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diff --git a/old/60848-0.txt b/old/60848-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 7c02080..0000000 --- a/old/60848-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4209 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Journal of American Folk-lore. Vol. -VI.--July-September, 1893.--No. XXII., by Various - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Journal of American Folk-lore. Vol. VI.--July-September, 1893.--No. XXII. - -Author: Various - -Release Date: December 5, 2019 [EBook #60848] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JOURNAL OF AMERICAN FOLKLORE, JULY-SEPT 1893 *** - - - - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - THE JOURNAL OF - - AMERICAN FOLK-LORE. - - VOL. VI.—JULY-SEPTEMBER, 1893.—NO. XXII. - - - - - BLACKFOOT MYTHOLOGY.[1] - - -The Blackfoot Indian Confederacy comprises the Piegan, Blood, and -Blackfoot tribes. Each tribe is located on its own reservation, and the -three reservations are within the provisional district of Alberta. The -separation of the tribes, the rapid settlement of the country by the -white people, the death of many of the old chiefs, and the depressed -spirits of the people have seriously impaired the purity of the -folk-lore of the natives. The following fragments were gathered from the -lips of the Blood Indians, as I sat in their lodges with note-book in -hand. The younger members of the tribe could not be relied upon to -relate these myths accurately. Those I have given have been repeatedly -verified by the aged members of the tribe. - - - CREATION MYTH. - -Napioa, the _Old Man_, floated upon a log in the waters, and had with -him four animals: Mameo, the fish; Matcekûpis, the frog; Maniskeo, the -lizard; and Spopeo, the turtle. He sent them down into the waters in the -order named, to see what they could find. The first three descended, but -never returned; the turtle, however, arose with his mouth full of mud. -Napioa took the mud from the mouth of the turtle, rolled it around in -the hollow of his hand, and in this manner made the earth, which fell -into the waters, and afterward grew to its present size. - - -There was only one person named Napioa. He lived in the world when the -people who dwelt with him had two heads. He did not make these people, -although he made the world, and how they came upon the earth no one -knows. The Bloods do not know where Napioa came from. They do not know -whether he was an Indian or not. He was not the ancestor of the -Blackfeet, but the Creator of the Indian race. He was double-jointed. He -is not dead, but is living in a great sea in the south. He did not make -the white people, and the Indians do not know who made them. - -After he made the earth, he first made a woman. Her mouth was slit -vertically, and he was not satisfied, so he closed it, and recut it in -the same shape as it has remained till to-day. Afterward he made several -women, and then he made several men. The men lived together, but -separate from the women, and they did not see the women for some time. -When the men first saw the women they were astonished and somewhat -afraid. Napioa told them to take one woman each, but they were afraid. -He encouraged them, and then they each took a wife. - -Napioa made the buffalo. They were quite tame. He gave bows and arrows -to the Indians and told them to shoot the buffalo. They did so; and as -the buffalo were tame, they killed a large number. - - - ORIGIN OF THE WIND. - -The stories differ. Some say that it is caused by a very large deer -which dwells in the mountains; others, that there are large cattle in -the mountains, who roar loudly and thus cause the wind to blow; and -again others, that it is caused by a large bird flapping its wings in -the mountains. The prevailing form is the following: - -Napioa at one time had with him the wolf as his companion. He also had -with him an owl, which he employed to look for things for him when it -was dark. As he was travelling around he saw a lodge in which were a man -and a woman. In this lodge were two bags; one contained the winter and -the other the summer. He told the owl to look in and see what there was -inside the lodge, and when he looked he saw the two bags. Napioa said -that he was going to place some months in each bag, and make the summer -and winter of equal length. He went inside, and the woman had a long -piece of ice. He failed to accomplish his purpose. He came out of the -lodge determined to gain possession of the summer and winter bags. He -told the prairie chicken to steal the bags, and it got hold of the -summer bag and escaped. Being pursued by the man and woman, the prairie -chicken hid in the long grass. The man and woman cut the long grass to -get the bag. The chicken clung close to the earth, and had part of the -extremity of its body taken off. In the struggle the bag burst, and a -very strong wind sprang up. - -Some time after this, Napioa, having burnt himself, was anxious for a -wind to blow to cool himself. He went up to the top of a mountain and -began “making medicine,” and the wind soon began to blow. It blew so -hard that he had to hold on to the bushes, but they were torn up by the -roots. At last he caught hold of a birch tree and firmly clung to it, so -that by the force of the wind and his weight marks were left upon the -bark of the tree. - - - THE BLOOD-CLOT BOY. - -There lived, a long time ago, an old man and his wife, who had three -daughters and one son-in-law. One day, as the mother was cooking some -meat, she threw a clot of blood into the pot containing the meat. The -pot began to boil, and then there issued from it a peculiar hissing -noise. The old woman looked into the pot, and was surprised to see that -the blood-clot had become transformed into a little boy. Quickly he -grew, and in a few moments he sprang from the pot, a full-grown young -man. The father and mother were delighted, but the son-in-law was angry -and jealous. The name of the blood-clot boy was Kûtoyĭs. The son-in-law -was a lazy, badtempered young man, who made the old man hunt the -buffalo, procure the wood, and carry the water. He had a lodge of his -own, where he dwelt with his wife. When the old man brought in the meat -he threw it down in his lodge; and no sooner had he placed it there than -the son-in-law came and took whatever he needed, oftentimes leaving the -old man and his family in want. The old man brought in wood and water -for his family, and the son-in-law took what he wanted. Sometimes the -old man and his family were compelled to suffer, because as he was old -he could not work very hard, and all that he had was taken from him. The -son-in-law would not hunt, but depended altogether upon the old man to -support him. Kûtoyĭs went out to hunt with his father, and he proved -himself to be an expert hunter. He saw a fine fat buffalo cow, and he -killed it. He procured abundance of meat for his father, and he carried -it home for him. He would not allow the old man to do any work. He -filled his lodge with meat. He then went out and got a large supply of -wood and water. As Kûtoyĭs and his father were walking together, they -heard the son-in-law scolding. The old man was afraid. Kûtoyĭs told his -father not to be afraid. He told him to say to his son-in-law that he -could not get any of the meat, wood, or water. If he threatened to kill -him, he was to answer him in the same manner. The son-in-law came to the -old man’s lodge and began to remove the meat. The old man told him to -leave it alone. He threatened to kill the old man, and the father-in-law -angrily retorted that he would kill him. The son-in-law became very -angry, and ran to his lodge for his bow and arrows. When he had procured -them he returned, scolding and threatening; and as he reached the old -man’s lodge, Kûtoyĭs, who had been hiding behind the lodge, sprang in -front of the old man, and the two men fought. Kûtoyĭs drew his bow and -killed his brother-in-law dead. After his death the old man and his -family had peace and abundance of food. The son-in-law had no -distinguishing name. Kûtoyĭs sought to drive out all the evil in the -world, and to unite the people and make them happy. - -The fathers and mothers in the camp told this story to their children to -hush them to sleep. - - - NAPIOA. - -Napioa is the Secondary Creator of the Indians. There are two kinds of -stories told concerning him. One class reveals him in the character of a -good man, and the other class as a bad man. He is not, however, a man, -but a supernatural being, able to perform deeds which no human being -could perform. The Indians do not know the manner of his birth, nor the -place from whence he came. He is still living in a great sea away in the -south. He made his home for a long time at the source of the Old Man’s -River, in Alberta, where may be seen the lake from which he drank, the -stones which he threw along the ground when he was sporting, and the -indentations in the ground showing where he lay. At the Red Deer River -there is a high ridge, where there is a land-slide, down which Napioa -slid as a toboggan slide. - -One day, as he was travelling across the prairie, he saw a bird which -threw its eyes upward, and said, “Tuhu!” As he came up to the place -where the bird was, he said, “Let me see how you do that?” After being -told to repeat this word and throw his head back, he felt quite elated. -He was so much overjoyed that he threw his eyes up repeatedly. He was -standing under a tree, and as he threw his eyes upward they were caught -in the branches of the tree, and he lost his sight. He then went off -alone. As he wandered on his journey he kept beckoning in different -directions, so that if any one saw him he would receive help and find -his people. A woman saw him throwing his arms about as if desiring some -one to come to him, and at once she went and asked him what he wanted. -He said, “Take me to the place where the people are.” She took him and -led him along by means of a stick, the woman going in front and Napioa -following. He was afraid that she might leave him, so he tied a bell to -her dress, that he might follow her should she try to escape. Nothing -eventful happened until they crossed a river, when he inquired, “Are -there any buffalo to be seen?” The woman answered, “Yes, there are some -at the river now.” He told her to point his arrow toward the buffalo, -that he might shoot one. She did so; but he missed the buffalo, and then -he shouted that the arrow did not belong to him. Again he commanded her -to point an arrow in the right direction; but the buffalo were not -killed, and again he asserted that the arrow did not belong to him. -After several attempts he shot a buffalo, and then called out, “That was -my arrow.” He bade the woman skin the animal, cut up the meat, and bring -it to the camping ground. While she was doing this he said that he would -put up the lodge. He sought the lodge-poles; and as he brought them one -by one, he failed to find those that he had already placed on the -ground. He had quite a number of lodge-poles arranged here and there, -but owing to his blindness he could not collect them. When the woman -returned she asked him why he had so many poles, and none arranged in -their proper places. “That you might choose the best ones,” he replied. -Thus was Napioa ever crafty, never allowing any one to say that there -was anything wrong with him. The lodge being prepared, and supper ended, -Napioa went to sleep. As he lay with his hair drawn over his eyes, the -curiosity of the woman tempted her to lift the hair that she might see -his face. As she slowly lifted his locks she gazed into the empty -sockets from which his eyes had been torn, and suddenly seized with -terror, she fled from the lodge and sped her way through the darkness. -Napioa heard the bell, and springing from his grassy bed, pursued her, -guided by the ringing of the bell. She ran in different directions; but -he was fast gaining upon her when she tore the bell from her dress, and -as she threw it one way she ran in another direction, and thus escaped -from the wiles of Napioa. - - -The dwellers in the Western lodges have many legends relating to places -of historical interest in the country, and these throw a flood of light -on the religious ideas, migrations, social and domestic customs, -political life, and other matters of interest connected with the tribes -comprising the Blackfoot Confederacy. Some of the legends are local, and -when told by the aged men as they sit around their camp-fires, vary -somewhat in detail according to the intellectual ability, inventiveness, -and strength of memory of the narrator. I have listened to some of these -legends as told over and over again for the past nine years, and I find -that the young men are not able to relate them as accurately as the -aged; besides, as the country is becoming settled with white people, -they are less disposed to tell to others their native religious ideas, -lest they are laughed at because of not believing the same things as -their superior brethren of the white race. As the children grow up they -are forgetting these things, and the years are not far distant when the -folk-lore of the Blackfeet will be greatly changed, and many of their -traditions forgotten. - - - THE LEGEND OF SHEEP CREEK. - -Napioa, the Old Man, the Secondary Creator of the Blackfeet, was -travelling one day with the Kit-Fox, near Sheep Creek, which is located -about twenty-five miles south of Calgary, in the Provisional District of -Alberta. As they travelled together they saw a large rock, and Napioa -felt constrained to make an offering of his robe to it. He presented the -robe, and, with the Kit-Fox as his companion, departed. He had not -proceeded far upon the way, when perceiving that it was going to rain, -he told his companion to return and ask the rock to give him back his -robe, as he was afraid of being drenched with the rain. The rock refused -to give the robe to the Kit-Fox, and then Napioa, becoming angry, said: -“That old rock has been there for a long time and never had a robe. It -has always been poor. I will go back myself and take away my robe.” - -He returned and took the robe by force, and then the rock became very -angry, and followed them, determined to punish them. Napioa fled south -toward High River, and the Kit-Fox, anxious for his own safety, hid in a -hole in the ground. Napioa saw an old buffalo bull, and he called to him -for help; but when the buffalo came to his rescue the rock ran over him -and crushed him to death. Then two bears came to help Napioa, and they -two were killed by the rock. Two small birds with very large, strong -bills came to help him, and they attacked the rock, breaking off pieces -from it as they suddenly pounced upon it and then flew upward. In a -short time they killed the rock, and Napioa was saved. The Indians then -named the stream “Oqkotoqseetûqta” (the Rock Creek, or Stony Creek), but -it is called by the white people at the present day “Sheep Creek.” - - - LEGEND OF TONGUE CREEK. - -Tongue Creek is situated between Sheep Creek and High River, about nine -miles south of Sheep Creek. In the distant past, Napioa was travelling -in the vicinity of Tongue Creek, when he espied a band of elk sporting -themselves on its banks. They came to a place where the bank was steep, -and they all leaped down, seeking a sandy resting-place in the bed of -the stream. Napioa reached the creek, and lighting a piece of wood, he -threw the firebrand over the bank. The elk heard him, and asked him what -he wanted. “Oh,” said he, “I was laughing when you spoke to me, and I -could not answer: but that is a very nice spot down there, and I want to -go down, for there is an abundance of beautiful clean sand.” When the -elk saw the firebrand they became frightened, and rushing headlong over -each other, broke their necks. A single young elk escaped; but Napioa -said, “Never mind, there are many more elk in the country; that one can -go.” Napioa pitched his lodge and erected a pole with a flag upon it. He -skinned the elk, filled his lodge with the meat, and made preparations -to camp there and have a feast. While thus engaged, a coyote entered his -lodge and asked him for something to eat, but he would not give any. He -noticed that the coyote had on a necklace of shells, and said, “If you -will give me that necklace, I will give you something to eat.” The -coyote replied, “I can’t do that, for this is my medicine [amulet], and -it is very strong.” “Well, I will run a race with you, and if you beat -me I will give you some of the meat.” But the coyote refused, and as he -did so he held out a bandaged foot, and the two went on together, the -coyote protesting that his foot was sore, and he could not run. He -managed to get Napioa a long distance from the lodge, and then quickly -unloosing the bandage from his foot, he ran back to the lodge. Napioa -followed a long distance behind, shouting, “Save me some of the meat!” -When the coyote reached the lodge he called aloud for his -fellow-coyotes, who speedily came and devoured all the meat. Napioa had -placed the tongues on the top of the pole, but a mouse ran up the pole -and ate them all. When Napioa found that all the meat was gone, he said, -“Then I shall have the tongues, for the coyote could not get them.” But -as he took down the remaining portions he threw them away, saying, “They -are bad food.” The Indians call this creek “Matsinawûstam” (Tongue -Flag), but the white people call it “Tongue Creek.” - - - LEGEND OF RED COULEE. - -There lies in a “coulee” near the Marias River, on the road that leads -from Macleod to Benton, a large “medicine stone,” venerated by the -Indians belonging to the Blackfoot Confederacy. The “coulee” is named by -the Indians the “Red Coulee.” When the Blackfeet came from the north, -the Snake Indians, who at that time inhabited the country, told the -Blackfeet that there was a large medicine stone on the top of a hill, -close to a ravine. - -Several years after they were told this, a Blackfoot chief with fifty -men went southward on the war-path. They all went to this stone, and the -chief, being sceptical about the mysterious powers possessed by it, -laughed at his men for exhibiting such childishness as to believe in it. -In derision he hurled the stone down the mountain-side into the ravine -and then departed. They engaged in a battle with some Indians in the -south, and all of them were killed, only one man returning to tell the -fate of his comrades. Ever since that time the Indians have called the -place the “Red Coulee,” and as they travel to and fro they never forget -to go there and present their offerings, to insure safety in battle and -protection by the way. - - - LEGEND OF THE RED STONE. - -On the river flat at the mouth of one of the ravines at Lethbridge, and -not many yards distant from the coal mine, lies a stone, which -oftentimes I have seen painted and surrounded by numerous Indian -trinkets which had been given to it by the Indians. The Blood Indians -call it “Mikiotoûqse” (The Red Stone). Tradition states that a long time -ago a young man lay down beside this stone and fell asleep, and as he -lay there he dreamed that the stone spoke to him and said, “Am I the Red -Stone?” And the young man said, “Yes, you are the Red Stone.” When he -awoke he felt that this must be a mysterious stone that could thus -converse with him, and he made offerings to it. Until the present day -these offerings are made, the Indians believing that by giving to it -reverence they will be blessed in all things that concern them in this -life. - - -Among the Blackfeet there are several traditions which the writer was -unable to obtain, as only a few of the older men possessed the knowledge -sufficient to relate them accurately, and they seemed to be unwilling at -the time to impart the information. The following were mentioned as -myths of the people: the Myth of Asinakopi, or the Great Snake; the -Great Bear Myth; the Lesser Bear; the Morning Star; the Man and Woman in -the Moon. - -There are also songs of historical importance, some relating to love, -war, and one of traditional significance. The writer learned from Jerry -Potts, a Piegan Indian, who is government interpreter, and from some of -the Blood Indians, that there was a historical song which from the -account given concerning it resembled the Song of Hiawatha. An aged -chief named Manistokos, the Father of Many Children, was said to know it -thoroughly, but never at any time was the author able to obtain -possession of it. Joe Healey, a Blood Indian, who speaks English well, -having lived when a boy with an Indian trader, who sent him to school, -informed the writer that there were several secret societies among the -Blackfoot tribes, the members of which had traditions of interest -relating to their people. Only those who were initiated could obtain the -revelation of these stories of mythological import. In relation to their -social organization, the taboos of the gentes reveal facts of special -significance to the mythology of the Blackfeet. The stories relating to -the origin of the names of the gentes shed light upon the migrations and -religious ideas of the people, but this phase of their traditions comes -properly under the study of their social organization. Such names as -Netsepoye, the people who speak the same language, the name of the -Blackfoot Confederacy, Kaina, the name of the Blood Indians, the origin -and significance of which is unknown, and Apikûnĭ, the name of the -Piegans, are of traditional importance. The separation of the tribes in -late years has modified their mythology, but the basis of the myths -remains the same. - - _John Maclean._ - - PORT ARTHUR, ONTARIO, CANADA. - - - - - ONONDAGA TALES. - - - GRANDMOTHER O-NE-HA-TAH, MOTHER OO-KWA-E, AND THE LOST BOY. - -I had this story of the Lost Boy from the Rev. Albert Cusick, a native -Onondaga, and the first part is very nearly as he wrote it out. The -latter part he told me, and I took it down. - -A long time ago, among the Onondaga Indians, were several families who -went off to camp near the wildwood streams, where fish, deer, bear, -otter, beaver, and other like game could be caught for winter use. These -Onondagas, or People of the Hill, journeyed several days, and finally -came to the hunting-grounds. The hunting-ground where they stopped was a -very beautiful place, with its little hills and the river with high -banks. Not far from their camp was a beautiful lake, with high rocky -banks, and with little islands full of cedar-trees. When they came there -it was in the moon or month of _Chut-ho-wa-ah_, or October. Some of -these Indians made their camps near the river, and some near the lake. -As it was quite early in the season for hunting, some of the Indians -amused themselves by making birch-bark canoes. With these they could go -up and down the river and on the lakes, fishing and trapping, or making -deadfalls for smaller game. - -In the party were five little boys, who had their own bows and arrows, -and would go hunting, imitating their fathers and uncles. Among them was -one much smaller than the rest, who was greatly teased by the older -boys. Sometimes they would run away from him and hide themselves in the -woods, leaving him crying; then they would come back and show -themselves, and have a great laugh over the little boy’s distress. -Sometimes they would run for the camp, and would tell him that a bear or -a wolf was chasing them, leaving the little boy far behind, crying with -all his might. Many a time he sought his father’s camp alone, when the -other boys would leave him and hide themselves in the woods. - -One day these little Indians found a great hollow log lying on the -ground. One of them said, “Maybe there is a _Ta-hone-tah-na-ken_ -[rabbit] or a _Hi-sen_ [red squirrel] in this hollow log. Let us shoot -into it, and see if there is any _Ta-hone-tah-na-ken_ in it.” All agreed -to this, and they began to take the little boy’s arrows from him and -shoot them into the hole; then the larger boys said to him, “Now go into -the hollow log, and get your arrows.” The little boy said, “No; I am -afraid something might catch me.” Then he began to cry, and was not at -all willing to go into the log. The others coaxed him to do so, and one -said he would get his uncle to make him a new bow and arrows if he would -go into the hollow log, and get the arrows they had shot there. At last -this tempted the little boy. He stopped crying, got down on his hands -and knees, and crawled into the log. When he had gone in a little way, -he found one of his arrows, and handed it out. This gave him courage to -go in a little farther. When he had advanced some distance in the log, -one of the larger boys said, “Let’s stop up the log, and trap that boy -in it, so that he can’t get out.” This was soon agreed to, and the boys -began to fetch old rotten wood and old limbs, stopping up the hollow, -and trapping the little boy in it. When this mischief was done, the four -boys ran to their camp, not saying a word about the little boy who was -trapped in the log. - -It was two days before the mother[2] and father began to notice the -absence of their boy, for they thought he must have stayed over night -with one of the others, as very often he had done; but the second day a -search was begun, and the other four boys were asked whereabouts they -had left him. They all said that they did not know, and that the last -time they were out the little boy did not go with them. Then the entire -camp turned out to join in the search, as now they knew that the boy -must be lost. After they had hunted a long time he could not be found, -and they ceased to look for him; they thought he must have been killed -and eaten by a wolf or a bear. - -When he was first shut up in the log the little boy tried to get out, -but could not do it, as the chunks of rotten wood were too large for him -to move. He could not kick or push them out. Then he cried for help, but -no one came. There he was for three days and three nights, crying loudly -for help, and now and then falling asleep. But on the fourth night, -while he was in the hollow log, he thought he heard some one coming. He -listened, and was sure he heard the crying of a very old woman and the -noise of the tramping of human feet. The crying and the tramping came -nearer and nearer to the log where he was. At last the crying came very -close to him, and then he heard a noise, as though some one sat down on -the log. Now he heard the old woman cry in earnest, and now and then she -would say: “Oh, how tired I am! how tired I am! and yet I may have come -too late, for I do not hear my grandchild cry. He may be dead! he may be -dead!” Then the old woman would cry in earnest again. At last he heard a -rap on the log and his own name called: “Ha-yah-noo! Ha-yah-noo! are you -still alive?” Ha-yah-noo, or Footprints under the Water (for this was -the name of the little lost boy), answered the old woman, and said that -he still lived. The old woman said, “Oh, how glad I am to find my -grandchild still alive!” Then she asked Ha-yah-noo if he could not get -out; but he said he could not, for he had already tried. Then said the -old woman, “I will try to get you out of this log.” He heard her pull at -the chunks of old wood; but at last she said she could not get him out, -as she was too old and tired. She had heard him crying three days -before, and had journeyed three days and nights to come and help her -grandchild out of his trouble. Now this old woman was an O-ne-ha-tah, or -Porcupine. She lived in an old hemlock tree near the spot where the boy -was shut up in the log.