +about that, when he started the next day, the enemy had obtained +information of his intention, and army and generals +alike fell into the hands of the Syracusans. Yet if he had +asked about this from men acquainted with such phenomena, he +might not only have avoided missing his opportunity for such +an absurd reason, but have also used the occurrence for his +own benefit owing to the ignorance of the enemy. For the +ignorance of their neighbours contributes more than anything +else to the success of the instructed.</p> + +<p>Such then are examples of the necessity of studying celestial +phenomena. But as for securing the proper +length of scaling ladders, <span class="sidenote">The method of +judging of the +length necessary +for +scaling ladders.</span> +the following is the +method of making the calculation. Suppose +the height of the wall to be given by one of the +conspirators within, the measurement required +for the ladders is evident; for example, if the height of the +wall is ten feet or any other unit, the ladders must be full +twelve; and the interval between the wall and the foot of the +ladder must be half the length of the ladder, that the ladders +may not break under the weight of those mounting if they +are set farther away, nor be too steep to be safe if set nearer +the perpendicular. But supposing it not to be possible to +measure or get near the wall: the height of any object which +rises perpendicularly on its base can be taken by those who +choose to study mathematics.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_20" id="b9_20"><b>20.</b></a> Once more, therefore, those who wish to succeed in +military projects and operations must have studied geometry, +not with professional completeness, but far enough to have a +comprehension of proportion and equations. For it is not +only in such cases that these are necessary, but also for raising +the scale of the divisions of a camp. For sometimes the +problem is to change the entire form of the camp, and yet to +keep the same proportion between all the parts included: at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">581</a></span> +other times to keep the same shape in the parts, and to increase +or diminish the whole area on which the camp stands, adding +or subtracting from all proportionally. On which point I +have already spoken in more elaborate detail in my Notes on +Military Tactics. For I do not think that any one will reasonably +object to me that I add a great burden to strategy, in +urging on those who endeavour to acquire it the study of +astronomy and geometry: for, while rather rejecting all that +is superfluous in these studies, and brought in for show and +talk, as well as all idea of enjoining their prosecution beyond +the point of practical utility, I am most earnest and eager for +so much as is barely necessary. For it would be strange if +those who aim at the sciences of dancing and flute-playing +should study the preparatory sciences of rhythms and music, +(and the like might be said of the pursuits of the palaestra), +from the belief that the final attainment of each of these +sciences requires the assistance of the latter; while the students +of strategy are to feel aggrieved if they find that they require +subsidiary sciences up to a certain point. That would mean +that men practising common and inferior arts are more diligent +and energetic than those who resolve to excel in the best +and most dignified subject, which no man of sense would +admit....</p> + +<h3>THE COMPUTATION OF THE SIZE OF CITIES</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_21" id="b9_21"><b>21.</b></a> Most people calculate the area merely from the +length of the circumference [of towns or +camps]. <span class="sidenote">Sparta and +Megalopolis.</span> +Accordingly, when one says that +the city of Megalopolis has a circuit of fifty +stades, and that of Sparta forty-eight, but that Sparta is twice +the size of Megalopolis, they look upon the assertion as incredible. +And if one, by way of increasing the difficulty, were +to say that a city or camp may have a circuit of forty stades +and yet be double the size of one having a perimeter of a +hundred, the statement would utterly puzzle them. The +reason of this is that we do not remember the lessons in +geometry taught us at school. I was led to make these +remarks because it is not only common people, but actually<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">582</a></span> +some statesmen and military commanders, who have puzzled +themselves sometimes by wondering whether it were possible +that Sparta should be bigger, and that too by a great deal, +than Megalopolis, while having a shorter circuit; and at other +times by trying to conjecture the number of men by considering +the mere length of a camp’s circuit. A similar mistake +is also made in pronouncing as to the number of the inhabitants +of cities. For most people imagine that cities in which +the ground is broken and hilly contain more houses than a +flat site. But the fact is not so; because houses are built at +right angles not to sloping foundations but to the plains below, +upon which the hills themselves are excrescences. And this +admits of a proof within the intelligence of a child. For if +one would imagine houses on slopes to be raised until they +were of the same height; it is evident that the plane of the +roofs of the houses thus united will be equal and parallel +to the plane underlying the hills and foundations.</p> + +<p>So much for those who aspire to be leaders and statesmen and +are yet ignorant and puzzled about such facts as these....</p> + +<p>Those who do not enter upon undertakings with good will +and zeal cannot be expected to give real help when the time +comes to act....</p> + +<h3>THE HANNIBALIAN WAR, B.C. 211</h3> + +<p>Such being the position of the Romans and Carthaginians, +Fortune continually oscillating between the two, we may say +with the poet</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> +<div class="stanza"> +<div class="line">“Pain hard by joy possessed the souls of each.”<a name="FNanchor_329" id="FNanchor_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">329</a>...</div> +</div></div></div> + +<p>There is profound truth in the observation which I have +often made, that it is impossible to grasp or get a complete +view of the fairest of all subjects of contemplation, the tendency +of history as a whole, from writers of partial histories....</p> + +<h3>THE CHARACTER OF HANNIBAL</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_22" id="b9_22"><b>22.</b></a> Of all that befell the Romans and Carthaginians, good +or bad, the cause was one man and one mind,—Hannibal.</p> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">583</a></span></p> +<p>For it is notorious that he managed the Italian campaigns in +person, and the Spanish by the agency of the elder of his +brothers, Hasdrubal, and subsequently by that of Mago, the +leaders who killed the two Roman generals in Spain about the +same time. Again, he conducted the Sicilian campaign at +first through Hippocrates and afterwards through Myttonus<a name="FNanchor_330" id="FNanchor_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">330</a> +the Libyan. So also in Greece and Illyria: and, by brandishing +before their faces the dangers arising from these latter +places, he was enabled to distract the attention of the Romans, +thanks to his understanding with Philip. So great and wonderful +is the influence of a Man, and a mind duly fitted by +original constitution for any undertaking within the reach of +human powers.</p> + +<p>But since the position of affairs has brought us to an +inquiry into the genius of Hannibal, the occasion seems to +me to demand that I should explain in regard to him the +peculiarities of his character which have been especially the +subject of controversy. Some regard him as having been +extraordinarily cruel, some exceedingly grasping of money. +But to speak the truth of him, or of any person engaged in +public affairs, is not easy. Some maintain that men’s real +natures are brought out by their circumstances, and that they +are detected when in office, <span class="sidenote">ἀρχὴ ἄνδρα δείξει. +Bias, in Aristot. +Eth. 5, 1.</span> +or as some say when +in misfortunes, though they have up to that time +completely maintained their secrecy. I, on the +contrary, do not regard this as a sound dictum. For I think +that men in these circumstances are compelled, not only +occasionally but frequently, either by the suggestions of friends +or the complexity of affairs, to speak and act contrary to their +real principles.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_23" id="b9_23"><b>23.</b></a> And there are many proofs of this to be found in past +history if any one will give the necessary +attention. <span class="sidenote">Examples to the +contrary. +1. Agathocles.</span> +Is it not universally stated by +the historians that Agathocles, tyrant of +Sicily, after having the reputation of extreme cruelty in his +original measures for the establishment of his dynasty, when +he had once become convinced that his power over the +Siceliots was firmly established, is considered to have become<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">584</a></span> +the most humane and mild of rulers? <span class="sidenote">2. Cleomenes.</span> +Again, was not +Cleomenes of Sparta a most excellent king, a +most cruel tyrant, and then again as a private +individual most obliging and benevolent? And yet it is not +reasonable to suppose the most opposite dispositions to exist +in the same nature. They are compelled to change with the +changes of circumstances: and so some rulers often display to +the world a disposition as opposite as possible to their true +nature. Therefore the natures of men not only are not brought +out by such things, but on the contrary are rather obscured. +The same effect is produced also not only in commanders, +despots, and kings, but in states also, by the suggestions of +friends. <span class="sidenote">3. Athens.</span>For instance, you will find the +Athenians responsible for very few tyrannical +acts, and of many kindly and noble ones, while Aristeides and +Pericles were at the head of the state: but quite the reverse +when Cleon and Chares were so. <span class="sidenote">4. Sparta.</span> +And when the Lacedaemonians +were supreme in Greece, all the +measures taken by King Cleombrotus were +conceived in the interests of their allies, but those by +Agesilaus not so. <span class="sidenote">5. Philip V.</span> +The characters of states therefore vary +with the variations of their leaders. King +Philip again, when Taurion and Demetrius +were acting with him, was most impious in his conduct, but +when Aratus or Chrysogonus, most humane.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_24" id="b9_24"><b>24.</b></a> The case of Hannibal seems to me to be on a par +with these. His circumstances were so extraordinary +and shifting, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal +mastered by circumstances.</span> +his closest friends +so widely different, that it is exceedingly +difficult to estimate his character from his proceedings +in Italy. What those circumstances suggested to him may +easily be understood from what I have already said, and what +is immediately to follow; but it is not right to omit the +suggestions made by his friends either, especially as this +matter may be rendered sufficiently clear by one instance of +the advice offered him. At the time that Hannibal was +meditating the march from Iberia to Italy with his army, +he was confronted with the extreme difficulty of providing +food and securing provisions, both because the journey<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">585</a></span> +was thought to be of insuperable length, and because the +barbarians that lived in the intervening country were so +numerous and savage. <span class="sidenote">His cruelty.</span> +It appears that at that time this +difficulty frequently came on for discussion at +the council; and that one of his friends, called +Hannibal Monomachus, gave it as his opinion that there was +one and only one way by which it was possible to get as far as +Italy. Upon Hannibal bidding him speak out, he said that +they must teach the army to eat human flesh, and make them +accustomed to it. Hannibal could say nothing against the +boldness and effectiveness of the idea, but was unable to persuade +himself or his friends to entertain it. It is this man’s +acts in Italy that they say were attributed to Hannibal, to +maintain the accusation of cruelty, as well as such as were the +result of circumstances.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_25" id="b9_25"><b>25.</b></a> Fond of money indeed he does seem to have +been to a conspicuous degree, and to have +had a friend of the same character—Mago, <span class="sidenote">His avarice.</span> +who commanded in Bruttium. That account I got from +the Carthaginians themselves; for natives know best not +only which way the wind lies, as the proverb has it, but +the characters also of their fellow-countrymen. But I +heard a still more detailed story from Massanissa, who +maintained the charge of money-loving against all Carthaginians +generally, but especially against Hannibal and Mago +called the Samnite. Among other stories, he told me that +these two men had arranged a most generous subdivision of +operations between each other from their earliest youth; and +though they had each taken a very large number of cities in +Iberia and Italy by force or fraud, they had never taken part in +the same operation together; but had always schemed against +each other, more than against the enemy, in order to prevent +the one being with the other at the taking of a city: that they +might neither quarrel in consequence of things of this sort, +nor have to divide the profit on the ground of their equality +of rank.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_26" id="b9_26"><b>26.</b></a> The influence of friends then, and still more that of +circumstances, in doing violence to and changing the natural +character of Hannibal, is shown by what I have narrated and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">586</a></span> +will be shown by what I have to narrate. For as soon +as Capua fell into the hands of the Romans +the other cities naturally became restless, <span class="sidenote">Effect of the fall +of Capua, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 211.</span> +and began to look round for opportunities +and pretexts for revolting back again to Rome. It +was then that Hannibal seems to have been at his lowest +point of distress and despair. For neither was he able to +keep a watch upon all the cities so widely removed from each +other,—while he remained entrenched at one spot, and the +enemy were manœuvering against him with several armies,—nor +could he divide his force into many parts; for he would +have put an easy victory into the hands of the enemy by +becoming inferior to them in numbers, and finding it impossible +to be personally present at all points. Wherefore he was +obliged to completely abandon some of the cities, and withdraw +his garrisons from others: being afraid lest, in the course +of the revolutions which might occur, he should lose his own +soldiers as well. Some cities again he made up his mind to +treat with treacherous violence, removing their inhabitants to +other cities, and giving their property up to plunder; in +consequence of which many were enraged with him, and +accused him of impiety or cruelty. For the fact was that +these movements were accompanied by robberies of money, +murders, and violence, on various pretexts at the hands of the +outgoing or incoming soldiers in the cities, because they +always supposed that the inhabitants that were left behind +were on the verge of turning over to the enemy. It is, therefore, +very difficult to express an opinion on the natural +character of Hannibal, owing to the influence exercised on it +by the counsel of friends and the force of circumstances. The +prevailing notion about him, however, at Carthage was that +he was greedy of money, at Rome that he was cruel.