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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Anti-slavery catechism, by Lydia Maria
-Child
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Anti-slavery catechism
-
-Author: Lydia Maria Child
-
-Release Date: November 18, 2022 [eBook #69376]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
-             at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
-             generously made available by The Internet Archive)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM ***
-
-
-
-
-
-  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
-
-  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
-
-  Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
-
-
-
-
-                            ANTI-SLAVERY
-
-                             CATECHISM.
-
-
-                           BY MRS. CHILD,
-
-  _Author of ‘An Appeal in favor of that class of Americans called
-  Africans,’ the ‘Evils of Slavery, and the Cure of Slavery,’ ‘Authentic
-  Anecdotes of American Slavery,’ ‘History of the Condition of Women,’
-  ‘The Oasis,’ ‘Frugal Housewife,’ &c._
-
-
-                  “On the nation’s naked heart
-                   Scatter the living coals of Truth.”
-
-
-                           Second Edition.
-
-
-                            NEWBURYPORT:
-                    PUBLISHED BY CHARLES WHIPPLE.
-                                1839.
-
-
-
-
-       Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835,
-                         By CHARLES WHIPPLE,
-    In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.
-
-
-
-
-ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM.
-
-
-_Question._ Why do you consider it a duty to preach and publish
-abolition doctrines?
-
-_Answer._ First, I consider it my duty as a Christian; for the system
-of slavery, as a whole, and in each one of its details, is in direct
-opposition to the precepts of the gospel. Secondly, I consider it
-my duty as a conscientious citizen of this republic; for I believe
-slavery is prejudicial to the best interests of my country; and I
-dare not hope that God’s blessing will rest upon us, if we persevere
-in our iniquity.
-
-_Q._ But the abolitionists are accused of showing the worst side of
-slavery. Is it not true that they seek to give an exaggerated idea of
-its evils?
-
-_A._ I believe every man, who candidly examines the subject, will
-come to the conclusion, that every side appears to be the worst side.
-Allow me to give a brief statement of the case. Between two and
-three millions of people are compelled to labor without wages. They
-gain nothing more by working ten hours than they would by working
-one hour. It is not in human nature that they should be disposed to
-be industrious under these circumstances. They try to do as little
-as possible. The chief part of the labor that is got out of their
-bones and sinews is obtained by fear of the whip. A peck of corn a
-week is the usual allowance for the food of a slave. The planters
-generally estimate that a slave can be fed and clothed at an expense
-of from fifteen to twenty dollars a year. The following is the
-printed testimony of Thomas Clay, of Georgia, himself a slave-holder,
-though reputed to be an amiable, conscientious man: “A peck of corn
-per week, if it be sound flint corn, is sufficient to sustain health
-and strength under moderate labor. But there is _often_ a defect
-in the quality, and the quantity is then insufficient. The present
-economy of the slave system is to get all you can from the slave,
-and give in return as little as will barely support him in a working
-condition. Even where there is not direct intention to abridge his
-comforts, they are but little consulted; and the slave, seeing his
-master wholly engrossed by his own advantage, naturally adopts the
-same selfish course, and, when not restrained by higher principles,
-becomes deceitful and selfish.”
-
-_Q._ If Mr. Thomas Clay is a good man, and really thinks slavery so
-bad in its effects, why does he not emancipate his own slaves?
-
-_A._ If you were to ask him, I suppose he would give an answer very
-common among planters. He would tell you that he could not do it
-because the laws of the State in which he lives impose such heavy
-penalties, that the process of emancipation is extremely difficult
-and expensive.
-
-_Q._ Who makes the laws of the Southern States?
-
-_A._ The slave-holders themselves. When I hear a man say that he
-would gladly emancipate his slaves, if the _laws_ would allow it,
-it makes me think of an anecdote I have often heard. A little girl
-had been ordered to perform some household work in the absence of
-her mother. When the parent returned, and saw that her orders had
-not been obeyed, she said, “My child, why have you not done as I bid
-you?” The little girl replied, “I should have been glad to do it,
-mother; but I could not. Don’t you see I am tied?” “And pray who tied
-you?” inquired the mother. “I tied myself,” was the reply. Now this
-is plainly the case with the slave-holders. They make oppressive
-laws, and persist in upholding those laws, and then say, “I would do
-my duty, if I could; but the _laws_ will not permit it.”
-
-_Q._ Do the slaves have to work all the time?
-
-_A._ In some States the laws ordain that slaves shall not be
-compelled to work _more_ than _fourteen_ hours a day, from September
-to March, nor more than _fifteen_ hours a day, from March to
-September; and it is reasonable to conclude that there would have
-been no necessity for making such a law, unless some masters _did_
-compel their slaves to toil beyond the specified hours. Convicts, who
-are imprisoned for crime, are not obliged to work more than ten hours
-a day, and are better fed than the slaves. It is an extraordinary
-thing for a slave to be sent to the state prison for an offence.
-Instead of punishment, it would in fact be amelioration of his lot.
-
-_Q._ But I have been told that the slaves sometimes work for
-themselves.
-
-_A._ When they happen to have kind masters, they are sometimes
-allowed a part of the time to earn something for themselves; but the
-laws are extremely inefficient for the protection of property thus
-acquired. If a white man sees fit to seize the products of their
-industry, the law in most cases affords no redress; because in slave
-States a colored man is never allowed to give evidence against a
-white man, under any circumstances. Any note of hand, or written
-contract with a slave is worth no more than a promissory note to a
-dog; because no slave can bring an action at law. In several of the
-States, a slave is liable to punishment if it is ascertained that he
-has acquired any property.
-
-_Q._ I have been told that masters are allowed to kill their slaves.
-Can this be true?
-
-_A._ The laws do indeed nominally consider the killing of a slave
-as murder; but no instance has ever been recorded of a white man
-executed for killing a slave. One law on this subject has the
-following strange qualification: “Except said slave die of _moderate_
-punishment.” As if any punishment, that occasioned death, _could_
-be moderate! If a hundred blacks or mulattoes, either bond or free,
-should see a slave murdered, it avails nothing against the murderer;
-because the laws of slave States do not allow a colored person, under
-any circumstances, to testify against a white man. The laws of South
-Carolina favor the master to such a degree, that when accused of
-murdering a slave, he may be absolved simply upon _his own oath_,
-that he did not commit the crime!
-
-_Q._ But I am told that white men are not unfrequently prosecuted for
-cruelty to slaves; and this looks as if the laws afforded the poor
-creatures some protection.
-
-_A._ I have read not a few Reports of Cases in Southern Courts;
-and those reports did more than any thing else to make me an
-abolitionist. Prosecutions are always brought for the master’s
-interest—never for the protection or redress of the slave. In
-Martin’s Louisiana Reports, 1818, you will find the case of Jourdan
-_vs._ Patten. In this case a lady sued a neighboring proprietor
-for the damage of putting out the only eye of one of her slaves.
-The Supreme Court decided that the defendant should pay the lady
-the sum of twelve hundred dollars; in consideration of which, the
-slave should be placed in _his_ possession. The lady received all
-the money, as an indemnification for the loss of property; but the
-poor slave not only received no atonement for his sufferings, but
-was actually given to the very man that had knocked his eye out!
-This is a fair sample of the nature of all such prosecutions. In
-Nott & McCord’s South Carolina Reports, 1818, it is stated that a
-slave belonging to Mrs. E. Witsell, was shot through the head by two
-men who were hunting runaway negroes. The lady commenced an action
-to recover the value of her slave. The judge told the jury that
-circumstances _might_ exist to authorize the killing of a negro,
-_without the sanction of a magistrate, or even the order of a militia
-officer_; but it was thought such circumstances were not connected
-with _this_ case; the lady was therefore entitled to compensation
-for injury done to her property. As for the poor slave himself, his
-parents, his wife, or his children, they were never once thought of
-in the matter.
-
-_Q._ But do you really believe they hunt negroes with dogs and guns,
-as some people say?
-
-_A._ There cannot be the slightest doubt of the fact. Dogs are
-trained for that express purpose. The planters justify the practice,
-by saying it is absolutely necessary for their own safety; because
-runaway negroes, who collect in the woods and swamps, will soon begin
-to commit depredations on the neighboring estates. Thus the evils
-inevitably growing out of this bad system are made use of to justify
-its cruelties. Free laborers would have no inducement to run away
-and hide in swamps. It would obviously be for their own interest to
-keep at work. These negro hunts seem to be entered into with all the
-keen excitement of sportsmen going out to hunt squirrels or hares. A
-letter written near Edenton, N.C. among other items of news, states:
-“We have had great negro shooting lately.” A gentleman well known in
-the literary world resided for some time in the family of a Georgia
-planter; and he himself stated to me that three negro hunts took
-place during the first nine months of his stay there. He said, that
-one night hearing a noise below stairs, he hastened to ascertain the
-cause. “The gentlemen of the family were cleaning and loading their
-guns, trying their flints, and going through the usual preparations,
-apparently for a deer hunt, as buck shot and bullets were in demand.
-The children of the family had partaken of the general excitement,
-and arisen from their beds. As I entered the room, I could hear one
-of the youngest say, ‘Why, pa, you wouldn’t kill Ralph, would you?’
-‘I would take him, and sell him, and get money for him,’ said the
-next of age. ‘You will only lame him, so as to seize him, I suppose,’
-said the mother. ‘I would rather kill him than the best fat buck in
-the country,’ replied the father, as he rammed down the heavy charge.
-The moonlight from the window glanced along the barrel of the piece,
-and caught the eye of the eldest boy. The reflected light kindled
-up his glance with something of an unnatural flash, but in vivid
-sympathy with the paternal look and attitude. The anticipated joy of
-vengeance seemed to be the predominating emotion.”
-
-_Q._ If the laws are as you say, I should think the slaves did not
-stand a fair chance when they are _wrongfully_ accused.
-
-_A._ If you will examine Stroud’s Compendium of the Slave Laws, you
-will be convinced for yourself that what I say is true; and the
-effect is as you suppose. The poor slaves are completely in the power
-of their masters. The same men who accuse them are often their judges
-and executioners. In illustration of this, I will tell you a case
-that occurred in Edenton, North Carolina. It was told by a woman who
-lived there at the time, and witnessed some of the executions. Many
-of the slaves in that place were skilful in mechanical trades. The
-planters in the back country were very desirous to purchase some of
-them; but their masters found it so profitable to let them out, that
-they would not consent to sell them. Those who were anxious to buy,
-hit upon the following expedient to obtain their purpose: They wrote
-anonymous letters, charging these intelligent slaves with having
-projected an insurrection. These letters were scattered about in
-Edenton, with the idea that the masters would be glad to sell such
-dangerous fellows; but instead of this, the poor innocent slaves were
-tried, convicted, and sentenced by their frightened owners; and a
-large number of them were put to death, upon no other evidence than
-anonymous letters.
-
-_Q._ It does not seem as if such things could take place in a
-civilized country. Can you believe it?
-
-_A._ If you reflect a little upon human nature, I believe you will
-think it perfectly natural that such abuses should exist, wherever
-one human being has arbitrary power over another. You would not like
-to place yourself completely in the power even of the best man you
-know; you would be afraid to have it depend entirely on his will how
-much work you should do in a day, what food you should eat, and what
-clothes you should wear, and how and when you should be punished.
-It is not considered entirely safe for an aged parent to relinquish
-all his property, and trust entirely to the generosity of his own
-children; what then do you suppose the poor slave has to expect, when
-he becomes too old and infirm to be profitable to his master?
-
-_Q._ But the Southerners are said to be very honorable, generous men.
-
-_A._ Our Southern brethren are just what any human beings would be
-under similar circumstances. They are generous with the proceeds of
-other men’s labor, for the same reason that the heir is prodigal of
-money, which another accumulates for him. He who can let out his
-neighbor, and his neighbor’s wife and children, and receive all
-their wages, will naturally be more profuse than a man who depends
-entirely on his own exertions. Planters have heretofore generally
-confessed that slavery is an evil, and many of them speak of its
-detailed abuses with strong regret; but these abuses are merely the
-necessary and inevitable results of the system they are helping to
-support; and they never can cure the abuses until they are willing to
-renounce the system itself. I suppose that few planters would think
-of palliating the treatment Mrs. Salarie’s slaves received; yet they
-are all helping to support a system under which such cruelties can
-be committed with impunity. Perhaps very humane and amiable masters
-do even more mischief than the desperately wicked; for they are
-always quoted as palliations of the whole system; and they approach
-so _near_ to the right line, that they can more easily draw over
-kind-hearted people, who have not thought much upon the subject.
-
-_Q._ What is the history of Mrs. Salarie?
-
-_A._ She resided in New Orleans. On the 10th of April, 1834, her
-splendid mansion took fire. During the midst of the conflagration,
-a rumor arose among the crowd that there were slaves chained in the
-burning dwelling; but those who asked for the keys were reproved for
-interfering with their neighbor’s business. At last the doors were
-forced open by sailors and mechanics, that had collected around the
-spot; and a New Orleans paper thus describes the horrible scene that
-presented itself: “Seven slaves more or less horribly mutilated, were
-seen, some chained to the floor, and some suspended by the neck to
-the ceiling, with their limbs stretched and torn from one extremity
-to the other. Their bodies, from head to foot, were covered with
-scars and sores, and filled with wounds. One poor old man, upwards of
-sixty years of age, was chained hand and foot, and made fast to the
-floor, in a kneeling position. His head bore the appearance of having
-been beaten until it was broken, and the worms were actually seen
-making a feast of his brains.”
-
-_Q._ Every body must have thought her a very wicked woman. Did the
-slave-holders in the neighborhood pretend to justify her measures?
-
-_A._ I have no doubt that every humane person, that heard of the
-event, expressed horror, and sincerely felt it. For several months
-previous to the discovery, her neighbors had been in the habit of
-living in apartments as far as possible from her house, on purpose to
-avoid the shrieks and groans of her poor suffering slaves; yet during
-all that time no complaint was laid before the public authorities,
-and no investigation demanded! I suppose neighbors were afraid to say
-any thing, lest they should be accused of promoting discontent among
-the negroes. Those who endeavor to keep human beings in the situation
-of beasts, are more afraid of them than they would be of beasts;
-because the human being has _reason_, which is always prone to offer
-resistance to tyranny. The consciousness of this makes slave-holders
-very irritable when any one in the community takes part with an
-abused slave, or expresses the slightest pity for his sufferings.
-
-_Q._ Is it not for the master’s interest to treat the slaves well?
-
-_A._ So it is for the interest of men to treat their horses and
-cattle well; and yet their passions not unfrequently make them forget
-their interests. Passive obedience is obtained from human beings with
-more difficulty than from animals; and when the master _is_ provoked,
-the poor slave is completely in his power, with scarcely the shadow
-of protection from the law. The law in no case recognises slaves as
-human beings; on the contrary, it expressly declares they “shall
-be deemed, sold, taken, and reputed to be _chattels personal_, in
-the hands of their owners and possessors, their administrators and
-assigns, to all intents, constructions, and _purposes whatever_.” An
-act of Maryland, for the settlement of estates, enumerates specific
-articles, such as “slaves, working beasts, animals,” &c. Where even
-the _laws_ consider human beings as animals, it is not a matter of
-surprise that they are generally treated no better than self-interest
-leads men to treat animals. You will likewise perceive that when
-the slave becomes old, or diseased, or in any way unfit for labor,
-it is _not_ for the interest of his master to prolong his existence
-by rendering it comfortable. Then again that part of the system
-connected with _overseers_, shows plainly that the self-interest of
-the master cannot effectually secure good treatment to the slave.
-If planters were to give overseers a stated salary, without regard
-to the amount of produce, the overseers (who are proverbially
-unprincipled men) would have no motive for consulting the interest of
-their employers—it would be a matter of indifference to them whether
-much or little work were done. To obviate this difficulty, it is
-customary to give the overseer a certain _proportion_ of the profits
-of the plantation. Of course, it becomes his ruling desire to get the
-greatest possible amount of work done. He does not care how much the
-soil is exhausted, nor how much the negroes are broken down. If a
-slave says he is very ill, the overseer is unwilling to believe the
-story, because he is reluctant to lose a day’s labor. If the poor
-creature droops under his allotted task, he must be stimulated by the
-whip, because the overseer cannot spare an hour of his exertions. If
-the “slave dies under _moderate_ punishment,” the master must furnish
-a new laborer; and the loss falls on _him_, not on the overseer.
-It is obviously natural for the latter personage to think more of
-his own gains than of his employer’s losses. Every body knows that
-men are prone to drive hired horses with less mercy than their own;
-because they do not meet with any personal loss from injury done to
-the beast, and their object is to get their money’s worth of riding.
-Is it not a fearful thing for one human being to be placed towards
-another in the same relation that a stable-horse is toward the man
-who hires him? When planters are reminded of instances of cruelty,
-too well authenticated to be denied, they are prone to lay the blame
-upon overseers. Mr. Wirt, of Virginia, speaks of this class of men
-as “the lowest of the human race—always cap in hand to the dons who
-employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride, insolence,
-and love of dominion.” If we had no such information concerning the
-character of these men, we should naturally conclude that good people
-would be averse to enter into such an employment. Yet overseers and
-drivers are a necessary part of this bad system, because slaves
-are entirely deprived of the motives which induce free laborers
-to work; and since overseers must be employed, it is necessary to
-make it for their interest to get as much work out of the slave as
-possible. The evils of slavery are necessary and inevitable parts
-of the system; and whether the planters reprobate them or not, they
-cannot possibly avoid them, except by relinquishing the system. The
-master and his subordinate agents _must_ have discretionary power to
-punish, because their poor human brutes, being deprived of salutary
-motives to exertion, must be driven to it. The slave _must_ not be
-allowed to buy or sell, or make the most trifling contracts; because
-the oppressed being would naturally avail himself of this privilege,
-and sell some of the cotton or tobacco, which he cultivates for
-his master without wages. The laws _must_ punish them with great
-severity; because the very nature of their condition is a constant
-temptation to theft, falsehood, and murder. They _must_ be kept
-brutally ignorant; because if they were otherwise, they could not be
-kept in slavery. Licentiousness _must_ be countenanced among them;
-because their master’s interest is connected with their increase,
-and he might lose many good bargains if the laws did not allow him
-to sell a wife from her husband, or a husband from his wife. The law
-_must_ suppose a negro to be a slave, till he proves himself free;
-because runaway slaves would of course pretend that they were free.
-They _must_ not be allowed to witness against a white man; for a
-slave may have had a wife or a child whipped to death by a white
-man—and he may have many other good reasons for strong prejudice
-against white men. An unnatural system _must_ be sustained by
-unnatural means. Hence we find the same characteristic features in
-every country where negro slavery has been allowed.
-
-_Q._ Some people think slavery as great a sin as the slave trade. Are
-you of that opinion?
-
-_A._ There seems to me just the same difference as there is between
-the thief and the man who pays him for stealing. What would you say
-of a man who buys a horse, knowing it to be stolen? The following
-circumstance, which took place a short time before our Revolution,
-furnishes a good commentary on this matter. A Philadelphia negro was
-accused of having stolen goods in his possession. He acknowledged
-the fact, saying, “Massa Justice, me know me got dem tings from Tom
-dere, and me tink Tom teal dem too; but what den, Massa? dey be only
-a piccaninny knife, and a piccaninny corkscrew; one cost sixpence,
-and tudder a shilling; an me _pay Tom honestly for dem_, Massa.”
-“Pretty story, truly!” said his worship; “you knew they were stolen,
-and yet allege for excuse, you honestly paid for them. Don’t you
-know, Pompey, that the receiver is as bad as the thief? You must be
-severely whipped, you black rascal.” “Very well, Massa, if de black
-rascal be whipt for buying tolen goods, me hope de white rascal be
-whipt too, for same ting, when you catch him.” “To be sure,” replied
-the Justice. “Well den,” says Pompey, “here be Tom’s Massa—hold him
-fast, constable! He buy Tom, as I buy de piccaninny knife, and de
-piccaninny corkscrew. He know very well Tom be tolen from his old
-fadder and mudder; de knife and de corkscrew had neder.”
-
-I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion that the
-slave-owner is an accomplice of the slave-trader. So long as a
-profitable market is kept open, the article will be supplied, despite
-of difficulties and dangers. The only way to stop the trade, is to
-shut up the market; and this can be done only by the entire abolition
-of the system of slavery. When nobody will buy a man, nobody will be
-tempted to steal a man. Slavery never exists without having more or
-less of the slave-trade involved _in_ it. There is in the very heart
-of our land a slave-trade constantly carried on, and sanctioned by
-our laws, which is as disgraceful and cruel as the foreign slave
-trade. The new slave States at the extreme South have not slaves
-enough, and the climate, together with the hard labor of the sugar
-plantations, kills them very fast. The old slave States have a
-surplus of slaves, which they send off to supply these markets. About
-ten thousand are annually exported from Virginia alone. Niles, in
-his Register, vol. 35, page 4, says: “Dealing in slaves has become
-a _large_ business. Establishments are made at several places in
-Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. These
-places are strongly built, and well supplied with _thumbscrews_,
-_gags_, _cow-skins_, _and other whips_, _often bloody_.” In these
-sales no regard is paid to domestic ties. The newly married wife
-is torn shrieking from her husband, and the mother with her little
-ones are sold in “_separate_ lots to suit purchasers.” A gentleman
-in Charleston, S. C., writes to his friend in New York: “Curiosity
-sometimes leads me to the auction sales of the negroes. There I saw
-the father looking with sullen contempt on the crowd, and expressing
-an indignation in his countenance that he dares not speak; and the
-mother pressing her infants closer to her bosom, exclaiming, in wild
-and simple earnestness, ‘I can’t leff my children! I won’t leff my
-children!’ But the hammer went on, reckless whether it united or
-sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a man apparently as white
-as myself exposed for sale.”
-
-_Q._ I have heard some people say that the negroes do not care so
-much about such separations as we should suppose.
-
-_A._ There is no doubt that their degraded situation tends to blunt
-the feelings, as well as to stultify the intellect; and it is a
-fearful thing to think what Christians have to answer for, who thus
-brutalize immortal souls. But there are numerous instances to prove
-that the poor creatures do often suffer the most agonizing sensations
-when torn from those they love. Near Palmyra, in Marion county,
-Missouri, two boys were sold to a slave-trader, who did not intend
-to leave the place until morning. During the night, the mother was
-kept chained in an out-house, that she might not make any effort to
-prevent the departure of her children. She managed to get loose from
-her fetters, seized an axe, cut off the heads of her sleeping boys,
-and then ended her own life by the same instrument.
-
-The Missouri Intelligencer, a few months ago, gave an account of a
-slave named Michael, who was sold by his master to Mr. J. E. Fenton,
-by whom he was to be immediately shipped for the Southern markets.
-At the mouth of the Ohio, he filed off his irons, and contrived to
-escape. He immediately returned to the place where his wife resided,
-and having armed himself, declared he never would be sent to the
-South, unless his wife was allowed to accompany him. He was finally
-taken by stratagem, and lodged in jail for safe keeping. Finding that
-his oppressors were determined to separate him from his beloved wife,
-he committed suicide. I believe the attachments of slaves are even
-stronger than ours; for these ties constitute the only pleasure they
-are allowed to have. Hundreds of instances might be told, where they
-have preferred death to separation.
-
-_Q._ I have been told they sometimes kidnapped free colored persons,
-to sell them as slaves. Is it so?
-
-_A._ It is unquestionably true that this is carried on to a
-considerable extent. More than twenty free colored children were
-kidnapped in the single city of Philadelphia, in 1825; and in 1827
-two were stolen in open day. It is a common thing to decoy the
-unsuspecting victims on board a vessel, or to some retired spot, and
-then seize and bind them. A New York paper of 1829, says: “Beware
-of kidnappers! It is well understood that there is at present in
-this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their vocation
-of stealing colored children for the Southern market.” As the law
-supposes every colored person to be a slave unless he can _prove_
-himself free, and as no person of his own complexion is allowed to be
-evidence for him, the kidnappers have an easy time of it.
-
-_Q._ Some people say we ought to pity the masters as well as the
-slaves.
-
-_A._ I agree with them entirely. The masters are to be deeply pitied;
-because the long continuance of a wicked system has involved them
-in difficulties, and at the same time rendered them generally blind
-to the best means of getting rid of those difficulties. They are
-likewise to be compassionated for the effects which early habits of
-power produce on their own characters. Mr. Jefferson, who lived in
-the midst of slavery, says: “The whole commerce between master and
-slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the
-most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission
-on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it. The
-parent storms; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath,
-puts on the same airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to
-the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised
-in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities.
-The man must be a prodigy, who can retain his morals and manners
-undepraved in such circumstances.” The general licentiousness
-produced by this system can never be described without using language
-too gross to be addressed to a civilized community. Some idea of it
-may be derived from the fact, that every female slave is completely
-in the power of her master, of his sons, of his overseers, and his
-drivers. The law does not allow her to offer resistance to a white
-man, under any circumstances; and the state of public opinion is
-such that any pretensions to virtue on her part would be treated
-with brutal ridicule. The slave is not allowed to have any right in
-his wife and children. If his master’s interest can be served by his
-keeping three or four wives, or by his wife’s having a succession of
-husbands, he cannot dispute the commands of his owner. The wife, or
-the husband, is sometimes sold, and sent thousands of miles from each
-other, and from their little ones, without the slightest hope of ever
-meeting again. Under these circumstances, the man, or the woman, is
-soon ordered to take another partner; because it is for the interest
-of the master that they should do so. It is a shameful fact that the
-laws and customs of our country make it absolutely impossible for a
-large portion of our population to be virtuous, even if they wish to
-be so. The wealth of Virginia is principally made by the breeding
-of slaves and horses; and persons unaccustomed to the system would
-be shocked by the detail of well authenticated facts, which prove
-that about as little regard is paid to decency in one case as the
-other. _Mulatto_ slaves bring a higher price than _black_ ones; hence
-licentiousness in slave States becomes a profitable vice, instead of
-being expensive, as it is under other forms of society.
-
-_Q_. I have been told that a great many of the slaves have very light
-complexions. Is it so?
-
-_A._ In the old slave States, where the process of amalgamation
-has been going on for a long time, this is remarkably the case. An
-old soldier, who lately visited the South, said he was not so much
-struck by any circumstance, as by the great change that had taken
-place in the complexion of the slaves since the Revolution. Now and
-then I have seen in the southern papers advertisements for a runaway
-slave, “who passes himself for a white man.” A Boston gentleman, who
-dislikes the abolitionists very much, visited Georgia a few years
-ago. He told me that when he was walking with a planter one day, they
-met a man driving a team, who had a perfectly fair complexion, with
-blue eyes and brown hair. The Bostonian remarked, “That must be an
-independent fellow, to be driving a team in this part of the country,
-where it is considered so disgraceful for a white man to work.” “O,
-that fellow is a slave,” replied the Georgian. Almost every body
-has heard of the recent case of Mary Gilmore, of Philadelphia, a
-perfectly white girl, of Irish parentage, who was taken up and tried
-as a runaway slave. A Missouri newspaper proves that a white man may,
-without a _mistake_, be adjudged a slave. “A case of a slave sueing
-for his freedom, was tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of
-which the following is a brief statement of particulars: A youth of
-about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the ground that he
-was a free white person. The court granted his petition to sue as
-a pauper upon inspection of his person. Upon his trial before the
-jury, he was examined by the jury and two learned physicians, all
-of whom concurred in the opinion that very little, if any, race of
-negro blood could be discovered by any of the external appearances.
-All the physiological marks of distinction, which characterize the
-African descent, had disappeared. His skin was fair, his hair soft,
-straight, fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the
-hazel-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small, his head round and
-well formed, forehead high and prominent, ears large, the tibia of
-the leg straight, and feet hollow. Notwithstanding these evidences of
-his claims, he was proved to be the descendant of a mulatto woman,
-and that his progenitors on the mother’s side had been and still
-were slaves: _consequently he was found to be a slave_.” I have been
-told of a young physician, who went into the far Southern States
-to settle, and there became in love with a very handsome and modest
-girl, who lived at service. He married her; and about a year after
-that event, a gentleman called at the house, and announced himself
-as Mr. J*******y, of Mobile. He said to Dr. W*****, “Sir, I have a
-trifling affair of business to settle with you. You have married a
-slave of mine.” The young physician resented this language; for he
-had not entertained the slightest suspicion that the girl had any
-other than white ancestors since the flood. But Mr. J. furnished
-proofs of his claim, and Dr. W. knew very well that the laws of the
-country would uphold him in it. After considerable discussion, the
-best bargain he could make was either to pay eight hundred dollars,
-or have his wife put up at auction. He consented to the first
-alternative, and his unwelcome visiter departed. When he had gone,
-Dr. W. told his wife what had happened. The poor woman burst into
-tears and said, “That as Mr. J. _was her own father_, she had hoped
-that when he heard she had found an honorable protector, he would
-have left her in peace.”
-
-_Q._ There can be no doubt that slavery is a bad system; but don’t
-you think it ought to be done away gradually? Ought not the slaves to
-be fitted for freedom, before they are emancipated?
-
-_A._ The difficulty is, it is utterly impossible to fit them for
-freedom while they remain slaves. The masters know very well that
-their vassals will be servile just in proportion as they are brutally
-ignorant; hence all their legislation tends to keep them so. It is a
-disgraceful fact, that in half of these United States the working men
-are expressly forbidden to learn to read or write. The law ordains
-that twenty lashes shall be inflicted upon every slave found in an
-assembly met together for the purpose of “mental instruction.” Any
-white person who teaches a slave to read or write, or gives or sells
-him any book (the Bible not excepted), is fined two hundred dollars;
-and any colored person who commits the same _crime_, is punished with
-thirty-nine lashes, or with imprisonment. The Rev. Charles C. Jones,
-of Georgia, said in one of his sermons: “Generally speaking, the
-slaves appear to us to be without God and without hope in the world—a
-_nation of heathen in our very midst_. We cannot cry out against the
-Papists for withholding the Scriptures from the common people; for
-we withhold the Bible from _our_ servants, and keep them in ignorance
-of it.” A writer in the Observer, of Charleston, S. C. says: “I
-hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our synod,
-there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, speaking the same
-language as ourselves, who never _heard_ of the plan of salvation by
-a Redeemer.” The reason assigned for these oppressive laws is, that
-“teaching slaves to read and write tends to excite dissatisfaction in
-their minds,” and to produce insurrection. In Georgia, a white man is
-fined five hundred dollars for teaching a slave or free negro to read
-or write; and if a colored man attempts to teach the alphabet even to
-his own child, he is liable to be fined or whipped, according to the
-discretion of the court. Such laws are necessary for the preservation
-of this detestable system; and while such laws exist, how can the
-slaves ever be better fitted for freedom? When the British government
-insisted that female slaves should no longer be flogged naked in the
-Colonies, the Jamaica legislature replied, that the practice could
-not possibly be laid aside, “_until_ the negro women acquired more of
-the sense of shame, which distinguishes European females.” Fitting
-men for freedom by keeping them slaves, is like the Jamaica mode of
-making women modest by whipping them without clothing.
-
-_Q._ But don’t you think it would be dangerous to turn the slaves at
-once loose upon the community?
-
-_A._ The abolitionists never desired to have them turned loose.
-They wish to have them governed by salutary laws, so regulated as
-effectually to protect both master and slave. They merely wish
-to have the power of punishment transferred from individuals to
-magistrates; to have the sale of human beings cease; and to have
-the stimulus of _wages_ applied, instead of the stimulus of the
-_whip_. The relation of master and laborer might still continue;
-but under circumstances less irksome and degrading to both parties.
-Even that much abused animal the jackass can be made to travel more
-expeditiously by suspending a bunch of turnips on a pole and keeping
-them before his nose, than he can by the continual application of the
-whip; and even when human beings are brutalized to the last degree,
-by the soul-destroying system of slavery, they have still sense
-enough left to be more willing to work two hours for twelve cents,
-than to work one hour for nothing.
-
-_Q._ I should think this system, in the long run, must be an
-unprofitable one.
-
-_A._ It is admitted to be so. Southerners often declare that it takes
-six slaves to do what is easily performed by half the number of free
-laborers. Henry Clay says, “It is believed that slave-labor would no
-where be employed in the farming portions of the United States, if
-the proprietors were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of
-the Southern market, which keeps it up in their own;” and he says the
-effects of introducing slavery into Kentucky have been to keep them
-in the rear of their non-slave-holding neighbors, in agriculture,
-manufactures, and general prosperity. General Washington, when
-writing to Sir John Sinclair on the comparative value of the soil
-in Pennsylvania and Virginia, ascribes the very low price of land
-in Virginia to the existence of slavery among them. John Randolph
-declared that Virginia was so impoverished by slavery, that slaves
-would soon be advertising for runaway masters. A distinguished writer
-on political economy says: “The slave system inflicts an incalculable
-amount of human suffering, for the sake of making a wholesale waste
-of labor and capital.”
-
-_Q._ But the masters say the negroes would cut their throats, if they
-were emancipated.
-
-_A._ It is safer to judge by uniform experience than by the
-assertions of the masters, who, even if they have no intention to
-deceive, are very liable to be blinded by having been educated in
-the midst of a bad system. Listen to facts on this subject. On the
-10th of October, 1811, the Congress of Chili decreed that every child
-born after that day should be free. In April, 1812, the government
-of Buenos Ayres ordered that every child born after the 1st of
-January, 1813, should be free. In 1821, the Congress of Colombia
-emancipated all slaves who had borne arms in favor of the Republic,
-and provided for the emancipation, in eighteen years, of the whole
-slave population, of 900,000. In September, 1829, the government of
-Mexico granted immediate and entire emancipation to every slave. In
-all these instances, _not one case of insurrection or of bloodshed
-has ever been heard of, as the result of emancipation_.
-
-In St. Domingo no measures were taken gradually to fit the slaves
-for freedom. They were suddenly emancipated during a civil war, and
-armed against British invaders. They at once ceased to be property,
-and were recognized as human beings. Col. Malefant, who resided on
-the island, informs us, in his Historical and Political History of
-the Colonies, that, “after this public act of emancipation, the
-negroes remained quiet both in the south and west, and they continued
-to work upon all the plantations. The colony was flourishing. The
-whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates, and the
-negroes continued to work for them.” General Lacroix, in his Memoirs
-of St. Domingo, speaking of the same period, says: “The colony
-marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor; cultivation
-prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress.”
-This prosperous state of things lasted about eight years, and would
-perhaps have continued to the present day, had not Bonaparte, at the
-instigation of the old French planters, sent an army to deprive the
-blacks of the freedom they had used so well. The enemies of abolition
-are always talking of the horrors of St. Domingo, as an argument to
-prove that emancipation is dangerous; but historical facts prove
-that the effort to _restore slavery_ occasioned all the bloodshed in
-that island; while _emancipation produced only the most peaceful and
-prosperous results_.
-
-In June, 1794, Victor Hugo, a French republican general, retook
-Guadaloupe from the British, and immediately proclaimed freedom to
-all the slaves. They were 85,000 in number, and the whites only
-13,000. _No disasters occurred in consequence of this step._ More
-than seven years after this, the Supreme Council of Guadaloupe, in
-an official document, alluding to the tranquillity which reigned
-throughout the island, observed: “We shall have the satisfaction of
-having given an example, which will prove that _all classes of people
-may live in perfect harmony with each other, under an administration
-which secures justice to all classes_.” In 1802, Bonaparte sent a
-powerful French force, and again reduced the island to slavery, at
-the cost of about 20,000 negro lives.
-
-In July, 1828, thirty thousand Hottentots in Cape Colony were
-emancipated from their long and cruel bondage, and admitted by law to
-all the rights and privileges of the white colonists. Outrages were
-predicted, as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures
-so completely brutalized as the poor Hottentots; but all went on
-peaceably; and, as a gentleman facetiously remarked, “Hottentots as
-they were, they worked much better for Mr. _Cash_, than they had ever
-done for Mr. _Lash_.”
-
-_Q._ But they say the British have had difficulties in their West
-Indies.
-
-_A._ The enemies of the cause have tried very hard to get up a
-“raw-head and bloody-bones” story; but even if you take their own
-accounts, you will find that they have not been able to adduce any
-instances of violence in support of their assertions. The real
-facts are these: The measure was not carried in a manner entirely
-satisfactory to the English abolitionists. Their knowledge of human
-nature, combined with the practical evidence afforded by history,
-led them to conclude that immediate and unqualified emancipation
-was _safest_ for the master, as well as just to the slave; but
-the planters raised such a hue and cry concerning bloodshed and
-insurrection, that the British government determined to conciliate
-them by a gradual abolition of slavery. It was ordained that the
-slaves should work six years longer without wages, under the name
-of _apprentices_; but no punishment could be inflicted without the
-special order of magistrates. The colonies had a right to dispense
-with the apprenticeship system if they pleased; but out of the
-seventeen West India colonies, Antigua and Bermuda were the only
-ones that chose to do so. The act of Parliament provided that each
-apprentice should work for his master _forty and a half_ hours a
-week, and have the rest of the time to himself. The masters were not
-satisfied with this; and they tried, by a series of petty vexations,
-to coerce the apprentices into individual contracts to work _fifty_
-hours in a week. While the people had been slaves, they were always
-allowed _cooks_ to prepare their meals, a person to bring _water_
-to the gang during the hot hours, and _nurses_ to tend the little
-children while their mothers were at work in the field; but because
-the Abolition Act did not expressly provide that these privileges
-should be continued, the masters saw fit to take them away. Each
-apprentice was obliged to quit his or her work, and go, sometimes a
-great distance, to the cabin to cook his meals, instead of having
-it served up in the field; and the time taken up in this operation
-was to be made up out of the apprentices’ own time. No water was
-allowed to be brought to quench their thirst; the aged and infirm,
-instead of being left, as formerly, to superintend the children under
-the shade, were ordered out into the burning fields; and mothers
-were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped at their
-backs. In addition to all these annoyances, the planters obtained a
-new proclamation from the governor, by which they were authorized
-to require extra labor of the apprentices in times of emergency,
-or _whenever they should deem it necessary_, in the cultivation,
-gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they repaid them an
-equal time at _a convenient season of the year_. This was very much
-like taking from a New England laborer the month of July, and paying
-it back to him in January. The negroes had behaved extremely well
-when emancipation was first proclaimed, and universally showed a
-disposition to be orderly, submissive, and thankful; but this system
-of privation and injustice soon created discontent. They knew that
-they were to receive no wages, however industrious they might be;
-and they were well aware that their masters no longer had a right
-to flog them. A bad stimulus to labor had been removed, without
-supplying a good one in its place. In three of the colonies, the
-apprentices refused to work on the terms required by their masters.
-In Jamaica, a very small military force was sent into one parish, and
-only on one occasion; but no violence was offered on either side; for
-the apprentices confined themselves to _passive resistance_—merely
-refusing to work on the required terms. In St. Christophers,
-difficulties of a similar kind occurred; but no outrage of any kind
-was committed. In one fortnight all the trouble was at an end; and
-out of twenty thousand apprentices, only thirty were found to be
-absent from their work; and some of these were supposed to be dead
-in the woods. In Demarara, the principal difficulty occurred. The
-laborers assembled together, and marched round with a flag staff; but
-the _worst_ thing they did was to beat a constable with their fists.
-_It is a solemn fact that a few fisty cuffs with a constable are the
-only violence to persons or property, that has been attempted by the
-eight hundred thousand slaves emancipated in the British Colonies!_
-
-Even the difficulties above enumerated (slight as they were, and
-unworthy to be named in connexion with such a great moral change)
-were but temporary. The governor of Jamaica, after five months’
-trial of emancipation, declares, in his address to the Assembly,
-“Not the slightest idea of any interruption of tranquillity exists
-in any quarter; and those preparations which I have felt it my duty
-to make, might, without the slightest danger, have been dispensed
-with.” By recent news, we learn that the planters finding the system
-of coercion was likely to be ruinous to their own interest, offered
-the apprentices 2_s._ 6_d._ per day for extra work. The enemies of
-abolition prophesied that nothing would induce the negroes to work
-more than they were actually compelled to by law, and that the crops
-would perish for want of gathering. But the result proved otherwise.
-As soon as _wages_ were offered, they came forward eagerly, and
-offered to do more work than the planters were willing to pay for. We
-have the testimony of one of their magistrates, that as soon as this
-system was tried, “their apparent indifference was every where thrown
-off, and their work carried on in a steady, persevering, and diligent
-manner.”
-
-_Q._ And how was it in Antigua and Bermuda, where they gave up
-the apprenticeship system, and tried immediate and unqualified
-emancipation?
-
-_A._ In those colonies not the slightest difficulty, of any kind, has
-occurred. The Antigua journals declare, “The great doubt is solved;
-the highest hopes of the negroes’ friends are fulfilled. A whole
-people, comprising thirty thousand souls, have passed from slavery
-into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity, but with
-the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a Sabbath.” The Christmas
-holidays were always seasons of alarm in the slave-colonies, and a
-military force was always held in readiness; but the Christmas after
-emancipation, the customary guard was dispensed with. Up to the
-present time, every thing remains perfectly tranquil in Antigua; and
-a negro is at the head of the police in that island. The population
-consists of 2,000 whites, 30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks.
-
-_Q._ Yet people are always saying that free negroes cannot take care
-of themselves.
-
-_A._ It is because people are either very much prejudiced or very
-ignorant on the subject. In the United States, colored persons have
-scarcely any chance to rise. They are despised, and abused, and
-discouraged, at every turn. In the slave States they are subject to
-laws nearly as oppressive as those of the slave. They are whipped
-or imprisoned, if they try to learn to read or write; they are not
-allowed to testify in court; and there is a general disposition not
-to encourage them by giving them employment. In addition to this,
-the planters are very desirous to expel them from the State, partly
-because they are jealous of their influence upon the slaves, and
-partly because those who have slaves to let out, naturally dislike
-the competition of the free negroes. But if colored people are
-well treated, and have the same inducements to industry as other
-people, they work as well and behave as well. A few years ago the
-Pennsylvanians were very much alarmed at the representations that
-were made of the increase of pauperism from the ingress of free
-negroes. A committee was appointed to examine into the subject, and
-it was ascertained that the colored people not only supported their
-own poor, but paid a considerable additional sum towards the support
-of white paupers.
-
-_Q._ I have heard people say that the slaves would not take their
-freedom, if it were offered to them.
-
-_A._ I sincerely wish they would offer it. I should like to see the
-experiment tried. If the slaves are so well satisfied with their
-condition, why do they make such severe laws against running away?
-Why are the patroles on duty all the time to shoot every negro who
-does not give an account of himself as soon as they call to him? Why,
-notwithstanding all these pains and penalties, are their newspapers
-full of advertisements for runaway slaves? If the free negroes are
-so much worse off than those in bondage, why is it that their laws
-bestow freedom on any slave, “who saves his master or mistress’s
-life, or performs any meritorious service to the State?” That must
-be a very bad country where the law stipulates that _meritorious_
-actions shall be rewarded by making a man more unhappy than he was
-before! Some months ago, I had a conversation with a woman, who
-went from Boston to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama. She was the wife of a
-Baptist clergyman, professed to be a pious woman, and was considered
-as such. I found her an apologist for slavery, but was not aware
-at the time that she actually owned slaves. She maintained that
-freedom was the greatest curse that could be bestowed on a slave; and
-when I attempted to put the case home to her conscience, she, for
-consistency’s sake, declared, that she should be quite as willing
-to die and leave her own little son in slavery, as to leave him a
-free laborer at the North. She said if she had a hundred slaves, she
-should treat them all kindly, and endeavor to make their condition
-comfortable. I replied, “I am willing to believe that you would do
-so, madam; but in case of your death, or of any pecuniary distress
-in the family, the poor slaves would be divided among heirs, or
-seized by creditors; and then who can tell into whose hands they
-may fall? The condition of the slave depends on the character of
-the master; and that is entirely a matter of _accident_”. The pious
-woman rejoined, “Oh, I should take care of that. If they were good,
-faithful servants, they would find at my death that papers of
-manumission had been duly prepared.” “But you told me that freedom
-was the greatest curse that could be bestowed upon a slave,” replied
-I: “Now is it possible, madam, that you would leave, as your dying
-legacy to good and faithful servants, the greatest curse you could
-bestow?”
-
-_Q._ Do you suppose they really believe what they say, when they
-declare that slaves are happier than freemen?
-
-_A._ I leave your own republican good sense to determine that
-question. Governor Giles of Virginia did not take that ground in his
-address to the Legislature in 1827. Speaking of punishing free blacks
-by selling them as slaves, he says: “Slavery must be admitted to be
-a punishment of the highest order; and according to every just rule
-for the apportionment of punishment to crimes, it would seem that _it
-ought to be applied only to crime of the highest order_!”
-
-But even if it were true that the slaves were as happy and contented
-as slave-holders try to represent them—what would it prove? It would
-merely prove that they had fearfully brutalized immortal souls before
-they _could_ be happy in such a situation. Edmund Burke said very
-truly, “If you have made a _happy slave_, you have made a _degraded
-man_.”
-
-_Q._ But how is it that some people, who really do not intend to
-make false representations, bring back such favorable accounts of
-slavery, after they have visited at the South?
-
-_A._ It is because they go among rich, hospitable planters, and see
-favorite household slaves. Of the poor wretches on the plantations,
-subject to the tender mercies of an overseer, they know as little,
-as the guests of a Russian nobleman know of the miserable condition
-of his serfs. Their sympathies all go with the master. They ask
-questions of the master, and not of the slave. Even if they tried to
-talk with the latter, the poor creatures would be afraid to speak
-freely, lest any expressions of discontent might be reported to the
-master, or the overseer. I should like to have you hear them talk as
-I have heard runaway slaves talk, when they knew they had a friend to
-listen to them!
-
-_Q._ But do you think the suitable time has yet come to exert
-ourselves on this subject?
-
-_A._ I will answer, as a similar question was lately answered by a
-lady who had been brought up in the midst of slavery: “If thou were
-a slave, toiling in the fields of Carolina, I apprehend thou wouldst
-think the time had _fully_ come.” This explains the whole difficulty.
-We do not put ourselves in the condition of the slave, and imagine
-what would be our feelings if we were in _his_ circumstances. We do
-not obey the Scripture injunction, “remember those that are in bonds,
-_as bound with them_.”
-
-But if we look at this question merely with a view to expediency,
-without reference to justice or mercy, when can we hope that a time
-will come _more_ propitious to the discussion of this subject? The
-fact is, difficulties and dangers increase every day. In South
-Carolina and Louisiana, the blacks are already a majority. The annual
-increase of the _slaves_, without including the free blacks, in
-the United States, is now 62,000 annually. It is a fact worthy of
-consideration, that the licentiousness of the white man increases
-the colored race; but the vices of colored men or women can never
-increase the white race; for the children of such connections are of
-course not white.—These people are increasing in the midst of us in
-startling ratio. If we pursue a kind and Christian course, we can
-identify their interests with the rest of the community, and make
-them our friends; but if we persevere in the course we have pursued,
-their feelings and interests _must_ be all in opposition to ours, and
-there is great reason to fear the consequences.