[3] - -When Grandmother O-ne-ha-tah had said that she had to journey three days -and nights, and now she could not help Ha-yah-noo out of the log, she -was very sorry, and began to cry again. Finally she said that she had -three children, who were very strong, and that she would get them to -help her; so she went after them. It was almost daylight when they came, -and then Ha-yah-noo heard them pull out the chunks which stopped up the -log. At last Grandmother O-ne-ha-tah said to Ha-yah-noo: “Come out now. -My children have got the chunks out of the log. You can come out.” - -When Ha-yah-noo came out, he saw four wild animals around him. There was -Grandmother O-ne-ha-tah and her three children, as she called them. They -were Oo-kwa-e, the Bear; Sken-no-doh, the Deer; and Tah-you-ne, the -Wolf. “Now,” said O-ne-ha-tah, “I want one of you to take care of this -boy, and love him as your own child. You all know that I have got to be -very, very old. If I were younger I would take care of him myself.” - -Tah-you-ne, the Wolf, was the first one to speak. She said she could -take care of the boy, as she lived on the same meat on which he fed. -“No,” said Grandmother O-ne-ha-tah, “you are too greedy. You would eat -up the boy as soon as he is left with you alone.” The Wolf was very -angry. She showed her teeth, and snapped them at the boy, who was very -much afraid, and wanted no such mother. - -The next that spoke was Sken-no-doh, the Deer. She said that she and her -husband would take care of the boy, as they lived on corn and other -things which they knew the boy liked. Her husband would carry him on his -back wherever they went. But Grandmother O-ne-ha-tah said: “No; you -can’t take care of the boy, for you are always travelling, and never -stay in one place. The boy cannot do the travelling that you do, for you -run very fast and make very long journeys. The boy cannot stand it, and -you have no home for him for the winter. Boys like this have homes.” -Then the Deer ran away, very happy, as though she were glad to be rid of -the boy. - -Then Oo-kwa-e, the Bear, said that she knew she could take care of the -boy, as she lived in a large stone house and had plenty to eat. She -lived on meats and fishes, and all kinds of nuts and berries, and even -wild honey, all of which the boy would like. She had a good warm bed for -him to sleep on through the winter, and she was a loving mother to her -children. She would rather die than see them abused. Then O-ne-ha-tah, -or Porcupine (meaning “Full of quills”), said: “You are just the right -one to take care of this boy. Take him and carry him home.” So the Bear, -like a loving mother, took the boy and brought him to her home. When -they got there, Oo-kwa-e said to her two children, the Oo-tutch-ha, or -Young Bears, “Don’t play with him roughly, and he will be your kind -little brother.” Then she gave him some berries to eat, and they were -all happy together. - -The stone house was a cave in the rocks, but to the little boy it seemed -to have rooms like any other house, and the little bears seemed to him -like human children. They did not tease him, but lived in the most -friendly way, and the old Oo-kwa-e was a very kind mother to the boy. It -was now quite late in the fall, and the days became short and dark. Then -Mother Oo-kwa-e said: “It is late and dark now. We had better go to -bed.” The nights were cold, but the bed was warm, and they slept until -the spring. - -One evening it thundered; for the bears do not wake up until the thunder -is heard. It made such a noise that they thought the walls were coming -down. Then the old Oo-kwa-e said: “Why, it’s getting light. We had -better get up.” So they lived happily together for a very long time. She -went out in the woods, going to and fro for food, and the children -amused themselves at home. - -Every now and then, through the summer, the Bear people would come in -and say, “In such a place are plenty of berries.” These would be -strawberries, raspberries, or others, according to the season. Later -they told of chestnuts and other kinds of nuts, of which they were fond. -Then they would say, “Let us go and gather them.” So the Mother Bear and -the little Bears went, taking the little boy along with them; for they -always expected a good time. The other bears knew nothing about the -little boy. When they came near the spot, and he was seen, these would -be frightened, and say: “There is a human being! Let us run! let us -run!” So they would scamper off as fast as bears can, leaving their -heaps of nuts or berries behind them. Then the old Oo-kwa-e would gather -these up, she and her children, and take them home, which was a very -easy way of getting plenty of food. Thus the boy became very useful to -Mother Bear. - -The boy lived with them thus for about three years, and the same things -happened every year. In the third year Mother Bear said, “Some one is -coming to kill us.” Then all looked out, and saw a man coming through -the woods, with his bow and arrows in his hand, and his dog running all -around looking for game. Then Mother Bear said, “I must see what I can -do.” So she took a forked stick, and pointed the open fork towards the -man. It seemed to come near him, and appeared to him like a line of -thick brush that he did not wish to break through. So he turned aside, -and went another way, and they were safe that time. - -Another day she again said, “Some one is coming towards us again, and we -shall be killed.” She put forth the forked stick again; but the man did -not mind it, and came straight towards her stone house. The stick itself -split, and there was nothing in the way. Then she took a bag of feathers -and threw these outside. They flew up and down, and around and around, -and seemed like a flock of partridges. The dog ran after them, through -the bushes and trees, supposing them to be birds, and so the second man -went away. - -The days went by, and the third time Mother Bear saw a man coming. This -time she said, “Now we certainly are all going to die.” Then she said to -the boy: “Your father is coming now, and he is too good a hunter to be -fooled. There is his dog, with his four eyes, and he, too, is one of the -best of hunters.” Now when a dog has light spots over each eye, the -Indians say that he has four eyes. So the man came nearer, and she tried -the forked stick, but it split; and still the man and dog came on. Then -she scattered the feathers, and they flew around as before; but the -hunter and dog paid no attention to them, and still they both came on. -At last the dog reached the door and barked, and the man drew his bow to -shoot at anything that came out. - -When the Mother Oo-kwa-e saw the man standing there, she said, “Now, -children, we must all take our bundles and go.” So each of the Bears -took a small bundle and laid it on its back, but there was no bundle at -all for the boy. When all were ready, Mother Oo-kwa-e said, “I will go -first, whatever may happen.” So she opened the door, and as she went out -the man shot, and she was killed. Then the oldest of the Oo-tutch-ha -said, “I will go next;” and as he went he also was killed. - -The last little Bear was afraid, and said to the boy, “You go first.” -But the little boy was afraid, too, and said: “No; you go first. I have -no bundle.” For all the Bears tried to get their bundles between them -and the man. So the little Bear and the boy at last went out together; -but though the Bear tried to keep behind, the man shot at him first, and -he was killed. As the hunter was about to shoot again, the boy called -out: “Don’t shoot me! don’t shoot me! I am not a bear!” His father -dropped his arrow, for he knew his voice at once, and said: “Why did you -not call out before? Then I would not have killed the Oo-kwa-e and -Oo-tutch-ha. I am very sorry for what I have done, for the Bears have -been good to you.” But the boy said: “You did not kill the Bears, though -you thought so. You only shot the bundles. I saw them thrown down, and -the spirits of the Bears run off from behind them.” Still, the man was -sorry he had shot at the Bears, for he wished to be kind to them, as -they had been to his boy. - -Then the father began to look at his boy more closely, to see how he had -grown and how he had changed. Then he saw that long hairs were growing -between his fingers, for, living so long with them, he had already begun -to turn into a Bear. He was very glad when he took the boy back to his -home, and his friends and relatives, and the whole town, rejoiced with -him. All day they had a great feast, and all night they danced, and they -were still dancing when I came away. - - -Bear stories of this kind seem to have been favorites among the -Iroquois, and Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith relates three of them in her -collection. Of such tales in general, she remarks that, “In nearly all -of these, wherever the bear is introduced he serves as a pattern of -benevolence, while many other animals, such as the porcupine, are always -presented as noxious.” Yet in the one most resembling the one just -given, “The Hare and his Step-son,” the man shuts the child in a -porcupine’s hole, and the porcupine rescues him, calling on the animals -to feed him. The fox and the wolf, however, do not bear a good -character, and snakes are invariably agents of evil. - -The old story of “Valentine and Orson” has so delighted white children -that it is no matter of surprise that Indians have enjoyed their own -stories of lost boys nursed by bears. Perhaps the tendency of these -animals to assume an erect position may have suggested to them a near -kinship to the human race. To complete the present paper, a sketch may -be given of the three tales related by Mrs. Smith. It may be premised -that several incidents of the present story are found in all three of -these, but not in each other. - -The first she had from the Senecas of the Cattaraugus reservation. In -this a young boy is missed from the hunting-camp, and all search proves -vain. His friends think him dead, and go home. A bear takes pity on him, -but changes herself into the appearance of a woman, and takes him home -to live with her cubs, in her hollow tree. When the time for the return -of the hunters arrives, she tells him of her device, and he is restored -to his friends. He never kills a bear. - -The next is quite different. A hunter is angry with his wife for -secreting food, and makes her eat until she dies from its effects. Her -new-born child he throws into a hollow tree, but takes good care of his -older boy. For him he makes a bow and arrows, and after a long time saw -little footprints around his lodge. He made a second small bow and -arrows, and soon found they were being used. He now saw a little child -come from the hollow tree to play with his boy, and knew it was the -infant he had thrown away. He had been cared for by a bear, whom the -hunter treated kindly. The two boys afterwards went far westward to slay -the great and hurtful beasts. - -The third was told in Canada, and is a variant of the one I have -related. A man hated his step-son, and persuaded him to enter a -porcupine’s hole. This he stopped up, leaving the boy a prisoner. He -cried himself asleep, and when he woke up he was in a room with an old -woman, who was the porcupine. He could not eat her food, and so she -called the animals to a council to tell how he might be fed. “The fox -said: ‘I live on geese and fowls. I’ll take him, but still he can’t eat -raw food.’ The council decided that it was useless for him to assume the -charge.” All offered in turn, without effect. At last the bear spoke, -and the child was left with her, all agreeing to help her gather nuts. -After living several years in a hollow tree, they saw a man and dog -coming. The tree was cut down, and the bear and her two cubs were -killed. The hunter looked for another cub, but found the boy instead. He -made noises just like the cubs. The hunter took him home, tamed and -taught him, and gave him his daughter for a wife. Her mother, however, -was angry because the boy brought home no bear’s meat. At last he killed -a bear, but it brought him no good luck. On his way home he fell on a -sharp stick, which killed him at once. - -In this tale the words of the fox are much like those of the wolf in the -other. Some of the incidents differ much, and yet the common origin of -the two is readily seen. - -In New York the Iroquois stories are becoming increasingly difficult to -obtain. They maintain their hold among the older people, but the younger -ones find those which are quite as good among the literature of the -whites. It is easy to see how our stories are adopted, and told in an -Indian way; and Mrs. Smith has given some good examples. The Onondagas -are not behind in following the spirit of the times. - - - THE FOX AND THE BEAR. - -While the fox is the type of all mischief with the Onondagas, they seem -to have few stories about him. One of these has been related by Mrs. E. -A. Smith, and has modern features. In this she makes one story depend -upon another, while they were related to me as distinct tales. I -inquired particularly about this, and was assured that there was no -connection. These are the tales I received:— - -I. The fox saw some men carrying home a wagon load of fish, and -contrived to get upon it. At his leisure he quietly threw off one, and -then another, until he was satisfied, and slipped off himself to eat -them. As he was feasting on the last the bear came along, and asked -about his good luck. The fox said he would show him how to get a good -supply if he would go with him the next night. So they went on the ice -till they found a hole, and the fox told the bear to put his tail in -this that the fish might bite. - -“Now,” said the fox, “you are very strong, and must wait until a good -many take hold of your tail.” So the bear sat very still for a time; but -when he shifted a little his tail was slightly pulled, for it was -freezing to the ice. “Don’t pull yet,” said the fox; “more will take -hold, and you will have a big haul. You are very strong, and must catch -all you can.” So the bear waited, and the next time he moved it pulled a -little harder. “Not yet,” said the fox; “more will take hold.” But when -the morning was come the fox ran to a house on the bank, and the dogs -began to bark furiously. This frightened the bear, so that he pulled -with all his might, and left his tail frozen to the ice. Then I came -away; but the bears have had short tails ever since. - -II. For some reason the bear and the fox fell out, and were going to -fight a duel. The fox chose a cat and a lame dog for his seconds, while -the bear had the wolf and the pig, but the wolf kept away. The bear and -the pig came to the place first, both of them a little afraid, and the -bear said he would climb a tree and watch for the rest. The pig hid -under the leaves by a log. The bear said: “I see the fox coming. He has -two men with him, and one is picking up stones to throw at us!” For when -the dog limped, it seemed to the bear he was picking up stones. The cat, -too, raised its tail and waved it around. When it did this the bear -said: “Now I see the other man. He has a big club, and oh! how he waves -it around! Lie down there! Keep still! They’ll give it to us if they -find us!” Then he looked again. “Yes, they’re coming! they’re coming! -Keep still! keep still!” - -So the cat came under the tree, and upon the log. The pig wanted to see, -and tried to peep out; but when the cat saw the leaves moving she -thought it was a mouse. Down she sprang in an instant, and had the pig -by the nose. “Ke-week! ke-we-e-k!” he squealed and squealed, which -scared the cat in turn, and she ran for the tree. The bear was so -frightened when he saw her coming, that he let go his hold, fell from -the tree, and was killed. Then I came away. - -In this story the narrator imitated the squealing of the pig, etc., to -the intense delight of the Indian children. It was thus a favorite tale. - - _W. M. Beauchamp._ - - - NOTES ON ONONDAGA DANCES. - -The Onondagas still maintain what Albert Cusick called the Ghost Dance, -but which is the annual Dead Feast, differing from the one ten days -after death. It is managed by the women, and is held in May or June. The -female society, O-kee-weh, makes the appointment and arranges details. -The members of this society are termed O-nah-kee-weh. The spirits of -their dead relatives, especially those who have died during the year, -are supposed to be present throughout the feast. The living guests -assemble from 9 to 10 P. M., and dance until sunrise, but have a -midnight feast. - -First of all there is a speech, and then men sing a chant in 3–4 time, -accompanied by a large drum and a gourd rattle. The drum is somewhat -like a small churn, with a head stretched across. It may be made of a -keg, but was probably once a kettle, as the name, _ka-na-ju-we_, -signifies a covered kettle. The first chant begins “Go-yah-ne na -wa-ya-hen,” etc., and one tune follows another with but a slight -variation of the words, which are mostly without meaning, but -_wa-ya-hen_ refers to women. The women stand in a circle before the -singers, keeping time. Then the women sing, and the men are silent; -after which the women march around in a circle to the beat of the drum. -The great Feather Dance follows, the men taking part in this and some -others until midnight, when the feast takes place. At that time tobacco -is burned, and the spirits of the dead are implored to give the living -good and healthy lives through the year. Dances follow until nearly -morning; and among these are the Snake, Fish, Bear, and Raccoon dances. -The Raccoon is similar to the Fish Dance, but in the former all face -around when the time changes. At the end the leader gives a whoop, and -the music ceases. - -Towards morning the women again form a circle before the singers, and -nearly the same words and tunes follow as at first. Some of the words -differ, and mean, “The morning has come; we will now all go home.” Then -all the women again march around in the council-house, and afterwards -out and around it slowly. At this time two men carry the drum while -another beats upon it. The women have something in their hands, and as -one or another raises her arms the men rush around and try to get what -she holds. All then return to the council-house, where a speech is made, -and soup is distributed from the big kettle. Having received their -portions, all go home. While this is an annual feast, it may be given at -other times for the benefit of the sick, being prompted by the spirits -of the dead. - - -Another feast, quite similar, and known as the Night Dance, is often -held at private houses, and is managed by women alone. The forms of the -dance are a little different, and there is no midnight feast. This is -also for the sick, and has similar tunes. It has some comic features. -When the Indian boys hear of a meeting of this kind, they plan how they -may steal “the head.” At intervals the lights are put out for a few -minutes, and then is their chance. One or more chickens are boiled or -roasted, and are known as “the head” of the feast. Usually a kettle is -placed in the middle of the circle of women, and the chicken is in the -soup. - -Albert Cusick told me his early experiences at two of these feasts, -which will illustrate one prominent feature which I have mentioned. On -one occasion the boys saw that there was no kettle in the circle, while -there was a cluster of women about the pantry door. They understood the -situation, but the door could not be passed. An active lad quietly made -his way through the pantry window, found a pan with two roast chickens -in it, secured some corn bread and other good things, and got off -unobserved. The booty was carried to the green by the council-house, and -eaten with a hearty relish; then the pan, with the bones, was slipped -back into the pantry, and the boys, according to the old custom, began -to caw, like crows. All seemed safe, however, and the others made fun of -them. “You are all frauds. You haven’t found the head. We have that -safe.” So the dances went on. A speech was made at the close. One head -was to go to the speaker and the other to the singers. - - But when they got there the cupboard was bare, - And so the poor singers had none. - -A dance of this kind was held at the house of my old friend, Mary Green, -one night. Her home was a good-sized log cabin, fairly furnished, and -the feast was well attended. The boys ran around, imitating hungry -crows, but with small chance of getting “the head.” The circle of women -remained unbroken around the stove in the centre of the room, and on the -stove was a big kettle of soup, with “the head” in the midst of all. The -soup was hot, and the kettle inaccessible. Several tried to crawl -through the circle on their hands and knees, but failed. At last one got -through in the dark interval, burned his fingers indeed, but put the -chicken in a pail and successfully made off. The triumphant crows were -soon heard again. - - -The great medicine is made in a society called Ka-noo-tah, of which I -may say more at another time. For ordinary ailments simple remedies are -used, but the Onondagas are easily satisfied when told that the white -man’s remedies may be best for the diseases he has introduced. When a -man is bewitched, that is quite another thing. A Tuscarora once came to -Onondaga, who thought he was bewitched, and Abram Island prescribed for -him. He took three tender shoots each of the waxberry, choke and wild -cherry, and the green osier, and scraped off the bark. This was placed -in twelve quarts of hot water, and almost boiled. This was to be used as -an emetic for twelve days. On the last day Island came again, carrying -away what was last thrown up, but soon returning with a woolly bear -caterpillar on a chip. This he had found in the matter, and it was the -witch charm. It was placed in a paper bag and hung upon the wall. They -were told it would revive and then die again. In a few days there was a -rustling in the paper, and the caterpillar was taken out dead, but -looking as though soaked in water. After so thorough a cleansing the man -got well, of course. - -I am promised the old Onondaga songs, both music and words, but my -informant that is to be takes his own time. I have said that these songs -are mostly meaningless. Some have been translated quite poetically, -which the Indians assure me have strictly no meaning, though their -associations have almost poetic force, and so the thought has been given -rather than the actual interpretation. As long as there is time and -sound, the singer often cares little what the words may be, but this is -not an invariable rule. I have seen four kinds of rattles, two of which -are antique,—the turtle shell and gourd. Some are made of cow’s horns, -and once only have I seen a very ingenious one of bark. All are alike -effective in dances and marches. - - -Some curious changes have come over the Onondagas of late. Heretofore -the Green Corn Dance was held about as soon as green corn was fit for -use, but some of the Indians have been giving exhibition dances at -various gatherings, and found there was money in it. This year they -deferred the feast until the autumnal equinox, having the principal -dances on Sunday, September 24, 1893. In this case those who danced did -not pay the piper, but the spectators did. As many as could be -accommodated were admitted to the council-house, at fifteen cents per -head; three dances were given, and then a new party was admitted. Of -course this deprived the feast of all religious force, and made it a -mere show; nor did it quite satisfy those who saw it. - -A few days later the annuity of goods was delivered, a sight not without -interest. So many Oneidas now live with the Onondagas that a large part -of their annuity is distributed at the same time by the United States -agent, Mr. A. W. Ferrin. The cotton cloth for the Oneidas was placed -towards the west end of the council-house, and Henry Powliss, or -Was-theel-go, “Throwing up pins,” checked off the Oneida list, while two -chiefs measured off the cloth. Jaris Pierce, or Jah-dah-dieh, “Sailing -Whale,” checked the Onondaga list, assisted in the same way. This lot -was placed in the centre of the house, against the south door. There was -some interpreting, and the scene was quite interesting. The men looked -much like any farmers, but the women were quite picturesque. - -This mingling of nations is not without many effects. Thus the Oneida -salutation, Sa-go-lah, “How do you do?” has quite taken the place of the -different and longer Onondaga greeting, and other phrases and words are -in common use. The Seneca snow snake, differing in some respects from -the Onondaga, is quite as frequently seen. - -Until recently I had never seen two women pounding corn in one mortar, -but the two pestles rose and fell quite harmoniously. This may be -frequent, for two men seized each his double-headed pestle, to be -photographed on another occasion. The old pestle and mortar are still -quite in favor with most families. - - _W. M. Beauchamp._ - - - - - SCOTTISH MYTHS FROM ONTARIO.