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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #68136 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/68136)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at
-Cairo, Illinois, October 3, 1907, by Theodore Roosevelt
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Address of President Roosevelt at Cairo, Illinois, October 3,
-       1907
-
-Author: Theodore Roosevelt
-
-Release Date: May 20, 2022 [eBook #68136]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading
-             Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
-             images generously made available by The Internet
-             Archive/American Libraries.)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT
-ROOSEVELT AT CAIRO, ILLINOIS, OCTOBER 3, 1907 ***
-
-
-
-
-
-                   ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT
-            CAIRO, ILLINOIS [Illustration] OCTOBER 3, 1907
-
-
-                            [Illustration]
-
-
-                              WASHINGTON
-                      GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
-                                 1907
-
-
-
-
-MEN OF ILLINOIS, AND YOU, MEN OF KENTUCKY AND MISSOURI:
-
-I am glad to have the chance to speak to you to-day. This is the heart
-of what may be called the Old West, which we now call the Middle West,
-using the term to denote that great group of rich and powerful States
-which literally forms the heart of the country. It is a region whose
-people are distinctively American in all their thoughts, in all their
-ways of looking at life; and in its past and its present alike it is
-typical of our country. The oldest men present can still remember the
-pioneer days, the days of the white-tilted ox wagon, of the emigrant,
-and of the log cabin in which that emigrant first lived when he settled
-to his task as a pioneer farmer. They were rough days, days of hard
-work, and the people who did that work seemed themselves uncouth and
-forbidding to visitors who could not look below the surface. It is
-curious and amusing to think that even as genuine a lover of his kind,
-a man normally so free from national prejudices as Charles Dickens,
-should have selected the region where we are now standing as the seat
-of his forlorn “Eden” in Martin Chuzzlewit. The country he so bitterly
-assailed is now one of the most fertile and productive portions of
-one of the most fertile and productive agricultural territories
-in all the world, and the dwellers in this territory represent a
-higher average of comfort, intelligence, and sturdy capacity for
-self-government than the people in any tract of like extent in any
-other continent. The land teems with beauty and fertility, and but a
-score of years after Dickens wrote it was shown to be a nursery and
-breeding ground of heroes, of soldiers and statesmen of the highest
-rank, while the rugged worth of the rank and file of the citizenship
-rendered possible the deeds of the mighty men who led in council and in
-battle. This was the region that brought forth mighty Abraham Lincoln,
-the incarnation of all that is best in democratic life; and from the
-loins of the same people, living only a little farther south, sprang
-another of our greatest Presidents, Andrew Jackson, “Old Hickory”――a
-man who made mistakes, like most strong men, but a man of iron will
-and incorruptible integrity, fearless, upright, devoted to the welfare
-of his countrymen, bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh, a typical
-American if ever there was one.
-
-I commend a careful reading of Martin Chuzzlewit to the pessimists of
-to-day, to the men who, instead of fighting hard to do away with abuses
-while at the same time losing no jot of their buoyant hopefulness for
-the country, insist that all our people, socially and industrially, in
-their private lives no less than as politicians, newspaper men, and
-business men, are at a lower ebb than ever before. If ever any one
-of you feels a little downcast over the peculiarly gloomy view of the
-present taken by some well-meaning pessimist of to-day, you will find
-it a real comfort to read Martin Chuzzlewit, to see what a well-meaning
-pessimist of the past thought of our people sixty-five years ago; and
-then think of the extraordinary achievement, the extraordinary gain,
-morally no less than materially, of those sixty-five years. Dickens
-can be read by us now with profit; Elijah Pogram, Hannibal Chollop,
-Jefferson Brick and Scadder have their representatives to-day, plenty
-of them; and the wise thing for us to do is to recognize that these
-are still types of evil in politics, journalism, business, and private
-life, and to war against them with all our hearts. But it is rank folly
-to regard these as the only, or the chief, types in our national life.
-It was not of much consequence whether Dickens made such an error or
-not, but it would be of great consequence if we ourselves did; for a
-foolish pessimism is an even greater foe of healthy national growth
-than a foolish optimism. It was not that Dickens invented characters
-or scenes that had no basis in fact; on the contrary, what he said was
-true, as far as it went; the trouble was that out of many such half
-truths he made a picture which as a whole was absurd; for often a half
-truth is the most dangerous falsehood. It would be simply silly to be
-angry over Martin Chuzzlewit; on the contrary, read it, be amused
-by it, profit by it; and don’t be misled by it. Keep a lively watch
-against the present-day Pograms and Bricks; but above all, distrust
-the man who would persuade you to feel downhearted about the country
-because of these same Pograms and Bricks, past or present. It would be
-foolish to ignore their existence, or the existence of anything else
-that is bad in our national life; but it would be even more foolish
-to ignore the vaster forces that tell for righteousness. Friends,
-there is every reason why we should fight whatever is evil in the
-present. But there is also every reason why we should feel a sturdy and
-confident hope for the future. There are many wrongs to right; there
-are many and powerful wrong doers against whom to war; and it would be
-base to shrink from the contest, or to fail to wage it with a high, a
-resolute will. But I am sure that we shall win in the contest, because
-I know that the heart of our people is sound. Our average men and women
-are good men and women――and this is true in all sections of our country
-and among all classes of our countrymen. There is no other nation on
-earth with such vast natural resources, or with such a high standard
-of living and of industrial efficiency among its workers. We have as
-a nation an era of unexampled prosperity ahead of us; we shall enjoy
-it, and our children will enjoy it after us. The trend of well-being
-in this country is upward, not downward; and this is the trend in the
-things of the soul as well as in the things of the body.