<a name="FNanchor_331" id="FNanchor_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">331</a>...</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">587</a></span></p> + +<h3>AGRIGENTUM</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_27" id="b9_27"><b>27.</b></a> The city of Agrigentum is not only superior to most +cities in the particulars I have mentioned, <span class="sidenote">Agrigentum taken +by Marcus Valerius +Laevinus, +late in the year +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 210, <i>jam +magna parte anni +circumacta</i>. +Livy, 26, 40.</span> +but +above all in beauty and elaborate ornamentation. +It stands within eighteen stades of the +sea, so that it participates in every advantage +from that quarter; while its circuit of fortification +is particularly strong both by nature and +art. For its wall is placed on a rock, steep and +precipitous, on one side naturally, on the other made so +artificially. And it is enclosed by rivers: for along the south +side runs the river of the same name as the town, and along +the west and south-west side the river called Hypsas. The +citadel overlooks the city exactly at the south-east, girt on the +outside by an impassable ravine, and on the inside with only +one approach from the town. On the top of it is a temple of +Athene and of Zeus Atabyrius as at Rhodes: for as Agrigentum +was founded by the Rhodians, it is natural that this +deity should have the same appellation as at Rhodes. The +city is sumptuously adorned in other respects also with +temples and colonnades. The temple of Zeus Olympius is +still unfinished, but in its plan and dimensions it seems to +be inferior to no temple whatever in all Greece....</p> + +<p><span class="sidenote">The treatment of +the refugees and +desperadoes who +had collected at +Agathyrna in +Sicily. See Livy, +26, 40 <i>fin.</i></span>Marcus Valerius persuaded these refugees, +on giving them a pledge for the security of +their lives, +to leave Sicily and go to Italy, on +condition that they should receive pay from the +people of Rhegium for plundering Bruttium, +and retain all booty obtained from hostile +territory....</p> + +<h3>GREECE</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_28" id="b9_28"><b>28.</b></a> <i>Speech of Chlaeneas, the Aetolian, at Sparta. In the +autumn of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 211 <i>the Consul-designate, M. Valerius +Laevinus, induced the Aetolians, Scopas being their Strategus, +to form an alliance with them against Philip. The treaty, as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">588</a></span> +finally concluded, embraced also the Eleans, Lacedaemonians, +King Attalus of Pergamum, the Thracian King Pleuratus, and +the Illyrian Scerdilaidas. A mission was sent from Aetolia to +persuade the Lacedaemonians to join. See Livy</i>, 26, 24.</p> + +<p class="tb">“That the Macedonian supremacy, men of Sparta, was +the beginning of slavery to the Greeks, I am persuaded that +no one will venture to deny; and you may satisfy yourselves +by looking at it thus. There was a league of Greeks living in +the parts towards Thrace who were colonists from Athens and +Chalcis, of which the most conspicuous and powerful was the +city of Olynthus. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 347.</span> +Having enslaved and made +an example of this town, Philip not only became +master of the Thraceward cities, but reduced Thessaly also to +his authority by the terror which he had thus set up. <span class="sidenote">Battle of Chaeronea, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 338.</span> +Not +long after this he conquered the Athenians in +a pitched battle, and used his success with +magnanimity, not from any wish to benefit the +Athenians—far from it, but in order that his favourable treatment +of them might induce the other states to submit to him +voluntarily. The reputation of your city was still such that +it seemed likely, that, if a proper opportunity arose, it would +recover its supremacy in Greece. Accordingly, without waiting +for any but the slightest pretext, Philip came with his army +and cut down everything standing in your fields, and destroyed +the houses with fire. And at last, after destroying towns and +<span class="sidenote">Succession of +Alexander the +Great, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 336.</span>open country alike, he assigned part of your territory to the +Argives, part to Tegea and Megalopolis, +and +part to the Messenians: determined to benefit +every people in spite of all justice, on the sole +condition of their injuring you. <span class="sidenote">Destruction of +Thebes, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 335.</span> +Alexander succeeded Philip +on the throne, and how he destroyed Thebes, +because he thought that it contained a spark of +Hellenic life, however small, you all I think +know well.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_29" id="b9_29"><b>29.</b></a> “And why need I speak in detail of how the successors +of this king have treated the Greeks? For surely there is +no man living, so uninterested in public affairs, as not to have +heard how Antipater in his victory at Lamia treated the unhappy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">589</a></span> +Athenians, as well as the other Greeks; <span class="sidenote">Battle of Crannon, +ending the +Lamian war, 7th +Aug., <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 322.</span> +and how he +went so far in violence and brutality as to institute +man-hunters, and send them to the various +cities to catch all who had ever spoken against, +or in any way annoyed, the royal family of +Macedonia: of whom some were dragged by force from the +temples, and others from the very altars, and put to death +with torture, and others who escaped were forced to leave +Greece entirely; nor had they any refuge save the Aetolian +nation alone. For the Aetolians were the only people in +Greece who withstood Antipater in behalf of those unjustly +defrauded of safety to their lives: they alone faced the invasion +of Brennus and his barbarian army: <span class="sidenote">Defeat of Brennus +at Delphi, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +279. Pausan. +10, 15; 20-23.</span> +and they alone came to your aid when called +upon, with a determination to assist you in +regaining your ancestral supremacy in Greece.<a name="FNanchor_332" id="FNanchor_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">332</a> +Who again is ignorant of the deeds of Cassander, Demetrius, +and Antigonus Gonatas? For owing to their recency the +knowledge of them still remains distinct. Some of them by +introducing garrisons, and others by implanting despots in the +cities, effectually secured that every state should share the +infamous brand of slavery. But passing by all these I will +now come to the last Antigonus,<a name="FNanchor_333" id="FNanchor_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">333</a> lest any of you, viewing his +policy unsuspiciously, should consider that you are under an +obligation to the Macedonians. For it was with no purpose +of saving the Achaeans that he undertook the war against +you, nor from any dislike of the tyranny of Cleomenes inducing +him to free the Lacedaemonians. If any man among you +holds this opinion, he must be simple indeed. No! It was +because he saw that his own power would not be secure if +you got the rule of the Peloponnese; and because he saw that +Cleomenes was of a nature well calculated to secure this +object, and that fortune was splendidly seconding your efforts, +that he came in a tumult of fear and jealousy, not to help +Peloponnesians, but to destroy your hopes and abase your +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">590</a></span>power. Therefore you do not owe the Macedonians so much +gratitude for not destroying your city when they had taken it, +as hostility and hatred, for having more than once already +stood in your way, when you were strong enough to grasp the +supremacy of Greece.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_30" id="b9_30"><b>30.</b></a> “Again, what need to speak more on the wickedness of +Philip? For of his impiety towards the gods <span class="sidenote">Philip V.</span> +his outrages on the temples at Thermus are a +sufficient proof; and of his cruelty towards man, his perfidy +and treachery to the Messenians.</p> + +<p>“So much for the past. But as to the present resolution +before you, it is in a way necessary to draft it, and vote on it, +as though you were deciding on war, and yet in real truth not +to regard it as a war. For it is impossible for the Achaeans, +beaten as they are, to damage your territory: but I imagine +that they will be only too thankful to heaven if they can but +protect their own, when they find themselves surrounded by +war with Eleans and Messenians as allied to us, and with ourselves +at the same time. And Philip, I am persuaded, will +soon desist from his attack, when involved in a war by land +with Aetolians, and by sea with Rome and King Attalus. +The future may be easily conjectured from the past. For if +he always failed to subdue Aetolians when they were his only +enemies, can we conceive that he will be able to support the +war if all these combine?</p> + +<p><a name="b9_31" id="b9_31"><b>31.</b></a> “I have said thus much with the deliberate purpose of +showing you that you are not hampered by previous engagements, +but are entirely free in your deliberations as to which +you ought to join—Aetolians or Macedonians. If you are +under an earlier engagement, and have already made up your +minds on these points, what room is there for further argument? +For if you had made the alliance now existing +between yourselves and us, previous to the good services done +you by Antigonus, there might perhaps have been some +reason for questioning whether it were right to neglect an old +treaty in gratitude for recent favours. But since it was +subsequent to this much vaunted freedom and security given +you by Antigonus, and with which they are perpetually +taunting you, that, after deliberation and frequent consideration<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">591</a></span> +as to which of the two you ought to join, you decided +to combine with us Aetolians; and have actually exchanged +pledges of fidelity with us, and have fought by our side in the +late war against Macedonia, how can any one entertain a +doubt on the subject any longer? For the obligations of +kindness between you and Antigonus and Philip were +cancelled then. It now remains for you to point out some +subsequent wrong done you by Aetolians, or subsequent +favour by Macedonians: or if neither of these exist, on what +grounds are you now, at the instance of the very men to whom +you justly refused to listen formerly, when no obligation +existed, about to undo treaties and oaths—the strongest +bonds of fidelity existing among mankind.”</p> + +<p>Such was the conclusion of what was considered a very +cogent speech by Chlaeneas.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_32" id="b9_32"><b>32.</b></a> After him the ambassador of the Acarnanians, Lyciscus, +came forward: and at first he paused, seeing the multitude +talking to each other about the last speech; but when at last +silence was obtained, he began his speech as follows:—</p> + +<p>“I and my colleagues, men of Sparta, have been sent to +you by the common league of the Acarnanians; <span class="sidenote">Speech of +Lyciscus, envoy +from Acarnania, +which country was +to fall to the +Aetolians by the +proposed new +treaty. See Livy, +26, 24.</span> +and as we have always shared in the same +prospects as the Macedonians, we consider +that this mission also is common to us and +them. For just as on the field of war, owing to +the superiority and magnitude of the Macedonian +force, our safety is involved in their +valour; so, in the controversies of diplomacy, +our interests are inseparable from the rights of the Macedonians. +Now Chlaeneas in the peroration of his address gave a +summary of the obligations existing between the Aetolians and +yourselves. For he said, ‘If subsequent to your making the +alliance with them any fresh injury or offence had been committed +by Aetolians, or any kindness done by Macedonians, +the present proposal ought properly to be discussed as a fresh +start; but that if, nothing of the sort having taken place, we +believe that by quoting the services of Antigonus, and your +former decrees, we shall be able to annul existing oaths and +treaties, we are the greatest simpletons in the world.’ To this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">592</a></span> +I reply by acknowledging that I must indeed be the most +foolish of men, and that the arguments I am about to put +forward are indeed futile, if, as he maintains, nothing fresh has +happened, and Greek affairs are in precisely the same position +as before. But if exactly the reverse be the case, as I shall +clearly prove in the course of my speech,—then I imagine that +I shall be shown to give you some salutary advice, and Chlaeneas +to be quite in the wrong. We are come, then, expressly +because we are convinced that it is needful for us to speak on +this very point: namely, to point out to you that it is at once +your duty and your interest, after hearing of the evils threatening +Greece, to adopt if possible a policy excellent and worthy of +yourselves by uniting your prospects with ours; or if that cannot +be, at least to abstain from this movement for the present.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_33" id="b9_33"><b>33.</b></a> “But since the last speaker has ventured to go back to +ancient times for his denunciations of the Macedonian royal +family, I feel it incumbent on me also to say a few words first +on these points, to remove the misconception of those who have +been carried away by his words.</p> + +<p>“Chlaenaes said, then, that Philip son of Amyntas became +master of Thessaly by the ruin of Olynthus. But I conceive +that not only the Thessalians, but the other Greeks also, were +preserved by Philip’s means. <span class="sidenote">Sacred war, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 357-346. +Onomarchus +killed near the +gulf of Pagasae, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 352. +See Diodor. 16, +32-35.</span> +For at the time +when Onomarchus and Philomelus, in defiance +of religion and law seized Delphi and made +themselves masters of the treasury of the god, +who is there among you who does not know +that they collected such a mighty force as no +Greek dared any longer face? Nay, along with +this violation of religion, they were within an ace of becoming +lords of all Greece also. At that crisis Philip volunteered his +assistance; destroyed the tyrants, secured the temple, and +became the author of freedom to the Greeks, as is testified +even to posterity by the facts. <span class="sidenote">Philip elected +generalissimo +against Persia in +the congress of +allies at Corinth, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 338.</span> +For Philip +was unanimously elected general-in-chief by +land and sea, not, as my opponent ventured +to assert, as one who had wronged Thessaly; +but on the ground of his being a benefactor +of Greece: an honour which no one had previously obtained.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">593</a></span> +‘Ay, but,’ he says, ‘Philip came with an armed force into Laconia.’ +Yes, but it was not of his own choice, as you know: he +reluctantly consented to do so, after repeated invitations and +appeals by the Peloponnesians, under the name of their friend +and ally. And when he did come, pray observe, Chlaeneas, +how he behaved. Though he could have availed himself of +the wishes of the neighbouring states for the destruction of these +men’s territory and the humiliation of their city, and have won +much gratitude too by his act, he by no means lent himself to +such a policy; but, by striking terror into the one and the other +alike, he compelled both parties to accommodate their +differences in a congress, to the common benefit of all: not +putting himself forward as arbitrator of the points in dispute, +but appointing a joint board of arbitration selected from all +Greece. Is that a proceeding which deserves to be held up to +reproach and execration?