[4] - - -In a certain part of Ontario (my stories being true, I must be reticent -as to localities and persons) the country is peopled with Scotch -Highlanders from Glenelg. If, as is often said, Scotch people are -superstitious, the Glenelg men are superlatively so. Every nook and -every grassy plot in that famous glen is haunted, and weird tales belong -to every family, high and low, handed down from father to son. The -Glenelg men in Canada whom I knew still have the traditional tales,—the -ancestral ones, I mean,—and are very willing to tell them: but I greatly -preferred to hear them recount the uncanny doings of their own Canadian -township. They are the third generation in this country. It is an old -part of Ontario,—one of the oldest, I think, for in a long-discarded -burying-ground I found inscriptions bearing date of the last century. -Although so long here, and tolerably fair farmers, they are curiously -backward, preferring in their daily life to talk Gaelic; and it is even -now very common to find children of eight without a word of English. -Most of the very old people have only their native tongue. Their schools -are so poor that it is difficult to believe one’s self in Ontario, where -the standard of education is so high. They are handsome people,—nearly -all very tall and well-built, bearing a family likeness. The men have -none of the farmer slouch so usual in most country places; they are -thorough Highlanders of the best type, and have the traditional grace -and condescension of manner, even when speaking to an acknowledged -superior. The impression of refinement is intensified by their speech. -They came to this country understanding only Gaelic, had no schools -until the present generation, and therefore received the whole of their -education in church. Their speech is Scripture English, quaint, careful, -and accurate. It was at first an astonishment to me, as my knowledge of -rural life in western Ontario had prepared me to expect from farmers -everywhere the horrible colloquialisms, nasal twang, and most wonderful -idioms which perhaps some Montrealers have noticed in the townships, for -it is the same there, I believe. It was a great pleasure to me to listen -to the polished old English, and I soon recognized the cause, and was -interested, and perhaps startled, to discover that the beautiful speech -of one of the least progressive counties of Ontario is directly owing to -the neglect of the government—in short, to their want of education. - -It was not long before I discovered with deep, silent delight that the -country-side was peopled with ghosts. It was never hard to give a turn -to the conversation that would result in the recital of something weird -or horrible, told with the bare simplicity of the doings of the Witch of -Endor, and not doubted in any particular by another than myself. I -remember that this difference between them and me threatened to disturb -my enjoyment. I am always uncomfortable if “in my company but not of -it,” and therefore always agree with every one unless positively -forbidden to do so by a company too intense for a happy existence. In -the present instance, as my infidelity was unsuspected, I was not -hindered from assuming the sentiment of the hour as a garment which I -heartily enjoyed wearing, and which soon belonged of right to me,—so -much so, in fact, that when the first of the following stories was -related in the deepening dusk in a most ghostly hollow behind a -graveyard, it was I who, when deep-drawn breaths announced the finale, -suggested that we arm ourselves with cudgels and hasten home across the -fields. And we did it, too, no one laughing; it was not an hour for -laughter. We walked in Indian file, following the cow-path, and I think -that I surreptitiously held the coat-tail of the one who strode before -me. And as we walked, we thought that we heard the malevolent and fatal -tap, tap, tapping in the wood across the hollow. But this is -anticipating the dénouement of my tale. Here is the story of— - - - THE HAUNTED GROVE. - -A certain man whom it is safe to call Angus, as there was at least one -Angus in every household, lived near the stage road that connected two -large villages, which were, if I remember aright, about fourteen miles -apart. His home was situated nearly midway between them, and about a -mile from the aforementioned hollow. He seems to have taken more -interest in the post-office than his friends whom I knew, and subscribed -for and studied certain Montreal newspapers. For this he was pitied in -the parish, and called “Poor Angus,” for the general sentiment of the -place was opposed to literature, and reading was considered a sign of -mental weakness. He appears to have adhered, however, to the habit, -whether from native independence or native imbecility, I cannot say. I -have noticed that as a means of separating a man from his fellows, -either strength or weakness, if sufficiently pronounced, is equally -potent. So this man, following the bent of his nature, went twice or -thrice a week to the post-office late in the afternoon, when the passing -stage threw in a big leather mail-bag. The post-office was in a -farmhouse, and to reach it he walked through the hollow with the -unwholesome reputation. On the slope of the hill farthest from the -post-office was a grove, not a dense wood,—just about half an acre of -thinly wooded land, the trees being so far apart that you could easily -get glimpses and peeps of the country beyond. I remember once admiring a -pink sunset scantily visible among the dark trunks of those trees. - -Well, one autumn afternoon Angus was ascending this hill on his way home -with his newspapers, when in the grove on his right suddenly sounded the -chopping of a tree. He stopped, interested at once. The grove belonged -to a neighbor and cousin of his own, and it had been for very many years -left undisturbed. I think it very possible that it was a “sugar bush,” -that is, a wood reserved for sugar-making, but of this I cannot be sure. -But if my guess is right it would account for the surprise he felt at -the cutting down of a tree there. He went to the fence, or rather stone -dike, for that is one of the very few parts in which you find fields -inclosed by stone dikes in lieu of fences, as in Scotland. The chopping -continued, though he saw no one, and he moved along, expecting every -moment to see man and axe. Finally he shouted. To his intense -astonishment there was no reply, although it was incredible that he was -unheard by a person in so near vicinity. As the echo of his shout died -away, the chopping, which for a moment or two had been suspended, began -again. A curious horror crept over the listener, and he looked no more, -but made haste up the hill, and turning the corner was soon at home. He -said nothing about the matter on this first occasion, and a few days -later was again on the road returning from the same errand, when, lo! on -the quiet air came again the same chop, chop, chopping. In telling it -afterwards, he said that in his heart he made no fight against fate, but -he just thought sadly of his worldly affairs, and wondered if things -were in good shape for him to leave wife and little ones, for from that -hour he confidently looked for death before another spring. He stood -long listening, and when at last he went home he related the whole -circumstance to his wife. Together they recounted it to friends, who -went in parties and singly to the place, but heard nothing. They also -thoroughly searched the little wood, arguing that chopping must leave -signs behind in the shape of chips and disfigured trunks. But no, there -was no mark of any kind in any part of the grove. Angus was now -earnestly counselled to abandon his literary pursuits. He could not but -own that he had received a warning, and he did own it, but contended -that it was undeserved, and refused to be guided, as one might say, by a -light that, as all admitted, shone with a lurid glare. He was exhorted -to forswear the reading of vain and foolish lies; for with the acumen -which surprised and gratified me so much, they even refused to regard -our newspapers as mediums of information, recognizing instinctively -their right to stand in the ranks of fiction. Their advice was in all -points save one unheeded. With one voice they bade him, if he heard the -warning again, to pursue his way as if he heard it not, looking neither -to the right nor left. This counsel he followed, and the end shows the -folly and uselessness of attempting to elude a menace which is—well, -which is of this kind. - -Angus continued to walk to and from the post-office, and when alone -never failed to hear the mysterious axe at work in the wood. He never -heard it unless alone, and it was never heard by any one else. Although -the conviction that his death would happen before many months took firm -hold of his mind, yet in time he became so accustomed to the thought and -its cause as to go about his usual occupations with much of the wonted -interest, and even to hear the sound of an axe, wielded by invisible -hands, without experiencing agitation. - -Weeks sped on and brought winter, and an unusual fall of snow. The -stage-road became blocked, and vehicles left the highway to make a new -track through the fields. For several months that winter the real road -through the hollow was not used, and the snow, which drifted high in it, -covered the dikes on each side. Temporary roads and footpaths made -winding lines over the white plains on every hand. Angus now followed -one of these roads, which ran parallel to the real highway, just the -dike being between them, until he reached the grove, when he, with -extraordinary and fatal hardihood, instead of remaining in it, used to -leave it, and striking out at right angles to it, would walk through the -grove, aiming directly for his own house, and greatly shortening his -walk thereby. The trees had of course protected the place from wind; -there had been no drifting, and walking was easy. He told it at home, -and said with grim humor that the Man in the Bush seemed pleased that he -would come that way, for his chopping was louder and gladder than ever -before; and his wife repeated her counsel earnestly that he look only -straight before him, and never stop, nor answer any sound, nor take heed -in any way of that unholy work. “And,” said the Angus who years after -related it to me, “the Axe might well be merry when she bade him that -way!” But Angus laid the advice to heart, and strode steadily through -the grove, looking straight before him, and every day the Axe grew gayer -and louder. He did not speak of it now. He was getting used to it, and -the neighbors had ceased to think of it, the more easily because, as I -have told, his literary tastes had separated this Angus from among them. -So one day the owner of the grove and his sons went over to chop down -one particular tree that, on the day when they had searched the grove in -the autumn, had appeared to them to merit destruction. Perhaps it was a -beech growing among maples, where it was not wanted, or perhaps it was a -dead maple cumbering the ground. They began to chop. It was late in the -afternoon. One said with a laugh, “It may be we are taking the tree that -poor Angus’ ghost has been working at so long.” - -Perhaps the invisible man heard them. At any rate he did not chop that -evening. It was only his cousin’s axe that gave the good strokes that -poor Angus heard as he turned from the track to cross the grove as -usual. The tree was swaying and shivering, and all but ready to fall. He -had cut trees all his life, and he knew the sound of the stroke when the -task was almost done; but no goblin’s trick would beguile him into -turning his head. He looked neither to right nor left. Then the chopping -ceased, and his blood nearly froze as he heard his own name shouted in -tones of such horror that a familiar voice was unrecognized. Others -caught up the cry. There was a din, the crashing of branches and sound -of rushing feet, mingled with shouts of warning, and poor Angus fell, -with the enormous tree upon him. When at last the burden was removed, -and the crushed body borne home, there were men there who heard among -the trees inhuman laughter, and knew that Something had lured poor Angus -to his doom. - - -Another weird tale, that made a strong impression on me, I wrote down at -the time, and called— - - - THE FATED FAGOT. - -The title seemed very effective then, though now it strikes me as more -alliterative than true, as it concerns a single stick and not a fagot at -all. It was a round stick about five feet long, probably the trunk of a -young ash tree brought home from the woods to serve some purpose as a -pole. It lay forgotten in the back yard of a farmhouse close to a little -village called L——. It was a fine strong pole about twice as thick as a -man’s wrist. The sun seasoned it day by day, so that it soon was no -longer “green” wood, but wood that would have crackled well in the fire. -But for whatever purpose it had been brought home, it seemed oddly -forgotten. No use was made of it. - -One day one of the young men of the family went to the “bush,” spent an -hour there, and returned with just such another long, straight sapling. -He dragged it into the yard, and his eye fell on the first one. “There,” -said he, “I’ve had little to do spending my time seeking a pole, and -this one ready to my hand all the while.” - -“Aye,” said Mary his sister, standing in the doorway, “that is what I’m -telling them. Since that pole was brought, father has taken a bar from -the gateway, and Neil has cut down a young tree in the pasture, and -you’ve been seeking in the bush, all of you wanting this same pole -that’s only lying in the way.” - -“Perhaps there’ll be something the matter with it, Mary,” her brother -answered, ever ready to suspect black art; “any way, it is dry now, and -I’ll chop it for you, and it will soon be out of harm’s way.” - -And Mary, bidding him do it at once,—for she was then wanting some -firewood,—turned into the house. - -The young man went, whistling, for his axe, and the pole would have been -in half a dozen pieces in a few moments had not a neighbor hailed him -from the road. Throwing down the axe, he went to the fence to speak with -him, calling meantime to a little brother to gather sticks and chips for -Mary. So Mary, or rather _Maari_, for they always pronounced the -familiar name just as it is spelled in some of William Black’s Scotch -novels, cooked the midday meal, but not with the elusive pole of which -she had intended to make a speedy end. But she did not forget it; on the -contrary, it seemed to prey on her mind. As if fascinated, she would go -out and look at it. She dragged it into the woodshed, that its destiny -might seem more sure. She recommended it to the men of the family as -being small and suited to the stove, but still it remained uncut. -Sometimes they said that they could not find it, at other times it was -forgotten. If just about to cut it, they were sure to be interrupted. -Mary took the axe herself to chop it, one day, but a brother laughingly -took it from her and sent her back to the house, promising to follow -with an armful of sticks in a few minutes; but he failed to keep his -word, for a young colt broke loose and needed his immediate attention to -prevent its reaching the highway! - -One morning a wagon drove up with a family party from a distance, come -to spend the day. Mary welcomed them, and the little house was all -bustle and noise while the visitors were being made comfortable. A -dinner fit for the occasion must be prepared, and Mary sent her brother -in haste to the woodshed that the oven might be heated at once. He came -back with an armful. - -“I would have cut the stick that vexes you so much, Maari,” he said, -“but it seems gone at last out of our way. Some one has cut it before -me.” - -“No,” replied the girl, “here it is.” And as she spoke a weight seemed -to fall on her spirits, for she did not smile again, but moved amongst -her guests preoccupied and still. The pole was lying close to the -kitchen door, along the path leading from the woodshed. The young man -thinking it in the way and apt to make people stumble, took it to the -shed and threw it in. - -Dinner was over, and all the news discussed, and it was the middle of -the afternoon when Mary was observed by some one of the family to be -standing in the kitchen doorway alone. I think it was her mother who, -wondering at her staying there so long, went to her. She was shivering -violently, although it was pleasant weather, and she pointed her finger, -without speaking, to the pole, which lay at her feet in the pathway -again. One of the boys was told to go at once and chop it in pieces, and -Mary was kindly chided for her foolish terror. The visitors began to -bestir themselves, for they had a lonely drive before them. - -“I will leave the cutting of the stick until they are on the road,” said -Mary’s brother; and he went to get out their horses and “speed the -parting guests.” Farewells were said in hearty fashion at the gate, and -then the family hastened to take up their interrupted tasks, separating, -some to one thing and some to another; and yet again the stick was -forgotten. - -The evening meal was late, and Mary was hurried. A little daughter of -one of the neighbors, who was in, bustled about, helping. She flew in -and out with chips. - -“Shall I drag this pole out of the way, Maari?” asked the child. - -“No,” said Mary; “_it is too late_.” - -And there at the kitchen door it remained, and Mary was pale and silent, -her thoughts being otherwhere. That night they were roused from sleep by -her cry for help, and when they went to her they found her sick unto -death. A doctor was fetched in haste; it was cholera morbus, and -hopeless, as he knew at once, and before the sun rose Mary was dead. The -stick lay at the door, and one of the kindly neighbors, who were doing -what was needful during the following days, lifted it and sawed it -carefully in two to serve as rests for the coffin, by means of which the -bearers could convey it to the grave; and thus the fated stick fulfilled -its mission. - - -Another tale floats in my memory, enfolding the unwonted image of a— - - - BLUE BUTTERFLY, - -which measured nearly four inches across the extended wings. The color -and size suggest a moth rather than a butterfly, do they not? Whatever -it was, it was sufficiently rare to attract a great deal of notice, but -not of the scientific sort. An unknown object was sure to be regarded -with suspicion; and this butterfly fluttered one July over a certain -farm, secure from ill because of the awe with which it was regarded. It -was constantly watched, and cautiously pursued. Its most innocent -actions became weighty, and were subject to much misconstruction. Some -one discovered by gruesome experience that the glance of its minute eye -could convey a shudder. Its friendliness was suspected. Well, by an -unfortunate coincidence, at this very time the churning of butter on -this farm was not attended with success. This fact impressed my friends -more than it did me, for I reflected grimly that their butter very -generally was not a brilliant issue. This had resulted in my eating -honey very extensively during my visits to them. However, I repressed -any unkind thoughts on the subject, and assisted with much pleasure in -the discussion regarding the doings of the butterfly. It is, moreover, -probable that what they complained of was not bad butter, but cream that -would not be butter at all. This state of things had begun with the -advent of the butterfly and continued in spite of everything done to -counteract the evil influence too evidently at work. The community was -aroused—_all but one person_. A certain woman who lived alone and -refused to know her neighbors evinced no interest in our investigations. -She knew of them, and sneered weird Gaelic sneers, which were translated -to me, and at which I shook my head according to custom. This woman did -not go to church, which was an extreme of wickedness all but unknown -there. I do not know if she were insane or only original, but she was -certainly at war with the sentiments of the community. - -Well, for three weeks she scoffed, the butterfly fluttered, the butter -“did not come,” and we ventilated the subject, which naturally increased -in interest and bulk. At the end of those three weeks one man set his -teeth firmly, armed himself with a wet towel, and sallied out to meet -the mysterious insect single-handed. This man was directly interested in -the sale of the butter. He met the foe only a few yards from the house, -and got the better of it at once by one fell blow. All gathered round to -see it. I did not see it, and I never saw it living either. From -description it was a beautiful specimen. When I heard of its death I was -angry. I had not intended serious consequences to any of the actors in -this idyl, and was indignant for an hour. At the end of that time I was -startled to hear that the poor lonely woman had been found dead. Her -body was discovered on the ground near her own door. It was seen by -passers-by not twenty minutes after the butterfly’s destruction, and her -life had not been extinct much more than a quarter of an hour. Comment -is needless, as was felt at the time, little being said, but much -conveyed by nods and shaking of heads. As if to complete the chain of -evidence, next day the butter came! - - -The particular characteristic of these tales appears to me to be their -picturesqueness. They are more dramatic than “shop” ghost stories -usually are, and the situations and accessories are romantic. I have -some other stories of the superstitious kind gathered among a totally -different “folk,” and with two exceptions they have not seemed to me -worth remembering. The two I except are interesting only by reason of -the difficulty of arriving at any rational theory in explanation of -them. They have no prettiness nor romance about them; they are simply -_creepy_. But this is a digression, as I am not going to tell them now. -I will just remark before returning to my Glenelg friends, that in one -of these two _difficult_ tales of mine I was myself an active -participator in the plot, and conversed at length with the ghost,—quite -calmly, too, for I thought all the time that he was in the flesh. It is -something to mourn over, that such an opportunity should present itself -and be neglected,—an opportunity to “catch a ghost, and tame it, and -teach it to do tricks,” and realize fabulous proceeds! - -Well, to return. The lore of my Scotch friends was like themselves. I -admired them very much. Sometimes certain persons and circumstances -surround us when we are uplifted in soul, and we see them bathed in -light, glorified, as it were, by roseate hues of our own conjuring. -Knowing this, I was often afraid that I created the transforming light -in which they appeared to me to move. It used, therefore, to give me -great happiness when something would happen that proved the charm to be -objective; as, for instance, when one of these unlettered men -unconsciously reëchoed a sentiment from the mysterious thinker whom we -call Thomas à Kempis, and almost in the same words enunciated the truth -that of the mysteries of the supernatural “no one can with safety speak -who would not rather be silent.” And they were silent, and profoundly -reverent. These pretty goblin tales lack the element of “research,” and -are not profane; they are only fantasies. - -I have yet another to tell, and the telling of it gives me a sense of -guilt, for it was given to me by stealth, having assumed such -proportions that the recounting it was denounced publicly in church, the -denunciation being accompanied by threat of excommunication. It is much -the same as the Butterfly tale, and bears a striking resemblance to -certain German wehr-wolf legends. It is not about a wolf, however, the -chief actor being— - - - A BLACK DOG. - -One harvest time, forty or fifty years ago (or perhaps more), in a -certain farmhouse not a mile from the grove where poor Angus met with -sudden death, very strange things were observed. Pails left at night in -trim rows on benches ready for the morning milking would be found, when -required, on the barn floor, or on top of a hay-rick, or in some other -equally unsuitable situation. A spade might be searched for in vain -until some member of the family, climbing into bed at night, would find -it snugly reposing there before him. Pillows were mysteriously removed, -and found sometimes outdoors at a distance from the house. Screws were -removed from their places, and harness hung up in the stable was taken -apart. The family were rendered materially uncomfortable, and did their -best to become also immaterially miserable by searching for proofs of -supernatural agency. A great deal of proof was forthcoming; the matter -was soon beyond doubt, and nothing else was talked about than the -condition of things on this farm. Many speculations were afloat; every -tiny occurrence was examined as possibly affording evidence in the -matter. When a large black dog, evidently without owners, was observed -to frequent the vicinity, the eye of the populace was at once upon it. -It was shy, hiding and skulking about a good deal, and it was always -hard to discover when sought. The owner of the land was strongly advised -to shoot it, and the popular distrust was increased when he did one day -fire at it without producing any visible results, the dog being seen a -few hours later in excellent health. The interest excited was so great -that when a “bee” was held on this farm for something connected with the -harvest the attendance was immense, quite unusually so, and the neighbor -women came in to help in the preparation of supper on an extensive -scale. Some of the men made a long table of boards to accommodate the -company. The women spread cloths and arranged dishes and viands. When -all was ready, they regarded it with approval, pleased especially with -the shining of the long rows of plates and the whiteness of the linen: -then some of them took the dinner-horn and went out to give the signal -to the men, who were at some distance away. The other women went to the -cook-house, where in summer the kitchen stove stood, and the supper -table was left alone. A few minutes later, when all gathered around it -again, chaos reigned where order had been. The cloth was spotted with -symmetrical shapes, a tiny heap of dust and sand was on every plate, and -the knives were on the floor. The disorder was of a strangely methodical -kind, the same quantity of dust being on every plate, while each knife -was placed in the same position as his fellows. The men trooped in -whilst the women were staring aghast, and great was their indignation. - -“Give me your gun,” cried one, “and I’ll put in this silver bit with the -charge, and see if it will not make an end of such work.” - -And just then the dog was seen prowling about at the foot of the yard -near a thicket of bushes where he probably was often concealed. The gun -was fired; it carried a silver bullet, and this time the aim was true, -for all saw that the animal was shot. The day had been warm, and they -were tired out, and did not go to make sure of results at once. They sat -around the rearranged board for an hour or more before some of them -sauntered down to see the vanquished enemy. They did not wonder at first -to find no trace of a dog, as, like any other wounded animal, it was -likely to creep into the thicket to die. But the thicket was small, and -was soon explored on hands and knees. Nothing was there; and the body of -that dog was never seen by mortal, although the search grew hourly more -diligent and thorough. And whilst they searched, there came a boy -running from a stone house not far distant, bidding them to come over -with him quickly, for grandfather was dead. “He dragged himself into the -house,” said the child, “as though he were hurt, an hour ago, and lay -down on his bed, and now he is dead.” - -Friends hastened over, but were met at the door by the dead man’s wife, -terrified and weeping, but almost forbidding them to enter. For some -unfortunate reason, the poor woman would not let them near the body, -little knowing, I suppose, the suspicion in their minds and the -construction which must inevitably be put