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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at
-Chautauqua, New York, August 11, 1905, by Theodore Roosevelt
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Address of President Roosevelt at Chautauqua, New York, August
-       11, 1905
-
-Author: Theodore Roosevelt
-
-Release Date: June 13, 2022 [eBook #68309]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading
-             Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
-             images generously made available by The Internet
-             Archive/American Libraries.)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT
-ROOSEVELT AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK, AUGUST 11, 1905 ***
-
-
-
-
-
-                    ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT
-                       AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK,
-                            AUGUST 11, 1905
-
-
-                            [Illustration]
-
-
-                              WASHINGTON
-                      GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
-                                 1905
-
-
-
-
-To-day I wish to speak to you on one feature of our national foreign
-policy and one feature of our national domestic policy.
-
-The Monroe Doctrine is not a part of international law. But it is the
-fundamental feature of our entire foreign policy so far as the Western
-Hemisphere is concerned, and it has more and more been meeting with
-recognition abroad. The reason why it is meeting with this recognition
-is because we have not allowed it to become fossilized, but have
-adapted our construction of it to meet the growing, changing needs of
-this hemisphere. Fossilization, of course, means death, whether to an
-individual, a government, or a doctrine.
-
-It is out of the question to claim a right and yet shirk the
-responsibility for exercising that right. When we announce a policy
-such as the Monroe Doctrine we thereby commit ourselves to accepting
-the consequences of the policy, and these consequences from time to
-time alter.
-
-Let us look for a moment at what the Monroe Doctrine really is. It
-forbids the territorial encroachment of non-American powers on American
-soil. Its purpose is partly to secure this Nation against seeing great
-military powers obtain new footholds in the Western Hemisphere, and
-partly to secure to our fellow-republics south of us the chance to
-develop along their own lines without being oppressed or conquered
-by non-American powers. As we have grown more and more powerful our
-advocacy of this doctrine has been received with more and more respect;
-but what has tended most to give the doctrine standing among the
-nations is our growing willingness to show that we not only mean what
-we say and are prepared to back it up, but that we mean to recognize
-our obligations to foreign peoples no less than to insist upon our own
-rights.
-
-We can not permanently adhere to the Monroe Doctrine unless we succeed
-in making it evident in the first place that we do not intend to treat
-it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our part
-at the expense of the republics to the south of us; second, that we
-do not intend to permit it to be used by any of these republics as
-a shield to protect that republic from the consequences of its own
-misdeeds against foreign nations; third, that inasmuch as by this
-doctrine we prevent other nations from interfering on this side of the
-water, we shall ourselves in good faith try to help those of our sister
-republics, which need such help, upward toward peace and order.
-
-As regards the first point we must recognize the fact that in some
-South American countries there has been much suspicion lest we
-should interpret the Monroe Doctrine in some way inimical to their
-interests. Now let it be understood once for all that no just and
-orderly government on this continent has anything to fear from us.
-There are certain of the republics south of us which have already
-reached such a point of stability, order, and prosperity that they are
-themselves, although as yet hardly consciously, among the guarantors
-of this doctrine. No stable and growing American republic wishes to
-see some great non-American military power acquire territory in its
-neighborhood. It is the interest of all of us on this continent that
-no such event should occur, and in addition to our own Republic there
-are now already republics in the regions south of us which have reached
-a point of prosperity and power that enables them to be considerable
-factors in maintaining this doctrine which is so much to the advantage
-of all of us. It must be understood that under no circumstances will
-the United States use the Monroe Doctrine as a cloak for territorial
-aggression. Should any of our neighbors, no matter how turbulent, how
-disregardful of our rights, finally get into such a position that the
-utmost limits of our forbearance are reached, all the people south of
-us may rest assured that no action will ever be taken save what is
-absolutely demanded by our self-respect; that this action will not take
-the form of territorial aggrandizement on our part, and that it will
-only be taken at all with the most extreme reluctance and not without
-having exhausted every effort to avert it.
-
-As to the second point, if a republic to the south of us commits a
-tort against a foreign nation, such, for instance, as wrongful action
-against the persons of citizens of that nation, then the Monroe
-Doctrine does not force us to interfere to prevent punishment of the
-tort, save to see that the punishment does not directly or indirectly
-assume the form of territorial occupation of the offending country.