-
-Government in its application is often a complicated and delicate
-work, but the principles of government are, after all, fairly simple.
-In a broad general way we should apply in the affairs of the national
-administration, which deals with the interests of all our eighty-odd
-millions of people, just the same rules that are necessary in getting
-on with our neighbors in our several neighborhoods; and the nation as a
-whole should show substantially the same qualities that we would expect
-an honorable man to show in dealing with his fellows. To illustrate
-this, consider for a moment two phases of governmental action.
-
-First as to international affairs. Among your own neighbors, among your
-friends, what is the attitude you like to see a man take toward his
-fellows, the attitude you wish each of your sons to take when he goes
-out into the world? Is it not a combination of readiness and ability
-to hold his own if anyone tries to wrong him, while at the same time
-showing careful regard not only for the rights but for the feelings of
-others? Of course it is! Of course the type of man whom we respect,
-whom we are proud of if he is a kinsman, whom we are glad to have as a
-friend and neighbor, is the man who is no milksop, who is not afraid,
-who will not tolerate nor hesitate to resent insult or injury, but
-who himself never inflicts insult or injury, is kindly, good-natured,
-thoughtful of others’ rights――in short, a good man to do business with
-or have live in the next house or have as a friend. On the other hand,
-the man who lacks any of those qualities is sure to be objectionable.
-If a man is afraid to hold his own, if he will submit tamely to
-wrongdoing, he is contemptible. If he is a bully, an oppressor, a man
-who wrongs or insults others, he is even worse and should be hunted
-out of the community. But, on the whole, the most contemptible position
-that can possibly be assumed by any man is that of blustering, of
-bragging, of insulting or wronging other people, while yet expecting to
-go through life unchallenged, and being always willing to back down and
-accept humiliation if readiness to make good is demanded.
-
-Well, all this is just as true of a nation as of an individual, and
-in dealing with other nations we should act as we expect a man who
-is both game and decent to act in private life. There are few things
-cheaper and more objectionable, whether on the part of the public man
-or of the private man, on the part of a writer or of a speaker, an
-individual or a group of individuals, than a course of conduct which
-is insulting or hurtful, whether in speech or act, to individuals
-of another nation or to the representatives of another nation or to
-another nation itself. But the policy becomes infamous from the
-standpoint of the interests of the United States when it is combined
-with the refusal to take those measures of preparation which can alone
-secure us from aggression on the part of others. The policy of “peace
-with insult” is the very worst policy upon which it is possible to
-embark, whether for a nation or an individual. To be rich, unarmed, and
-yet insolent and aggressive, is to court well-nigh certain disaster.
-The only safe and honorable rule of foreign policy for the United
-States is to show itself courteous toward other nations, scrupulous not
-to infringe upon their rights, and yet able and ready to defend its
-own. This nation is now on terms of the most cordial good will with all
-other nations. Let us make it a prime object of our policy to preserve
-these conditions. To do so it is necessary on the one hand to mete out
-a generous justice to all other peoples and show them courtesy and
-respect; and on the other hand, as we are yet a good way off from the
-millenium, to keep ourselves in such shape as to make it evident to
-all men that we desire peace because we think it is just and right and
-not from motives of weakness or timidity. As for the first requisite,
-this means that not only the Government but the people as a whole shall
-act in the needed spirit; for otherwise the folly of a few individuals
-may work lasting discredit to the whole nation. The second requisite
-is more easily secured――let us build up and maintain at the highest
-point of efficiency the United States Navy. In any great war on land
-we should have to rely in the future as we have relied in the past
-chiefly upon volunteer soldiers; and although it is indispensable that
-our little army, an army ludicrously small relatively to the wealth
-and population of this mighty nation, should itself be trained to the
-highest point and should be valued and respected as is demanded by
-the worth of the officers and enlisted men, yet it is not necessary
-that this army should be large as compared to the armies of other
-great nations. But as regards the Navy all this is different. We have
-an enormous coast line, and our coast line is on two great oceans.