-
-_Q._ Don’t you think the Colonization Society is doing some good?
-
-_A._ Those who have examined into the subject, have so universally
-come to the conclusion that Colonization is entirely ineffectual for
-the abolition of slavery at any time, however remote, that it seems
-hardly worth while to waste words on that subject. I do not pretend
-to impeach the motives of benevolent individuals, who have been
-engaged in it; but there is no doubt that its _practical tendency_
-is to perpetuate slavery. John Randolph, and other slave-holders,
-have advocated that Society, upon the avowed ground that by sending
-off an inconvenient surplus it would increase the price of the
-slaves left. In the new slave States, where they have not as yet an
-“inconvenient surplus” of slaves, they don’t like the Colonization
-Society; but the old slave States have been its warmest friends.
-There is one brief objection to the idea of abolishing slavery by
-Colonization: _it is impossible_. Even if it were desirable to remove
-these valuable laborers from our soil, it could not be done, if the
-whole Treasury and Navy of the United States were devoted to it. The
-Colonization Society has been in operation about nineteen years; they
-have had immense funds; and they have transported to Africa, during
-that time, about three thousand colored persons, of which _not one
-thousand_ were manumitted slaves. Now the annual _increase_ of the
-slaves alone is 62,000; and the annual increase of the free blacks is
-about 10,000. _In nineteen years the Colonizationists have not been
-able to carry off one sixtieth part of the increase of the slaves in
-one year!_ This is worse than the old story of the frog, who jumped
-out of the well two feet every night, and fell back three feet every
-morning. But even if the colored people _could_ be all carried out
-of the country, what is the South to do for laborers? They have been
-in the habit of excusing themselves, by saying that white men cannot
-work in their climate, and by taking it for granted that black men
-will not work for wages. If the climate is unsuitable for white
-laborers, it is manifestly very impolitic to send off the black
-ones. It would be far wiser to try the experiment they have tried in
-Bermuda and Antigua. Labor is needed in all parts of our country;
-and it is worse than a childish game to be sending off ship-loads of
-laborers to Africa, while we are bringing in ship-loads from Ireland,
-Holland, and Switzerland.
-
-_Q._ I have heard some people say they gave their money to the
-Colonization Society merely as a missionary establishment.
-
-_A._ It would be well for those people to examine into the matter,
-and first ascertain whether it _is_ a missionary establishment. When
-we send missions to India, the Sandwich Islands, &c., we send men
-believed to be pious and enlightened. For the probable influence
-of the emigrants carried out by the Colonization Society, let the
-Society answer for itself. They assure us that the colored persons
-colonized from the United States will “carry religion and the arts
-into the heart of Africa.” Yet Mr. Clay, Vice President of the
-Society, says, “Of all classes of our population the most vicious is
-that of the free colored—contaminated themselves, they extend their
-vices to all around them.” And the African Repository, which is the
-organ of the Society, declares that “they are notoriously ignorant—a
-curse and a contagion wherever they reside.” Now, are not these
-admirable missionaries to send out to christianize Africa? It would
-be wise to put them under better and more encouraging influences at
-home, before we attempt to send them to enlighten heathen lands.
-
-_Q._ Some say that these people are naturally inferior to us; and
-that the shape of their skulls proves it.
-
-_A._ If I believed that the colored people were naturally inferior to
-the whites, I should say that was an additional reason why we ought
-to protect, instruct, and encourage them. No consistent republican
-will say that a strong-minded man has a right to oppress those less
-gifted than himself. Slave-holders do not seem to think the negroes
-are so stupid as not to acquire knowledge, and make use of it, if
-they could get a chance. If they do think so, why do their laws
-impose such heavy penalties on all who attempt to give them any
-education? Nobody thinks it necessary to forbid the promulgation
-of knowledge among monkeys. If you believe the colored race are
-naturally inferior, I wish you would read the history of Toussaint
-L’Ouverture, the Washington of St. Domingo. Though perfectly black,
-he was unquestionably one of the greatest and best men of his age.
-I wish you would hear Mr. Williams of New York, and Mr. Douglass of
-Philadelphia preach a few times, before you hastily decide concerning
-the capacity of the colored race for intellectual improvement. As for
-the shape of their skulls, I shall be well satisfied if our Southern
-brethren will emancipate all the slaves who have _not_ what is called
-the “African conformation.”
-
-_Q._ What do you think about property in slaves?
-
-_A._ Let me reply to that question by asking others. If you were
-taken by an Algerine pirate, and an Arab bought you, and paid
-honestly for you, should you ever consider yourself the _property_ of
-the Arab? Should you think your fellow-citizens ought so to consider
-you? Can what is stolen in the beginning, be honest property in the
-transmission? If you and your children had toiled hard for years, and
-received only a peck of corn a week for your services, should you not
-think that some compensation was due to _you_?
-
-_Q._ These are hard questions; and I find it is hard to answer a good
-many things, when we once get into the habit of imagining how we
-should think and feel if we ourselves were the slaves. But what have
-the North to do on this subject?
-
-_A._ They cannot help having a great deal to do with it, either for
-good or for evil. They are citizens of this republic; and as such
-cannot but feel a painful interest in a subject which makes their
-beloved country an object of derision to the civilized world. If the
-slaves should make any attempt to gain their freedom, we are bound
-to go with an armed force and rivet their chains. If a slave escapes
-from his master unto us, we are bound to deliver him up to the lash.
-The people of Pennsylvania, living so near the slave States, have a
-great many of these painful scenes to encounter. A few months ago, an
-industrious and pious colored man in Philadelphia was torn from his
-home at midnight, and beaten in such a degree that the snow for some
-distance was stained with his blood. His poor wife, who was devotedly
-attached to him, had an infant about eight or ten days old; but
-regardless of her situation, she plunged into the snow, and implored
-mercy for her husband. Her shrieks and entreaties were of no avail.
-The citizens of Philadelphia could not help her, because the free
-States are bound by law to give up runaway slaves. The evil might be
-cured by the extreme cheapness of labor, if the surplus population
-were not drained off to supply _new_ slave States. But in order to
-accommodate slave-holders in this respect, Louisiana has been bought,
-and Florida bought, by revenues principally raised in the free
-States; and now they want to purchase Texas likewise for an eternal
-slave market. Every time a member from the free States votes for the
-admission of a slave state into the Union, he helps to increase the
-political power, which has always been wielded for the perpetuation
-of this abominable system. It is high time for the free States to
-begin to reflect seriously, whether they ought any longer to give
-their money and their moral influence in support of this iniquity.
-
-_Q._ I did not know we were obliged to give up runaway slaves to
-their masters. Are you sure it is so?
-
-_A._ When masters _bring_ their slaves into the free States, or
-_send_ them, the slaves can legally take their freedom; but when
-the slaves run away, we are obliged by law to give them up, let the
-circumstances be what they may. Many conscientious people prefer to
-obey the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not deliver unto his
-master the servant which hath escaped unto thee.”
-
-_Q._ But would you at once give so many ignorant creatures political
-power, by making them voters?
-
-_A._ That would be for the wisdom of legislators to decide; and
-they would probably decide that it would not be judicious to invest
-emancipated slaves with the elective franchise; for though it is not
-their fault that they have been kept brutally ignorant, it unfits
-them for voters. At the present time, slaves _are_ represented in
-Congress. Every five slaves are counted equal to three freemen;
-which is just the same as if our farmers were allowed to count
-every five of their oxen as three voters. This system gives the
-Southern aristocracy great political power, entirely unchecked by
-democratic influence, which comes in as a counterpoise in States
-where the laboring class are allowed to vote. W. B. Seabrook, of
-South Carolina, has lately published an Essay on the management
-of slaves, in which he says: “An addition of $1,000,000 to the
-private fortune of Daniel Webster would not give to Massachusetts
-more weight than she now possesses in the Federal Councils. On the
-other hand, every increase of slave property in South Carolina,
-is a fraction thrown into the scale by which _her representation
-in Congress is determined_.” This country has been governed by a
-President forty-eight years. During forty of those years we have been
-governed by a slave-holder! The New England candidates each remained
-in office but four years; and the great middle section has never
-given a President. The Middle States are politically stronger than
-the Northern, and are therefore more likely to act independently,
-and without reference to Southern support. Perhaps this may be the
-reason why those States, large and wealthy as they are, have never
-given a President to their country. Slave-holders are keen-sighted
-politicians; and they are closely knit together by one common bond of
-sympathy on the subject of slavery. It is a common remark with them
-that they never will vote for any man north of the Potomac.
-
-_Q._ You know that abolitionists are universally accused of wishing
-to promote the amalgamation of colored and white people.
-
-_A._ This is a false charge, got up by the enemies of the cause,
-and used as a bugbear to increase the prejudices of the community.
-By the hue and cry that is raised on the subject, one would really
-suppose that in this free country a certain set of men had power to
-compel their neighbors to marry contrary to their own inclination.
-The abolitionists have never, by example, writing, or conversation,
-endeavored to connect amalgamation with the subject of abolition.
-When their enemies insist upon urging this silly and unfounded
-objection, they content themselves with replying, “If there be a
-natural antipathy between the races, the antipathy will protect
-itself. If such marriages are contrary to the order of Providence,
-we certainly may trust Providence to take care of the matter. It is
-a poor compliment to the white young men to be so afraid that the
-moment we allow the colored ones to be educated, the girls will all
-be running after them.”
-
-At a town meeting in New Hampshire, one of the citizens rose to
-say that he did not approve of admitting colored lads into the
-school. “If you suffer these people to be educated,” said he, “the
-first thing we shall know they will be marrying our daughters!”
-After some other remarks, he concluded by saying, “it is impossible
-for the colored and white race to live together in a kind social
-relation—there is a natural antipathy—they cannot be made to mix
-any better than oil and water.” A plain farmer replied, “I thought
-you said just now, that you was afraid that they’d marry our
-_darters_; if they won’t mix any better than _ile_ and water, what
-are you afraid of?” Any one who observes the infinite variety of
-shadings in the complexions of the colored people, will perceive
-that amalgamation has for a long time been carried on. The only
-justification that the apologist for slavery can give is, that it is
-not sanctioned by marriage. According to Southern laws every child
-must follow the condition of its _mother_; that is, if the mother is
-a slave, her offspring must be so likewise. If they would change one
-word, and say the child shall follow the condition of its _father_,
-a large proportion of their slaves would be free at once; and the
-others would soon become so, provided no new cargoes were in the mean
-time smuggled in from Africa. In this subject, the truth is briefly
-told in a juvenile couplet, viz.
-
-      “By universal emancipation,
-      We want to _stop_ amalgamation.”
-
-_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge that you wish to break down all
-distinctions of society, and introduce the negroes into our parlors?
-
-_A._ There is not the slightest truth in this charge. People have
-pointed to an ignorant shoe-black, and asked me whether I would
-invite him to visit my house. I answered, “No; I would not do so if
-he were a white man; and I should not be likely to do it, merely
-because he was black.” An educated person will not naturally like
-to associate with one who is grossly ignorant. It may be no merit
-in one that he is well-informed, and no fault of the other that he
-is ignorant; for these things may be the result of circumstances,
-over which the individual had no control; but such people will not
-choose each other’s society merely from want of sympathy. For these
-reasons, I would not select an ignorant man, of any complexion, for
-my companion; but when you ask me whether that man’s children shall
-have as fair a chance as my own, to obtain an education, and rise in
-the world, I should be ashamed of myself, both as a Christian and a
-republican, if I did not say, yes, with all my heart.
-
-_Q._ But do you believe that prejudice against color ever can be
-overcome?
-
-_A._ Yes, I do; because I have faith that all things will pass away,
-which are not founded in reason and justice. In France and England,
-this prejudice scarcely exists at all. Their noblemen would never
-dream of taking offence because a colored gentleman sat beside them
-in a stage-coach, or at the table of an hotel. Be assured, however,
-that the abolitionists have not the slightest wish to force you to
-give up this prejudice. If, after conscientious examination, you
-believe it to be right, cherish it; but do not adhere to it merely
-because your neighbors do. Look it in the face—apply the golden
-rule—and judge for yourself. The Mahometans really think they could
-not eat at the same table with a Christian, without pollution; but I
-have no doubt the time will come when this prejudice will be removed.
-The old feudal nobles of England would not have thought it possible
-that their descendants could live in a community, where they and
-their vassals were on a perfect civil equality; yet the apparent
-impossibility has come to pass, with advantage to many, and injury
-to none. When we endeavor to conform to the spirit of the gospel,
-there is never any danger that it will not lead us into the paths of
-peace.
-
-_Q._ But they say your measures are unconstitutional.
-
-_A._ Is it unconstitutional to talk, and write, and publish on any
-subject? particularly one in which the welfare and character of the
-country are so deeply involved? This is all the abolitionists have
-ever done; it is all they have ever desired to do. Nobody disputes
-that Congress has constitutional power to abolish slavery and the
-slave-trade in the District of Columbia. That District belongs in
-common to all the States, and each of them has an interest in the
-slaves there. The public prisons of that District, built _with the
-money of the whole people_ of the United States, are used for the
-benefit of slave-traders, and the groaning victims of this detestable
-traffic are kept confined within their walls. The keepers of these
-prisons, _paid with the money of the whole people_, act as jailers
-to these slave-traders, until their gang of human brutes can be
-completed. When we are acting as accomplices in all this, have we no
-right to petition for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade
-_there_? I do not see how any conscientious man can help believing it
-to be a solemn duty.
-
-_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge, that abolitionists have tried
-to excite insurrections among the slaves?
-
-_A._ This charge is destitute of the slightest foundation in
-truth. The abolitionists have addressed facts and arguments to the
-slave-holders _only_. They have never sought for any communication
-with the slaves; and if they did so, their principles would lead them
-to teach patience and submission, until their deliverance could be
-accomplished by peaceful measures. I believe the publications by the
-Peace Society do not contain so much in defence of non-resistance
-under injury, as the publications of the abolitionists. If it should
-be discovered that any member of an Anti-Slavery Society had tried
-to excite disaffection among the slaves, he would be immediately
-turned out of the Society, with strong expressions of disapprobation.
-This false charge has been got up at the South merely to excite
-sympathy. A little while ago a paragraph went the rounds of the
-newspapers, concerning an _abolitionist_ who had been overheard
-trying to persuade a negro lad to run away, and offering to forge
-free papers for him. It was afterwards ascertained that the man was
-a _kidnapper_, and took this means of getting the boy into his own
-power, for the sake of selling him. Complaints are made that pictures
-of a man flogging slaves having been on some of the books sent to the
-South; and it is urged that negroes can understand these pictures,
-if they do not know their letters. In the first place, the books are
-sent to the masters. In the next place (as has been well observed),
-the pictures represent a thing that is either true, or not true.
-If it is not true, the negroes would look at the picture without
-being reminded of any thing _they_ had ever seen or known—if told
-that it represented a driver beating slaves, they would laugh at
-such Munchausen stories of things that never happened. On the other
-hand, if the representation is true, would the mere picture of a
-thing be more likely to excite them to insurrection than the thing
-itself? These stories of efforts to excite violence are mere spectres
-raised on purpose for the occasion. If you will take notice of the
-charges brought against abolitionists, you will find that they are
-always mere assertions, unsupported by quotations, or any species of
-evidence. When I have read the resolutions passed at public meetings
-against the abolitionists, I have smiled at the farce which those men
-have been acting. In nearly all their resolutions, the abolitionists
-could most cordially and conscientiously concur. The enemies of
-the cause have in several cities gravely met together to declare
-that they do not approve of attempts to promote insurrections. The
-abolitionists agree with them entirely. With the same ridiculous
-gravity, they make known to the world that they do not approve of any
-legislative interference with the Southern States. The abolitionists
-have never dreamed of any such interference. They merely wish to
-_induce the Southerners to legislate for themselves_; and they hope
-to do this by the universal dissemination of facts and arguments,
-calculated to promote a _correct public sentiment_ on the subject of
-slavery. This is all they ever intended to do; and this they will
-do, though earth and hell combine against their efforts. The men
-engaged in this cause are not working for themselves, but for God—and
-therefore they are strong.
-
-_Q._ But do you believe the Southerners ever can be persuaded?
-
-_A._ At all events, it is our duty to try. “Thus saith the Lord God,
-Thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they will hear, or
-whether they will forbear; neither be afraid of their words, though
-briers and thorns be with thee, and thou dost dwell among scorpions.”
-If public sentiment becomes universally reformed on this subject, it
-cannot fail to have a powerful influence. Slavery was abolished in
-the British dominions entirely by moral influence. Parliament never
-would have voted for the bill, the king never would have signed it,
-if an enlightened public sentiment had not made the step absolutely
-necessary; and the public became enlightened by the exertions of
-benevolent men, who were obliged to endure every form of obloquy
-and rage, before the good work was completed. The slave-holders are
-perfectly aware that the same causes will produce similar effects in
-this country. One of the Southern editors has lately declared that
-what is most to be feared is, that these fanatical abolitionists
-will make some people of morbid consciences believe that slavery
-really _is_ wrong, and that it is their duty to relinquish it.
-Another Southern newspaper complains that the worst effect of this
-discussion is, that it is causing good men to regard slave-holders
-with abhorrence.
-
-_Q._ But if the system works so badly in every respect, why are
-people so unwilling to give it up?
-
-_A._ Human nature is willing to endure much, rather than relinquish
-unbridled licentiousness and despotic control. The emperor of Russia,
-and the pachas of Egypt would be reluctant to abridge their own
-power, for the sake of introducing a system of things more conducive
-to the freedom, virtue and happiness of their subjects. They had
-rather live in constant fear of the poisoned bowl and the midnight
-dagger, than to give up the pleasant exercise of tyranny, to which
-they have so long been accustomed. In addition to this feeling, so
-common to our nature, there are many conscientious people, who are
-terrified at the idea of emancipation. It has always been presented
-to them in the most frightful colors; and bad men are determined, if
-possible, to prevent the abolitionists from proving to such minds
-that _the dangers of insurrection all belong to slavery, and would
-cease when slavery was abolished_.
-
-At the North, the apologists of slavery are numerous and virulent,
-because their _interests_ are closely intertwined with the pernicious
-system. Inquire into the private history of many of the men, who
-have called meetings against the abolitionists—you will find that
-some manufacture negro cloths for the South—some have sons who sell
-those cloths—some have daughters married to slave-holders—some have
-plantations and slaves mortgaged to them—some have ships employed in
-Southern commerce—and some candidates for political offices would bow
-until their back-bones were broken, to obtain or preserve Southern
-influence. The Southerners understand all this perfectly well, and
-despise our servility, even while they condescend to make use of it.
-
-One great reason why the people of this country have not thought
-and felt right on this subject, is that all our books, newspapers,
-almanacs and periodicals, have combined to represent the colored race
-as an inferior and degraded class, who never could be made good and
-useful citizens. Ridicule and reproach have been abundantly heaped
-upon them; but their virtues and their sufferings have found few
-historians. The South has been well satisfied with such a public
-sentiment. It sends back no echo to disturb their consciences, and
-it effectually rivets the chain on the necks of their vassals. In
-this department of service, the Colonization Society has been a most
-active and zealous agent.
-
-_Q._ But some people say that all the mobs, and other violent
-proceedings, are to be attributed to the abolitionists.
-
-_A._ They might as well charge the same upon St. Paul, when his
-fearless preaching of the gospel brought him into such imminent
-peril, that his friends were obliged to “let him down over the wall
-in a basket,” to save his life. As well might St. Stephen have been
-blamed for the mob that stoned him to death. With the same justice
-might William Penn have been called the cause of all the violent
-persecutions against the Quakers. When principles of truth are sent
-out in the midst of a perverse generation, they _always_ come “not to
-bring peace, but a sword.” The abolitionists have offered violence
-to no man—they have never attempted to stop the discussions of their
-opponents; but have, on the contrary, exerted themselves to obtain a
-candid examination of the subject on all sides. They merely claim the
-privilege of delivering peaceful addresses at orderly meetings, and
-of publishing what they believe to be facts, with an honest desire to
-have them tested by the strictest ordeal of truth.
-
-_Q._ But do you think a foreigner ought to be allowed to lecture on
-this subject?
-
-_A._ _We_ have some hundred missionaries abroad lecturing other
-nations—preaching against systems most closely entwined with the
-government and prejudices of the people. If good and conscientious
-men leave ease, honor, and popularity behind them, to come here, and
-labor among the poor and the despised, merely from zeal in a good
-cause, shall we refuse to hear what they have to say? If we insult,
-mob, and stone them, how could we consistently blame the Hindoos and
-Sandwich Islanders for abusing _our_ missionaries? We sent out agents
-to England, to give her the benefit of our experience on the subject
-of temperance; ought _we_ not to be willing to receive the benefit of
-her experience on the subject of slavery? Let us candidly hear what
-these men have to say. If it be contrary to reason and truth, reject
-it; if it be the truth, let us ponder it in our hearts.
-
-_Q._ But everybody says the discussion of slavery will lead to the
-dissolution of the Union.
-
-_A._ There must be something wrong in the Union, if the candid
-discussion of _any_ subject can dissolve it; and for the truth of
-this remark, I appeal to your own good sense. If the South should
-be injudicious enough to withdraw from the Union for the sake of
-preserving a moral pestilence in her borders, it is very certain that
-slavery cannot long continue after that event. None of the frontier
-States could long keep their slaves, if we were not obliged by law
-to deliver up runaways; nor could they any longer rely upon the
-free States, in cases of emergency, to support slavery by force of
-arms. The union of these States has been continually disturbed and
-embittered by the existence of slavery; and the abolitionists would
-fain convince the whole country that it is best to cast away this
-apple of discord. Their attachment to the Union is so strong, that
-they would make any sacrifice of self-interest to preserve it; but
-they never will consent to sacrifice honor and principle. “Duties are
-ours; events are God’s!”
-
-
-
-
-  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
-
-  Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
-  corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
-  the text and consultation of external sources.
-
-  Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
-  when a predominant preference was found in the original book.
-
-  Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
-  and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.
-
-  Pg 13: ‘cut off the the heads’ replaced by ‘cut off the heads’.
-  Pg 15: ‘Ths wife, or the’ replaced by ‘The wife, or the’.
-  Pg 16: ‘amagamation has been’ replaced by ‘amalgamation has been’.
-  Pg 36: ‘not not to bring peace’ replaced by ‘not to bring peace’.
-
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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 69376 ***
+
+  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
+
+  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
+
+  Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
+
+
+
+
+                            ANTI-SLAVERY
+
+                             CATECHISM.
+
+
+                           BY MRS. CHILD,
+
+  _Author of ‘An Appeal in favor of that class of Americans called
+  Africans,’ the ‘Evils of Slavery, and the Cure of Slavery,’ ‘Authentic
+  Anecdotes of American Slavery,’ ‘History of the Condition of Women,’
+  ‘The Oasis,’ ‘Frugal Housewife,’ &c._
+
+
+                  “On the nation’s naked heart
+                   Scatter the living coals of Truth.”
+
+
+                           Second Edition.
+
+
+                            NEWBURYPORT:
+                    PUBLISHED BY CHARLES WHIPPLE.
+                                1839.
+
+
+
+
+       Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835,
+                         By CHARLES WHIPPLE,
+    In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM.
+
+
+_Question._ Why do you consider it a duty to preach and publish
+abolition doctrines?
+
+_Answer._ First, I consider it my duty as a Christian; for the system
+of slavery, as a whole, and in each one of its details, is in direct
+opposition to the precepts of the gospel. Secondly, I consider it
+my duty as a conscientious citizen of this republic; for I believe
+slavery is prejudicial to the best interests of my country; and I
+dare not hope that God’s blessing will rest upon us, if we persevere
+in our iniquity.
+
+_Q._ But the abolitionists are accused of showing the worst side of
+slavery. Is it not true that they seek to give an exaggerated idea of
+its evils?
+
+_A._ I believe every man, who candidly examines the subject, will
+come to the conclusion, that every side appears to be the worst side.
+Allow me to give a brief statement of the case. Between two and
+three millions of people are compelled to labor without wages. They
+gain nothing more by working ten hours than they would by working
+one hour. It is not in human nature that they should be disposed to
+be industrious under these circumstances. They try to do as little
+as possible. The chief part of the labor that is got out of their
+bones and sinews is obtained by fear of the whip. A peck of corn a
+week is the usual allowance for the food of a slave. The planters
+generally estimate that a slave can be fed and clothed at an expense
+of from fifteen to twenty dollars a year. The following is the
+printed testimony of Thomas Clay, of Georgia, himself a slave-holder,
+though reputed to be an amiable, conscientious man: “A peck of corn
+per week, if it be sound flint corn, is sufficient to sustain health
+and strength under moderate labor. But there is _often_ a defect
+in the quality, and the quantity is then insufficient. The present
+economy of the slave system is to get all you can from the slave,
+and give in return as little as will barely support him in a working
+condition. Even where there is not direct intention to abridge his
+comforts, they are but little consulted; and the slave, seeing his
+master wholly engrossed by his own advantage, naturally adopts the
+same selfish course, and, when not restrained by higher principles,
+becomes deceitful and selfish.”
+
+_Q._ If Mr. Thomas Clay is a good man, and really thinks slavery so
+bad in its effects, why does he not emancipate his own slaves?
+
+_A._ If you were to ask him, I suppose he would give an answer very
+common among planters. He would tell you that he could not do it
+because the laws of the State in which he lives impose such heavy
+penalties, that the process of emancipation is extremely difficult
+and expensive.
+
+_Q._ Who makes the laws of the Southern States?
+
+_A._ The slave-holders themselves. When I hear a man say that he
+would gladly emancipate his slaves, if the _laws_ would allow it,
+it makes me think of an anecdote I have often heard. A little girl
+had been ordered to perform some household work in the absence of
+her mother. When the parent returned, and saw that her orders had
+not been obeyed, she said, “My child, why have you not done as I bid
+you?” The little girl replied, “I should have been glad to do it,
+mother; but I could not. Don’t you see I am tied?” “And pray who tied
+you?” inquired the mother. “I tied myself,” was the reply. Now this
+is plainly the case with the slave-holders. They make oppressive
+laws, and persist in upholding those laws, and then say, “I would do
+my duty, if I could; but the _laws_ will not permit it.”
+
+_Q._ Do the slaves have to work all the time?
+
+_A._ In some States the laws ordain that slaves shall not be
+compelled to work _more_ than _fourteen_ hours a day, from September
+to March, nor more than _fifteen_ hours a day, from March to
+September; and it is reasonable to conclude that there would have
+been no necessity for making such a law, unless some masters _did_
+compel their slaves to toil beyond the specified hours. Convicts, who
+are imprisoned for crime, are not obliged to work more than ten hours
+a day, and are better fed than the slaves. It is an extraordinary
+thing for a slave to be sent to the state prison for an offence.
+Instead of punishment, it would in fact be amelioration of his lot.
+
+_Q._ But I have been told that the slaves sometimes work for
+themselves.
+
+_A._ When they happen to have kind masters, they are sometimes
+allowed a part of the time to earn something for themselves; but the
+laws are extremely inefficient for the protection of property thus
+acquired. If a white man sees fit to seize the products of their
+industry, the law in most cases affords no redress; because in slave
+States a colored man is never allowed to give evidence against a
+white man, under any circumstances. Any note of hand, or written
+contract with a slave is worth no more than a promissory note to a
+dog; because no slave can bring an action at law. In several of the
+States, a slave is liable to punishment if it is ascertained that he
+has acquired any property.
+
+_Q._ I have been told that masters are allowed to kill their slaves.
+Can this be true?
+
+_A._ The laws do indeed nominally consider the killing of a slave
+as murder; but no instance has ever been recorded of a white man
+executed for killing a slave. One law on this subject has the
+following strange qualification: “Except said slave die of _moderate_
+punishment.” As if any punishment, that occasioned death, _could_
+be moderate! If a hundred blacks or mulattoes, either bond or free,
+should see a slave murdered, it avails nothing against the murderer;
+because the laws of slave States do not allow a colored person, under
+any circumstances, to testify against a white man. The laws of South
+Carolina favor the master to such a degree, that when accused of
+murdering a slave, he may be absolved simply upon _his own oath_,
+that he did not commit the crime!
+
+_Q._ But I am told that white men are not unfrequently prosecuted for
+cruelty to slaves; and this looks as if the laws afforded the poor
+creatures some protection.
+
+_A._ I have read not a few Reports of Cases in Southern Courts;
+and those reports did more than any thing else to make me an
+abolitionist. Prosecutions are always brought for the master’s
+interest—never for the protection or redress of the slave. In
+Martin’s Louisiana Reports, 1818, you will find the case of Jourdan
+_vs._ Patten. In this case a lady sued a neighboring proprietor
+for the damage of putting out the only eye of one of her slaves.
+The Supreme Court decided that the defendant should pay the lady
+the sum of twelve hundred dollars; in consideration of which, the
+slave should be placed in _his_ possession. The lady received all
+the money, as an indemnification for the loss of property; but the
+poor slave not only received no atonement for his sufferings, but
+was actually given to the very man that had knocked his eye out!
+This is a fair sample of the nature of all such prosecutions. In
+Nott & McCord’s South Carolina Reports, 1818, it is stated that a
+slave belonging to Mrs. E. Witsell, was shot through the head by two
+men who were hunting runaway negroes. The lady commenced an action
+to recover the value of her slave. The judge told the jury that
+circumstances _might_ exist to authorize the killing of a negro,
+_without the sanction of a magistrate, or even the order of a militia
+officer_; but it was thought such circumstances were not connected
+with _this_ case; the lady was therefore entitled to compensation
+for injury done to her property. As for the poor slave himself, his
+parents, his wife, or his children, they were never once thought of
+in the matter.
+
+_Q._ But do you really believe they hunt negroes with dogs and guns,
+as some people say?
+
+_A._ There cannot be the slightest doubt of the fact. Dogs are
+trained for that express purpose. The planters justify the practice,
+by saying it is absolutely necessary for their own safety; because
+runaway negroes, who collect in the woods and swamps, will soon begin
+to commit depredations on the neighboring estates. Thus the evils
+inevitably growing out of this bad system are made use of to justify
+its cruelties. Free laborers would have no inducement to run away
+and hide in swamps. It would obviously be for their own interest to
+keep at work. These negro hunts seem to be entered into with all the
+keen excitement of sportsmen going out to hunt squirrels or hares. A
+letter written near Edenton, N.C. among other items of news, states:
+“We have had great negro shooting lately.” A gentleman well known in
+the literary world resided for some time in the family of a Georgia
+planter; and he himself stated to me that three negro hunts took
+place during the first nine months of his stay there. He said, that
+one night hearing a noise below stairs, he hastened to ascertain the
+cause. “The gentlemen of the family were cleaning and loading their
+guns, trying their flints, and going through the usual preparations,
+apparently for a deer hunt, as buck shot and bullets were in demand.
+The children of the family had partaken of the general excitement,
+and arisen from their beds. As I entered the room, I could hear one
+of the youngest say, ‘Why, pa, you wouldn’t kill Ralph, would you?’
+‘I would take him, and sell him, and get money for him,’ said the
+next of age. ‘You will only lame him, so as to seize him, I suppose,’
+said the mother. ‘I would rather kill him than the best fat buck in
+the country,’ replied the father, as he rammed down the heavy charge.
+The moonlight from the window glanced along the barrel of the piece,
+and caught the eye of the eldest boy. The reflected light kindled
+up his glance with something of an unnatural flash, but in vivid
+sympathy with the paternal look and attitude. The anticipated joy of
+vengeance seemed to be the predominating emotion.”
+
+_Q._ If the laws are as you say, I should think the slaves did not
+stand a fair chance when they are _wrongfully_ accused.
+
+_A._ If you will examine Stroud’s Compendium of the Slave Laws, you
+will be convinced for yourself that what I say is true; and the
+effect is as you suppose. The poor slaves are completely in the power
+of their masters. The same men who accuse them are often their judges
+and executioners. In illustration of this, I will tell you a case
+that occurred in Edenton, North Carolina. It was told by a woman who
+lived there at the time, and witnessed some of the executions. Many
+of the slaves in that place were skilful in mechanical trades. The
+planters in the back country were very desirous to purchase some of
+them; but their masters found it so profitable to let them out, that
+they would not consent to sell them. Those who were anxious to buy,
+hit upon the following expedient to obtain their purpose: They wrote
+anonymous letters, charging these intelligent slaves with having
+projected an insurrection. These letters were scattered about in
+Edenton, with the idea that the masters would be glad to sell such
+dangerous fellows; but instead of this, the poor innocent slaves were
+tried, convicted, and sentenced by their frightened owners; and a
+large number of them were put to death, upon no other evidence than
+anonymous letters.
+
+_Q._ It does not seem as if such things could take place in a
+civilized country. Can you believe it?
+
+_A._ If you reflect a little upon human nature, I believe you will
+think it perfectly natural that such abuses should exist, wherever
+one human being has arbitrary power over another. You would not like
+to place yourself completely in the power even of the best man you
+know; you would be afraid to have it depend entirely on his will how
+much work you should do in a day, what food you should eat, and what
+clothes you should wear, and how and when you should be punished.
+It is not considered entirely safe for an aged parent to relinquish
+all his property, and trust entirely to the generosity of his own
+children; what then do you suppose the poor slave has to expect, when
+he becomes too old and infirm to be profitable to his master?
+
+_Q._ But the Southerners are said to be very honorable, generous men.
+
+_A._ Our Southern brethren are just what any human beings would be
+under similar circumstances. They are generous with the proceeds of
+other men’s labor, for the same reason that the heir is prodigal of
+money, which another accumulates for him. He who can let out his
+neighbor, and his neighbor’s wife and children, and receive all
+their wages, will naturally be more profuse than a man who depends
+entirely on his own exertions. Planters have heretofore generally
+confessed that slavery is an evil, and many of them speak of its
+detailed abuses with strong regret; but these abuses are merely the
+necessary and inevitable results of the system they are helping to
+support; and they never can cure the abuses until they are willing to
+renounce the system itself. I suppose that few planters would think
+of palliating the treatment Mrs. Salarie’s slaves received; yet they
+are all helping to support a system under which such cruelties can
+be committed with impunity. Perhaps very humane and amiable masters
+do even more mischief than the desperately wicked; for they are
+always quoted as palliations of the whole system; and they approach
+so _near_ to the right line, that they can more easily draw over
+kind-hearted people, who have not thought much upon the subject.
+
+_Q._ What is the history of Mrs. Salarie?
+
+_A._ She resided in New Orleans. On the 10th of April, 1834, her
+splendid mansion took fire. During the midst of the conflagration,
+a rumor arose among the crowd that there were slaves chained in the
+burning dwelling; but those who asked for the keys were reproved for
+interfering with their neighbor’s business. At last the doors were
+forced open by sailors and mechanics, that had collected around the
+spot; and a New Orleans paper thus describes the horrible scene that
+presented itself: “Seven slaves more or less horribly mutilated, were
+seen, some chained to the floor, and some suspended by the neck to
+the ceiling, with their limbs stretched and torn from one extremity
+to the other. Their bodies, from head to foot, were covered with
+scars and sores, and filled with wounds. One poor old man, upwards of
+sixty years of age, was chained hand and foot, and made fast to the
+floor, in a kneeling position. His head bore the appearance of having
+been beaten until it was broken, and the worms were actually seen
+making a feast of his brains.”
+
+_Q._ Every body must have thought her a very wicked woman. Did the
+slave-holders in the neighborhood pretend to justify her measures?
+
+_A._ I have no doubt that every humane person, that heard of the
+event, expressed horror, and sincerely felt it. For several months
+previous to the discovery, her neighbors had been in the habit of
+living in apartments as far as possible from her house, on purpose to
+avoid the shrieks and groans of her poor suffering slaves; yet during
+all that time no complaint was laid before the public authorities,
+and no investigation demanded! I suppose neighbors were afraid to say
+any thing, lest they should be accused of promoting discontent among
+the negroes. Those who endeavor to keep human beings in the situation
+of beasts, are more afraid of them than they would be of beasts;
+because the human being has _reason_, which is always prone to offer
+resistance to tyranny. The consciousness of this makes slave-holders
+very irritable when any one in the community takes part with an
+abused slave, or expresses the slightest pity for his sufferings.
+
+_Q._ Is it not for the master’s interest to treat the slaves well?
+
+_A._ So it is for the interest of men to treat their horses and
+cattle well; and yet their passions not unfrequently make them forget
+their interests. Passive obedience is obtained from human beings with
+more difficulty than from animals; and when the master _is_ provoked,
+the poor slave is completely in his power, with scarcely the shadow
+of protection from the law. The law in no case recognises slaves as
+human beings; on the contrary, it expressly declares they “shall
+be deemed, sold, taken, and reputed to be _chattels personal_, in
+the hands of their owners and possessors, their administrators and
+assigns, to all intents, constructions, and _purposes whatever_.” An
+act of Maryland, for the settlement of estates, enumerates specific
+articles, such as “slaves, working beasts, animals,” &c. Where even
+the _laws_ consider human beings as animals, it is not a matter of
+surprise that they are generally treated no better than self-interest
+leads men to treat animals. You will likewise perceive that when
+the slave becomes old, or diseased, or in any way unfit for labor,
+it is _not_ for the interest of his master to prolong his existence
+by rendering it comfortable. Then again that part of the system
+connected with _overseers_, shows plainly that the self-interest of
+the master cannot effectually secure good treatment to the slave.
+If planters were to give overseers a stated salary, without regard
+to the amount of produce, the overseers (who are proverbially
+unprincipled men) would have no motive for consulting the interest of
+their employers—it would be a matter of indifference to them whether
+much or little work were done. To obviate this difficulty, it is
+customary to give the overseer a certain _proportion_ of the profits
+of the plantation. Of course, it becomes his ruling desire to get the
+greatest possible amount of work done. He does not care how much the
+soil is exhausted, nor how much the negroes are broken down. If a
+slave says he is very ill, the overseer is unwilling to believe the
+story, because he is reluctant to lose a day’s labor. If the poor
+creature droops under his allotted task, he must be stimulated by the
+whip, because the overseer cannot spare an hour of his exertions. If
+the “slave dies under _moderate_ punishment,” the master must furnish
+a new laborer; and the loss falls on _him_, not on the overseer.
+It is obviously natural for the latter personage to think more of
+his own gains than of his employer’s losses. Every body knows that
+men are prone to drive hired horses with less mercy than their own;
+because they do not meet with any personal loss from injury done to
+the beast, and their object is to get their money’s worth of riding.
+Is it not a fearful thing for one human being to be placed towards
+another in the same relation that a stable-horse is toward the man
+who hires him? When planters are reminded of instances of cruelty,
+too well authenticated to be denied, they are prone to lay the blame
+upon overseers. Mr. Wirt, of Virginia, speaks of this class of men
+as “the lowest of the human race—always cap in hand to the dons who
+employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride, insolence,
+and love of dominion.” If we had no such information concerning the
+character of these men, we should naturally conclude that good people
+would be averse to enter into such an employment. Yet overseers and
+drivers are a necessary part of this bad system, because slaves
+are entirely deprived of the motives which induce free laborers
+to work; and since overseers must be employed, it is necessary to
+make it for their interest to get as much work out of the slave as
+possible. The evils of slavery are necessary and inevitable parts
+of the system; and whether the planters reprobate them or not, they
+cannot possibly avoid them, except by relinquishing the system. The
+master and his subordinate agents _must_ have discretionary power to
+punish, because their poor human brutes, being deprived of salutary
+motives to exertion, must be driven to it. The slave _must_ not be
+allowed to buy or sell, or make the most trifling contracts; because
+the oppressed being would naturally avail himself of this privilege,
+and sell some of the cotton or tobacco, which he cultivates for
+his master without wages. The laws _must_ punish them with great
+severity; because the very nature of their condition is a constant
+temptation to theft, falsehood, and murder. They _must_ be kept
+brutally ignorant; because if they were otherwise, they could not be
+kept in slavery. Licentiousness _must_ be countenanced among them;
+because their master’s interest is connected with their increase,
+and he might lose many good bargains if the laws did not allow him
+to sell a wife from her husband, or a husband from his wife. The law
+_must_ suppose a negro to be a slave, till he proves himself free;
+because runaway slaves would of course pretend that they were free.
+They _must_ not be allowed to witness against a white man; for a
+slave may have had a wife or a child whipped to death by a white
+man—and he may have many other good reasons for strong prejudice
+against white men. An unnatural system _must_ be sustained by
+unnatural means. Hence we find the same characteristic features in
+every country where negro slavery has been allowed.
+
+_Q._ Some people think slavery as great a sin as the slave trade. Are
+you of that opinion?
+
+_A._ There seems to me just the same difference as there is between
+the thief and the man who pays him for stealing. What would you say
+of a man who buys a horse, knowing it to be stolen? The following
+circumstance, which took place a short time before our Revolution,
+furnishes a good commentary on this matter. A Philadelphia negro was
+accused of having stolen goods in his possession. He acknowledged
+the fact, saying, “Massa Justice, me know me got dem tings from Tom
+dere, and me tink Tom teal dem too; but what den, Massa? dey be only
+a piccaninny knife, and a piccaninny corkscrew; one cost sixpence,
+and tudder a shilling; an me _pay Tom honestly for dem_, Massa.”
+“Pretty story, truly!” said his worship; “you knew they were stolen,
+and yet allege for excuse, you honestly paid for them. Don’t you
+know, Pompey, that the receiver is as bad as the thief? You must be
+severely whipped, you black rascal.” “Very well, Massa, if de black
+rascal be whipt for buying tolen goods, me hope de white rascal be
+whipt too, for same ting, when you catch him.” “To be sure,” replied
+the Justice. “Well den,” says Pompey, “here be Tom’s Massa—hold him
+fast, constable! He buy Tom, as I buy de piccaninny knife, and de
+piccaninny corkscrew. He know very well Tom be tolen from his old
+fadder and mudder; de knife and de corkscrew had neder.”
+
+I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion that the
+slave-owner is an accomplice of the slave-trader. So long as a
+profitable market is kept open, the article will be supplied, despite
+of difficulties and dangers. The only way to stop the trade, is to
+shut up the market; and this can be done only by the entire abolition
+of the system of slavery. When nobody will buy a man, nobody will be
+tempted to steal a man. Slavery never exists without having more or
+less of the slave-trade involved _in_ it. There is in the very heart
+of our land a slave-trade constantly carried on, and sanctioned by
+our laws, which is as disgraceful and cruel as the foreign slave
+trade. The new slave States at the extreme South have not slaves
+enough, and the climate, together with the hard labor of the sugar
+plantations, kills them very fast. The old slave States have a
+surplus of slaves, which they send off to supply these markets. About
+ten thousand are annually exported from Virginia alone. Niles, in
+his Register, vol. 35, page 4, says: “Dealing in slaves has become
+a _large_ business. Establishments are made at several places in
+Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. These
+places are strongly built, and well supplied with _thumbscrews_,
+_gags_, _cow-skins_, _and other whips_, _often bloody_.” In these
+sales no regard is paid to domestic ties. The newly married wife
+is torn shrieking from her husband, and the mother with her little
+ones are sold in “_separate_ lots to suit purchasers.” A gentleman
+in Charleston, S. C., writes to his friend in New York: “Curiosity
+sometimes leads me to the auction sales of the negroes. There I saw
+the father looking with sullen contempt on the crowd, and expressing
+an indignation in his countenance that he dares not speak; and the
+mother pressing her infants closer to her bosom, exclaiming, in wild
+and simple earnestness, ‘I can’t leff my children! I won’t leff my
+children!’ But the hammer went on, reckless whether it united or
+sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a man apparently as white
+as myself exposed for sale.”
+
+_Q._ I have heard some people say that the negroes do not care so
+much about such separations as we should suppose.
+
+_A._ There is no doubt that their degraded situation tends to blunt
+the feelings, as well as to stultify the intellect; and it is a
+fearful thing to think what Christians have to answer for, who thus
+brutalize immortal souls. But there are numerous instances to prove
+that the poor creatures do often suffer the most agonizing sensations
+when torn from those they love. Near Palmyra, in Marion county,
+Missouri, two boys were sold to a slave-trader, who did not intend
+to leave the place until morning. During the night, the mother was
+kept chained in an out-house, that she might not make any effort to
+prevent the departure of her children. She managed to get loose from
+her fetters, seized an axe, cut off the heads of her sleeping boys,
+and then ended her own life by the same instrument.
+
+The Missouri Intelligencer, a few months ago, gave an account of a
+slave named Michael, who was sold by his master to Mr. J. E. Fenton,
+by whom he was to be immediately shipped for the Southern markets.
+At the mouth of the Ohio, he filed off his irons, and contrived to
+escape. He immediately returned to the place where his wife resided,
+and having armed himself, declared he never would be sent to the
+South, unless his wife was allowed to accompany him. He was finally
+taken by stratagem, and lodged in jail for safe keeping. Finding that
+his oppressors were determined to separate him from his beloved wife,
+he committed suicide. I believe the attachments of slaves are even
+stronger than ours; for these ties constitute the only pleasure they
+are allowed to have. Hundreds of instances might be told, where they
+have preferred death to separation.
+
+_Q._ I have been told they sometimes kidnapped free colored persons,
+to sell them as slaves. Is it so?
+
+_A._ It is unquestionably true that this is carried on to a
+considerable extent. More than twenty free colored children were
+kidnapped in the single city of Philadelphia, in 1825; and in 1827
+two were stolen in open day. It is a common thing to decoy the
+unsuspecting victims on board a vessel, or to some retired spot, and
+then seize and bind them. A New York paper of 1829, says: “Beware
+of kidnappers! It is well understood that there is at present in
+this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their vocation
+of stealing colored children for the Southern market.” As the law
+supposes every colored person to be a slave unless he can _prove_
+himself free, and as no person of his own complexion is allowed to be
+evidence for him, the kidnappers have an easy time of it.
+
+_Q._ Some people say we ought to pity the masters as well as the
+slaves.
+
+_A._ I agree with them entirely. The masters are to be deeply pitied;
+because the long continuance of a wicked system has involved them
+in difficulties, and at the same time rendered them generally blind
+to the best means of getting rid of those difficulties. They are
+likewise to be compassionated for the effects which early habits of
+power produce on their own characters. Mr. Jefferson, who lived in
+the midst of slavery, says: “The whole commerce between master and
+slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the
+most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission
+on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it. The
+parent storms; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath,
+puts on the same airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to
+the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised
+in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities.