on her demeanor. - - -This story concerns a man who is, I should think, grandfather and -great-grandfather to a fifth of the population of that township, and it -assumed such proportions that, as I have stated, mention of it was -prohibited, long years afterwards, by a clergyman now living in the -county of Bruce. It is to this day a little difficult for the -descendants of the man who died that long-ago harvest-time to marry out -of their own connection. If one of them should ever aspire to represent -his county in parliament, the enemy will assuredly come to the front -with the Black Dog. - -Now, I have told such of the weird stories of that county as I best -remember. I heard many more, but they are wholly or partially forgotten; -fragments of them I retain. One is especially to be regretted because it -was what is called well authenticated, having been noised abroad -sufficiently to be noticed by some newspaper, which naturally produced -an inquiry. It was considered in that region to be _the_ ghost story -_par excellence_. I was tempted to try and relate it at length in this -paper, but found that I could not do so without supplying from fancy -what would take the place of forgotten details. It is a story of a -desecrated grave. I was shown the grave. The body of a young girl was -stolen from it the night after burial, taken to a neighboring village -and concealed in a tavern stable, the intention being to convey it next -day to Montreal; but that very night the girl herself appeared in a -dream to her father, telling him where her body then lay, naming the -guilty parties, and giving a perfectly accurate account of the robbery, -describing the road taken through fields, and a discussion that actually -had taken place regarding the advisability of taking the coffin, that -is, the possibility of such theft making prosecution easier in the event -of discovery. The father roused friends, who accompanied him to the -village, and the body was discovered in exactly the position described -in his dream and recounted by him on their way thither. - -Although I do not, in this or any such story, accept the supernatural -theory, I cannot explain it. It has never been explained. It belongs to -a country peopled with unearthly shapes, the offspring of poetic -natures, wholly uninformed, and possibly the conditions are favorable to -“manifestations.” “He who desires illusions,” you know, “shall have them -beyond his desire.” - - -I am reluctant to leave the subject, there is so much to tell, for the -writing of this paper has revived incidents that seemed quite forgotten. -I would like to talk about a certain lonely carpenter shop, in which, -before a death, the sound of plane and hammer used to be heard at night, -and we were compelled to believe that the ghost of the sick one was, -with officious if not indecent haste, making his coffin. As he was not -yet a ghost, that is, not yet disembodied, there was a confusion of -thought here. On some occasions he added to the nuisance by burning a -candle which extinguished of its own accord if approached. - -A personage whom they called the Evil One was not infrequently -encountered by individuals in lonely places. I was accustomed to hearing -of these meetings, and therefore was much surprised at the indignation -shown against a certain young fellow of a frivolous disposition, who -claimed to have had such an experience. I inquired of a clergyman, who -knew the locality well, the reason of the young man’s narrative being -received with disfavor. He laughed very heartily while he explained that -a visit from the Prince of Darkness was regarded as proof of the highest -sanctity, and was therefore the privilege only of persons aged and of -long-established preëminence in the church. The young man was disturbing -the traditions. - -I was a little shocked to hear of a repulsive superstition which I have -read of as being peculiar to certain parts of England,—I mean a horrible -vampire story given in explanation of the ravages often made in a family -by consumption. I did not meet this superstition myself, but was told -that it was among them. Consumption was rife among them; it seemed to be -hereditary. They looked so remarkably robust, and yet fell so easily a -prey to this disease, and it seldom lingered! It was nearly always a -very rapid illness. These are sad memories. The matter always seemed so -hopeless! In a sickroom superstition ceases to be either funny or -graceful. I stood by sick-beds with a sore heart, knowing too well that -the haste with which a doctor was procured would be fully equalled by -the zeal with which his orders would be disregarded. They had faith in -the physician, the man, but none whatever in his prescriptions. There -were two doctors, whom I may call Dr. X. and Dr. Z. Each had his -admirers, who vaunted his superiority. - -I stopped one day on the road to inquire, of a man whom I met, after the -health of some of his neighbors. - -“Oh,” said he, “they would soon be well if they would see Dr. Z. They’ll -be having Dr. X. all the time, and I do not see that they’re gaining at -all.” - -I said something in defence of Dr. X. - -“Well, Miss F., I’ll just tell a story that will let you know the -difference between these two doctors,” said my friend. “My father was -once laid up very bad with a cold that he could not get rid of, and we -sent for Dr. X., who gave him a phial of medicine. Well, next day our -neighbor, John McM., came in, and seeing my father no better, he said, -‘Oh, you should have had Dr. Z.; but I’ll soon put that right for you.’ -Straightway he went back to his own house for a bottle that had been a -year or two there, of Dr. Z.’s mixing. It had been in the house since -his father died, but they were not sure that it had been some of his -medicines. They had forgotten all about it, and the paper of writing had -come off; so they did not know how much to take, but they just took the -writing on Dr. X.’s bottle for a guide, and poured out a spoonful for my -father, who began to mend at once, and was out at work in three or four -days after.” - -This tale moved me so much that I went to the side of the road and sat -down on a log to thoroughly take it in and fix it in my memory. When I -believed that I had it safely, I asked gently, “Murdoch, what if it had -been a liniment and poisonous?” - -My friend drew himself up, his face aglow with faith in Dr. Z., and -replied proudly, “Dr. Z. never gives poisons; he always gives healthy -medicines.” - -But I am going from one story to another, and lengthening my “uncanny -folk-lore” unwarrantably. To repeat myself, it is hard to leave these -reminiscences. - - Like the ghost of a dear friend dead - Is time long past. - -But before closing I would like to say to those who speak of _authentic_ -ghost stories, that nothing will make one so thoroughly sceptical -regarding them as entering into them heartily, and, so to say, assisting -in their composition. I used to wish them true with all my heart. I -earnestly desired to believe them, for I was lonely, and this supplied -excitement; but being behind the scenes, I was unable to shut my eyes to -their origin. On one occasion, when a man was relating to me a -peculiarly attractive narrative, I perceived in it a flaw, or a lack of -sequence which would be a weak place in his chain of evidence. I made a -remark, a _sideways_ remark, which I meant to serve as suggestion -without showing that I saw the fault. I saw the idea take. He was -excited, and did not realize that I had drawn his attention to the weak -place, which he immediately bridged over, materially changing the story -in doing so. He was an honorable man, who would have scorned a -deliberate falsehood; but scarcely an hour later I heard him retail the -altered narrative and offer to give every detail on oath as perfectly -accurate. He knew that I heard him, and in fact he appealed to me as -having been the first hearer. He was entirely unconscious that I had -assisted him to manufacture the most valuable part of the evidence. I -did not confess. I think it wrong to spoil a good story. But I am quite -certain that ghost-seers, even if they are mighty men who edit reviews, -are not, and cannot be, reliable witnesses. - - _C. A. Fraser._ - - - - - AN OTOE AND AN OMAHA TALE. - - -The tales which follow were obtained in Nebraska, from an informant of -Otoe extraction, married to an Omaha, and are given as nearly as -possible in the words of the narrator. - - - THE CHIEF’S DAUGHTERS: AN OTOE TALE. - -In the evening, in summer, upon a hot night two young girls, chief’s -daughters, lay on the ground outside their tents gazing at the sky. As -the stars came out one of them said:— - -“I wish I were away up there. Do you see where that dim star is? There -is where I wish I might be.” And she fixed her eyes upon the twinkling -star that seemed to be vanishing behind the clouds. - -The other girl said: “It is too dim. I wish I were up by that bright -one, that large brilliant star,” and she pointed to where a steady light -glowed red. - -Soon they were asleep and the brilliant lights in the blue above kept -watch. In the night when they awoke each young girl found herself where -she had wished to be. The one in the dim star was in the home of a brave -young chief, and she became his bride and was happy. The beautiful star -had appeared dim to her while she was yet upon the earth because it was -so far, far away that she could not see its glorious light. - -The girl in the bright star found herself in a servant’s home, and was -obliged to do all manner of work and to become the servant’s wife. This -star had been nearer the earth, and so it had seemed to be the larger -and brighter star. When this girl found that her friend had gone to a -beautiful star and become the wife of a chief, with plenty of servants -to wait upon her, and that she was never permitted to do any work, she -cried and cried because the change in her own condition seemed more -cruel, and she was even obliged to live with a servant. - -The girls were still friends and often met in the clouds and went out to -gather wild turnips, but the chief’s wife could never dig, her friend -was always obliged to serve her. Whenever they started out an old man -would say to them:— - -“When you dig a turnip, you must strike with the hoe once, then pull up -the turnip. Never, by any means, strike twice.” After going to gather -turnips many times and receiving always this same instruction the -chief’s wife grew curious, and one day she said to her friend: - -“Why is it, they tell us to strike but once? To-day when you dig that -turnip I wish you to strike twice. Let us see why they allow us to -strike but once.” - -The servant struck once with the hoe and took up the turnip, then, as -commanded, she struck with her hoe again in the same place. Behold a -hole! She leaned forward and looked down. She saw her home. She cried to -her friend. “Look! I can see through the clouds. See! there is our -home.” - -The chief’s wife looked also, and she saw the village and her home. The -girls sat looking through the hole, and they longed to go home, and they -sat weeping. An old man chanced to pass by, and he saw them and stopped -and asked:— - -“What is the matter? What are you crying about?” - -And they answered, “Because we can see our home. We are so far away, we -wish to be there, but we can never get there.” - -The old man passed on. He went to the chief and he told him that the -girls sat weeping because they could see their home, and they wanted to -go back to the earth. - -The chief then called all his people together, and he sent them away to -find all the lariats[5] that they could. - -In the village, on the earth, every one had mourned for the chief’s -daughters, who had so strangely disappeared, and could not be found. It -was a long time since they were lost; but the people still thought of -them. - -To-day in the village a great many people had come to see the boys and -young men play. They used a ring[6] and a long stick, round at one end. -One person would throw the ring in the air and at the same time another -would try to send his arrow through it; the men would run swiftly and -throw their sticks when they were near the ring, for the one who got -most arrows through while the ring was still in the air was the winner. -All the people were excited over the game and urging on the young men, -when one of them happened to look up toward the sky. - -“Why, look up,” he called out, “something is coming down. Look! They are -very large. Look at them!” - -All who heard stopped and looked up, and others seeing them look, turned -to see what it was. Many ran to the spot where these things were -falling. Then the people found they were the lost girls. - -The good chief in the dim star had ordered all the lariats knotted -together and then he had wound them around the bodies of the two girls -and dropped them gently through the hole in the sky to the earth, -keeping tight the end of the rope until the girls reached the ground. - -Joyfully the Indians ran before the girls to carry the news of their -return to their sorrowful parents. One of the girls looked sad and -pitiful, the other looked happy as though she had been in some beautiful -place. - - - STORY OF THE SKULL: AN OMAHA STORY. - -A woman was walking along, she was proud because she had on her finest -clothes, and she met another woman, who asked:— - -“Where are you going, sister-in-law?” - -“I am going off a long ways.” - -“Let us go together, then,” said the second woman. - -They walked on, and met a third woman, who asked:— - -“Where are you going?” and when they answered her she said: “I am going -also; let us go together;” and they walked along one after the other. - -They met a fourth woman, who asked: “Where are you going, -sister-in-law?” and she also joined them. - -Walking in single file, the women came to a pile of bones where people -had died. - -The first woman kicked them with her foot, and, turning to the second -woman, said:— - -“These belong to you. Carry them.” - -The second woman kicked the bones with her foot and said contemptuously -to the third woman:— - -“These are the bones of your relatives. Carry them.” - -The third woman kicked them with her foot, and, turning to the fourth -woman, said: “These bones belong to you. Carry them.” - -And the fourth woman answered: “This is the skull of my sister-in-law. -You should not be disrespectful. I will carry it along so that you shall -respect it.” - -The women wore a skin belted in at the waist, making a skirt of one -part, and leaving the other long enough to cover the back and to draw -over the head, and the last woman put it between her back and the -blanket, saying: “I shall carry it.” - -But after a time she wearied of carrying it, and she put it down by the -roadside in a place where no one would molest it. But the skull followed -them, singing:— - -“There were four women passing along here. One of them is my -sister-in-law.” - -The women heard it singing, and ran. When they camped for the night the -skull came up and destroyed the first woman. It bit her and she died. - -When the three women awoke and found one dead, they fled from the skull, -but it followed, singing:— - -“There were four women passing along here. One of them is my -sister-in-law.” - -They ran away from it and camped for the night, but when they awoke in -the morning they found another woman had been killed by the skull, so -again they fled, but again they heard it singing:— - -“There were four women passing along here. One of them is my -sister-in-law.” - -Next morning only one woman awoke, and the skull came up to her and -said:— - -“Sister-in-law, carry me again.” - -She dared not refuse, and after they had gone a short distance the skull -said:— - -“Look among the trees until you find one where the raccoons have their -nest. Then if you are hungry you shall have something to eat. Look for a -certain tree, find the hollow place where the raccoon goes in to its -nest and drop me in after it.” - -The woman did as she was told and she dropped the skull in. It somehow -killed the raccoon. After it had got to the bottom of the tree it -called:— - -“Cut a hole in this tree and let me out.” - -The woman cut the hole; first she took the raccoon out from the tree, -and then she took the skull out. She cooked the raccoon, then she took -the stomach of the raccoon for a bag, and melted down the raccoon fat, -put it in the stomach bag and sewed it up. She hid it from the skull; -she had a purpose in doing this, and the skull did not know that she had -done it, and she carried the bag with her. They stopped twice more -during their journey; each time the woman did as the skull directed, and -each time she made the bag and filled it and sewed it up, and the skull -did not see her. - -The fourth time the woman hunted for a very large tree, and when she had -found it she dropped the skull into the hole and then ran off by -herself. The skull called: “I have killed the raccoon. Now let me out.” -No answer. Then the skull knew the woman had left, and said:— - -“Wherever you go I shall find you and have my revenge.” - -It commenced to gnaw a place in the tree to let itself out, and it took -it a day and a half to make a hole large enough to get through. When it -came out, it went along, saying:— - -“Wherever you go I shall find you and have my revenge.” - -By and by the woman heard the skull saying that, and she took the bag of -raccoon grease and threw it at the skull; it went all over it, and it -could not go on, and while it stopped to clean itself the woman ran on -ahead. - -But the skull caught up to her, and she heard it say:— - -“Wherever you go I shall find you and have my revenge.” - -Then the woman stopped and threw another bag at the skull, and it had to -stop and clean itself. - -The third time it caught up to her, and she threw another bag of grease -at it. But the fourth time the woman went on till she came to a woods, -but the skull could not reach the woods until the next morning for it -had to cross a creek, and so it went back on the side of the hill and -had to roll down and so cross the creek. The woman found an old man in -the forest making bows and arrows, and she asked him to protect her from -the skull, but he paid no attention. - -“Brother, help me! Protect me!” But he took no notice of her. - -“Uncle, protect me!” He paid no attention. - -“Father, protect me from the skull!” He did not notice. - -“Grandfather,” she called, “Help me! Protect me!” - -“That is the relationship,” he said. He was an immense man, and his long -hair was done up in a big knot on the back of his head. He told her to -untie it and get in there, so she did so. And he told her to sit there -and wait until he was ready. After a while he went on making bows and -arrows. - -Presently the skull came up and went round and round the old man, -saying:— - -“Old man give me my woman.” - -But the old man was silent. Then, said the skull:— - -“Give me the woman I was running after.” - -But the old man would not answer. - -When the skull asked for the woman the fourth time, the old man said:— - -“I am tired of you.” So he took a bow and broke the skull in pieces, and -he said to the woman:— - -“Get down and gather up these pieces. Pile them up, and set them on -fire. After you set them on fire, whatever you see, don’t you touch it. -You will be punished if you do.” - -When the woman saw the fire going down she espied a comb.[7] She picked -it up and hid it in her blanket, but it burned her side so badly that -she died. The old man said:— - -“I told you not to pick up anything, but you did so. I punish you. -Disobedience brings its own punishment.” - -“Is that all?” I asked. - -“Yes.” - -“When Carey told it to me, he said the old man hit the skull and it went -into the air; when it came down it turned into knives, forks, thimbles, -threads, awls, wax, needles, and scissors. The man told the woman to -come down from his hair but not to pick up anything that was on the -ground; if she did he would punish her. And the old man went off and sat -down under a tree. She tried to pick up a pair of scissors; when she did -so her hands dropped off. That is the way Carey told it.” - -“Carey did not get it right. This is a very old story, and at the time -it was first told we never knew of such things as knives, forks, awls, -or scissors. Carey has added that, or some of the younger people have -told it that way because they now use these things. But I have told it -to you the old way, and that is the right way.” - - _George Truman Kercheval._ - - - - - EXHIBIT OF GAMES IN THE COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. - - -Primitive Religions, and Folk-lore, including Games, are the subject of -a special section in the Anthropological Building at the Columbian -Exposition. This section, which is known as the “Section of Religions, -Games, and Folk-lore,” is located upon the main floor, where the exhibit -occupies a series of cases on the south side and a line of flat cases -which extend across the entire building. - -Folk-lore is the name given to the material which has come down to us in -the sayings and customs of mankind. Its study, for which no special name -has been devised, is an important branch of the science of anthropology. - -The chief object of the collection is to show things which illustrate -folk traditions and customs. The field being a vast one, the collection -has been practically restricted to the subject of games. The basis of -the collection was formed in the Museum of Archaeology of the University -of Pennsylvania during the past two years. The University’s collection -has been supplemented by exhibits from individuals and the leading -manufacturers of games in this country. - -The objects are classified and arranged for comparative study, games of -the same general sort being placed together. They are contained in -twelve table cases running from the southernmost entrance on the west -side to the corresponding entrance on the east side. Puzzles and the -simple games of children commence the series. - - - CASE I. - PUZZLES, CHILDREN’S GAMES, MANCALA. - -The ingenious objects which we designate as “puzzles” are represented by -about one hundred and twenty-five specimens exhibited by the Museum of -the University of Pennsylvania. They begin with a collection of East -Indian puzzles “invented” by Aziz Hussan of Saharanpore, among which may -be seen many types of puzzles that are common in Europe and America. The -Chinese puzzles of wood, bone, and ivory follow them. Chinese puzzles, -long a household word, are very limited in number. Those which are made -for export are invariable in form, and consist of the familiar “Ring -Puzzle,” the “Geometrical Puzzle,” and the “Dissected Cube.” Their -Chinese names are all descriptive, and the “Ring Puzzle,” which they -call “The Nine Interlinked Rings,” was probably borrowed by Chinese from -India. The number of types in the entire series of puzzles is -surprisingly small. The one that was revived some years since under the -name of the “Fifteen Puzzle,” and which was described by an English -writer some two hundred years ago, has suggested a large group. “Pigs in -Clover,” an American invention, is the most recent addition to the -world’s amusements of this character, and its wide diffusion and -popularity is shown here in a great variety of specimens from different -countries. - -Some of the simpler amusements of children are suggested by the objects -on the north side of this case. Here are to be seen Mr. William Wells -Newell’s “Games and Songs of American Children,” and “The Counting-out -Rhymes of Children,” by Dr. H. Carrington Bolton, two books which may be -regarded as classical in their particular field. Mr. Pak Yong Kiu, of -the Corean Commission to the Columbian Exposition, has furnished the -following interesting addition to the collection of children’s -counting-out rhymes:— - - Hau al ta - Tu al da - Som a chun - Na al da, - Yuk nong, - Ku chi, - Pol ta, - Chong kun, - Ko tu ra, - Biong. - -The wide diffusion of the custom of using counting-out rhymes among -children, and the general resemblance they bear to each other, present -problems of curious interest. - -Among the imitative games of children, there are few more interesting -than the Toros or mock bull-fight of Spanish boys. A wicker mask from -Madrid, representing the bull’s head, which is used in this sport, is -suspended beside this case, within which may be seen the toy _espadas_ -or swords and the _banderillios_. Tops are shown to be of great -antiquity and of very general use over the earth. Their age is -illustrated by a wooden top from the Fayum, Egypt, discovered by Mr. -Flinders Petrie at Kahûn, belonging to 2800 B. C. They were common among -the American Indians, north and south. A number of balls of baked clay -and stone, which were whipped in a game on the ice, represent the -primitive tops of the Sioux, while a more recent Sioux top of wood with -a peg of brass shows foreign influences. Among the Omahas tops were -called _Moo de de ska_, a name which Mr. Francis La Flesche says is not -descriptive. The explorations conducted for the Department by Mr. George -A. Dorsey in Peru have contributed several interesting specimens to this -collection. Two prehistoric tops from Ancon are identical in form with -the ancient Egyptian top, while another from an ancient grave at Arica -is distinguished by a spindle, not unlike the modern tops of Japan. The -use of pop-guns among the ancient Peruvians is also shown by two -beautifully carved specimens of wood contained in a llama skin pouch, -from an ancient grave in Cañete valley. Popguns were used by many if not -all of the American Indian tribes. Among the Omahas the children made -them of willow branches, and then, by partly stopping one end, would -convert them into squirt-guns. The toy squirt-gun sold in the Chicago -shops is here shown beside the syringe from India used in the Hindu -_Holi_ Festival. - -Jackstraws, which are known in England as “Spillikins” and in France as -_Les Jonchets_, are next in order. The peculiar Chinese name appended to -the Chinese specimens, “Eight Precious Things,” suggests the probability -that China was the country from which we derived them. - -The remainder of this case is devoted to the implements for a game that -holds an unique position among the world’s games, and for which no place -could be found in the series that follow. It is variously played with -pebbles, shells, and seeds in holes dug in the ground, or upon a board -with cup-like depressions. The game appears to be found wherever Arab -influence has penetrated. It is very generally played in Africa, in Asia -Minor, and in India. Two boards are exhibited, one brought from -Jerusalem for the University Museum by Mrs. John Harrison of -Philadelphia, and another from the Gaboon River in Africa. The Syrians -in the Damascus house in the Turkish village in the Midway Plaisance -know it under the name of _Mancala_, and it is a favorite game with the -Chief of the Dahomey village, who frequently plays it with his son -before