-To repel hostile attacks the fortifications, and not the Navy, must
-be used; but the best way to parry is to hit――no fight can ever be
-won except by hitting――and we can only hit by means of the Navy. It
-is utterly impossible to improvise even a makeshift navy under the
-conditions of modern warfare. Since the days of Napoleon no war between
-two great powers has lasted as long as it would take to build a battle
-ship, let alone a fleet of battle ships; and it takes just as long to
-train the crew of a battle ship as it does to build it; and as regards
-the most important thing of all, the training of the officers, it takes
-much longer. The Navy must be built and all its training given in time
-of peace. When once war has broken out it is too late to do anything.
-We now have a good Navy, not yet large enough for our needs, but of
-excellent material. Where a navy is as small as ours, the cardinal
-rule must be that the battle ships shall not be separated. This year
-I am happy to say that we shall begin a course which I hope will be
-steadily followed hereafter, that, namely, of keeping the battle-ship
-fleet alternately in the Pacific and in the Atlantic. Early in December
-the fleet will begin its voyage to the Pacific, and it will number,
-friends, among its formidable fighting craft three great battle
-ships, named, respectively, the _Illinois_, the _Missouri_, and the
-_Kentucky_. It is a national fleet in every sense of the term, and its
-welfare should be, and I firmly believe is, as much a matter of pride
-and concern for every man in the farthest interior of our country as
-for every man on the seacoast. A long ocean voyage is mighty good
-training; and not the least good it will do will be to show just the
-points where our naval program needs strengthening. Incidentally I
-think the voyage will have one good effect, for, to judge by their
-comments on the movement, some excellent people in my own section of
-the country need to be reminded that the Pacific coast is exactly as
-much a part of this nation as the Atlantic coast.
-
-So much for foreign affairs. Now for a matter of domestic policy.
-Here in this country we have founded a great federal democratic
-republic. It is a government by and for the people and therefore a
-genuine democracy; and the theory of our Constitution is that each
-neighborhood shall be left to deal with the things that concern
-only itself and which it can most readily deal with; so that town,
-county, city, and State have their respective spheres of duty, while
-the nation deals with those matters which concern all of us, all of
-the people, no matter where we dwell. Our democracy is based upon
-the belief that each individual ought to have the largest measure
-of liberty compatible with securing the rights of other individuals,
-that the average citizen, the plain man whom we meet in daily life,
-is normally capable of taking care of his own affairs, and has no
-desire to wrong any one else; and yet that in the interest of all there
-shall be sufficient power lodged somewhere to prevent wicked people
-from trampling the weak under foot for their own gain. Our constant
-endeavor is to make a good working compromise whereby we shall secure
-the full benefit of individual initiative and responsibility, while at
-the same time recognizing that it is the function of a wise government
-under modern conditions not merely to protect life and property, but
-to foster the social development of the people so far as this may be
-done by maintaining and promoting justice, honesty, and equal rights.
-We believe in a real, not a sham, democracy. We believe in democracy
-as regards political rights, as regards education, and, finally, as
-regards industrial conditions. By democracy we understand securing, as
-far as it is humanly possible to secure it, equality of opportunity,
-equality of the conditions under which each man is to show the stuff
-that is in him and to achieve the measure of success to which his own
-force of mind and character entitle him. Religiously this means that
-each man is to have the right, unhindered by the state, to worship his
-Creator as his conscience dictates, granting freely to others the
-same freedom which he asks for himself. Politically we can be said
-substantially to have worked out our democratic ideals, and the same
-is true, thanks to the common schools, in educational matters. But in
-industry there has not as yet been the governmental growth necessary
-in order to meet the tremendous changes brought about in industrial
-conditions by steam and electricity. It is not in accordance with our
-principles that literally despotic power should be put into the hands
-of a few men in the affairs of the industrial world. Our effort must
-be for a just and effective plan of action which, while scrupulously
-safeguarding the rights of the men of wealth, shall yet, so far as
-is humanly possible, secure under the law to all men equality of
-opportunity to make a living. It is to the interest of all of us that
-the man of exceptional business capacity should be amply rewarded;
-and there is nothing inconsistent with this in our insistence that he
-shall not be guilty of bribery or extortion, and that the rights of
-the wageworker and of the man of small means, who are themselves honest
-and hard working, shall be scrupulously safeguarded. The instruments
-for the exercise of modern industrial power are the great corporations
-which, though created by the individual States, have grown far beyond
-the control of those States and transact their business throughout
-large sections of the Union. These corporations, like the industrial
-conditions which have called them into being, did not exist when the
-Constitution was founded; but the wise forethought of the founders
-provided, under the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution,
-for the very emergency which has arisen, if only our people as a whole
-will realize what this emergency is; for if the people thoroughly
-realize it, their governmental representatives will soon realize
-it also. The National Government alone has sufficiently extensive
-power and jurisdiction to exercise adequate control over the great
-interstate corporations. While this thorough supervision and control
-by the National Government is desirable primarily in the interest of
-the people, it will also, I firmly believe, be to the benefit of those
-corporations themselves which desire to be honest and law-abiding. Only
-thus can we put over these corporations one competent and efficient
-sovereign――the Nation――able both to exact justice from them and to
-secure justice for them, so that they may not be alternately pampered
-and oppressed. The proposal need be dreaded only by those corporations
-which do not wish to obey the law or to be controlled in just fashion,
-but prefer to take their chances under the present lack of all system
-and to court the chance of getting improper favors as offsetting the
-chance of being blackmailed――an attitude rendered familiar in the past
-by those corporations which had thriven under certain corrupt and
-lawless city governments.