+The man must be a prodigy, who can retain his morals and manners
+undepraved in such circumstances.” The general licentiousness
+produced by this system can never be described without using language
+too gross to be addressed to a civilized community. Some idea of it
+may be derived from the fact, that every female slave is completely
+in the power of her master, of his sons, of his overseers, and his
+drivers. The law does not allow her to offer resistance to a white
+man, under any circumstances; and the state of public opinion is
+such that any pretensions to virtue on her part would be treated
+with brutal ridicule. The slave is not allowed to have any right in
+his wife and children. If his master’s interest can be served by his
+keeping three or four wives, or by his wife’s having a succession of
+husbands, he cannot dispute the commands of his owner. The wife, or
+the husband, is sometimes sold, and sent thousands of miles from each
+other, and from their little ones, without the slightest hope of ever
+meeting again. Under these circumstances, the man, or the woman, is
+soon ordered to take another partner; because it is for the interest
+of the master that they should do so. It is a shameful fact that the
+laws and customs of our country make it absolutely impossible for a
+large portion of our population to be virtuous, even if they wish to
+be so. The wealth of Virginia is principally made by the breeding
+of slaves and horses; and persons unaccustomed to the system would
+be shocked by the detail of well authenticated facts, which prove
+that about as little regard is paid to decency in one case as the
+other. _Mulatto_ slaves bring a higher price than _black_ ones; hence
+licentiousness in slave States becomes a profitable vice, instead of
+being expensive, as it is under other forms of society.
+
+_Q_. I have been told that a great many of the slaves have very light
+complexions. Is it so?
+
+_A._ In the old slave States, where the process of amalgamation
+has been going on for a long time, this is remarkably the case. An
+old soldier, who lately visited the South, said he was not so much
+struck by any circumstance, as by the great change that had taken
+place in the complexion of the slaves since the Revolution. Now and
+then I have seen in the southern papers advertisements for a runaway
+slave, “who passes himself for a white man.” A Boston gentleman, who
+dislikes the abolitionists very much, visited Georgia a few years
+ago. He told me that when he was walking with a planter one day, they
+met a man driving a team, who had a perfectly fair complexion, with
+blue eyes and brown hair. The Bostonian remarked, “That must be an
+independent fellow, to be driving a team in this part of the country,
+where it is considered so disgraceful for a white man to work.” “O,
+that fellow is a slave,” replied the Georgian. Almost every body
+has heard of the recent case of Mary Gilmore, of Philadelphia, a
+perfectly white girl, of Irish parentage, who was taken up and tried
+as a runaway slave. A Missouri newspaper proves that a white man may,
+without a _mistake_, be adjudged a slave. “A case of a slave sueing
+for his freedom, was tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of
+which the following is a brief statement of particulars: A youth of
+about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the ground that he
+was a free white person. The court granted his petition to sue as
+a pauper upon inspection of his person. Upon his trial before the
+jury, he was examined by the jury and two learned physicians, all
+of whom concurred in the opinion that very little, if any, race of
+negro blood could be discovered by any of the external appearances.
+All the physiological marks of distinction, which characterize the
+African descent, had disappeared. His skin was fair, his hair soft,
+straight, fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the
+hazel-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small, his head round and
+well formed, forehead high and prominent, ears large, the tibia of
+the leg straight, and feet hollow. Notwithstanding these evidences of
+his claims, he was proved to be the descendant of a mulatto woman,
+and that his progenitors on the mother’s side had been and still
+were slaves: _consequently he was found to be a slave_.” I have been
+told of a young physician, who went into the far Southern States
+to settle, and there became in love with a very handsome and modest
+girl, who lived at service. He married her; and about a year after
+that event, a gentleman called at the house, and announced himself
+as Mr. J*******y, of Mobile. He said to Dr. W*****, “Sir, I have a
+trifling affair of business to settle with you. You have married a
+slave of mine.” The young physician resented this language; for he
+had not entertained the slightest suspicion that the girl had any
+other than white ancestors since the flood. But Mr. J. furnished
+proofs of his claim, and Dr. W. knew very well that the laws of the
+country would uphold him in it. After considerable discussion, the
+best bargain he could make was either to pay eight hundred dollars,
+or have his wife put up at auction. He consented to the first
+alternative, and his unwelcome visiter departed. When he had gone,
+Dr. W. told his wife what had happened. The poor woman burst into
+tears and said, “That as Mr. J. _was her own father_, she had hoped
+that when he heard she had found an honorable protector, he would
+have left her in peace.”
+
+_Q._ There can be no doubt that slavery is a bad system; but don’t
+you think it ought to be done away gradually? Ought not the slaves to
+be fitted for freedom, before they are emancipated?
+
+_A._ The difficulty is, it is utterly impossible to fit them for
+freedom while they remain slaves. The masters know very well that
+their vassals will be servile just in proportion as they are brutally
+ignorant; hence all their legislation tends to keep them so. It is a
+disgraceful fact, that in half of these United States the working men
+are expressly forbidden to learn to read or write. The law ordains
+that twenty lashes shall be inflicted upon every slave found in an
+assembly met together for the purpose of “mental instruction.” Any
+white person who teaches a slave to read or write, or gives or sells
+him any book (the Bible not excepted), is fined two hundred dollars;
+and any colored person who commits the same _crime_, is punished with
+thirty-nine lashes, or with imprisonment. The Rev. Charles C. Jones,
+of Georgia, said in one of his sermons: “Generally speaking, the
+slaves appear to us to be without God and without hope in the world—a
+_nation of heathen in our very midst_. We cannot cry out against the
+Papists for withholding the Scriptures from the common people; for
+we withhold the Bible from _our_ servants, and keep them in ignorance
+of it.” A writer in the Observer, of Charleston, S. C. says: “I
+hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our synod,
+there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, speaking the same
+language as ourselves, who never _heard_ of the plan of salvation by
+a Redeemer.” The reason assigned for these oppressive laws is, that
+“teaching slaves to read and write tends to excite dissatisfaction in
+their minds,” and to produce insurrection. In Georgia, a white man is
+fined five hundred dollars for teaching a slave or free negro to read
+or write; and if a colored man attempts to teach the alphabet even to
+his own child, he is liable to be fined or whipped, according to the
+discretion of the court. Such laws are necessary for the preservation
+of this detestable system; and while such laws exist, how can the
+slaves ever be better fitted for freedom? When the British government
+insisted that female slaves should no longer be flogged naked in the
+Colonies, the Jamaica legislature replied, that the practice could
+not possibly be laid aside, “_until_ the negro women acquired more of
+the sense of shame, which distinguishes European females.” Fitting
+men for freedom by keeping them slaves, is like the Jamaica mode of
+making women modest by whipping them without clothing.
+
+_Q._ But don’t you think it would be dangerous to turn the slaves at
+once loose upon the community?
+
+_A._ The abolitionists never desired to have them turned loose.
+They wish to have them governed by salutary laws, so regulated as
+effectually to protect both master and slave. They merely wish
+to have the power of punishment transferred from individuals to
+magistrates; to have the sale of human beings cease; and to have
+the stimulus of _wages_ applied, instead of the stimulus of the
+_whip_. The relation of master and laborer might still continue;
+but under circumstances less irksome and degrading to both parties.
+Even that much abused animal the jackass can be made to travel more
+expeditiously by suspending a bunch of turnips on a pole and keeping
+them before his nose, than he can by the continual application of the
+whip; and even when human beings are brutalized to the last degree,
+by the soul-destroying system of slavery, they have still sense
+enough left to be more willing to work two hours for twelve cents,
+than to work one hour for nothing.
+
+_Q._ I should think this system, in the long run, must be an
+unprofitable one.
+
+_A._ It is admitted to be so. Southerners often declare that it takes
+six slaves to do what is easily performed by half the number of free
+laborers. Henry Clay says, “It is believed that slave-labor would no
+where be employed in the farming portions of the United States, if
+the proprietors were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of
+the Southern market, which keeps it up in their own;” and he says the
+effects of introducing slavery into Kentucky have been to keep them
+in the rear of their non-slave-holding neighbors, in agriculture,
+manufactures, and general prosperity. General Washington, when
+writing to Sir John Sinclair on the comparative value of the soil
+in Pennsylvania and Virginia, ascribes the very low price of land
+in Virginia to the existence of slavery among them. John Randolph
+declared that Virginia was so impoverished by slavery, that slaves
+would soon be advertising for runaway masters. A distinguished writer
+on political economy says: “The slave system inflicts an incalculable
+amount of human suffering, for the sake of making a wholesale waste
+of labor and capital.”
+
+_Q._ But the masters say the negroes would cut their throats, if they
+were emancipated.
+
+_A._ It is safer to judge by uniform experience than by the
+assertions of the masters, who, even if they have no intention to
+deceive, are very liable to be blinded by having been educated in
+the midst of a bad system. Listen to facts on this subject. On the
+10th of October, 1811, the Congress of Chili decreed that every child
+born after that day should be free. In April, 1812, the government
+of Buenos Ayres ordered that every child born after the 1st of
+January, 1813, should be free. In 1821, the Congress of Colombia
+emancipated all slaves who had borne arms in favor of the Republic,
+and provided for the emancipation, in eighteen years, of the whole
+slave population, of 900,000. In September, 1829, the government of
+Mexico granted immediate and entire emancipation to every slave. In
+all these instances, _not one case of insurrection or of bloodshed
+has ever been heard of, as the result of emancipation_.
+
+In St. Domingo no measures were taken gradually to fit the slaves
+for freedom. They were suddenly emancipated during a civil war, and
+armed against British invaders. They at once ceased to be property,
+and were recognized as human beings. Col. Malefant, who resided on
+the island, informs us, in his Historical and Political History of
+the Colonies, that, “after this public act of emancipation, the
+negroes remained quiet both in the south and west, and they continued
+to work upon all the plantations. The colony was flourishing. The
+whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates, and the
+negroes continued to work for them.” General Lacroix, in his Memoirs
+of St. Domingo, speaking of the same period, says: “The colony
+marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor; cultivation
+prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress.”
+This prosperous state of things lasted about eight years, and would
+perhaps have continued to the present day, had not Bonaparte, at the
+instigation of the old French planters, sent an army to deprive the
+blacks of the freedom they had used so well. The enemies of abolition
+are always talking of the horrors of St. Domingo, as an argument to
+prove that emancipation is dangerous; but historical facts prove
+that the effort to _restore slavery_ occasioned all the bloodshed in
+that island; while _emancipation produced only the most peaceful and
+prosperous results_.
+
+In June, 1794, Victor Hugo, a French republican general, retook
+Guadaloupe from the British, and immediately proclaimed freedom to
+all the slaves. They were 85,000 in number, and the whites only
+13,000. _No disasters occurred in consequence of this step._ More
+than seven years after this, the Supreme Council of Guadaloupe, in
+an official document, alluding to the tranquillity which reigned
+throughout the island, observed: “We shall have the satisfaction of
+having given an example, which will prove that _all classes of people
+may live in perfect harmony with each other, under an administration
+which secures justice to all classes_.” In 1802, Bonaparte sent a
+powerful French force, and again reduced the island to slavery, at
+the cost of about 20,000 negro lives.
+
+In July, 1828, thirty thousand Hottentots in Cape Colony were
+emancipated from their long and cruel bondage, and admitted by law to
+all the rights and privileges of the white colonists. Outrages were
+predicted, as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures
+so completely brutalized as the poor Hottentots; but all went on
+peaceably; and, as a gentleman facetiously remarked, “Hottentots as
+they were, they worked much better for Mr. _Cash_, than they had ever
+done for Mr. _Lash_.”
+
+_Q._ But they say the British have had difficulties in their West
+Indies.
+
+_A._ The enemies of the cause have tried very hard to get up a
+“raw-head and bloody-bones” story; but even if you take their own
+accounts, you will find that they have not been able to adduce any
+instances of violence in support of their assertions. The real
+facts are these: The measure was not carried in a manner entirely
+satisfactory to the English abolitionists. Their knowledge of human
+nature, combined with the practical evidence afforded by history,
+led them to conclude that immediate and unqualified emancipation
+was _safest_ for the master, as well as just to the slave; but
+the planters raised such a hue and cry concerning bloodshed and
+insurrection, that the British government determined to conciliate
+them by a gradual abolition of slavery. It was ordained that the
+slaves should work six years longer without wages, under the name
+of _apprentices_; but no punishment could be inflicted without the
+special order of magistrates. The colonies had a right to dispense
+with the apprenticeship system if they pleased; but out of the
+seventeen West India colonies, Antigua and Bermuda were the only
+ones that chose to do so. The act of Parliament provided that each
+apprentice should work for his master _forty and a half_ hours a
+week, and have the rest of the time to himself. The masters were not
+satisfied with this; and they tried, by a series of petty vexations,
+to coerce the apprentices into individual contracts to work _fifty_
+hours in a week. While the people had been slaves, they were always
+allowed _cooks_ to prepare their meals, a person to bring _water_
+to the gang during the hot hours, and _nurses_ to tend the little
+children while their mothers were at work in the field; but because
+the Abolition Act did not expressly provide that these privileges
+should be continued, the masters saw fit to take them away. Each
+apprentice was obliged to quit his or her work, and go, sometimes a
+great distance, to the cabin to cook his meals, instead of having
+it served up in the field; and the time taken up in this operation
+was to be made up out of the apprentices’ own time. No water was
+allowed to be brought to quench their thirst; the aged and infirm,
+instead of being left, as formerly, to superintend the children under
+the shade, were ordered out into the burning fields; and mothers
+were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped at their
+backs. In addition to all these annoyances, the planters obtained a
+new proclamation from the governor, by which they were authorized
+to require extra labor of the apprentices in times of emergency,
+or _whenever they should deem it necessary_, in the cultivation,
+gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they repaid them an
+equal time at _a convenient season of the year_. This was very much
+like taking from a New England laborer the month of July, and paying
+it back to him in January. The negroes had behaved extremely well
+when emancipation was first proclaimed, and universally showed a
+disposition to be orderly, submissive, and thankful; but this system
+of privation and injustice soon created discontent. They knew that
+they were to receive no wages, however industrious they might be;
+and they were well aware that their masters no longer had a right
+to flog them. A bad stimulus to labor had been removed, without
+supplying a good one in its place. In three of the colonies, the
+apprentices refused to work on the terms required by their masters.
+In Jamaica, a very small military force was sent into one parish, and
+only on one occasion; but no violence was offered on either side; for
+the apprentices confined themselves to _passive resistance_—merely
+refusing to work on the required terms. In St. Christophers,
+difficulties of a similar kind occurred; but no outrage of any kind
+was committed. In one fortnight all the trouble was at an end; and
+out of twenty thousand apprentices, only thirty were found to be
+absent from their work; and some of these were supposed to be dead
+in the woods. In Demarara, the principal difficulty occurred. The
+laborers assembled together, and marched round with a flag staff; but
+the _worst_ thing they did was to beat a constable with their fists.
+_It is a solemn fact that a few fisty cuffs with a constable are the
+only violence to persons or property, that has been attempted by the
+eight hundred thousand slaves emancipated in the British Colonies!_
+
+Even the difficulties above enumerated (slight as they were, and
+unworthy to be named in connexion with such a great moral change)
+were but temporary. The governor of Jamaica, after five months’
+trial of emancipation, declares, in his address to the Assembly,
+“Not the slightest idea of any interruption of tranquillity exists
+in any quarter; and those preparations which I have felt it my duty
+to make, might, without the slightest danger, have been dispensed
+with.” By recent news, we learn that the planters finding the system
+of coercion was likely to be ruinous to their own interest, offered
+the apprentices 2_s._ 6_d._ per day for extra work. The enemies of
+abolition prophesied that nothing would induce the negroes to work
+more than they were actually compelled to by law, and that the crops
+would perish for want of gathering. But the result proved otherwise.
+As soon as _wages_ were offered, they came forward eagerly, and
+offered to do more work than the planters were willing to pay for. We
+have the testimony of one of their magistrates, that as soon as this
+system was tried, “their apparent indifference was every where thrown
+off, and their work carried on in a steady, persevering, and diligent
+manner.”
+
+_Q._ And how was it in Antigua and Bermuda, where they gave up
+the apprenticeship system, and tried immediate and unqualified
+emancipation?
+
+_A._ In those colonies not the slightest difficulty, of any kind, has
+occurred. The Antigua journals declare, “The great doubt is solved;
+the highest hopes of the negroes’ friends are fulfilled. A whole
+people, comprising thirty thousand souls, have passed from slavery
+into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity, but with
+the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a Sabbath.” The Christmas
+holidays were always seasons of alarm in the slave-colonies, and a
+military force was always held in readiness; but the Christmas after
+emancipation, the customary guard was dispensed with. Up to the
+present time, every thing remains perfectly tranquil in Antigua; and
+a negro is at the head of the police in that island. The population
+consists of 2,000 whites, 30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks.
+
+_Q._ Yet people are always saying that free negroes cannot take care
+of themselves.
+
+_A._ It is because people are either very much prejudiced or very
+ignorant on the subject. In the United States, colored persons have
+scarcely any chance to rise. They are despised, and abused, and
+discouraged, at every turn. In the slave States they are subject to
+laws nearly as oppressive as those of the slave. They are whipped
+or imprisoned, if they try to learn to read or write; they are not
+allowed to testify in court; and there is a general disposition not
+to encourage them by giving them employment. In addition to this,
+the planters are very desirous to expel them from the State, partly
+because they are jealous of their influence upon the slaves, and
+partly because those who have slaves to let out, naturally dislike
+the competition of the free negroes. But if colored people are
+well treated, and have the same inducements to industry as other
+people, they work as well and behave as well. A few years ago the
+Pennsylvanians were very much alarmed at the representations that
+were made of the increase of pauperism from the ingress of free
+negroes. A committee was appointed to examine into the subject, and
+it was ascertained that the colored people not only supported their
+own poor, but paid a considerable additional sum towards the support
+of white paupers.
+
+_Q._ I have heard people say that the slaves would not take their
+freedom, if it were offered to them.
+
+_A._ I sincerely wish they would offer it. I should like to see the
+experiment tried. If the slaves are so well satisfied with their
+condition, why do they make such severe laws against running away?
+Why are the patroles on duty all the time to shoot every negro who
+does not give an account of himself as soon as they call to him? Why,
+notwithstanding all these pains and penalties, are their newspapers
+full of advertisements for runaway slaves? If the free negroes are
+so much worse off than those in bondage, why is it that their laws
+bestow freedom on any slave, “who saves his master or mistress’s
+life, or performs any meritorious service to the State?” That must
+be a very bad country where the law stipulates that _meritorious_
+actions shall be rewarded by making a man more unhappy than he was
+before! Some months ago, I had a conversation with a woman, who
+went from Boston to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama. She was the wife of a
+Baptist clergyman, professed to be a pious woman, and was considered
+as such. I found her an apologist for slavery, but was not aware
+at the time that she actually owned slaves. She maintained that
+freedom was the greatest curse that could be bestowed on a slave; and
+when I attempted to put the case home to her conscience, she, for
+consistency’s sake, declared, that she should be quite as willing
+to die and leave her own little son in slavery, as to leave him a
+free laborer at the North. She said if she had a hundred slaves, she
+should treat them all kindly, and endeavor to make their condition
+comfortable. I replied, “I am willing to believe that you would do
+so, madam; but in case of your death, or of any pecuniary distress
+in the family, the poor slaves would be divided among heirs, or
+seized by creditors; and then who can tell into whose hands they
+may fall? The condition of the slave depends on the character of
+the master; and that is entirely a matter of _accident_”. The pious
+woman rejoined, “Oh, I should take care of that. If they were good,
+faithful servants, they would find at my death that papers of
+manumission had been duly prepared.” “But you told me that freedom
+was the greatest curse that could be bestowed upon a slave,” replied
+I: “Now is it possible, madam, that you would leave, as your dying
+legacy to good and faithful servants, the greatest curse you could
+bestow?”
+
+_Q._ Do you suppose they really believe what they say, when they
+declare that slaves are happier than freemen?
+
+_A._ I leave your own republican good sense to determine that
+question. Governor Giles of Virginia did not take that ground in his
+address to the Legislature in 1827. Speaking of punishing free blacks
+by selling them as slaves, he says: “Slavery must be admitted to be
+a punishment of the highest order; and according to every just rule
+for the apportionment of punishment to crimes, it would seem that _it
+ought to be applied only to crime of the highest order_!”
+
+But even if it were true that the slaves were as happy and contented
+as slave-holders try to represent them—what would it prove? It would
+merely prove that they had fearfully brutalized immortal souls before
+they _could_ be happy in such a situation. Edmund Burke said very
+truly, “If you have made a _happy slave_, you have made a _degraded
+man_.”
+
+_Q._ But how is it that some people, who really do not intend to
+make false representations, bring back such favorable accounts of
+slavery, after they have visited at the South?
+
+_A._ It is because they go among rich, hospitable planters, and see
+favorite household slaves. Of the poor wretches on the plantations,
+subject to the tender mercies of an overseer, they know as little,
+as the guests of a Russian nobleman know of the miserable condition
+of his serfs. Their sympathies all go with the master. They ask
+questions of the master, and not of the slave. Even if they tried to
+talk with the latter, the poor creatures would be afraid to speak
+freely, lest any expressions of discontent might be reported to the
+master, or the overseer. I should like to have you hear them talk as
+I have heard runaway slaves talk, when they knew they had a friend to
+listen to them!
+
+_Q._ But do you think the suitable time has yet come to exert
+ourselves on this subject?
+
+_A._ I will answer, as a similar question was lately answered by a
+lady who had been brought up in the midst of slavery: “If thou were
+a slave, toiling in the fields of Carolina, I apprehend thou wouldst
+think the time had _fully_ come.” This explains the whole difficulty.
+We do not put ourselves in the condition of the slave, and imagine
+what would be our feelings if we were in _his_ circumstances. We do
+not obey the Scripture injunction, “remember those that are in bonds,
+_as bound with them_.”
+
+But if we look at this question merely with a view to expediency,
+without reference to justice or mercy, when can we hope that a time
+will come _more_ propitious to the discussion of this subject? The
+fact is, difficulties and dangers increase every day. In South
+Carolina and Louisiana, the blacks are already a majority. The annual
+increase of the _slaves_, without including the free blacks, in
+the United States, is now 62,000 annually. It is a fact worthy of
+consideration, that the licentiousness of the white man increases
+the colored race; but the vices of colored men or women can never
+increase the white race; for the children of such connections are of
+course not white.—These people are increasing in the midst of us in
+startling ratio. If we pursue a kind and Christian course, we can
+identify their interests with the rest of the community, and make
+them our friends; but if we persevere in the course we have pursued,
+their feelings and interests _must_ be all in opposition to ours, and
+there is great reason to fear the consequences.
+
+_Q._ Don’t you think the Colonization Society is doing some good?
+
+_A._ Those who have examined into the subject, have so universally
+come to the conclusion that Colonization is entirely ineffectual for
+the abolition of slavery at any time, however remote, that it seems
+hardly worth while to waste words on that subject. I do not pretend
+to impeach the motives of benevolent individuals, who have been
+engaged in it; but there is no doubt that its _practical tendency_
+is to perpetuate slavery. John Randolph, and other slave-holders,
+have advocated that Society, upon the avowed ground that by sending
+off an inconvenient surplus it would increase the price of the
+slaves left. In the new slave States, where they have not as yet an
+“inconvenient surplus” of slaves, they don’t like the Colonization
+Society; but the old slave States have been its warmest friends.
+There is one brief objection to the idea of abolishing slavery by
+Colonization: _it is impossible_. Even if it were desirable to remove
+these valuable laborers from our soil, it could not be done, if the
+whole Treasury and Navy of the United States were devoted to it. The
+Colonization Society has been in operation about nineteen years; they
+have had immense funds; and they have transported to Africa, during
+that time, about three thousand colored persons, of which _not one
+thousand_ were manumitted slaves. Now the annual _increase_ of the
+slaves alone is 62,000; and the annual increase of the free blacks is
+about 10,000. _In nineteen years the Colonizationists have not been
+able to carry off one sixtieth part of the increase of the slaves in
+one year!_ This is worse than the old story of the frog, who jumped
+out of the well two feet every night, and fell back three feet every
+morning. But even if the colored people _could_ be all carried out
+of the country, what is the South to do for laborers? They have been
+in the habit of excusing themselves, by saying that white men cannot
+work in their climate, and by taking it for granted that black men
+will not work for wages. If the climate is unsuitable for white
+laborers, it is manifestly very impolitic to send off the black
+ones. It would be far wiser to try the experiment they have tried in
+Bermuda and Antigua. Labor is needed in all parts of our country;
+and it is worse than a childish game to be sending off ship-loads of
+laborers to Africa, while we are bringing in ship-loads from Ireland,
+Holland, and Switzerland.
+
+_Q._ I have heard some people say they gave their money to the
+Colonization Society merely as a missionary establishment.
+
+_A._ It would be well for those people to examine into the matter,
+and first ascertain whether it _is_ a missionary establishment. When
+we send missions to India, the Sandwich Islands, &c., we send men
+believed to be pious and enlightened. For the probable influence
+of the emigrants carried out by the Colonization Society, let the
+Society answer for itself. They assure us that the colored persons
+colonized from the United States will “carry religion and the arts
+into the heart of Africa.” Yet Mr. Clay, Vice President of the
+Society, says, “Of all classes of our population the most vicious is
+that of the free colored—contaminated themselves, they extend their
+vices to all around them.” And the African Repository, which is the
+organ of the Society, declares that “they are notoriously ignorant—a
+curse and a contagion wherever they reside.” Now, are not these
+admirable missionaries to send out to christianize Africa? It would
+be wise to put them under better and more encouraging influences at
+home, before we attempt to send them to enlighten heathen lands.
+
+_Q._ Some say that these people are naturally inferior to us; and
+that the shape of their skulls proves it.
+
+_A._ If I believed that the colored people were naturally inferior to
+the whites, I should say that was an additional reason why we ought
+to protect, instruct, and encourage them. No consistent republican
+will say that a strong-minded man has a right to oppress those less
+gifted than himself. Slave-holders do not seem to think the negroes
+are so stupid as not to acquire knowledge, and make use of it, if
+they could get a chance. If they do think so, why do their laws
+impose such heavy penalties on all who attempt to give them any
+education? Nobody thinks it necessary to forbid the promulgation
+of knowledge among monkeys. If you believe the colored race are
+naturally inferior, I wish you would read the history of Toussaint
+L’Ouverture, the Washington of St. Domingo. Though perfectly black,
+he was unquestionably one of the greatest and best men of his age.
+I wish you would hear Mr. Williams of New York, and Mr. Douglass of
+Philadelphia preach a few times, before you hastily decide concerning
+the capacity of the colored race for intellectual improvement. As for
+the shape of their skulls, I shall be well satisfied if our Southern
+brethren will emancipate all the slaves who have _not_ what is called
+the “African conformation.”
+
+_Q._ What do you think about property in slaves?
+
+_A._ Let me reply to that question by asking others. If you were
+taken by an Algerine pirate, and an Arab bought you, and paid
+honestly for you, should you ever consider yourself the _property_ of
+the Arab? Should you think your fellow-citizens ought so to consider
+you? Can what is stolen in the beginning, be honest property in the
+transmission? If you and your children had toiled hard for years, and
+received only a peck of corn a week for your services, should you not
+think that some compensation was due to _you_?
+
+_Q._ These are hard questions; and I find it is hard to answer a good
+many things, when we once get into the habit of imagining how we
+should think and feel if we ourselves were the slaves. But what have
+the North to do on this subject?
+
+_A._ They cannot help having a great deal to do with it, either for
+good or for evil. They are citizens of this republic; and as such
+cannot but feel a painful interest in a subject which makes their
+beloved country an object of derision to the civilized world. If the
+slaves should make any attempt to gain their freedom, we are bound
+to go with an armed force and rivet their chains. If a slave escapes
+from his master unto us, we are bound to deliver him up to the lash.
+The people of Pennsylvania, living so near the slave States, have a
+great many of these painful scenes to encounter. A few months ago, an
+industrious and pious colored man in Philadelphia was torn from his
+home at midnight, and beaten in such a degree that the snow for some
+distance was stained with his blood. His poor wife, who was devotedly
+attached to him, had an infant about eight or ten days old; but
+regardless of her situation, she plunged into the snow, and implored
+mercy for her husband. Her shrieks and entreaties were of no avail.
+The citizens of Philadelphia could not help her, because the free
+States are bound by law to give up runaway slaves. The evil might be
+cured by the extreme cheapness of labor, if the surplus population
+were not drained off to supply _new_ slave States. But in order to
+accommodate slave-holders in this respect, Louisiana has been bought,
+and Florida bought, by revenues principally raised in the free
+States; and now they want to purchase Texas likewise for an eternal
+slave market. Every time a member from the free States votes for the
+admission of a slave state into the Union, he helps to increase the
+political power, which has always been wielded for the perpetuation
+of this abominable system. It is high time for the free States to
+begin to reflect seriously, whether they ought any longer to give
+their money and their moral influence in support of this iniquity.
+
+_Q._ I did not know we were obliged to give up runaway slaves to
+their masters. Are you sure it is so?
+
+_A._ When masters _bring_ their slaves into the free States, or
+_send_ them, the slaves can legally take their freedom; but when
+the slaves run away, we are obliged by law to give them up, let the
+circumstances be what they may. Many conscientious people prefer to
+obey the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not deliver unto his
+master the servant which hath escaped unto thee.”
+
+_Q._ But would you at once give so many ignorant creatures political
+power, by making them voters?
+
+_A._ That would be for the wisdom of legislators to decide; and
+they would probably decide that it would not be judicious to invest
+emancipated slaves with the elective franchise; for though it is not
+their fault that they have been kept brutally ignorant, it unfits
+them for voters. At the present time, slaves _are_ represented in
+Congress. Every five slaves are counted equal to three freemen;
+which is just the same as if our farmers were allowed to count
+every five of their oxen as three voters. This system gives the
+Southern aristocracy great political power, entirely unchecked by
+democratic influence, which comes in as a counterpoise in States
+where the laboring class are allowed to vote. W. B. Seabrook, of
+South Carolina, has lately published an Essay on the management
+of slaves, in which he says: “An addition of $1,000,000 to the
+private fortune of Daniel Webster would not give to Massachusetts
+more weight than she now possesses in the Federal Councils. On the
+other hand, every increase of slave property in South Carolina,
+is a fraction thrown into the scale by which _her representation
+in Congress is determined_.” This country has been governed by a
+President forty-eight years. During forty of those years we have been
+governed by a slave-holder! The New England candidates each remained
+in office but four years; and the great middle section has never
+given a President. The Middle States are politically stronger than
+the Northern, and are therefore more likely to act independently,
+and without reference to Southern support. Perhaps this may be the
+reason why those States, large and wealthy as they are, have never
+given a President to their country. Slave-holders are keen-sighted
+politicians; and they are closely knit together by one common bond of
+sympathy on the subject of slavery. It is a common remark with them
+that they never will vote for any man north of the Potomac.
+
+_Q._ You know that abolitionists are universally accused of wishing
+to promote the amalgamation of colored and white people.
+
+_A._ This is a false charge, got up by the enemies of the cause,
+and used as a bugbear to increase the prejudices of the community.
+By the hue and cry that is raised on the subject, one would really
+suppose that in this free country a certain set of men had power to
+compel their neighbors to marry contrary to their own inclination.
+The abolitionists have never, by example, writing, or conversation,
+endeavored to connect amalgamation with the subject of abolition.
+When their enemies insist upon urging this silly and unfounded
+objection, they content themselves with replying, “If there be a
+natural antipathy between the races, the antipathy will protect
+itself. If such marriages are contrary to the order of Providence,
+we certainly may trust Providence to take care of the matter. It is
+a poor compliment to the white young men to be so afraid that the
+moment we allow the colored ones to be educated, the girls will all
+be running after them.”
+
+At a town meeting in New Hampshire, one of the citizens rose to
+say that he did not approve of admitting colored lads into the
+school. “If you suffer these people to be educated,” said he, “the
+first thing we shall know they will be marrying our daughters!”
+After some other remarks, he concluded by saying, “it is impossible
+for the colored and white race to live together in a kind social
+relation—there is a natural antipathy—they cannot be made to mix
+any better than oil and water.” A plain farmer replied, “I thought
+you said just now, that you was afraid that they’d marry our
+_darters_; if they won’t mix any better than _ile_ and water, what
+are you afraid of?” Any one who observes the infinite variety of
+shadings in the complexions of the colored people, will perceive
+that amalgamation has for a long time been carried on. The only
+justification that the apologist for slavery can give is, that it is
+not sanctioned by marriage. According to Southern laws every child
+must follow the condition of its _mother_; that is, if the mother is
+a slave, her offspring must be so likewise. If they would change one
+word, and say the child shall follow the condition of its _father_,
+a large proportion of their slaves would be free at once; and the
+others would soon become so, provided no new cargoes were in the mean
+time smuggled in from Africa. In this subject, the truth is briefly
+told in a juvenile couplet, viz.
+
+      “By universal emancipation,
+      We want to _stop_ amalgamation.”
+
+_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge that you wish to break down all
+distinctions of society, and introduce the negroes into our parlors?
+
+_A._ There is not the slightest truth in this charge. People have
+pointed to an ignorant shoe-black, and asked me whether I would
+invite him to visit my house. I answered, “No; I would not do so if
+he were a white man; and I should not be likely to do it, merely
+because he was black.” An educated person will not naturally like
+to associate with one who is grossly ignorant. It may be no merit
+in one that he is well-informed, and no fault of the other that he
+is ignorant; for these things may be the result of circumstances,
+over which the individual had no control; but such people will not
+choose each other’s society merely from want of sympathy. For these
+reasons, I would not select an ignorant man, of any complexion, for
+my companion; but when you ask me whether that man’s children shall
+have as fair a chance as my own, to obtain an education, and rise in
+the world, I should be ashamed of myself, both as a Christian and a
+republican, if I did not say, yes, with all my heart.
+
+_Q._ But do you believe that prejudice against color ever can be
+overcome?
+
+_A._ Yes, I do; because I have faith that all things will pass away,
+which are not founded in reason and justice. In France and England,
+this prejudice scarcely exists at all. Their noblemen would never
+dream of taking offence because a colored gentleman sat beside them
+in a stage-coach, or at the table of an hotel. Be assured, however,
+that the abolitionists have not the slightest wish to force you to
+give up this prejudice. If, after conscientious examination, you
+believe it to be right, cherish it; but do not adhere to it merely
+because your neighbors do. Look it in the face—apply the golden
+rule—and judge for yourself. The Mahometans really think they could
+not eat at the same table with a Christian, without pollution; but I
+have no doubt the time will come when this prejudice will be removed.
+The old feudal nobles of England would not have thought it possible
+that their descendants could live in a community, where they and
+their vassals were on a perfect civil equality; yet the apparent
+impossibility has come to pass, with advantage to many, and injury
+to none. When we endeavor to conform to the spirit of the gospel,
+there is never any danger that it will not lead us into the paths of
+peace.
+
+_Q._ But they say your measures are unconstitutional.
+
+_A._ Is it unconstitutional to talk, and write, and publish on any
+subject? particularly one in which the welfare and character of the
+country are so deeply involved? This is all the abolitionists have
+ever done; it is all they have ever desired to do. Nobody disputes
+that Congress has constitutional power to abolish slavery and the
+slave-trade in the District of Columbia. That District belongs in
+common to all the States, and each of them has an interest in the
+slaves there. The public prisons of that District, built _with the
+money of the whole people_ of the United States, are used for the
+benefit of slave-traders, and the groaning victims of this detestable
+traffic are kept confined within their walls. The keepers of these
+prisons, _paid with the money of the whole people_, act as jailers
+to these slave-traders, until their gang of human brutes can be
+completed. When we are acting as accomplices in all this, have we no
+right to petition for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade
+_there_? I do not see how any conscientious man can help believing it
+to be a solemn duty.
+
+_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge, that abolitionists have tried
+to excite insurrections among the slaves?
+
+_A._ This charge is destitute of the slightest foundation in
+truth. The abolitionists have addressed facts and arguments to the
+slave-holders _only_. They have never sought for any communication
+with the slaves; and if they did so, their principles would lead them
+to teach patience and submission, until their deliverance could be
+accomplished by peaceful measures. I believe the publications by the
+Peace Society do not contain so much in defence of non-resistance
+under injury, as the publications of the abolitionists. If it should
+be discovered that any member of an Anti-Slavery Society had tried
+to excite disaffection among the slaves, he would be immediately
+turned out of the Society, with strong expressions of disapprobation.
+This false charge has been got up at the South merely to excite
+sympathy. A little while ago a paragraph went the rounds of the
+newspapers, concerning an _abolitionist_ who had been overheard
+trying to persuade a negro lad to run away, and offering to forge
+free papers for him. It was afterwards ascertained that the man was
+a _kidnapper_, and took this means of getting the boy into his own
+power, for the sake of selling him. Complaints are made that pictures
+of a man flogging slaves having been on some of the books sent to the
+South; and it is urged that negroes can understand these pictures,
+if they do not know their letters. In the first place, the books are
+sent to the masters. In the next place (as has been well observed),
+the pictures represent a thing that is either true, or not true.
+If it is not true, the negroes would look at the picture without
+being reminded of any thing _they_ had ever seen or known—if told
+that it represented a driver beating slaves, they would laugh at
+such Munchausen stories of things that never happened. On the other
+hand, if the representation is true, would the mere picture of a
+thing be more likely to excite them to insurrection than the thing
+itself? These stories of efforts to excite violence are mere spectres
+raised on purpose for the occasion. If you will take notice of the
+charges brought against abolitionists, you will find that they are
+always mere assertions, unsupported by quotations, or any species of
+evidence. When I have read the resolutions passed at public meetings
+against the abolitionists, I have smiled at the farce which those men
+have been acting. In nearly all their resolutions, the abolitionists
+could most cordially and conscientiously concur. The enemies of
+the cause have in several cities gravely met together to declare
+that they do not approve of attempts to promote insurrections. The
+abolitionists agree with them entirely. With the same ridiculous
+gravity, they make known to the world that they do not approve of any
+legislative interference with the Southern States. The abolitionists
+have never dreamed of any such interference. They merely wish to
+_induce the Southerners to legislate for themselves_; and they hope
+to do this by the universal dissemination of facts and arguments,
+calculated to promote a _correct public sentiment_ on the subject of
+slavery. This is all they ever intended to do; and this they will
+do, though earth and hell combine against their efforts. The men
+engaged in this cause are not working for themselves, but for God—and
+therefore they are strong.
+
+_Q._ But do you believe the Southerners ever can be persuaded?
+
+_A._ At all events, it is our duty to try. “Thus saith the Lord God,
+Thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they will hear, or
+whether they will forbear; neither be afraid of their words, though
+briers and thorns be with thee, and thou dost dwell among scorpions.”
+If public sentiment becomes universally reformed on this subject, it
+cannot fail to have a powerful influence. Slavery was abolished in
+the British dominions entirely by moral influence. Parliament never
+would have voted for the bill, the king never would have signed it,
+if an enlightened public sentiment had not made the step absolutely
+necessary; and the public became enlightened by the exertions of
+benevolent men, who were obliged to endure every form of obloquy
+and rage, before the good work was completed. The slave-holders are
+perfectly aware that the same causes will produce similar effects in
+this country. One of the Southern editors has lately declared that
+what is most to be feared is, that these fanatical abolitionists
+will make some people of morbid consciences believe that slavery
+really _is_ wrong, and that it is their duty to relinquish it.
+Another Southern newspaper complains that the worst effect of this
+discussion is, that it is causing good men to regard slave-holders
+with abhorrence.
+
+_Q._ But if the system works so badly in every respect, why are
+people so unwilling to give it up?
+
+_A._ Human nature is willing to endure much, rather than relinquish
+unbridled licentiousness and despotic control. The emperor of Russia,
+and the pachas of Egypt would be reluctant to abridge their own
+power, for the sake of introducing a system of things more conducive
+to the freedom, virtue and happiness of their subjects. They had
+rather live in constant fear of the poisoned bowl and the midnight
+dagger, than to give up the pleasant exercise of tyranny, to which
+they have so long been accustomed. In addition to this feeling, so
+common to our nature, there are many conscientious people, who are
+terrified at the idea of emancipation. It has always been presented
+to them in the most frightful colors; and bad men are determined, if
+possible, to prevent the abolitionists from proving to such minds
+that _the dangers of insurrection all belong to slavery, and would
+cease when slavery was abolished_.
+
+At the North, the apologists of slavery are numerous and virulent,
+because their _interests_ are closely intertwined with the pernicious
+system. Inquire into the private history of many of the men, who
+have called meetings against the abolitionists—you will find that
+some manufacture negro cloths for the South—some have sons who sell
+those cloths—some have daughters married to slave-holders—some have
+plantations and slaves mortgaged to them—some have ships employed in
+Southern commerce—and some candidates for political offices would bow
+until their back-bones were broken, to obtain or preserve Southern
+influence. The Southerners understand all this perfectly well, and
+despise our servility, even while they condescend to make use of it.
+
+One great reason why the people of this country have not thought
+and felt right on this subject, is that all our books, newspapers,
+almanacs and periodicals, have combined to represent the colored race
+as an inferior and degraded class, who never could be made good and
+useful citizens. Ridicule and reproach have been abundantly heaped
+upon them; but their virtues and their sufferings have found few
+historians. The South has been well satisfied with such a public
+sentiment. It sends back no echo to disturb their consciences, and
+it effectually rivets the chain on the necks of their vassals. In
+this department of service, the Colonization Society has been a most
+active and zealous agent.
+
+_Q._ But some people say that all the mobs, and other violent
+proceedings, are to be attributed to the abolitionists.
+
+_A._ They might as well charge the same upon St. Paul, when his
+fearless preaching of the gospel brought him into such imminent
+peril, that his friends were obliged to “let him down over the wall
+in a basket,” to save his life. As well might St. Stephen have been
+blamed for the mob that stoned him to death. With the same justice
+might William Penn have been called the cause of all the violent
+persecutions against the Quakers. When principles of truth are sent
+out in the midst of a perverse generation, they _always_ come “not to
+bring peace, but a sword.” The abolitionists have offered violence
+to no man—they have never attempted to stop the discussions of their
+opponents; but have, on the contrary, exerted themselves to obtain a
+candid examination of the subject on all sides. They merely claim the
+privilege of delivering peaceful addresses at orderly meetings, and
+of publishing what they believe to be facts, with an honest desire to
+have them tested by the strictest ordeal of truth.
+
+_Q._ But do you think a foreigner ought to be allowed to lecture on
+this subject?
+
+_A._ _We_ have some hundred missionaries abroad lecturing other
+nations—preaching against systems most closely entwined with the
+government and prejudices of the people. If good and conscientious
+men leave ease, honor, and popularity behind them, to come here, and
+labor among the poor and the despised, merely from zeal in a good
+cause, shall we refuse to hear what they have to say? If we insult,
+mob, and stone them, how could we consistently blame the Hindoos and
+Sandwich Islanders for abusing _our_ missionaries? We sent out agents
+to England, to give her the benefit of our experience on the subject
+of temperance; ought _we_ not to be willing to receive the benefit of
+her experience on the subject of slavery? Let us candidly hear what
+these men have to say. If it be contrary to reason and truth, reject
+it; if it be the truth, let us ponder it in our hearts.
+
+_Q._ But everybody says the discussion of slavery will lead to the
+dissolution of the Union.
+
+_A._ There must be something wrong in the Union, if the candid
+discussion of _any_ subject can dissolve it; and for the truth of
+this remark, I appeal to your own good sense. If the South should
+be injudicious enough to withdraw from the Union for the sake of
+preserving a moral pestilence in her borders, it is very certain that
+slavery cannot long continue after that event. None of the frontier
+States could long keep their slaves, if we were not obliged by law
+to deliver up runaways; nor could they any longer rely upon the
+free States, in cases of emergency, to support slavery by force of
+arms. The union of these States has been continually disturbed and
+embittered by the existence of slavery; and the abolitionists would
+fain convince the whole country that it is best to cast away this
+apple of discord. Their attachment to the Union is so strong, that
+they would make any sacrifice of self-interest to preserve it; but
+they never will consent to sacrifice honor and principle. “Duties are
+ours; events are God’s!”
+
+
+
+
+  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
+
+  Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
+  corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
+  the text and consultation of external sources.
+
+  Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
+  when a predominant preference was found in the original book.
+
+  Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
+  and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.
+
+  Pg 13: ‘cut off the the heads’ replaced by ‘cut off the heads’.
+  Pg 15: ‘Ths wife, or the’ replaced by ‘The wife, or the’.
+  Pg 16: ‘amagamation has been’ replaced by ‘amalgamation has been’.
+  Pg 36: ‘not not to bring peace’ replaced by ‘not to bring peace’.
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 69376 ***
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Anti-slavery catechism, by Lydia Maria Child</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
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-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
-at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you
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-</div>
-
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Anti-slavery catechism</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Lydia Maria Child</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: November 18, 2022 [eBook #69376]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
-  <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM ***</div>
-
-
-<div class="transnote">
-<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p>
-
-<p class="customcover">The cover image was created by the transcriber
-and is placed in the public domain.</p>
-
-<p>Some minor changes to the text are noted at the <a href="#TN">end of the book.</a>
-<span class="screenonly">These are indicated by a <ins class="corr">dashed blue</ins> underline.</span></p>
-</div>
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-<div class="chapter"></div>
-
-<h1>
-ANTI-SLAVERY<br />
-<span class="fs150 lsp">&#160;CATECHISM.</span><br />
-</h1>
-
-<hr class="r15" />
-<p class="center smcap">By MRS. CHILD,</p>
-
-<p class="negin1 fs70"><em>Author of ‘An Appeal in favor of that class of Americans called
-Africans,’ the ‘Evils of Slavery, and the Cure of Slavery,’ ‘Authentic
-Anecdotes of American Slavery,’ ‘History of the Condition of Women,’
-‘The Oasis,’ ‘Frugal Housewife,’ &amp;c.</em></p>
-
-<hr class="r15" />
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="p3 poetry">
-    <div class="verse indentq">“On the nation’s naked heart</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">Scatter the living coals of Truth.”</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="p3 antiqua pfs120 lsp">Second Edition.</p>
-
-<hr class="p3 r10" />
-
-<p class="p3 pfs120">NEWBURYPORT:</p>
-<p class="pfs90">PUBLISHED BY CHARLES WHIPPLE.</p>
-<p class="pfs120">1839.</p>
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-<div class="chapter"></div>
-
-<p class="p4 pfs90">
-Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835,<br />
-By CHARLES WHIPPLE,<br />
-In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.</p>
-
-
-<hr class="p6 chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[Pg 3]</span><br /></p>
-
-<p class="p2 pfs135">ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM.</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="r30a" />
-<hr class="r30b" />
-
-<p class="p2"><em>Question.</em> Why do you consider it a duty to preach and
-publish abolition doctrines?</p>
-
-<p><em>Answer.</em> First, I consider it my duty as a Christian; for
-the system of slavery, as a whole, and in each one of its
-details, is in direct opposition to the precepts of the gospel.