his hut in the Plaisance. Among the so-called Dahomeyans this -game is called _Madaji_, the board _adjito_, and the seeds which they -use, _adji_. It is a game for two persons. As played in Syria, there are -several forms of the game. One is called _lâ’b madjnuni_, or the “Crazy -Game.” Ninety-eight cowrie shells are used, which are distributed -unequally in the fourteen holes in the board, which is placed -transversely between the two players. The first player takes all the -pieces from the hole at the right of his row and drops them, one at a -time, in the first hole on the opposite side, and so on, continuing -around the board until the last one is let fall. He thereupon takes all -the pieces from that hole and distributes them one by one as before, -until, arriving at the last piece, he takes all the pieces again in his -hands. This is continued until the last piece dropped either falls into -an empty hole or completes two or four in the hole in which it falls. In -the latter case the player takes the two or four for his own, as well as -the contents of the hole opposite, and should there be two or four in -the next hole or holes to the one at which he stopped, he also takes -them with those opposite. The players continue in turn, and when the -game is finished the one gaining the highest number of cowries wins. If -a player’s last piece falls in an empty hole, his turn is ended. Skill -is of no avail in this form of the game, the result always being a -mathematical certainty, accordingly as the cowries are distributed at -the beginning. - - - CASE II. - BALLS, QUOITS, MARBLES. - -The antiquity of the ball as an implement of sport is attested by the -balls found associated with objects used in other games in old Egypt, -where it was known at least 4,700 years ago. Games of ball are common -among savage and barbarous people, and ball games of Burma, Siam, India, -and Japan, as well as those of the North American Indians, are suggested -in this case. With the ball games are the sticks used in a widely -diffused game which we commonly know as “Tip-cat.” Tip-cat is played -with a block of wood, about six inches in length, which is struck with a -small club or bat and knocked into the air. The rules for playing are -somewhat complicated, and as far as they have been compared, appear to -be much the same all over the earth. The oldest specimen is from Kahûn, -Egypt, of 2800 B. C. Tip-cat is known by the Syrians in the Plaisance, -who have contributed the sticks they use in the game they call _Hab_. In -Persia it is called _Guk tchub_, “frog-wood,” a name given to it, like -our name “cat,” from the way the small stick leaps into the air. In -China the game is called _Ta-pang_, “to knock the stick,” and the -Chinese laborers in the United States call the “cat” _To tsz_, or -“Little Peach.” In Japan the game is called _In ten_; the small stick -_ko_, “son,” and the long one _oya_, “parent.” In India the game is -called _Gutti danda_; in Burma, _Kyitha_, and in Russian _Kosley_, -“goat,” a suggestive name like that of Persia and our own name, “cat.” - -The wicker baskets or _cestas_ for the Spanish game of ball or _Pelota_, -now so popular in Spain, are next shown, with the flat bat used by the -Spaniards in ball games. A very ancient English bat for trap ball -appears with them, and these are followed by the implements used in the -current American and English ball games exhibited by Messrs. A. G. -Spalding & Bros. of Chicago. Cricket, Baseball, Football, Golf, Polo, La -Crosse and Lawn Tennis, Racket and Battledore and Shuttlecock, are -displayed in order, and with the last are exhibited the Zuñi Indian and -the Japanese form of this game and the Chinese shuttlecock, which is -kicked with the toes. The tossing games comprise Jackstones, Cup and -Ball, Grace Hoops, and Quoits, and ring games of various kinds, and -include the iron quoits _Rayuelas_, used in Spain. The stone quoit games -of the Zuñis, and of the Tarahumara Indians are also exhibited. The -North American Indian forms of the Cup and Ball game comprise the -_Ar-too-is_, or “match-making” game of the Penobscots, exhibited by -Chief Joseph Nicolar of Oldtown Me., and the Sioux game played with the -phalangal bones of the deer. The comparatively new game “Tiddledy winks” -follows, leading up to a recent German game called the “Newest War -Game,” in which the men or “winks” are played upon a board upon which -are represented two opposing fortresses. The games of tossing cowries -and coins are next suggested, with the game played by Chinese children -with olive seeds. Many natural objects are exhibited that are used by -children in playing games resembling marbles, to which artificial -objects they appear to lead. In Burma the seeds of a large creeper, the -_Eutada Pursoetha_, are employed in a game called _Gohunyin_, one of the -commonest forms of gambling known in that country. In Asia Minor, -knuckle-bones of sheep, which are often weighted with lead, are used in -the same manner, and in Damascus and the cities in connection with -marbles. Marbles themselves, in the varieties known to commerce, are -next exhibited. - - - CASE III. - BOWLING, BILLIARDS, CURLING, AND SHUFFLE BOARD. - -The objects used to illustrate the games of Bowling, Billiards, -and Shuffle Board were made for this exhibit by the -Brunswick-Balke-Collender Company of Chicago, by whom they are -displayed, and comprise miniature tables for these games of -remarkable accuracy and beauty of finish. On the north side of the -case may be seen the implements used in the game of Croquet as it -is played at the present day. The first games of Croquet -manufactured in the United States were made from an English sample -in 1863. The Chicago Curling Club here displays a collection of -representative objects, including three sets of Curling stones and -the medals and trophies belonging to the club and its members. - - - CASE IV. - MERRELLS, FOX AND GEESE, CHESS, AND DRAUGHTS. - -An attempt has been made to bring together as large a number as possible -of the simple board games like Merrells and Fox and Geese, with the hope -that they would throw light upon that much discussed question, the -origin of the game of Chess. The Chinese, Korean, Japanese, and Siamese, -Malayan and Samoan forms of several such games are exhibited. It is -curious to note that the peculiar board used in the Japanese Fox and -Geese game, called _Juroku Musashi_, or “Sixteen Soldiers,” is the same -as one from Peru for a similar game. The inference is that they are both -of Spanish introduction, which seems to be confirmed by the statement -that the Japanese game was first known in that country in the sixteenth -century. Merrells is displayed in a board made in the Damascus house in -the Plaisance, where the Syrians call it _Edris_, and in a diagram -obtained from Chinese laborers from Canton, who call it _Sám k’í_, or -the “Three Game,” as well as by European boards. - -A Japanese board for that famous game which the Japanese call _Go_ and -the Chinese _Wei k’i_, or the “Game of Surrounding,” follows. This is -the game which is often erroneously referred to as chess, in China. The -Japanese name of this board, _Go-ban_, has furnished the name which we -have applied to the simple game of “Go Bang,” which we also got from -Japan. - -A board and men for a highly developed game, somewhat like draughts, -played by the Zuñi Indians of New Mexico, furnishes a striking object -for speculation and research. The board is a square divided into 144 -small equal squares, each of which is crossed by two intersecting -diagonal lines. The moves are made one square at a time along those -diagonal lines, the pieces being placed at the angles of the squares. -Two or four persons play. They each start with six men, and their object -is to get their men across to the other side and occupy their opponent’s -places, capturing as many of his pieces as possible by the way. A piece -is taken by getting it between two others, as in the modern Egyptian -game of _Seega_, and the first piece thus taken may be replaced by an -extra piece belonging to the player who makes the capture, which may -move on the straight as well as the diagonal lines and is called the -“Priest of the Bow.” This game, which was arranged and is exhibited by -Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing, is called _A-wi-thlák-na-kwe_, which he -translates as “Stone warriors.” Mr. Edward Falkener, in his work -entitled “Games Ancient and Oriental,” which he lent for exhibition -here, has published a restoration of the ancient Egyptian game of Senat -from fragments of Egyptian boards which have come down from 1600 B. C. -The game as thus restored is in some respects similar to the Zuñi game, -the men being taken as in _Seega_ by getting them between two others. -The Zuñi game, however, may be regarded as in advance of any other board -game, even of our own civilization, until we come to the true game of -Chess. Chess stands alone among games. We do not find the links that -connect it with lower forms of board games, and the Indian game from -which our own is derived almost without change is the source from which -the many variants of the Chess game doubtless originated. Several of -these offspring of the Indian Chess are shown in the north side of this -case, including the chess games of Burma, Siam, the Malay Peninsula, -China, and Japan. A Moorish board is exhibited with them, and European -chessmen and boards follow. A finely carved ivory chess set represents -the pieces that are made for export by the Chinese at Canton. Draughts, -which in the opinion of Mr. Edward B. Tylor may be regarded as a modern -and simplified form of Chess, now follow, and here are shown two sets of -interesting German draughtsmen of the eighteenth century. - - - CASE V. - AMERICAN BOARD GAMES, GAMES OF LOTS, LOTTO, CHINESE LOTTERIES. - -The games played on boards, like Merrells and Draughts, manufactured by -Messrs. McLaughlin Brothers and E. J. Horsman of New York, and the -Milton Bradley Company of Springfield, Mass., are found in this case. -Many of them appear to have been suggested by the Oriental games such as -are shown in the preceding collection. - -These are followed by games of Lots, a class of games extremely common -among the North American Indians. The Haida and other tribes of the -northwest coast play with sticks which are painted and carved. According -to Dr. Franz Boas the sticks are thrown down violently upon a hard piece -of skin, and the object of the game is to pick out the unmarked sticks, -which alone count. The designs on the sticks are of the greatest -interest, and a set of plaster casts of a very finely carved set in the -United States National Museum at Washington, which are displayed through -the courtesy of Professor Otis T. Mason, exhibit these peculiarities. -The wooden discs from Puget Sound are concealed beneath a mat, and the -players endeavor to select a particular disc. Guessing games of various -kinds were very general among our Indians. The two bones, one wrapped -with thread, which were used by the Alaska Indians in such a game, are -exhibited with similar bones from the Utes. They were held in the hands, -the player guessing which contained the marked one. The balls of buffalo -hair with which the Omahas play a similar game are also displayed, with -the moccasins in which the object was sometimes concealed. These games -were played with the accompaniment of songs. Miss Alice C. Fletcher -exhibits the music of two of these gambling songs used by the Omahas, -and in Dr. Washington Matthews’ “Navajo Gambling Songs,” a copy of which -may be seen in this case, the songs sung in the game of _Kêsitce_, -played with eight moccasins, in one of which a stone is concealed, are -recorded. Among the Zuñis and Mokis, cups like dice cups were used to -cover the ball. The Moki cups here exhibited have been used in a sacred -game and then sacrificed with “plume sticks,” as is shown by the small -holes with which they are pierced. - -Games can be made to throw much light upon the social and political -institutions of many peoples. This fact is rendered conspicuous in the -implements for the Chinese lotteries which are shown in this series. -They comprise the paraphernalia of the _Pák-kòp-piu_ or “Game of the -White Pigeon Ticket,” the _Tsz’ fá_, or “Character Flowering,” and the -_Wei Sing_ or “Game of Guessing Surnames.” In the first, the tickets are -imprinted with the first eighty characters of the _Tsin tsz’ man_, or -Thousand Character Classic, one of the elementary text-books of Chinese -children. In the second, the writer of the lottery assists his patrons -in their effort to guess the hidden character, by an original ode, in -which it must be in some way referred to. - -The third is the game of guessing the name of the successful candidate -at the Governmental Literary Examinations. Upon them all the peculiar -literary traditions of the Chinese people have left their imprint. - - - CASE VI. - KNUCKLE-BONES AND DICE, DOMINOES, EVOLUTION OF PLAYING CARDS, CHINESE - PLAYING CARDS, PARCHESI, PATOLI, AND KAB. - -No method of appealing to chance is more common than that of tossing -some object in the air and deciding the result by its fall. A coin is -often used at the present day, and many natural and artificial objects -have found currency for this purpose. Nuts, cowrie shells, and the -knuckle-bones of animals have been used from the earliest times, and the -last, the knuckle-bones, have become the parent of many of our modern -games. The American Indians across the entire continent played a game -with marked plum-stones and other objects which had many points of -resemblance with games played by other people with dotted cubical dice. -The specimens of such games here exhibited comprise the game played with -marked bone discs in a wooden bowl by the Penobscot Indians of Oldtown, -Me., contributed by Chief Joseph Nicolar; a set of marked plum-stones -and the basket and tallies used by the Sioux, and a similar set of -marked bone and wooden pieces, with the basket, from the Arapahoes. -Among the Pueblo Indians of the southwestern United States blocks of -wood are used in the same manner as dice, and among the Arabs of -northern Africa numerical values are attributed to the throws made with -four and six similar pieces of reed. In India, cowries are used. -Sortilege is also practised with the implements that are used in games. -In China, the cleft root stock of the bamboo is commonly employed in -fortune-telling, and the blocks, which form part of the accessories of -nearly all Chinese temples, may be seen upon the altar of the Chinese -God of War, commonly appealed to by Chinese gamblers, erected in this -Section. Knuckle-bones or astragali present a most interesting subject -for investigation. From a prehistoric knuckle-bone of terra-cotta from -Cuzco, Peru (No. 340), in the collection of Señor Montes in this -building it appears that they were used by the ancient Peruvians. The -Peruvian Indians at the present day use four knuckle-bones as dice in a -game. It is known in Kechua as _tava_, a word meaning four, which should -not in the opinion of Señor Montes be confounded with the Spanish word -for knuckle-bone, _taba_, from which he does not think it was derived. - -Knuckle-bones were used in games in old Egypt, as was shown by the ivory -specimens found with other gaming implements in the tomb of Queen -Hatasu, B. C. 1600, and are constantly referred to by the Greek and -Latin authors. Numerical values were attributed to each of the four -throws, which among the Romans were designated as _Supinum_, _Pronum_, -_Planum_, and _Tortuosum_, and estimated as three, five, one, and six. -Among the Arabs, and at the present day throughout western Asia, the -four sides receive the names of ranks of human society; thus among the -Persians, according to Dr. Hyde, they are called _Duzd_, “thief,” -_Dibban_, “peasant,” _Vezir_, and _Shah_, and so with the Turks, -Syrians, Armenians, and other peoples. A pair of natural bones from the -right and left leg of the sheep are commonly used, which among the -Syrians of Damascus are designated respectively as _yisr_ and _yemene_, -“left and right.” The transition from these _kabat_, as the Arabs call -them, from _kab_ meaning “ankle” or “ankle-bone,” to the cubical dotted -dice was an easy one. The same numerical values and social designations -were attributed to four sides of the cubical dice, as are given to the -knuckle-bones, and it is curious to note that the significant throws -with cubical dice in China are those that bear the numbers assigned to -the astragali throws. The modern East Indian dice which are exhibited -will be seen from the arrangement of the “threes” to be made in pairs, -like the natural astragali, and the pair receives in India the name of -_kabatain_, the dual of _kab_, the name which is also applied to the -pair of astragali. The Syrian dice used in _Towla_, or backgammon, are -marked in the same way, as well as the Japanese dice used in the similar -game of _Sugoroku_ or “double sixes.” A pair of ancient Roman dice which -I purchased in Florence show that the Romans practised the same -arrangement, and are especially significant. The invention of the -cubical dotted die must have occurred at a comparatively early time. The -oldest die of which I have any knowledge is displayed in this -collection, a large pottery die from the Greek colony of Naucratis, -Egypt, belonging, according to the discoverer, Mr. Flinders Petrie, to -600 B. C. The dice found in Babylonia and Egypt appear to have been -associated with foreign influences. - -Dice were carried over from India to China, where we find the next stage -in their development. Here the twenty-one possible throws with two dice -are each given a name, and in the case of the double sixes, double aces, -double fours, and three and ace, these names are those of the triune -powers of Heaven, Earth, and Man, and the Harmony that unites them. This -change in nomenclature, in which the social terms of Shah, Vizier, etc., -were replaced with cosmical ones, is characteristic of the way in which -China adapts and absorbs foreign ideas. A game with two dice remains the -principal dice game in China at the present day. In it the twenty-one -possible throws are divided into two series, one consisting of the -throws 6/6, 1/1, 4/4, 3/1, 5/5, 3/3, 2/2, 5/6, 4/6, 1/6, 1/5, called -_man_, “civil,” and the other, 5/4, 6/3, 5/3, 6/2, 4/3, 5/2, 4/2, 3/2, -1/4, and 1/2, designated as _mò_, or “military.” In the twelfth century, -according to Chinese records, dotted tablets, _i. e._, dominoes, were -invented. Chinese dominoes consist of 21 pieces representing the 21 -throws with two dice of which the 11 pieces of the _man_ series are -usually duplicated to form a complete set, which numbers 32 dominoes. In -southern China, long wooden dominoes are employed. When paper was used -instead of wood we have the playing card. - -The subject of Chinese playing cards has been illustrated in an -admirable and exhaustive manner by W. H. Wilkinson, Esq., H. B. M. -Consul at Swatow, who has lent for exhibition a series of Chinese cards, -dice, and dominoes collected at no less than fourteen different cities -in China, from Peking on the north, and Tai yuan, down along the coast -at Nanking, Shanghai, Ningpo, Wenchow, Fuchow, Swatow, Canton, to -Hongkong. Cards are also shown from various places along the Yellow -River, from Chung King eastward to Nanking. The cards in this collection -are arranged according to the symbols or marks distinguishing them, -which Mr. Wilkinson divides into four classes, according as they are -derived: - -1. From the sapek or cash, and its multiples. - -2. Through dominoes from dice. - -3. From the Chinese Chess game. - -4. From other sources. - -A very complete account may be expected from Mr. Wilkinson, who has -displayed here what is doubtless the most perfect collection of Chinese -cards ever exhibited. The miscellaneous cards in this collection are -drawn from western China and bear some resemblance, according to Mr. -Wilkinson, to the “Proverbs” and “Happy Families” of Europe and America. -They include the cards based on a writing lesson, cards based on -numbers, and cards based on a lucky formula. - -Returning to the subject of dice, the special implements used in dice -divination in India are shown, as well as illustrations of the methods -employed in telling fortunes with dominoes in China and Korea; these -forming part of the material used in the investigation of the origin of -dominoes. Japanese and Siamese dice are also exhibited with the East -Indian and Chinese specimens, as well as dice made in various parts of -Europe, comprising a pair of iron dice purchased at Perugia, which, -although presumably modern, have the dots arranged with the 6–5, 4–2, -and 3–1 opposite, like those of old Etruria, instead of the sums of the -spots on opposite sides being equal to seven, as is otherwise general. -With the dice are the spinning dice of various countries, including the -East Indian _Chukree_, the Chinese _Ch’e me_, and the corresponding dice -of Japan and Siam. A variety of dominoes are also displayed, including -those of Korea, which are identical with those of China, and the Siamese -dominoes, which were also borrowed from the latter country. - -The pair of knuckle-bones appear to be the parent of many of that large -class of games which Mr. Tylor describes as the “backgammon group.” With -reference to dice-backgammon the evidence in this particular is very -direct, but the similar games played with cowries and wooden blocks, for -which even a greater antiquity may be claimed, there is a likelihood of -independent origin. Several games of the latter class from India, North -America, and Egypt, types of which have been referred to by Mr. Tylor, -are exhibited in this collection. The first, _Pachisi_, is the most -popular game in India. It is played around a board, usually made of -cloth, in the form of a cross, according to the throws with cowries. Six -or seven shells are ordinarily used, and count according as the -apertures fall. When long dice of ivory are employed, the game is called -_Chausar_. This game was introduced from India into the United States, -where it was first published in 1860 under the name of Parchesi, and has -become very popular. Mr. Cushing has set up beside the _Pachisi_ a Zuñi -game, which the Zuñis call _Ta sho lí wé_, or “wooden cane cards,” and -which has many points of resemblance to the East Indian game. The moves -are made according to the throws with wooden blocks three inches in -length, painted red and black upon their two faces, around a circle of -forty stones which is broken at the top and bottom, and the right and -left, by four openings called the “Doorways of the four directions.” -This game embodies many of the mythical conceptions of the Zuñis. It is -played by two or four players, who use colored splints to mark their -course around the circle. These splints, which are placed at starting in -the doorway to which they correspond, have the following symbolism: At -the top, Yellow, North, The Wind, Winter. At the left, Blue, West, -Water, Spring. At the bottom, Red, South, Fire, Summer. At the right, -White, East, Seed or Earth, Autumn. The colors of the two wooden blocks -symbolize the two conditions of man: Red, Light or Wakefulness; Black, -Darkness or Sleep. The throws with the blocks, which are tossed, ends -down, upon a disc of sandstone placed in the middle of the circle, are -as follows: 3 red count 10; 3 black count 5; 2 red and 1 black count 3; -1 red and 2 black count 1. - -A count of three red gives another throw. When four play, the North and -West move around from right to left, and the South and East from left to -right. When a player’s move ends at a division of the circle occupied by -his adversaries’ piece, he takes it up and sends it back to the -beginning. It is customary to make the circuit of the stones either four -or six times, beans or corn of the seven varieties being used as -counters. This game forms one of the seven sacred games of the Zuñis, -and its antetype, _Sho lí we_, or “Cane Cards,” is one of the four games -that are sacrifices to the God of War and Fate. The sacred form of the -game is called _Tein thla nah na tá sho lí we_, or literally, “Of all -the regions wood cane cards, and the blocks which are thrown in it bear -complicated marks, consisting of bands of color on one side.” In the -sacred game, the players are chosen with great care with reference to -their totem, and the region to which it belongs. A much more complete -account of this game may be expected from Mr. Cushing himself, from the -ample material which he has placed at my disposal. Side by side with _Ta -sho lí we_ is the corresponding game as played by the Apache and -Navajos, which has been set up by Antonio Apache. It lacks the color -symbolism, but the principle is identical. The Navajos call it _Set -tilth_, which Captain John G. Bourke, U. S. A., tells me should be -transliterated _Tze-chis_, or _Zse tilth_, and means literally, -“stonestick.” The circle of stones, he says, is called _Tze nasti_, -“Stone circle.” - -Lieut. H. L. Scott, U. S. A., has contributed the implements for a -similar game of the Kiowas, which is known as the “Awl Game.” It is -called by the Kiowas _Zohn ahl_, that is, _Zohn_, “creek,” and _ahl_, -“wood.” A detailed account of it will appear elsewhere, furnished to the -writer by Lieutenant Scott, who states that the Comanches have a similar -game which they play with eight ahl sticks, which are two feet or more -long. - -These games are all similar to the Mexican Patoli, as described by the -early Spanish chroniclers. A picture of the latter game from an early -Hispano-American manuscript, reproduced from the original in Florence by -its discoverer, Mrs. Zelia Nuttall, is exhibited in this connection. The -method of play among the Aztecs is here shown, and it is curious to note -that they used a diagram or board in the form of a cross, like that of -the East Indian Pachisi. In the Malayan archipelago, a stone is placed -in the centre upon which dice are thrown in games, as among the North -American Indians. Mr. Tylor has set forth the conclusions which may be -drawn from these resemblances, but the matter is still open for -discussion. Another game remains to be noticed, played with wooden -blocks as dice: the Arab game of _Tab_, in which men are moved on a -board according to the throws of four slips of palm. These slips, about -eight inches in length, are left with one face of the natural color, and -the other showing the whiter interior of the palm, these sides being -called black and white respectively. The throws count as follows: 4 -black, 6; 4 white, 4; 3 white, 3; 2 white, 2; 1 white, 1. - -The implements displayed for this game were made in the Cairo street. No -more curious ethnographical parallels are presented in the Exposition -than that of the Arabs in the Plaisance, and the Navajos beside the -South Lagoon, both playing these curiously similar games. - - - CASE