-The case is more difficult when the trouble comes from the failure to
-meet contractual obligations. Our own Government has always refused to
-enforce such contractual obligations on behalf of its citizens by the
-appeal to arms. It is much to be wished that all foreign governments
-would take the same view. But at present this country would certainly
-not be willing to go to war to prevent a foreign government from
-collecting a just debt or to back up some one of our sister republics
-in a refusal to pay just debts; and the alternative may in any case
-prove to be that we shall ourselves undertake to bring about some
-arrangement by which so much as is possible of the just obligations
-shall be paid. Personally I should always prefer to see this country
-step in and put through such an arrangement rather than let any foreign
-country undertake it.
-
-I do not want to see any foreign power take possession permanently or
-temporarily of the custom-houses of an American republic in order to
-enforce its obligations, and the alternative may at any time be that
-we shall be forced to do so ourselves.
-
-Finally, and what is in my view, really the most important thing of
-all, it is our duty, so far as we are able, to try to help upward our
-weaker brothers. Just as there has been a gradual growth of the ethical
-element in the relations of one individual to another, so that with all
-the faults of our Christian civilization it yet remains true that we
-are, no matter how slowly, more and more coming to recognize the duty
-of bearing one another’s burdens, similarly I believe that the ethical
-element is by degrees entering into the dealings of one nation with
-another.
-
-Under strain of emotion caused by sudden disaster this feeling is very
-evident. A famine or a plague in one country brings much sympathy and
-some assistance from other countries. Moreover, we are now beginning
-to recognize that weaker peoples have a claim upon us, even when the
-appeal is made, not to our emotions by some sudden calamity, but to our
-consciences by a long continuing condition of affairs.
-
-I do not mean to say that nations have more than begun to approach the
-proper relationship one to another, and I fully recognize the folly of
-proceeding upon the assumption that this ideal condition can now be
-realized in full――for, in order to proceed upon such an assumption,
-we would first require some method of forcing recalcitrant nations to
-do their duty, as well as of seeing that they are protected in their
-rights.
-
-In the interest of justice, it is as necessary to exercise the police
-power as to show charity and helpful generosity. But something can even
-now be done toward the end in view. That something, for instance, this
-Nation has already done as regards Cuba, and is now trying to do as
-regards Santo Domingo. There are few things in our history in which
-we should take more genuine pride than the way in which we liberated
-Cuba, and then, instead of instantly abandoning it to chaos, stayed in
-direction of the affairs of the island until we had put it on the right
-path, and finally gave it freedom and helped it as it started on the
-life of an independent republic.
-
-Santo Domingo has now made an appeal to us to help it in turn, and not
-only every principle of wisdom but every generous instinct within
-us bids us respond to the appeal. The conditions in Santo Domingo
-have for a number of years grown from bad to worse until recently all
-society was on the verge of dissolution. Fortunately just at this time
-a wise ruler sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with his colleagues,
-saw the dangers threatening their beloved country, and appealed to
-the friendship of their great and powerful neighbor to help them. The
-immediate threat came to them in the shape of foreign intervention.
-The previous rulers of Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred debts, and
-owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to be able to provide
-means of paying the debts. The patience of her foreign creditors had
-become exhausted, and at least one foreign nation was on the point of
-intervention and was only prevented from intervening by the unofficial
-assurance of this Government that it would itself strive to help Santo
-Domingo in her hour of need. Of the debts incurred some were just,
-while some were not of a character which really renders it obligatory
-on, or proper for, Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she could not
-pay any of them at all unless some stability was assured.
-
-Accordingly the Executive Department of our Government negotiated
-a treaty under which we are to try to help the Dominican people to
-straighten out their finances. This treaty is pending before the
-Senate, whose consent to it is necessary. In the meantime we have made
-a temporary arrangement which will last until the Senate has had time
-to take action upon the treaty. Under this arrangement we see to the
-honest administration of the custom-houses, collecting the revenues,
-turning over forty-five per cent to the Government for running expenses
-and putting the other fifty-five per cent into a safe deposit for
-equitable division among the various creditors, whether European or
-American, accordingly as, after investigation, their claims seem just.