-Secondly, I consider it my duty as a conscientious
-citizen of this republic; for I believe slavery is prejudicial
-to the best interests of my country; and I dare
-not hope that God’s blessing will rest upon us, if we
-persevere in our iniquity.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But the abolitionists are accused of showing the
-worst side of slavery. Is it not true that they seek to
-give an exaggerated idea of its evils?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> I believe every man, who candidly examines the
-subject, will come to the conclusion, that every side
-appears to be the worst side. Allow me to give a brief
-statement of the case. Between two and three millions
-of people are compelled to labor without wages. They
-gain nothing more by working ten hours than they would
-by working one hour. It is not in human nature that
-they should be disposed to be industrious under these
-circumstances. They try to do as little as possible. The
-chief part of the labor that is got out of their bones and
-sinews is obtained by fear of the whip. A peck of corn
-a week is the usual allowance for the food of a slave.
-The planters generally estimate that a slave can be fed
-and clothed at an expense of from fifteen to twenty dollars
-a year. The following is the printed testimony of Thomas
-Clay, of Georgia, himself a slave-holder, though reputed
-to be an amiable, conscientious man: “A peck of corn
-per week, if it be sound flint corn, is sufficient to sustain
-health and strength under moderate labor. But there is
-<em>often</em> a defect in the quality, and the quantity is then insufficient.
-The present economy of the slave system is
-to get all you can from the slave, and give in return as
-little as will barely support him in a working condition.
-Even where there is not direct intention to abridge his
-comforts, they are but little consulted; and the slave,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
-seeing his master wholly engrossed by his own advantage,
-naturally adopts the same selfish course, and, when not
-restrained by higher principles, becomes deceitful and
-selfish.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> If Mr. Thomas Clay is a good man, and really
-thinks slavery so bad in its effects, why does he not
-emancipate his own slaves?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> If you were to ask him, I suppose he would give an
-answer very common among planters. He would tell
-you that he could not do it because the laws of the State
-in which he lives impose such heavy penalties, that the
-process of emancipation is extremely difficult and
-expensive.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Who makes the laws of the Southern States?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> The slave-holders themselves. When I hear a man
-say that he would gladly emancipate his slaves, if the
-<em>laws</em> would allow it, it makes me think of an anecdote I
-have often heard. A little girl had been ordered to
-perform some household work in the absence of her
-mother. When the parent returned, and saw that her
-orders had not been obeyed, she said, “My child, why
-have you not done as I bid you?” The little girl replied,
-“I should have been glad to do it, mother; but I could
-not. Don’t you see I am tied?” “And pray who tied
-you?” inquired the mother. “I tied myself,” was the
-reply. Now this is plainly the case with the slave-holders.
-They make oppressive laws, and persist in
-upholding those laws, and then say, “I would do my
-duty, if I could; but the <em>laws</em> will not permit it.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Do the slaves have to work all the time?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> In some States the laws ordain that slaves shall
-not be compelled to work <em>more</em> than <em>fourteen</em> hours a day,
-from September to March, nor more than <em>fifteen</em> hours a
-day, from March to September; and it is reasonable to
-conclude that there would have been no necessity for
-making such a law, unless some masters <em>did</em> compel
-their slaves to toil beyond the specified hours. Convicts,
-who are imprisoned for crime, are not obliged to work
-more than ten hours a day, and are better fed than the
-slaves. It is an extraordinary thing for a slave to be
-sent to the state prison for an offence. Instead of punishment,
-it would in fact be amelioration of his lot.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But I have been told that the slaves sometimes work
-for themselves.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span></p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> When they happen to have kind masters, they are
-sometimes allowed a part of the time to earn something
-for themselves; but the laws are extremely inefficient
-for the protection of property thus acquired. If a white
-man sees fit to seize the products of their industry, the
-law in most cases affords no redress; because in slave
-States a colored man is never allowed to give evidence
-against a white man, under any circumstances. Any
-note of hand, or written contract with a slave is worth
-no more than a promissory note to a dog; because no
-slave can bring an action at law. In several of the
-States, a slave is liable to punishment if it is ascertained
-that he has acquired any property.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> I have been told that masters are allowed to kill
-their slaves. Can this be true?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> The laws do indeed nominally consider the killing
-of a slave as murder; but no instance has ever been
-recorded of a white man executed for killing a slave.
-One law on this subject has the following strange qualification:
-“Except said slave die of <em>moderate</em> punishment.”
-As if any punishment, that occasioned death, <em>could</em> be
-moderate! If a hundred blacks or mulattoes, either
-bond or free, should see a slave murdered, it avails
-nothing against the murderer; because the laws of slave
-States do not allow a colored person, under any circumstances,
-to testify against a white man. The laws of
-South Carolina favor the master to such a degree,
-that when accused of murdering a slave, he may be
-absolved simply upon <em>his own oath</em>, that he did not commit
-the crime!</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But I am told that white men are not unfrequently
-prosecuted for cruelty to slaves; and this looks as if the
-laws afforded the poor creatures some protection.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> I have read not a few Reports of Cases in Southern
-Courts; and those reports did more than any thing
-else to make me an abolitionist. Prosecutions are
-always brought for the master’s interest—never for the
-protection or redress of the slave. In Martin’s Louisiana
-Reports, 1818, you will find the case of Jourdan <em>vs.</em> Patten.
-In this case a lady sued a neighboring proprietor for the
-damage of putting out the only eye of one of her slaves.
-The Supreme Court decided that the defendant should
-pay the lady the sum of twelve hundred dollars; in consideration
-of which, the slave should be placed in <em>his</em><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
-possession. The lady received all the money, as an
-indemnification for the loss of property; but the poor
-slave not only received no atonement for his sufferings,
-but was actually given to the very man that had knocked
-his eye out! This is a fair sample of the nature of all
-such prosecutions. In Nott &amp; McCord’s South Carolina
-Reports, 1818, it is stated that a slave belonging to Mrs.
-E. Witsell, was shot through the head by two men who
-were hunting runaway negroes. The lady commenced
-an action to recover the value of her slave. The judge
-told the jury that circumstances <em>might</em> exist to authorize
-the killing of a negro, <em>without the sanction of a magistrate,
-or even the order of a militia officer</em>; but it was thought such
-circumstances were not connected with <em>this</em> case; the
-lady was therefore entitled to compensation for injury
-done to her property. As for the poor slave himself, his
-parents, his wife, or his children, they were never once
-thought of in the matter.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But do you really believe they hunt negroes with
-dogs and guns, as some people say?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> There cannot be the slightest doubt of the fact.
-Dogs are trained for that express purpose. The planters
-justify the practice, by saying it is absolutely necessary
-for their own safety; because runaway negroes, who collect
-in the woods and swamps, will soon begin to commit
-depredations on the neighboring estates. Thus the
-evils inevitably growing out of this bad system are
-made use of to justify its cruelties. Free laborers would
-have no inducement to run away and hide in swamps.
-It would obviously be for their own interest to keep at
-work. These negro hunts seem to be entered into with
-all the keen excitement of sportsmen going out to hunt
-squirrels or hares. A letter written near Edenton, N.C.
-among other items of news, states: “We have had
-great negro shooting lately.” A gentleman well known
-in the literary world resided for some time in the family
-of a Georgia planter; and he himself stated to me that
-three negro hunts took place during the first nine months
-of his stay there. He said, that one night hearing a
-noise below stairs, he hastened to ascertain the cause.
-“The gentlemen of the family were cleaning and loading
-their guns, trying their flints, and going through the
-usual preparations, apparently for a deer hunt, as buck
-shot and bullets were in demand. The children of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
-family had partaken of the general excitement, and arisen
-from their beds. As I entered the room, I could
-hear one of the youngest say, ‘Why, pa, you wouldn’t
-kill Ralph, would you?’ ‘I would take him, and sell
-him, and get money for him,’ said the next of age. ‘You
-will only lame him, so as to seize him, I suppose,’ said
-the mother. ‘I would rather kill him than the best fat
-buck in the country,’ replied the father, as he rammed
-down the heavy charge. The moonlight from the window
-glanced along the barrel of the piece, and caught
-the eye of the eldest boy. The reflected light kindled
-up his glance with something of an unnatural flash, but
-in vivid sympathy with the paternal look and attitude.
-The anticipated joy of vengeance seemed to be the predominating
-emotion.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> If the laws are as you say, I should think the
-slaves did not stand a fair chance when they are <em>wrongfully</em>
-accused.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> If you will examine Stroud’s Compendium of the
-Slave Laws, you will be convinced for yourself that
-what I say is true; and the effect is as you suppose.
-The poor slaves are completely in the power of their
-masters. The same men who accuse them are often
-their judges and executioners. In illustration of this, I
-will tell you a case that occurred in Edenton, North Carolina.
-It was told by a woman who lived there at the
-time, and witnessed some of the executions. Many of
-the slaves in that place were skilful in mechanical
-trades. The planters in the back country were very desirous
-to purchase some of them; but their masters found
-it so profitable to let them out, that they would not consent
-to sell them. Those who were anxious to buy, hit
-upon the following expedient to obtain their purpose:
-They wrote anonymous letters, charging these intelligent
-slaves with having projected an insurrection.
-These letters were scattered about in Edenton, with the
-idea that the masters would be glad to sell such dangerous
-fellows; but instead of this, the poor innocent slaves
-were tried, convicted, and sentenced by their frightened
-owners; and a large number of them were put to death,
-upon no other evidence than anonymous letters.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> It does not seem as if such things could take place
-in a civilized country. Can you believe it?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> If you reflect a little upon human nature, I believe<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
-you will think it perfectly natural that such abuses should
-exist, wherever one human being has arbitrary power
-over another. You would not like to place yourself
-completely in the power even of the best man you know;
-you would be afraid to have it depend entirely on his
-will how much work you should do in a day, what food
-you should eat, and what clothes you should wear, and
-how and when you should be punished. It is not considered
-entirely safe for an aged parent to relinquish all
-his property, and trust entirely to the generosity of his
-own children; what then do you suppose the poor slave
-has to expect, when he becomes too old and infirm to be
-profitable to his master?</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But the Southerners are said to be very honorable,
-generous men.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> Our Southern brethren are just what any human
-beings would be under similar circumstances. They
-are generous with the proceeds of other men’s labor, for
-the same reason that the heir is prodigal of money, which
-another accumulates for him. He who can let out his
-neighbor, and his neighbor’s wife and children, and receive
-all their wages, will naturally be more profuse
-than a man who depends entirely on his own exertions.
-Planters have heretofore generally confessed that slavery
-is an evil, and many of them speak of its detailed
-abuses with strong regret; but these abuses are merely
-the necessary and inevitable results of the system they
-are helping to support; and they never can cure the
-abuses until they are willing to renounce the system itself.
-I suppose that few planters would think of palliating
-the treatment Mrs. Salarie’s slaves received; yet
-they are all helping to support a system under which
-such cruelties can be committed with impunity. Perhaps
-very humane and amiable masters do even more
-mischief than the desperately wicked; for they are always
-quoted as palliations of the whole system; and
-they approach so <em>near</em> to the right line, that they can
-more easily draw over kind-hearted people, who have
-not thought much upon the subject.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> What is the history of Mrs. Salarie?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> She resided in New Orleans. On the 10th of April,
-1834, her splendid mansion took fire. During the midst
-of the conflagration, a rumor arose among the crowd that
-there were slaves chained in the burning dwelling; but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span>
-those who asked for the keys were reproved for interfering
-with their neighbor’s business. At last the doors
-were forced open by sailors and mechanics, that had
-collected around the spot; and a New Orleans paper
-thus describes the horrible scene that presented itself:
-“Seven slaves more or less horribly mutilated, were
-seen, some chained to the floor, and some suspended by
-the neck to the ceiling, with their limbs stretched and
-torn from one extremity to the other. Their bodies, from
-head to foot, were covered with scars and sores, and
-filled with wounds. One poor old man, upwards of sixty
-years of age, was chained hand and foot, and made fast
-to the floor, in a kneeling position. His head bore the
-appearance of having been beaten until it was broken,
-and the worms were actually seen making a feast of his
-brains.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Every body must have thought her a very wicked
-woman. Did the slave-holders in the neighborhood pretend
-to justify her measures?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> I have no doubt that every humane person, that
-heard of the event, expressed horror, and sincerely felt
-it. For several months previous to the discovery, her
-neighbors had been in the habit of living in apartments
-as far as possible from her house, on purpose to avoid
-the shrieks and groans of her poor suffering slaves; yet
-during all that time no complaint was laid before the
-public authorities, and no investigation demanded! I
-suppose neighbors were afraid to say any thing, lest they
-should be accused of promoting discontent among the
-negroes. Those who endeavor to keep human beings
-in the situation of beasts, are more afraid of them than
-they would be of beasts; because the human being has
-<em>reason</em>, which is always prone to offer resistance to tyranny.
-The consciousness of this makes slave-holders
-very irritable when any one in the community takes part
-with an abused slave, or expresses the slightest pity for
-his sufferings.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Is it not for the master’s interest to treat the slaves
-well?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> So it is for the interest of men to treat their horses
-and cattle well; and yet their passions not unfrequently
-make them forget their interests. Passive obedience is
-obtained from human beings with more difficulty than
-from animals; and when the master <em>is</em> provoked, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
-poor slave is completely in his power, with scarcely the
-shadow of protection from the law. The law in no case
-recognises slaves as human beings; on the contrary, it
-expressly declares they “shall be deemed, sold, taken,
-and reputed to be <em>chattels personal</em>, in the hands of their
-owners and possessors, their administrators and assigns,
-to all intents, constructions, and <em>purposes whatever</em>.”
-An act of Maryland, for the settlement of estates, enumerates
-specific articles, such as “slaves, working
-beasts, animals,” &amp;c. Where even the <em>laws</em> consider human
-beings as animals, it is not a matter of surprise that
-they are generally treated no better than self-interest
-leads men to treat animals. You will likewise perceive
-that when the slave becomes old, or diseased, or in any
-way unfit for labor, it is <em>not</em> for the interest of his master to
-prolong his existence by rendering it comfortable. Then
-again that part of the system connected with <em>overseers</em>,
-shows plainly that the self-interest of the master cannot
-effectually secure good treatment to the slave. If planters
-were to give overseers a stated salary, without regard
-to the amount of produce, the overseers (who are
-proverbially unprincipled men) would have no motive
-for consulting the interest of their employers—it would
-be a matter of indifference to them whether much or little
-work were done. To obviate this difficulty, it is customary
-to give the overseer a certain <em>proportion</em> of the
-profits of the plantation. Of course, it becomes his ruling
-desire to get the greatest possible amount of work
-done. He does not care how much the soil is exhausted,
-nor how much the negroes are broken down. If a
-slave says he is very ill, the overseer is unwilling to believe
-the story, because he is reluctant to lose a day’s
-labor. If the poor creature droops under his allotted
-task, he must be stimulated by the whip, because the
-overseer cannot spare an hour of his exertions. If the
-“slave dies under <em>moderate</em> punishment,” the master
-must furnish a new laborer; and the loss falls on <em>him</em>,
-not on the overseer. It is obviously natural for the latter
-personage to think more of his own gains than of his
-employer’s losses. Every body knows that men are
-prone to drive hired horses with less mercy than their
-own; because they do not meet with any personal loss
-from injury done to the beast, and their object is to get
-their money’s worth of riding. Is it not a fearful thing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span>
-for one human being to be placed towards another in the
-same relation that a stable-horse is toward the man who
-hires him? When planters are reminded of instances of
-cruelty, too well authenticated to be denied, they are
-prone to lay the blame upon overseers. Mr. Wirt, of
-Virginia, speaks of this class of men as “the lowest of
-the human race—always cap in hand to the dons who
-employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride,
-insolence, and love of dominion.” If we had no such
-information concerning the character of these men, we
-should naturally conclude that good people would be
-averse to enter into such an employment. Yet overseers
-and drivers are a necessary part of this bad system, because
-slaves are entirely deprived of the motives which
-induce free laborers to work; and since overseers must
-be employed, it is necessary to make it for their interest
-to get as much work out of the slave as possible. The
-evils of slavery are necessary and inevitable parts of the
-system; and whether the planters reprobate them or not,
-they cannot possibly avoid them, except by relinquishing
-the system. The master and his subordinate agents
-<em>must</em> have discretionary power to punish, because their
-poor human brutes, being deprived of salutary motives
-to exertion, must be driven to it. The slave <em>must</em> not be
-allowed to buy or sell, or make the most trifling contracts;
-because the oppressed being would naturally
-avail himself of this privilege, and sell some of the cotton
-or tobacco, which he cultivates for his master without
-wages. The laws <em>must</em> punish them with great severity;
-because the very nature of their condition is a
-constant temptation to theft, falsehood, and murder.
-They <em>must</em> be kept brutally ignorant; because if they
-were otherwise, they could not be kept in slavery.
-Licentiousness <em>must</em> be countenanced among them; because
-their master’s interest is connected with their increase,
-and he might lose many good bargains if the laws
-did not allow him to sell a wife from her husband, or a husband
-from his wife. The law <em>must</em> suppose a negro to be
-a slave, till he proves himself free; because runaway
-slaves would of course pretend that they were free.
-They <em>must</em> not be allowed to witness against a white
-man; for a slave may have had a wife or a child whipped
-to death by a white man—and he may have many other
-good reasons for strong prejudice against white men.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
-An unnatural system <em>must</em> be sustained by unnatural
-means. Hence we find the same characteristic features
-in every country where negro slavery has been
-allowed.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Some people think slavery as great a sin as the
-slave trade. Are you of that opinion?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> There seems to me just the same difference as
-there is between the thief and the man who pays him for
-stealing. What would you say of a man who buys a
-horse, knowing it to be stolen? The following circumstance,
-which took place a short time before our Revolution,
-furnishes a good commentary on this matter. A
-Philadelphia negro was accused of having stolen goods
-in his possession. He acknowledged the fact, saying,
-“Massa Justice, me know me got dem tings from Tom
-dere, and me tink Tom teal dem too; but what den,
-Massa? dey be only a piccaninny knife, and a piccaninny
-corkscrew; one cost sixpence, and tudder a shilling; an
-me <em>pay Tom honestly for dem</em>, Massa.” “Pretty story,
-truly!” said his worship; “you knew they were stolen,
-and yet allege for excuse, you honestly paid for them.
-Don’t you know, Pompey, that the receiver is as bad as
-the thief? You must be severely whipped, you black
-rascal.” “Very well, Massa, if de black rascal be whipt
-for buying tolen goods, me hope de white rascal be
-whipt too, for same ting, when you catch him.” “To
-be sure,” replied the Justice. “Well den,” says Pompey,
-“here be Tom’s Massa—hold him fast, constable!
-He buy Tom, as I buy de piccaninny knife, and de piccaninny
-corkscrew. He know very well Tom be tolen
-from his old fadder and mudder; de knife and de corkscrew
-had neder.”</p>
-
-<p>I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion
-that the slave-owner is an accomplice of the slave-trader.
-So long as a profitable market is kept open, the article
-will be supplied, despite of difficulties and dangers.
-The only way to stop the trade, is to shut up the market;
-and this can be done only by the entire abolition of the
-system of slavery. When nobody will buy a man, nobody
-will be tempted to steal a man. Slavery never
-exists without having more or less of the slave-trade
-involved <em>in</em> it. There is in the very heart of our land a
-slave-trade constantly carried on, and sanctioned by our
-laws, which is as disgraceful and cruel as the foreign<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span>
-slave trade. The new slave States at the extreme South
-have not slaves enough, and the climate, together with
-the hard labor of the sugar plantations, kills them very
-fast. The old slave States have a surplus of slaves,
-which they send off to supply these markets. About
-ten thousand are annually exported from Virginia alone.
-Niles, in his Register, vol. 35, page 4, says: “Dealing
-in slaves has become a <em>large</em> business. Establishments
-are made at several places in Maryland and Virginia, at
-which they are sold like cattle. These places are strongly
-built, and well supplied with <em>thumbscrews</em>, <em>gags</em>, <em>cow-skins</em>,
-<em>and other whips</em>, <em>often bloody</em>.” In these sales no
-regard is paid to domestic ties. The newly married
-wife is torn shrieking from her husband, and the mother
-with her little ones are sold in “<em>separate</em> lots to suit purchasers.”
-A gentleman in Charleston, S. C., writes to
-his friend in New York: “Curiosity sometimes leads me
-to the auction sales of the negroes. There I saw the
-father looking with sullen contempt on the crowd, and
-expressing an indignation in his countenance that he
-dares not speak; and the mother pressing her infants
-closer to her bosom, exclaiming, in wild and simple earnestness,
-‘I can’t leff my children! I won’t leff my children!’
-But the hammer went on, reckless whether it
-united or sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a
-man apparently as white as myself exposed for sale.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard some people say that the negroes do
-not care so much about such separations as we should
-suppose.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> There is no doubt that their degraded situation
-tends to blunt the feelings, as well as to stultify the intellect;
-and it is a fearful thing to think what Christians
-have to answer for, who thus brutalize immortal souls.
-But there are numerous instances to prove that the
-poor creatures do often suffer the most agonizing sensations
-when torn from those they love. Near Palmyra,
-in Marion county, Missouri, two boys were sold to a
-slave-trader, who did not intend to leave the place until
-morning. During the night, the mother was kept chained
-in an out-house, that she might not make any effort
-to prevent the departure of her children. She managed
-to get loose from her fetters, seized an axe, <ins class="corr" id="tn-13" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'cut off the the heads'">
-cut off the heads</ins> of her sleeping boys, and then ended her own
-life by the same instrument.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span></p>
-
-<p>The Missouri Intelligencer, a few months ago, gave
-an account of a slave named Michael, who was sold by
-his master to Mr. J. E. Fenton, by whom he was to be
-immediately shipped for the Southern markets. At the
-mouth of the Ohio, he filed off his irons, and contrived
-to escape. He immediately returned to the place where
-his wife resided, and having armed himself, declared he
-never would be sent to the South, unless his wife was allowed
-to accompany him. He was finally taken by
-stratagem, and lodged in jail for safe keeping. Finding
-that his oppressors were determined to separate him
-from his beloved wife, he committed suicide. I believe
-the attachments of slaves are even stronger than ours;
-for these ties constitute the only pleasure they are allowed
-to have. Hundreds of instances might be told,
-where they have preferred death to separation.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> I have been told they sometimes kidnapped free
-colored persons, to sell them as slaves. Is it so?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> It is unquestionably true that this is carried on to
-a considerable extent. More than twenty free colored
-children were kidnapped in the single city of Philadelphia,
-in 1825; and in 1827 two were stolen in open
-day. It is a common thing to decoy the unsuspecting victims
-on board a vessel, or to some retired spot, and then
-seize and bind them. A New York paper of 1829, says:
-“Beware of kidnappers! It is well understood that there
-is at present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily
-engaged in their vocation of stealing colored children
-for the Southern market.” As the law supposes every
-colored person to be a slave unless he can <em>prove</em> himself
-free, and as no person of his own complexion is allowed
-to be evidence for him, the kidnappers have an easy
-time of it.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Some people say we ought to pity the masters as
-well as the slaves.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> I agree with them entirely. The masters are to
-be deeply pitied; because the long continuance of a
-wicked system has involved them in difficulties, and at
-the same time rendered them generally blind to the best
-means of getting rid of those difficulties. They are likewise
-to be compassionated for the effects which early
-habits of power produce on their own characters. Mr.
-Jefferson, who lived in the midst of slavery, says: “The
-whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span>
-exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most
-unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading
-submission on the other. Our children see this, and
-learn to imitate it. The parent storms; the child looks
-on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same
-airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst
-of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily
-exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with
-odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy, who
-can retain his morals and manners undepraved in such
-circumstances.” The general licentiousness produced
-by this system can never be described without using language
-too gross to be addressed to a civilized community.
-Some idea of it may be derived from the fact,
-that every female slave is completely in the power of her
-master, of his sons, of his overseers, and his drivers.
-The law does not allow her to offer resistance to a white
-man, under any circumstances; and the state of public
-opinion is such that any pretensions to virtue on her part
-would be treated with brutal ridicule. The slave is not
-allowed to have any right in his wife and children. If
-his master’s interest can be served by his keeping three
-or four wives, or by his wife’s having a succession of
-husbands, he cannot dispute the commands of his owner.
-<ins class="corr" id="tn-15" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Ths wife, or the'">
-The wife, or the</ins> husband, is sometimes sold, and sent
-thousands of miles from each other, and from their little
-ones, without the slightest hope of ever meeting again.
-Under these circumstances, the man, or the woman, is
-soon ordered to take another partner; because it is for
-the interest of the master that they should do so. It is a
-shameful fact that the laws and customs of our country
-make it absolutely impossible for a large portion of our
-population to be virtuous, even if they wish to be so.
-The wealth of Virginia is principally made by the breeding
-of slaves and horses; and persons unaccustomed to
-the system would be shocked by the detail of well authenticated
-facts, which prove that about as little regard
-is paid to decency in one case as the other. <em>Mulatto</em>
-slaves bring a higher price than <em>black</em> ones; hence licentiousness
-in slave States becomes a profitable vice,
-instead of being expensive, as it is under other forms of
-society.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q</em>. I have been told that a great many of the slaves
-have very light complexions. Is it so?</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span></p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> In the old slave States, where the process of <ins class="corr" id="tn-16" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'amagamation has been'">
-amalgamation has been</ins> going on for a long time, this is remarkably
-the case. An old soldier, who lately visited
-the South, said he was not so much struck by any circumstance,
-as by the great change that had taken place
-in the complexion of the slaves since the Revolution.
-Now and then I have seen in the southern papers advertisements
-for a runaway slave, “who passes himself
-for a white man.” A Boston gentleman, who dislikes
-the abolitionists very much, visited Georgia a few years
-ago. He told me that when he was walking with a planter
-one day, they met a man driving a team, who had a
-perfectly fair complexion, with blue eyes and brown hair.
-The Bostonian remarked, “That must be an independent
-fellow, to be driving a team in this part of the country,
-where it is considered so disgraceful for a white
-man to work.” “O, that fellow is a slave,” replied
-the Georgian. Almost every body has heard of the recent
-case of Mary Gilmore, of Philadelphia, a perfectly
-white girl, of Irish parentage, who was taken up and
-tried as a runaway slave. A Missouri newspaper proves
-that a white man may, without a <em>mistake</em>, be adjudged a
-slave. “A case of a slave sueing for his freedom, was
-tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of which the
-following is a brief statement of particulars: A youth of
-about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the
-ground that he was a free white person. The court
-granted his petition to sue as a pauper upon inspection
-of his person. Upon his trial before the jury, he was examined
-by the jury and two learned physicians, all of
-whom concurred in the opinion that very little, if any,
-race of negro blood could be discovered by any of the
-external appearances. All the physiological marks of
-distinction, which characterize the African descent, had
-disappeared. His skin was fair, his hair soft, straight,
-fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the
-hazel-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small, his head
-round and well formed, forehead high and prominent,
-ears large, the tibia of the leg straight, and feet hollow.
-Notwithstanding these evidences of his claims, he was
-proved to be the descendant of a mulatto woman, and
-that his progenitors on the mother’s side had been and
-still were slaves: <em>consequently he was found to be a
-slave</em>.” I have been told of a young physician, who went<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span>
-into the far Southern States to settle, and there became
-in love with a very handsome and modest girl, who lived
-at service. He married her; and about a year after that
-event, a gentleman called at the house, and announced
-himself as Mr. J*******y, of Mobile. He said to Dr.
-W*****, “Sir, I have a trifling affair of business to settle
-with you. You have married a slave of mine.” The
-young physician resented this language; for he had not
-entertained the slightest suspicion that the girl had any
-other than white ancestors since the flood. But Mr. J.
-furnished proofs of his claim, and Dr. W. knew very well
-that the laws of the country would uphold him in it. After
-considerable discussion, the best bargain he could
-make was either to pay eight hundred dollars, or have
-his wife put up at auction. He consented to the first
-alternative, and his unwelcome visiter departed. When
-he had gone, Dr. W. told his wife what had happened.
-The poor woman burst into tears and said, “That as
-Mr. J. <em>was her own father</em>, she had hoped that when he
-heard she had found an honorable protector, he would
-have left her in peace.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> There can be no doubt that slavery is a bad system;
-but don’t you think it ought to be done away gradually?
-Ought not the slaves to be fitted for freedom, before
-they are emancipated?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> The difficulty is, it is utterly impossible to fit them
-for freedom while they remain slaves. The masters
-know very well that their vassals will be servile just in
-proportion as they are brutally ignorant; hence all their
-legislation tends to keep them so. It is a disgraceful
-fact, that in half of these United States the working
-men are expressly forbidden to learn to read or write.
-The law ordains that twenty lashes shall be inflicted
-upon every slave found in an assembly met together for
-the purpose of “mental instruction.” Any white person
-who teaches a slave to read or write, or gives or
-sells him any book (the Bible not excepted), is fined two
-hundred dollars; and any colored person who commits
-the same <em>crime</em>, is punished with thirty-nine lashes, or
-with imprisonment. The Rev. Charles C. Jones, of
-Georgia, said in one of his sermons: “Generally
-speaking, the slaves appear to us to be without God and
-without hope in the world—a <em>nation of heathen in our very
-midst</em>. We cannot cry out against the Papists for withholding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span>
-the Scriptures from the common people; for we
-withhold the Bible from <em>our</em> servants, and keep them in
-ignorance of it.” A writer in the Observer, of Charleston,
-S. C. says: “I hazard the assertion, that throughout
-the bounds of our synod, there are at least one hundred
-thousand slaves, speaking the same language as
-ourselves, who never <em>heard</em> of the plan of salvation by a
-Redeemer.” The reason assigned for these oppressive
-laws is, that “teaching slaves to read and write tends
-to excite dissatisfaction in their minds,” and to produce
-insurrection. In Georgia, a white man is fined five hundred
-dollars for teaching a slave or free negro to read or
-write; and if a colored man attempts to teach the alphabet
-even to his own child, he is liable to be fined or
-whipped, according to the discretion of the court. Such
-laws are necessary for the preservation of this detestable
-system; and while such laws exist, how can the
-slaves ever be better fitted for freedom? When the British
-government insisted that female slaves should no
-longer be flogged naked in the Colonies, the Jamaica
-legislature replied, that the practice could not possibly
-be laid aside, “<em>until</em> the negro women acquired more of
-the sense of shame, which distinguishes European females.”
-Fitting men for freedom by keeping them
-slaves, is like the Jamaica mode of making women modest
-by whipping them without clothing.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But don’t you think it would be dangerous to turn
-the slaves at once loose upon the community?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> The abolitionists never desired to have them turned
-loose. They wish to have them governed by salutary
-laws, so regulated as effectually to protect both
-master and slave. They merely wish to have the power
-of punishment transferred from individuals to magistrates;
-to have the sale of human beings cease; and to
-have the stimulus of <em>wages</em> applied, instead of the stimulus
-of the <em>whip</em>. The relation of master and laborer
-might still continue; but under circumstances less irksome
-and degrading to both parties. Even that much
-abused animal the jackass can be made to travel more
-expeditiously by suspending a bunch of turnips on a pole
-and keeping them before his nose, than he can by the
-continual application of the whip; and even when human
-beings are brutalized to the last degree, by the
-soul-destroying system of slavery, they have still sense<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span>
-enough left to be more willing to work two hours for
-twelve cents, than to work one hour for nothing.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> I should think this system, in the long run, must
-be an unprofitable one.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> It is admitted to be so. Southerners often declare
-that it takes six slaves to do what is easily performed by
-half the number of free laborers. Henry Clay says, “It
-is believed that slave-labor would no where be employed
-in the farming portions of the United States, if the proprietors
-were not tempted to raise slaves by the high
-price of the Southern market, which keeps it up in their
-own;” and he says the effects of introducing slavery into
-Kentucky have been to keep them in the rear of
-their non-slave-holding neighbors, in agriculture, manufactures,
-and general prosperity. General Washington,
-when writing to Sir John Sinclair on the comparative
-value of the soil in Pennsylvania and Virginia, ascribes
-the very low price of land in Virginia to the existence
-of slavery among them. John Randolph declared
-that Virginia was so impoverished by slavery, that
-slaves would soon be advertising for runaway masters.
-A distinguished writer on political economy says: “The
-slave system inflicts an incalculable amount of human
-suffering, for the sake of making a wholesale waste of
-labor and capital.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But the masters say the negroes would cut their
-throats, if they were emancipated.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> It is safer to judge by uniform experience than by
-the assertions of the masters, who, even if they have no
-intention to deceive, are very liable to be blinded by
-having been educated in the midst of a bad system. Listen
-to facts on this subject. On the 10th of October,
-1811, the Congress of Chili decreed that every child born
-after that day should be free. In April, 1812, the government
-of Buenos Ayres ordered that every child born
-after the 1st of January, 1813, should be free. In 1821,
-the Congress of Colombia emancipated all slaves who
-had borne arms in favor of the Republic, and provided
-for the emancipation, in eighteen years, of the whole
-slave population, of 900,000. In September, 1829, the
-government of Mexico granted immediate and entire
-emancipation to every slave. In all these instances, <em>not
-one case of insurrection or of bloodshed has ever been
-heard of, as the result of emancipation</em>.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span></p>
-
-<p>In St. Domingo no measures were taken gradually to
-fit the slaves for freedom. They were suddenly emancipated
-during a civil war, and armed against British invaders.
-They at once ceased to be property, and were
-recognized as human beings. Col. Malefant, who resided
-on the island, informs us, in his Historical and Political
-History of the Colonies, that, “after this public
-act of emancipation, the negroes remained quiet both
-in the south and west, and they continued to work upon
-all the plantations. The colony was flourishing. The
-whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates,
-and the negroes continued to work for them.” General
-Lacroix, in his Memoirs of St. Domingo, speaking of the
-same period, says: “The colony marched as by enchantment
-towards its ancient splendor; cultivation
-prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its
-progress.” This prosperous state of things lasted about
-eight years, and would perhaps have continued to the
-present day, had not Bonaparte, at the instigation of the
-old French planters, sent an army to deprive the blacks
-of the freedom they had used so well. The enemies of
-abolition are always talking of the horrors of St. Domingo,
-as an argument to prove that emancipation is dangerous;
-but historical facts prove that the effort to <em>restore
-slavery</em> occasioned all the bloodshed in that island;
-while <em>emancipation produced only the most peaceful and
-prosperous results</em>.</p>
-
-<p>In June, 1794, Victor Hugo, a French republican
-general, retook Guadaloupe from the British, and immediately
-proclaimed freedom to all the slaves. They
-were 85,000 in number, and the whites only 13,000. <em>No
-disasters occurred in consequence of this step.</em> More than
-seven years after this, the Supreme Council of Guadaloupe,
-in an official document, alluding to the tranquillity
-which reigned throughout the island, observed: “We
-shall have the satisfaction of having given an example,
-which will prove that <em>all classes of people may live in perfect
-harmony with each other, under an administration which
-secures justice to all classes</em>.” In 1802, Bonaparte sent
-a powerful French force, and again reduced the island
-to slavery, at the cost of about 20,000 negro lives.</p>
-
-<p>In July, 1828, thirty thousand Hottentots in Cape
-Colony were emancipated from their long and cruel
-bondage, and admitted by law to all the rights and privileges<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span>
-of the white colonists. Outrages were predicted,
-as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures
-so completely brutalized as the poor Hottentots;
-but all went on peaceably; and, as a gentleman facetiously
-remarked, “Hottentots as they were, they
-worked much better for Mr. <em>Cash</em>, than they had ever
-done for Mr. <em>Lash</em>.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But they say the British have had difficulties in
-their West Indies.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> The enemies of the cause have tried very hard to
-get up a “raw-head and bloody-bones” story; but even
-if you take their own accounts, you will find that they
-have not been able to adduce any instances of violence
-in support of their assertions. The real facts are these:
-The measure was not carried in a manner entirely satisfactory
-to the English abolitionists. Their knowledge
-of human nature, combined with the practical evidence
-afforded by history, led them to conclude that immediate
-and unqualified emancipation was <em>safest</em> for the master,
-as well as just to the slave; but the planters raised such
-a hue and cry concerning bloodshed and insurrection,
-that the British government determined to conciliate
-them by a gradual abolition of slavery. It was ordained
-that the slaves should work six years longer without
-wages, under the name of <em>apprentices</em>; but no punishment
-could be inflicted without the special order of magistrates.
-The colonies had a right to dispense with the
-apprenticeship system if they pleased; but out of the
-seventeen West India colonies, Antigua and Bermuda
-were the only ones that chose to do so. The act of
-Parliament provided that each apprentice should work
-for his master <em>forty and a half</em> hours a week, and have
-the rest of the time to himself. The masters were not
-satisfied with this; and they tried, by a series of petty
-vexations, to coerce the apprentices into individual contracts
-to work <em>fifty</em> hours in a week. While the people
-had been slaves, they were always allowed <em>cooks</em> to prepare
-their meals, a person to bring <em>water</em> to the gang
-during the hot hours, and <em>nurses</em> to tend the little children
-while their mothers were at work in the field; but
-because the Abolition Act did not expressly provide that
-these privileges should be continued, the masters saw
-fit to take them away. Each apprentice was obliged to
-quit his or her work, and go, sometimes a great distance,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span>
-to the cabin to cook his meals, instead of having
-it served up in the field; and the time taken up in this
-operation was to be made up out of the apprentices’ own
-time. No water was allowed to be brought to quench
-their thirst; the aged and infirm, instead of being left,
-as formerly, to superintend the children under the shade,
-were ordered out into the burning fields; and mothers
-were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped
-at their backs. In addition to all these annoyances,
-the planters obtained a new proclamation from the governor,
-by which they were authorized to require extra
-labor of the apprentices in times of emergency, or <em>whenever
-they should deem it necessary</em>, in the cultivation,
-gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they
-repaid them an equal time at <em>a convenient season of the
-year</em>. This was very much like taking from a New England
-laborer the month of July, and paying it back to
-him in January. The negroes had behaved extremely
-well when emancipation was first proclaimed, and universally
-showed a disposition to be orderly, submissive,
-and thankful; but this system of privation and injustice
-soon created discontent. They knew that they were to
-receive no wages, however industrious they might be;
-and they were well aware that their masters no longer
-had a right to flog them. A bad stimulus to labor had
-been removed, without supplying a good one in its place.
-In three of the colonies, the apprentices refused to
-work on the terms required by their masters. In Jamaica,
-a very small military force was sent into one parish,
-and only on one occasion; but no violence was offered
-on either side; for the apprentices confined themselves
-to <em>passive resistance</em>—merely refusing to work on the
-required terms. In St. Christophers, difficulties of a
-similar kind occurred; but no outrage of any kind was
-committed. In one fortnight all the trouble was at an
-end; and out of twenty thousand apprentices, only thirty
-were found to be absent from their work; and some of
-these were supposed to be dead in the woods. In Demarara,
-the principal difficulty occurred. The laborers
-assembled together, and marched round with a flag staff;
-but the <em>worst</em> thing they did was to beat a constable with
-their fists. <em>It is a solemn fact that a few fisty cuffs with
-a constable are the only violence to persons or property,
-that has been attempted by the eight hundred thousand
-slaves emancipated in the British Colonies!</em></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span></p>
-
-<p>Even the difficulties above enumerated (slight as they
-were, and unworthy to be named in connexion with such
-a great moral change) were but temporary. The governor
-of Jamaica, after five months’ trial of emancipation,
-declares, in his address to the Assembly, “Not
-the slightest idea of any interruption of tranquillity exists
-in any quarter; and those preparations which I have
-felt it my duty to make, might, without the slightest
-danger, have been dispensed with.” By recent news,
-we learn that the planters finding the system of coercion
-was likely to be ruinous to their own interest,
-offered the apprentices 2<em>s.</em> 6<em>d.</em> per day for extra work.
-The enemies of abolition prophesied that nothing would
-induce the negroes to work more than they were actually
-compelled to by law, and that the crops would perish
-for want of gathering. But the result proved otherwise.
-As soon as <em>wages</em> were offered, they came forward
-eagerly, and offered to do more work than the planters
-were willing to pay for. We have the testimony of one
-of their magistrates, that as soon as this system was
-tried, “their apparent indifference was every where
-thrown off, and their work carried on in a steady, persevering,
-and diligent manner.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> And how was it in Antigua and Bermuda, where
-they gave up the apprenticeship system, and tried immediate
-and unqualified emancipation?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> In those colonies not the slightest difficulty, of any
-kind, has occurred. The Antigua journals declare,
-“The great doubt is solved; the highest hopes of the
-negroes’ friends are fulfilled. A whole people, comprising
-thirty thousand souls, have passed from slavery
-into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity,
-but with the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a Sabbath.”
-The Christmas holidays were always seasons
-of alarm in the slave-colonies, and a military force was
-always held in readiness; but the Christmas after emancipation,
-the customary guard was dispensed with. Up
-to the present time, every thing remains perfectly tranquil
-in Antigua; and a negro is at the head of the police
-in that island. The population consists of 2,000 whites,
-30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Yet people are always saying that free negroes
-cannot take care of themselves.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> It is because people are either very much prejudiced<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>
-or very ignorant on the subject. In the United
-States, colored persons have scarcely any chance to
-rise. They are despised, and abused, and discouraged,
-at every turn. In the slave States they are subject to
-laws nearly as oppressive as those of the slave. They
-are whipped or imprisoned, if they try to learn to read
-or write; they are not allowed to testify in court; and
-there is a general disposition not to encourage them
-by giving them employment. In addition to this,
-the planters are very desirous to expel them from
-the State, partly because they are jealous of their influence
-upon the slaves, and partly because those who
-have slaves to let out, naturally dislike the competition
-of the free negroes. But if colored people are well
-treated, and have the same inducements to industry as
-other people, they work as well and behave as well.
-A few years ago the Pennsylvanians were very much
-alarmed at the representations that were made of the
-increase of pauperism from the ingress of free negroes.
-A committee was appointed to examine into the subject,
-and it was ascertained that the colored people not only
-supported their own poor, but paid a considerable additional
-sum towards the support of white paupers.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard people say that the slaves would not
-take their freedom, if it were offered to them.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> I sincerely wish they would offer it. I should like
-to see the experiment tried. If the slaves are so well
-satisfied with their condition, why do they make such
-severe laws against running away? Why are the patroles
-on duty all the time to shoot every negro who
-does not give an account of himself as soon as they call
-to him? Why, notwithstanding all these pains and penalties,
-are their newspapers full of advertisements for
-runaway slaves? If the free negroes are so much worse
-off than those in bondage, why is it that their laws bestow
-freedom on any slave, “who saves his master or
-mistress’s life, or performs any meritorious service to
-the State?” That must be a very bad country where
-the law stipulates that <em>meritorious</em> actions shall be rewarded
-by making a man more unhappy than he was
-before! Some months ago, I had a conversation with a
-woman, who went from Boston to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama.
-She was the wife of a Baptist clergyman, professed
-to be a pious woman, and was considered as such.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span>
-I found her an apologist for slavery, but was not aware
-at the time that she actually owned slaves. She maintained
-that freedom was the greatest curse that could be
-bestowed on a slave; and when I attempted to put the
-case home to her conscience, she, for consistency’s sake,
-declared, that she should be quite as willing to die and
-leave her own little son in slavery, as to leave him a free
-laborer at the North. She said if she had a hundred
-slaves, she should treat them all kindly, and endeavor to
-make their condition comfortable. I replied, “I am
-willing to believe that you would do so, madam; but in
-case of your death, or of any pecuniary distress in the
-family, the poor slaves would be divided among heirs, or
-seized by creditors; and then who can tell into whose
-hands they may fall? The condition of the slave depends
-on the character of the master; and that is entirely a
-matter of <em>accident</em>”. The pious woman rejoined, “Oh, I
-should take care of that. If they were good, faithful
-servants, they would find at my death that papers of
-manumission had been duly prepared.” “But you told
-me that freedom was the greatest curse that could be
-bestowed upon a slave,” replied I: “Now is it possible,
-madam, that you would leave, as your dying legacy to
-good and faithful servants, the greatest curse you could
-bestow?”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Do you suppose they really believe what they say,
-when they declare that slaves are happier than freemen?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> I leave your own republican good sense to determine
-that question. Governor Giles of Virginia did not
-take that ground in his address to the Legislature in
-1827. Speaking of punishing free blacks by selling
-them as slaves, he says: “Slavery must be admitted to
-be a punishment of the highest order; and according to
-every just rule for the apportionment of punishment to
-crimes, it would seem that <em>it ought to be applied only to
-crime of the highest order</em>!”</p>
-
-<p>But even if it were true that the slaves were as happy
-and contented as slave-holders try to represent them—what
-would it prove? It would merely prove that they
-had fearfully brutalized immortal souls before they <em>could</em>
-be happy in such a situation. Edmund Burke said very
-truly, “If you have made a <em>happy slave</em>, you have made
-a <em>degraded man</em>.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But how is it that some people, who really do not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span>
-intend to make false representations, bring back such
-favorable accounts of slavery, after they have visited at
-the South?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> It is because they go among rich, hospitable
-planters, and see favorite household slaves. Of the poor
-wretches on the plantations, subject to the tender mercies
-of an overseer, they know as little, as the guests of
-a Russian nobleman know of the miserable condition of
-his serfs. Their sympathies all go with the master.
-They ask questions of the master, and not of the slave.
-Even if they tried to talk with the latter, the poor creatures
-would be afraid to speak freely, lest any expressions
-of discontent might be reported to the master, or
-the overseer. I should like to have you hear them talk
-as I have heard runaway slaves talk, when they knew
-they had a friend to listen to them!</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But do you think the suitable time has yet come
-to exert ourselves on this subject?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> I will answer, as a similar question was lately answered
-by a lady who had been brought up in the midst
-of slavery: “If thou were a slave, toiling in the fields
-of Carolina, I apprehend thou wouldst think the time
-had <em>fully</em> come.” This explains the whole difficulty.