</p> + +<p><a name="b9_34" id="b9_34"><b>34.</b></a> “Again, you bitterly denounced Alexander, because, +when he believed himself to be wronged, he +punished Thebes: <span class="sidenote">Alexander’s services +to Greece.</span> +but of his having exacted +vengeance of the Persians for their outrages +on all the Greeks you made no mention at all, nor of +his having released us all in common from heavy miseries, +by enslaving the barbarians, and depriving them of the +supplies which they used for the ruin of the Greeks,—sometimes +pitting the Athenians against the ancestors of these +gentlemen here, at another the Thebans; nor finally of his +having subjected Asia to the Greeks.</p> + +<p>“As for Alexander’s successors how had you the audacity +to mention them? They were indeed, according +to the circumstances of the time, <span class="sidenote">The Diadochi.</span> +on many occasions +the authors of good to some and of harm to others: for +which perhaps others might be allowed to bear them a grudge. +But to <i>you</i> Aetolians it is in no circumstance open to do so,—you +who have never been the authors of anything good to +any one, but of mischief to many and on many occasions! +<span class="sidenote">The Aetolian +policy.</span>Who was it that called in Antigonus son of +Demetrius to the partition of the Achaean +league? Who was it that made a sworn treaty +with Alexander of Epirus for the enslaving and dismembering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">594</a></span> +of Acarnania? Was it not you? What nation ever sent out +military commanders duly accredited of the sort that you +have? Men that ventured to do violence to the sanctity of +asylum itself! Timaeus violated the sanctuary of Poseidon on +Taenarum, and of Artemis at Lusi. Pharylus and Polycritus +plundered, the former the sacred enclosure of Here in Argos, +the latter that of Poseidon at Mantinea. What again about +Lattabus and Nicostratus? Did not they make a treacherous +attack on the assembly of the Pan-Boeotians in time of peace, +committing outrages worthy of Scythians and Gauls? You +will find no such crimes as these committed by the Diadochi.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_35" id="b9_35"><b>35.</b></a> “Not being able to say anything in defence of +any of these acts, you talk pompously about <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 279.</span> +your having resisted the invasion of Delphi +by the barbarians, and allege that for this Greece ought +to be grateful to you. But if for this one service some gratitude +is owing to the Aetolians; what high honour do the +Macedonians deserve, who throughout nearly their whole +lives are ceaselessly engaged in a struggle with the barbarians +for the safety of the Greeks? For that Greece would have +been continually involved in great dangers, if we had not had +the Macedonians and the ambition of their kings as a barrier, +who is ignorant? <span class="sidenote">Defeat and death +of Ptolemy +Ceraunus in the +battle with the +Gauls, +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 280. +See Pausan. 10, +19, 7.</span> +And there is a very striking +proof of this. For no sooner had the Gauls +conceived a contempt for the Macedonians, by +their victory over Ptolemy Ceraunus, than, +thinking the rest of no account, Brennus +promptly marched into the middle of Greece. +And this would often have happened if the +Macedonians had not been on our frontiers.</p> + +<p>“However, though I have much that I could say on the past, +I think this is enough. Of all the actions of Philip, they have +selected his destruction of the temple, to fasten the charge of +impiety upon him. They did not add a word about their own +outrage and crime, which they perpetrated in regard to the +temples in Dium, and Dodona, and the sacred enclosures of +the gods. The speaker should have mentioned this first. +But anything you Aetolians have suffered you recount to these +gentlemen with exaggeration: but the things you have inflicted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">595</a></span> +unprovoked, though many times as numerous as the others, +you pass over in silence; because you know full well that everybody +lays the blame of acts of injustice and mischief on those +who give the provocation by unjust actions themselves.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_36" id="b9_36"><b>36.</b></a> “Of Antigonus I will only make mention so far, as to +avoid appearing to despise what was done, or to treat as +unimportant so great an undertaking. For my part I think +that history does not contain the record of a more admirable +service than that which Antigonus performed for you: indeed +it appears to me to be unsurpassable. And the following facts +will show this. Antigonus went to war with you and conquered +you in a pitched battle. By force of arms he became master +of your territory and city at once. He might have exercised +all the rights of war upon you: but he was so far from +inflicting any hardships upon you, that, besides other benefits, +he expelled your tyrant and restored your laws and ancestral +constitution. In return for which, in the national assemblies, +calling the Greeks to witness your words, you proclaimed +Antigonus your benefactor and preserver.</p> + +<p>“What then ought to have been your policy? I will speak +what I really think, gentlemen of Sparta: and you will I am sure +bear with me. For I shall do this now from no wish to go out +of my way to bring railing accusations against you, but under +the pressure of circumstances, and for the common good. What +then am I to say? This: that both in the late war you ought to +have allied yourselves not with Aetolians but with Macedonians; +and now again, in answer to these invitations, you ought to join +Philip rather than the former people. But, it may be objected, +you will be breaking a treaty. Which will be the graver +breach of right on your part,—to neglect a private arrangement +made with Aetolians, or one that has been inscribed on a +column and solemnly consecrated in the sight of all Greece? +On what ground are you so careful of breaking faith with this +people, from whom you have never received any favour, while +you pay no heed to Philip and the Macedonians, to whom +you owe even the very power of deliberating to-day? Do you +regard it as a duty to keep faith with friends? Yet it is not +so much a point of conscience to confirm written pledges of +faith, as it is a violation of conscience to go to war with those<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">596</a></span> +who preserved you: and this is what, in the present instance, +the Aetolians are come to demand of you.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_37" id="b9_37"><b>37.</b></a> “Let it, however, be granted that what I have now said +may in the eyes of severe critics be regarded as beside the +subject. I will now return to the main point at issue, as they +state it. It was this: ‘If the circumstances are the same now +as at the time when you made alliance with the Aetolians, then +your policy ought to remain on the same lines.’ That was +their first proposition. ‘But if they have been entirely changed, +then it is fair that you should now deliberate on the demands +made to you as on a matter entirely new and unprejudiced.’ +I ask you therefore, Cleonicus and Chlaeneas, who were your +allies on the former occasion when you invited this people to +join you? Were they not all the Greeks? But with whom +are you now united, or to what kind of federation are +you now inviting this people? Is it not to one with the +foreigner? A mighty similarity exists, no doubt, in your +minds, and no diversity at all! <i>Then</i> you were contending for +glory and supremacy with Achaeans and Macedonians, men of +kindred blood with yourselves, and with Philip their leader; +<i>now</i> a war of slavery is threatening Greece against men of +another race, whom you think to bring against Philip, but +have really unconsciously brought against yourselves and all +Greece. For just as men in the stress of war, by introducing +into their cities garrisons superior in strength to their own +forces, while successfully repelling all danger from the enemy, +put themselves at the mercy of their friends,—just so are the +Aetolians acting in the present case. For in their desire to +conquer Philip and humble Macedonia, they have unconsciously +brought such a mighty cloud from the west, as for the +present perhaps will overshadow Macedonia first, but which in +the sequel will be the origin of heavy evils to all Greece.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_38" id="b9_38"><b>38.</b></a> “All Greeks indeed have need to be on the alert +for the crisis which is coming on: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 492. Herod. +6, 48; 7, 133.</span> +but Lacedaemonians +above all. For why was it, do you +suppose, men of Sparta, that your ancestors, +when Xerxes sent an ambassador to your town demanding +earth and water, thrust the man into a well, and, throwing +earth upon him, bade him take back word to Xerxes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">597</a></span> +that he had got from the Lacedaemonians what he had +demanded from them,—earth and water? Why was it again, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 480.</span> +do you suppose, that Leonidas and his men +started forth to a voluntary and certain death? +Was it not that they might have the glory of being the +forlorn hope, not only of their own freedom, but of that +of all Greece also? And it would indeed be a worthy action +for descendants of such heroes as these to make a league +with the barbarians now, and to serve with them; and +to war against Epirotes, Achaeans, Acarnanians, Boeotians, +Thessalians, and in fact against nearly every Greek state +except Aetolians! To these last it is habitual to act thus: +and to regard nothing as disgraceful, so long only as it is +accompanied by an opportunity of plunder. It is not so, +however, with you. And what must we expect these people to +do, now that they have obtained the support of the Roman +alliance? For when they obtained an accession of strength +and support from the Illyrians, they at once set about acts of +piracy at sea, and treacherously seized Pylus; while by land +they stormed the city of Cleitor, and sold the Cynaethans into +slavery. Once before they made a treaty with Antigonus, as I +said just now, for the destruction of the Achaean and Acarnanian +races; and now they have done the same with Rome +for the destruction of all Greece.</p> + +<p><a name="b9_39" id="b9_39"><b>39.</b></a> “With a knowledge of such transactions before his eyes +who could help suspecting an attack from Rome, and feeling +abhorrence at the abandoned conduct of the Aetolians in +daring to make such a treaty? They have already wrested +Oeniadae and Nesus from the Acarnanians, and recently +seized the city of the unfortunate Anticyreans, whom, in conjunction +with the Romans, they have sold into slavery.<a name="FNanchor_334" id="FNanchor_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">334</a> Their +children and women are led off by the Romans to suffer all +the miseries which those must expect who fall into the hands +of aliens; while the houses of the unhappy inhabitants are +allotted among the Aetolians. Surely a noble alliance this to +join deliberately! <span class="sidenote">Herod. 7, 132.</span> +Especially for Lacedaemonians: +who, after conquering the barbarians, +decreed that the Thebans, for being the only Greeks that +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_598" id="Page_598">598</a></span>resolved to remain neutral during the Persian invasion, should +pay a tenth of their goods to the gods.</p> + +<p>“The honourable course then, men of Sparta, and the one +becoming your character, is to remember from what ancestors +you are sprung; to be on your guard against an attack from +Rome; to suspect the treachery of the Aetolians. Above all +to recall the services of Antigonus: and so once more show +your loathing for dishonest men; and, rejecting the friendship +of the Aetolians, unite your hopes for the future with those of +Achaia and Macedonia. If, however, any of your own +influential citizens are intriguing against this policy, then at +least remain neutral, and do not take part in the iniquities of +these Aetolians....”</p> + +<p class="tb"><i>In the autumn of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 211, <i>Philip being in Thrace, Scopas +made a levy of Aetolians to invade Acarnania. The Acarnanians +sent their wives, children, and old men to Epirus, while the rest +of them bound themselves by a solemn execration never to rejoin +their friends except as conquerors of the invading Aetolians. +Livy</i>, 26, 25.</p> + +<p class="tb"><a name="b9_40" id="b9_40"><b>40.</b></a> When the Acarnanians heard of the intended invasion +of the Aetolians, in a tumult of despair and fury they adopted +a measure of almost frantic violence....</p> + +<p>If any one of them survived the battle and fled from the +danger, they begged that no one should receive him in any +city or give him a light for a fire. And this they enjoined on +all with a solemn execration, and especially on the Epirotes, +to the end that they should offer none of those who fled an +asylum in their territory....</p> + +<p class="tb"><i>When Philip was informed of the invasion he advanced +promptly to the relief of Acarnania; hearing of which the +Aetolians returned home.</i> <i>Livy</i>, l. c.</p> + +<p class="tb">Zeal on the part of friends, if shown in time, is of great +service; but if it is dilatory and late, it renders the assistance +nugatory,—supposing, of course, that they wish to keep the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_599" id="Page_599">599</a></span> +terms of their alliance, not merely on paper, but by actual +deeds.<a name="FNanchor_335" id="FNanchor_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">335</a>...</p> + +<h3>INVESTMENT OF ECHINUS BY PHILIP</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_41" id="b9_41"><b>41.</b></a> Having determined to make his approach upon the +town at the two towers, he erected opposite +to them diggers’ sheds and rams; <span class="sidenote">In the campaigns +of Philip, during +the time that +Publius Sulpicius +Galba as Proconsul +commanded +a Roman +fleet in Greek +waters, <i>i.e.</i> from +<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 209 to <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +206. See Livy, +26, 22, 28; 28, +5-7; 29, 12.</span> +and opposite +the space between the towers he erected +a covered way between the rams, parallel +to the wall. And when the plan was complete, +the appearance of the works was very +like the style of the wall. For the super-structures +on the pent-houses had the appearance +and style of towers, owing to the placing +of the wattles side by side; and the space +between looked like a wall, because the row of +wattles at the top of the covered way were divided into battlements +by the fashion in which they were woven. In the +lowest division of these besieging towers the diggers employed +in levelling inequalities, to allow the stands of the battering-rams +to be brought up, kept throwing on earth, and the ram +was propelled forward: in the second story were water vessels +and other appliances for quenching fires, and along with them +the catapults: and on the third a considerable body of men +were placed to fight with all who tried to damage the rams; +and they were on a level with the city towers. From the +covered way between the besieging towers a double trench +was to be dug towards the wall, between the city towers. +There were also three batteries for stone-throwing machines, +one of which carried stones of a talent weight, and the other +two half that weight. From the camp to the pent-houses and +diggers’ sheds underground tunnels had been constructed, +to prevent men, going to the works from the camp or returning +from the works, being wounded in any way by missiles +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_600" id="Page_600">600</a></span>from the town. These works were completed in a very few +days, because the district round produced what was wanted for +this service in abundance. For Echinus is situated on the +Melian Gulf, facing south, exactly opposite the territory of +Thronium, and enjoys a soil rich in every kind of produce; +thanks to which circumstance Philip had no scarcity of anything +he required for his purpose. Accordingly, as I said, as +soon as the works were completed, they begun at once pushing +the trenches and the siege machinery towards the walls....