-
-The custom-houses offer well-nigh the only sources of revenue in
-Santo Domingo, and the different revolutions usually have as their
-real aim the obtaining possession of these custom-houses. The mere
-fact that we are protecting the custom-houses and collecting the
-revenue with efficiency and honesty has completely discouraged all
-revolutionary movement, while it has already produced such an increase
-in the revenues that the Government is actually getting more from the
-forty-five per cent that we turn over to it than it got formerly when
-it took the entire revenue. This is enabling the poor harrassed people
-of Santo Domingo once more to turn their attention to industry and to
-be free from the curse of interminable revolutionary disturbance. It
-offers to all bona fide creditors, American and European, the only
-really good chance to obtain that to which they are justly entitled,
-while it in return gives to Santo Domingo the only opportunity of
-defense against claims which it ought not to pay――for now if it meets
-the views of the Senate we shall ourselves thoroughly examine all
-these claims, whether American or foreign, and see that none that are
-improper are paid. Indeed, the only effective opposition to the treaty
-will probably come from dishonest creditors, foreign and American, and
-from the professional revolutionists of the island itself. We have
-already good reason to believe that some of the creditors who do not
-dare expose their claims to honest scrutiny are endeavoring to stir up
-sedition in the island, and are also endeavoring to stir up opposition
-to the treaty both in Santo Domingo and here, trusting that in one
-place or the other it may be possible to secure either the rejection of
-the treaty or else its amendment in such fashion as to be tantamount to
-rejection.
-
-Under the course taken, stability and order and all the benefits
-of peace are at last coming to Santo Domingo, all danger of foreign
-intervention has ceased, and there is at last a prospect that all
-creditors will get justice, no more and no less. If the arrangement
-is terminated, chaos will follow; and if chaos follows, sooner or
-later this Government may be involved in serious difficulties with
-foreign governments over the island, or else may be forced itself to
-intervene in the island in some unpleasant fashion. Under the present
-arrangement the independence of the island is scrupulously respected,
-the danger of violation of the Monroe Doctrine by the intervention of
-foreign powers vanishes, and the interference of our Government is
-minimized, so that we only act in conjunction with the Santo Domingo
-authorities to secure the proper administration of the customs, and
-therefore to secure the payment of just debts and to secure the Santo
-Dominican Government against demands for unjust debts. The present
-method prevents there being any need of our establishing any kind of
-protectorate over the island and gives the people of Santo Domingo the
-same chance to move onward and upward which we have already given to
-the people of Cuba. It will be doubly to our discredit as a nation if
-we fail to take advantage of this chance; for it will be of damage to
-ourselves, and, above all, it will be of incalculable damage to Santo
-Domingo. Every consideration of wise policy, and, above all, every
-consideration of large generosity, bids us meet the request of Santo
-Domingo as we are now trying to meet it.
-
-So much for one feature of our foreign policy. Now for one feature
-of our domestic policy. One of the main features of our national
-governmental policy should be the effort to secure adequate and
-effective supervisory and regulatory control over all great corporations
-doing an interstate business. Much of the legislation aimed to prevent
-the evils connected with the enormous development of these great
-corporations has been ineffective, partly because it aimed at doing too
-much, and partly because it did not confer on the Government a really
-efficient method of holding any guilty corporation to account. The
-effort to prevent all restraint of competition, whether harmful or
-beneficial, has been ill-judged; what is needed is not so much the
-effort to prevent combination as a vigilant and effective control of the
-combinations formed, so as to secure just and equitable dealing on their
-part alike toward the public generally, toward their smaller
-competitors, and toward the wage-workers in their employ.
-
-Under the present laws we have in the last four years accomplished
-much that is of substantial value; but the difficulties in the way
-have been so great as to prove that further legislation is advisable.
-Many corporations show themselves honorably desirous to obey the law;
-but, unfortunately, some corporations, and very wealthy ones at that,
-exhaust every effort which can be suggested by the highest ability, or
-secured by the most lavish expenditure of money, to defeat the purposes
-of the laws on the statute books.
-
-Not only the men in control of these corporations, but the business
-world generally, ought to realize that such conduct is in every way
-perilous, and constitutes a menace to the nation generally, and
-especially to the people of great property.