-We do not put ourselves in the condition of the slave,
-and imagine what would be our feelings if we were in
-<em>his</em> circumstances. We do not obey the Scripture injunction,
-“remember those that are in bonds, <em>as bound
-with them</em>.”</p>
-
-<p>But if we look at this question merely with a view to
-expediency, without reference to justice or mercy, when
-can we hope that a time will come <em>more</em> propitious to the
-discussion of this subject? The fact is, difficulties and
-dangers increase every day. In South Carolina and
-Louisiana, the blacks are already a majority. The annual
-increase of the <em>slaves</em>, without including the free
-blacks, in the United States, is now 62,000 annually. It
-is a fact worthy of consideration, that the licentiousness
-of the white man increases the colored race; but the
-vices of colored men or women can never increase the
-white race; for the children of such connections are of
-course not white.—These people are increasing in the
-midst of us in startling ratio. If we pursue a kind and
-Christian course, we can identify their interests with the
-rest of the community, and make them our friends; but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
-if we persevere in the course we have pursued, their
-feelings and interests <em>must</em> be all in opposition to ours,
-and there is great reason to fear the consequences.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Don’t you think the Colonization Society is doing
-some good?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> Those who have examined into the subject, have so
-universally come to the conclusion that Colonization is
-entirely ineffectual for the abolition of slavery at any
-time, however remote, that it seems hardly worth while
-to waste words on that subject. I do not pretend to impeach
-the motives of benevolent individuals, who have
-been engaged in it; but there is no doubt that its <em>practical
-tendency</em> is to perpetuate slavery. John Randolph,
-and other slave-holders, have advocated that Society,
-upon the avowed ground that by sending off an inconvenient
-surplus it would increase the price of the slaves
-left. In the new slave States, where they have not as
-yet an “inconvenient surplus” of slaves, they don’t like
-the Colonization Society; but the old slave States have
-been its warmest friends. There is one brief objection
-to the idea of abolishing slavery by Colonization: <em>it is
-impossible</em>. Even if it were desirable to remove these
-valuable laborers from our soil, it could not be done, if
-the whole Treasury and Navy of the United States were
-devoted to it. The Colonization Society has been in
-operation about nineteen years; they have had immense
-funds; and they have transported to Africa, during that
-time, about three thousand colored persons, of which
-<em>not one thousand</em> were manumitted slaves. Now the annual
-<em>increase</em> of the slaves alone is 62,000; and the annual
-increase of the free blacks is about 10,000. <em>In
-nineteen years the Colonizationists have not been able to
-carry off one sixtieth part of the increase of the slaves in
-one year!</em> This is worse than the old story of the frog,
-who jumped out of the well two feet every night, and
-fell back three feet every morning. But even if the
-colored people <em>could</em> be all carried out of the country,
-what is the South to do for laborers? They have been
-in the habit of excusing themselves, by saying that white
-men cannot work in their climate, and by taking it for
-granted that black men will not work for wages. If the
-climate is unsuitable for white laborers, it is manifestly
-very impolitic to send off the black ones. It would be
-far wiser to try the experiment they have tried in Bermuda<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span>
-and Antigua. Labor is needed in all parts of our
-country; and it is worse than a childish game to be
-sending off ship-loads of laborers to Africa, while we
-are bringing in ship-loads from Ireland, Holland, and
-Switzerland.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard some people say they gave their
-money to the Colonization Society merely as a missionary
-establishment.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> It would be well for those people to examine into
-the matter, and first ascertain whether it <em>is</em> a missionary
-establishment. When we send missions to India, the
-Sandwich Islands, &amp;c., we send men believed to be pious
-and enlightened. For the probable influence of the emigrants
-carried out by the Colonization Society, let the
-Society answer for itself. They assure us that the colored
-persons colonized from the United States will
-“carry religion and the arts into the heart of Africa.”
-Yet Mr. Clay, Vice President of the Society, says, “Of
-all classes of our population the most vicious is that of
-the free colored—contaminated themselves, they extend
-their vices to all around them.” And the African Repository,
-which is the organ of the Society, declares that
-“they are notoriously ignorant—a curse and a contagion
-wherever they reside.” Now, are not these admirable
-missionaries to send out to christianize Africa? It
-would be wise to put them under better and more encouraging
-influences at home, before we attempt to send
-them to enlighten heathen lands.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Some say that these people are naturally inferior
-to us; and that the shape of their skulls proves it.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> If I believed that the colored people were naturally
-inferior to the whites, I should say that was an additional
-reason why we ought to protect, instruct, and encourage
-them. No consistent republican will say that a
-strong-minded man has a right to oppress those less
-gifted than himself. Slave-holders do not seem to think
-the negroes are so stupid as not to acquire knowledge,
-and make use of it, if they could get a chance. If they
-do think so, why do their laws impose such heavy penalties
-on all who attempt to give them any education?
-Nobody thinks it necessary to forbid the promulgation
-of knowledge among monkeys. If you believe the colored
-race are naturally inferior, I wish you would read
-the history of Toussaint L’Ouverture, the Washington<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span>
-of St. Domingo. Though perfectly black, he was unquestionably
-one of the greatest and best men of his
-age. I wish you would hear Mr. Williams of New
-York, and Mr. Douglass of Philadelphia preach a few
-times, before you hastily decide concerning the capacity
-of the colored race for intellectual improvement. As
-for the shape of their skulls, I shall be well satisfied if
-our Southern brethren will emancipate all the slaves
-who have <em>not</em> what is called the “African conformation.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> What do you think about property in slaves?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> Let me reply to that question by asking others. If
-you were taken by an Algerine pirate, and an Arab
-bought you, and paid honestly for you, should you ever
-consider yourself the <em>property</em> of the Arab? Should you
-think your fellow-citizens ought so to consider you?
-Can what is stolen in the beginning, be honest property
-in the transmission? If you and your children had
-toiled hard for years, and received only a peck of corn
-a week for your services, should you not think that some
-compensation was due to <em>you</em>?</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> These are hard questions; and I find it is hard to
-answer a good many things, when we once get into the
-habit of imagining how we should think and feel if we
-ourselves were the slaves. But what have the North to
-do on this subject?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> They cannot help having a great deal to do with
-it, either for good or for evil. They are citizens of this
-republic; and as such cannot but feel a painful interest
-in a subject which makes their beloved country an object
-of derision to the civilized world. If the slaves should
-make any attempt to gain their freedom, we are bound
-to go with an armed force and rivet their chains. If a
-slave escapes from his master unto us, we are bound to
-deliver him up to the lash. The people of Pennsylvania,
-living so near the slave States, have a great many of
-these painful scenes to encounter. A few months ago,
-an industrious and pious colored man in Philadelphia
-was torn from his home at midnight, and beaten in such
-a degree that the snow for some distance was stained
-with his blood. His poor wife, who was devotedly attached
-to him, had an infant about eight or ten days old;
-but regardless of her situation, she plunged into the
-snow, and implored mercy for her husband. Her shrieks<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span>
-and entreaties were of no avail. The citizens of Philadelphia
-could not help her, because the free States are
-bound by law to give up runaway slaves. The evil
-might be cured by the extreme cheapness of labor, if
-the surplus population were not drained off to supply
-<em>new</em> slave States. But in order to accommodate slave-holders
-in this respect, Louisiana has been bought, and
-Florida bought, by revenues principally raised in the
-free States; and now they want to purchase Texas likewise
-for an eternal slave market. Every time a member
-from the free States votes for the admission of a slave
-state into the Union, he helps to increase the political
-power, which has always been wielded for the perpetuation
-of this abominable system. It is high time for the
-free States to begin to reflect seriously, whether they
-ought any longer to give their money and their moral
-influence in support of this iniquity.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> I did not know we were obliged to give up runaway
-slaves to their masters. Are you sure it is so?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> When masters <em>bring</em> their slaves into the free
-States, or <em>send</em> them, the slaves can legally take their
-freedom; but when the slaves run away, we are obliged
-by law to give them up, let the circumstances be what
-they may. Many conscientious people prefer to obey
-the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not deliver
-unto his master the servant which hath escaped unto
-thee.”</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But would you at once give so many ignorant
-creatures political power, by making them voters?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> That would be for the wisdom of legislators to decide;
-and they would probably decide that it would not
-be judicious to invest emancipated slaves with the elective
-franchise; for though it is not their fault that they
-have been kept brutally ignorant, it unfits them for
-voters. At the present time, slaves <em>are</em> represented in
-Congress. Every five slaves are counted equal to three
-freemen; which is just the same as if our farmers were
-allowed to count every five of their oxen as three voters.
-This system gives the Southern aristocracy great political
-power, entirely unchecked by democratic influence,
-which comes in as a counterpoise in States where the
-laboring class are allowed to vote. W. B. Seabrook, of
-South Carolina, has lately published an Essay on the
-management of slaves, in which he says: “An addition<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span>
-of $1,000,000 to the private fortune of Daniel Webster would
-not give to Massachusetts more weight than she now possesses
-in the Federal Councils. On the other hand, every increase
-of slave property in South Carolina, is a fraction thrown into
-the scale by which <em>her representation in Congress is determined</em>.”
-This country has been governed by a President forty-eight
-years. During forty of those years we have been governed by
-a slave-holder! The New England candidates each remained
-in office but four years; and the great middle section has never
-given a President. The Middle States are politically
-stronger than the Northern, and are therefore more likely to
-act independently, and without reference to Southern support.
-Perhaps this may be the reason why those States, large and
-wealthy as they are, have never given a President to their
-country. Slave-holders are keen-sighted politicians; and they
-are closely knit together by one common bond of sympathy
-on the subject of slavery. It is a common remark with them
-that they never will vote for any man north of the Potomac.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> You know that abolitionists are universally accused of
-wishing to promote the amalgamation of colored and white
-people.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> This is a false charge, got up by the enemies of the cause,
-and used as a bugbear to increase the prejudices of the community.
-By the hue and cry that is raised on the subject, one
-would really suppose that in this free country a certain set of
-men had power to compel their neighbors to marry contrary
-to their own inclination. The abolitionists have never, by example,
-writing, or conversation, endeavored to connect amalgamation
-with the subject of abolition. When their enemies
-insist upon urging this silly and unfounded objection, they
-content themselves with replying, “If there be a natural antipathy
-between the races, the antipathy will protect itself. If
-such marriages are contrary to the order of Providence, we
-certainly may trust Providence to take care of the matter. It
-is a poor compliment to the white young men to be so afraid
-that the moment we allow the colored ones to be educated,
-the girls will all be running after them.”</p>
-
-<p>At a town meeting in New Hampshire, one of the citizens
-rose to say that he did not approve of admitting colored lads
-into the school. “If you suffer these people to be educated,”
-said he, “the first thing we shall know they will be marrying
-our daughters!” After some other remarks, he concluded by
-saying, “it is impossible for the colored and white race to live
-together in a kind social relation—there is a natural antipathy—they
-cannot be made to mix any better than oil and water.”
-A plain farmer replied, “I thought you said just now,
-that you was afraid that they’d marry our <em>darters</em>; if they won’t
-mix any better than <em>ile</em> and water, what are you afraid of?”
-Any one who observes the infinite variety of shadings in the
-complexions of the colored people, will perceive that amalgamation
-has for a long time been carried on. The only justification<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span>
-that the apologist for slavery can give is, that it is not
-sanctioned by marriage. According to Southern laws every
-child must follow the condition of its <em>mother</em>; that is, if the
-mother is a slave, her offspring must be so likewise. If they
-would change one word, and say the child shall follow the
-condition of its <em>father</em>, a large proportion of their slaves would
-be free at once; and the others would soon become so, provided
-no new cargoes were in the mean time smuggled in from
-Africa. In this subject, the truth is briefly told in a juvenile
-couplet, viz.</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-    <div class="verse indentq">“By universal emancipation,</div>
-    <div class="verse indent0">We want to <em>stop</em> amalgamation.”</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Is there any truth in the charge that you wish to break
-down all distinctions of society, and introduce the negroes into
-our parlors?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> There is not the slightest truth in this charge. People
-have pointed to an ignorant shoe-black, and asked me whether
-I would invite him to visit my house. I answered, “No; I
-would not do so if he were a white man; and I should not be
-likely to do it, merely because he was black.” An educated
-person will not naturally like to associate with one who is
-grossly ignorant. It may be no merit in one that he is well-informed,
-and no fault of the other that he is ignorant; for
-these things may be the result of circumstances, over which
-the individual had no control; but such people will not choose
-each other’s society merely from want of sympathy. For
-these reasons, I would not select an ignorant man, of any
-complexion, for my companion; but when you ask me whether
-that man’s children shall have as fair a chance as my own, to
-obtain an education, and rise in the world, I should be ashamed
-of myself, both as a Christian and a republican, if I did not
-say, yes, with all my heart.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But do you believe that prejudice against color ever can
-be overcome?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> Yes, I do; because I have faith that all things will pass
-away, which are not founded in reason and justice. In France
-and England, this prejudice scarcely exists at all. Their noblemen
-would never dream of taking offence because a colored
-gentleman sat beside them in a stage-coach, or at the table of
-an hotel. Be assured, however, that the abolitionists have not
-the slightest wish to force you to give up this prejudice. If,
-after conscientious examination, you believe it to be right,
-cherish it; but do not adhere to it merely because your neighbors
-do. Look it in the face—apply the golden rule—and
-judge for yourself. The Mahometans really think they could
-not eat at the same table with a Christian, without pollution;
-but I have no doubt the time will come when this prejudice
-will be removed. The old feudal nobles of England would
-not have thought it possible that their descendants could live
-in a community, where they and their vassals were on a perfect
-civil equality; yet the apparent impossibility has come to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span>
-pass, with advantage to many, and injury to none. When we
-endeavor to conform to the spirit of the gospel, there is never
-any danger that it will not lead us into the paths of peace.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But they say your measures are unconstitutional.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> Is it unconstitutional to talk, and write, and publish on
-any subject? particularly one in which the welfare and character
-of the country are so deeply involved? This is all the
-abolitionists have ever done; it is all they have ever desired
-to do. Nobody disputes that Congress has constitutional
-power to abolish slavery and the slave-trade in the District of
-Columbia. That District belongs in common to all the States,
-and each of them has an interest in the slaves there. The
-public prisons of that District, built <em>with the money of the whole
-people</em> of the United States, are used for the benefit of slave-traders,
-and the groaning victims of this detestable traffic are
-kept confined within their walls. The keepers of these prisons,
-<em>paid with the money of the whole people</em>, act as jailers to these
-slave-traders, until their gang of human brutes can be completed.
-When we are acting as accomplices in all this, have
-we no right to petition for the abolition of slavery and the
-slave trade <em>there</em>? I do not see how any conscientious man
-can help believing it to be a solemn duty.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> Is there any truth in the charge, that abolitionists have
-tried to excite insurrections among the slaves?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> This charge is destitute of the slightest foundation in
-truth. The abolitionists have addressed facts and arguments
-to the slave-holders <em>only</em>. They have never sought for any
-communication with the slaves; and if they did so, their principles
-would lead them to teach patience and submission, until
-their deliverance could be accomplished by peaceful
-measures. I believe the publications by the Peace Society do
-not contain so much in defence of non-resistance under injury,
-as the publications of the abolitionists. If it should be discovered
-that any member of an Anti-Slavery Society had tried
-to excite disaffection among the slaves, he would be immediately
-turned out of the Society, with strong expressions of
-disapprobation. This false charge has been got up at the
-South merely to excite sympathy. A little while ago a paragraph
-went the rounds of the newspapers, concerning an <em>abolitionist</em>
-who had been overheard trying to persuade a negro
-lad to run away, and offering to forge free papers for him. It
-was afterwards ascertained that the man was a <em>kidnapper</em>, and
-took this means of getting the boy into his own power, for the
-sake of selling him. Complaints are made that pictures of a
-man flogging slaves having been on some of the books sent to
-the South; and it is urged that negroes can understand these
-pictures, if they do not know their letters. In the first place,
-the books are sent to the masters. In the next place (as has
-been well observed), the pictures represent a thing that is
-either true, or not true. If it is not true, the negroes would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span>
-look at the picture without being reminded of any thing <em>they</em>
-had ever seen or known—if told that it represented a driver
-beating slaves, they would laugh at such Munchausen stories
-of things that never happened. On the other hand, if the representation
-is true, would the mere picture of a thing be more
-likely to excite them to insurrection than the thing itself?
-These stories of efforts to excite violence are mere spectres
-raised on purpose for the occasion. If you will take notice of
-the charges brought against abolitionists, you will find that
-they are always mere assertions, unsupported by quotations,
-or any species of evidence. When I have read the resolutions
-passed at public meetings against the abolitionists, I have
-smiled at the farce which those men have been acting. In
-nearly all their resolutions, the abolitionists could most cordially
-and conscientiously concur. The enemies of the cause
-have in several cities gravely met together to declare that they
-do not approve of attempts to promote insurrections. The
-abolitionists agree with them entirely. With the same ridiculous
-gravity, they make known to the world that they do not
-approve of any legislative interference with the Southern
-States. The abolitionists have never dreamed of any such interference.
-They merely wish to <em>induce the Southerners to
-legislate for themselves</em>; and they hope to do this by the universal
-dissemination of facts and arguments, calculated to promote
-a <em>correct public sentiment</em> on the subject of slavery. This is all
-they ever intended to do; and this they will do, though earth
-and hell combine against their efforts. The men engaged in
-this cause are not working for themselves, but for God—and
-therefore they are strong.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But do you believe the Southerners ever can be persuaded?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> At all events, it is our duty to try. “Thus saith the Lord
-God, Thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they
-will hear, or whether they will forbear; neither be afraid of
-their words, though briers and thorns be with thee, and
-thou dost dwell among scorpions.” If public sentiment becomes
-universally reformed on this subject, it cannot fail to
-have a powerful influence. Slavery was abolished in the British
-dominions entirely by moral influence. Parliament never
-would have voted for the bill, the king never would have
-signed it, if an enlightened public sentiment had not made the
-step absolutely necessary; and the public became enlightened
-by the exertions of benevolent men, who were obliged to endure
-every form of obloquy and rage, before the good work
-was completed. The slave-holders are perfectly aware that
-the same causes will produce similar effects in this country.
-One of the Southern editors has lately declared that what is
-most to be feared is, that these fanatical abolitionists will make
-some people of morbid consciences believe that slavery really
-<em>is</em> wrong, and that it is their duty to relinquish it. Another<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span>
-Southern newspaper complains that the worst effect of this
-discussion is, that it is causing good men to regard slave-holders
-with abhorrence.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But if the system works so badly in every respect, why
-are people so unwilling to give it up?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> Human nature is willing to endure much, rather than relinquish
-unbridled licentiousness and despotic control. The
-emperor of Russia, and the pachas of Egypt would be reluctant
-to abridge their own power, for the sake of introducing a
-system of things more conducive to the freedom, virtue and
-happiness of their subjects. They had rather live in constant
-fear of the poisoned bowl and the midnight dagger, than to
-give up the pleasant exercise of tyranny, to which they have
-so long been accustomed. In addition to this feeling, so common
-to our nature, there are many conscientious people, who
-are terrified at the idea of emancipation. It has always been
-presented to them in the most frightful colors; and bad men
-are determined, if possible, to prevent the abolitionists from
-proving to such minds that <em>the dangers of insurrection all belong
-to slavery, and would cease when slavery was abolished</em>.</p>
-
-<p>At the North, the apologists of slavery are numerous and
-virulent, because their <em>interests</em> are closely intertwined with
-the pernicious system. Inquire into the private history of
-many of the men, who have called meetings against the abolitionists—you
-will find that some manufacture negro cloths
-for the South—some have sons who sell those cloths—some
-have daughters married to slave-holders—some have plantations
-and slaves mortgaged to them—some have ships employed
-in Southern commerce—and some candidates for political
-offices would bow until their back-bones were broken,
-to obtain or preserve Southern influence. The Southerners
-understand all this perfectly well, and despise our servility,
-even while they condescend to make use of it.</p>
-
-<p>One great reason why the people of this country have not
-thought and felt right on this subject, is that all our books,
-newspapers, almanacs and periodicals, have combined to represent
-the colored race as an inferior and degraded class, who
-never could be made good and useful citizens. Ridicule and
-reproach have been abundantly heaped upon them; but their
-virtues and their sufferings have found few historians. The
-South has been well satisfied with such a public sentiment.
-It sends back no echo to disturb their consciences, and it effectually
-rivets the chain on the necks of their vassals. In this
-department of service, the Colonization Society has been a
-most active and zealous agent.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But some people say that all the mobs, and other violent
-proceedings, are to be attributed to the abolitionists.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> They might as well charge the same upon St. Paul, when
-his fearless preaching of the gospel brought him into such
-imminent peril, that his friends were obliged to “let him<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span>
-down over the wall in a basket,” to save his life. As well
-might St. Stephen have been blamed for the mob that stoned
-him to death. With the same justice might William Penn
-have been called the cause of all the violent persecutions
-against the Quakers. When principles of truth are sent out
-in the midst of a perverse generation, they <em>always</em> come
-“<ins class="corr" id="tn-36" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'not not to bring peace'">
-not to bring peace</ins>, but a sword.” The abolitionists have offered
-violence to no man—they have never attempted to stop
-the discussions of their opponents; but have, on the contrary,
-exerted themselves to obtain a candid examination of the subject
-on all sides. They merely claim the privilege of delivering
-peaceful addresses at orderly meetings, and of publishing
-what they believe to be facts, with an honest desire to have
-them tested by the strictest ordeal of truth.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But do you think a foreigner ought to be allowed to lecture
-on this subject?</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> <em>We</em> have some hundred missionaries abroad lecturing
-other nations—preaching against systems most closely entwined
-with the government and prejudices of the people. If
-good and conscientious men leave ease, honor, and popularity
-behind them, to come here, and labor among the poor
-and the despised, merely from zeal in a good cause, shall we
-refuse to hear what they have to say? If we insult, mob, and
-stone them, how could we consistently blame the Hindoos and
-Sandwich Islanders for abusing <em>our</em> missionaries? We sent
-out agents to England, to give her the benefit of our experience
-on the subject of temperance; ought <em>we</em> not to be willing to
-receive the benefit of her experience on the subject of slavery?
-Let us candidly hear what these men have to say. If it be
-contrary to reason and truth, reject it; if it be the truth, let us
-ponder it in our hearts.</p>
-
-<p><em>Q.</em> But everybody says the discussion of slavery will lead to
-the dissolution of the Union.</p>
-
-<p><em>A.</em> There must be something wrong in the Union, if the
-candid discussion of <em>any</em> subject can dissolve it; and for the
-truth of this remark, I appeal to your own good sense. If the
-South should be injudicious enough to withdraw from the
-Union for the sake of preserving a moral pestilence in her
-borders, it is very certain that slavery cannot long continue after
-that event. None of the frontier States could long keep their
-slaves, if we were not obliged by law to deliver up runaways;
-nor could they any longer rely upon the free States, in cases
-of emergency, to support slavery by force of arms. The union
-of these States has been continually disturbed and embittered
-by the existence of slavery; and the abolitionists would fain
-convince the whole country that it is best to cast away this
-apple of discord. Their attachment to the Union is so strong,
-that they would make any sacrifice of self-interest to preserve
-it; but they never will consent to sacrifice honor and principle.
-“Duties are ours; events are God’s!”</p>
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-<div class="chapter"></div>
-
-<div class="p4 transnote">
-<a id="TN"></a>
-<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p>
-
-<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
-corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
-the text and consultation of external sources.</p>
-
-<p>Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
-when a predominant preference was found in the original book.</p>
-
-<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
-and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.</p>
-
-<p>
-<a href="#tn-13">Pg 13</a>: ‘cut off the the heads’ replaced by ‘cut off the heads’.<br />
-<a href="#tn-15">Pg 15</a>: ‘Ths wife, or the’ replaced by ‘The wife, or the’.<br />
-<a href="#tn-16">Pg 16</a>: ‘amagamation has been’ replaced by ‘amalgamation has been’.<br />
-<a href="#tn-36">Pg 36</a>: ‘not not to bring peace’ replaced by ‘not to bring peace’.<br />
-</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM ***</div>
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+
+<hr class="r15" />
+<p class="center smcap">By MRS. CHILD,</p>
+
+<p class="negin1 fs70"><em>Author of ‘An Appeal in favor of that class of Americans called
+Africans,’ the ‘Evils of Slavery, and the Cure of Slavery,’ ‘Authentic
+Anecdotes of American Slavery,’ ‘History of the Condition of Women,’
+‘The Oasis,’ ‘Frugal Housewife,’ &amp;c.</em></p>
+
+<hr class="r15" />
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="p3 poetry">
+    <div class="verse indentq">“On the nation’s naked heart</div>
+    <div class="verse indent0">Scatter the living coals of Truth.”</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="p3 antiqua pfs120 lsp">Second Edition.</p>
+
+<hr class="p3 r10" />
+
+<p class="p3 pfs120">NEWBURYPORT:</p>
+<p class="pfs90">PUBLISHED BY CHARLES WHIPPLE.</p>
+<p class="pfs120">1839.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
+<div class="chapter"></div>
+
+<p class="p4 pfs90">
+Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835,<br />
+By CHARLES WHIPPLE,<br />
+In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="p6 chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[Pg 3]</span><br /></p>
+
+<p class="p2 pfs135">ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM.</p>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="r30a" />
+<hr class="r30b" />
+
+<p class="p2"><em>Question.</em> Why do you consider it a duty to preach and
+publish abolition doctrines?</p>
+
+<p><em>Answer.</em> First, I consider it my duty as a Christian; for
+the system of slavery, as a whole, and in each one of its
+details, is in direct opposition to the precepts of the gospel.
+Secondly, I consider it my duty as a conscientious
+citizen of this republic; for I believe slavery is prejudicial
+to the best interests of my country; and I dare
+not hope that God’s blessing will rest upon us, if we
+persevere in our iniquity.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But the abolitionists are accused of showing the
+worst side of slavery. Is it not true that they seek to
+give an exaggerated idea of its evils?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I believe every man, who candidly examines the
+subject, will come to the conclusion, that every side
+appears to be the worst side. Allow me to give a brief
+statement of the case. Between two and three millions
+of people are compelled to labor without wages. They
+gain nothing more by working ten hours than they would
+by working one hour. It is not in human nature that
+they should be disposed to be industrious under these
+circumstances. They try to do as little as possible. The
+chief part of the labor that is got out of their bones and
+sinews is obtained by fear of the whip. A peck of corn
+a week is the usual allowance for the food of a slave.
+The planters generally estimate that a slave can be fed
+and clothed at an expense of from fifteen to twenty dollars
+a year. The following is the printed testimony of Thomas
+Clay, of Georgia, himself a slave-holder, though reputed
+to be an amiable, conscientious man: “A peck of corn
+per week, if it be sound flint corn, is sufficient to sustain
+health and strength under moderate labor. But there is
+<em>often</em> a defect in the quality, and the quantity is then insufficient.
+The present economy of the slave system is
+to get all you can from the slave, and give in return as
+little as will barely support him in a working condition.
+Even where there is not direct intention to abridge his
+comforts, they are but little consulted; and the slave,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
+seeing his master wholly engrossed by his own advantage,
+naturally adopts the same selfish course, and, when not
+restrained by higher principles, becomes deceitful and
+selfish.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> If Mr. Thomas Clay is a good man, and really
+thinks slavery so bad in its effects, why does he not
+emancipate his own slaves?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> If you were to ask him, I suppose he would give an
+answer very common among planters. He would tell
+you that he could not do it because the laws of the State
+in which he lives impose such heavy penalties, that the
+process of emancipation is extremely difficult and
+expensive.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Who makes the laws of the Southern States?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> The slave-holders themselves. When I hear a man
+say that he would gladly emancipate his slaves, if the
+<em>laws</em> would allow it, it makes me think of an anecdote I
+have often heard. A little girl had been ordered to
+perform some household work in the absence of her
+mother. When the parent returned, and saw that her
+orders had not been obeyed, she said, “My child, why
+have you not done as I bid you?” The little girl replied,
+“I should have been glad to do it, mother; but I could
+not. Don’t you see I am tied?” “And pray who tied
+you?” inquired the mother. “I tied myself,” was the
+reply. Now this is plainly the case with the slave-holders.
+They make oppressive laws, and persist in
+upholding those laws, and then say, “I would do my
+duty, if I could; but the <em>laws</em> will not permit it.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Do the slaves have to work all the time?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> In some States the laws ordain that slaves shall
+not be compelled to work <em>more</em> than <em>fourteen</em> hours a day,
+from September to March, nor more than <em>fifteen</em> hours a
+day, from March to September; and it is reasonable to
+conclude that there would have been no necessity for
+making such a law, unless some masters <em>did</em> compel
+their slaves to toil beyond the specified hours. Convicts,
+who are imprisoned for crime, are not obliged to work
+more than ten hours a day, and are better fed than the
+slaves. It is an extraordinary thing for a slave to be
+sent to the state prison for an offence. Instead of punishment,
+it would in fact be amelioration of his lot.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But I have been told that the slaves sometimes work
+for themselves.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span></p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> When they happen to have kind masters, they are
+sometimes allowed a part of the time to earn something
+for themselves; but the laws are extremely inefficient
+for the protection of property thus acquired. If a white
+man sees fit to seize the products of their industry, the
+law in most cases affords no redress; because in slave
+States a colored man is never allowed to give evidence
+against a white man, under any circumstances. Any
+note of hand, or written contract with a slave is worth
+no more than a promissory note to a dog; because no
+slave can bring an action at law. In several of the
+States, a slave is liable to punishment if it is ascertained
+that he has acquired any property.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I have been told that masters are allowed to kill
+their slaves. Can this be true?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> The laws do indeed nominally consider the killing
+of a slave as murder; but no instance has ever been
+recorded of a white man executed for killing a slave.
+One law on this subject has the following strange qualification:
+“Except said slave die of <em>moderate</em> punishment.”
+As if any punishment, that occasioned death, <em>could</em> be
+moderate! If a hundred blacks or mulattoes, either
+bond or free, should see a slave murdered, it avails
+nothing against the murderer; because the laws of slave
+States do not allow a colored person, under any circumstances,
+to testify against a white man. The laws of
+South Carolina favor the master to such a degree,
+that when accused of murdering a slave, he may be
+absolved simply upon <em>his own oath</em>, that he did not commit
+the crime!</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But I am told that white men are not unfrequently
+prosecuted for cruelty to slaves; and this looks as if the
+laws afforded the poor creatures some protection.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I have read not a few Reports of Cases in Southern
+Courts; and those reports did more than any thing
+else to make me an abolitionist. Prosecutions are
+always brought for the master’s interest—never for the
+protection or redress of the slave. In Martin’s Louisiana
+Reports, 1818, you will find the case of Jourdan <em>vs.</em> Patten.
+In this case a lady sued a neighboring proprietor for the
+damage of putting out the only eye of one of her slaves.
+The Supreme Court decided that the defendant should
+pay the lady the sum of twelve hundred dollars; in consideration
+of which, the slave should be placed in <em>his</em><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
+possession. The lady received all the money, as an
+indemnification for the loss of property; but the poor
+slave not only received no atonement for his sufferings,
+but was actually given to the very man that had knocked
+his eye out! This is a fair sample of the nature of all
+such prosecutions. In Nott &amp; McCord’s South Carolina
+Reports, 1818, it is stated that a slave belonging to Mrs.
+E. Witsell, was shot through the head by two men who
+were hunting runaway negroes. The lady commenced
+an action to recover the value of her slave. The judge
+told the jury that circumstances <em>might</em> exist to authorize
+the killing of a negro, <em>without the sanction of a magistrate,
+or even the order of a militia officer</em>; but it was thought such
+circumstances were not connected with <em>this</em> case; the
+lady was therefore entitled to compensation for injury
+done to her property. As for the poor slave himself, his
+parents, his wife, or his children, they were never once
+thought of in the matter.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But do you really believe they hunt negroes with
+dogs and guns, as some people say?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> There cannot be the slightest doubt of the fact.
+Dogs are trained for that express purpose. The planters
+justify the practice, by saying it is absolutely necessary
+for their own safety; because runaway negroes, who collect
+in the woods and swamps, will soon begin to commit
+depredations on the neighboring estates. Thus the
+evils inevitably growing out of this bad system are
+made use of to justify its cruelties. Free laborers would
+have no inducement to run away and hide in swamps.
+It would obviously be for their own interest to keep at
+work. These negro hunts seem to be entered into with
+all the keen excitement of sportsmen going out to hunt
+squirrels or hares. A letter written near Edenton, N.C.
+among other items of news, states: “We have had
+great negro shooting lately.” A gentleman well known
+in the literary world resided for some time in the family
+of a Georgia planter; and he himself stated to me that
+three negro hunts took place during the first nine months
+of his stay there. He said, that one night hearing a
+noise below stairs, he hastened to ascertain the cause.
+“The gentlemen of the family were cleaning and loading
+their guns, trying their flints, and going through the
+usual preparations, apparently for a deer hunt, as buck
+shot and bullets were in demand. The children of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
+family had partaken of the general excitement, and arisen
+from their beds. As I entered the room, I could
+hear one of the youngest say, ‘Why, pa, you wouldn’t
+kill Ralph, would you?’ ‘I would take him, and sell
+him, and get money for him,’ said the next of age. ‘You
+will only lame him, so as to seize him, I suppose,’ said
+the mother. ‘I would rather kill him than the best fat
+buck in the country,’ replied the father, as he rammed
+down the heavy charge. The moonlight from the window
+glanced along the barrel of the piece, and caught
+the eye of the eldest boy. The reflected light kindled
+up his glance with something of an unnatural flash, but
+in vivid sympathy with the paternal look and attitude.
+The anticipated joy of vengeance seemed to be the predominating
+emotion.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> If the laws are as you say, I should think the
+slaves did not stand a fair chance when they are <em>wrongfully</em>
+accused.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> If you will examine Stroud’s Compendium of the
+Slave Laws, you will be convinced for yourself that
+what I say is true; and the effect is as you suppose.
+The poor slaves are completely in the power of their
+masters. The same men who accuse them are often
+their judges and executioners. In illustration of this, I
+will tell you a case that occurred in Edenton, North Carolina.
+It was told by a woman who lived there at the
+time, and witnessed some of the executions. Many of
+the slaves in that place were skilful in mechanical
+trades. The planters in the back country were very desirous
+to purchase some of them; but their masters found
+it so profitable to let them out, that they would not consent
+to sell them. Those who were anxious to buy, hit
+upon the following expedient to obtain their purpose:
+They wrote anonymous letters, charging these intelligent
+slaves with having projected an insurrection.
+These letters were scattered about in Edenton, with the
+idea that the masters would be glad to sell such dangerous
+fellows; but instead of this, the poor innocent slaves
+were tried, convicted, and sentenced by their frightened
+owners; and a large number of them were put to death,
+upon no other evidence than anonymous letters.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> It does not seem as if such things could take place
+in a civilized country. Can you believe it?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> If you reflect a little upon human nature, I believe<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
+you will think it perfectly natural that such abuses should
+exist, wherever one human being has arbitrary power
+over another. You would not like to place yourself
+completely in the power even of the best man you know;
+you would be afraid to have it depend entirely on his
+will how much work you should do in a day, what food
+you should eat, and what clothes you should wear, and
+how and when you should be punished. It is not considered
+entirely safe for an aged parent to relinquish all
+his property, and trust entirely to the generosity of his
+own children; what then do you suppose the poor slave
+has to expect, when he becomes too old and infirm to be
+profitable to his master?</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But the Southerners are said to be very honorable,
+generous men.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Our Southern brethren are just what any human
+beings would be under similar circumstances. They
+are generous with the proceeds of other men’s labor, for
+the same reason that the heir is prodigal of money, which
+another accumulates for him. He who can let out his
+neighbor, and his neighbor’s wife and children, and receive
+all their wages, will naturally be more profuse
+than a man who depends entirely on his own exertions.
+Planters have heretofore generally confessed that slavery
+is an evil, and many of them speak of its detailed
+abuses with strong regret; but these abuses are merely
+the necessary and inevitable results of the system they
+are helping to support; and they never can cure the
+abuses until they are willing to renounce the system itself.
+I suppose that few planters would think of palliating
+the treatment Mrs. Salarie’s slaves received; yet
+they are all helping to support a system under which
+such cruelties can be committed with impunity. Perhaps
+very humane and amiable masters do even more
+mischief than the desperately wicked; for they are always
+quoted as palliations of the whole system; and
+they approach so <em>near</em> to the right line, that they can
+more easily draw over kind-hearted people, who have
+not thought much upon the subject.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> What is the history of Mrs. Salarie?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> She resided in New Orleans. On the 10th of April,
+1834, her splendid mansion took fire. During the midst
+of the conflagration, a rumor arose among the crowd that
+there were slaves chained in the burning dwelling; but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span>
+those who asked for the keys were reproved for interfering
+with their neighbor’s business. At last the doors
+were forced open by sailors and mechanics, that had
+collected around the spot; and a New Orleans paper
+thus describes the horrible scene that presented itself:
+“Seven slaves more or less horribly mutilated, were
+seen, some chained to the floor, and some suspended by
+the neck to the ceiling, with their limbs stretched and
+torn from one extremity to the other. Their bodies, from
+head to foot, were covered with scars and sores, and
+filled with wounds. One poor old man, upwards of sixty
+years of age, was chained hand and foot, and made fast
+to the floor, in a kneeling position. His head bore the
+appearance of having been beaten until it was broken,
+and the worms were actually seen making a feast of his
+brains.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Every body must have thought her a very wicked
+woman. Did the slave-holders in the neighborhood pretend
+to justify her measures?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I have no doubt that every humane person, that
+heard of the event, expressed horror, and sincerely felt
+it. For several months previous to the discovery, her
+neighbors had been in the habit of living in apartments
+as far as possible from her house, on purpose to avoid
+the shrieks and groans of her poor suffering slaves; yet
+during all that time no complaint was laid before the
+public authorities, and no investigation demanded! I
+suppose neighbors were afraid to say any thing, lest they
+should be accused of promoting discontent among the
+negroes. Those who endeavor to keep human beings
+in the situation of beasts, are more afraid of them than
+they would be of beasts; because the human being has
+<em>reason</em>, which is always prone to offer resistance to tyranny.
+The consciousness of this makes slave-holders
+very irritable when any one in the community takes part
+with an abused slave, or expresses the slightest pity for
+his sufferings.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Is it not for the master’s interest to treat the slaves
+well?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> So it is for the interest of men to treat their horses
+and cattle well; and yet their passions not unfrequently
+make them forget their interests. Passive obedience is
+obtained from human beings with more difficulty than
+from animals; and when the master <em>is</em> provoked, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
+poor slave is completely in his power, with scarcely the
+shadow of protection from the law. The law in no case
+recognises slaves as human beings; on the contrary, it
+expressly declares they “shall be deemed, sold, taken,
+and reputed to be <em>chattels personal</em>, in the hands of their
+owners and possessors, their administrators and assigns,
+to all intents, constructions, and <em>purposes whatever</em>.”
+An act of Maryland, for the settlement of estates, enumerates
+specific articles, such as “slaves, working
+beasts, animals,” &amp;c. Where even the <em>laws</em> consider human
+beings as animals, it is not a matter of surprise that
+they are generally treated no better than self-interest
+leads men to treat animals. You will likewise perceive
+that when the slave becomes old, or diseased, or in any
+way unfit for labor, it is <em>not</em> for the interest of his master to
+prolong his existence by rendering it comfortable. Then
+again that part of the system connected with <em>overseers</em>,
+shows plainly that the self-interest of the master cannot
+effectually secure good treatment to the slave. If planters
+were to give overseers a stated salary, without regard
+to the amount of produce, the overseers (who are
+proverbially unprincipled men) would have no motive
+for consulting the interest of their employers—it would
+be a matter of indifference to them whether much or little
+work were done. To obviate this difficulty, it is customary
+to give the overseer a certain <em>proportion</em> of the
+profits of the plantation. Of course, it becomes his ruling
+desire to get the greatest possible amount of work
+done. He does not care how much the soil is exhausted,
+nor how much the negroes are broken down. If a
+slave says he is very ill, the overseer is unwilling to believe
+the story, because he is reluctant to lose a day’s
+labor. If the poor creature droops under his allotted
+task, he must be stimulated by the whip, because the
+overseer cannot spare an hour of his exertions. If the
+“slave dies under <em>moderate</em> punishment,” the master
+must furnish a new laborer; and the loss falls on <em>him</em>,
+not on the overseer. It is obviously natural for the latter
+personage to think more of his own gains than of his
+employer’s losses. Every body knows that men are
+prone to drive hired horses with less mercy than their
+own; because they do not meet with any personal loss
+from injury done to the beast, and their object is to get
+their money’s worth of riding. Is it not a fearful thing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span>
+for one human being to be placed towards another in the
+same relation that a stable-horse is toward the man who
+hires him? When planters are reminded of instances of
+cruelty, too well authenticated to be denied, they are
+prone to lay the blame upon overseers. Mr. Wirt, of
+Virginia, speaks of this class of men as “the lowest of
+the human race—always cap in hand to the dons who
+employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride,
+insolence, and love of dominion.” If we had no such
+information concerning the character of these men, we
+should naturally conclude that good people would be
+averse to enter into such an employment. Yet overseers
+and drivers are a necessary part of this bad system, because
+slaves are entirely deprived of the motives which
+induce free laborers to work; and since overseers must
+be employed, it is necessary to make it for their interest
+to get as much work out of the slave as possible. The
+evils of slavery are necessary and inevitable parts of the
+system; and whether the planters reprobate them or not,
+they cannot possibly avoid them, except by relinquishing
+the system. The master and his subordinate agents
+<em>must</em> have discretionary power to punish, because their
+poor human brutes, being deprived of salutary motives
+to exertion, must be driven to it. The slave <em>must</em> not be
+allowed to buy or sell, or make the most trifling contracts;
+because the oppressed being would naturally
+avail himself of this privilege, and sell some of the cotton
+or tobacco, which he cultivates for his master without
+wages. The laws <em>must</em> punish them with great severity;
+because the very nature of their condition is a
+constant temptation to theft, falsehood, and murder.
+They <em>must</em> be kept brutally ignorant; because if they
+were otherwise, they could not be kept in slavery.
+Licentiousness <em>must</em> be countenanced among them; because
+their master’s interest is connected with their increase,
+and he might lose many good bargains if the laws
+did not allow him to sell a wife from her husband, or a husband
+from his wife. The law <em>must</em> suppose a negro to be
+a slave, till he proves himself free; because runaway
+slaves would of course pretend that they were free.
+They <em>must</em> not be allowed to witness against a white
+man; for a slave may have had a wife or a child whipped
+to death by a white man—and he may have many other
+good reasons for strong prejudice against white men.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
+An unnatural system <em>must</em> be sustained by unnatural
+means. Hence we find the same characteristic features
+in every country where negro slavery has been
+allowed.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Some people think slavery as great a sin as the
+slave trade. Are you of that opinion?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> There seems to me just the same difference as
+there is between the thief and the man who pays him for
+stealing. What would you say of a man who buys a
+horse, knowing it to be stolen? The following circumstance,
+which took place a short time before our Revolution,
+furnishes a good commentary on this matter. A
+Philadelphia negro was accused of having stolen goods
+in his possession. He acknowledged the fact, saying,
+“Massa Justice, me know me got dem tings from Tom
+dere, and me tink Tom teal dem too; but what den,
+Massa? dey be only a piccaninny knife, and a piccaninny
+corkscrew; one cost sixpence, and tudder a shilling; an
+me <em>pay Tom honestly for dem</em>, Massa.” “Pretty story,
+truly!” said his worship; “you knew they were stolen,
+and yet allege for excuse, you honestly paid for them.
+Don’t you know, Pompey, that the receiver is as bad as
+the thief? You must be severely whipped, you black
+rascal.” “Very well, Massa, if de black rascal be whipt
+for buying tolen goods, me hope de white rascal be
+whipt too, for same ting, when you catch him.” “To
+be sure,” replied the Justice. “Well den,” says Pompey,
+“here be Tom’s Massa—hold him fast, constable!
+He buy Tom, as I buy de piccaninny knife, and de piccaninny
+corkscrew. He know very well Tom be tolen
+from his old fadder and mudder; de knife and de corkscrew
+had neder.”</p>
+
+<p>I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion
+that the slave-owner is an accomplice of the slave-trader.
+So long as a profitable market is kept open, the article
+will be supplied, despite of difficulties and dangers.
+The only way to stop the trade, is to shut up the market;
+and this can be done only by the entire abolition of the
+system of slavery. When nobody will buy a man, nobody
+will be tempted to steal a man. Slavery never
+exists without having more or less of the slave-trade
+involved <em>in</em> it. There is in the very heart of our land a
+slave-trade constantly carried on, and sanctioned by our
+laws, which is as disgraceful and cruel as the foreign<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span>
+slave trade. The new slave States at the extreme South
+have not slaves enough, and the climate, together with
+the hard labor of the sugar plantations, kills them very
+fast. The old slave States have a surplus of slaves,
+which they send off to supply these markets. About
+ten thousand are annually exported from Virginia alone.
+Niles, in his Register, vol. 35, page 4, says: “Dealing
+in slaves has become a <em>large</em> business. Establishments
+are made at several places in Maryland and Virginia, at
+which they are sold like cattle. These places are strongly
+built, and well supplied with <em>thumbscrews</em>, <em>gags</em>, <em>cow-skins</em>,
+<em>and other whips</em>, <em>often bloody</em>.” In these sales no
+regard is paid to domestic ties. The newly married
+wife is torn shrieking from her husband, and the mother
+with her little ones are sold in “<em>separate</em> lots to suit purchasers.”
+A gentleman in Charleston, S. C., writes to
+his friend in New York: “Curiosity sometimes leads me
+to the auction sales of the negroes. There I saw the
+father looking with sullen contempt on the crowd, and
+expressing an indignation in his countenance that he
+dares not speak; and the mother pressing her infants
+closer to her bosom, exclaiming, in wild and simple earnestness,
+‘I can’t leff my children! I won’t leff my children!’
+But the hammer went on, reckless whether it
+united or sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a
+man apparently as white as myself exposed for sale.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard some people say that the negroes do
+not care so much about such separations as we should
+suppose.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> There is no doubt that their degraded situation
+tends to blunt the feelings, as well as to stultify the intellect;
+and it is a fearful thing to think what Christians
+have to answer for, who thus brutalize immortal souls.
+But there are numerous instances to prove that the
+poor creatures do often suffer the most agonizing sensations
+when torn from those they love. Near Palmyra,
+in Marion county, Missouri, two boys were sold to a
+slave-trader, who did not intend to leave the place until
+morning. During the night, the mother was kept chained
+in an out-house, that she might not make any effort
+to prevent the departure of her children. She managed
+to get loose from her fetters, seized an axe, <ins class="corr" id="tn-13" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'cut off the the heads'">
+cut off the heads</ins> of her sleeping boys, and then ended her own
+life by the same instrument.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span></p>
+
+<p>The Missouri Intelligencer, a few months ago, gave
+an account of a slave named Michael, who was sold by
+his master to Mr. J. E. Fenton, by whom he was to be
+immediately shipped for the Southern markets. At the
+mouth of the Ohio, he filed off his irons, and contrived
+to escape. He immediately returned to the place where
+his wife resided, and having armed himself, declared he
+never would be sent to the South, unless his wife was allowed
+to accompany him. He was finally taken by
+stratagem, and lodged in jail for safe keeping. Finding
+that his oppressors were determined to separate him
+from his beloved wife, he committed suicide. I believe
+the attachments of slaves are even stronger than ours;
+for these ties constitute the only pleasure they are allowed
+to have. Hundreds of instances might be told,
+where they have preferred death to separation.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I have been told they sometimes kidnapped free
+colored persons, to sell them as slaves. Is it so?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It is unquestionably true that this is carried on to
+a considerable extent. More than twenty free colored
+children were kidnapped in the single city of Philadelphia,
+in 1825; and in 1827 two were stolen in open
+day. It is a common thing to decoy the unsuspecting victims
+on board a vessel, or to some retired spot, and then
+seize and bind them. A New York paper of 1829, says:
+“Beware of kidnappers! It is well understood that there
+is at present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily
+engaged in their vocation of stealing colored children
+for the Southern market.” As the law supposes every
+colored person to be a slave unless he can <em>prove</em> himself
+free, and as no person of his own complexion is allowed
+to be evidence for him, the kidnappers have an easy
+time of it.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Some people say we ought to pity the masters as
+well as the slaves.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I agree with them entirely. The masters are to
+be deeply pitied; because the long continuance of a
+wicked system has involved them in difficulties, and at
+the same time rendered them generally blind to the best
+means of getting rid of those difficulties. They are likewise
+to be compassionated for the effects which early
+habits of power produce on their own characters. Mr.