-
-The first need is to exercise this Federal control in thoroughgoing
-and efficient fashion over the railroads, which, because of their
-peculiar position, offer the most immediate and urgent problem. The
-American people abhor a vacuum, and is determined that this control
-shall be exercised somewhere; it is most unwise for the railroads not
-to recognize this and to submit to it as the first requisite of the
-situation. When this control is exercised in some such fashion as it is
-now exercised over the national banks, there will be no falling off
-in business prosperity. On the contrary, the chances for the average
-man to do better will be increased. Undoubtedly there will be much
-less opportunity than at present for a very few individuals not of the
-most scrupulous type to amass great fortunes by speculating in and
-manipulating securities which are issued without any kind of control or
-supervision. But there will be plenty of room left for ample legitimate
-reward for business genius, while the chance for the man who is not
-a business genius, but who is a good, thrifty, hard-working citizen,
-will be better. I do not believe that our efforts will have anything
-but a beneficial effect upon the permanent prosperity of the country;
-and, as a matter of fact, even as regards any temporary effect, I
-think that any trouble is due fundamentally not to the fact that the
-national authorities have discovered and corrected certain abuses, but
-to the fact that those abuses were there to be discovered. I think
-that the excellent people who have complained of our policy as hurting
-business have shown much the same spirit as the child who regards the
-dentist and not the ulcerated tooth as the real source of his woe. I
-am as certain as I can be of anything that the course we are pursuing
-will ultimately help business; for the corrupt man of business is as
-great a foe to this country as the corrupt politician. Both stand on
-the same evil eminence of infamy. Against both it is necessary to war;
-and if, unfortunately, in either type of warfare, a few innocent people
-are hurt, the responsibility lies not with us, but with those who have
-misled them to their hurt.
-
-This is a rapidly growing nation, on a new continent, and in an era of
-new, complex, and ever-shifting conditions. Often it is necessary to
-devise new methods of meeting these new conditions. We must regard the
-past, but we must not regard only the past. We must also think of the
-future; and while we must learn by experience, we can not afford to pay
-heed merely to the teachings of experience. The great preacher Channing
-in his essay on “The Union” spoke with fine insight on this very point.
-In commenting on the New England statesman Cabot, whom he greatly
-admired, he said that nevertheless “he had too much of the wisdom of
-experience; he wanted what may be called the wisdom of hope.” He then
-continued in words which have a peculiar fitness for the conditions of
-to-day: “We apprehend that it is possible to make experience too much
-our guide. There are seasons in human affairs, of inward and outward
-revolution, when new depths seem to be broken up in the soul, when
-new wants are unfolded in multitudes, and a new and undefined good is
-thirsted for. These are periods when the principles of experience need
-to be modified, when hope and trust and instinct claim a share with
-prudence in the guidance of affairs, when in truth _to dare_ is the
-highest wisdom.”
-
-These sentences should be carefully pondered by those men, often very
-good men, who forget that constructive change offers the best method of
-avoiding destructive change; that reform is the antidote to revolution;
-and that social reform is not the precursor but the preventive of
-socialism.
-
-                            [Illustration]
-
-
-
-
- Transcriber’s Notes:
-
- ――Text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).
-
- ――Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.
-
- ――Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved.
-
-*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT
-AT CAIRO, ILLINOIS, OCTOBER 3, 1907 ***
-
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at Cairo, Illinois, October 3, 1907, by Theodore Roosevelt</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
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-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Address of President Roosevelt at Cairo, Illinois, October 3, 1907</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Theodore Roosevelt</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: May 20, 2022 [eBook #68136]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
-  <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT CAIRO, ILLINOIS, OCTOBER 3, 1907 ***</div>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="cover">
-  <img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" title="cover" />
-  <div class="caption">
-    <p class="noic">Transcriber’s Note: The cover image was created from
-the title page by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<h1 class="nobreak"><small>ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT
- CAIRO, ILLINOIS</small>
-  <img class="illowe2" src="images/deco_01sm.jpg"
-       alt="small title decoration" title="small title decoration" />
-  <small>OCTOBER 3, 1907</small></h1>
-
-<div class="pad6">
-<div class="figcenter" id="deco_02bg">
-  <img class="illowe3" src="images/deco_02bg.jpg"
-       alt="large title decoration" title="large title decoration" />
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="noic">WASHINGTON<br />
-GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE<br />
-1907</p>
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p>
-
-<p class="p4 hang"><span class="smcap">Men of Illinois, and You, Men of Kentucky
-and Missouri</span>:</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>I am glad to have the chance to speak
-to you to-day. This is the heart of what
-may be called the Old West, which we
-now call the Middle West, using the term
-to denote that great group of rich and
-powerful States which literally forms the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span>
-heart of the country. It is a region whose
-people are distinctively American in all
-their thoughts, in all their ways of looking
-at life; and in its past and its present
-alike it is typical of our country. The
-oldest men present can still remember the
-pioneer days, the days of the white-tilted
-ox wagon, of the emigrant, and of the log
-cabin in which that emigrant first lived
-when he settled to his task as a pioneer
-farmer. They were rough days, days of
-hard work, and the people who did that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span>
-work seemed themselves uncouth and
-forbidding to visitors who could not look
-below the surface. It is curious and
-amusing to think that even as genuine a
-lover of his kind, a man normally so free
-from national prejudices as Charles Dickens,
-should have selected the region
-where we are now standing as the seat
-of his forlorn “Eden” in Martin Chuzzlewit.