VII. -BACKGAMMON, SUGOROKU, AND THE GAME OF GOOSE, EAST INDIAN, JAPANESE, AND - SIAMESE CARDS. - -According to Mr. Tylor, dice-backgammon makes its appearance plainly in -classic history. The game of twelve lines (_duodecim scripta_) was -played throughout the Roman Empire and passed on, with little change, -through mediæval Europe, carrying its name of tabulæ, tables; its modern -representatives being French Tric trac, English Backgammon, etc. Among -the ancient Greeks _Kubeia_, or “dice playing,” is shown by various -classical passages to be of the nature of backgammon. The pearl-inlaid -backgammon board here shown is from Damascus, where the game is known as -_Towla_, “tables.” A Siamese board exhibited by the government of Siam, -with other games, through its royal commissioner Phra Surya, has -departed little from the ancient type. Backgammon is known in China as -_Sheung Luk_, “double sixes,” and in Japan by the corresponding name of -_Sugoroku_. The popular games, both in China and Japan, however, are not -played with men upon a set board, but resemble the games with many -stations, which are common in Europe and America. - -The most notable of the Chinese games of this class is the one which is -called _Shing kun to_, or “The Tables of the Promotion of Officials,” a -game which has been known to scholars, through Dr. Hyde’s account, as -“The Game of the Promotion of Mandarins.” It is played by two or more -persons upon a large paper diagram, upon which are printed the titles of -the different officials and dignitaries of the Chinese government. The -moves are made according to the throws with four cubical dice, and the -players, whose positions upon the diagram are indicated by notched or -colored splints, are advanced or set back, according to their throws. -The paper chart here exhibited was purchased in a Chinese shop in New -York city. It was printed in Canton, and bears an impression about -twenty-three inches square. This is divided into sixty-three -compartments, exclusive of the central one and the place for entering at -the lower right-hand corner. The latter contains the names of thirteen -different starting-points, from _yan shang_, or “Honorary Licentiate,” -down to _t’ung shang_, or “student,” between which are included the -positions of _t’ín man shang_, “astrologer,” and _í shang_, “physician.” -These are entered at the commencement of the game by the throws of -“three, four, five, six,” three “fours,” three “sixes,” three “fives,” -three “threes,” three “twos,” and three “ones;” and then in the same -manner double “fours,” and so on down to double “ones.” - -The sixty-three compartments, representing as many classes of officials -or degrees of rank, comprise three hundred and ninety-seven separate -titles, of which the highest, and the highest goal of the game, is that -of man _fá tín tái hok sz’_, or “Grand Secretary.” This, however, under -favorable conditions, can only be reached by a player who starts from a -favorable point, advancement in the game being regulated by rules -similar to those which actually regulate promotion under government. -Thus, a player whose fortune it is to enter as physician or astrologer -can only obtain promotion in the line of his service, and must be -content with a minor goal, as he is ineligible to the high civil office -of “Grand Secretary.” - -The dice are thrown into a bowl placed in the centre of the sheet, the -players throwing in turn, and each continuing to throw until he makes a -cast of doublets or higher. It is noticeable that “fours,” as in Dr. -Hyde’s account, constitute the highest throw. A pair of “fours,” -according to the rules, is to be reckoned as _tak_, “virtue,” and leads -to a higher place than those of the other numbers. Sixes are next -highest and are to be reckoned as _ts’oi_, “genius;” and in the same -manner, in descending degree, “fives” are to be reckoned as _kung_, -“skill;” “threes” as _léung_, “forethought;” “twos” as _yau_, -“tractability;” and “ones,” _chong_, “stupidity.” The game is much -complicated by being played for money or counters, which is necessary -under the rules. By this means advancement may be purchased, degradation -compounded for, and the winner of a high position rewarded. - -The main point of difference between the game as it exists to-day, and -as described by Dr. Hyde, is the number of dice employed, six being the -number mentioned by him. The enlarged form of the diagram is of minor -importance, as he himself says that the names of officials written on -the tablet are many or few, according to the pleasure of the players. -With the game of _Shing kún_ to may be seen a copy of Dr. Hyde’s -treatise, _De Ludis Orientalibis_, containing the reproduction of the -chart of the game which he made in London 200 years ago. The names of -titles of the Ming dynasty appear upon it, in curious contrast to those -of the present Tartar domination. The two hundredth anniversary of the -date of the imprimatur of this precious volume occurs on the 20th of -September of this very year. - -There is a very great variety of games of this character in Japan, new -ones being published annually at the season of the New Year. -Illustrations of the more formal game played upon a board divided into -twelve parts are figured in the Chinese-Japanese cyclopædias. According -to the _Kum mō dzu e tai sei_, the twelve compartments, called in -Japanese _me_, or “eyes,” symbolize the twelve months, and the black and -white stones with which the game is played, day and night. - -Italy contributes several forms of the dice game played upon a board -having many stations. The oldest specimen in the collection, purchased -in Parma, is a manuscript game bearing the title of _Oca Franchese_. -Others printed in Florence bear the printed labels of _Giuoco dell’ oca_ -and _Giuoco del Barone_, while late examples more fanciful, both in name -and design, appear as _Giuoco del Tramway_ and _La Battaglia del 48_. A -French game is shown under its proper title as _Jeu de l’oie_, beside -which is placed a similar American game published as the “Game of -Goose.” - -A number of packs of Oriental cards other than Chinese are contained in -this case, among which are included several packs of East Indian Hindu -cards which they call _Gungeefa_. They are all circular, varying in -diameter in the different sets from 1⅝ to 3⅛ inches. One pack from -Lucknow comprises eight suits, each composed of twelve cards, ten of -which are “numerals,” from one to ten. The two remaining cards are -designated respectively as _Badsha_ and _Sawar_. No satisfactory -explanation has yet been afforded as to their origin. - -The Japanese call the cards which are now current in Japan by the name -of _Karuta_, a word evidently derived from the Portuguese _carta_. Those -commonly used by gamblers, a pack of which is exhibited by Mrs. J. K. -Van Rensellaer, are called _Hana Karuta_, or “Flower cards,” and -comprise forty-eight pieces, a number, it will be observed, identical -with that of the present Spanish pack. They bear pictures, chiefly -flowers, emblematic of the twelve months, four cards being placed under -each. Their names are as follows: _Matsu_, “pine;” _Sakusa_, “cherries;” -_Momidzi_, “maple;” _Butan_, “wild rose;” _Hagi_, Lespedeza; _Kiku_, -“golden-colored daisy;” _Kiri_, Paulonia; _Fudzi_, Wisteria; _Soba_, -“tiger lily;” _Ume_, “plum-tree;” _Yama_, “mountain;” and _Ame_, “rain.” - -The _Iroha_, or Proverb cards, also consist of ninety-six cards, half of -which bear a picture and one of the forty-seven characters of the -_Iroha_, or Japanese syllabary. Each of the other cards is inscribed -with a proverb, the first word of which is written with one of the -characters. There are several methods of play, the commonest being that -of laying out all the picture cards face up. One of the older players -reads the proverbs in turn, while the others endeavor to select the card -from the table bearing the corresponding initial character. The _Uta -Karuta_, or “Cards with songs,” contain, according to Mr. Karl Himly, -the well-known one hundred songs (_Hiyaku nin issiu_, 1235 A. D.), or -the poems of the “Old and New Collection” (_Ho kin schiu_, 905 A. D.). -The picture cards have the pictures of the poet or poetess, with the -commencement of the poems. The rest is on the corresponding cards. The -game is the same as that played with the _Iroha Karuta_. - - - CASE VIII. - AMERICAN BOARD GAMES PLAYED WITH DICE. - -The first of American board games played with dice is said to be the -“Mansion of Happiness.” This game is said to have been published in -1852, and copied from an English game. Thirty-three specimens of similar -games published in this country are exhibited. They form a small part, -however, of the entire number. - - - CASE IX. - TAROTS, TAROCCHINO, AND MINCHIATE. TYPES OF ITALIAN CARDS. MANUFACTURE - OF PLAYING CARDS. - -The question of the origin of playing cards in Europe, whether they were -introduced from the East, or an independent invention in France, Italy, -or Germany, has been the object of much discussion. It may be regarded -as conclusively settled that playing cards were invented in China in the -twelfth century, and in view of the remarkable similarities between the -card and card games of China and those of Europe which have been brought -to light by Mr. Wilkinson, it may be profitable to suspend further -consideration of the matter until the results of his studies are made -public. Italy appears to be the oldest home of the playing card in -Europe, and the earliest Italian packs are said to be those which the -Italians call Tarocchi. Several types of these cards are found in Italy. -According to Willshire these games are known as the _Tarots_ of Venice -or Lombardy, the _Tarocchino_ of Bologna, and the _Minchiate_ of -Florence. The first of these, the old Venetian Tarot, he regards as the -parent of all. The sequence consists of 78 cards, _i. e._, of 22 -emblematic cards of Tarots proper, and 56 numeral cards made up of 16 -figures or court cards, and 40 pip cards. The 22 Tarot cards bear -emblematic designs which appear to be borrowed from a series of prints -which are known to collectors as the _Tarocchi_ of Mantegna or the -_Carte di Baldini_. The emblematic cards in the Venetian series usually -bear the following inscriptions: 1. La Bagattel. 2. La Papessa. 3. -L’Imperatrice. 4. L’Imperatore. 5. Il Papa. 6. Gli Amanti. 7. Il Carro. -8. La Guistizia. 9. L’Eremita. 10. Ruot. della For. 11. La Forza. 12. -L’Appeso. 13. . 14. La Temperan. 15. Il Diavolo. 16. La Torre. 17. -Le Stelle. 18. La Luna. 19. Il Sole. 20. Il Giudizio. 21. Il Mondo. 22. -Il Matto. - -No name is placed upon the 13th, which usually bears a skeleton with a -scythe, representing “death.” - -The second game, the _Tarocchino_ of Bologna, though a direct descendant -of the ancient Venetian tarots, is not so old as the third game, or -_Minchiate_ of Florence. The chief characteristic of the _Tarocchino_, -its name a diminutive of _tarocchi_, is the suppression in it of the 2, -3, 4, and 5 of each numeral suit, thus reducing the numeral cards from -56 to 40. This modification of the tarot game was invented in Bologna, -early in the fifteenth century, by Francesco Fibbia, Prince of Pisa, an -exile in that city, dying there in 1419. - -The third game is the _Minchiate_ of Florence. It is more complicated -than the Venetian game, twenty additional cards being added to the -emblematic series. A pack of modern Venetian tarot made in Milan, which -are remarkable for their beautifully engraved and painted designs, a -pack of modern _Tarocchino_ from Bologna, and a pack of seventeenth -century _Minchiate_, are displayed in the south side of this case. All -of these cards are in current use in different parts of Italy. - -The suit marks of Italian cards consist of money, cups, swords, and -clubs, called _danari_, _coppe_, _spade_, and _bastoni_. The four court -cards of the numeral suits are known respectively as _Re_, King, -_Regina_ or _Reina_, Queen, _Cavallo_, Knight, and _Fante_, Knave. The -regular cards, as opposed to those which include the emblematic series, -are distinguished by certain peculiarities in the designs of the court -cards in different parts of Italy. The distinctive cards of Florence, -Milan, and Naples are exhibited in this case, together with several -interesting packs upon which all the designs, except an indication of -the value at the top, have given place to texts designed to afford -instruction in history, geography, etc. A remarkable pack of this -character, exhibited by Dr. G. Brown Goode, of Washington, is in -manuscript and is intended to teach geography. - -According to Chatto, on the earliest cards he had ever seen the figures -had been executed by means of stencils, this being the case both in the -cards of 1440 and those known as the Stukely cards. There are exhibited -in this case the stencils, brush, and unfinished card sheets from a card -maker in Florence, who still practises this ancient method of -manufacture. The cards on the south side of this case, which in common -with all others not specially mentioned are exhibited by the University -of Pennsylvania, represent the cards made at the present day in no less -than eighteen Italian cities by some twenty-nine makers. They were -collected for the University Museum by Mr. Francis C. Macauley of -Florence. The cards of Florence, Bologna, Modena, Parma, Piacenza, -Ferrara, Padua, Treviso, Udine, Novara, Turin, Sesia, Bergamo, Brescia, -Genoa, Perugia, Naples, and Bari are included in the collection, in -which an opportunity is afforded to observe the peculiarities of the -cards of the different Italian cities. A distinctive character of the -marks of the numeral suits of _spade_ and _bastoni_ is the mode in which -they are interlaced or connected together in place of standing -separately or apart. It is interesting to note that in the cards made in -and for southern Italy this peculiarity does not exist, they being -almost identical with the cards made in Spain. - -The cards of Austria succeed those of Italy. The pack exhibited from -Trent is like those of Italy, but the distinctively German cards -predominate among those made in Vienna and the northern cities. - -The suit marks of old German cards consist of hearts, bells, leaves, and -acorns, which they call respectively _Herzen_ (_roth_), _Schellen_, -_Laub_ (_grün_), and _Eicheln_. The court cards of the German pack are -usually three in number, the peculiarity of the true German pack being -that the queen is omitted and an upper valet or _Obermann_ put in her -place. They consist of the _König_ or “King,” the _Obermann_, and the -_Untermann_. - -Tarocchi cards are found in Germany under the name of _Taroks_, and a -number of Tarok packs manufactured in Austria appear in this collection. -Special names appear on their labels, as _Trieste Tarok_, _Kaffee -Tarok_, etc., and the tarots proper bear a variety of emblems and -designs different from those of Italy. They are usually numbered at top -and bottom with Roman numerals from I. to XXI. - -Willshire has pointed out that the Italians early suppressed the -emblematic cards in a game which was termed _Trappola_, in which the -true tarots were abolished, as likewise the three, four, five, and six -of each numeral suit. This game, he states, was still in vogue in -Silesia when Breitkopf wrote (1784). An interesting Austrian pack of -this character is shown under the name of _Trappolier Spiel_, in which -the shape as well as the suit marks of the Italian tarots are displayed. - -The German cards manufactured in Germany are prefaced by a series of -reprints of German cards of the last century exhibited by Mr. Macauley. -They were obtained by him through the courtesy of the Bavarian National -Museum in Munich, for which they were made from the original blocks of -the old Munich card makers that have been conserved in the Museum. - - - CASE XI. - GERMAN CARDS (CONTINUED), SWISS, DANISH, SWEDISH, AND RUSSIAN CARDS. - SPANISH, MEXICAN, AND APACHE CARDS. - -The collection of cards made in Germany comprises 53 packs, consisting -chiefly of the current cards manufactured by card makers in Munich, -Altenburg, Frankfort a. M., Berlin, Leipzig, and Breslau. Among these is -an extremely beautiful pack by B. Dondorf of Frankfort, with pictures -suggesting the four quarters of the globe, after designs by Haussmann. -Toy cards, patience cards, comic cards, trick cards, and cards which are -labelled “Gaigel cards” appear, as well as cards made for special games, -as the _Hexen_ or “witch” packs. Many of the cards manufactured in -Germany are seen to bear the French suit marks of _Cœurs_, _Carreaux_, -_Piques_, and _Trèfles_, or “hearts,” “diamonds,” “spades,” and “clubs,” -instead of the old German suit marks, and the court cards correspond at -the same time with those of France and England. There are a number of -packs with French suit marks, which bear pictures of Swiss scenery and -costumes. The cards made in Switzerland are from Schaffhausen and -Geneva, and comprise a variety of designs, including those which are -especially designated as Swiss cards, German cards, and German Taroks. -Belgium is represented by a German tarot pack, and imitations of English -cards made for Oriental markets. Three packs of this character are -shown, which were sent from Johore, in the Malay Peninsula, with another -pack from Beirut, in Syria. The Russian cards in the collection, -contributed by Madame Semetchkin, the representative on the Russian -Commission of the “Institutions of the Empress Marie,” are similar to -modern French cards. The manufacture of playing cards in Russia is a -monopoly of the state, and the revenues accruing are devoted to the -support of the great charitable institution of which Madame Semetchkin -is the distinguished representative. - -Tarots or Tarocchi cards are not used in Spain, nor are they found among -Spanish cards. The regulation Spanish pack now consists of 48 cards of -four suits, called respectively _Dineros_, “money,” _Copas_, “cups,” -_Bastos_, “clubs,” and _Espadas_, “swords.” The numerals run from one to -nine, the ten being replaced with the _Caballo_. The court cards -comprise the _Sota_, or “knave,” the _Caballo_, or “knight,” and the -_Rey_, or “king.” Cards manufactured at Vitoria, Burgos, Madrid, -Barcelona, Valencia, Cadiz, and Palamos are displayed. Great antiquity -has been claimed for cards in Spain, and it has been urged that this is -the country through which Europe received cards from the East, but -heretofore no Spanish cards of assured date earlier than 1600 have been -known, and material evidence has been lacking. There was exhibited at -the Columbian Historical Exposition in Madrid in 1892–93, a sheet of -cards made in Mexico in 1583, which has been preserved in the Archives -of the Indies at Seville, Spain, and which throw light upon the origin -of Spanish cards. A copy made in water-colors by an artist in Madrid is -shown in this collection. The original consists of an uncut sheet of -about 11 by 17 inches, and bears on the back a pen and ink inscription -with the date 1583. The face displays an impression from a wooden block -of 24 cards each 2 by 3½ inches. They are colored in red, blue, and -black, and represent the court cards and aces of the suits of money, -cups, clubs, and swords, and ten numeral or pip cards of the suit of -swords. There are but three court cards for each suit, instead of four -as in the present Spanish pack. The marks of the numeral suit consist of -crossed swords, instead of being arranged as on the Spanish cards now -current, and strongly point to the Italian affinities of early Spanish -cards. - -Side by side with this early Mexican pack is a colored plate -representing leather cards made by the Indians of South America, and an -original pack of leather cards used by the Apaches. From the arrangement -of the swords on both of these sets, which were copied from cards -introduced by the Spaniards, it appears that they were initiated from -the present type of Spanish cards. Such is not the case with the -corresponding marks on a pack of native cards from the Celebes, which -are also exhibited. Their Spanish origin is clearly indicated by their -number, 48, and by the devices, which still bear a faint resemblance to -those of Europe. The clubs and swords on both are represented by crossed -lines which confirm the impression created by the Mexican pack. The -Japanese “Hana Karuta,” or “Flower Cards,” are also shown here, as -another pack of Oriental cards derived from those of Spain or Portugal. -Their number, 48, and their name, _karuta_, from the Portuguese _carta_, -clearly suggests their origin. - - - CASE XII. -FRENCH, ENGLISH, AND AMERICAN PLAYING CARDS. FORTUNE-TELLING CARDS, DR. - BUZBY, AUTHORS, AND MISCELLANEOUS CARD GAMES. - -Tarocchi cards are called Tarots in France, and the French tarot pack is -similar to the Venetian. The earliest specimens of French Tarots -exhibited bear the name of Claude Burdel and the date 1751. There is -direct historic proof that France possessed cards at a very early time -in the accounts of the Treasurer of Charles VI., A. D. 1392. The -earliest pack of French cards in this collection is one of which I have -not been able to determine the date. It bears the name Pierre Montalan -on the Knave of Spades and Claude Valentin on the Knave of Clubs. A -variety of modern French packs are shown, including those made with -Spanish suit marks and special cards for various games. The French suit -marks reappear on English cards, and according to Willshire it is most -probable that cards made their way into England through France. He -states that the time is not known, but that we are safe in believing -that cards were not in use in England until after the reign of Henry IV. -(1405), and that they were certainly employed before 1463. The English -cards here displayed consist entirely of those of the present day, but -this deficiency in historical packs is compensated for in part by Lady -Charlotte Schreiber’s folio volume on English and Scottish, Dutch and -Flemish cards which she has loaned for this collection. The great work, -of which this is but the first volume, contains fac-similes of the cards -in Lady Charlotte Schreiber’s private collection, and reveals the wealth -of historical suggestions to be found upon playing cards, and their -value, as thus collected, to the antiquary and historian. - -America early received playing cards from Spain, and Spanish cards are -still made and imported into Spanish American countries. In the United -States English cards were naturally adopted. No very early packs are -shown, but some interesting cards are found in the North American -series, including a variety of cards with patriotic emblems of the time -of the Rebellion, as well as caricature cards of the recent political -campaigns. The collection closes with the souvenir packs of the -Columbian Exposition at Chicago. Mrs. J. K. Van Rensellaer’s work, -entitled “The Devil’s Picture Books,” a copy of which is exhibited, -contains many interesting particulars concerning cards and card playing -in America. Several interesting card boxes are shown in this collection, -with specimens of the old-fashioned “fish” or card counters of -mother-of-pearl, among which are some that belonged to Robert Morris, -the financier of the Revolution. Treatises on American card games, -exhibited by Messrs. Dick & Fitzgerald, conclude the series of playing -cards proper. - -Among the notions concerning the origin of cards in Europe is one that -they were first introduced by the gypsies, who used them in -fortune-telling. It appears that they were early used for divinatory -purposes in Europe, but according to Willshire their employment in -fortune-telling gradually declined among the upper classes until the -middle of the eighteenth century, “though it was prevalent, no doubt, -among the lower grades of society frequenting fairs and the caravans of -mountebanks. About 1750 divination through cards again became popular in -Paris, at least, for in 1751, 1752, and 1753 three persons were publicly -known as offering their services for this intention.” According to -certain writers, the emblematic figures of the tarot cards are of very -remote origin, stretching back as far as the ancient Egyptians, from -whom they have descended to us as a book or series of subjects of deep -symbolic meaning. The discovery and explication of the meaning of the -tarots employed in modern times was claimed by M. Count de Goebelin in -1781, who in his “Monde Primitif analysé et compare avec le Monde -Moderne,” gave a dissertation on the game of Tarots, in which he states -that the tarot pack is evidently based on the sacred Egyptian number -seven, and reviews the tarot emblems in detail. - -The probable origin of the 21 tarot cards has already been suggested in -connection with Chinese cards, and it is not surprising that the -astrological notions associated with Tarots should find parallels in the -speculations of the Kabbalists, who attached similar notions to the dice -throws as are now found associated with them in China, from whence the -21 Tarot cards doubtless came to Europe. An explanation is therefore -found for some of the resemblances upon which M. de Goebelin lays such -stress. His fancies, however, never subjected to very severe examination -or criticism, were seized upon by a perruquier of Paris of the name of -Alliette, who combined with his ordinary occupation the practice of -cartomancy. He read the dissertation of Count de Goebelin, and, thereby -enlightened, changed the letters of his name and prophesied under the -name of Ettillia. His writings furnish the basis of most of the -treatises now extant upon the subject of fortune-telling with cards, and -his name is found associated with several of the modern French tarot -packs published especially for fortune-telling, in the present -collection. During the exciting periods of the first Consulship of -Napoleon I., there lived, according to Mr. Willshire, a well-known -diviner named Madame Lenormand, whose predictions gained great repute. -Her name, with that of Ettillia, appears on the French cards here -exhibited, as well as on those made in America. Several French and -German fortune-telling packs of an amusing character are to be found in -the present collection, as well as others published in the United -States, which are designed solely for purposes of amusement. - -The entire northern side of this case is devoted to the card games other -than regular playing cards, which owe their existence to the prejudice -against cards or to the demand for simple and instructive amusements for -children and young people. Mr. Milton Bradley has contributed some -interesting notes on the history of such games in this country. In 1843 -Miss Annie W. Abbott, a clergyman’s daughter of Beverly, Mass., offered -to Mr. Ives, a publisher of Salem, Mass., a card game which she called -“Dr. Buzby.” This game, which was the first of its kind, was reluctantly -published by Mr. Ives and met with an astonishing success, no less than -50,000 copies being sold in the following year. It will be remembered by -many of the parents of the present day as among the earliest games ever -learned and possibly played upon the sly through fear of reprimand. A -pack of the original Dr. Buzby cards will be found at the beginning of -this collection. The game of “Authors” was originated by a young man -living in Salem, helped by some of his female acquaintances. The method -of play was copied from “Dr. Buzby,” but it contained an element of -instruction and profit not found in the older game. He took it to a -local publisher to see if he could have ten or a dozen packs printed, as -it was too much work for him to print them. Mr. Smith, the publisher, -saw the possibilities of the game and told him if he would let him make -them, he would supply his needs gratis, to which he consented. This was -in 1861, and the sale of this game has since been wonderful. Many -modifications and improvements of the original game are shown in the -collection. - -Soon after the publication of “Dr. Buzby,” a teacher in a young ladies’ -school in Salem devised a game of letters which has since become popular -under the various names of “Spelling Puzzle,” “Word Making and Word -Taking,” “War of Words,” “Anagrams,” “Logomachy,” “Words and Sentences,” -etc. The publications of the Milton Bradley Company, McLaughlin Bros., -and E. I. Horsman are here exhibited, and no less than 78 different card -games are displayed. They are classified in groups according to the -methods of play, which, in spite of the ingenuity displayed in the -designs of the cards, are relatively very limited in number, the ideas -in the main being derived from games already played with regular playing -cards. - -The collection has received many additions since its installation, -notably a very complete series of Zuñi games from Mr. Cushing, and a -series of Malayan and Chinese games from H. H. the Sultan of Johore, -through Mr. Rouncesvelle Wildman, as well as an extremely important -collection of East Indian games from the Provincial Museum, Lucknow, and -of Burmese games collected by Mr. C. S. Bayne, Rangoon, both through the -courtesy of the Honorable Charles H. T. Crosthwaite. - - _Stewart Culin._ - - - - - NOTES AND QUERIES. - - -FOLK-LORE AT THE COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION.—If the Anthropological Building -has been late in completion, the display is now most interesting. The -value and curiosity of the archæological exhibits will first attract -attention; but those more closely connected with folk-lore are well -worthy of notice. An account is elsewhere printed of the cases devoted -to the presentation of objects used in games. A very curious and -complete exhibition of objects connected with Chinese worship in America -is made by the Archæological Department of the University of -Pennsylvania; and the curator, Mr. Stewart Culin, shows in his own name -an interesting gathering of books used by the same people in this -country. The place which toys may be made to take in museums -illustrating folk-lore is well shown by a collection of toys -representing Chinese and Japanese musical instruments by the same -exhibitors. Mr. G. F. Kunz of New York exhibits a collection of precious -stones, or valuable objects, employed as amulets, or with superstitious -purposes. The Australian display contains illustrations of the Bora -initiation ceremonies, and that of Africa representations of disguises -employed in sacred rites not yet explained. As connected with mythology, -the totem poles and carvings of the Haida of British Columbia will be -observed. In the Government Building, Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing has -constructed a model of a Zuñi priest engaged in the celebration of the -creation-myth. Outside of the exhibition buildings, the Midway Plaisance -offers a continued spectacle of various life. The Javanese theatre is -especially to be mentioned, as worthy of description and study. - - -THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONGRESS.—In the end, the plan of this Congress was -so far altered that the arrangement in separate sections was abandoned. -The Congress devoted to Folk-lore but one afternoon, on August 29, given -to the Collection of Games in the Anthropological Building, and one -morning, August 31, when a certain number of papers were presented. As -these papers will hereafter appear in the proceedings of the Congress, -it will not be necessary here to give an account of them. The attendance -at the Congress, as at most of the scientific congresses, was limited; -but the occasion was found pleasant by those who took part. Persons -desirous to obtain the printed proceedings may send the subscription -price ($5.00) to Mr. C. Staniland Wake, Department of Ethnology, -Columbian Exposition, Chicago, Ill. - - -ALDEGONDA, THE FAIRY OF JOY. AN ITALIAN TALE.—In a wellwritten -editorial, or leader-review, in the “London Chronicle,” of the book -entitled “Rabbit the Voodoo,” by Miss Mary Owen, the writer, in -referring to my introduction to the latter work, intimated that I could -probably not distinguish between what was American Indian and original -Negro superstition or tradition, because savage races have the same -bases of custom and belief. This view, like many others current among -theorizing folklorists, is to a great extent deceptive. What were the -absolute beginnings of anything in Nature, only Omnipotence can -tell,—yet this is what folklorists for the most part seek, trying to dig -a well with a needle, and neglecting what is for the time being their -proper work,—namely, identifying, with given phases of culture, what -belongs to each. - -A tradition, when it has received color, and, as one may say, size and -form, so that it manifestly belongs to a certain _cultus_, has to the -mere beginnings, which men hunt so zealously through variants, exactly -the same proportion as some beautiful cathedral to its deeply buried -foundation or crypt. I have with my own eyes seen an English clergyman -demolish the greater portion of a very fine and well-preserved -Perpendicular church, because he had unfortunately dug out of the -whitewash a solitary little, old, and unornamented Early English window, -or rather peep-hole. The whole church was forthwith “restored” into -Early English! He will not idly read this tale—_non modicam ex hoc -demetes frugem_—who will reflect that any grubber can collect out of -books and pile up variants, but that to grasp the grandeur and glory of -tradition and to feel its spirit is the real mission of learning. - -I have been lately reminded of this manifest impression of time on the -form of a legend by examining several traditions which had been -collected for me, in Florence, by a woman alluded to in my “Etruscan -Roman Traditions.” She is ever impecunious, and when reduced to living -on air, like the wolves of François Villon, waylays me in the road, when -a few francs change owner, and a promise is passed that traditional -folk-lore shall be collected and written, as an equivalent. Then my -agent goes about, among old women, into Florentine slums, and out into -peasant homes, and anon delivers to me sheets of note-paper on which, in -very pronounced Tuscan, is written a tale or two, _cosa_ being given as -_chavusa_, and many words divided, the first half tacked to its -predecessor, and the last half to its follower, as certain worms, when -dissected, amicably unite with pieces of their neighbors. - -When I lately met my collector, she was, by her own account, going full -speed to utter ruin,—_ad inopiam, velis remisque properat_,—with all -sail set. She had been cited to be fined by the police, her landlord had -warned her for a month’s arrears, all her clothes were in pawn,—she had -in the world only a cent, and that was counterfeit. Result—five francs -surrendered, and a week after sundry writings received. - -One of these was called Oldegonda (Aldegonda), the Spirit of Joy. That -there might be no mistake, the writer had put a real ivy leaf in the -MS., partly to serve as an object lesson, and partly to aid in conjuring -the Spirit, or in attracting her favor. And thus ran the legend of -Oldegonda, _la fata della Ellera_ (_allegría_), or the Fairy of Joy:— - - -Oldegonda, or Aldegonda, fairy of the country (_della campagna_), was -found in a field when but a few days old. One day a contadino, passing -by a forest, discovered a little animal which clung to his leg, and this -creature was a hedge-hog, which led him to a mass of ivy, in which he -found sleeping a beautiful little infant girl. Taking it home to his -wife, he bade her treat it as their own child, and also be kind to the -little animal,—che non le maneba altro che la favella,—who needed only -speech to show a human soul. - -But the woman disobeyed her husband, and was wont to kick the hedge-hog, -and neglect Aldegonda, as the foundling had been called. For the woman -had a daughter of her own, who grew in ugliness with every year, even as -Aldegonda grew in beauty and gentleness, so that the former hated the -latter with all her heart. And one day, when they were in the woods, the -little hedge-hog led Aldegonda to the piles of ivy, where she sat in -state. But the daughter of the peasant, seized with jealous rage, that -the hedge-hog was only attentive to the other, cried,— - - Siete due stregone! - Tu sei le bella strega - La strega dell’ ellera! - E tu spinone, - Tu sei il stregone! - - Ye be sorcerers twain, I trow: - Beautiful witch of Joy be thou: - And thou, great beast with many a thorn, - A wizard, same as I am born! - -Saying this, she seized the hedge-hog and threw him into the stream. - -Now the hedge-hog was a young prince who had been cursed by a sorcerer -or witch to remain in the form of an animal, until some one should cause -him a violent death. With his fate was linked the love of Aldegonda. -Therefore, when he sank into the water, the spell was broken; he rose, -and gained the green bank of the forest, as a beautiful youth in -splendid attire. And addressing the peasant girl, he said,— - - Thou among witches - Shalt be the most malignant, - Thou who couldst never do one good action - Shall be an accursed cat, - But my beautiful Aldegonda - Shall be the lovely fairy, - The Fairy of Joy, - (And he who wishes a favor) - Shall call her with these words: - - O beautiful Aldegonda, - Fair fairy of Joy! - By all which thou didst suffer! - For the time of twenty years, - From these peasant women, - As did thy hedge-hog lover, - Now that this is over, - And he is thy husband, - Bestow, I pray, a favor! - As with this leaf of ivy - I make a sign of the cross, - Which thou wilt surely grant! - I beg thee of thy grace, - Make my love return unto me! - Which thou wilt not deny; - I pray for luck in my home, - Which thou also wilt not deny. - -And the sign of the cross must thus be made thrice, and the invocation -every time repeated. - - -This tale, I may observe, is not of the popular traditional type of -Grimm and Perrault, but belongs to the dark lore current among witches -and sorcerers, in which the story, although always ancient, is a mere -frame for the ceremony and incantation. The marked difference between -these narratives and mere _märchen_ is very striking, because the former -are in all cases guarded jealously, as profound and even awful secrets -or formulas. I know an English lady of Italian life, _i. e._, one born -of Anglo-Italian parentage—who has for a long time been “in with the -witches,” and she has never yet been able to get her most intimate -_strega_ to converse on sorcery, or repeat a line of a legend, except in -the open air, far away from profane hearing. One reason for this is that -all such stories, especially the incantations, are generally sung. This -is done in a very peculiar tone of voice. It sometimes requires years to -get the right intonation which renders a certain incantation effective. -Therefore, if one were to be heard singing _alla strega_, or in witch -tunes, to a young lady, there would be a “difficulty.” - - _Charles Godfrey Leland._ - -FLORENCE, ITALY, 1893. - - -THE BURIAL OF THE WREN.—I inclose a version of the song of the wren, a -little different from the one printed in a recent number of the Journal. -The variant is contributed by a young Irishman from Skibbereen. But why -is the wren called the “king of all birds,” and what is the meaning of -the song? - - _Mrs. Lucien Howe, Buffalo, N. Y._ - - The wren, the wren, the king of all birds, - St. Stephen’s day it was caught in the furze; - Although it is little, its family is great. - Cheer up my landlady and fill us a treat, - And if you fill it of the best, - In heaven I hope your soul will rest; - But if you fill it of the small, - It won’t agree with the wren boys at all. - Sing holly, sing ivy, sing ivy, sing holly, - To sing a bad Christmas is all but a folly. - On Christmas day I turned the spit, - I burned my fingers, I feel it yet; - Between the finger and the thumb, - There lies a big blister, as large as a plum. - I hunted my wren five miles or yon, - Through hedges, ditches, briars, and bushes I knocked him down. - So here he is, as you may see, - Upon the top of a holly-tree. - With a bunch of ribbons by its side, - And the Cork boys to be her guide. - Shake, shake, shake of the box, - All silver and no brass, - Up with the kettle and down with the pot, - Give us our answer, and let us begone. - Come now, mistress, shake your feathers, - Don’t you think that we are beggars; - We are the boys came here to play, - So give us our money and let us go away. - -[As to our correspondent’s request for information, reference may be -made to the discussion of J. G. Frazer, in “The Golden Bough,” (Lond. -1890), ii. 140 f. The custom has been prevalent in France, as well as in -Great Britain and Ireland. In the Isle of Man, on Christmas Eve, the -wren was hunted, killed, and fastened on the top of a pole. It was then -carried from house to house, the bearers, meanwhile, chanting an appeal -similar to that above given, at the same time collecting money. The wren -was then laid on a bier and buried with much solemnity. The rite, -according to another account, is described as taking place on St. -Stephen’s Day (December 26th). The bird, in the latter case, was hung in -the centre of two crossing hoops, decorated with evergreen and ribbons. -In the song, reference is said to have been made to boiling and eating -the bird. The money collected appears to have been employed for a feast -at night. English and Irish usages were substantially identical. - -As to the significance of the custom, it is only clear that it must have -been a survival of a sacred rite. Mr. Frazer gives Asiatic parallels, -but these are not very close, nor indeed are the accounts complete or -sufficient. His own conclusion is that the custom is the remains of a -pastoral sacrament, in which the animal god is killed and sacramentally -eaten. That the wren has in some degree a sacred character is made -probable by the superstitions relating to the bird. But the whole -subject is obscure.] - - _W. W. N._ - - -MODERN ADDITIONS TO INDIAN MYTHS, AND INDIAN THUNDER SUPERSTITIONS.—The -following remarks were made by the undersigned at the Annual Meeting, -1892:— - -1. On Mr. W. W. Newell’s paper, entitled Examples of Forgery in -Folk-Lore: (_a_) Some of the myths obtained from the Omahas and Ponkas -bear marks of European origin, _e. g._, one of the Orphan who had a -magic sword and two magic dogs; rescued a chief’s daughter from a water -monster; cut off heads of monster, took the seven tongues home; black -man got heads, claimed chief’s daughter as wife; was detected and -killed; Orphan won chief’s daughter (Contra. to N. A. Ethnology, vol. -vi. pp. 108–131.) Some of the writer’s Omaha informants were French -half-bloods. (_b_) There have been modern additions made to myths. An -Omaha stated that he made up part of the myth of the Big Turtle who went -on the war-path. (_c_) When the writer was revising his material before -preparing his article on “Omaha Sociology,” he was furnished by one of -the tribe (a prominent ex-chief, now dead,) with several riddles, that -appeared in “Omaha Sociology” as genuine Omaha riddles. Not until 1888 -did he learn by accident that the riddles in question were versions of -some that the children of his informant had read in “The Youth’s -Companion”(!) The informant was not a man to tell a wilful lie. - -2. Remarks on Miss Alger’s papers, one being, Survival of Fire-sacrifice -among Indians in Maine: (_a_) When the first thunder is heard in the -spring the Thunder Being is invoked by the Omaha and Ponka Indians. In -the case of the former people, the Black Bear people go to the -mysterious war tent of the Elk people, whom they assist in the -invocation of the Thunder Being, whom they call “Grandfather.” When the -Black Bear people of the Ponka tribe invoke the Thunder Being on such an -occasion, they say, “Ho, Grandfather, by your brandishing (your club) -you are frightening us, your grandchildren, who are here. Depart on -high.” (_b_) The chief of one of the two Kansas war gentes, Pa-ha^n-le -ga-qli, gave the writer a copy of his mystic war chart, saying that in -the middle should appear a representation of fire, but he dared not make -it unless he had fasted and prayed for several days, lest he should be -struck by lightning. (_c_) No respectable Omaha girl dare walk alone. -She must go with another girl, when not accompanied by her mother or -some other near relation. Any man, not a near kinsman, who spoke to -young girls that he chanced to meet, was sure to be punished. (_d_) With -reference to the worm killed by the Thunder, compare the Dakota belief -as to the conflicts that have occurred between the Unkteqi or Water -powers (the Waktceqi of the Winnebago) and the Wa-ki^nya^n (“Flying -Ones”) or Thunder Beings. These water powers (the males) are supposed to -dwell in rivers, while the females inhabit streams that exist beneath -the hills. (_e_) The legend of the Moose Woman resembles two Omaha -myths: In that of the Chief’s Son and the Snake Woman, the latter person -warns her husband against courting another woman; when he does so, she -disappears. In the story of the Man who had for his wives a Buffalo -Woman and a Corn Woman, the Man pursues his fleeing Buffalo wife and her -son; when he reaches a river, he takes a magic plume from his hair, -blows on it, and, as it is wafted across the river, he becomes the -plume, reaches the other bank, overtakes his wife and son, and finally -recovers them. (See “Popular Science Monthly,” September, 1893.) - - _J. Owen Dorsey._ - - -WRITING TO THE RATS.—A member of my family remembers a case of writing -to the rats. It occurred in Lunenburg, Mass., perhaps fifty years ago. -One day a neighbor of my grandfather’s came in and triumphantly -announced that at last she was going to be free of the rats; she had -written to them. Her letter was as follows: “If you don’t leave this -house, I’ll get a cat.” It seems to me as amusing, in its way, as that -of the Maine man. It might be called a telegram to the rats, for these -were exactly her words. The proclamation was posted up, I believe, in -the cellar. - - _H. D. Rolfe._ - - CONCORD, MASS., _June, 1893_. - - -ITALIAN FOLK-LORE SOCIETY.—In a private letter, Professor A. de -Gubernatis states that by the month of November he expects to secure the -five hundred subscribers necessary for the execution of his project of -an Italian folk-lore society. In Calabria, Apulia, and Sardinia, -especially, his appeal has been responded to. Her Majesty Queen -Marguerita has particularly interested herself in these researches; and -the minister of public instruction has issued a circular which -recommends to professors and teachers the study of popular traditions. -The society is to issue a journal, entitled “Rivista delle tradizioni -popolari italiano,” and also a series of volumes, to be known as -“Biblioteca del folk-lore italiano.” The annual subscription will be -twelve lire ($2.40); members will be permitted to obtain volumes of the -“biblioteca” at a reduction of fifty per cent. Local directors will be -appointed in the various districts of Italy; every three years a -congress, entitled “Congresso Nationale dei Folkloristi italiani,” will -be held with a view of discussing questions which relate to Italian -folk-lore. Subscriptions should be sent to Angelo de Gubernatis, -Presidente Onorario, Professore nell’ Università di Roma, Rome, Italy. - - - - - BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. - - - NOTES ON PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED. - -In the next number of this Journal, notice will be taken of the -important publications, in the field of American mythology and -tradition, which have appeared during the past half year. At present it -will be possible only to offer remarks on publications entitled to -comment, dealing with other than purely American subjects. - -In a treatise entitled “Böhmische Korallen aus der Götterwelt,” Dr. F. -S. Krauss discusses, in a humorous vein, apocryphal additions to the -material of Slavic and Lithuanian mythology. “Bohemian corals” are -imitations; but, as the writer remarks, these imitations had a -considerable value, until in latter days they have themselves become the -subject of imitation. There is a manufacture of folk-lore, parallel to -the production of primitive implements. In some cases these spurious -additions have been the products of misunderstanding. An amusing case is -the comment of an expert in Celtic tongues on the inscription “Encina,” -subscribed in uncial characters on a Gallo-Roman statuette, or rather on -the engraving of the statuette. The inquirer, connecting the word with -the Old Irish “ec,” death, presumed Encina to have been the designation -of a Celtic Fate. In point of fact the name was the signature of the -engraver. Among wholesale manufacturers of mythic material, Dr. E. -Veckenstedt receives an apparently merited castigation. The latter has -treated of eighty-two personages of Lithuanian mythology; of these forty -are said to have been taken from the unreliable work of Lasicki, the -other forty-two to be “original.” Pretensions of Croatian and Bulgarian -enthusiasts, anxious to exalt the antiquity and independence of their -national life, are rebuked by Dr. Krauss. Of wider scope is the review -of a work of Dr. G. Krek, professor of Slavic philology in the -University of Graz, entitled “Einleitung in die slavische -Literaturgeschichte.” Dr. Krauss comments on the errors of method, with -which the attempt is made to determine the original character of a race -by philological discussion, and observes: “He (Dr. Krek) is not aware -that the Slavic-speaking peoples are mixed races, which arose at the -earliest about the beginning of our era, out of populations in a state -of political dissolution, and which began to develop themselves on the -ruins of the culture of these populations.” (Page 104.) - -A very beautiful and excellently executed collection of popular -Sardinian love-songs is furnished by E. Bellorini. The editor has -prefixed a bibliography, and a preface containing an account of the -forms of the verse. A literal prose Italian version is appended, while -explanatory notes treat of difficult words and printed parallels, good -indexes completing the work. The songs are divided into two classes, -dialectically called “motos” and “battorinas,” each class being arranged -in sections according to topics. The “moto” is a peculiar stanza, in -lines usually of seven syllables, containing a theme or history -(istérria), and a refrain (torrada), the latter relating, not directly -to the theme, but to the feelings of the lover. Suppose the theme to -consist of three lines, the first of these is repeated to form the first -verse of the refrain, with which the fourth line of the refrain rhymes, -while the second and third lines rhyme with the two remaining lines of -the theme; and the refrain is thrice sung, so that each line of the -“history” alternately begins a verse, while the other lines of the -refrain are altered in place, and repeated. This, at least, is one of -several ways of forming the “moto.” The “batterinas” consist of four -lines, generally of eleven syllables, of which the first and fourth -rhyme, as also the second and third. The first class of songs are -preferred by women, the second, chanted to the guitar, are usual among -men. The theme is not very closely connected with the refrain, and is -often of an obscure and mystical character. The following are examples -of the “moto:” The silver bird—Who flieth and doth not fall—with golden -wings.—The silver bird—Thou art in my heart—Though a hundred approach. -Another: On a snowy mount—An angel hath descended—To make peace in -war.—On a snowy mount.—Heaven and earth took a pledge—When they made -thee. A third: On the brink of the well—There is a stone—Inscribed with -letters of gold.—On the brink of the well.