+Jefferson, who lived in the midst of slavery, says: “The
+whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span>
+exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most
+unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading
+submission on the other. Our children see this, and
+learn to imitate it. The parent storms; the child looks
+on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same
+airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst
+of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily
+exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with
+odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy, who
+can retain his morals and manners undepraved in such
+circumstances.” The general licentiousness produced
+by this system can never be described without using language
+too gross to be addressed to a civilized community.
+Some idea of it may be derived from the fact,
+that every female slave is completely in the power of her
+master, of his sons, of his overseers, and his drivers.
+The law does not allow her to offer resistance to a white
+man, under any circumstances; and the state of public
+opinion is such that any pretensions to virtue on her part
+would be treated with brutal ridicule. The slave is not
+allowed to have any right in his wife and children. If
+his master’s interest can be served by his keeping three
+or four wives, or by his wife’s having a succession of
+husbands, he cannot dispute the commands of his owner.
+<ins class="corr" id="tn-15" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Ths wife, or the'">
+The wife, or the</ins> husband, is sometimes sold, and sent
+thousands of miles from each other, and from their little
+ones, without the slightest hope of ever meeting again.
+Under these circumstances, the man, or the woman, is
+soon ordered to take another partner; because it is for
+the interest of the master that they should do so. It is a
+shameful fact that the laws and customs of our country
+make it absolutely impossible for a large portion of our
+population to be virtuous, even if they wish to be so.
+The wealth of Virginia is principally made by the breeding
+of slaves and horses; and persons unaccustomed to
+the system would be shocked by the detail of well authenticated
+facts, which prove that about as little regard
+is paid to decency in one case as the other. <em>Mulatto</em>
+slaves bring a higher price than <em>black</em> ones; hence licentiousness
+in slave States becomes a profitable vice,
+instead of being expensive, as it is under other forms of
+society.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q</em>. I have been told that a great many of the slaves
+have very light complexions. Is it so?</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span></p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> In the old slave States, where the process of <ins class="corr" id="tn-16" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'amagamation has been'">
+amalgamation has been</ins> going on for a long time, this is remarkably
+the case. An old soldier, who lately visited
+the South, said he was not so much struck by any circumstance,
+as by the great change that had taken place
+in the complexion of the slaves since the Revolution.
+Now and then I have seen in the southern papers advertisements
+for a runaway slave, “who passes himself
+for a white man.” A Boston gentleman, who dislikes
+the abolitionists very much, visited Georgia a few years
+ago. He told me that when he was walking with a planter
+one day, they met a man driving a team, who had a
+perfectly fair complexion, with blue eyes and brown hair.
+The Bostonian remarked, “That must be an independent
+fellow, to be driving a team in this part of the country,
+where it is considered so disgraceful for a white
+man to work.” “O, that fellow is a slave,” replied
+the Georgian. Almost every body has heard of the recent
+case of Mary Gilmore, of Philadelphia, a perfectly
+white girl, of Irish parentage, who was taken up and
+tried as a runaway slave. A Missouri newspaper proves
+that a white man may, without a <em>mistake</em>, be adjudged a
+slave. “A case of a slave sueing for his freedom, was
+tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of which the
+following is a brief statement of particulars: A youth of
+about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the
+ground that he was a free white person. The court
+granted his petition to sue as a pauper upon inspection
+of his person. Upon his trial before the jury, he was examined
+by the jury and two learned physicians, all of
+whom concurred in the opinion that very little, if any,
+race of negro blood could be discovered by any of the
+external appearances. All the physiological marks of
+distinction, which characterize the African descent, had
+disappeared. His skin was fair, his hair soft, straight,
+fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the
+hazel-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small, his head
+round and well formed, forehead high and prominent,
+ears large, the tibia of the leg straight, and feet hollow.
+Notwithstanding these evidences of his claims, he was
+proved to be the descendant of a mulatto woman, and
+that his progenitors on the mother’s side had been and
+still were slaves: <em>consequently he was found to be a
+slave</em>.” I have been told of a young physician, who went<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span>
+into the far Southern States to settle, and there became
+in love with a very handsome and modest girl, who lived
+at service. He married her; and about a year after that
+event, a gentleman called at the house, and announced
+himself as Mr. J*******y, of Mobile. He said to Dr.
+W*****, “Sir, I have a trifling affair of business to settle
+with you. You have married a slave of mine.” The
+young physician resented this language; for he had not
+entertained the slightest suspicion that the girl had any
+other than white ancestors since the flood. But Mr. J.
+furnished proofs of his claim, and Dr. W. knew very well
+that the laws of the country would uphold him in it. After
+considerable discussion, the best bargain he could
+make was either to pay eight hundred dollars, or have
+his wife put up at auction. He consented to the first
+alternative, and his unwelcome visiter departed. When
+he had gone, Dr. W. told his wife what had happened.
+The poor woman burst into tears and said, “That as
+Mr. J. <em>was her own father</em>, she had hoped that when he
+heard she had found an honorable protector, he would
+have left her in peace.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> There can be no doubt that slavery is a bad system;
+but don’t you think it ought to be done away gradually?
+Ought not the slaves to be fitted for freedom, before
+they are emancipated?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> The difficulty is, it is utterly impossible to fit them
+for freedom while they remain slaves. The masters
+know very well that their vassals will be servile just in
+proportion as they are brutally ignorant; hence all their
+legislation tends to keep them so. It is a disgraceful
+fact, that in half of these United States the working
+men are expressly forbidden to learn to read or write.
+The law ordains that twenty lashes shall be inflicted
+upon every slave found in an assembly met together for
+the purpose of “mental instruction.” Any white person
+who teaches a slave to read or write, or gives or
+sells him any book (the Bible not excepted), is fined two
+hundred dollars; and any colored person who commits
+the same <em>crime</em>, is punished with thirty-nine lashes, or
+with imprisonment. The Rev. Charles C. Jones, of
+Georgia, said in one of his sermons: “Generally
+speaking, the slaves appear to us to be without God and
+without hope in the world—a <em>nation of heathen in our very
+midst</em>. We cannot cry out against the Papists for withholding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span>
+the Scriptures from the common people; for we
+withhold the Bible from <em>our</em> servants, and keep them in
+ignorance of it.” A writer in the Observer, of Charleston,
+S. C. says: “I hazard the assertion, that throughout
+the bounds of our synod, there are at least one hundred
+thousand slaves, speaking the same language as
+ourselves, who never <em>heard</em> of the plan of salvation by a
+Redeemer.” The reason assigned for these oppressive
+laws is, that “teaching slaves to read and write tends
+to excite dissatisfaction in their minds,” and to produce
+insurrection. In Georgia, a white man is fined five hundred
+dollars for teaching a slave or free negro to read or
+write; and if a colored man attempts to teach the alphabet
+even to his own child, he is liable to be fined or
+whipped, according to the discretion of the court. Such
+laws are necessary for the preservation of this detestable
+system; and while such laws exist, how can the
+slaves ever be better fitted for freedom? When the British
+government insisted that female slaves should no
+longer be flogged naked in the Colonies, the Jamaica
+legislature replied, that the practice could not possibly
+be laid aside, “<em>until</em> the negro women acquired more of
+the sense of shame, which distinguishes European females.”
+Fitting men for freedom by keeping them
+slaves, is like the Jamaica mode of making women modest
+by whipping them without clothing.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But don’t you think it would be dangerous to turn
+the slaves at once loose upon the community?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> The abolitionists never desired to have them turned
+loose. They wish to have them governed by salutary
+laws, so regulated as effectually to protect both
+master and slave. They merely wish to have the power
+of punishment transferred from individuals to magistrates;
+to have the sale of human beings cease; and to
+have the stimulus of <em>wages</em> applied, instead of the stimulus
+of the <em>whip</em>. The relation of master and laborer
+might still continue; but under circumstances less irksome
+and degrading to both parties. Even that much
+abused animal the jackass can be made to travel more
+expeditiously by suspending a bunch of turnips on a pole
+and keeping them before his nose, than he can by the
+continual application of the whip; and even when human
+beings are brutalized to the last degree, by the
+soul-destroying system of slavery, they have still sense<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span>
+enough left to be more willing to work two hours for
+twelve cents, than to work one hour for nothing.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I should think this system, in the long run, must
+be an unprofitable one.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It is admitted to be so. Southerners often declare
+that it takes six slaves to do what is easily performed by
+half the number of free laborers. Henry Clay says, “It
+is believed that slave-labor would no where be employed
+in the farming portions of the United States, if the proprietors
+were not tempted to raise slaves by the high
+price of the Southern market, which keeps it up in their
+own;” and he says the effects of introducing slavery into
+Kentucky have been to keep them in the rear of
+their non-slave-holding neighbors, in agriculture, manufactures,
+and general prosperity. General Washington,
+when writing to Sir John Sinclair on the comparative
+value of the soil in Pennsylvania and Virginia, ascribes
+the very low price of land in Virginia to the existence
+of slavery among them. John Randolph declared
+that Virginia was so impoverished by slavery, that
+slaves would soon be advertising for runaway masters.
+A distinguished writer on political economy says: “The
+slave system inflicts an incalculable amount of human
+suffering, for the sake of making a wholesale waste of
+labor and capital.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But the masters say the negroes would cut their
+throats, if they were emancipated.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It is safer to judge by uniform experience than by
+the assertions of the masters, who, even if they have no
+intention to deceive, are very liable to be blinded by
+having been educated in the midst of a bad system. Listen
+to facts on this subject. On the 10th of October,
+1811, the Congress of Chili decreed that every child born
+after that day should be free. In April, 1812, the government
+of Buenos Ayres ordered that every child born
+after the 1st of January, 1813, should be free. In 1821,
+the Congress of Colombia emancipated all slaves who
+had borne arms in favor of the Republic, and provided
+for the emancipation, in eighteen years, of the whole
+slave population, of 900,000. In September, 1829, the
+government of Mexico granted immediate and entire
+emancipation to every slave. In all these instances, <em>not
+one case of insurrection or of bloodshed has ever been
+heard of, as the result of emancipation</em>.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span></p>
+
+<p>In St. Domingo no measures were taken gradually to
+fit the slaves for freedom. They were suddenly emancipated
+during a civil war, and armed against British invaders.
+They at once ceased to be property, and were
+recognized as human beings. Col. Malefant, who resided
+on the island, informs us, in his Historical and Political
+History of the Colonies, that, “after this public
+act of emancipation, the negroes remained quiet both
+in the south and west, and they continued to work upon
+all the plantations. The colony was flourishing. The
+whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates,
+and the negroes continued to work for them.” General
+Lacroix, in his Memoirs of St. Domingo, speaking of the
+same period, says: “The colony marched as by enchantment
+towards its ancient splendor; cultivation
+prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its
+progress.” This prosperous state of things lasted about
+eight years, and would perhaps have continued to the
+present day, had not Bonaparte, at the instigation of the
+old French planters, sent an army to deprive the blacks
+of the freedom they had used so well. The enemies of
+abolition are always talking of the horrors of St. Domingo,
+as an argument to prove that emancipation is dangerous;
+but historical facts prove that the effort to <em>restore
+slavery</em> occasioned all the bloodshed in that island;
+while <em>emancipation produced only the most peaceful and
+prosperous results</em>.</p>
+
+<p>In June, 1794, Victor Hugo, a French republican
+general, retook Guadaloupe from the British, and immediately
+proclaimed freedom to all the slaves. They
+were 85,000 in number, and the whites only 13,000. <em>No
+disasters occurred in consequence of this step.</em> More than
+seven years after this, the Supreme Council of Guadaloupe,
+in an official document, alluding to the tranquillity
+which reigned throughout the island, observed: “We
+shall have the satisfaction of having given an example,
+which will prove that <em>all classes of people may live in perfect
+harmony with each other, under an administration which
+secures justice to all classes</em>.” In 1802, Bonaparte sent
+a powerful French force, and again reduced the island
+to slavery, at the cost of about 20,000 negro lives.</p>
+
+<p>In July, 1828, thirty thousand Hottentots in Cape
+Colony were emancipated from their long and cruel
+bondage, and admitted by law to all the rights and privileges<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span>
+of the white colonists. Outrages were predicted,
+as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures
+so completely brutalized as the poor Hottentots;
+but all went on peaceably; and, as a gentleman facetiously
+remarked, “Hottentots as they were, they
+worked much better for Mr. <em>Cash</em>, than they had ever
+done for Mr. <em>Lash</em>.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But they say the British have had difficulties in
+their West Indies.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> The enemies of the cause have tried very hard to
+get up a “raw-head and bloody-bones” story; but even
+if you take their own accounts, you will find that they
+have not been able to adduce any instances of violence
+in support of their assertions. The real facts are these:
+The measure was not carried in a manner entirely satisfactory
+to the English abolitionists. Their knowledge
+of human nature, combined with the practical evidence
+afforded by history, led them to conclude that immediate
+and unqualified emancipation was <em>safest</em> for the master,
+as well as just to the slave; but the planters raised such
+a hue and cry concerning bloodshed and insurrection,
+that the British government determined to conciliate
+them by a gradual abolition of slavery. It was ordained
+that the slaves should work six years longer without
+wages, under the name of <em>apprentices</em>; but no punishment
+could be inflicted without the special order of magistrates.
+The colonies had a right to dispense with the
+apprenticeship system if they pleased; but out of the
+seventeen West India colonies, Antigua and Bermuda
+were the only ones that chose to do so. The act of
+Parliament provided that each apprentice should work
+for his master <em>forty and a half</em> hours a week, and have
+the rest of the time to himself. The masters were not
+satisfied with this; and they tried, by a series of petty
+vexations, to coerce the apprentices into individual contracts
+to work <em>fifty</em> hours in a week. While the people
+had been slaves, they were always allowed <em>cooks</em> to prepare
+their meals, a person to bring <em>water</em> to the gang
+during the hot hours, and <em>nurses</em> to tend the little children
+while their mothers were at work in the field; but
+because the Abolition Act did not expressly provide that
+these privileges should be continued, the masters saw
+fit to take them away. Each apprentice was obliged to
+quit his or her work, and go, sometimes a great distance,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span>
+to the cabin to cook his meals, instead of having
+it served up in the field; and the time taken up in this
+operation was to be made up out of the apprentices’ own
+time. No water was allowed to be brought to quench
+their thirst; the aged and infirm, instead of being left,
+as formerly, to superintend the children under the shade,
+were ordered out into the burning fields; and mothers
+were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped
+at their backs. In addition to all these annoyances,
+the planters obtained a new proclamation from the governor,
+by which they were authorized to require extra
+labor of the apprentices in times of emergency, or <em>whenever
+they should deem it necessary</em>, in the cultivation,
+gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they
+repaid them an equal time at <em>a convenient season of the
+year</em>. This was very much like taking from a New England
+laborer the month of July, and paying it back to
+him in January. The negroes had behaved extremely
+well when emancipation was first proclaimed, and universally
+showed a disposition to be orderly, submissive,
+and thankful; but this system of privation and injustice
+soon created discontent. They knew that they were to
+receive no wages, however industrious they might be;
+and they were well aware that their masters no longer
+had a right to flog them. A bad stimulus to labor had
+been removed, without supplying a good one in its place.
+In three of the colonies, the apprentices refused to
+work on the terms required by their masters. In Jamaica,
+a very small military force was sent into one parish,
+and only on one occasion; but no violence was offered
+on either side; for the apprentices confined themselves
+to <em>passive resistance</em>—merely refusing to work on the
+required terms. In St. Christophers, difficulties of a
+similar kind occurred; but no outrage of any kind was
+committed. In one fortnight all the trouble was at an
+end; and out of twenty thousand apprentices, only thirty
+were found to be absent from their work; and some of
+these were supposed to be dead in the woods. In Demarara,
+the principal difficulty occurred. The laborers
+assembled together, and marched round with a flag staff;
+but the <em>worst</em> thing they did was to beat a constable with
+their fists. <em>It is a solemn fact that a few fisty cuffs with
+a constable are the only violence to persons or property,
+that has been attempted by the eight hundred thousand
+slaves emancipated in the British Colonies!</em></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span></p>
+
+<p>Even the difficulties above enumerated (slight as they
+were, and unworthy to be named in connexion with such
+a great moral change) were but temporary. The governor
+of Jamaica, after five months’ trial of emancipation,
+declares, in his address to the Assembly, “Not
+the slightest idea of any interruption of tranquillity exists
+in any quarter; and those preparations which I have
+felt it my duty to make, might, without the slightest
+danger, have been dispensed with.” By recent news,
+we learn that the planters finding the system of coercion
+was likely to be ruinous to their own interest,
+offered the apprentices 2<em>s.</em> 6<em>d.</em> per day for extra work.
+The enemies of abolition prophesied that nothing would
+induce the negroes to work more than they were actually
+compelled to by law, and that the crops would perish
+for want of gathering. But the result proved otherwise.
+As soon as <em>wages</em> were offered, they came forward
+eagerly, and offered to do more work than the planters
+were willing to pay for. We have the testimony of one
+of their magistrates, that as soon as this system was
+tried, “their apparent indifference was every where
+thrown off, and their work carried on in a steady, persevering,
+and diligent manner.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> And how was it in Antigua and Bermuda, where
+they gave up the apprenticeship system, and tried immediate
+and unqualified emancipation?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> In those colonies not the slightest difficulty, of any
+kind, has occurred. The Antigua journals declare,
+“The great doubt is solved; the highest hopes of the
+negroes’ friends are fulfilled. A whole people, comprising
+thirty thousand souls, have passed from slavery
+into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity,
+but with the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a Sabbath.”
+The Christmas holidays were always seasons
+of alarm in the slave-colonies, and a military force was
+always held in readiness; but the Christmas after emancipation,
+the customary guard was dispensed with. Up
+to the present time, every thing remains perfectly tranquil
+in Antigua; and a negro is at the head of the police
+in that island. The population consists of 2,000 whites,
+30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Yet people are always saying that free negroes
+cannot take care of themselves.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It is because people are either very much prejudiced<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>
+or very ignorant on the subject. In the United
+States, colored persons have scarcely any chance to
+rise. They are despised, and abused, and discouraged,
+at every turn. In the slave States they are subject to
+laws nearly as oppressive as those of the slave. They
+are whipped or imprisoned, if they try to learn to read
+or write; they are not allowed to testify in court; and
+there is a general disposition not to encourage them
+by giving them employment. In addition to this,
+the planters are very desirous to expel them from
+the State, partly because they are jealous of their influence
+upon the slaves, and partly because those who
+have slaves to let out, naturally dislike the competition
+of the free negroes. But if colored people are well
+treated, and have the same inducements to industry as
+other people, they work as well and behave as well.
+A few years ago the Pennsylvanians were very much
+alarmed at the representations that were made of the
+increase of pauperism from the ingress of free negroes.
+A committee was appointed to examine into the subject,
+and it was ascertained that the colored people not only
+supported their own poor, but paid a considerable additional
+sum towards the support of white paupers.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard people say that the slaves would not
+take their freedom, if it were offered to them.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I sincerely wish they would offer it. I should like
+to see the experiment tried. If the slaves are so well
+satisfied with their condition, why do they make such
+severe laws against running away? Why are the patroles
+on duty all the time to shoot every negro who
+does not give an account of himself as soon as they call
+to him? Why, notwithstanding all these pains and penalties,
+are their newspapers full of advertisements for
+runaway slaves? If the free negroes are so much worse
+off than those in bondage, why is it that their laws bestow
+freedom on any slave, “who saves his master or
+mistress’s life, or performs any meritorious service to
+the State?” That must be a very bad country where
+the law stipulates that <em>meritorious</em> actions shall be rewarded
+by making a man more unhappy than he was
+before! Some months ago, I had a conversation with a
+woman, who went from Boston to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama.
+She was the wife of a Baptist clergyman, professed
+to be a pious woman, and was considered as such.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span>
+I found her an apologist for slavery, but was not aware
+at the time that she actually owned slaves. She maintained
+that freedom was the greatest curse that could be
+bestowed on a slave; and when I attempted to put the
+case home to her conscience, she, for consistency’s sake,
+declared, that she should be quite as willing to die and
+leave her own little son in slavery, as to leave him a free
+laborer at the North. She said if she had a hundred
+slaves, she should treat them all kindly, and endeavor to
+make their condition comfortable. I replied, “I am
+willing to believe that you would do so, madam; but in
+case of your death, or of any pecuniary distress in the
+family, the poor slaves would be divided among heirs, or
+seized by creditors; and then who can tell into whose
+hands they may fall? The condition of the slave depends
+on the character of the master; and that is entirely a
+matter of <em>accident</em>”. The pious woman rejoined, “Oh, I
+should take care of that. If they were good, faithful
+servants, they would find at my death that papers of
+manumission had been duly prepared.” “But you told
+me that freedom was the greatest curse that could be
+bestowed upon a slave,” replied I: “Now is it possible,
+madam, that you would leave, as your dying legacy to
+good and faithful servants, the greatest curse you could
+bestow?”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Do you suppose they really believe what they say,
+when they declare that slaves are happier than freemen?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I leave your own republican good sense to determine
+that question. Governor Giles of Virginia did not
+take that ground in his address to the Legislature in
+1827. Speaking of punishing free blacks by selling
+them as slaves, he says: “Slavery must be admitted to
+be a punishment of the highest order; and according to
+every just rule for the apportionment of punishment to
+crimes, it would seem that <em>it ought to be applied only to
+crime of the highest order</em>!”</p>
+
+<p>But even if it were true that the slaves were as happy
+and contented as slave-holders try to represent them—what
+would it prove? It would merely prove that they
+had fearfully brutalized immortal souls before they <em>could</em>
+be happy in such a situation. Edmund Burke said very
+truly, “If you have made a <em>happy slave</em>, you have made
+a <em>degraded man</em>.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But how is it that some people, who really do not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span>
+intend to make false representations, bring back such
+favorable accounts of slavery, after they have visited at
+the South?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It is because they go among rich, hospitable
+planters, and see favorite household slaves. Of the poor
+wretches on the plantations, subject to the tender mercies
+of an overseer, they know as little, as the guests of
+a Russian nobleman know of the miserable condition of
+his serfs. Their sympathies all go with the master.
+They ask questions of the master, and not of the slave.
+Even if they tried to talk with the latter, the poor creatures
+would be afraid to speak freely, lest any expressions
+of discontent might be reported to the master, or
+the overseer. I should like to have you hear them talk
+as I have heard runaway slaves talk, when they knew
+they had a friend to listen to them!</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But do you think the suitable time has yet come
+to exert ourselves on this subject?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I will answer, as a similar question was lately answered
+by a lady who had been brought up in the midst
+of slavery: “If thou were a slave, toiling in the fields
+of Carolina, I apprehend thou wouldst think the time
+had <em>fully</em> come.” This explains the whole difficulty.
+We do not put ourselves in the condition of the slave,
+and imagine what would be our feelings if we were in
+<em>his</em> circumstances. We do not obey the Scripture injunction,
+“remember those that are in bonds, <em>as bound
+with them</em>.”</p>
+
+<p>But if we look at this question merely with a view to
+expediency, without reference to justice or mercy, when
+can we hope that a time will come <em>more</em> propitious to the
+discussion of this subject? The fact is, difficulties and
+dangers increase every day. In South Carolina and
+Louisiana, the blacks are already a majority. The annual
+increase of the <em>slaves</em>, without including the free
+blacks, in the United States, is now 62,000 annually. It
+is a fact worthy of consideration, that the licentiousness
+of the white man increases the colored race; but the
+vices of colored men or women can never increase the
+white race; for the children of such connections are of
+course not white.—These people are increasing in the
+midst of us in startling ratio. If we pursue a kind and
+Christian course, we can identify their interests with the
+rest of the community, and make them our friends; but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
+if we persevere in the course we have pursued, their
+feelings and interests <em>must</em> be all in opposition to ours,
+and there is great reason to fear the consequences.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Don’t you think the Colonization Society is doing
+some good?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Those who have examined into the subject, have so
+universally come to the conclusion that Colonization is
+entirely ineffectual for the abolition of slavery at any
+time, however remote, that it seems hardly worth while
+to waste words on that subject. I do not pretend to impeach
+the motives of benevolent individuals, who have
+been engaged in it; but there is no doubt that its <em>practical
+tendency</em> is to perpetuate slavery. John Randolph,
+and other slave-holders, have advocated that Society,
+upon the avowed ground that by sending off an inconvenient
+surplus it would increase the price of the slaves
+left. In the new slave States, where they have not as
+yet an “inconvenient surplus” of slaves, they don’t like
+the Colonization Society; but the old slave States have
+been its warmest friends. There is one brief objection
+to the idea of abolishing slavery by Colonization: <em>it is
+impossible</em>. Even if it were desirable to remove these
+valuable laborers from our soil, it could not be done, if
+the whole Treasury and Navy of the United States were
+devoted to it. The Colonization Society has been in
+operation about nineteen years; they have had immense
+funds; and they have transported to Africa, during that
+time, about three thousand colored persons, of which
+<em>not one thousand</em> were manumitted slaves. Now the annual
+<em>increase</em> of the slaves alone is 62,000; and the annual
+increase of the free blacks is about 10,000. <em>In
+nineteen years the Colonizationists have not been able to
+carry off one sixtieth part of the increase of the slaves in
+one year!</em> This is worse than the old story of the frog,
+who jumped out of the well two feet every night, and
+fell back three feet every morning. But even if the
+colored people <em>could</em> be all carried out of the country,
+what is the South to do for laborers? They have been
+in the habit of excusing themselves, by saying that white
+men cannot work in their climate, and by taking it for
+granted that black men will not work for wages. If the
+climate is unsuitable for white laborers, it is manifestly
+very impolitic to send off the black ones. It would be
+far wiser to try the experiment they have tried in Bermuda<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span>
+and Antigua. Labor is needed in all parts of our
+country; and it is worse than a childish game to be
+sending off ship-loads of laborers to Africa, while we
+are bringing in ship-loads from Ireland, Holland, and
+Switzerland.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard some people say they gave their
+money to the Colonization Society merely as a missionary
+establishment.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It would be well for those people to examine into
+the matter, and first ascertain whether it <em>is</em> a missionary
+establishment. When we send missions to India, the
+Sandwich Islands, &amp;c., we send men believed to be pious
+and enlightened. For the probable influence of the emigrants
+carried out by the Colonization Society, let the
+Society answer for itself. They assure us that the colored
+persons colonized from the United States will
+“carry religion and the arts into the heart of Africa.”
+Yet Mr. Clay, Vice President of the Society, says, “Of
+all classes of our population the most vicious is that of
+the free colored—contaminated themselves, they extend
+their vices to all around them.” And the African Repository,
+which is the organ of the Society, declares that
+“they are notoriously ignorant—a curse and a contagion
+wherever they reside.” Now, are not these admirable
+missionaries to send out to christianize Africa? It
+would be wise to put them under better and more encouraging
+influences at home, before we attempt to send
+them to enlighten heathen lands.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Some say that these people are naturally inferior
+to us; and that the shape of their skulls proves it.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> If I believed that the colored people were naturally
+inferior to the whites, I should say that was an additional
+reason why we ought to protect, instruct, and encourage
+them. No consistent republican will say that a
+strong-minded man has a right to oppress those less
+gifted than himself. Slave-holders do not seem to think
+the negroes are so stupid as not to acquire knowledge,
+and make use of it, if they could get a chance. If they
+do think so, why do their laws impose such heavy penalties
+on all who attempt to give them any education?
+Nobody thinks it necessary to forbid the promulgation
+of knowledge among monkeys. If you believe the colored
+race are naturally inferior, I wish you would read
+the history of Toussaint L’Ouverture, the Washington<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span>
+of St. Domingo. Though perfectly black, he was unquestionably
+one of the greatest and best men of his
+age. I wish you would hear Mr. Williams of New
+York, and Mr. Douglass of Philadelphia preach a few
+times, before you hastily decide concerning the capacity
+of the colored race for intellectual improvement. As
+for the shape of their skulls, I shall be well satisfied if
+our Southern brethren will emancipate all the slaves
+who have <em>not</em> what is called the “African conformation.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> What do you think about property in slaves?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Let me reply to that question by asking others. If
+you were taken by an Algerine pirate, and an Arab
+bought you, and paid honestly for you, should you ever
+consider yourself the <em>property</em> of the Arab? Should you
+think your fellow-citizens ought so to consider you?
+Can what is stolen in the beginning, be honest property
+in the transmission? If you and your children had
+toiled hard for years, and received only a peck of corn
+a week for your services, should you not think that some
+compensation was due to <em>you</em>?</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> These are hard questions; and I find it is hard to
+answer a good many things, when we once get into the
+habit of imagining how we should think and feel if we
+ourselves were the slaves. But what have the North to
+do on this subject?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> They cannot help having a great deal to do with
+it, either for good or for evil. They are citizens of this
+republic; and as such cannot but feel a painful interest
+in a subject which makes their beloved country an object
+of derision to the civilized world. If the slaves should
+make any attempt to gain their freedom, we are bound
+to go with an armed force and rivet their chains. If a
+slave escapes from his master unto us, we are bound to
+deliver him up to the lash. The people of Pennsylvania,
+living so near the slave States, have a great many of
+these painful scenes to encounter. A few months ago,
+an industrious and pious colored man in Philadelphia
+was torn from his home at midnight, and beaten in such
+a degree that the snow for some distance was stained
+with his blood. His poor wife, who was devotedly attached
+to him, had an infant about eight or ten days old;
+but regardless of her situation, she plunged into the
+snow, and implored mercy for her husband. Her shrieks<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span>
+and entreaties were of no avail. The citizens of Philadelphia
+could not help her, because the free States are
+bound by law to give up runaway slaves. The evil
+might be cured by the extreme cheapness of labor, if
+the surplus population were not drained off to supply
+<em>new</em> slave States. But in order to accommodate slave-holders
+in this respect, Louisiana has been bought, and
+Florida bought, by revenues principally raised in the
+free States; and now they want to purchase Texas likewise
+for an eternal slave market. Every time a member
+from the free States votes for the admission of a slave
+state into the Union, he helps to increase the political
+power, which has always been wielded for the perpetuation
+of this abominable system. It is high time for the
+free States to begin to reflect seriously, whether they
+ought any longer to give their money and their moral
+influence in support of this iniquity.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I did not know we were obliged to give up runaway
+slaves to their masters. Are you sure it is so?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> When masters <em>bring</em> their slaves into the free
+States, or <em>send</em> them, the slaves can legally take their
+freedom; but when the slaves run away, we are obliged
+by law to give them up, let the circumstances be what
+they may. Many conscientious people prefer to obey
+the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not deliver
+unto his master the servant which hath escaped unto
+thee.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But would you at once give so many ignorant
+creatures political power, by making them voters?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> That would be for the wisdom of legislators to decide;
+and they would probably decide that it would not
+be judicious to invest emancipated slaves with the elective
+franchise; for though it is not their fault that they
+have been kept brutally ignorant, it unfits them for
+voters. At the present time, slaves <em>are</em> represented in
+Congress. Every five slaves are counted equal to three
+freemen; which is just the same as if our farmers were
+allowed to count every five of their oxen as three voters.
+This system gives the Southern aristocracy great political
+power, entirely unchecked by democratic influence,
+which comes in as a counterpoise in States where the
+laboring class are allowed to vote. W. B. Seabrook, of
+South Carolina, has lately published an Essay on the
+management of slaves, in which he says: “An addition<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span>
+of $1,000,000 to the private fortune of Daniel Webster would
+not give to Massachusetts more weight than she now possesses
+in the Federal Councils. On the other hand, every increase
+of slave property in South Carolina, is a fraction thrown into
+the scale by which <em>her representation in Congress is determined</em>.”
+This country has been governed by a President forty-eight
+years. During forty of those years we have been governed by
+a slave-holder! The New England candidates each remained
+in office but four years; and the great middle section has never
+given a President. The Middle States are politically
+stronger than the Northern, and are therefore more likely to
+act independently, and without reference to Southern support.
+Perhaps this may be the reason why those States, large and
+wealthy as they are, have never given a President to their
+country. Slave-holders are keen-sighted politicians; and they
+are closely knit together by one common bond of sympathy
+on the subject of slavery. It is a common remark with them
+that they never will vote for any man north of the Potomac.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> You know that abolitionists are universally accused of
+wishing to promote the amalgamation of colored and white
+people.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> This is a false charge, got up by the enemies of the cause,
+and used as a bugbear to increase the prejudices of the community.
+By the hue and cry that is raised on the subject, one
+would really suppose that in this free country a certain set of
+men had power to compel their neighbors to marry contrary
+to their own inclination. The abolitionists have never, by example,
+writing, or conversation, endeavored to connect amalgamation
+with the subject of abolition. When their enemies
+insist upon urging this silly and unfounded objection, they
+content themselves with replying, “If there be a natural antipathy
+between the races, the antipathy will protect itself. If
+such marriages are contrary to the order of Providence, we
+certainly may trust Providence to take care of the matter. It
+is a poor compliment to the white young men to be so afraid
+that the moment we allow the colored ones to be educated,
+the girls will all be running after them.”</p>
+
+<p>At a town meeting in New Hampshire, one of the citizens
+rose to say that he did not approve of admitting colored lads
+into the school. “If you suffer these people to be educated,”
+said he, “the first thing we shall know they will be marrying
+our daughters!” After some other remarks, he concluded by
+saying, “it is impossible for the colored and white race to live
+together in a kind social relation—there is a natural antipathy—they
+cannot be made to mix any better than oil and water.”
+A plain farmer replied, “I thought you said just now,
+that you was afraid that they’d marry our <em>darters</em>; if they won’t
+mix any better than <em>ile</em> and water, what are you afraid of?”
+Any one who observes the infinite variety of shadings in the
+complexions of the colored people, will perceive that amalgamation
+has for a long time been carried on. The only justification<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span>
+that the apologist for slavery can give is, that it is not
+sanctioned by marriage. According to Southern laws every
+child must follow the condition of its <em>mother</em>; that is, if the
+mother is a slave, her offspring must be so likewise. If they
+would change one word, and say the child shall follow the
+condition of its <em>father</em>, a large proportion of their slaves would
+be free at once; and the others would soon become so, provided
+no new cargoes were in the mean time smuggled in from
+Africa. In this subject, the truth is briefly told in a juvenile
+couplet, viz.</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="poetry">
+    <div class="verse indentq">“By universal emancipation,</div>
+    <div class="verse indent0">We want to <em>stop</em> amalgamation.”</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Is there any truth in the charge that you wish to break
+down all distinctions of society, and introduce the negroes into
+our parlors?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> There is not the slightest truth in this charge. People
+have pointed to an ignorant shoe-black, and asked me whether
+I would invite him to visit my house. I answered, “No; I
+would not do so if he were a white man; and I should not be
+likely to do it, merely because he was black.” An educated
+person will not naturally like to associate with one who is
+grossly ignorant. It may be no merit in one that he is well-informed,
+and no fault of the other that he is ignorant; for
+these things may be the result of circumstances, over which
+the individual had no control; but such people will not choose
+each other’s society merely from want of sympathy. For
+these reasons, I would not select an ignorant man, of any
+complexion, for my companion; but when you ask me whether
+that man’s children shall have as fair a chance as my own, to
+obtain an education, and rise in the world, I should be ashamed
+of myself, both as a Christian and a republican, if I did not
+say, yes, with all my heart.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But do you believe that prejudice against color ever can
+be overcome?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Yes, I do; because I have faith that all things will pass
+away, which are not founded in reason and justice. In France
+and England, this prejudice scarcely exists at all. Their noblemen
+would never dream of taking offence because a colored
+gentleman sat beside them in a stage-coach, or at the table of
+an hotel. Be assured, however, that the abolitionists have not
+the slightest wish to force you to give up this prejudice. If,
+after conscientious examination, you believe it to be right,
+cherish it; but do not adhere to it merely because your neighbors
+do. Look it in the face—apply the golden rule—and
+judge for yourself. The Mahometans really think they could
+not eat at the same table with a Christian, without pollution;
+but I have no doubt the time will come when this prejudice
+will be removed. The old feudal nobles of England would
+not have thought it possible that their descendants could live
+in a community, where they and their vassals were on a perfect
+civil equality; yet the apparent impossibility has come to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span>
+pass, with advantage to many, and injury to none. When we
+endeavor to conform to the spirit of the gospel, there is never
+any danger that it will not lead us into the paths of peace.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But they say your measures are unconstitutional.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Is it unconstitutional to talk, and write, and publish on
+any subject? particularly one in which the welfare and character
+of the country are so deeply involved? This is all the
+abolitionists have ever done; it is all they have ever desired
+to do. Nobody disputes that Congress has constitutional
+power to abolish slavery and the slave-trade in the District of
+Columbia. That District belongs in common to all the States,
+and each of them has an interest in the slaves there. The
+public prisons of that District, built <em>with the money of the whole
+people</em> of the United States, are used for the benefit of slave-traders,
+and the groaning victims of this detestable traffic are
+kept confined within their walls. The keepers of these prisons,
+<em>paid with the money of the whole people</em>, act as jailers to these
+slave-traders, until their gang of human brutes can be completed.
+When we are acting as accomplices in all this, have
+we no right to petition for the abolition of slavery and the
+slave trade <em>there</em>? I do not see how any conscientious man
+can help believing it to be a solemn duty.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Is there any truth in the charge, that abolitionists have
+tried to excite insurrections among the slaves?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> This charge is destitute of the slightest foundation in
+truth. The abolitionists have addressed facts and arguments
+to the slave-holders <em>only</em>. They have never sought for any
+communication with the slaves; and if they did so, their principles
+would lead them to teach patience and submission, until
+their deliverance could be accomplished by peaceful
+measures. I believe the publications by the Peace Society do
+not contain so much in defence of non-resistance under injury,
+as the publications of the abolitionists. If it should be discovered
+that any member of an Anti-Slavery Society had tried
+to excite disaffection among the slaves, he would be immediately
+turned out of the Society, with strong expressions of
+disapprobation. This false charge has been got up at the
+South merely to excite sympathy. A little while ago a paragraph
+went the rounds of the newspapers, concerning an <em>abolitionist</em>
+who had been overheard trying to persuade a negro
+lad to run away, and offering to forge free papers for him. It
+was afterwards ascertained that the man was a <em>kidnapper</em>, and
+took this means of getting the boy into his own power, for the
+sake of selling him. Complaints are made that pictures of a
+man flogging slaves having been on some of the books sent to
+the South; and it is urged that negroes can understand these
+pictures, if they do not know their letters. In the first place,
+the books are sent to the masters. In the next place (as has
+been well observed), the pictures represent a thing that is
+either true, or not true. If it is not true, the negroes would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span>
+look at the picture without being reminded of any thing <em>they</em>
+had ever seen or known—if told that it represented a driver
+beating slaves, they would laugh at such Munchausen stories
+of things that never happened. On the other hand, if the representation
+is true, would the mere picture of a thing be more
+likely to excite them to insurrection than the thing itself?
+These stories of efforts to excite violence are mere spectres
+raised on purpose for the occasion. If you will take notice of
+the charges brought against abolitionists, you will find that
+they are always mere assertions, unsupported by quotations,
+or any species of evidence. When I have read the resolutions
+passed at public meetings against the abolitionists, I have
+smiled at the farce which those men have been acting. In
+nearly all their resolutions, the abolitionists could most cordially
+and conscientiously concur. The enemies of the cause
+have in several cities gravely met together to declare that they
+do not approve of attempts to promote insurrections. The
+abolitionists agree with them entirely. With the same ridiculous
+gravity, they make known to the world that they do not
+approve of any legislative interference with the Southern
+States. The abolitionists have never dreamed of any such interference.
+They merely wish to <em>induce the Southerners to
+legislate for themselves</em>; and they hope to do this by the universal
+dissemination of facts and arguments, calculated to promote
+a <em>correct public sentiment</em> on the subject of slavery. This is all
+they ever intended to do; and this they will do, though earth
+and hell combine against their efforts. The men engaged in
+this cause are not working for themselves, but for God—and
+therefore they are strong.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But do you believe the Southerners ever can be persuaded?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> At all events, it is our duty to try. “Thus saith the Lord
+God, Thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they
+will hear, or whether they will forbear; neither be afraid of
+their words, though briers and thorns be with thee, and
+thou dost dwell among scorpions.” If public sentiment becomes
+universally reformed on this subject, it cannot fail to
+have a powerful influence. Slavery was abolished in the British
+dominions entirely by moral influence. Parliament never
+would have voted for the bill, the king never would have
+signed it, if an enlightened public sentiment had not made the
+step absolutely necessary; and the public became enlightened
+by the exertions of benevolent men, who were obliged to endure
+every form of obloquy and rage, before the good work
+was completed. The slave-holders are perfectly aware that
+the same causes will produce similar effects in this country.
+One of the Southern editors has lately declared that what is
+most to be feared is, that these fanatical abolitionists will make
+some people of morbid consciences believe that slavery really
+<em>is</em> wrong, and that it is their duty to relinquish it. Another<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span>
+Southern newspaper complains that the worst effect of this
+discussion is, that it is causing good men to regard slave-holders
+with abhorrence.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But if the system works so badly in every respect, why
+are people so unwilling to give it up?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Human nature is willing to endure much, rather than relinquish
+unbridled licentiousness and despotic control. The
+emperor of Russia, and the pachas of Egypt would be reluctant
+to abridge their own power, for the sake of introducing a
+system of things more conducive to the freedom, virtue and
+happiness of their subjects. They had rather live in constant
+fear of the poisoned bowl and the midnight dagger, than to
+give up the pleasant exercise of tyranny, to which they have
+so long been accustomed. In addition to this feeling, so common
+to our nature, there are many conscientious people, who
+are terrified at the idea of emancipation. It has always been
+presented to them in the most frightful colors; and bad men
+are determined, if possible, to prevent the abolitionists from
+proving to such minds that <em>the dangers of insurrection all belong
+to slavery, and would cease when slavery was abolished</em>.</p>
+
+<p>At the North, the apologists of slavery are numerous and
+virulent, because their <em>interests</em> are closely intertwined with
+the pernicious system. Inquire into the private history of
+many of the men, who have called meetings against the abolitionists—you
+will find that some manufacture negro cloths
+for the South—some have sons who sell those cloths—some
+have daughters married to slave-holders—some have plantations
+and slaves mortgaged to them—some have ships employed
+in Southern commerce—and some candidates for political
+offices would bow until their back-bones were broken,
+to obtain or preserve Southern influence. The Southerners
+understand all this perfectly well, and despise our servility,
+even while they condescend to make use of it.</p>
+
+<p>One great reason why the people of this country have not
+thought and felt right on this subject, is that all our books,
+newspapers, almanacs and periodicals, have combined to represent
+the colored race as an inferior and degraded class, who
+never could be made good and useful citizens. Ridicule and
+reproach have been abundantly heaped upon them; but their
+virtues and their sufferings have found few historians. The
+South has been well satisfied with such a public sentiment.
+It sends back no echo to disturb their consciences, and it effectually
+rivets the chain on the necks of their vassals. In this
+department of service, the Colonization Society has been a
+most active and zealous agent.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But some people say that all the mobs, and other violent
+proceedings, are to be attributed to the abolitionists.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> They might as well charge the same upon St. Paul, when
+his fearless preaching of the gospel brought him into such
+imminent peril, that his friends were obliged to “let him<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span>
+down over the wall in a basket,” to save his life. As well
+might St. Stephen have been blamed for the mob that stoned
+him to death. With the same justice might William Penn
+have been called the cause of all the violent persecutions
+against the Quakers. When principles of truth are sent out
+in the midst of a perverse generation, they <em>always</em> come
+“<ins class="corr" id="tn-36" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'not not to bring peace'">
+not to bring peace</ins>, but a sword.” The abolitionists have offered
+violence to no man—they have never attempted to stop
+the discussions of their opponents; but have, on the contrary,
+exerted themselves to obtain a candid examination of the subject
+on all sides. They merely claim the privilege of delivering
+peaceful addresses at orderly meetings, and of publishing
+what they believe to be facts, with an honest desire to have
+them tested by the strictest ordeal of truth.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But do you think a foreigner ought to be allowed to lecture
+on this subject?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> <em>We</em> have some hundred missionaries abroad lecturing
+other nations—preaching against systems most closely entwined
+with the government and prejudices of the people. If
+good and conscientious men leave ease, honor, and popularity
+behind them, to come here, and labor among the poor
+and the despised, merely from zeal in a good cause, shall we
+refuse to hear what they have to say? If we insult, mob, and
+stone them, how could we consistently blame the Hindoos and
+Sandwich Islanders for abusing <em>our</em> missionaries? We sent
+out agents to England, to give her the benefit of our experience
+on the subject of temperance; ought <em>we</em> not to be willing to
+receive the benefit of her experience on the subject of slavery?
+Let us candidly hear what these men have to say. If it be
+contrary to reason and truth, reject it; if it be the truth, let us
+ponder it in our hearts.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But everybody says the discussion of slavery will lead to
+the dissolution of the Union.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> There must be something wrong in the Union, if the
+candid discussion of <em>any</em> subject can dissolve it; and for the
+truth of this remark, I appeal to your own good sense. If the
+South should be injudicious enough to withdraw from the
+Union for the sake of preserving a moral pestilence in her
+borders, it is very certain that slavery cannot long continue after
+that event. None of the frontier States could long keep their
+slaves, if we were not obliged by law to deliver up runaways;
+nor could they any longer rely upon the free States, in cases
+of emergency, to support slavery by force of arms. The union
+of these States has been continually disturbed and embittered
+by the existence of slavery; and the abolitionists would fain
+convince the whole country that it is best to cast away this
+apple of discord. Their attachment to the Union is so strong,
+that they would make any sacrifice of self-interest to preserve
+it; but they never will consent to sacrifice honor and principle.