-The country he so bitterly assailed
-is now one of the most fertile and productive
-portions of one of the most fertile and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
-productive agricultural territories in all
-the world, and the dwellers in this
-territory represent a higher average of
-comfort, intelligence, and sturdy capacity
-for self-government than the people in any
-tract of like extent in any other continent.
-The land teems with beauty and fertility,
-and but a score of years after Dickens
-wrote it was shown to be a nursery and
-breeding ground of heroes, of soldiers and
-statesmen of the highest rank, while the
-rugged worth of the rank and file of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span>
-citizenship rendered possible the deeds of
-the mighty men who led in council and in
-battle. This was the region that brought
-forth mighty Abraham Lincoln, the incarnation
-of all that is best in democratic life;
-and from the loins of the same people, living
-only a little farther south, sprang another
-of our greatest Presidents, Andrew Jackson,
-“Old Hickory”—a man who made mistakes,
-like most strong men, but a man of
-iron will and incorruptible integrity, fearless,
-upright, devoted to the welfare of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
-countrymen, bone of our bone and flesh of
-our flesh, a typical American if ever there
-was one.</p>
-
-<p>I commend a careful reading of Martin
-Chuzzlewit to the pessimists of to-day,
-to the men who, instead of fighting hard
-to do away with abuses while at the same
-time losing no jot of their buoyant hopefulness
-for the country, insist that all our
-people, socially and industrially, in their
-private lives no less than as politicians,
-newspaper men, and business men, are at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
-a lower ebb than ever before. If ever
-any one of you feels a little downcast
-over the peculiarly gloomy view of the
-present taken by some well-meaning
-pessimist of to-day, you will find it a real
-comfort to read Martin Chuzzlewit, to see
-what a well-meaning pessimist of the past
-thought of our people sixty-five years
-ago; and then think of the extraordinary
-achievement, the extraordinary gain, morally
-no less than materially, of those sixty-five
-years. Dickens can be read by us<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
-now with profit; Elijah Pogram, Hannibal
-Chollop, Jefferson Brick and Scadder
-have their representatives to-day, plenty
-of them; and the wise thing for us
-to do is to recognize that these
-are still types of evil in politics,
-journalism, business, and private life, and
-to war against them with all our hearts.
-But it is rank folly to regard these as the
-only, or the chief, types in our national
-life. It was not of much consequence
-whether Dickens made such an error or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span>
-not, but it would be of great consequence
-if we ourselves did; for a foolish pessimism
-is an even greater foe of healthy national
-growth than a foolish optimism. It was not
-that Dickens invented characters or scenes
-that had no basis in fact; on the contrary,
-what he said was true, as far as it went; the
-trouble was that out of many such half
-truths he made a picture which as a whole
-was absurd; for often a half truth is the
-most dangerous falsehood. It would be
-simply silly to be angry over Martin<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
-Chuzzlewit; on the contrary, read it, be
-amused by it, profit by it; and don’t be
-misled by it. Keep a lively watch
-against the present-day Pograms and
-Bricks; but above all, distrust the
-man who would persuade you to feel
-downhearted about the country because
-of these same Pograms and Bricks, past or
-present. It would be foolish to ignore their
-existence, or the existence of anything
-else that is bad in our national life; but it
-would be even more foolish to ignore the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span>
-vaster forces that tell for righteousness.
-Friends, there is every reason why we
-should fight whatever is evil in the present.
-But there is also every reason why
-we should feel a sturdy and confident
-hope for the future. There are many
-wrongs to right; there are many and powerful
-wrong doers against whom to war;
-and it would be base to shrink from the
-contest, or to fail to wage it with a high,
-a resolute will. But I am sure that
-we shall win in the contest, because<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
-I know that the heart of our people
-is sound. Our average men and
-women are good men and women—and
-this is true in all sections of our country
-and among all classes of our countrymen.