</p> + +<p><a name="b9_42" id="b9_42"><b>42.</b></a> While Philip was investing Echinus, and had +secured his position excellently on the side of the town, and +had strengthened the outer line of his camp with a trench and +wall, Publius Sulpicius, the Roman proconsul, <span class="sidenote">Spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +209.</span> +and Dorimachus,<a name="FNanchor_336" id="FNanchor_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">336</a> tegus of the Aetolians, +arrived in person,—Publius with a fleet, and +Dorimachus with an army of infantry and cavalry,—and +assaulted Philip’s entrenchment. Their repulse led to greater +exertions on Philip’s part in his attack upon the Echinaeans, +who in despair surrendered to him. For Dorimachus was +not able to reduce Philip by cutting off his supplies, as he +got them by sea....</p> + +<p class="tb">When Aegina was taken by the Romans, such of the +inhabitants as had not escaped crowded together +at the ships, <span class="sidenote">Aegina taken +before the end of +208 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>, for Sulpicius +wintered +there between +208-207 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> See +Livy, 27, 32.</span> +and begged the proconsul to allow +them to send ambassadors to cities of their kinsmen +to obtain ransom. Publius at first returned +a harsh answer, saying, that “When they were +their own masters was the time that they ought +to have sent ambassadors to their betters to ask for mercy, +not now when they were slaves. A little while ago they had +not thought an ambassador from him worthy of even a word; +now that they were captives they expected to be allowed to +send ambassadors to their kinsfolk: was that not sheer folly?” +So at the time he dismissed those who came to him with these +words. But next morning he called all the captives together +and said that, as to the Aeginetans, he owed them no favour; +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_601" id="Page_601">601</a></span>but for the sake of the rest of the Greeks he would allow +them to send ambassadors to get ransom, since that was the +custom of their country....</p> + +<h3>ASIA</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_43" id="b9_43"><b>43.</b></a> The Euphrates rises in Armenia and flows through +Syria and the country beyond to Babylonia. It seems to +discharge itself into the Red Sea; but in point of fact it does +not do so: for its waters are dissipated among the ditches dug +across the fields before it reaches the sea. Accordingly the +nature of this river is the reverse of that of others. For in +other rivers the volume of water is increased in proportion to +the greater distance traversed, and they are at their highest in +winter and lowest in midsummer; but this river is fullest of +water at the rising of the dog-star, <span class="sidenote">July 26.</span> +and has the +largest volume of water in Syria, which continually +decreases as it advances. The reason of this is that the +increase is not caused by the collection of winter rains, but by +the melting of the snows; and its decrease by the diversion of +its stream into the land, <span class="sidenote">The transport of +the army of Antiochus +in his eastern +campaigns. +See <i>supra</i>, <b>8</b>, <a href="#b8_25">25</a>.</span> +and its subdivision +for the purposes of irrigation. It was this +which on this occasion made the transport +of the army slow, because as the boats were +heavily laden, and the stream very low, the +forces of the current did exceedingly little to help them +down.</p> + +<h3>EMBASSY FROM ROME TO PTOLEMY</h3> + +<p><a name="b9_44" id="b9_44"><b>44.</b></a> The Romans sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, wishing +to be supplied with corn, as they were suffering <span class="sidenote">M. Atilius and +Manius Glabrio +sent to Alexandria +with presents to +Ptolemy Philopator +and Queen +Cleopatra. Livy, +27, 4, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 210.</span> +from a great scarcity of it at home; and, moreover, +when all Italy had been laid waste by the +enemy’s troops up to the gates of Rome, and +when all supplies from abroad were stopped by +the fact that war was raging, and armies encamped, +in all parts of the world except in +Egypt. In fact the scarcity at Rome had come to such a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_602" id="Page_602">602</a></span> +pitch, that a Sicilian medimnus was sold for fifteen drachmae.<a name="FNanchor_337" id="FNanchor_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">337</a> +But in spite of this distress the Romans did not relax in +their attention to the war.</p> + +<p class="center">END OF VOL. I</p> + +<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> Vita Nicolai V. a <i>Dominico Georgio</i>, Rome, 1742, p. 206.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> Casaubon mentions in his preface several partial editions and translations +which had appeared by Greeks, Spaniards, Italians, and Belgians. But he +says all such translations were founded on the faulty Latin translation of +Perotti; and none were of any value. The only fairly good one was a German +translation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> Unless the avoidance of the hiatus be counted one, which has been +pointed out by Hultsch. I cannot forbear from quoting here the admirable +words of Casaubon on the style of Polybius:—<i>Non deest sed non eminet in +Polybio facundia. Nihil vero est iniquius illis, qui nullam putant esse eloquentiam, +nisi uti nihil est praeter eloquentiam. Semper mihi apprime placuit +Diodori Siculi sententia, vehementius in historico eloquentiae studium improbantis. +Verborum enim curam nimiam veri fere par sequitur incuria. +Oratio vultus animi est: ut hic fuerit gravis aut solutus, ita etiam illa vel +severa erit vel mollis.</i> The nearest Greek to that of Polybius is II. Maccabees.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> Livy, 38, 30-34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Polyb. <b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_12">12</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> Polyb. <b>24</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b24_6">6</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> Polyb. <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_24">24</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Timol.</i> ch. 39; Plato, <i>Laws</i>, 947.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> Cicero, <i>Ep. ad Fam.</i> 5, 12</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> Lucian, <i>Macrobii</i>, § 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Livy, 36, 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> Pausan. 7, 9, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> As Callicrates in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 179; Polyb. <b>36</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b36_2">2</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> <b>25</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b25_9">9</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> <b>26</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b26_3">3</a>. Callicrates at the same time secured a party in his favour, during +his year of office <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 179, by restoring the Spartan and Messenian exiles; in +return for which the former set up his statue at Olympia, the base of which is +preserved. Hicks’s <i>Greek Inscriptions</i>, p. 330.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_3">3</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_6">6</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> See <b>11</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b11_8">8</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_12">12</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> The decree was brought into the Peloponnese by C. Popilius and Cn. +Octavius in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 171. See Livy, 43, 17, <i>ne quis ullam rem in bellum magistratibus +Romanis conferret præter quam quod Senatus censuisset</i>. Cp. Polyb. +<b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_3">3</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_13">13</a>-14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_7">7</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_23">23</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_26">26</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> Thus Appius Claudius Cento would be hostile from the rejection of his +illegal demand for 5000 men. One of the common grounds of offence had +long been the refusal of Philopoemen and other Strategi to summon an +assembly to meet a Roman officer unless he came duly authorised with a +definite communication from the Senate. On this ground Quintus Caecilius +was refused in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 185 (Polyb. <b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_19">19</a>) and also Titus Flamininus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 183 +(Polyb. <b>24</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b24_5">5</a>). See Freeman’s <i>Federal Government</i>, pp. 652-655. And no +doubt other cases of a similar nature would occur, generally leading to an unfavourable +report at Rome.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> Polyb. <b>30</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b30_13">13</a>. Thirlwall, vol. viii. p. 419.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> Pausanias, 7, 10, 7-12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> Some few, it appears, had managed to escape, though at the risk of certain +execution if caught.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> Polyb. <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_21">21</a>. Plutarch, <i>Aemilius</i>, ch. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> Diodorus Sic. <i>fr. lib.</i> 31; Plutarch, <i>Apophth. Scip. min.</i> 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> <b>32</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b32_8">8</a>-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> Thus he seems to have searched the Archives of the Pontifices. Dionys. +Halicarn. 1, 73. And he observed and criticised all Roman customs, as, for +instance, the provision for boys’ education at Rome. Cic. <i>de Rep.</i> 4, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> <b>31</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b31_19">19</a>-21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> <b>35</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b35_6">6</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 49; Appian, <i>Pun.</i> 74-77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> I infer this, not very confidently, from <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_25">25</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> <b>37</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b37_3">3</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> Scipio was born <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 185.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_25">25</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> <b>39</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b39_3">3</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> Pliny, <i>N. H.</i> 5, § 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> Pausanias, 7, 11-12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 14; Polyb. <b>38</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b38_7">7</a>-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> <b>38</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b38_7">7</a>-10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> Thucyd. 3. 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Livy says the battle was at Thermopylae. This was near enough +for a general statement, but Scarpheia is some miles to the south. Livy, <i>Ep.</i> +52, Pausan. 7. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> <b>39</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b39_8">8</a> <i>sq.</i> Pausan. 7, 12 <i>sq.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> This has been much disputed. See Thirlwall’s note, vol. viii. p. 455. If +the fragment, <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_13">13</a> (<b>40</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b40_7">7</a>) is given correctly by Strabo, it seems certain that +he must have arrived either before or immediately after the fall of Corinth.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> <b>39</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b39_13">13</a>-14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> <b>39</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b39_15">15</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> Pausan. 7, 16, 9. Polyb. <b>39</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b39_16">16</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> Thus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 44 Brutus going out as propraetor to take the province of +Macedonia, goes first to Athens, and there, as well as in the rest of Greece, +collects troops and money. See the note in Mommsen’s <i>History of Rome</i>, vol. +III. p. 50 (book IV. c. 1.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> Pausan. 8, 9, 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 8, 30, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 8, 37, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 8, 44, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 8, 48, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> The base of this has been discovered with its inscription— +</p><p> +Ἡ πόλις τῶν Ἡλείων Πολύβιον<br /> +Λυκόρτα Μεγαλοπολείτην.<br /> +</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> Cicero, <i>Ep. ad Fam.</i> 5, 12. For the Numantine war (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 134-132) +the authorities are Appian, <i>Hisp.</i> 48-98; Eutrop. 4, 17; Cicero <i>de Off.</i> 1, 11, +Strabo, 3, p. 162.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_14">14</a>. Strabo, p. 677.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_1">1</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> <b>3</b> <a href="#b3_4">4</a>. It is clear that such passages, as for instance the beginning of +<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_42">42</a>, must have been written before <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 146, and perhaps published, and +therefore not altered. Cp. the answer of Zeno of Rhodes to corrections +sent by Polybius, that he could not make alterations, as his work was already +published (<b>16</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b16_20">20</a>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_57">57</a>, cp. <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_5">5</a>**.