—To give thee my heart—Because -of thy desert—is my desire. The author makes just remarks on the age and -character of the songs. The language is that of the dialect, here and -there qualified by literary influences. There is nothing to prove any -great antiquity of these productions, which continue to be composed. It -is to be hoped that Mr. Bellorini may be able to continue his work, and -publish the popular Sardinian songs relating to other subjects, a task -for which he has shown himself admirably qualified. - -“The Cries of London,” sixty-two in number, with wood-cuts, were printed -in 1799. Mr. A. Certeux, having come across this rare little work in -Switzerland, has reprinted it with the original illustrations, -accompanied by a French translation. A few notes give comparisons with -cries of Paris. What lends especial value to the book is a bibliography -of the principal works on the cries of Paris, containing about fifty -titles. This literature begins with the thirteenth century, Guillaume de -la Villeneuve having written at that time his “Les crieries de Paris.” -In 1887 V. Fournel published a work on the Cris de Paris, which had a -considerable success. It would be interesting to learn what information -exists concerning the streetcries of England, outside of the book here -reissued. - -Under the title of “Mélanges de Traditionnisme de la Belgique,” A. Harou -offers gleanings of the beliefs and superstitions of Flanders, arranged -as referring to astronomy and meteorology, the human body, popular -medicine, animals, birds, plants, etc. A certain number of legends, -formulas, and nicknames are added. The work is in part from printed -sources, and is to be regarded as a suggestion of a more complete and -systematic collection, rather than as filling the place of an exhibition -of Belgian superstition. It goes without saying that many of the items -have parallels in English folk-lore. - -The richness of Finland in the material of folk-lore is well calculated -to awaken the envy of collectors in other regions. The Swedish -population in Finland has its share in this survival, having kept with -great faithfulness its ancient character. According to the opinion set -forth by Julius Krohn, the popular Finnish poetry of the Kalevala has -adopted essential elements of Scandinavian mythology, while it has also -been argued that folk-tales and popular melodies have passed from the -Swedes to the Finns. However this may be, there is now a considerable -literature devoted to the folk-lore and dialect of the population in -question. A Society for the Study of Swedish Dialects in Finland, -founded in 1874, is now in possession of large collections of songs, -melodies, proverbs, and tales, as well as of a great mass of dialectic -words. The literature of Swedish folk-lore in Finland is the subject of -a bibliographical notice of E. Lagus, the citation of titles being -accompanied with a descriptive notice of the books. The series begins in -1892 with the work of A. I. Arvidsson (Svenska Fornsånger), and includes -about forty books or articles. - -In a treatise on the subject of hieroglyphic calendars, “Les Calendriers -à Emblèmes Hiéroglyphiques,” A. Certeux describes and examines portable -calendars of the fourteenth century, a mural calendar in wood of the -fifteenth, a Breton carved calendar of the fifteenth, etc. Observations -are also made on an Aztec calendar, a Norse Runic calendar, etc. In the -course of his remarks, the writer offers observations on the different -divisions of time adopted by different races. The references are -exclusively to French sources. - -In a discussion of “The Thyrsos of Dionysos and the Palm Inflorescence -of the Winged Figures of Assyrian Monuments,” read before the American -Philosophical Society, Dr. C. S. Dolley of Philadelphia, Pa., considers -that the drunken and riotous characteristics of the mysteries were -probably an addition to the original cult. The primitive use of the -thyrsus was that of a wand to be tossed about in the dance, a use to -which the stalks of the giant fennel were adapted, the festoons -representing the bindweed naturally attached to the fennel. With this -garlanded rod was combined, as he thinks, the date inflorescence found -on Eastern monuments, which was altered into the cone-like tip of the -thyrsus, and by error identified with the pine-cone. - -Dr. K. Weinhold, examining the various forms of the tale of the man who -is turned into an ass, as recounted in Apuleius and in various German -and Indian märchen, comes to the conclusion that the story was -originally a novelette and not an alteration of a myth. He inclines to -believe it original in Greece or Asia Minor of antiquity, and thence to -have been diffused eastward and westward, and offers some remarks on the -theory of transformation, as often mentioned in folk-tales. - -The twenty-fifth volume of the “Journal of the China Branch of the Royal -Asiatic Society” consists of a new instalment of the “Botanicum Sinicum” -by E. Bretschneider, the first or general part having appeared nearly -ten years before. The present volume deals with Chinese names of plants -occurring in the Chinese classics and other ancient Chinese works, and -their botanical identification. Plants mentioned in the dictionary “Rh -ya” (sixth century B. C.) are divided into herbaceous plants and trees, -and those mentioned in other works into cereals, vegetables, cultivated -cucurbitaceous plants, textile plants, tinctorial plants, water plants, -various herbaceous plants, fruits, and bamboos. The information from -literature, thus brought together, contains a great variety of -instruction respecting food, customs, costume, ritual, and the like. -Mention of rites seems usually provokingly inadequate, as in the -allusions to the use of rice as sacrifice for spirits, of the peach-wand -feared by demons, of the male elm pierced with an elephant’s tooth and -plunged in water as injurious to the spirits of the water, to the “shi” -divining plant, the stalks of which were used in divination, etc. In -appended general remarks, Dr. Bretschneider observes that the Chinese -have never shown any inclination for exploring nature from a love of -knowledge, nor any trace of a scientific tendency. Conspicuous is the -absence of names of plants having powerful poisonous properties. -Medicinal plants appear to have been known only to a few collectors, who -kept their information strictly secret, a concealment which led to -substitution and confusion. Appended are minutes of meetings in 1890 and -1891. These contain a brief report of a paper by Dr. J. Edkins, entitled -“China Thirty-five Centuries Ago,” in which the writer sets forth his -opinion that the true foundations of Chinese civilization were laid in -the third millennium before Christ. He considered that in the Chow -period (800 B. C.?) religious usages of a more polytheistic form were -adopted in profusion, and the people in their customs deserted the -simplicity of ancient life. This position was criticised by Dr. E. -Faber, who remarked on the want of any reliable information respecting -early Chinese civilization, and the worthlessness of Chinese chronology -and literary criticism. - -In a beautifully illustrated article, contained in the publications of -the United States National Museum, Romyn Hitchcock treats of the -“Ancient Burial Mounds of Japan.” Without touching on the strictly -archæological matter, we may notice the account of the ancient practice -of burying the retainers of a prince standing upright around his grave, -an interment in which the partially buried persons seem to have been -left to perish and be devoured by wild beasts. The custom was changed, -according to Japanese records, in the first century of our era, and the -devotion of the living man succeeded by images, examples of which are -figured in the article. - -In the same report, Mr. Hitchcock gives an account of Shinto mythology. -The sources being especially Basil Hall Chamberlain’s translation of the -Ko-ji-ki (A. D. 711?) and the review of E. M. Satow on the writings of -Japanese scholars. Casually, Mr. Hitchcock makes observations on the -connection of modern Japanese folk-lore with the old mythology; thus the -dance of Usume before the cave of the Sun-goddess is represented by the -pantomimic “kagura,” danced by young girls at the temple of Ise and -elsewhere. The mask of Usume is frequently seen in Japanese homes. - -The interesting exhibit of New South Wales in the Columbian Exposition -displays a mass of material calculated to illustrate native customs and -life, including a set of views showing the different parts of the -initiation ceremony called the “bora.” To accompany the exhibit, the New -South Wales Commissioners have caused to be printed a handbook called -“The Aborigines,” compiled by Dr. John Fraser of Sydney. This excellent -treatise gives in conversational style a variety of information -respecting the habits, ceremonies, ideas, food, habitations, and costume -of the “black fellows,” as the race has ungracefully been called. It is -difficult to speak with patience of the absurdities and calumnies of the -numerous writers who have represented this people as raised but one -degree above the animal. It would appear, on the contrary, that the -social and moral status of the Australian does not greatly differ from -that of the wilder Africans. In spite of his cannibalism, and his low -powers of numeration, on which a very unjustifiable emphasis has been -placed, the native is yet a highly intelligent person, admirably adapted -for his own method of life. Particularly to be noted is the account -given respecting religious beliefs and observances. Dr. Fraser perceives -that the “Karabari” or corroborees, the native dances, are, in part at -least, religious usages, although Australian students of the native -tribes have not as yet fully penetrated their secrets. Without doubt -some of them will be found to be religious ceremonials, accompanied by -an elaborate mythology, in that respect resembling the dances of other -“primitive” races. It is on the practices of the “bora” that most light -has been thrown: here we have the construction of moundcircles, the -occasional erection of monoliths or carved pillars, the setting up of a -sacred pole, the participation of women not admitted to the secret -rites, the presence, as it would seem, of ancestral deities, severe -trials of constancy, the reception of a sacred name, final emblematic -painting with white, probably also a regular system of instruction in -tribal religion, mythology, and ethics. Instead of being void of -religious feeling and ideas, as many observers, including the late -traveller Lumholtz, have described him, there can be no doubt that the -Australian is a person continually influenced by religious conceptions. -It seems a pity that such names as “Hamites” and “Shemites,” with -corresponding ethnological speculations, should appear in this treatise, -in which, however, these dubious theoretical elements have no important -place. - -A brief paper by Hon. Richard Hill, “Notes on the Aborigines of New -South Wales,” is somewhat superficial in character. The writer does not -understand that a belief in “evil spirits” must necessarily include a -religious faith and worship, but bears testimony to the natural chivalry -of the natives. The writer mentions that in case of a duel, or “fighting -to the death,” as it is called, each of the combatants invites the other -to strike, the orthodox challenge being “hit me first,” each at the same -time offering his head to be struck. - -Rev. W. W. Gill’s observations on “The South Pacific and New Guinea,” -also printed for the Exposition, contains notes on the Hervey Islands, -South Pacific, annexed by Great Britain in 1888. The observations on -ideas and customs, although conceived in the unsympathetic spirit of the -missionary, is of great interest as indicating the rich mass of -material, and the profit to science which must ensue from a proper -record of native traditions. Baptism, marriage, death, the spirit world, -etc., are themes of comment. We hope hereafter in this Journal to find -room for extracts. The ethnographic interest of the writer may be -measured by his naïve remark that the prayers used in incantation are -“happily lost”! Of ceremonial religion the notes give no account, -although the existence of a ritual is clearly implied; but the presence -of a faith full of mysticism, and parallel to the beliefs of European -antiquity, is everywhere indicated. - -The Hungarian journal, “Ethnologische Mitteilungen aus Ungarn,” directed -by A. Herrmann, after a most honorable record, was obliged to suspend -publication in its second volume. This periodical has now resumed issue, -the Archduke Joseph assuming responsibility for its continued -appearance. Dr. Herrmann will be assisted by Dr. H. von Wlislocki, Dr. -A. Katona, and others. This publication will deal with the ethnography -and folk-lore of the Magyars and connected races, and will also become -the organ of the Gypsy Folk-Lore Society, which has ceased to publish an -independent journal. An address prefixed to the new volume of the -journal, signed by C. G. Leland and D. MacRitchie, recommends the -“Ethnologische Mitteilungen” to the reception of all persons interested -in Gypsy research. Price seven francs; subscriptions may be addressed to -A. Herrmann (Budapest, 1, Szent-György utcza, 2). - - - PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED. - -BELLORINI, EGIDIO. Canti Popolari Amorosi raccolti a nuovo. Bergamo: -Stab. Frat. Cattaneo succ. a Gaffuri e Gatti, 1893. Pp. 336. - -BELLORINI, EGIDIO. Folk-lore Sardo. (Note bibliografiche.) Cagliari: -Tipografia G. Dessi, 1893. Pp. 14. - -BOURKE, JOHN GREGORY, Captain U. S. A. The Medicine-men of the Apache. -(Extract from the Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.) -Washington: Government Printing Office, 1892. Pp. 451–617. - -CERTEUX, A. Les Calendriers à Emblèmes Hiéroglyphiques. Paris: E. -Leroux, 28, rue Bonaparte, 1891. Pp. 61. - -CERTEUX, A. Les Cris de Londres au xviii^e siècle. Illustrés de 62 -gravures avec épigrammes en vers. Traduites par Mlle. X. Preface, notes, -et bibliographie des principaux ouvrages sur les cris de Paris par A. -Certeux, membre fondateur de la Société des Traditions Populaires. 2d -ed. Paris: Chamuel, 29, rue de Trevise, 1893. 12mo. Pp. ii, 183. - -DOLLEY, CHARLES S., M. D. The Thyrsos of Dionysos and the Palm -Inflorescence of the winged figures of Assyrian Monuments. (Extracted -from the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 1893. Pp. -8.) (From American Anthropologist, vi. 3, pp. 285–306, 1893.) -Washington: Judd & Detweiler, 1893. - -FRASER, JOHN. The Aborigines of New South Wales. Published by authority -of the New South Wales Commissioners for the World’s Columbian -Exposition. Sydney: C. Potter, 1892. Pp. 102. - -GILL, WILLIAM WYATT. The South Pacific and New Guinea Past and Present. -With notes on the Hervey Group, an illustrative song, and various myths. -Published by authority of the New South Wales Commissioners for the -World’s Columbian Exposition. Sydney: C. Potter, 1892. Pp. 38. - -HAURIGOT, GEORGE. Literature orale de la Guyane française. Contes, -devinettes, proverbes. (From Revue des Traditions Populaires, viii. 1, -2, 3–4, 6.) Paris: E. Lechevalier. 1893. Pp. 37. - -HAROU, A. Mélanges de Traditionnisme de la Belgique. (Collection -Internationale de la Tradition, vol. x.) Paris: E. Lechevalier, 1892. -Pp. vi, 150. - -Hemenway Expedition. Catálogo de los objetos etnológicos y -arqueológicos. Madrid: Jaramillo, 1892. Pp. 115. - -HILL, RICHARD, and THORNTON, GEORGE. Notes on the Aborigines of New -South Wales. With personal reminiscences. Published by authority of the -New South Wales Commissioners for the World’s Columbian Exposition. -Sydney: C. Potter, 1892. Pp. 8. - -HITCHCOCK, ROMYN. Shinto, or the Mythology of the Japanese. (Report of -the United States National Museum, 1891. Pp. 489–507.) Washington: -Government Printing Office, 1893. - -HITCHCOCK, ROMYN. Some Ancient Relics in Japan. (Report of the United -States National Museum, 1891, pp. 525, 526, plates liv.-vii.) -Washington: Government Printing Office, 1893. - -HITCHCOCK, ROMYN. The Ancient Burial Mounds of Japan. (Report of the -United States National Museum, 1891, pp. 511–523, plates xxxiii.-lxiii.) -Washington: Government Printing Office, 1893. - -HOUGH, WALTER. The Bernadou, Allen, and Jouy Corean Collections in the -United States National Museum. (Report of the United States National -Museum, 1891, pp. 429–488, plates i.-xxxiii.) Washington: Government -Printing Office, 1893. - -KRAUSS, FRIEDRICH S. Böhmische Korallen aus der Götterwelt. -Folkloristische Börseberichte von Götter- und Mythenmarkte. Wien: Gebr. -Rubinstein, 1893. Pp. 147. - -LAGUS, ERNEST. Du Folklore suédois en Finlande: Helsingfors, 1891. Pp. -16. - -Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde. In Auftrage des Vereins herausg. -v. K. Weinhold. Erster Jahrgang. Berlin: A. Ascher & Co., 1891. Pp. 485. - -WEINHOLD, K. Über das Märchen von Eselmenschen. (Sitzungsberichte der -Königlich Preussisschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, session -of 15th June, 1893.) Pp. 14. - - - JOURNALS. - -1. =The American Anthropologist.= (Washington.) Vol. VI. No. 3, July, -1893. Some Mythic Stories of the Yuchi Indians. A. S. GATSCHET.—Further -Notes on Indian Child Language. A. F. CHAMBERLAIN.—Notes and News. -Folk-Lore Publication. Folk-Lore Congress. Absence of Crime in Bechuana -Land. Blood Cement used by the Ancient Hurons. Liberian Customs. - -2. =The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal.= (Good Hope, Ill.) -Vol. XV. No. 3, May, 1893. Man and Language. III. Australians, -Dravidians, and Aryans. H. HALE.—Okla Hannoli; or, the six towns -district of the Choctaws. H. L. HALBERT.—Blackfoot Star Myths. I. The -Pleiades.—M. N. WILSON.—Folk-Lore of Hawaii.—No. 4, July. Blackfoot Star -Myths. II. The Seven Stars. M. N. WILSON.—Legend of Cumberland Mountain. -J. A. WATKINS.—Man and Language. IV. Language the Scientific Basis of -Anthropology. H. HALE.—Ethnographic Religions and Ancestor Worship. S. -D. PEET. - -3. =The Atlantic Monthly.= September, 1893. Nibblings and Browsings. -FANNY D. BERGEN. - -4. =The Folk-Lorist.= (Chicago.) Vol. I. Nos. 2–3. July, 1893. -Description of a Hopi Doll. A. M. STEPHEN.—The Story of Hepi and Winona. -E. L. HUGGINS.—Cheyenne Funeral Rites. H. R. VOTH.—Cante Sica, or -Badheart. W. CARTWRIGHT.—Tree and Animal Stories. MARY A. OWEN.—How the -Dog’s Mouth came to be ragged. A. R. WATSON.—Korean Folk-lore. H. R. -HULBERT.—Japanese Folk-lore. E. W. CLEMENTS.—The Original of Uncle Remus -Tar Baby in Japan. W. E. GRIFFIS.—Modern Mexican Witchcraft. A. T. -GRAYBILL.—Some Egyptian Legends and Superstitions. I. BEN -YACAR.—Illinois Folk-Lore. W. W. BASSETT.—Washington Superstitions. MISS -M. TEN EYCK.—A Witch-Trap. L. C. VANCE.—A Few East African -Superstitions. MRS. FRENCH-SHELDON.—Miscellany. - -5. =Popular Science Monthly.= (New York.) Vol. XLIII. No. 3, July, 1893. -Moral Life of the Japanese, W. D. EASTLAKE.—Evil Spirits. H. H. -LONG.—No. 4, August. The Revival of Witchcraft. E. HART.—No. 5, -September. Folk-lore Study in America. L. J. VANCE.—Grandfather Thunder. -A. L. ALGER. - -6. =Folk-Lore.= (London.) Vol. IV. No. 2, June, 1893. Cinderella and -Britain. A. NUTT.—The False Bride. MISS G. M. GODDEN.—English -Folk-Drama. T. FAIRMAN ORDISH.—Folk-lore Gleanings from County Leitrim. -L. L. DUNCAN.—Balochi Tales. M. LONGWORTH DAMES.—Obeah Worship in East -and West Indies. M. ROBINSON and M. J. WALHOUSE. (Illustrated.) The -Oldest Icelandic Folk-lore. W. A. CRAIGIE.—The Folk. J. -JACOBS.—Review.—Correspondence.—Chained Images. R. C. TEMPLE.—Red-haired -Men. W. H. D. ROUSE.—Notes and News.—Folk-lore Society. Proceedings at -Evening Meetings.—Miscellanea. Melting Wax Images of Intended Victims. -Smelling the Head in Token of Affection. Naxian Superstitions. Tokens of -Death. How to locate a Drowned Body. The Overflowing of Magic Wells. -Immuring Alive.—Folk-lore Bibliography. - -7. =The Illustrated Archæologist.= (London. Edited by J. ROMILLY ALLEN.) -Vol. I. No. 1, June, 1893. The Cup of Ballafletcher. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND. - -8. =The Westminster Review.= (London.) Vol. CXL. No. 2, August, 1893. -Burial Customs. E. HOWLETT. - -9. =L’Anthropologie.= (Paris.) Vol. IV. No. III, May-June, 1893. La -famille patriarcale au Caucase. M. KOVALEFSKI. - -10. =Bulletin de la Société Neuchateloise de Geographie.= (Neuchatel.) -Vol. VII. 1892–1893. Une visite au pays des Hakka, dans la province de -Canton. C. PITOU.—Les ensevelissements de personnes vivantes et le -“lœss” dans le nord de la Chine. C. PITOU.—Racontars mythologiques des -Sauvages australiens. E. RECLUS. - -11. =Journal des Savants.= (Paris.) May-June, 1893. La légende de -Saladin. G. PARIS.—August. La légende de Saladin. G. EBERS. - -12. =Mélusine.= (Paris.) Vol. VI. No. 9, May-June, 1893. Le Grand Diable -d’Argent, patron de la Finance. H. GAIDOZ.—Un livre sur Cendrillon. H. -GAIDOZ.—Bibliographie.—No. 10, July-August. La Fille qui fait la morte -pour son honneur garder. NIGRA, LOQUIN, and DONCIEUX.—La Mensuration du -Cou. PERDRIZET and GAIDOZ.—La Fascination. (Continued.) J. TUCHMANN.—Le -Petit Chaperon Rouge. E. ROLLAND.—Bibliographie. - -13. =Revue de l’Histoire des Religions.= (Paris.) Vol. XXVII. No. 3, -May-June, 1893. Bulletin des Religions de l’Inde. I. Véda et -Brahminisme. (Continued.) A. BARTH. - -14. =Revue des Traditions Populaires.= (Paris.) Vol. VIII. Nos. 3–4, -March, 1893. L’os qui chante. C. PLOIX.—Ustensiles et Bibelots -populaires. IV. P. SÉBILLOT. Les Rites de la Construction. XVI. R. -BASSET.—Contes arabes et orientaux. X. R. BASSET.—No. 5. May. Djemschid -et Quetzalcoatl. DE CHARENCEY.—Le tabac dans les traditions, les -superstitions, et les coutumes. P. SÉBILLOT.—Traditions et superstitions -de l’Anjou. G. DE LAUNAY.—No. 6, June. Les oiseaux de Psaphon. R. -BASSET.—Le folk-lore de Lesbos. G. GEORGEAKIS and L. PINEAU.—Les -Ordalies. (Continued.) R. BASSET.—Notes sur la mythologie des Latavins. -IV. W. DE WISSIKIOK. - -15. =La Tradition.= (Paris.) Vol. VII. Nos. 3–4, March-April, -1893. La Magie. T. DAVIDSON.—Folk-lore polonais. VII. M. DE -ZMIGRODZKI.—Superstitions Hindoues. II. B. DE BAIZIEUX.—Le folklore de -Constantinople II. Contes et légendes. J. NICOLAIDES.—Religion des -Indiens du Brésil. M. GUIGNET.—Devinettes picarde—Folklore des Arabes. -I. Légendes. XIII. H. CARNOY. - -16. =Wallonia.= (Littérature orale, croyances, et usages traditionnels. -Liège. Ed. by O. Colson, J. Defrecheux, and G. Willame. Subscription, 3 -francs, and postage.) Vol. I. No. 5, May, 1893. L’amour et les amoureux. -I. Lier le jonc. II. Les facéties de mai. J. DEFRECHEUX.—Chansons -d’amour. I. La ronde du “mai.” II. Voici le mois de mai. O. -COLSON.—Fêtes populaires. III. La Vierge, reine de mai. I. Les danses de -la mariée, au pays gaumet. II. Les quêtes pour la Vierge, en Ardenne. -III. Les trônes de mai, en Hesbaye. O. COLSON.—Dictons rimés sur le mois -de Mai. O. C.—Béotiana. O. C.—Notes et enquêtes. No. 6, June. -Sorcellerie. II. Dans l’Entre-Sambre-et-Meuse. L. LOISEAU.—Contes -facétieux. E. M.—Béotiana. O. C.—Chañsons religieuses. II. III. J. -DEFRECHEUX.—Fêtes populaires. V. L’Alion. (Borinage.)—J. MARLIN.—Humour -populaire. III. Le pesage des filles (pays gaumet). O. C. - -17. =Anchivio per lo Studio delle Tradizione Popolari.= (Palermo.) Vol. -XII. No. 2, April-June, 1893. Le befanate del Contado Lucchese. G. -GIANNINI.—Canti popolari emiliani. M. CARMI.—Sfruottuli, anecdoti -popolari siciliani. M. DE MARTINO.—Il culto degli alberi nell’ Alto -Monferrato. G. FERRARO.—Il Palio, o le Corsi di Siena nel 1893. M. -RAZZI.—Il Mastro di Campo mascherata carnevolesca di Sicilia. Noto. G. -PITRÈ.—Canti popolari in dialetto sassarese. P. NARRAX.—Alcuni sopranomi -popolari negli eserciti del primo Impero napoleonico. A. -LUMBROSO.—Aneddoti e spigolature folk-loriche. G. DE GIOVANNI.—“Un uomo -bruciato e poi rigenerato,” legende serbo-croate. M. DRAGOMAVOV.—La -poesia popolare nella storia letteraria. V. CIAN.—San Paolino III e la -secolare festa dei gigli in Nola, provincia di Caserta. G. DE -MATTIA.—Miscellanea.—Rivista bibliografica.—Bulletino.—Recenti -publicazioni.—Sommario dei giornali. - -18. =La Calabria.= (Monteleone; ed. L. Bruzzano.) Vol. No. 10, June, -1893. Canti sacri e leggende religiosi. Canti popolari di Candà.—Una -Lauda di S. Nterina.—No. 11, July. Le Parole della Verità.—Leggenda di -Brognaturo. No. 12, August. La Festa di San Antonio, protettore di -Nicastro.—Novellini Albanesi di Falconara. - -19. =Am Urquell.= (Lunden, Holstein; ed. by F. S. Krauss, Vienna.) Vol. -IV. No. 4, 1893. Geister in Katzengestalt. A. WIEDEMANN.—Über die -Bedeutung des Herdes. (Continued in No. 5.) C. RADEMACHER.—Biblische -Rätsel. A. TREICHEL.—Volkglauben der Wotjaken. (Continued in Nos. 5, 6.) -B. MUNKACSI.—Alltagglauben und volktümliche Heilkunde galizischer Juden. -(Continued in Nos. 5, 6.) B. W. SCHIFFER.—Tod und Totenfetische im -Volkglauben der Siebenbürger Sachsen. H. V. WLISLOCKI.—No. 5. -Zaubergelt. (Continued in No. 6.) W. SČURAT.—Jüdische Volkmedizin in -Ostgalizien. B. BENCZNER.—No. 6. Sagen von Ursprung der Fliegen und -Moskiten. A. J. CHAMBERLAIN.—Der Tadel des Zuvielredens in Sprichwort -und Volkanschauung. L. FRÄNKEL. - -20. =Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien.= -(Vienna.) Vol. XXIII. Nos. 2–3, 1893. Die Heimat der Germanen. K. PENKA. - -21. =Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft.= -(Leipsic.) Vol. XLVII. No. 1, 1893. History of Child-Marriage. R. G. -BLANDARKAR. - -22. =Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie.= (Halle.) Vol. XVII. Nos. -1–2, 1893. Fede e superstitizione nell’ antica poesia francese. G. -SCHIAVO. - -23. =Ethnologische Mitteilungen aus Ungarn.= (Budapest; Ed. by -A. Herrmann.) Vol. III. Nos. 1–2, 1893. Als Vorwort. A. -HERRMANN.—Mitteilungen uber die in Alcsúth angesiedelten Zeltzigeuner. -ERZHERZOG JOSEF.—Neue Beiträge zur Volkskunde der Siebenbürger Sachsen. -H. V. WLISLOCKI.—König Mathias und Peter Geréb. Ein bulgarisches -Guslarenlied aus Bosnien. F. S. KRAUSS.—Dokumente zur Geschichte der -Zigeuner. I. Litteratur. - -24. =Česky Lid.= (Prague.) No. 5, 1893. (Summary in French.) Sur la -coutume de porter les images de la mort pendant le Mi-Carême. -(Concluded.) C. Zibrt.—Sur la culture du lin dans les environs de -Humpolec. (Concluded.) J. Mančal.—La maison paysanne des Khodes en -Bohême. (Continued.) J. Hruska.—Exemples de l’ornamentation nationale -sur les meubles. A. Solta.—Les jeux de Mi-Carême au Sud de Bohême. J. -Zítek.—Une nouvelle série des chansons populaires du pays des Rhodes. H. -Baar.—Une nouvelle série de coutumes et superstitions. Pâques.—Fragments -dialectologiques des environs de Zleby. E. Kutílek.—Revue des livres et -journaux.—Nouvelles et Correspondance. - -25. =Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society= for the -year 1890–91. New Series, Vol. XXV. Shanghai, 1893. Botanicum Sinicum. -Notes on Chinese Botany, from Native and Western Sources. E. -BRETSCHNEIDER. - ------ - -Footnote 1: - - Paper read at the Third Annual Meeting, Cambridge, Mass., Dec. 29, - 1892. - -Footnote 2: - - In Indian usage the mother is spoken of before the father. - -Footnote 3: - - There may be an allusion to the name in this, for O-ne-tah (the - Hemlock) means “Greens on a stick,” and O-neh-tah (the Pine) means - “Porcupines clinging to a stick.” - -Footnote 4: - - Paper read before the American Folk-Lore Society, Montreal Branch, - 1893. - -Footnote 5: - - A buckskin rope in those days. - -Footnote 6: - - Five inches in circumference. - -Footnote 7: - - The old Indian comb; it was made of wild oats, long grasses like - thistles, sharp and black at the end. The Indians work these sharp - ends through wool or cotton and cut off the sharp points, leaving the - grass about two inches long, like bristles; then they take a piece of - animal bladder, because it is soft, and tie the bundle of cloth - together for a handle. This old mode of making a comb has gone; with - the Indian’s present opportunity of buying combs, such as we use, it - is an impossibility, almost, to procure a specimen of these old combs. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - - 1. P. 222, changed “Eichlen” to “Eicheln”. - 2. P. 223, changed “Roy” to “Rey”. - 3. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. - 4. Anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as - printed. - 5. Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers and collected together - at the end of the last chapter. - 6. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. - 7. Enclosed bold font in =equals=. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Journal of American Folk-lore. -Vol. VI.--July-September, 1893.--N, by Various - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JOURNAL OF AMERICAN FOLKLORE, JULY-SEPT 1893 *** - -***** This file should be named 60848-0.txt or 60848-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/0/8/4/60848/ - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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