+“Duties are ours; events are God’s!”</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
+<div class="chapter"></div>
+
+<div class="p4 transnote">
+<a id="TN"></a>
+<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p>
+
+<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
+corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
+the text and consultation of external sources.</p>
+
+<p>Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
+when a predominant preference was found in the original book.</p>
+
+<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
+and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.</p>
+
+<p>
+<a href="#tn-13">Pg 13</a>: ‘cut off the the heads’ replaced by ‘cut off the heads’.<br />
+<a href="#tn-15">Pg 15</a>: ‘Ths wife, or the’ replaced by ‘The wife, or the’.<br />
+<a href="#tn-16">Pg 16</a>: ‘amagamation has been’ replaced by ‘amalgamation has been’.<br />
+<a href="#tn-36">Pg 36</a>: ‘not not to bring peace’ replaced by ‘not to bring peace’.<br />
+</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 69376 ***</div>
+</body>
+</html>
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+The Project Gutenberg eBook of Anti-slavery catechism, by Lydia Maria
+Child
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
+most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
+whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
+of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
+www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
+will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
+using this eBook.
+
+Title: Anti-slavery catechism
+
+Author: Lydia Maria Child
+
+Release Date: November 18, 2022 [eBook #69376]
+
+Language: English
+
+Produced by: John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
+             at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
+             generously made available by The Internet Archive)
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM ***
+
+
+
+
+
+  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
+
+  Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
+
+  Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
+
+
+
+
+                            ANTI-SLAVERY
+
+                             CATECHISM.
+
+
+                           BY MRS. CHILD,
+
+  _Author of ‘An Appeal in favor of that class of Americans called
+  Africans,’ the ‘Evils of Slavery, and the Cure of Slavery,’ ‘Authentic
+  Anecdotes of American Slavery,’ ‘History of the Condition of Women,’
+  ‘The Oasis,’ ‘Frugal Housewife,’ &c._
+
+
+                  “On the nation’s naked heart
+                   Scatter the living coals of Truth.”
+
+
+                           Second Edition.
+
+
+                            NEWBURYPORT:
+                    PUBLISHED BY CHARLES WHIPPLE.
+                                1839.
+
+
+
+
+       Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835,
+                         By CHARLES WHIPPLE,
+    In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.
+
+
+
+
+ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM.
+
+
+_Question._ Why do you consider it a duty to preach and publish
+abolition doctrines?
+
+_Answer._ First, I consider it my duty as a Christian; for the system
+of slavery, as a whole, and in each one of its details, is in direct
+opposition to the precepts of the gospel. Secondly, I consider it
+my duty as a conscientious citizen of this republic; for I believe
+slavery is prejudicial to the best interests of my country; and I
+dare not hope that God’s blessing will rest upon us, if we persevere
+in our iniquity.
+
+_Q._ But the abolitionists are accused of showing the worst side of
+slavery. Is it not true that they seek to give an exaggerated idea of
+its evils?
+
+_A._ I believe every man, who candidly examines the subject, will
+come to the conclusion, that every side appears to be the worst side.
+Allow me to give a brief statement of the case. Between two and
+three millions of people are compelled to labor without wages. They
+gain nothing more by working ten hours than they would by working
+one hour. It is not in human nature that they should be disposed to
+be industrious under these circumstances. They try to do as little
+as possible. The chief part of the labor that is got out of their
+bones and sinews is obtained by fear of the whip. A peck of corn a
+week is the usual allowance for the food of a slave. The planters
+generally estimate that a slave can be fed and clothed at an expense
+of from fifteen to twenty dollars a year. The following is the
+printed testimony of Thomas Clay, of Georgia, himself a slave-holder,
+though reputed to be an amiable, conscientious man: “A peck of corn
+per week, if it be sound flint corn, is sufficient to sustain health
+and strength under moderate labor. But there is _often_ a defect
+in the quality, and the quantity is then insufficient. The present
+economy of the slave system is to get all you can from the slave,
+and give in return as little as will barely support him in a working
+condition. Even where there is not direct intention to abridge his
+comforts, they are but little consulted; and the slave, seeing his
+master wholly engrossed by his own advantage, naturally adopts the
+same selfish course, and, when not restrained by higher principles,
+becomes deceitful and selfish.”
+
+_Q._ If Mr. Thomas Clay is a good man, and really thinks slavery so
+bad in its effects, why does he not emancipate his own slaves?
+
+_A._ If you were to ask him, I suppose he would give an answer very
+common among planters. He would tell you that he could not do it
+because the laws of the State in which he lives impose such heavy
+penalties, that the process of emancipation is extremely difficult
+and expensive.
+
+_Q._ Who makes the laws of the Southern States?
+
+_A._ The slave-holders themselves. When I hear a man say that he
+would gladly emancipate his slaves, if the _laws_ would allow it,
+it makes me think of an anecdote I have often heard. A little girl
+had been ordered to perform some household work in the absence of
+her mother. When the parent returned, and saw that her orders had
+not been obeyed, she said, “My child, why have you not done as I bid
+you?” The little girl replied, “I should have been glad to do it,
+mother; but I could not. Don’t you see I am tied?” “And pray who tied
+you?” inquired the mother. “I tied myself,” was the reply. Now this
+is plainly the case with the slave-holders. They make oppressive
+laws, and persist in upholding those laws, and then say, “I would do
+my duty, if I could; but the _laws_ will not permit it.”
+
+_Q._ Do the slaves have to work all the time?
+
+_A._ In some States the laws ordain that slaves shall not be
+compelled to work _more_ than _fourteen_ hours a day, from September
+to March, nor more than _fifteen_ hours a day, from March to
+September; and it is reasonable to conclude that there would have
+been no necessity for making such a law, unless some masters _did_
+compel their slaves to toil beyond the specified hours. Convicts, who
+are imprisoned for crime, are not obliged to work more than ten hours
+a day, and are better fed than the slaves. It is an extraordinary
+thing for a slave to be sent to the state prison for an offence.
+Instead of punishment, it would in fact be amelioration of his lot.
+
+_Q._ But I have been told that the slaves sometimes work for
+themselves.
+
+_A._ When they happen to have kind masters, they are sometimes
+allowed a part of the time to earn something for themselves; but the
+laws are extremely inefficient for the protection of property thus
+acquired. If a white man sees fit to seize the products of their
+industry, the law in most cases affords no redress; because in slave
+States a colored man is never allowed to give evidence against a
+white man, under any circumstances. Any note of hand, or written
+contract with a slave is worth no more than a promissory note to a
+dog; because no slave can bring an action at law. In several of the
+States, a slave is liable to punishment if it is ascertained that he
+has acquired any property.
+
+_Q._ I have been told that masters are allowed to kill their slaves.
+Can this be true?
+
+_A._ The laws do indeed nominally consider the killing of a slave
+as murder; but no instance has ever been recorded of a white man
+executed for killing a slave. One law on this subject has the
+following strange qualification: “Except said slave die of _moderate_
+punishment.” As if any punishment, that occasioned death, _could_
+be moderate! If a hundred blacks or mulattoes, either bond or free,
+should see a slave murdered, it avails nothing against the murderer;
+because the laws of slave States do not allow a colored person, under
+any circumstances, to testify against a white man. The laws of South
+Carolina favor the master to such a degree, that when accused of
+murdering a slave, he may be absolved simply upon _his own oath_,
+that he did not commit the crime!
+
+_Q._ But I am told that white men are not unfrequently prosecuted for
+cruelty to slaves; and this looks as if the laws afforded the poor
+creatures some protection.
+
+_A._ I have read not a few Reports of Cases in Southern Courts;
+and those reports did more than any thing else to make me an
+abolitionist. Prosecutions are always brought for the master’s
+interest—never for the protection or redress of the slave. In
+Martin’s Louisiana Reports, 1818, you will find the case of Jourdan
+_vs._ Patten. In this case a lady sued a neighboring proprietor
+for the damage of putting out the only eye of one of her slaves.
+The Supreme Court decided that the defendant should pay the lady
+the sum of twelve hundred dollars; in consideration of which, the
+slave should be placed in _his_ possession. The lady received all
+the money, as an indemnification for the loss of property; but the
+poor slave not only received no atonement for his sufferings, but
+was actually given to the very man that had knocked his eye out!
+This is a fair sample of the nature of all such prosecutions. In
+Nott & McCord’s South Carolina Reports, 1818, it is stated that a
+slave belonging to Mrs. E. Witsell, was shot through the head by two
+men who were hunting runaway negroes. The lady commenced an action
+to recover the value of her slave. The judge told the jury that
+circumstances _might_ exist to authorize the killing of a negro,
+_without the sanction of a magistrate, or even the order of a militia
+officer_; but it was thought such circumstances were not connected
+with _this_ case; the lady was therefore entitled to compensation
+for injury done to her property. As for the poor slave himself, his
+parents, his wife, or his children, they were never once thought of
+in the matter.
+
+_Q._ But do you really believe they hunt negroes with dogs and guns,
+as some people say?
+
+_A._ There cannot be the slightest doubt of the fact. Dogs are
+trained for that express purpose. The planters justify the practice,
+by saying it is absolutely necessary for their own safety; because
+runaway negroes, who collect in the woods and swamps, will soon begin
+to commit depredations on the neighboring estates. Thus the evils
+inevitably growing out of this bad system are made use of to justify
+its cruelties. Free laborers would have no inducement to run away
+and hide in swamps. It would obviously be for their own interest to
+keep at work. These negro hunts seem to be entered into with all the
+keen excitement of sportsmen going out to hunt squirrels or hares. A
+letter written near Edenton, N.C. among other items of news, states:
+“We have had great negro shooting lately.” A gentleman well known in
+the literary world resided for some time in the family of a Georgia
+planter; and he himself stated to me that three negro hunts took
+place during the first nine months of his stay there. He said, that
+one night hearing a noise below stairs, he hastened to ascertain the
+cause. “The gentlemen of the family were cleaning and loading their
+guns, trying their flints, and going through the usual preparations,
+apparently for a deer hunt, as buck shot and bullets were in demand.
+The children of the family had partaken of the general excitement,
+and arisen from their beds. As I entered the room, I could hear one
+of the youngest say, ‘Why, pa, you wouldn’t kill Ralph, would you?’
+‘I would take him, and sell him, and get money for him,’ said the
+next of age. ‘You will only lame him, so as to seize him, I suppose,’
+said the mother. ‘I would rather kill him than the best fat buck in
+the country,’ replied the father, as he rammed down the heavy charge.
+The moonlight from the window glanced along the barrel of the piece,
+and caught the eye of the eldest boy. The reflected light kindled
+up his glance with something of an unnatural flash, but in vivid
+sympathy with the paternal look and attitude. The anticipated joy of
+vengeance seemed to be the predominating emotion.”
+
+_Q._ If the laws are as you say, I should think the slaves did not
+stand a fair chance when they are _wrongfully_ accused.
+
+_A._ If you will examine Stroud’s Compendium of the Slave Laws, you
+will be convinced for yourself that what I say is true; and the
+effect is as you suppose. The poor slaves are completely in the power
+of their masters. The same men who accuse them are often their judges
+and executioners. In illustration of this, I will tell you a case
+that occurred in Edenton, North Carolina. It was told by a woman who
+lived there at the time, and witnessed some of the executions. Many
+of the slaves in that place were skilful in mechanical trades. The
+planters in the back country were very desirous to purchase some of
+them; but their masters found it so profitable to let them out, that
+they would not consent to sell them. Those who were anxious to buy,
+hit upon the following expedient to obtain their purpose: They wrote
+anonymous letters, charging these intelligent slaves with having
+projected an insurrection. These letters were scattered about in
+Edenton, with the idea that the masters would be glad to sell such
+dangerous fellows; but instead of this, the poor innocent slaves were
+tried, convicted, and sentenced by their frightened owners; and a
+large number of them were put to death, upon no other evidence than
+anonymous letters.
+
+_Q._ It does not seem as if such things could take place in a
+civilized country. Can you believe it?
+
+_A._ If you reflect a little upon human nature, I believe you will
+think it perfectly natural that such abuses should exist, wherever
+one human being has arbitrary power over another. You would not like
+to place yourself completely in the power even of the best man you
+know; you would be afraid to have it depend entirely on his will how
+much work you should do in a day, what food you should eat, and what
+clothes you should wear, and how and when you should be punished.
+It is not considered entirely safe for an aged parent to relinquish
+all his property, and trust entirely to the generosity of his own
+children; what then do you suppose the poor slave has to expect, when
+he becomes too old and infirm to be profitable to his master?
+
+_Q._ But the Southerners are said to be very honorable, generous men.
+
+_A._ Our Southern brethren are just what any human beings would be
+under similar circumstances. They are generous with the proceeds of
+other men’s labor, for the same reason that the heir is prodigal of
+money, which another accumulates for him. He who can let out his
+neighbor, and his neighbor’s wife and children, and receive all
+their wages, will naturally be more profuse than a man who depends
+entirely on his own exertions. Planters have heretofore generally
+confessed that slavery is an evil, and many of them speak of its
+detailed abuses with strong regret; but these abuses are merely the
+necessary and inevitable results of the system they are helping to
+support; and they never can cure the abuses until they are willing to
+renounce the system itself. I suppose that few planters would think
+of palliating the treatment Mrs. Salarie’s slaves received; yet they
+are all helping to support a system under which such cruelties can
+be committed with impunity. Perhaps very humane and amiable masters
+do even more mischief than the desperately wicked; for they are
+always quoted as palliations of the whole system; and they approach
+so _near_ to the right line, that they can more easily draw over
+kind-hearted people, who have not thought much upon the subject.
+
+_Q._ What is the history of Mrs. Salarie?
+
+_A._ She resided in New Orleans. On the 10th of April, 1834, her
+splendid mansion took fire. During the midst of the conflagration,
+a rumor arose among the crowd that there were slaves chained in the
+burning dwelling; but those who asked for the keys were reproved for
+interfering with their neighbor’s business. At last the doors were
+forced open by sailors and mechanics, that had collected around the
+spot; and a New Orleans paper thus describes the horrible scene that
+presented itself: “Seven slaves more or less horribly mutilated, were
+seen, some chained to the floor, and some suspended by the neck to
+the ceiling, with their limbs stretched and torn from one extremity
+to the other. Their bodies, from head to foot, were covered with
+scars and sores, and filled with wounds. One poor old man, upwards of
+sixty years of age, was chained hand and foot, and made fast to the
+floor, in a kneeling position. His head bore the appearance of having
+been beaten until it was broken, and the worms were actually seen
+making a feast of his brains.”
+
+_Q._ Every body must have thought her a very wicked woman. Did the
+slave-holders in the neighborhood pretend to justify her measures?
+
+_A._ I have no doubt that every humane person, that heard of the
+event, expressed horror, and sincerely felt it. For several months
+previous to the discovery, her neighbors had been in the habit of
+living in apartments as far as possible from her house, on purpose to
+avoid the shrieks and groans of her poor suffering slaves; yet during
+all that time no complaint was laid before the public authorities,
+and no investigation demanded! I suppose neighbors were afraid to say
+any thing, lest they should be accused of promoting discontent among
+the negroes. Those who endeavor to keep human beings in the situation
+of beasts, are more afraid of them than they would be of beasts;
+because the human being has _reason_, which is always prone to offer
+resistance to tyranny. The consciousness of this makes slave-holders
+very irritable when any one in the community takes part with an
+abused slave, or expresses the slightest pity for his sufferings.
+
+_Q._ Is it not for the master’s interest to treat the slaves well?
+
+_A._ So it is for the interest of men to treat their horses and
+cattle well; and yet their passions not unfrequently make them forget
+their interests. Passive obedience is obtained from human beings with
+more difficulty than from animals; and when the master _is_ provoked,
+the poor slave is completely in his power, with scarcely the shadow
+of protection from the law. The law in no case recognises slaves as
+human beings; on the contrary, it expressly declares they “shall
+be deemed, sold, taken, and reputed to be _chattels personal_, in
+the hands of their owners and possessors, their administrators and
+assigns, to all intents, constructions, and _purposes whatever_.” An
+act of Maryland, for the settlement of estates, enumerates specific
+articles, such as “slaves, working beasts, animals,” &c. Where even
+the _laws_ consider human beings as animals, it is not a matter of
+surprise that they are generally treated no better than self-interest
+leads men to treat animals. You will likewise perceive that when
+the slave becomes old, or diseased, or in any way unfit for labor,
+it is _not_ for the interest of his master to prolong his existence
+by rendering it comfortable. Then again that part of the system
+connected with _overseers_, shows plainly that the self-interest of
+the master cannot effectually secure good treatment to the slave.
+If planters were to give overseers a stated salary, without regard
+to the amount of produce, the overseers (who are proverbially
+unprincipled men) would have no motive for consulting the interest of
+their employers—it would be a matter of indifference to them whether
+much or little work were done. To obviate this difficulty, it is
+customary to give the overseer a certain _proportion_ of the profits
+of the plantation. Of course, it becomes his ruling desire to get the
+greatest possible amount of work done. He does not care how much the
+soil is exhausted, nor how much the negroes are broken down. If a
+slave says he is very ill, the overseer is unwilling to believe the
+story, because he is reluctant to lose a day’s labor. If the poor
+creature droops under his allotted task, he must be stimulated by the
+whip, because the overseer cannot spare an hour of his exertions. If
+the “slave dies under _moderate_ punishment,” the master must furnish
+a new laborer; and the loss falls on _him_, not on the overseer.
+It is obviously natural for the latter personage to think more of
+his own gains than of his employer’s losses. Every body knows that
+men are prone to drive hired horses with less mercy than their own;
+because they do not meet with any personal loss from injury done to
+the beast, and their object is to get their money’s worth of riding.
+Is it not a fearful thing for one human being to be placed towards
+another in the same relation that a stable-horse is toward the man
+who hires him? When planters are reminded of instances of cruelty,
+too well authenticated to be denied, they are prone to lay the blame
+upon overseers. Mr. Wirt, of Virginia, speaks of this class of men
+as “the lowest of the human race—always cap in hand to the dons who
+employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride, insolence,
+and love of dominion.” If we had no such information concerning the
+character of these men, we should naturally conclude that good people
+would be averse to enter into such an employment. Yet overseers and
+drivers are a necessary part of this bad system, because slaves
+are entirely deprived of the motives which induce free laborers
+to work; and since overseers must be employed, it is necessary to
+make it for their interest to get as much work out of the slave as
+possible. The evils of slavery are necessary and inevitable parts
+of the system; and whether the planters reprobate them or not, they
+cannot possibly avoid them, except by relinquishing the system. The
+master and his subordinate agents _must_ have discretionary power to
+punish, because their poor human brutes, being deprived of salutary
+motives to exertion, must be driven to it. The slave _must_ not be
+allowed to buy or sell, or make the most trifling contracts; because
+the oppressed being would naturally avail himself of this privilege,
+and sell some of the cotton or tobacco, which he cultivates for
+his master without wages. The laws _must_ punish them with great
+severity; because the very nature of their condition is a constant
+temptation to theft, falsehood, and murder. They _must_ be kept
+brutally ignorant; because if they were otherwise, they could not be
+kept in slavery. Licentiousness _must_ be countenanced among them;
+because their master’s interest is connected with their increase,
+and he might lose many good bargains if the laws did not allow him
+to sell a wife from her husband, or a husband from his wife. The law
+_must_ suppose a negro to be a slave, till he proves himself free;
+because runaway slaves would of course pretend that they were free.
+They _must_ not be allowed to witness against a white man; for a
+slave may have had a wife or a child whipped to death by a white
+man—and he may have many other good reasons for strong prejudice
+against white men. An unnatural system _must_ be sustained by
+unnatural means. Hence we find the same characteristic features in
+every country where negro slavery has been allowed.
+
+_Q._ Some people think slavery as great a sin as the slave trade. Are
+you of that opinion?
+
+_A._ There seems to me just the same difference as there is between
+the thief and the man who pays him for stealing. What would you say
+of a man who buys a horse, knowing it to be stolen? The following
+circumstance, which took place a short time before our Revolution,
+furnishes a good commentary on this matter. A Philadelphia negro was
+accused of having stolen goods in his possession. He acknowledged
+the fact, saying, “Massa Justice, me know me got dem tings from Tom
+dere, and me tink Tom teal dem too; but what den, Massa? dey be only
+a piccaninny knife, and a piccaninny corkscrew; one cost sixpence,
+and tudder a shilling; an me _pay Tom honestly for dem_, Massa.”
+“Pretty story, truly!” said his worship; “you knew they were stolen,
+and yet allege for excuse, you honestly paid for them. Don’t you
+know, Pompey, that the receiver is as bad as the thief? You must be
+severely whipped, you black rascal.” “Very well, Massa, if de black
+rascal be whipt for buying tolen goods, me hope de white rascal be
+whipt too, for same ting, when you catch him.” “To be sure,” replied
+the Justice. “Well den,” says Pompey, “here be Tom’s Massa—hold him
+fast, constable! He buy Tom, as I buy de piccaninny knife, and de
+piccaninny corkscrew. He know very well Tom be tolen from his old
+fadder and mudder; de knife and de corkscrew had neder.”
+
+I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion that the
+slave-owner is an accomplice of the slave-trader. So long as a
+profitable market is kept open, the article will be supplied, despite
+of difficulties and dangers. The only way to stop the trade, is to
+shut up the market; and this can be done only by the entire abolition
+of the system of slavery. When nobody will buy a man, nobody will be
+tempted to steal a man. Slavery never exists without having more or
+less of the slave-trade involved _in_ it. There is in the very heart
+of our land a slave-trade constantly carried on, and sanctioned by
+our laws, which is as disgraceful and cruel as the foreign slave
+trade. The new slave States at the extreme South have not slaves
+enough, and the climate, together with the hard labor of the sugar
+plantations, kills them very fast. The old slave States have a
+surplus of slaves, which they send off to supply these markets. About
+ten thousand are annually exported from Virginia alone. Niles, in
+his Register, vol. 35, page 4, says: “Dealing in slaves has become
+a _large_ business. Establishments are made at several places in
+Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold like cattle. These
+places are strongly built, and well supplied with _thumbscrews_,
+_gags_, _cow-skins_, _and other whips_, _often bloody_.” In these
+sales no regard is paid to domestic ties. The newly married wife
+is torn shrieking from her husband, and the mother with her little
+ones are sold in “_separate_ lots to suit purchasers.” A gentleman
+in Charleston, S. C., writes to his friend in New York: “Curiosity
+sometimes leads me to the auction sales of the negroes. There I saw
+the father looking with sullen contempt on the crowd, and expressing
+an indignation in his countenance that he dares not speak; and the
+mother pressing her infants closer to her bosom, exclaiming, in wild
+and simple earnestness, ‘I can’t leff my children! I won’t leff my
+children!’ But the hammer went on, reckless whether it united or
+sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a man apparently as white
+as myself exposed for sale.”
+
+_Q._ I have heard some people say that the negroes do not care so
+much about such separations as we should suppose.
+
+_A._ There is no doubt that their degraded situation tends to blunt
+the feelings, as well as to stultify the intellect; and it is a
+fearful thing to think what Christians have to answer for, who thus
+brutalize immortal souls. But there are numerous instances to prove
+that the poor creatures do often suffer the most agonizing sensations
+when torn from those they love. Near Palmyra, in Marion county,
+Missouri, two boys were sold to a slave-trader, who did not intend
+to leave the place until morning. During the night, the mother was
+kept chained in an out-house, that she might not make any effort to
+prevent the departure of her children. She managed to get loose from
+her fetters, seized an axe, cut off the heads of her sleeping boys,
+and then ended her own life by the same instrument.
+
+The Missouri Intelligencer, a few months ago, gave an account of a
+slave named Michael, who was sold by his master to Mr. J. E. Fenton,
+by whom he was to be immediately shipped for the Southern markets.
+At the mouth of the Ohio, he filed off his irons, and contrived to
+escape. He immediately returned to the place where his wife resided,
+and having armed himself, declared he never would be sent to the
+South, unless his wife was allowed to accompany him. He was finally
+taken by stratagem, and lodged in jail for safe keeping. Finding that
+his oppressors were determined to separate him from his beloved wife,
+he committed suicide. I believe the attachments of slaves are even
+stronger than ours; for these ties constitute the only pleasure they
+are allowed to have. Hundreds of instances might be told, where they
+have preferred death to separation.
+
+_Q._ I have been told they sometimes kidnapped free colored persons,
+to sell them as slaves. Is it so?
+
+_A._ It is unquestionably true that this is carried on to a
+considerable extent. More than twenty free colored children were
+kidnapped in the single city of Philadelphia, in 1825; and in 1827
+two were stolen in open day. It is a common thing to decoy the
+unsuspecting victims on board a vessel, or to some retired spot, and
+then seize and bind them. A New York paper of 1829, says: “Beware
+of kidnappers! It is well understood that there is at present in
+this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their vocation
+of stealing colored children for the Southern market.” As the law
+supposes every colored person to be a slave unless he can _prove_
+himself free, and as no person of his own complexion is allowed to be
+evidence for him, the kidnappers have an easy time of it.
+
+_Q._ Some people say we ought to pity the masters as well as the
+slaves.
+
+_A._ I agree with them entirely. The masters are to be deeply pitied;
+because the long continuance of a wicked system has involved them
+in difficulties, and at the same time rendered them generally blind
+to the best means of getting rid of those difficulties. They are
+likewise to be compassionated for the effects which early habits of
+power produce on their own characters. Mr. Jefferson, who lived in
+the midst of slavery, says: “The whole commerce between master and
+slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions; the
+most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission
+on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it. The
+parent storms; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath,
+puts on the same airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to
+the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised
+in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities.
+The man must be a prodigy, who can retain his morals and manners
+undepraved in such circumstances.” The general licentiousness
+produced by this system can never be described without using language
+too gross to be addressed to a civilized community. Some idea of it
+may be derived from the fact, that every female slave is completely
+in the power of her master, of his sons, of his overseers, and his
+drivers. The law does not allow her to offer resistance to a white
+man, under any circumstances; and the state of public opinion is
+such that any pretensions to virtue on her part would be treated
+with brutal ridicule. The slave is not allowed to have any right in
+his wife and children. If his master’s interest can be served by his
+keeping three or four wives, or by his wife’s having a succession of
+husbands, he cannot dispute the commands of his owner. The wife, or
+the husband, is sometimes sold, and sent thousands of miles from each
+other, and from their little ones, without the slightest hope of ever
+meeting again. Under these circumstances, the man, or the woman, is
+soon ordered to take another partner; because it is for the interest
+of the master that they should do so. It is a shameful fact that the
+laws and customs of our country make it absolutely impossible for a
+large portion of our population to be virtuous, even if they wish to
+be so. The wealth of Virginia is principally made by the breeding
+of slaves and horses; and persons unaccustomed to the system would
+be shocked by the detail of well authenticated facts, which prove
+that about as little regard is paid to decency in one case as the
+other. _Mulatto_ slaves bring a higher price than _black_ ones; hence
+licentiousness in slave States becomes a profitable vice, instead of
+being expensive, as it is under other forms of society.
+
+_Q_. I have been told that a great many of the slaves have very light
+complexions. Is it so?
+
+_A._ In the old slave States, where the process of amalgamation
+has been going on for a long time, this is remarkably the case. An
+old soldier, who lately visited the South, said he was not so much
+struck by any circumstance, as by the great change that had taken
+place in the complexion of the slaves since the Revolution. Now and
+then I have seen in the southern papers advertisements for a runaway
+slave, “who passes himself for a white man.” A Boston gentleman, who
+dislikes the abolitionists very much, visited Georgia a few years
+ago. He told me that when he was walking with a planter one day, they
+met a man driving a team, who had a perfectly fair complexion, with
+blue eyes and brown hair. The Bostonian remarked, “That must be an
+independent fellow, to be driving a team in this part of the country,
+where it is considered so disgraceful for a white man to work.” “O,
+that fellow is a slave,” replied the Georgian. Almost every body
+has heard of the recent case of Mary Gilmore, of Philadelphia, a
+perfectly white girl, of Irish parentage, who was taken up and tried
+as a runaway slave. A Missouri newspaper proves that a white man may,
+without a _mistake_, be adjudged a slave. “A case of a slave sueing
+for his freedom, was tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of
+which the following is a brief statement of particulars: A youth of
+about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the ground that he
+was a free white person. The court granted his petition to sue as
+a pauper upon inspection of his person. Upon his trial before the
+jury, he was examined by the jury and two learned physicians, all
+of whom concurred in the opinion that very little, if any, race of
+negro blood could be discovered by any of the external appearances.
+All the physiological marks of distinction, which characterize the
+African descent, had disappeared. His skin was fair, his hair soft,
+straight, fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the
+hazel-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small, his head round and
+well formed, forehead high and prominent, ears large, the tibia of
+the leg straight, and feet hollow. Notwithstanding these evidences of
+his claims, he was proved to be the descendant of a mulatto woman,
+and that his progenitors on the mother’s side had been and still
+were slaves: _consequently he was found to be a slave_.” I have been
+told of a young physician, who went into the far Southern States
+to settle, and there became in love with a very handsome and modest
+girl, who lived at service. He married her; and about a year after
+that event, a gentleman called at the house, and announced himself
+as Mr. J*******y, of Mobile. He said to Dr. W*****, “Sir, I have a
+trifling affair of business to settle with you. You have married a
+slave of mine.” The young physician resented this language; for he
+had not entertained the slightest suspicion that the girl had any
+other than white ancestors since the flood. But Mr. J. furnished
+proofs of his claim, and Dr. W. knew very well that the laws of the
+country would uphold him in it. After considerable discussion, the
+best bargain he could make was either to pay eight hundred dollars,
+or have his wife put up at auction. He consented to the first
+alternative, and his unwelcome visiter departed. When he had gone,
+Dr. W. told his wife what had happened. The poor woman burst into
+tears and said, “That as Mr. J. _was her own father_, she had hoped
+that when he heard she had found an honorable protector, he would
+have left her in peace.”
+
+_Q._ There can be no doubt that slavery is a bad system; but don’t
+you think it ought to be done away gradually? Ought not the slaves to
+be fitted for freedom, before they are emancipated?
+
+_A._ The difficulty is, it is utterly impossible to fit them for
+freedom while they remain slaves. The masters know very well that
+their vassals will be servile just in proportion as they are brutally
+ignorant; hence all their legislation tends to keep them so. It is a
+disgraceful fact, that in half of these United States the working men
+are expressly forbidden to learn to read or write. The law ordains
+that twenty lashes shall be inflicted upon every slave found in an
+assembly met together for the purpose of “mental instruction.” Any
+white person who teaches a slave to read or write, or gives or sells
+him any book (the Bible not excepted), is fined two hundred dollars;
+and any colored person who commits the same _crime_, is punished with
+thirty-nine lashes, or with imprisonment. The Rev. Charles C. Jones,
+of Georgia, said in one of his sermons: “Generally speaking, the
+slaves appear to us to be without God and without hope in the world—a
+_nation of heathen in our very midst_. We cannot cry out against the
+Papists for withholding the Scriptures from the common people; for
+we withhold the Bible from _our_ servants, and keep them in ignorance
+of it.” A writer in the Observer, of Charleston, S. C. says: “I
+hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our synod,
+there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, speaking the same
+language as ourselves, who never _heard_ of the plan of salvation by
+a Redeemer.” The reason assigned for these oppressive laws is, that
+“teaching slaves to read and write tends to excite dissatisfaction in
+their minds,” and to produce insurrection. In Georgia, a white man is
+fined five hundred dollars for teaching a slave or free negro to read
+or write; and if a colored man attempts to teach the alphabet even to
+his own child, he is liable to be fined or whipped, according to the
+discretion of the court. Such laws are necessary for the preservation
+of this detestable system; and while such laws exist, how can the
+slaves ever be better fitted for freedom? When the British government
+insisted that female slaves should no longer be flogged naked in the
+Colonies, the Jamaica legislature replied, that the practice could
+not possibly be laid aside, “_until_ the negro women acquired more of
+the sense of shame, which distinguishes European females.” Fitting
+men for freedom by keeping them slaves, is like the Jamaica mode of
+making women modest by whipping them without clothing.
+
+_Q._ But don’t you think it would be dangerous to turn the slaves at
+once loose upon the community?
+
+_A._ The abolitionists never desired to have them turned loose.
+They wish to have them governed by salutary laws, so regulated as
+effectually to protect both master and slave. They merely wish
+to have the power of punishment transferred from individuals to
+magistrates; to have the sale of human beings cease; and to have
+the stimulus of _wages_ applied, instead of the stimulus of the
+_whip_. The relation of master and laborer might still continue;
+but under circumstances less irksome and degrading to both parties.
+Even that much abused animal the jackass can be made to travel more
+expeditiously by suspending a bunch of turnips on a pole and keeping
+them before his nose, than he can by the continual application of the
+whip; and even when human beings are brutalized to the last degree,
+by the soul-destroying system of slavery, they have still sense
+enough left to be more willing to work two hours for twelve cents,
+than to work one hour for nothing.
+
+_Q._ I should think this system, in the long run, must be an
+unprofitable one.
+
+_A._ It is admitted to be so. Southerners often declare that it takes
+six slaves to do what is easily performed by half the number of free
+laborers. Henry Clay says, “It is believed that slave-labor would no
+where be employed in the farming portions of the United States, if
+the proprietors were not tempted to raise slaves by the high price of
+the Southern market, which keeps it up in their own;” and he says the
+effects of introducing slavery into Kentucky have been to keep them
+in the rear of their non-slave-holding neighbors, in agriculture,
+manufactures, and general prosperity. General Washington, when
+writing to Sir John Sinclair on the comparative value of the soil
+in Pennsylvania and Virginia, ascribes the very low price of land
+in Virginia to the existence of slavery among them. John Randolph
+declared that Virginia was so impoverished by slavery, that slaves
+would soon be advertising for runaway masters. A distinguished writer
+on political economy says: “The slave system inflicts an incalculable
+amount of human suffering, for the sake of making a wholesale waste
+of labor and capital.”
+
+_Q._ But the masters say the negroes would cut their throats, if they
+were emancipated.
+
+_A._ It is safer to judge by uniform experience than by the
+assertions of the masters, who, even if they have no intention to
+deceive, are very liable to be blinded by having been educated in
+the midst of a bad system. Listen to facts on this subject. On the
+10th of October, 1811, the Congress of Chili decreed that every child
+born after that day should be free. In April, 1812, the government
+of Buenos Ayres ordered that every child born after the 1st of
+January, 1813, should be free. In 1821, the Congress of Colombia
+emancipated all slaves who had borne arms in favor of the Republic,
+and provided for the emancipation, in eighteen years, of the whole
+slave population, of 900,000. In September, 1829, the government of
+Mexico granted immediate and entire emancipation to every slave. In
+all these instances, _not one case of insurrection or of bloodshed
+has ever been heard of, as the result of emancipation_.
+
+In St. Domingo no measures were taken gradually to fit the slaves
+for freedom. They were suddenly emancipated during a civil war, and
+armed against British invaders. They at once ceased to be property,
+and were recognized as human beings. Col. Malefant, who resided on
+the island, informs us, in his Historical and Political History of
+the Colonies, that, “after this public act of emancipation, the
+negroes remained quiet both in the south and west, and they continued
+to work upon all the plantations. The colony was flourishing. The
+whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates, and the
+negroes continued to work for them.” General Lacroix, in his Memoirs
+of St. Domingo, speaking of the same period, says: “The colony
+marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor; cultivation
+prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its progress.”
+This prosperous state of things lasted about eight years, and would
+perhaps have continued to the present day, had not Bonaparte, at the
+instigation of the old French planters, sent an army to deprive the
+blacks of the freedom they had used so well. The enemies of abolition
+are always talking of the horrors of St. Domingo, as an argument to
+prove that emancipation is dangerous; but historical facts prove
+that the effort to _restore slavery_ occasioned all the bloodshed in
+that island; while _emancipation produced only the most peaceful and
+prosperous results_.
+
+In June, 1794, Victor Hugo, a French republican general, retook
+Guadaloupe from the British, and immediately proclaimed freedom to
+all the slaves. They were 85,000 in number, and the whites only
+13,000. _No disasters occurred in consequence of this step._ More
+than seven years after this, the Supreme Council of Guadaloupe, in
+an official document, alluding to the tranquillity which reigned
+throughout the island, observed: “We shall have the satisfaction of
+having given an example, which will prove that _all classes of people
+may live in perfect harmony with each other, under an administration
+which secures justice to all classes_.” In 1802, Bonaparte sent a
+powerful French force, and again reduced the island to slavery, at
+the cost of about 20,000 negro lives.
+
+In July, 1828, thirty thousand Hottentots in Cape Colony were
+emancipated from their long and cruel bondage, and admitted by law to
+all the rights and privileges of the white colonists. Outrages were
+predicted, as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures
+so completely brutalized as the poor Hottentots; but all went on
+peaceably; and, as a gentleman facetiously remarked, “Hottentots as
+they were, they worked much better for Mr. _Cash_, than they had ever
+done for Mr. _Lash_.”
+
+_Q._ But they say the British have had difficulties in their West
+Indies.
+
+_A._ The enemies of the cause have tried very hard to get up a
+“raw-head and bloody-bones” story; but even if you take their own
+accounts, you will find that they have not been able to adduce any
+instances of violence in support of their assertions. The real
+facts are these: The measure was not carried in a manner entirely
+satisfactory to the English abolitionists. Their knowledge of human
+nature, combined with the practical evidence afforded by history,
+led them to conclude that immediate and unqualified emancipation
+was _safest_ for the master, as well as just to the slave; but
+the planters raised such a hue and cry concerning bloodshed and
+insurrection, that the British government determined to conciliate
+them by a gradual abolition of slavery. It was ordained that the
+slaves should work six years longer without wages, under the name
+of _apprentices_; but no punishment could be inflicted without the
+special order of magistrates. The colonies had a right to dispense
+with the apprenticeship system if they pleased; but out of the
+seventeen West India colonies, Antigua and Bermuda were the only
+ones that chose to do so. The act of Parliament provided that each
+apprentice should work for his master _forty and a half_ hours a
+week, and have the rest of the time to himself. The masters were not
+satisfied with this; and they tried, by a series of petty vexations,
+to coerce the apprentices into individual contracts to work _fifty_
+hours in a week. While the people had been slaves, they were always
+allowed _cooks_ to prepare their meals, a person to bring _water_
+to the gang during the hot hours, and _nurses_ to tend the little
+children while their mothers were at work in the field; but because
+the Abolition Act did not expressly provide that these privileges
+should be continued, the masters saw fit to take them away. Each
+apprentice was obliged to quit his or her work, and go, sometimes a
+great distance, to the cabin to cook his meals, instead of having
+it served up in the field; and the time taken up in this operation
+was to be made up out of the apprentices’ own time. No water was
+allowed to be brought to quench their thirst; the aged and infirm,
+instead of being left, as formerly, to superintend the children under
+the shade, were ordered out into the burning fields; and mothers
+were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped at their
+backs. In addition to all these annoyances, the planters obtained a
+new proclamation from the governor, by which they were authorized
+to require extra labor of the apprentices in times of emergency,
+or _whenever they should deem it necessary_, in the cultivation,
+gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they repaid them an
+equal time at _a convenient season of the year_. This was very much
+like taking from a New England laborer the month of July, and paying
+it back to him in January. The negroes had behaved extremely well
+when emancipation was first proclaimed, and universally showed a
+disposition to be orderly, submissive, and thankful; but this system
+of privation and injustice soon created discontent. They knew that
+they were to receive no wages, however industrious they might be;
+and they were well aware that their masters no longer had a right
+to flog them. A bad stimulus to labor had been removed, without
+supplying a good one in its place. In three of the colonies, the
+apprentices refused to work on the terms required by their masters.
+In Jamaica, a very small military force was sent into one parish, and
+only on one occasion; but no violence was offered on either side; for
+the apprentices confined themselves to _passive resistance_—merely
+refusing to work on the required terms. In St. Christophers,
+difficulties of a similar kind occurred; but no outrage of any kind
+was committed. In one fortnight all the trouble was at an end; and
+out of twenty thousand apprentices, only thirty were found to be
+absent from their work; and some of these were supposed to be dead
+in the woods. In Demarara, the principal difficulty occurred. The
+laborers assembled together, and marched round with a flag staff; but
+the _worst_ thing they did was to beat a constable with their fists.
+_It is a solemn fact that a few fisty cuffs with a constable are the
+only violence to persons or property, that has been attempted by the
+eight hundred thousand slaves emancipated in the British Colonies!_
+
+Even the difficulties above enumerated (slight as they were, and
+unworthy to be named in connexion with such a great moral change)
+were but temporary. The governor of Jamaica, after five months’
+trial of emancipation, declares, in his address to the Assembly,
+“Not the slightest idea of any interruption of tranquillity exists
+in any quarter; and those preparations which I have felt it my duty
+to make, might, without the slightest danger, have been dispensed
+with.” By recent news, we learn that the planters finding the system
+of coercion was likely to be ruinous to their own interest, offered
+the apprentices 2_s._ 6_d._ per day for extra work. The enemies of
+abolition prophesied that nothing would induce the negroes to work
+more than they were actually compelled to by law, and that the crops
+would perish for want of gathering. But the result proved otherwise.
+As soon as _wages_ were offered, they came forward eagerly, and
+offered to do more work than the planters were willing to pay for. We
+have the testimony of one of their magistrates, that as soon as this
+system was tried, “their apparent indifference was every where thrown
+off, and their work carried on in a steady, persevering, and diligent
+manner.”
+
+_Q._ And how was it in Antigua and Bermuda, where they gave up
+the apprenticeship system, and tried immediate and unqualified
+emancipation?
+
+_A._ In those colonies not the slightest difficulty, of any kind, has
+occurred. The Antigua journals declare, “The great doubt is solved;
+the highest hopes of the negroes’ friends are fulfilled. A whole
+people, comprising thirty thousand souls, have passed from slavery
+into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity, but with
+the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a Sabbath.” The Christmas
+holidays were always seasons of alarm in the slave-colonies, and a
+military force was always held in readiness; but the Christmas after
+emancipation, the customary guard was dispensed with. Up to the
+present time, every thing remains perfectly tranquil in Antigua; and
+a negro is at the head of the police in that island. The population
+consists of 2,000 whites, 30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks.
+
+_Q._ Yet people are always saying that free negroes cannot take care
+of themselves.
+
+_A._ It is because people are either very much prejudiced or very
+ignorant on the subject. In the United States, colored persons have
+scarcely any chance to rise. They are despised, and abused, and
+discouraged, at every turn. In the slave States they are subject to
+laws nearly as oppressive as those of the slave. They are whipped
+or imprisoned, if they try to learn to read or write; they are not
+allowed to testify in court; and there is a general disposition not
+to encourage them by giving them employment. In addition to this,
+the planters are very desirous to expel them from the State, partly
+because they are jealous of their influence upon the slaves, and
+partly because those who have slaves to let out, naturally dislike
+the competition of the free negroes. But if colored people are
+well treated, and have the same inducements to industry as other
+people, they work as well and behave as well. A few years ago the
+Pennsylvanians were very much alarmed at the representations that
+were made of the increase of pauperism from the ingress of free
+negroes. A committee was appointed to examine into the subject, and
+it was ascertained that the colored people not only supported their
+own poor, but paid a considerable additional sum towards the support
+of white paupers.
+
+_Q._ I have heard people say that the slaves would not take their
+freedom, if it were offered to them.
+
+_A._ I sincerely wish they would offer it. I should like to see the
+experiment tried. If the slaves are so well satisfied with their
+condition, why do they make such severe laws against running away?
+Why are the patroles on duty all the time to shoot every negro who
+does not give an account of himself as soon as they call to him? Why,
+notwithstanding all these pains and penalties, are their newspapers
+full of advertisements for runaway slaves? If the free negroes are
+so much worse off than those in bondage, why is it that their laws
+bestow freedom on any slave, “who saves his master or mistress’s
+life, or performs any meritorious service to the State?” That must
+be a very bad country where the law stipulates that _meritorious_
+actions shall be rewarded by making a man more unhappy than he was
+before! Some months ago, I had a conversation with a woman, who
+went from Boston to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama. She was the wife of a
+Baptist clergyman, professed to be a pious woman, and was considered
+as such. I found her an apologist for slavery, but was not aware
+at the time that she actually owned slaves. She maintained that
+freedom was the greatest curse that could be bestowed on a slave; and
+when I attempted to put the case home to her conscience, she, for
+consistency’s sake, declared, that she should be quite as willing
+to die and leave her own little son in slavery, as to leave him a
+free laborer at the North. She said if she had a hundred slaves, she
+should treat them all kindly, and endeavor to make their condition
+comfortable. I replied, “I am willing to believe that you would do
+so, madam; but in case of your death, or of any pecuniary distress
+in the family, the poor slaves would be divided among heirs, or
+seized by creditors; and then who can tell into whose hands they
+may fall? The condition of the slave depends on the character of
+the master; and that is entirely a matter of _accident_”. The pious
+woman rejoined, “Oh, I should take care of that. If they were good,
+faithful servants, they would find at my death that papers of
+manumission had been duly prepared.” “But you told me that freedom
+was the greatest curse that could be bestowed upon a slave,” replied
+I: “Now is it possible, madam, that you would leave, as your dying
+legacy to good and faithful servants, the greatest curse you could
+bestow?”
+
+_Q._ Do you suppose they really believe what they say, when they
+declare that slaves are happier than freemen?
+
+_A._ I leave your own republican good sense to determine that
+question. Governor Giles of Virginia did not take that ground in his
+address to the Legislature in 1827. Speaking of punishing free blacks
+by selling them as slaves, he says: “Slavery must be admitted to be
+a punishment of the highest order; and according to every just rule
+for the apportionment of punishment to crimes, it would seem that _it
+ought to be applied only to crime of the highest order_!”
+
+But even if it were true that the slaves were as happy and contented
+as slave-holders try to represent them—what would it prove? It would
+merely prove that they had fearfully brutalized immortal souls before
+they _could_ be happy in such a situation. Edmund Burke said very
+truly, “If you have made a _happy slave_, you have made a _degraded
+man_.”
+
+_Q._ But how is it that some people, who really do not intend to
+make false representations, bring back such favorable accounts of
+slavery, after they have visited at the South?
+
+_A._ It is because they go among rich, hospitable planters, and see
+favorite household slaves. Of the poor wretches on the plantations,
+subject to the tender mercies of an overseer, they know as little,
+as the guests of a Russian nobleman know of the miserable condition
+of his serfs. Their sympathies all go with the master. They ask
+questions of the master, and not of the slave. Even if they tried to
+talk with the latter, the poor creatures would be afraid to speak
+freely, lest any expressions of discontent might be reported to the
+master, or the overseer. I should like to have you hear them talk as
+I have heard runaway slaves talk, when they knew they had a friend to
+listen to them!
+
+_Q._ But do you think the suitable time has yet come to exert
+ourselves on this subject?
+
+_A._ I will answer, as a similar question was lately answered by a
+lady who had been brought up in the midst of slavery: “If thou were
+a slave, toiling in the fields of Carolina, I apprehend thou wouldst
+think the time had _fully_ come.” This explains the whole difficulty.