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> <b>21</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b21_38">38</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> Lucian, <i>Macrobii</i>, §22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_20">20</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_21">21</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> Cicero, <i>Epist. ad Fam.</i> 5, 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_10">10</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> <b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_14">14</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> <i>Off.</i> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_32">32</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> Republ. 2, 14, § 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_48">48</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_33">33</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_59">59</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_25">25</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_11">11</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> <b>16</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b16_15">15</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Dionys. Halic. 1, 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_22">22</a> <i>sqq.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> <b>31</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b31_38">38</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_14">14</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> <b>12</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b12_5">5</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> The elder Africanus died in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 183.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> I append a list of all writers referred to by Polybius, the index will show +the places where they are mentioned. Aeneas Tacticus, Alcaeus a grammarian, +Antiphanes of Berga, Antisthenes of Rhodes, Aratus of Sicyon, +Archedicus, Aristotle, Callisthenes, Demetrius of Phalerum, Demosthenes, +Dicaearchus, Echecrates, Ephorus of Cumae, Epicharmus of Cos, Eratosthenes, +Eudoxus, Euemerus, Euripides, Fabius Pictor, Hesiod, Homer, Philinus, +Phylarchus, Pindar, Plato, Pytheas, Simonides of Ceos, Stasinus, Strabo, +Theophrastus of Lesbos, Theopompus of Chios, Thucydides, Timaeus, +Xenophon, Zaleucus, Zeno of Rhodes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_14">14</a>, <a href="#b1_22">15</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> See bk. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b12_1">1</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> <b>12</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b12_15">15</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> Athenaeus, vi. 272 <i>b</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Nicias</i>, 1, <i>Arat.</i> 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> In the reference to the Seven Magi (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_43">43</a>), and to the story of Cleobis and +Bito (<b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_20">20</a>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> Cornelius Nepos, <i>Alcib.</i> 11. Plutarch, <i>Lys.</i> 30. Lucian, <i>Quomodo +hist. conscr.</i> § 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> The History of the Achaean league is given with unrivalled learning, +clearness, and impartiality by Bishop Thirlwall in the eighth volume of his +<i>History of Greece</i>. Its constitution has been discussed with great fulness by +Professor E. A. Freeman in his <i>History of Federal Government</i>. Recently Mr. +Capes has published an edition of the parts of Polybius referring to it which +will be found useful; and Mr. Strachan-Davidson has an able essay upon it +in his edition of Extracts from Polybius. Still some brief statement of the +main features of this remarkable attempt to construct a durable Hellenic +Federation could not be altogether omitted here.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> Take for instance the oath of the Pylagorae (Aeschin. <i>de Fal. L.</i> 121): +“We will destroy no city of the Amphictyony, nor cut off its streams in peace +or war; if any shall do so, we will march against him and destroy his cities; +should any pillage the property of the god, or be privy to or plan anything against +what is in his temple, we will take vengeance on him with hand and foot and +voice and all our might.” This is indeed the language rather of a Militant +Church than a state; but it is easily conceivable that, had these principles been +carried out (which they were not), something nearer a central and sovereign +parliament might have arisen.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> Herodotus, vi. 7, 11-12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> See Herod. 9, 15; Thucyd. 2, 2; 4, 91; 5, 37; Xenophon <i>Hellen.</i> 3, 4, +4, Boeckh, <i>C. I. G.</i> vol. i. p. 726.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> Herod. 7, 145-169.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 7, 172-174.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> Herod. 9, 88; Polyb. <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_39">39</a>. Equally abortive proved another attempt +at combination in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 377, when the ξύνεδροι from the islands met for a time +at Athens. Grote, vol. ix. p. 319.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> Herod. 6, 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> Polybius (<b>12</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b12_26">26</a> <i>c</i>.) says that in his time the schools were generally +in disrepute. But is not this generally the verdict of “practical” men on +universities? The excitement at Rome at the visit of the philosophers (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +155) seems to show that they still enjoyed a world-wide reputation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> Herod. 8, 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> Thucy. 1, 103.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 3, 94-98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> Xen. <i>Hellen.</i> 4, 6, 13, 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> Pausan. 10, 38, 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> Demosth. 3 <i>Phil.</i> 120.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> Pausan. 1, 4, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> <b>18</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b18_4">4</a> and <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b18_5">5</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> Herod. 1, 145. Instead of Rhypes and Aegae, the first of which seems +to have been burnt, and the other to have for some reason been deserted, +Polybius (<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_41">41</a>) mentions Leontium and Caryneia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> Thucyd. 1, 111, 115.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> Thucyd. 4, 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_38">38</a>, <a href="#b2_39">39</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_39">39</a>, <a href="#b2_40">40</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> ch. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> ch. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> Though this law was several times broken, certainly in the case +of Philopoemen, and probably in that of Aratus also. It is very difficult to arrive +at a satisfactory arrangement of Aratus’s seventeen generalships if the strict +alternation is preserved. See Freeman’s <i>Federal Government</i>, p. 601.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_46">46</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Cleomenes</i>, 3-16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Cleom.</i> 3. Messenia had been free from the Spartans since the +battle of Leuctra (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 371). Epaminondas had meant by the foundation of +Megalopolis and Messene (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 371-370) to form a united Messenian and +Arcadian state as a counterpoise to Sparta. The Messenians had drifted +away from this arrangement, but were now members of the Achaean league. +Polyb. <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_32">32</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_46">46</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Cleom.</i> 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> See the remarks of Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> He was believed to have been long in secret communication with Antigonus. +Plutarch, <i>l.c.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> Polyb. <b>8</b>, <a href="#b8_14">14</a>; Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_24">24</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> <b>11</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b11_9">9</a>-10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Philop.</i> 12, 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Philop.</i> 16; Livy, 38, 32-34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_38">38</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> <b>26</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b26_3">3</a> <i>sq.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> The title of Achaean Strategus seems to have been revived under the +Empire. <i>C. I. G.</i> 1124. The principal authorities for the history of the last +hundred years of Greek Independence, including that of the Achaean league, +are Polybius, beginning with book 2, and in its turn going on throughout the +rest of his work which remains; scattered notices in Livy from 27, 29 to the +end of his extant work, and the epitomes of the last books, mostly translated +directly from Polybius; Plutarch’s Lives of Agis, Cleomenes, Aratus, Philopoemen, +Flamininus, Aemilius; Pausanias, 7, 6-16; parts of Diodorus; +Justinus (epitome of Trogus); and some fragments of Greek historians collected +by Müller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> I speak of course of the restored league after the election of one +Strategus began, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 255.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> For the change of time of the election see note on <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_1">1</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> We hear nothing of a secretary under the new league after the abolition +of the dual presidency. But he probably still existed (<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_43">43</a>).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_22">22</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> See ch. 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> This is certainly the meaning of the words of Polybius. But he has +confused matters. The two new Consuls designated at the comitia of 249 were +C. Aurelius Cotta II and P. Servilius Geminus II, whereas Lucius Junius +Pullus was the existing Consul with the disgraced P. Claudius Pulcher. What +really happened is made clear by Livy, Ep. 19. The Senate sent Junius +with these supplies, recalled Claudius, and forced him to name a Dictator. +Claudius retaliated by naming an obscure person, who was compelled to +abdicate, and then Atilius Calatinus was nominated.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> The dangerous nature of the S. Coast of Sicily was well known to the +pilots. See above, ch. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> About £500,000. For the value of the talent, taking the Euboic and +Attic talent as the same, see note on Book <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_8">8</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> ἱστορήσαντας. There seems no need to give this word the unusual +sense of <i>narratum legere</i> here, as some do.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Sicca Venerea, so called from a temple of Venus, was notorious for its +licentiousness. Valer. Max. 2, 6, 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> A line of the text appears to have been lost, probably containing an +allusion to Hiero.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> The southernmost point of Italy is Leucopetra (Capo dell’ Armi). +Cocinthus (Punta di Stilo) is much too far to the north; yet it may have been +regarded as the conventional point of separation between the two seas, Sicilian +and Ionian, which have no natural line of demarcation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> Really 3/16; for 16 ases = 6 obols (one drachma or denarius) see <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_8">8</a>. +The Sicilian medimnus is about a bushel and a half; the metretes 8-1/2 gallons.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> Livy, 5, 17, 33-49; Plutarch, <i>Camillus</i>, 16; Mommsen, <i>History of +Rome</i>, vol. i. p. 338 (Eng. tr.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> Compare the description of the Gauls given by Caesar, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.G.</span> 6, 11-20. +They had apparently made considerable progress in civilisation by that time, +principally perhaps from the influence of Druidism. But the last characteristic +mentioned by Polybius is also observed by Caesar (15), <i>omnes in bello +versantur atque eorum ut quisque est genere copiisque amplissimus, ita plurimos +circum se ambactos clienteeque habet. Hanc unam gratiam potentiamque +habent.</i> Even in the time of Cato they were at least beginning to add something +to their warlike propensities. Or, 2, 2 (Jordan) <i>Pleraque Gallia duas res +industrissime persequitur, rem militare et argute loqui</i>. Cf. Diod. 5, 27 <i>sq.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> Lucius Caecilius, Livy, Ep. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> For a more complete list of Gallic invasions in this period, see Mommsen, +<i>H.R.</i> i. p. 344. The scantiness of continuous Roman history from <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 390, +and its total loss from 293 to the first Punic war renders it difficult to determine +exactly which of the many movements Polybius has selected.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> Ch. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> This clause is bracketed by Hultsch, Mommsen, and Strachan-Davidson. +See the essay of the last named in his Polybius, p. 22. Livy, Ep. 20, gives +the number of Romans and Latins as 300,000.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> Others read Ananes and Marseilles [Ἀνάνων ... Μασσαλίας]; but it +seems impossible that the Roman march should have extended so far.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> That is, each city struck its own coin, but on a common standard of +weight and value. See P. Gardner’s Introduction to Catalogue of Greek +Coins (Peloponnesus) in the British Museum, p. xxiv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> The Pythagorean clubs, beginning in combinations for the cultivation of +mystic philosophy and ascetic life, had grown to be political,— a combination +of the upper or cultivated classes to secure political power. Thus Archytas +was for many years ruler in Tarentum (Strabo, 1, 3, 4). The earliest was +at Croton, but they were also established in many cities of Magna Graecia. +Sometime in the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> a general democratic rising took place +against them, and their members were driven into exile. Strabo, 8, 7, 1; +Justin, 20, 4; Iamblichus <i>vit. Pythag.</i>, 240-262.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> The MS. vary between ὁμάριος and ὁμόριος. The latter form seems to +mean “god of a common frontier.” But an inscription found at Orchomenus +gives the form ἀμάριος, which has been connected with ἡμάρα “day.