-There is no other nation on earth with
-such vast natural resources, or with such
-a high standard of living and of industrial
-efficiency among its workers. We have
-as a nation an era of unexampled prosperity
-ahead of us; we shall enjoy it, and
-our children will enjoy it after us. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span>
-trend of well-being in this country is
-upward, not downward; and this is the
-trend in the things of the soul as well as
-in the things of the body.</p>
-
-<p>Government in its application is often
-a complicated and delicate work, but the
-principles of government are, after all,
-fairly simple. In a broad general way we
-should apply in the affairs of the national
-administration, which deals with the interests
-of all our eighty-odd millions of people,
-just the same rules that are necessary<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span>
-in getting on with our neighbors in our
-several neighborhoods; and the nation as a
-whole should show substantially the same
-qualities that we would expect an honorable
-man to show in dealing with his fellows.
-To illustrate this, consider for a moment
-two phases of governmental action.</p>
-
-<p>First as to international affairs. Among
-your own neighbors, among your friends,
-what is the attitude you like to see a
-man take toward his fellows, the attitude
-you wish each of your sons to take when<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span>
-he goes out into the world? Is it not a
-combination of readiness and ability to
-hold his own if anyone tries to wrong
-him, while at the same time showing
-careful regard not only for the rights but
-for the feelings of others? Of course it
-is! Of course the type of man whom
-we respect, whom we are proud of if he
-is a kinsman, whom we are glad to have
-as a friend and neighbor, is the man
-who is no milksop, who is not afraid, who
-will not tolerate nor hesitate to resent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span>
-insult or injury, but who himself never
-inflicts insult or injury, is kindly, good-natured,
-thoughtful of others’ rights—in
-short, a good man to do business with
-or have live in the next house or have
-as a friend. On the other hand, the man
-who lacks any of those qualities is sure
-to be objectionable. If a man is afraid
-to hold his own, if he will submit tamely
-to wrongdoing, he is contemptible. If
-he is a bully, an oppressor, a man who
-wrongs or insults others, he is even worse<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span>
-and should be hunted out of the community.
-But, on the whole, the most contemptible
-position that can possibly be
-assumed by any man is that of blustering,
-of bragging, of insulting or wronging
-other people, while yet expecting to go
-through life unchallenged, and being
-always willing to back down and accept
-humiliation if readiness to make good is
-demanded.</p>
-
-<p>Well, all this is just as true of a nation
-as of an individual, and in dealing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span>
-with other nations we should act as we
-expect a man who is both game and
-decent to act in private life. There are
-few things cheaper and more objectionable,
-whether on the part of the public
-man or of the private man, on the part of
-a writer or of a speaker, an individual or
-a group of individuals, than a course of
-conduct which is insulting or hurtful,
-whether in speech or act, to individuals
-of another nation or to the representatives
-of another nation or to another nation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span>
-itself. But the policy becomes infamous
-from the standpoint of the interests
-of the United States when it is combined
-with the refusal to take those
-measures of preparation which can alone
-secure us from aggression on the part of
-others. The policy of “peace with insult”
-is the very worst policy upon which it is
-possible to embark, whether for a nation
-or an individual. To be rich, unarmed,
-and yet insolent and aggressive, is to
-court well-nigh certain disaster. The only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span>
-safe and honorable rule of foreign policy
-for the United States is to show itself
-courteous toward other nations, scrupulous
-not to infringe upon their rights, and yet
-able and ready to defend its own. This
-nation is now on terms of the most cordial
-good will with all other nations. Let us
-make it a prime object of our policy to
-preserve these conditions. To do so it is
-necessary on the one hand to mete out a
-generous justice to all other peoples and
-show them courtesy and respect; and on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span>
-the other hand, as we are yet a good way
-off from the millenium, to keep ourselves
-in such shape as to make it evident to all
-men that we desire peace because we
-think it is just and right and not from
-motives of weakness or timidity. As for
-the first requisite, this means that not only
-the Government but the people as a
-whole shall act in the needed spirit; for
-otherwise the folly of a few individuals
-may work lasting discredit to the whole
-nation. The second requisite is more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span>
-easily secured—let us build up and maintain
-at the highest point of efficiency the
-United States Navy. In any great war
-on land we should have to rely in the
-future as we have relied in the past chiefly
-upon volunteer soldiers; and although it
-is indispensable that our little army, an
-army ludicrously small relatively to the
-wealth and population of this mighty
-nation, should itself be trained to the
-highest point and should be valued and respected
-as is demanded by the worth of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span>
-officers and enlisted men, yet it is not necessary
-that this army should be large as
-compared to the armies of other great nations.
-But as regards the Navy all this is
-different. We have an enormous coast line,
-and our coast line is on two great oceans.