-
-I earnestly believe that this is true of only a relatively small
-portion of the very rich men engaged in handling the largest
-corporations in the country; but the attitude of these comparatively
-few men does undoubtedly harm the country, and above all harm the
-men of large means, by the just, but sometimes misguided, popular
-indignation to which it gives rise. The consolidation in the form of
-what are popularly called trusts of corporate interests of immense
-value has tended to produce unfair restraints of trade of an oppressive
-character, and these unfair restraints tend to create great artificial
-monopolies. The violations of the law known as the anti-trust law,
-which was meant to meet the conditions thus arising, have more and
-more become confined to the larger combinations, the very ones against
-whose policy of monopoly and oppression the policy of the law was
-chiefly directed. Many of these combinations by secret methods and
-by protracted litigation are still unwisely seeking to avoid the
-consequences of their illegal action. The Government has very properly
-exercised moderation in attempting to enforce the criminal provisions
-of the statute; but it has become our conviction that in some cases,
-such as that of at least certain of the beef packers recently indicted
-in Chicago, it is impossible longer to show leniency. Moreover, if the
-existing law proves to be inadequate, so that under established rules
-of evidence clear violations may not be readily proved, defiance of
-the law must inevitably lead to further legislation. This legislation
-may be more drastic than I would prefer. If so, it must be distinctly
-understood that it will be because of the stubborn determination of
-some of the great combinations in striving to prevent the enforcement
-of the law as it stands, by every device, legal and illegal. Very many
-of these men seem to think that the alternative is simply between
-submitting to the mild kind of governmental control we advocate and the
-absolute freedom to do whatever they think best. They are greatly in
-error. Either they will have to submit to reasonable supervision and
-regulation by the national authorities, or else they will ultimately
-have to submit to governmental action of a far more drastic type.
-Personally, I think our people would be most unwise if they let any
-exasperation due to the acts of certain great corporations drive them
-into drastic action, and I should oppose such action. But the great
-corporations are themselves to blame if by their opposition to what is
-legal and just they foster the popular feeling which tells for such
-drastic action.
-
-Some great corporations resort to every technical expedient to render
-enforcement of the law impossible, and their obstructive tactics and
-refusal to acquiesce in the policy of the law have taxed to the
-utmost the machinery of the Department of Justice. In my judgment
-Congress may well inquire whether it should not seek other means for
-carrying into effect the law. I believe that all corporations engaged
-in interstate commerce should be under the supervision of the National
-Government. I do not believe in taking steps hastily or rashly, and
-it may be that all that is necessary in the immediate future is to
-pass an interstate-commerce bill conferring upon some branch of the
-executive government the power of effective action to remedy the
-abuses in connection with railway transportation. But in the end, and
-in my judgment at a time not very far off, we shall have to, or at
-least we shall find that we ought to, take further action as regards
-all corporations doing interstate business. The enormous increase in
-interstate trade, resulting from the industrial development of the last
-quarter of a century, makes it proper that the Federal Government
-should, so far as may be necessary to carry into effect its national
-policy, assume a degree of administrative control of these great
-corporations.
-
-It may well be that we shall find that the only effective way of
-exercising this supervision is to require all corporations engaged
-in interstate commerce to produce proof satisfactory, say, to the
-Department of Commerce, that they are not parties to any contract
-or combination or engaged in any monopoly in interstate trade
-in violation of the anti-trust law, and that their conduct on
-certain other specified points is proper; and, moreover, that these
-corporations shall agree, with a penalty of forfeiture of their right
-to engage in such commerce, to furnish any evidence of any kind as to
-their trade between the States whenever so required by the Department
-of Commerce.
-
-It is the almost universal policy of the several States, provided by
-statute, that foreign corporations may lawfully conduct business
-within their boundaries only when they produce certificates that they
-have complied with the requirements of their respective States; in
-other words, that corporations shall not enjoy the privileges and
-immunities afforded by the State governments without first complying
-with the policy of their laws. Now the benefits which corporations
-engaged in interstate trade enjoy under the United States Government
-are incalculable; and in respect of such trade the jurisdiction of the
-Federal Government is supreme when it chooses to exercise it.