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> There was still an under-strategus (ὑποστρατηγὸς), see <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_94">94</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_16">16</a>; +<b>30</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b30_11">11</a>. But he was entirely subordinate, and did not even succeed to power on +the death of a strategus during the year of office, as the vice-president in +America does.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> Alexander II. of Epirus, son of Pyrrhus, whom he succeeded <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 272. +The partition of Acarnania took place in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 266.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> Near Bellina, a town on the north-west frontier of Laconia, which had +long been a subject of dispute between Sparta and the Achaeans. Plutarch +<i>Arat.</i> 4; Pausan. 8, 35, 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> Ptolemy Euergetes (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 247-222).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> The treaty, besides securing the surrender of the Acrocorinthus, provided +that no embassy should be sent to any other king without the consent of Antigonus, +and that the Achaeans should supply food and pay for the Macedonian +army of relief. Solemn sacrifices and games were also established in his +honour, and kept up long after his death at Sicyon, see <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_19">19</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b30_23">23</a>. +Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> 45. The conduct of Aratus in thus bringing the Macedonians +into the Peloponnese has been always attacked (see Plut. <i>Cleom.</i> 16). +It is enough here to say that our judgment as to it must depend greatly on our +view of the designs and character of Cleomenes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> Phylarchus, said by some to be a native of Athens, by others of Naucratis, +and by others again of Sicyon, wrote, among other things, a history in +twenty-eight books from the expedition of Pyrrhus into the Peloponnese (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +272) to the death of Cleomenes. He was a fervent admirer of Cleomenes, +and therefore probably wrote in a partisan spirit; yet in the matter of the +outrage upon Mantinea, Polybius himself is not free from the same charge. +See Mueller’s <i>Histor. Graec.</i> fr. lxxvii.-lxxxi. Plutarch, though admitting +Phylarchus’s tendency to exaggeration (<i>Arat.</i> 38), yet uses his authority both +in his life of Aratus and of Cleomenes; and in the case of Aristomachus says +that he was both racked and drowned (<i>Arat.</i> 44).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> ἡγεμόνα καὶ στρατηγὸν. It is not quite clear whether this is merely a +description of the ordinary office of Strategus, or whether any special office is +meant, such as that conferred on Antigonus. In <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_11">11</a> ἡγεμόνες includes the +Strategus and other officers. See Freeman, <i>Federal Government</i>, p. 299.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> Of Chaereas nothing seems known; a few fragments of an historian of his +name are given in Müller, vol. iii. Of Sosilus, Diodorus (26, fr. 6) says that he +was of Ilium and wrote a history of Hannibal in seven books. Nepos (Hann. 13) +calls him a Lacedaemonian, and says that he lived in Hannibal’s camp +and taught him Greek.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> <i>i.e.</i> in Latium.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> ἐπιλάβηται <i>injecerit manum</i>, the legal form of claiming a slave.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_83">83</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> Saguntum of course is south of the Iber, but the attack on it by Hannibal +was a breach of the former of the two treaties. Livy (21, 2) seems to assert +that it was specially exempted from attack in the treaty with Hasdrubal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> From ch. 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> βασιλεύς. The two Suffetes represented the original Kings of Carthage +(<b>6</b>, <a href="#b6_51">51</a>). The title apparently remained for sacrificial purposes, like the ἄρχων βασιλεύς, and the <i>rex sacrificulus</i>. Polybius, like other Greek writers, calls +them βασιλεῖς. <i>Infra</i>, 42. Herod. 7, 165. Aristot. Pol. 2, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> A promontory in Bruttium, <i>Capo del Colonne</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> This division of the world into three parts was an advance upon the +ancient geographers, who divided it into two, combining Egypt with Asia, and +Africa with Europe. See Sall. <i>Jug.</i> 17; Lucan, <i>Phars.</i> 9, 411; Varro de +L. L. 5, § 31. And note on <b>12</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b12_25">25</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> The <i>arae Philaenorum</i> were apparently set up as boundary stones to mark +the territory of the Pentapolis or Cyrene from Egypt: and the place retained +the name long after the disappearance of the altars (Strabo, 3, 5, 5-6).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> For Polybius’s calculation as to the length of the stade, see note on +<b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_12">12</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> Livy, 21, 25, calls it <i>Tannetum</i>, and describes it only as <i>vicus Pado +propinquus</i>. It was a few miles from Parma.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> <i>Pluribus enim divisus amnis in mare decurrit</i> (Livy, 21, 26).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> See on ch. 33, note 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> This statement has done much to ruin Polybius’s credit as a geographer. +It indicates indeed a strangely defective conception of distance; as his idea, of +the Rhone flowing always west, does of the general lie of the country.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> I have no intention of rediscussing the famous question of the pass by +which Hannibal crossed the Alps. The reader will find an admirably clear +statement of the various views entertained, and the latest arguments advanced +in favour of each, in the notes to Mr. W. T. Arnold’s edition of Dr. Arnold’s +<i>History of the Second Punic War</i>, pp. 362-373.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> περί τι λευκόπετρον, which, however, perhaps only means “bare rock,” +cf. <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_30">30</a>. But see Law’s <i>Alps of Hannibal</i>, vol. i. p. 201 <i>sq.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> His life according to one story, was saved by his son, the famous Scipio +Africanus (<b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_3">3</a>); according to another, by a Ligurian slave (Livy, 21, 46).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> Livy says “to Mago,” Hannibal’s younger brother (<b>21</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b21_47">47</a>). This +Hasdrubal is called in ch. 93 “captain of pioneers.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> That is, four legions and their regular contingent of socii. See <b>6</b>, <a href="#b6_19">19</a> <i>sqq.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> “He crossed the Apennines, not by the ordinary road to Lucca, descending +the valley of the Macra, but, as it appears, by a straighter line down the +valley of the Auser or Serchio.”—<span class="smcap">Arnold.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> The marshes between the Arno and the Apennines south of Florence.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> ἀπεκοιμῶντο Schw. translates simply <i>dormiebant</i>. But the compound +means more than that; it conveys the idea of an interval of sleep snatched +from other employments. See Herod. 8, 76; Aristoph. <i>Vesp.</i> 211.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> Livy, 22, 4-6. For a discussion of the modern views as to the scene of +the battle, see W. T. Arnold’s edition of Dr. Arnold’s <i>History of the Second +Punic War</i>, pp. 384-393. The radical difference between the account of +Livy and that of Polybius seems to be that the former conceives the fighting +to have been on the north shore of the lake between Tucro and Passignano; +Polybius conceives the rear to have been caught in the defile of Passignano, +the main fighting to have been more to the east, where the road turns up at +right angles to the lake by La Torricella. Mr. Capes, however in his note on +the passage of Livy, seems to think that both accounts agree in representing +the fighting on the vanguard as being opposite Tucro.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> This treatment of non-combatants was contrary to the usages of civilised +warfare even in those days, and seems to have been the true ground for the +charge of <i>crudelitas</i> always attributed to Hannibal by Roman writers, as opposed +to the behaviour of such an enemy as Pyrrhus (Cic. <i>de Am.</i> 28). It +may be compared to the order of the Convention to give no quarter to +English soldiers, which the French officers nobly refused to execute.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> Polybius expresses the fact accurately, for, in the absence of a Consul to +nominate a Dictator, Fabius was created by a plebiscitum; but the scruples of +the lawyers were quieted by his having the title of <i>prodictator</i> only (Livy, 22, 8).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> Ramsay (<i>Roman Antiquities</i>, p. 148) denies this exception, quoting Livy, +6, 16. But Polybius could hardly have been mistaken on such a point; and +there are indications (Plutarch, <i>Anton.</i> 9) that the Tribunes did not occupy +the same position as the other magistrates towards the Dictator.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> The <i>ager Praetutianus</i> was the southern district of Picenum (Livy, 22, +9; 27, 43). The chief town was Interamna.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> On the Appian Way between Equus Tuticus and Herdonia, mod. <i>Troja</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> Holsten for the Δαύνιοι of the old text; others suggest <i>Calatia</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> Added by conjecture of Schw. One MS. has δευτέρα ἡ ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἐριβανοῦ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> Near Cales.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> Homer, <i>Odyss.</i> 10, 230.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> See i. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> ἐξ ἀσπίδος ἐπιπαρενέβαλλον. The ordinary word for “forming line” or +“taking dressing” is παρεμβάλλειν. In the other two passages where ἐπιπαρεμβάλλειν +is used, ἐπί has a distinct (though different) force. I think here it +must mean “against,” “so as to attack.” And this seems to be Casaubon’s +interpretation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> There is nothing here absolutely to contradict the picturesque story of the +death of Paulus given by Livy (22, 49), but the words certainly suggest that +Polybius had never heard it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> A town on the lake of Trichonis, in Aetolia, but its exact situation is uncertain. +Strabo (10, 2, 3) says that it was on a fertile plain, which answers +best to a situation north of the lake.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> Cf. <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_34">34</a>. We know nothing of this incident.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_53">53</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> The Achaean Strategus was elected in the middle of May, the Aetolian in +the autumn. Aratus would be elected May 12, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220, and come into office +some time before midsummer; Ariston’s Aetolian office would terminate in +September <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220. See v. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> The capture of Sicyon and expulsion of the tyrant Nicocles was the earliest +exploit of Aratus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 251. Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> 4-9. The taking of the Acrocorinthus +from the Macedonian garrison was in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 243, <i>ib.</i> ch. 19-24. For +the affair at Pellene see <i>ib.</i> 31. The capture of Mantinea was immediately +after a defeat by Cleomenes. See Plutarch, <i>Cleom.</i> 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> The city of Pheia was on the isthmus connecting the promontory Ichthys +(<i>Cape Katákolo</i>) with the mainland: opposite its harbour is a small island +which Polybius here calls <i>Pheias, i.e.</i> the island belonging to Pheia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> Caphyae was on a small plain, which was subject to inundations from +the lake of Orchomenus; the ditches here mentioned appear to be those dug to +drain this district. They were in the time of Pausanias superseded by a high +dyke, from the inner side of which ran the River Tragus (<i>Tara</i>). Pausan. +8, 23, 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> The Olympiads being counted from the summer solstice, these events +occurring before midsummer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220 belong to the 139th Olympiad. The +140th begins with midsummer <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 220.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> But outside the natural borders of Arcadia. Mod. Kalávryta.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">210</span></a> By the diolcos which had been formed for the purpose. Strabo, 8, 2. +Ships had been dragged across the Isthmus on various occasions from early +times. See Thucyd. 3, 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> Reading, μόνου. See ch. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> A mountain on the frontier, on the pass over which the roads to Tegea +and Argos converge.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> A town of Phthiotis in Thessaly. See Book <b>25</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b25_3">3</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> See ch. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> See ch. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> See Stobaeus Floril. 58, 9, who gives three more lines.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> Cf. ch. 74.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> The hero of the second Messenian war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 685-668 (Pausan. 4, 14-24). +The story told by Pausanias, who also quotes these verses, is that Aristocrates, +king of the Arcadians, twice played the traitor to Aristomenes, the Messenian +champion: once at the battle of the Great Trench, and again when Aristomenes +renewed the war after his escape from the Pits at Sparta; and that on +the second occasion his own people stoned him to death, and set up this pillar +in the sacred enclosure of Zeus on Mount Lycaeus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> But Pausanias represents the pillar as put up by the Arcadians, not the +Messenians (4, 22, 7).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> The text is uncertain here.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> Reading with Hultsch, τὰ καλὰ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> However cogent may be the reasons for his prophecy adduced by Polybius, +there are no signs of its being fulfilled. Indeed, the bank at the mouth +of the Danube, which he mentions, has long disappeared. The fact seems to +be that he failed to take into calculation the constant rush of water out of the +Euxine, which is sufficient to carry off any amount of alluvial deposit.