-To repel hostile attacks the fortifications,
-and not the Navy, must be used; but the
-best way to parry is to hit—no fight can
-ever be won except by hitting—and we
-can only hit by means of the Navy. It is
-utterly impossible to improvise even a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>
-makeshift navy under the conditions of
-modern warfare. Since the days of Napoleon
-no war between two great powers has
-lasted as long as it would take to build a
-battle ship, let alone a fleet of battle ships;
-and it takes just as long to train the
-crew of a battle ship as it does to build
-it; and as regards the most important
-thing of all, the training of the officers, it
-takes much longer. The Navy must be
-built and all its training given in time of
-peace. When once war has broken out it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span>
-is too late to do anything. We now have
-a good Navy, not yet large enough for our
-needs, but of excellent material. Where
-a navy is as small as ours, the cardinal
-rule must be that the battle ships shall not
-be separated. This year I am happy to
-say that we shall begin a course which I
-hope will be steadily followed hereafter,
-that, namely, of keeping the battle-ship
-fleet alternately in the Pacific and in the
-Atlantic. Early in December the fleet will
-begin its voyage to the Pacific, and it will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span>
-number, friends, among its formidable
-fighting craft three great battle ships,
-named, respectively, the <i>Illinois</i>, the <i>Missouri</i>,
-and the <i>Kentucky</i>. It is a national
-fleet in every sense of the term, and its
-welfare should be, and I firmly believe is,
-as much a matter of pride and concern for
-every man in the farthest interior of our
-country as for every man on the seacoast.
-A long ocean voyage is mighty good training;
-and not the least good it will do will
-be to show just the points where our naval<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
-program needs strengthening. Incidentally
-I think the voyage will have one
-good effect, for, to judge by their comments
-on the movement, some excellent people
-in my own section of the country need to
-be reminded that the Pacific coast is exactly
-as much a part of this nation as the
-Atlantic coast.</p>
-
-<p>So much for foreign affairs. Now for
-a matter of domestic policy. Here in this
-country we have founded a great federal
-democratic republic. It is a government<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span>
-by and for the people and therefore a
-genuine democracy; and the theory of our
-Constitution is that each neighborhood
-shall be left to deal with the things that
-concern only itself and which it can most
-readily deal with; so that town, county, city,
-and State have their respective spheres
-of duty, while the nation deals with those
-matters which concern all of us, all of the
-people, no matter where we dwell. Our
-democracy is based upon the belief that
-each individual ought to have the largest<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span>
-measure of liberty compatible with securing
-the rights of other individuals, that
-the average citizen, the plain man whom
-we meet in daily life, is normally capable
-of taking care of his own affairs, and has
-no desire to wrong any one else; and yet
-that in the interest of all there shall be
-sufficient power lodged somewhere to prevent
-wicked people from trampling the
-weak under foot for their own gain. Our
-constant endeavor is to make a good
-working compromise whereby we shall<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span>
-secure the full benefit of individual initiative
-and responsibility, while at the same
-time recognizing that it is the function of
-a wise government under modern conditions
-not merely to protect life and property,
-but to foster the social development
-of the people so far as this may be done
-by maintaining and promoting justice,
-honesty, and equal rights. We believe in
-a real, not a sham, democracy. We believe
-in democracy as regards political
-rights, as regards education, and, finally,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span>
-as regards industrial conditions. By
-democracy we understand securing, as
-far as it is humanly possible to secure it,
-equality of opportunity, equality of the
-conditions under which each man is to
-show the stuff that is in him and to
-achieve the measure of success to which
-his own force of mind and character
-entitle him. Religiously this means that
-each man is to have the right, unhindered
-by the state, to worship his Creator as his
-conscience dictates, granting freely to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span>
-others the same freedom which he asks for
-himself. Politically we can be said substantially
-to have worked out our democratic
-ideals, and the same is true,
-thanks to the common schools, in educational
-matters. But in industry there
-has not as yet been the governmental
-growth necessary in order to meet the tremendous
-changes brought about in industrial
-conditions by steam and electricity.
-It is not in accordance with our principles
-that literally despotic power should be put<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span>
-into the hands of a few men in the affairs
-of the industrial world. Our effort must
-be for a just and effective plan of action
-which, while scrupulously safeguarding the
-rights of the men of wealth, shall yet, so
-far as is humanly possible, secure under
-the law to all men equality of opportunity
-to make a living. It is to the interest of
-all of us that the man of exceptional business
-capacity should be amply rewarded;
-and there is nothing inconsistent with this
-in our insistence that he shall not be guilty<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span>
-of bribery or extortion, and that the rights of
-the wageworker and of the man of small
-means, who are themselves honest and
-hard working, shall be scrupulously safeguarded.
-The instruments for the exercise
-of modern industrial power are the
-great corporations which, though created
-by the individual States, have grown far
-beyond the control of those States and
-transact their business throughout large
-sections of the Union. These corporations,
-like the industrial conditions which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span>
-have called them into being, did not exist
-when the Constitution was founded; but
-the wise forethought of the founders provided,
-under the interstate commerce clause
-of the Constitution, for the very emergency
-which has arisen, if only our people as a
-whole will realize what this emergency is;
-for if the people thoroughly realize it, their
-governmental representatives will soon
-realize it also. The National Government
-alone has sufficiently extensive power
-and jurisdiction to exercise adequate control<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span>
-over the great interstate corporations.