-
-When, as is now the case, many of the great corporations consistently
-strain the last resources of legal technicality to avoid obedience
-to a law for the reasonable regulation of their business, the only
-way effectively to meet this attitude on their part is to give to the
-Executive Department of the Government a more direct and therefore more
-efficient supervision and control of their management.
-
-In speaking against the abuses committed by certain very wealthy
-corporations or individuals, and of the necessity of seeking so far as
-it can safely be done to remedy these abuses, there is always danger
-lest what is said may be misinterpreted as an attack upon men of means
-generally. Now it can not too often be repeated in a Republic like
-ours that the only way by which it is possible permanently to benefit
-the condition of the less able and less fortunate, is so to shape our
-policy that all industrious and efficient people who act decently
-may be benefited; and this means, of course, that the benefit will
-come even more to the more able and more fortunate. If, under such
-circumstances, the less fortunate man is moved by envy of his more
-fortunate brother to strike at the conditions under which they have
-both, though unequally, prospered, he may rest assured that while the
-result may be damaging to the other man, it will be even more damaging
-to himself. Of course, I am now speaking of prosperity that comes
-under normal and proper conditions.
-
-In our industrial and social system the interests of all men are
-so closely intertwined that in the immense majority of cases the
-straight-dealing man who by ingenuity and industry benefits himself
-must also benefit others. The man of great productive capacity who gets
-rich through guiding the labor of hundreds or thousands of other men
-does so, as a rule, by enabling their labor to produce more than it
-would without his guidance, and both he and they share in the benefit,
-so that even if the share be unequal it must never be forgotten that
-they too are really benefited by his success.
-
-A vital factor in the success of any enterprise is the guiding
-intelligence of the man at the top, and there is need in the interest
-of all of us to encourage rather than to discourage the activity of the
-exceptional men who guide average men so that their labor may result
-in increased production of the kind which is demanded at the time.
-Normally we help the wage-worker, we help the man of small means, by
-making conditions such that the man of exceptional business ability
-receives an exceptional reward for that ability.
-
-But while insisting with all emphasis upon this, it is also true that
-experience has shown that when there is no governmental restraint or
-supervision, some of the exceptional men use their energies, not in
-ways that are for the common good, but in ways which tell against this
-common good; and that by so doing they not only wrong smaller and less
-able men――whether wage-workers or small producers and traders――but
-force other men of exceptional abilities themselves to do what is
-wrong under penalty of falling behind in the keen race for success.
-There is need of legislation to strive to meet such abuses. At one
-time or in one place this legislation may take the form of factory
-laws and employers’ liability laws. Under other conditions it may
-take the form of dealing with the franchises which derive their value
-from the grant of the representatives of the people. It may be aimed
-at the manifold abuses, far-reaching in their effects, which spring
-from overcapitalization. Or it may be necessary to meet such conditions
-as those with which I am now dealing and to strive to procure proper
-supervision and regulation by the National Government of all great
-corporations engaged in interstate commerce or doing an interstate
-business.
-
-There are good people who are afraid of each type of legislation; and
-much the same kind of argument that is now advanced against the effort
-to regulate big corporations has been again and again advanced against
-the effort to secure proper employers’ liability laws or proper factory
-laws with reference to women and children; much the same kind of
-argument was advanced but five years ago against the franchise-tax law
-enacted in this State while I was governor.
-
-Of course there is always the danger of abuse if legislation of this
-type is approached in a hysterical or sentimental spirit, or, above
-all, if it is approached in a spirit of envy and hatred toward men of
-wealth.
-
-We must not try to go too fast, under penalty of finding that we may
-be going in the wrong direction; and in any event, we ought always to
-proceed by evolution and not by revolution. The laws must be conceived
-and executed in a spirit of sanity and justice, and with exactly as
-much regard for the rights of the big man as for the rights of the
-little man――treating big man and little man exactly alike.
-
-Our ideal must be the effort to combine all proper freedom for
-individual effort with some guarantee that the effort is not exercised
-in contravention of the eternal and immutable principles of justice.
-
-                   *       *       *       *       *
-
-
-
-
- Transcriber’s Note:
-
- ――Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.
-
-
-*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT
-AT CHAUTAUQUA, NEW YORK, AUGUST 11, 1905 ***
-
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