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> Xenophon, <i>Hellen.</i> 1, 1, 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> Or Tylis, according to Stephanos Byz., who says it was near the Haemus. +Perhaps the modern Kilios.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> Seleucus II. (Callinicus), <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 246-226. Seleucus III. (Ceraunus), <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +226-223. Antiochus the Great (son of Callinicus), <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 223-187.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> Of Seleucus Callinicus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> That this was the name of a yearly officer at Byzantium appears from a +decree in Demosthenes (<i>de Cor.</i> § 90), and Byzantine coins, Eckhel, ii. p. 31. +The title seems to have been brought from the mother-city Megara; as at +Chalcedon, another colony of Megara, the same existed (C. I. G. 3794). It +was connected with the worship of Apollo brought from Megara, Müller’s +<i>Dorians</i>, i. p. 250. It seems that this use of the name (generally employed +of the deputies to the Amphictyonic council) was peculiarly Dorian. See +Boeckh. C. I., vol. i. p. 610.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> Or Lyctos (Steph. Byz.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> Of Arcadia, a city of Crete (Steph. Byz.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> Which had a harbour formed by a projecting headland called Lisses. +Steph. Byz., who quotes Homer, <i>Odyss.</i> 3, 293: +</p> +<p> +ἔστι δέ τις Λισσὴς αἰπεῖά τε εἰς ἅλα πέτρη.<br /> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> As a measure of weight a talent = about 57 lbs. avoirdupois. The prepared +hair was for making ropes and bowstrings apparently.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> Gortyna or Gortys is an emendation of Reiske for Gorgus, which is not +known. Gortys is mentioned by Pausanias, 5, 7, 1; 8, 27, 4; 8, 28, 1; it +was on the river Bouphagus, and in the time of Pausanias was a mere village.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_41">41</a>. We have no hint, as far as I know, of the circumstances +under which such recovery would take place. We may conjecture from this +passage that it would be on showing that losses had been sustained by reason +of a failure of the league to give protection.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> Stephanos describes Ambracus as a πολιχνίον close to Ambracia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> Though it was in the territory of Acarnania (Steph. Byz.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_19">19</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> The position of Dodona, long a subject of doubt, was settled by the discovery +of the numerous inscriptions found about seven miles from Jannina, +and published by Constantine Caraponos in 1878, <i>Dodon et ses Ruines</i>. See +also <i>Journal of Hellenic Studies</i>, vol. i. p. 228.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> See ch. 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> Reading ἁλίαν. See Muller’s <i>Dorians</i>, vol. II, p. 88.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> The local name of Tarentine, though doubtless originating in fact, had +come to indicate a species of mercenary cavalry armed in a particular way. +Arrian, <i>Tact.</i> 4, distinguishes two sorts of light cavalry for skirmishing Tarentines +armed with javelins (δορατία), and horse archers (ἱπποτοξόται). Cp, <b>11</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b11_12">12</a>. +Livy 35, 29; 37, 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> Pausanias (8, 26, 7) calls him Hypatodorus; and mentions another +work of his at Delphi (10, 10, 3). He flourished about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 370. He was a +native of Thebes. Sostratos was a Chian, and father of another statuary +named Pantias. Paus. 6, 9, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">242</span></a> That is the office of the Polemarch, as in Athens the Strategium +(στρατηγίον) is the office of the Strategi. Plutarch, <i>Nicias</i>, 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> Yet the avowed project of Cleomenes was the restoration of the ancient +constitution. Plutarch, <i>Cleom.</i> c. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> See ch. 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> From <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_6">6</a>, it appears that the election took place at the rising of the +Pleiades (13th May) and that the new Strategus did not enter upon his office +until some time afterwards, towards the middle of June or even midsummer. +But the custom apparently varied, and the use of τότε seems to indicate a +change.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> Later on the assemblies were held at the different cities in turn. See <b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_17">17</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b24_10">10</a>, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> Νεοκρῆτες, cf. cc. 65, 79. Livy (37, 40) transcribes the word <i>Neocretes</i>. +It is uncertain what the exact meaning of the word is. It seems most +reasonable to suppose that, like Tarentini, it had ceased to be an ethnical term, +and meant mercenary soldiers (νέοι) armed like Cretans, that is, as archers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> The narrow channel between Leucas and the mainland, which had been +artificially enlarged. Dionys Halic. 1, 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_63">63</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_62">62</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_67">67</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> The pun disappears in translation. The line is +</p> +<p> +ὁρᾷς τὸ <b>δῖον</b> οὗ βέλος διέπτατο.<br /> + +</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> Games in his honour were celebrated at Sicyon. See Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> +45. <i>Cleomenes</i>, 16. <i>Supra</i>, p. <a href="#Page_147">147</a> n. <i>Infra</i>, <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_19">19</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b30_23">23</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> A memorial, apparently, of the fruitless expedition of Pyrrhus into +Laconia in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 272.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> The Guard. The word <i>agema</i> properly means the leading corps in an +army; but it obtained this technical meaning in the Macedonian army (see +Arrian, 1, 1, 11), whence it was used in other armies also founded on the +Macedonian model, as for instance in Alexandria (see <i>infra</i>, ch. 65).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> Hypaspists, originally a bodyguard to the king, had been extended in +number and formed one or more distinct corps of light infantry (Grote, ch. 92).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> Here again, as in <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_1">1</a>, the outgoing Strategus appears to go out of office +at the time of the election of his successor (see note on ch. <a href="#b5_1">1</a>, and cp. <a href="#b5_4">4</a>, <a href="#b5_6">6</a>). +There seems to have been some variety of practice. Perhaps the interval was +left somewhat to mutual arrangement, the summer solstice being the outside +limit.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_69">69</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> Archidamus was the brother of Agis, the king of the other line, who had +been assassinated in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 240. Plutarch, <i>Cleom.</i> 5, probably on the authority of +Phylarchus, represents the murder of Archidamus as not the work of Cleomenes, +but of the same party that had murdered Agis and feared the vengeance of his +brother. (See Thirlwall, 8, p. 158, who agrees with Plutarch.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> Homer, <i>Il.</i>, 22, 304.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> The false Smerdis (Herod. 3, 61-82).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> Hence the sacred breed of Nisaean horses, used for the Persian king’s +chariot (Herod 7, 40; 9, 20). The Nisaean plain was one of those in Media +containing the best pasture, and is identified by Rawlinson with that of <i>Khawar</i> +and <i>Alistan</i> near <i>Behistun</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> ἕταιροι are cavalry; the πεζέταιροι of the Macedonian army are represented +in Polybius by the Hypaspists. See <i>supra</i>, ch. <a href="#b5_27">27</a>, cp. 16, 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> That is, Demetrius II. and Antigonus Doson.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> See Professor Mahaffy, <i>Greek Life and Thought</i>, p. 405, who points out +that this refers to the Egyptian troops especially, whose old military castes (see +Herod. 2, 164-6) though not extinct had forgotten their old skill. In a sense, +however, it applies to both kinds of troops; for they had to be trained to act +<i>together</i>, as is shown in the next chapter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> See above, ch. 5 note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> Two different towns of this name have already been mentioned (ch. 48, +52). This Dura appears to be in Phoenicia; but nothing is known of it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> Seleucus I., <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 306-280. Antigonus, the One-eyed, in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 318, +occupied Coele-Syria and Phoenicia after a victory over Perdiccas. Diodor. +Sic. 18, 43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> Battle of Ipsus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 301.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, ch. <a href="#b5_40">40</a>-2, <a href="#b5_57">57</a>-8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> Antiochus Hierax, son of Antiochus II.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> Laodice was the sister of the wife of Antiochus (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_43">43</a>) and a daughter of +King Mithridates (<b>8</b>, <a href="#b8_22">22</a>-23).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> Selge was said to be a colony of the Lacedaemonians. Strabo 13, 7, 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> Called Barathra. See Strabo, 17, 1, 21.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> Agema. See note on <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_25">25</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276" id="Footnote_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> Sarissae, the long Macedonian spears.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277" id="Footnote_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> Polybius therefore reckons the value of the λέβητες and ὑδρίαι as five +talents.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278" id="Footnote_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> That is about 171,000 lbs., see <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_8">8</a>, note, reckoning the talent as += 57 lbs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279" id="Footnote_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> ἀρτάβη, an Egyptian measure = the Attic medimnus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280" id="Footnote_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> Callinicus, ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 226. This must refer to another case.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281" id="Footnote_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, ch. 30. Agetas had been elected Aetolian Strategus in the +autumn of 218 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>, Aratus Achaean Strategus in the early summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> +217.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282" id="Footnote_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_61">61</a>-4. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 222.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283" id="Footnote_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_39">39</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284" id="Footnote_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, ch. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285" id="Footnote_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> According to Suidas, these were light vessels used by pirates: but whether +the name arose from their construction, capacity, or the number of their oars,<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">seems uncertain. According to Hesychius they had two banks of oars</span><br /> +(δίκροτος ναῦς· πλοῖον μικρόν).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286" id="Footnote_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> See ch. 95.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287" id="Footnote_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> This language is so vague that we might suppose from it that the +Achaeans elected Timoxenus in the summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217 to come into office +in the following spring. But there is nowhere else any indication of such an +interval at this period, and we must suppose Polybius to be speaking in +general terms of the result of the peace during the next ten months. Agelaus +was elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 217.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288" id="Footnote_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> Euripides, fr. 529. Ed. Nauck.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289" id="Footnote_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> Some disconnected fragments which are usually placed at the end of the +first chapter, and form the second chapter of this book, I have placed among +the minor fragments at the end of these volumes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290" id="Footnote_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> Aristotle’s classification is kingship, aristocracy, πολιτεία, democracy, +oligarchy, tyranny (Pol. 4, 2). This was derived from Plato (Pol. 302, c.) +who arranges the six (besides the ideal polity) in pairs, kingship, tyranny,—aristocracy, +oligarchy,—democracy, good and bad. Plato has no distinct +name except δημοκρατία παράνομος, for the bad democracy which Polybius calls +ὀχλοκρατία, “mob-rule.” Polybius’s arrangement is this— +</p> + +<table summary="polity" border="0"><tr> +<td class="tdl padl2"><p class="indent">Kingship (arising from a natural despotism or monarchy)</p></td><td class="tdl vertb">degenerates into Tyranny.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="tdl padl2">Aristocracy</td><td class="tdl"><span class="vh">degen</span>”<span class="vh">erates into</span>Oligarchy.</td> +</tr><tr> +<td class="tdl padl2">Democracy</td><td class="tdl"><span class="vh">degen</span>”<span class="vh">erates into</span>Mob-rule.