-While this thorough supervision and control
-by the National Government is desirable
-primarily in the interest of the people,
-it will also, I firmly believe, be to the
-benefit of those corporations themselves
-which desire to be honest and law-abiding.
-Only thus can we put over these corporations
-one competent and efficient sovereign—the
-Nation—able both to exact
-justice from them and to secure justice for
-them, so that they may not be alternately<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span>
-pampered and oppressed. The proposal
-need be dreaded only by those corporations
-which do not wish to obey the
-law or to be controlled in just fashion, but
-prefer to take their chances under the
-present lack of all system and to court the
-chance of getting improper favors as offsetting
-the chance of being blackmailed—an
-attitude rendered familiar in the past
-by those corporations which had thriven
-under certain corrupt and lawless city
-governments.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span></p>
-
-<p>The first need is to exercise this Federal
-control in thoroughgoing and efficient
-fashion over the railroads, which, because
-of their peculiar position, offer the most
-immediate and urgent problem. The
-American people abhor a vacuum, and
-is determined that this control shall be
-exercised somewhere; it is most unwise
-for the railroads not to recognize this and to
-submit to it as the first requisite of the situation.
-When this control is exercised in
-some such fashion as it is now exercised<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span>
-over the national banks, there will be no
-falling off in business prosperity. On the
-contrary, the chances for the average man to
-do better will be increased. Undoubtedly
-there will be much less opportunity than
-at present for a very few individuals not
-of the most scrupulous type to amass
-great fortunes by speculating in and manipulating
-securities which are issued without
-any kind of control or supervision.
-But there will be plenty of room left for
-ample legitimate reward for business genius,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span>
-while the chance for the man who is
-not a business genius, but who is a good,
-thrifty, hard-working citizen, will be better.
-I do not believe that our efforts will
-have anything but a beneficial effect upon
-the permanent prosperity of the country;
-and, as a matter of fact, even as regards
-any temporary effect, I think that any
-trouble is due fundamentally not to the
-fact that the national authorities have discovered
-and corrected certain abuses, but
-to the fact that those abuses were there<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span>
-to be discovered. I think that the excellent
-people who have complained of
-our policy as hurting business have shown
-much the same spirit as the child who
-regards the dentist and not the ulcerated
-tooth as the real source of his woe. I
-am as certain as I can be of anything that the
-course we are pursuing will ultimately help
-business; for the corrupt man of business is
-as great a foe to this country as the corrupt
-politician. Both stand on the same evil
-eminence of infamy. Against both it is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span>
-necessary to war; and if, unfortunately, in
-either type of warfare, a few innocent people
-are hurt, the responsibility lies not with
-us, but with those who have misled them
-to their hurt.</p>
-
-<p>This is a rapidly growing nation,
-on a new continent, and in an era of
-new, complex, and ever-shifting conditions.
-Often it is necessary to devise new
-methods of meeting these new conditions.
-We must regard the past, but we must
-not regard only the past. We must also<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span>
-think of the future; and while we must
-learn by experience, we can not afford to
-pay heed merely to the teachings of experience.
-The great preacher Channing in
-his essay on “The Union” spoke with fine
-insight on this very point. In commenting
-on the New England statesman Cabot,
-whom he greatly admired, he said that
-nevertheless “he had too much of the wisdom
-of experience; he wanted what may
-be called the wisdom of hope.” He then
-continued in words which have a peculiar<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span>
-fitness for the conditions of to-day: “We
-apprehend that it is possible to make experience
-too much our guide. There are
-seasons in human affairs, of inward and
-outward revolution, when new depths seem
-to be broken up in the soul, when new
-wants are unfolded in multitudes, and a
-new and undefined good is thirsted for.
-These are periods when the principles of
-experience need to be modified, when hope
-and trust and instinct claim a share
-with prudence in the guidance of affairs,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span>
-when in truth <em>to dare</em> is the highest
-wisdom.”</p>
-
-<p>These sentences should be carefully
-pondered by those men, often very good
-men, who forget that constructive change
-offers the best method of avoiding destructive
-change; that reform is the antidote to
-revolution; and that social reform is not
-the precursor but the preventive of
-socialism.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="deco_03end">
-  <img class="p2 illowe3" src="images/deco_03end.jpg"
-       alt="end decoration" title="end decoration" />
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-<hr class="chap" />
-<div class="tnote">
-<p class="noi tntitle">Transcriber’s Notes:</p>
-
-<p class="smfont">Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.</p>
-
-<p class="smfont">Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved.</p>
-</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT CAIRO, ILLINOIS, OCTOBER 3, 1907 ***</div>
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