</td> +</tr></table> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291" id="Footnote_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> εὐθύνας. Polybius uses a word well known at Athens and other Greek +states, but the audit of a Consul seems to have been one of money accounts +only. At the expiration, however, of his office he took an oath in public that he +had obeyed the laws, and if any prosecution were brought against him it would +be tried before the people. See the case of Publius Claudius, <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_52">52</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> This refers primarily to the <i>consilium</i> of the <i>quaesitor</i> in any special +<i>quaestio</i>, which up to the time of the lex judiciaria of Gracchus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 122, was +invariably composed of Senators. The same would apply to the <i>Quaestiones +perpetuae</i>, only one of which existed in the time of Polybius, i.e., <i>de repetundis</i>, +established in 149 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> by the lex Calpurnia. Other single judices in civil +suits, though nominated by the Praetor, were, Polybius intimates, almost +necessarily Senators in cases of importance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293" id="Footnote_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> Casaubon altered this to “two hundred.” In 3, 107, Polybius certainly +states that the ordinary number of cavalry was 200, raised in cases of emergency +to 300, and Livy, 22, 36, gives an instance. But both authors in +many other passages mention 300 as the usual number, and any alteration of +this passage would be unsafe.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294" id="Footnote_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> <i>Praefectus sociis</i> and <i>quaestor</i>. But this quaestor must be distinguished +from the Roman quaestors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295" id="Footnote_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> For the Spanish sword see Fr. xxii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296" id="Footnote_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> Polybius does not mention the subdivision of maniples into centuries, for +which the word ordines is sometimes used. Livy, 8, 8; 42, 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> The plethrum = 10,000 square feet. The side of the square of the Praetorium, +therefore, is 200 feet.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298" id="Footnote_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> That is the <i>via</i> separating it from the next block, or from the vallum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299" id="Footnote_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">299</span></a> That is, one between the two legions, and two between the blocks in each.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300" id="Footnote_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">300</span></a> That is to say—without the <i>extraordinarii</i> (1/5)—there are 2400 to get into +10 spaces instead of 3000 into 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301" id="Footnote_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">301</span></a> That is, who have been selected from the pedites sociorum to serve on the +praetoria cohors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302" id="Footnote_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">302</span></a> Polybius always calls this the χάραξ or χαράκωμα. But the Romans had +two words, <i>agger</i> the embankment, and <i>vallum</i> the palisading on the top of +it. Either word, however, is often used to represent the whole structure.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303" id="Footnote_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">303</span></a> That is, whether in first, second, or other watch in the night.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304" id="Footnote_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">304</span></a> See the story of Cato’s son, Plutarch, <i>Cato Maj.</i> 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305" id="Footnote_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">305</span></a> In seeking a constitution to compare with that of Rome, that of Athens +is rejected (1) as not being a mixed one, (2) as not having been successful: +successful, that is, in gaining or keeping an empire. He is speaking somewhat +loosely. The power of Athens, of which Themistocles laid the foundation, +was mainly consolidated by Pericles; so that Polybius includes much of the +period of her rise with that of her decline.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306" id="Footnote_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">306</span></a> For what remains of the account of Ephorus see Strabo, 10, 4, 8-9. The +reference to Plato is to the “Laws,” especially Book I. See also Aristotle, <i>Pol.</i> +2, 10, who points out the likeness and unlikeness between the Cretan and +Lacedaemonian constitutions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307" id="Footnote_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">307</span></a> This equality of land had gradually disappeared by the time of King +Agis IV. (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 243-239): so that, according to Plutarch [<i>Agis</i> 5], the number +of landowners was reduced to 100. This process had been accelerated by the +Rhetra of Epitadeus, allowing free bequest of land, Plutarch, <i>ib.</i> See Thirlwall, +vol. viii. p. 132.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308" id="Footnote_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">308</span></a> The meaning of νενεμημένους, which I here represent by “acquired a +recognised position,” is at least doubtful. Casaubon translates it <i>qui in +album non fuerint recepti</i>, referring to Sueton. Nero, 21. But nothing is elsewhere +known of such an <i>album</i> for registering the names of recognised athletes. +The passage is important as helping to explain how the number of those entering +for the contests in the greater games was practically limited, and therefore +how it happened that, for instance, the five contests of the Pentathlum did not +often fall to different athletes so as to leave the victory uncertain.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309" id="Footnote_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">309</span></a> The Carthaginian Suffetes are always called βασιλεῖς by the Greek +writers: see <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_33">33</a>, note; Herod. 7, 165; Diod. <i>Sic.</i> 14, 53. Aristotle +[<i>Pol.</i> 2, 11], in contrasting the Spartan and Carthaginian constitutions, +mentions with approval that, unlike the Spartan kings, those at Carthage were +elected, and were not confined to a particular family.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310" id="Footnote_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">310</span></a> See Bosworth Smith, <i>Carthage and the Carthaginians</i>, p. 26 ff.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311" id="Footnote_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">311</span></a> This seems to be the only authority for assigning to the censors the <i>toga +purpurea</i> instead of the <i>toga praetexta</i>: and, indeed, Athenaeus speaks of them +as wearing the toga praetexta (περιπόρφυρος), <b>14</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b14_69">69</a>. In Livy, 40, 45, they +occupy <i>sellae curules</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312" id="Footnote_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">312</span></a> Livy (2, 10) makes Cocles succeed in reaching the bank alive.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313" id="Footnote_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">313</span></a> But Polybius afterwards admits that a falling off in this respect had begun. +See <b>18</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b18_35">35</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b32_11">11</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314" id="Footnote_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">314</span></a> Livy, 22, 58-61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315" id="Footnote_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">315</span></a> κακοὶ κακῶς, a phrase at once insulting and vulgar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316" id="Footnote_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">316</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Aratus</i>, ch. 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317" id="Footnote_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">317</span></a> βαλανάγρας. The βαλανάγρα was a straight piece of wood with upright +pins corresponding with those that fall into the bolt (the βάλανοι), and which +are pushed up by it. It was thus used as a key which could be taken out +and kept by the Commandant, as in Herod. 3, 155; Thucyd. 2, 4. But +Polybius here seems to use it as equivalent to βάλανος. See Aeneas, <i>Tact.</i> 18-20, +who recommends that the μόχλος should be sheeted with iron to prevent this +very operation. Cp. 4, 57. What he means by ζύγωμα on the outside (here +translated “fastenings”) is also somewhat doubtful. From Hesychius, s.v. +ἐπιξευκτήρ, it might be conjectured that chains of some kind were intended. +Casaubon supposed it to be a cross bar similar to the μόχλος inside, and +Schw. to represent the posts and the lintel connecting them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318" id="Footnote_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">318</span></a> See <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_37">37</a>. According to Phylarchus the murder of Archidamus was +against the wish of Cleomenes. Plut. <i>Cleom.</i> 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319" id="Footnote_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">319</span></a> To which proceedings may be referred a sentence of Polybius preserved +by Suidas, s.v. διεσκευασμένην—“They send out certain Cretans, as though +on a raid, giving them a sham despatch to carry.” See Livy, 24, 30-31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320" id="Footnote_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">320</span></a> Cp. <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_35">35</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321" id="Footnote_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">321</span></a> σκορπίδια, mentioned among a number of similar engines in 1 Macc. 6, +51. Plutarch calls them σκορπίοι, and explains that they only carried a short +distance, but, being concealed, gave wounds at close quarters; hence, doubtless, +their name.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322" id="Footnote_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">322</span></a> See also Athenaeus, 4, 166-167. Theopompus of Chius was a contemporary +of Philip II. and Alexander, having been born about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 376-372.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323" id="Footnote_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">323</span></a> The accusation of administering slow poisons is a very common one, as +readers of mediæval history know. But the ignorance of the conditions of +health was too great to allow us to accept them without question. It is +doubtful whether drugs, acting in this particular way, were known to the +ancients; and certainly spitting blood would be no conclusive evidence of +the presence of poison. See Creighton’s <i>History of the Papacy</i>, vol. iv. +Append.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324" id="Footnote_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">324</span></a> This fragment is supposed, by comparison with Livy, 25, 36, to belong +to the account of the fall of Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio in Spain, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 212.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325" id="Footnote_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">325</span></a> Or “legion,” according to others. But as both Consuls are engaged in +the business, it seems reasonable to refer it to the two consular armies of two +legions each.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">326</span></a> That is “blaming Fortune or Providence.” Schw. quotes Xenophon +<i>Hellen.</i> 7, 5, 12, ἔξεστι μὲν τὸ θεῖον αἰτιᾶσθαι.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327" id="Footnote_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">327</span></a> συμπέμψαι, a difficult word. See Strachan-Davidson’s note. It seems +to me to be opposed to φυγεῖν or some such idea. Hannibal was not in +flight, but kept the enemy with him, as it were, in a kind of procession, until +the moment for striking.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328" id="Footnote_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">328</span></a> There is some word wanting in the text here which has been variously +supplied. I have ventured to conjecture <span class="g">τὰ γὰρ δοκοῦντα</span> παράβολον +<span class="g">κ.τ.λ.</span>, and to translate accordingly: for it is the boldness and apparent rashness +of Hannibal’s movement that Polybius seems to wish to commend.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329" id="Footnote_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">329</span></a> Cp. Homer, <i>Odyss.</i> 19, 471.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330" id="Footnote_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">330</span></a> Livy, 25, 40, calls him Mutines.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331" id="Footnote_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">331</span></a> See <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_86">86</a>, note. Cp. Cicero de Am. § 8, cum duobus ducibus de +imperio in Italia decertatum est, Pyrrho et Annibale. Ab altero propter probitatem +ejus non nimis alien os animos habemus; alterum <i>propter crudelitatem +semper haec civitas oderit</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332" id="Footnote_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">332</span></a> The paragraph “For the Aetolians ... in Greece,” follows “the +Messenians” in ch. 30, in the Greek texts. But it is evidently out of place +there, and falls naturally into this position.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333" id="Footnote_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">333</span></a> Antigonus Doson.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334" id="Footnote_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">334</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 211. See Livy, 26, 24-26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335" id="Footnote_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">335</span></a> On the margin of one MS. is written “For such is the characteristic +always maintained by the Athenian State.” But its relevancy is not very +apparent; and at any rate it seems more likely to be a comment of the Epitomator, +than a sentence from Polybius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336" id="Footnote_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">336</span></a> Scopas (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 211-210) must have gone out of office, <i>i.e.</i> it was after +autumn of 210 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337" id="Footnote_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">337</span></a> That is, 10s. 3-3/4d. for about a bushel and a half. See on <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_15">15</a>.</p></div> +<hr /> +<p class="center"><i>Printed by</i> <span class="smcap">R. & R. Clark</span>, <i>Edinburgh</i></p> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Histories of Polybius, Vol. I (of +2), by Polybius + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS, VOL I *** + +***** This file should be named 44125-h.htm or 44125-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/1/2/44125/ + +Produced by Delphine Lettau, Turgut Dincer and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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