+We do not put ourselves in the condition of the slave, and imagine
+what would be our feelings if we were in _his_ circumstances. We do
+not obey the Scripture injunction, “remember those that are in bonds,
+_as bound with them_.”
+
+But if we look at this question merely with a view to expediency,
+without reference to justice or mercy, when can we hope that a time
+will come _more_ propitious to the discussion of this subject? The
+fact is, difficulties and dangers increase every day. In South
+Carolina and Louisiana, the blacks are already a majority. The annual
+increase of the _slaves_, without including the free blacks, in
+the United States, is now 62,000 annually. It is a fact worthy of
+consideration, that the licentiousness of the white man increases
+the colored race; but the vices of colored men or women can never
+increase the white race; for the children of such connections are of
+course not white.—These people are increasing in the midst of us in
+startling ratio. If we pursue a kind and Christian course, we can
+identify their interests with the rest of the community, and make
+them our friends; but if we persevere in the course we have pursued,
+their feelings and interests _must_ be all in opposition to ours, and
+there is great reason to fear the consequences.
+
+_Q._ Don’t you think the Colonization Society is doing some good?
+
+_A._ Those who have examined into the subject, have so universally
+come to the conclusion that Colonization is entirely ineffectual for
+the abolition of slavery at any time, however remote, that it seems
+hardly worth while to waste words on that subject. I do not pretend
+to impeach the motives of benevolent individuals, who have been
+engaged in it; but there is no doubt that its _practical tendency_
+is to perpetuate slavery. John Randolph, and other slave-holders,
+have advocated that Society, upon the avowed ground that by sending
+off an inconvenient surplus it would increase the price of the
+slaves left. In the new slave States, where they have not as yet an
+“inconvenient surplus” of slaves, they don’t like the Colonization
+Society; but the old slave States have been its warmest friends.
+There is one brief objection to the idea of abolishing slavery by
+Colonization: _it is impossible_. Even if it were desirable to remove
+these valuable laborers from our soil, it could not be done, if the
+whole Treasury and Navy of the United States were devoted to it. The
+Colonization Society has been in operation about nineteen years; they
+have had immense funds; and they have transported to Africa, during
+that time, about three thousand colored persons, of which _not one
+thousand_ were manumitted slaves. Now the annual _increase_ of the
+slaves alone is 62,000; and the annual increase of the free blacks is
+about 10,000. _In nineteen years the Colonizationists have not been
+able to carry off one sixtieth part of the increase of the slaves in
+one year!_ This is worse than the old story of the frog, who jumped
+out of the well two feet every night, and fell back three feet every
+morning. But even if the colored people _could_ be all carried out
+of the country, what is the South to do for laborers? They have been
+in the habit of excusing themselves, by saying that white men cannot
+work in their climate, and by taking it for granted that black men
+will not work for wages. If the climate is unsuitable for white
+laborers, it is manifestly very impolitic to send off the black
+ones. It would be far wiser to try the experiment they have tried in
+Bermuda and Antigua. Labor is needed in all parts of our country;
+and it is worse than a childish game to be sending off ship-loads of
+laborers to Africa, while we are bringing in ship-loads from Ireland,
+Holland, and Switzerland.
+
+_Q._ I have heard some people say they gave their money to the
+Colonization Society merely as a missionary establishment.
+
+_A._ It would be well for those people to examine into the matter,
+and first ascertain whether it _is_ a missionary establishment. When
+we send missions to India, the Sandwich Islands, &c., we send men
+believed to be pious and enlightened. For the probable influence
+of the emigrants carried out by the Colonization Society, let the
+Society answer for itself. They assure us that the colored persons
+colonized from the United States will “carry religion and the arts
+into the heart of Africa.” Yet Mr. Clay, Vice President of the
+Society, says, “Of all classes of our population the most vicious is
+that of the free colored—contaminated themselves, they extend their
+vices to all around them.” And the African Repository, which is the
+organ of the Society, declares that “they are notoriously ignorant—a
+curse and a contagion wherever they reside.” Now, are not these
+admirable missionaries to send out to christianize Africa? It would
+be wise to put them under better and more encouraging influences at
+home, before we attempt to send them to enlighten heathen lands.
+
+_Q._ Some say that these people are naturally inferior to us; and
+that the shape of their skulls proves it.
+
+_A._ If I believed that the colored people were naturally inferior to
+the whites, I should say that was an additional reason why we ought
+to protect, instruct, and encourage them. No consistent republican
+will say that a strong-minded man has a right to oppress those less
+gifted than himself. Slave-holders do not seem to think the negroes
+are so stupid as not to acquire knowledge, and make use of it, if
+they could get a chance. If they do think so, why do their laws
+impose such heavy penalties on all who attempt to give them any
+education? Nobody thinks it necessary to forbid the promulgation
+of knowledge among monkeys. If you believe the colored race are
+naturally inferior, I wish you would read the history of Toussaint
+L’Ouverture, the Washington of St. Domingo. Though perfectly black,
+he was unquestionably one of the greatest and best men of his age.
+I wish you would hear Mr. Williams of New York, and Mr. Douglass of
+Philadelphia preach a few times, before you hastily decide concerning
+the capacity of the colored race for intellectual improvement. As for
+the shape of their skulls, I shall be well satisfied if our Southern
+brethren will emancipate all the slaves who have _not_ what is called
+the “African conformation.”
+
+_Q._ What do you think about property in slaves?
+
+_A._ Let me reply to that question by asking others. If you were
+taken by an Algerine pirate, and an Arab bought you, and paid
+honestly for you, should you ever consider yourself the _property_ of
+the Arab? Should you think your fellow-citizens ought so to consider
+you? Can what is stolen in the beginning, be honest property in the
+transmission? If you and your children had toiled hard for years, and
+received only a peck of corn a week for your services, should you not
+think that some compensation was due to _you_?
+
+_Q._ These are hard questions; and I find it is hard to answer a good
+many things, when we once get into the habit of imagining how we
+should think and feel if we ourselves were the slaves. But what have
+the North to do on this subject?
+
+_A._ They cannot help having a great deal to do with it, either for
+good or for evil. They are citizens of this republic; and as such
+cannot but feel a painful interest in a subject which makes their
+beloved country an object of derision to the civilized world. If the
+slaves should make any attempt to gain their freedom, we are bound
+to go with an armed force and rivet their chains. If a slave escapes
+from his master unto us, we are bound to deliver him up to the lash.
+The people of Pennsylvania, living so near the slave States, have a
+great many of these painful scenes to encounter. A few months ago, an
+industrious and pious colored man in Philadelphia was torn from his
+home at midnight, and beaten in such a degree that the snow for some
+distance was stained with his blood. His poor wife, who was devotedly
+attached to him, had an infant about eight or ten days old; but
+regardless of her situation, she plunged into the snow, and implored
+mercy for her husband. Her shrieks and entreaties were of no avail.
+The citizens of Philadelphia could not help her, because the free
+States are bound by law to give up runaway slaves. The evil might be
+cured by the extreme cheapness of labor, if the surplus population
+were not drained off to supply _new_ slave States. But in order to
+accommodate slave-holders in this respect, Louisiana has been bought,
+and Florida bought, by revenues principally raised in the free
+States; and now they want to purchase Texas likewise for an eternal
+slave market. Every time a member from the free States votes for the
+admission of a slave state into the Union, he helps to increase the
+political power, which has always been wielded for the perpetuation
+of this abominable system. It is high time for the free States to
+begin to reflect seriously, whether they ought any longer to give
+their money and their moral influence in support of this iniquity.
+
+_Q._ I did not know we were obliged to give up runaway slaves to
+their masters. Are you sure it is so?
+
+_A._ When masters _bring_ their slaves into the free States, or
+_send_ them, the slaves can legally take their freedom; but when
+the slaves run away, we are obliged by law to give them up, let the
+circumstances be what they may. Many conscientious people prefer to
+obey the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not deliver unto his
+master the servant which hath escaped unto thee.”
+
+_Q._ But would you at once give so many ignorant creatures political
+power, by making them voters?
+
+_A._ That would be for the wisdom of legislators to decide; and
+they would probably decide that it would not be judicious to invest
+emancipated slaves with the elective franchise; for though it is not
+their fault that they have been kept brutally ignorant, it unfits
+them for voters. At the present time, slaves _are_ represented in
+Congress. Every five slaves are counted equal to three freemen;
+which is just the same as if our farmers were allowed to count
+every five of their oxen as three voters. This system gives the
+Southern aristocracy great political power, entirely unchecked by
+democratic influence, which comes in as a counterpoise in States
+where the laboring class are allowed to vote. W. B. Seabrook, of
+South Carolina, has lately published an Essay on the management
+of slaves, in which he says: “An addition of $1,000,000 to the
+private fortune of Daniel Webster would not give to Massachusetts
+more weight than she now possesses in the Federal Councils. On the
+other hand, every increase of slave property in South Carolina,
+is a fraction thrown into the scale by which _her representation
+in Congress is determined_.” This country has been governed by a
+President forty-eight years. During forty of those years we have been
+governed by a slave-holder! The New England candidates each remained
+in office but four years; and the great middle section has never
+given a President. The Middle States are politically stronger than
+the Northern, and are therefore more likely to act independently,
+and without reference to Southern support. Perhaps this may be the
+reason why those States, large and wealthy as they are, have never
+given a President to their country. Slave-holders are keen-sighted
+politicians; and they are closely knit together by one common bond of
+sympathy on the subject of slavery. It is a common remark with them
+that they never will vote for any man north of the Potomac.
+
+_Q._ You know that abolitionists are universally accused of wishing
+to promote the amalgamation of colored and white people.
+
+_A._ This is a false charge, got up by the enemies of the cause,
+and used as a bugbear to increase the prejudices of the community.
+By the hue and cry that is raised on the subject, one would really
+suppose that in this free country a certain set of men had power to
+compel their neighbors to marry contrary to their own inclination.
+The abolitionists have never, by example, writing, or conversation,
+endeavored to connect amalgamation with the subject of abolition.
+When their enemies insist upon urging this silly and unfounded
+objection, they content themselves with replying, “If there be a
+natural antipathy between the races, the antipathy will protect
+itself. If such marriages are contrary to the order of Providence,
+we certainly may trust Providence to take care of the matter. It is
+a poor compliment to the white young men to be so afraid that the
+moment we allow the colored ones to be educated, the girls will all
+be running after them.”
+
+At a town meeting in New Hampshire, one of the citizens rose to
+say that he did not approve of admitting colored lads into the
+school. “If you suffer these people to be educated,” said he, “the
+first thing we shall know they will be marrying our daughters!”
+After some other remarks, he concluded by saying, “it is impossible
+for the colored and white race to live together in a kind social
+relation—there is a natural antipathy—they cannot be made to mix
+any better than oil and water.” A plain farmer replied, “I thought
+you said just now, that you was afraid that they’d marry our
+_darters_; if they won’t mix any better than _ile_ and water, what
+are you afraid of?” Any one who observes the infinite variety of
+shadings in the complexions of the colored people, will perceive
+that amalgamation has for a long time been carried on. The only
+justification that the apologist for slavery can give is, that it is
+not sanctioned by marriage. According to Southern laws every child
+must follow the condition of its _mother_; that is, if the mother is
+a slave, her offspring must be so likewise. If they would change one
+word, and say the child shall follow the condition of its _father_,
+a large proportion of their slaves would be free at once; and the
+others would soon become so, provided no new cargoes were in the mean
+time smuggled in from Africa. In this subject, the truth is briefly
+told in a juvenile couplet, viz.
+
+      “By universal emancipation,
+      We want to _stop_ amalgamation.”
+
+_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge that you wish to break down all
+distinctions of society, and introduce the negroes into our parlors?
+
+_A._ There is not the slightest truth in this charge. People have
+pointed to an ignorant shoe-black, and asked me whether I would
+invite him to visit my house. I answered, “No; I would not do so if
+he were a white man; and I should not be likely to do it, merely
+because he was black.” An educated person will not naturally like
+to associate with one who is grossly ignorant. It may be no merit
+in one that he is well-informed, and no fault of the other that he
+is ignorant; for these things may be the result of circumstances,
+over which the individual had no control; but such people will not
+choose each other’s society merely from want of sympathy. For these
+reasons, I would not select an ignorant man, of any complexion, for
+my companion; but when you ask me whether that man’s children shall
+have as fair a chance as my own, to obtain an education, and rise in
+the world, I should be ashamed of myself, both as a Christian and a
+republican, if I did not say, yes, with all my heart.
+
+_Q._ But do you believe that prejudice against color ever can be
+overcome?
+
+_A._ Yes, I do; because I have faith that all things will pass away,
+which are not founded in reason and justice. In France and England,
+this prejudice scarcely exists at all. Their noblemen would never
+dream of taking offence because a colored gentleman sat beside them
+in a stage-coach, or at the table of an hotel. Be assured, however,
+that the abolitionists have not the slightest wish to force you to
+give up this prejudice. If, after conscientious examination, you
+believe it to be right, cherish it; but do not adhere to it merely
+because your neighbors do. Look it in the face—apply the golden
+rule—and judge for yourself. The Mahometans really think they could
+not eat at the same table with a Christian, without pollution; but I
+have no doubt the time will come when this prejudice will be removed.
+The old feudal nobles of England would not have thought it possible
+that their descendants could live in a community, where they and
+their vassals were on a perfect civil equality; yet the apparent
+impossibility has come to pass, with advantage to many, and injury
+to none. When we endeavor to conform to the spirit of the gospel,
+there is never any danger that it will not lead us into the paths of
+peace.
+
+_Q._ But they say your measures are unconstitutional.
+
+_A._ Is it unconstitutional to talk, and write, and publish on any
+subject? particularly one in which the welfare and character of the
+country are so deeply involved? This is all the abolitionists have
+ever done; it is all they have ever desired to do. Nobody disputes
+that Congress has constitutional power to abolish slavery and the
+slave-trade in the District of Columbia. That District belongs in
+common to all the States, and each of them has an interest in the
+slaves there. The public prisons of that District, built _with the
+money of the whole people_ of the United States, are used for the
+benefit of slave-traders, and the groaning victims of this detestable
+traffic are kept confined within their walls. The keepers of these
+prisons, _paid with the money of the whole people_, act as jailers
+to these slave-traders, until their gang of human brutes can be
+completed. When we are acting as accomplices in all this, have we no
+right to petition for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade
+_there_? I do not see how any conscientious man can help believing it
+to be a solemn duty.
+
+_Q._ Is there any truth in the charge, that abolitionists have tried
+to excite insurrections among the slaves?
+
+_A._ This charge is destitute of the slightest foundation in
+truth. The abolitionists have addressed facts and arguments to the
+slave-holders _only_. They have never sought for any communication
+with the slaves; and if they did so, their principles would lead them
+to teach patience and submission, until their deliverance could be
+accomplished by peaceful measures. I believe the publications by the
+Peace Society do not contain so much in defence of non-resistance
+under injury, as the publications of the abolitionists. If it should
+be discovered that any member of an Anti-Slavery Society had tried
+to excite disaffection among the slaves, he would be immediately
+turned out of the Society, with strong expressions of disapprobation.
+This false charge has been got up at the South merely to excite
+sympathy. A little while ago a paragraph went the rounds of the
+newspapers, concerning an _abolitionist_ who had been overheard
+trying to persuade a negro lad to run away, and offering to forge
+free papers for him. It was afterwards ascertained that the man was
+a _kidnapper_, and took this means of getting the boy into his own
+power, for the sake of selling him. Complaints are made that pictures
+of a man flogging slaves having been on some of the books sent to the
+South; and it is urged that negroes can understand these pictures,
+if they do not know their letters. In the first place, the books are
+sent to the masters. In the next place (as has been well observed),
+the pictures represent a thing that is either true, or not true.
+If it is not true, the negroes would look at the picture without
+being reminded of any thing _they_ had ever seen or known—if told
+that it represented a driver beating slaves, they would laugh at
+such Munchausen stories of things that never happened. On the other
+hand, if the representation is true, would the mere picture of a
+thing be more likely to excite them to insurrection than the thing
+itself? These stories of efforts to excite violence are mere spectres
+raised on purpose for the occasion. If you will take notice of the
+charges brought against abolitionists, you will find that they are
+always mere assertions, unsupported by quotations, or any species of
+evidence. When I have read the resolutions passed at public meetings
+against the abolitionists, I have smiled at the farce which those men
+have been acting. In nearly all their resolutions, the abolitionists
+could most cordially and conscientiously concur. The enemies of
+the cause have in several cities gravely met together to declare
+that they do not approve of attempts to promote insurrections. The
+abolitionists agree with them entirely. With the same ridiculous
+gravity, they make known to the world that they do not approve of any
+legislative interference with the Southern States. The abolitionists
+have never dreamed of any such interference. They merely wish to
+_induce the Southerners to legislate for themselves_; and they hope
+to do this by the universal dissemination of facts and arguments,
+calculated to promote a _correct public sentiment_ on the subject of
+slavery. This is all they ever intended to do; and this they will
+do, though earth and hell combine against their efforts. The men
+engaged in this cause are not working for themselves, but for God—and
+therefore they are strong.
+
+_Q._ But do you believe the Southerners ever can be persuaded?
+
+_A._ At all events, it is our duty to try. “Thus saith the Lord God,
+Thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they will hear, or
+whether they will forbear; neither be afraid of their words, though
+briers and thorns be with thee, and thou dost dwell among scorpions.”
+If public sentiment becomes universally reformed on this subject, it
+cannot fail to have a powerful influence. Slavery was abolished in
+the British dominions entirely by moral influence. Parliament never
+would have voted for the bill, the king never would have signed it,
+if an enlightened public sentiment had not made the step absolutely
+necessary; and the public became enlightened by the exertions of
+benevolent men, who were obliged to endure every form of obloquy
+and rage, before the good work was completed. The slave-holders are
+perfectly aware that the same causes will produce similar effects in
+this country. One of the Southern editors has lately declared that
+what is most to be feared is, that these fanatical abolitionists
+will make some people of morbid consciences believe that slavery
+really _is_ wrong, and that it is their duty to relinquish it.
+Another Southern newspaper complains that the worst effect of this
+discussion is, that it is causing good men to regard slave-holders
+with abhorrence.
+
+_Q._ But if the system works so badly in every respect, why are
+people so unwilling to give it up?
+
+_A._ Human nature is willing to endure much, rather than relinquish
+unbridled licentiousness and despotic control. The emperor of Russia,
+and the pachas of Egypt would be reluctant to abridge their own
+power, for the sake of introducing a system of things more conducive
+to the freedom, virtue and happiness of their subjects. They had
+rather live in constant fear of the poisoned bowl and the midnight
+dagger, than to give up the pleasant exercise of tyranny, to which
+they have so long been accustomed. In addition to this feeling, so
+common to our nature, there are many conscientious people, who are
+terrified at the idea of emancipation. It has always been presented
+to them in the most frightful colors; and bad men are determined, if
+possible, to prevent the abolitionists from proving to such minds
+that _the dangers of insurrection all belong to slavery, and would
+cease when slavery was abolished_.
+
+At the North, the apologists of slavery are numerous and virulent,
+because their _interests_ are closely intertwined with the pernicious
+system. Inquire into the private history of many of the men, who
+have called meetings against the abolitionists—you will find that
+some manufacture negro cloths for the South—some have sons who sell
+those cloths—some have daughters married to slave-holders—some have
+plantations and slaves mortgaged to them—some have ships employed in
+Southern commerce—and some candidates for political offices would bow
+until their back-bones were broken, to obtain or preserve Southern
+influence. The Southerners understand all this perfectly well, and
+despise our servility, even while they condescend to make use of it.
+
+One great reason why the people of this country have not thought
+and felt right on this subject, is that all our books, newspapers,
+almanacs and periodicals, have combined to represent the colored race
+as an inferior and degraded class, who never could be made good and
+useful citizens. Ridicule and reproach have been abundantly heaped
+upon them; but their virtues and their sufferings have found few
+historians. The South has been well satisfied with such a public
+sentiment. It sends back no echo to disturb their consciences, and
+it effectually rivets the chain on the necks of their vassals. In
+this department of service, the Colonization Society has been a most
+active and zealous agent.
+
+_Q._ But some people say that all the mobs, and other violent
+proceedings, are to be attributed to the abolitionists.
+
+_A._ They might as well charge the same upon St. Paul, when his
+fearless preaching of the gospel brought him into such imminent
+peril, that his friends were obliged to “let him down over the wall
+in a basket,” to save his life. As well might St. Stephen have been
+blamed for the mob that stoned him to death. With the same justice
+might William Penn have been called the cause of all the violent
+persecutions against the Quakers. When principles of truth are sent
+out in the midst of a perverse generation, they _always_ come “not to
+bring peace, but a sword.” The abolitionists have offered violence
+to no man—they have never attempted to stop the discussions of their
+opponents; but have, on the contrary, exerted themselves to obtain a
+candid examination of the subject on all sides. They merely claim the
+privilege of delivering peaceful addresses at orderly meetings, and
+of publishing what they believe to be facts, with an honest desire to
+have them tested by the strictest ordeal of truth.
+
+_Q._ But do you think a foreigner ought to be allowed to lecture on
+this subject?
+
+_A._ _We_ have some hundred missionaries abroad lecturing other
+nations—preaching against systems most closely entwined with the
+government and prejudices of the people. If good and conscientious
+men leave ease, honor, and popularity behind them, to come here, and
+labor among the poor and the despised, merely from zeal in a good
+cause, shall we refuse to hear what they have to say? If we insult,
+mob, and stone them, how could we consistently blame the Hindoos and
+Sandwich Islanders for abusing _our_ missionaries? We sent out agents
+to England, to give her the benefit of our experience on the subject
+of temperance; ought _we_ not to be willing to receive the benefit of
+her experience on the subject of slavery? Let us candidly hear what
+these men have to say. If it be contrary to reason and truth, reject
+it; if it be the truth, let us ponder it in our hearts.
+
+_Q._ But everybody says the discussion of slavery will lead to the
+dissolution of the Union.
+
+_A._ There must be something wrong in the Union, if the candid
+discussion of _any_ subject can dissolve it; and for the truth of
+this remark, I appeal to your own good sense. If the South should
+be injudicious enough to withdraw from the Union for the sake of
+preserving a moral pestilence in her borders, it is very certain that
+slavery cannot long continue after that event. None of the frontier
+States could long keep their slaves, if we were not obliged by law
+to deliver up runaways; nor could they any longer rely upon the
+free States, in cases of emergency, to support slavery by force of
+arms. The union of these States has been continually disturbed and
+embittered by the existence of slavery; and the abolitionists would
+fain convince the whole country that it is best to cast away this
+apple of discord. Their attachment to the Union is so strong, that
+they would make any sacrifice of self-interest to preserve it; but
+they never will consent to sacrifice honor and principle. “Duties are
+ours; events are God’s!”
+
+
+
+
+  TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
+
+  Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
+  corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
+  the text and consultation of external sources.
+
+  Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
+  when a predominant preference was found in the original book.
+
+  Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
+  and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.
+
+  Pg 13: ‘cut off the the heads’ replaced by ‘cut off the heads’.
+  Pg 15: ‘Ths wife, or the’ replaced by ‘The wife, or the’.
+  Pg 16: ‘amagamation has been’ replaced by ‘amalgamation has been’.
+  Pg 36: ‘not not to bring peace’ replaced by ‘not to bring peace’.
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM ***
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+<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Anti-slavery catechism, by Lydia Maria Child</p>
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+<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Anti-slavery catechism</p>
+<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Lydia Maria Child</p>
+<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: November 18, 2022 [eBook #69376]</p>
+<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
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+<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM ***</div>
+
+
+<div class="transnote">
+<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p>
+
+<p class="customcover">The cover image was created by the transcriber
+and is placed in the public domain.</p>
+
+<p>Some minor changes to the text are noted at the <a href="#TN">end of the book.</a>
+<span class="screenonly">These are indicated by a <ins class="corr">dashed blue</ins> underline.</span></p>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
+<div class="chapter"></div>
+
+<h1>
+ANTI-SLAVERY<br />
+<span class="fs150 lsp">&#160;CATECHISM.</span><br />
+</h1>
+
+<hr class="r15" />
+<p class="center smcap">By MRS. CHILD,</p>
+
+<p class="negin1 fs70"><em>Author of ‘An Appeal in favor of that class of Americans called
+Africans,’ the ‘Evils of Slavery, and the Cure of Slavery,’ ‘Authentic
+Anecdotes of American Slavery,’ ‘History of the Condition of Women,’
+‘The Oasis,’ ‘Frugal Housewife,’ &amp;c.</em></p>
+
+<hr class="r15" />
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="p3 poetry">
+    <div class="verse indentq">“On the nation’s naked heart</div>
+    <div class="verse indent0">Scatter the living coals of Truth.”</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="p3 antiqua pfs120 lsp">Second Edition.</p>
+
+<hr class="p3 r10" />
+
+<p class="p3 pfs120">NEWBURYPORT:</p>
+<p class="pfs90">PUBLISHED BY CHARLES WHIPPLE.</p>
+<p class="pfs120">1839.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
+<div class="chapter"></div>
+
+<p class="p4 pfs90">
+Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1835,<br />
+By CHARLES WHIPPLE,<br />
+In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="p6 chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
+<div class="chapter">
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[Pg 3]</span><br /></p>
+
+<p class="p2 pfs135">ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM.</p>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="r30a" />
+<hr class="r30b" />
+
+<p class="p2"><em>Question.</em> Why do you consider it a duty to preach and
+publish abolition doctrines?</p>
+
+<p><em>Answer.</em> First, I consider it my duty as a Christian; for
+the system of slavery, as a whole, and in each one of its
+details, is in direct opposition to the precepts of the gospel.
+Secondly, I consider it my duty as a conscientious
+citizen of this republic; for I believe slavery is prejudicial
+to the best interests of my country; and I dare
+not hope that God’s blessing will rest upon us, if we
+persevere in our iniquity.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But the abolitionists are accused of showing the
+worst side of slavery. Is it not true that they seek to
+give an exaggerated idea of its evils?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I believe every man, who candidly examines the
+subject, will come to the conclusion, that every side
+appears to be the worst side. Allow me to give a brief
+statement of the case. Between two and three millions
+of people are compelled to labor without wages. They
+gain nothing more by working ten hours than they would
+by working one hour. It is not in human nature that
+they should be disposed to be industrious under these
+circumstances. They try to do as little as possible. The
+chief part of the labor that is got out of their bones and
+sinews is obtained by fear of the whip. A peck of corn
+a week is the usual allowance for the food of a slave.
+The planters generally estimate that a slave can be fed
+and clothed at an expense of from fifteen to twenty dollars
+a year. The following is the printed testimony of Thomas
+Clay, of Georgia, himself a slave-holder, though reputed
+to be an amiable, conscientious man: “A peck of corn
+per week, if it be sound flint corn, is sufficient to sustain
+health and strength under moderate labor. But there is
+<em>often</em> a defect in the quality, and the quantity is then insufficient.
+The present economy of the slave system is
+to get all you can from the slave, and give in return as
+little as will barely support him in a working condition.
+Even where there is not direct intention to abridge his
+comforts, they are but little consulted; and the slave,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
+seeing his master wholly engrossed by his own advantage,
+naturally adopts the same selfish course, and, when not
+restrained by higher principles, becomes deceitful and
+selfish.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> If Mr. Thomas Clay is a good man, and really
+thinks slavery so bad in its effects, why does he not
+emancipate his own slaves?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> If you were to ask him, I suppose he would give an
+answer very common among planters. He would tell
+you that he could not do it because the laws of the State
+in which he lives impose such heavy penalties, that the
+process of emancipation is extremely difficult and
+expensive.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Who makes the laws of the Southern States?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> The slave-holders themselves. When I hear a man
+say that he would gladly emancipate his slaves, if the
+<em>laws</em> would allow it, it makes me think of an anecdote I
+have often heard. A little girl had been ordered to
+perform some household work in the absence of her
+mother. When the parent returned, and saw that her
+orders had not been obeyed, she said, “My child, why
+have you not done as I bid you?” The little girl replied,
+“I should have been glad to do it, mother; but I could
+not. Don’t you see I am tied?” “And pray who tied
+you?” inquired the mother. “I tied myself,” was the
+reply. Now this is plainly the case with the slave-holders.
+They make oppressive laws, and persist in
+upholding those laws, and then say, “I would do my
+duty, if I could; but the <em>laws</em> will not permit it.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Do the slaves have to work all the time?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> In some States the laws ordain that slaves shall
+not be compelled to work <em>more</em> than <em>fourteen</em> hours a day,
+from September to March, nor more than <em>fifteen</em> hours a
+day, from March to September; and it is reasonable to
+conclude that there would have been no necessity for
+making such a law, unless some masters <em>did</em> compel
+their slaves to toil beyond the specified hours. Convicts,
+who are imprisoned for crime, are not obliged to work
+more than ten hours a day, and are better fed than the
+slaves. It is an extraordinary thing for a slave to be
+sent to the state prison for an offence. Instead of punishment,
+it would in fact be amelioration of his lot.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But I have been told that the slaves sometimes work
+for themselves.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span></p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> When they happen to have kind masters, they are
+sometimes allowed a part of the time to earn something
+for themselves; but the laws are extremely inefficient
+for the protection of property thus acquired. If a white
+man sees fit to seize the products of their industry, the
+law in most cases affords no redress; because in slave
+States a colored man is never allowed to give evidence
+against a white man, under any circumstances. Any
+note of hand, or written contract with a slave is worth
+no more than a promissory note to a dog; because no
+slave can bring an action at law. In several of the
+States, a slave is liable to punishment if it is ascertained
+that he has acquired any property.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I have been told that masters are allowed to kill
+their slaves. Can this be true?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> The laws do indeed nominally consider the killing
+of a slave as murder; but no instance has ever been
+recorded of a white man executed for killing a slave.
+One law on this subject has the following strange qualification:
+“Except said slave die of <em>moderate</em> punishment.”
+As if any punishment, that occasioned death, <em>could</em> be
+moderate! If a hundred blacks or mulattoes, either
+bond or free, should see a slave murdered, it avails
+nothing against the murderer; because the laws of slave
+States do not allow a colored person, under any circumstances,
+to testify against a white man. The laws of
+South Carolina favor the master to such a degree,
+that when accused of murdering a slave, he may be
+absolved simply upon <em>his own oath</em>, that he did not commit
+the crime!</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But I am told that white men are not unfrequently
+prosecuted for cruelty to slaves; and this looks as if the
+laws afforded the poor creatures some protection.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I have read not a few Reports of Cases in Southern
+Courts; and those reports did more than any thing
+else to make me an abolitionist. Prosecutions are
+always brought for the master’s interest—never for the
+protection or redress of the slave. In Martin’s Louisiana
+Reports, 1818, you will find the case of Jourdan <em>vs.</em> Patten.
+In this case a lady sued a neighboring proprietor for the
+damage of putting out the only eye of one of her slaves.
+The Supreme Court decided that the defendant should
+pay the lady the sum of twelve hundred dollars; in consideration
+of which, the slave should be placed in <em>his</em><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
+possession. The lady received all the money, as an
+indemnification for the loss of property; but the poor
+slave not only received no atonement for his sufferings,
+but was actually given to the very man that had knocked
+his eye out! This is a fair sample of the nature of all
+such prosecutions. In Nott &amp; McCord’s South Carolina
+Reports, 1818, it is stated that a slave belonging to Mrs.
+E. Witsell, was shot through the head by two men who
+were hunting runaway negroes. The lady commenced
+an action to recover the value of her slave. The judge
+told the jury that circumstances <em>might</em> exist to authorize
+the killing of a negro, <em>without the sanction of a magistrate,
+or even the order of a militia officer</em>; but it was thought such
+circumstances were not connected with <em>this</em> case; the
+lady was therefore entitled to compensation for injury
+done to her property. As for the poor slave himself, his
+parents, his wife, or his children, they were never once
+thought of in the matter.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But do you really believe they hunt negroes with
+dogs and guns, as some people say?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> There cannot be the slightest doubt of the fact.
+Dogs are trained for that express purpose. The planters
+justify the practice, by saying it is absolutely necessary
+for their own safety; because runaway negroes, who collect
+in the woods and swamps, will soon begin to commit
+depredations on the neighboring estates. Thus the
+evils inevitably growing out of this bad system are
+made use of to justify its cruelties. Free laborers would
+have no inducement to run away and hide in swamps.
+It would obviously be for their own interest to keep at
+work. These negro hunts seem to be entered into with
+all the keen excitement of sportsmen going out to hunt
+squirrels or hares. A letter written near Edenton, N.C.
+among other items of news, states: “We have had
+great negro shooting lately.” A gentleman well known
+in the literary world resided for some time in the family
+of a Georgia planter; and he himself stated to me that
+three negro hunts took place during the first nine months
+of his stay there. He said, that one night hearing a
+noise below stairs, he hastened to ascertain the cause.
+“The gentlemen of the family were cleaning and loading
+their guns, trying their flints, and going through the
+usual preparations, apparently for a deer hunt, as buck
+shot and bullets were in demand. The children of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
+family had partaken of the general excitement, and arisen
+from their beds. As I entered the room, I could
+hear one of the youngest say, ‘Why, pa, you wouldn’t
+kill Ralph, would you?’ ‘I would take him, and sell
+him, and get money for him,’ said the next of age. ‘You
+will only lame him, so as to seize him, I suppose,’ said
+the mother. ‘I would rather kill him than the best fat
+buck in the country,’ replied the father, as he rammed
+down the heavy charge. The moonlight from the window
+glanced along the barrel of the piece, and caught
+the eye of the eldest boy. The reflected light kindled
+up his glance with something of an unnatural flash, but
+in vivid sympathy with the paternal look and attitude.
+The anticipated joy of vengeance seemed to be the predominating
+emotion.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> If the laws are as you say, I should think the
+slaves did not stand a fair chance when they are <em>wrongfully</em>
+accused.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> If you will examine Stroud’s Compendium of the
+Slave Laws, you will be convinced for yourself that
+what I say is true; and the effect is as you suppose.
+The poor slaves are completely in the power of their
+masters. The same men who accuse them are often
+their judges and executioners. In illustration of this, I
+will tell you a case that occurred in Edenton, North Carolina.
+It was told by a woman who lived there at the
+time, and witnessed some of the executions. Many of
+the slaves in that place were skilful in mechanical
+trades. The planters in the back country were very desirous
+to purchase some of them; but their masters found
+it so profitable to let them out, that they would not consent
+to sell them. Those who were anxious to buy, hit
+upon the following expedient to obtain their purpose:
+They wrote anonymous letters, charging these intelligent
+slaves with having projected an insurrection.
+These letters were scattered about in Edenton, with the
+idea that the masters would be glad to sell such dangerous
+fellows; but instead of this, the poor innocent slaves
+were tried, convicted, and sentenced by their frightened
+owners; and a large number of them were put to death,
+upon no other evidence than anonymous letters.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> It does not seem as if such things could take place
+in a civilized country. Can you believe it?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> If you reflect a little upon human nature, I believe<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
+you will think it perfectly natural that such abuses should
+exist, wherever one human being has arbitrary power
+over another. You would not like to place yourself
+completely in the power even of the best man you know;
+you would be afraid to have it depend entirely on his
+will how much work you should do in a day, what food
+you should eat, and what clothes you should wear, and
+how and when you should be punished. It is not considered
+entirely safe for an aged parent to relinquish all
+his property, and trust entirely to the generosity of his
+own children; what then do you suppose the poor slave
+has to expect, when he becomes too old and infirm to be
+profitable to his master?</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But the Southerners are said to be very honorable,
+generous men.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Our Southern brethren are just what any human
+beings would be under similar circumstances. They
+are generous with the proceeds of other men’s labor, for
+the same reason that the heir is prodigal of money, which
+another accumulates for him. He who can let out his
+neighbor, and his neighbor’s wife and children, and receive
+all their wages, will naturally be more profuse
+than a man who depends entirely on his own exertions.
+Planters have heretofore generally confessed that slavery
+is an evil, and many of them speak of its detailed
+abuses with strong regret; but these abuses are merely
+the necessary and inevitable results of the system they
+are helping to support; and they never can cure the
+abuses until they are willing to renounce the system itself.
+I suppose that few planters would think of palliating
+the treatment Mrs. Salarie’s slaves received; yet
+they are all helping to support a system under which
+such cruelties can be committed with impunity. Perhaps
+very humane and amiable masters do even more
+mischief than the desperately wicked; for they are always
+quoted as palliations of the whole system; and
+they approach so <em>near</em> to the right line, that they can
+more easily draw over kind-hearted people, who have
+not thought much upon the subject.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> What is the history of Mrs. Salarie?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> She resided in New Orleans. On the 10th of April,
+1834, her splendid mansion took fire. During the midst
+of the conflagration, a rumor arose among the crowd that
+there were slaves chained in the burning dwelling; but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span>
+those who asked for the keys were reproved for interfering
+with their neighbor’s business. At last the doors
+were forced open by sailors and mechanics, that had
+collected around the spot; and a New Orleans paper
+thus describes the horrible scene that presented itself:
+“Seven slaves more or less horribly mutilated, were
+seen, some chained to the floor, and some suspended by
+the neck to the ceiling, with their limbs stretched and
+torn from one extremity to the other. Their bodies, from
+head to foot, were covered with scars and sores, and
+filled with wounds. One poor old man, upwards of sixty
+years of age, was chained hand and foot, and made fast
+to the floor, in a kneeling position. His head bore the
+appearance of having been beaten until it was broken,
+and the worms were actually seen making a feast of his
+brains.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Every body must have thought her a very wicked
+woman. Did the slave-holders in the neighborhood pretend
+to justify her measures?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I have no doubt that every humane person, that
+heard of the event, expressed horror, and sincerely felt
+it. For several months previous to the discovery, her
+neighbors had been in the habit of living in apartments
+as far as possible from her house, on purpose to avoid
+the shrieks and groans of her poor suffering slaves; yet
+during all that time no complaint was laid before the
+public authorities, and no investigation demanded! I
+suppose neighbors were afraid to say any thing, lest they
+should be accused of promoting discontent among the
+negroes. Those who endeavor to keep human beings
+in the situation of beasts, are more afraid of them than
+they would be of beasts; because the human being has
+<em>reason</em>, which is always prone to offer resistance to tyranny.
+The consciousness of this makes slave-holders
+very irritable when any one in the community takes part
+with an abused slave, or expresses the slightest pity for
+his sufferings.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Is it not for the master’s interest to treat the slaves
+well?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> So it is for the interest of men to treat their horses
+and cattle well; and yet their passions not unfrequently
+make them forget their interests. Passive obedience is
+obtained from human beings with more difficulty than
+from animals; and when the master <em>is</em> provoked, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
+poor slave is completely in his power, with scarcely the
+shadow of protection from the law. The law in no case
+recognises slaves as human beings; on the contrary, it
+expressly declares they “shall be deemed, sold, taken,
+and reputed to be <em>chattels personal</em>, in the hands of their
+owners and possessors, their administrators and assigns,
+to all intents, constructions, and <em>purposes whatever</em>.”
+An act of Maryland, for the settlement of estates, enumerates
+specific articles, such as “slaves, working
+beasts, animals,” &amp;c. Where even the <em>laws</em> consider human
+beings as animals, it is not a matter of surprise that
+they are generally treated no better than self-interest
+leads men to treat animals. You will likewise perceive
+that when the slave becomes old, or diseased, or in any
+way unfit for labor, it is <em>not</em> for the interest of his master to
+prolong his existence by rendering it comfortable. Then
+again that part of the system connected with <em>overseers</em>,
+shows plainly that the self-interest of the master cannot
+effectually secure good treatment to the slave. If planters
+were to give overseers a stated salary, without regard
+to the amount of produce, the overseers (who are
+proverbially unprincipled men) would have no motive
+for consulting the interest of their employers—it would
+be a matter of indifference to them whether much or little
+work were done. To obviate this difficulty, it is customary
+to give the overseer a certain <em>proportion</em> of the
+profits of the plantation. Of course, it becomes his ruling
+desire to get the greatest possible amount of work
+done. He does not care how much the soil is exhausted,
+nor how much the negroes are broken down. If a
+slave says he is very ill, the overseer is unwilling to believe
+the story, because he is reluctant to lose a day’s
+labor. If the poor creature droops under his allotted
+task, he must be stimulated by the whip, because the
+overseer cannot spare an hour of his exertions. If the
+“slave dies under <em>moderate</em> punishment,” the master
+must furnish a new laborer; and the loss falls on <em>him</em>,
+not on the overseer. It is obviously natural for the latter
+personage to think more of his own gains than of his
+employer’s losses. Every body knows that men are
+prone to drive hired horses with less mercy than their
+own; because they do not meet with any personal loss
+from injury done to the beast, and their object is to get
+their money’s worth of riding. Is it not a fearful thing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span>
+for one human being to be placed towards another in the
+same relation that a stable-horse is toward the man who
+hires him? When planters are reminded of instances of
+cruelty, too well authenticated to be denied, they are
+prone to lay the blame upon overseers. Mr. Wirt, of
+Virginia, speaks of this class of men as “the lowest of
+the human race—always cap in hand to the dons who
+employ them, and furnishing materials for their pride,
+insolence, and love of dominion.” If we had no such
+information concerning the character of these men, we
+should naturally conclude that good people would be
+averse to enter into such an employment. Yet overseers
+and drivers are a necessary part of this bad system, because
+slaves are entirely deprived of the motives which
+induce free laborers to work; and since overseers must
+be employed, it is necessary to make it for their interest
+to get as much work out of the slave as possible. The
+evils of slavery are necessary and inevitable parts of the
+system; and whether the planters reprobate them or not,
+they cannot possibly avoid them, except by relinquishing
+the system. The master and his subordinate agents
+<em>must</em> have discretionary power to punish, because their
+poor human brutes, being deprived of salutary motives
+to exertion, must be driven to it. The slave <em>must</em> not be
+allowed to buy or sell, or make the most trifling contracts;
+because the oppressed being would naturally
+avail himself of this privilege, and sell some of the cotton
+or tobacco, which he cultivates for his master without
+wages. The laws <em>must</em> punish them with great severity;
+because the very nature of their condition is a
+constant temptation to theft, falsehood, and murder.
+They <em>must</em> be kept brutally ignorant; because if they
+were otherwise, they could not be kept in slavery.
+Licentiousness <em>must</em> be countenanced among them; because
+their master’s interest is connected with their increase,
+and he might lose many good bargains if the laws
+did not allow him to sell a wife from her husband, or a husband
+from his wife. The law <em>must</em> suppose a negro to be
+a slave, till he proves himself free; because runaway
+slaves would of course pretend that they were free.
+They <em>must</em> not be allowed to witness against a white
+man; for a slave may have had a wife or a child whipped
+to death by a white man—and he may have many other
+good reasons for strong prejudice against white men.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
+An unnatural system <em>must</em> be sustained by unnatural
+means. Hence we find the same characteristic features
+in every country where negro slavery has been
+allowed.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Some people think slavery as great a sin as the
+slave trade. Are you of that opinion?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> There seems to me just the same difference as
+there is between the thief and the man who pays him for
+stealing. What would you say of a man who buys a
+horse, knowing it to be stolen? The following circumstance,
+which took place a short time before our Revolution,
+furnishes a good commentary on this matter. A
+Philadelphia negro was accused of having stolen goods
+in his possession. He acknowledged the fact, saying,
+“Massa Justice, me know me got dem tings from Tom
+dere, and me tink Tom teal dem too; but what den,
+Massa? dey be only a piccaninny knife, and a piccaninny
+corkscrew; one cost sixpence, and tudder a shilling; an
+me <em>pay Tom honestly for dem</em>, Massa.” “Pretty story,
+truly!” said his worship; “you knew they were stolen,
+and yet allege for excuse, you honestly paid for them.
+Don’t you know, Pompey, that the receiver is as bad as
+the thief? You must be severely whipped, you black
+rascal.” “Very well, Massa, if de black rascal be whipt
+for buying tolen goods, me hope de white rascal be
+whipt too, for same ting, when you catch him.” “To
+be sure,” replied the Justice. “Well den,” says Pompey,
+“here be Tom’s Massa—hold him fast, constable!
+He buy Tom, as I buy de piccaninny knife, and de piccaninny
+corkscrew. He know very well Tom be tolen
+from his old fadder and mudder; de knife and de corkscrew
+had neder.”</p>
+
+<p>I do not see how we can escape from the conclusion
+that the slave-owner is an accomplice of the slave-trader.
+So long as a profitable market is kept open, the article
+will be supplied, despite of difficulties and dangers.
+The only way to stop the trade, is to shut up the market;
+and this can be done only by the entire abolition of the
+system of slavery. When nobody will buy a man, nobody
+will be tempted to steal a man. Slavery never
+exists without having more or less of the slave-trade
+involved <em>in</em> it. There is in the very heart of our land a
+slave-trade constantly carried on, and sanctioned by our
+laws, which is as disgraceful and cruel as the foreign<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span>
+slave trade. The new slave States at the extreme South
+have not slaves enough, and the climate, together with
+the hard labor of the sugar plantations, kills them very
+fast. The old slave States have a surplus of slaves,
+which they send off to supply these markets. About
+ten thousand are annually exported from Virginia alone.
+Niles, in his Register, vol. 35, page 4, says: “Dealing
+in slaves has become a <em>large</em> business. Establishments
+are made at several places in Maryland and Virginia, at
+which they are sold like cattle. These places are strongly
+built, and well supplied with <em>thumbscrews</em>, <em>gags</em>, <em>cow-skins</em>,
+<em>and other whips</em>, <em>often bloody</em>.” In these sales no
+regard is paid to domestic ties. The newly married
+wife is torn shrieking from her husband, and the mother
+with her little ones are sold in “<em>separate</em> lots to suit purchasers.”
+A gentleman in Charleston, S. C., writes to
+his friend in New York: “Curiosity sometimes leads me
+to the auction sales of the negroes. There I saw the
+father looking with sullen contempt on the crowd, and
+expressing an indignation in his countenance that he
+dares not speak; and the mother pressing her infants
+closer to her bosom, exclaiming, in wild and simple earnestness,
+‘I can’t leff my children! I won’t leff my children!’
+But the hammer went on, reckless whether it
+united or sundered for ever. On another stand I saw a
+man apparently as white as myself exposed for sale.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard some people say that the negroes do
+not care so much about such separations as we should
+suppose.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> There is no doubt that their degraded situation
+tends to blunt the feelings, as well as to stultify the intellect;
+and it is a fearful thing to think what Christians
+have to answer for, who thus brutalize immortal souls.
+But there are numerous instances to prove that the
+poor creatures do often suffer the most agonizing sensations
+when torn from those they love. Near Palmyra,
+in Marion county, Missouri, two boys were sold to a
+slave-trader, who did not intend to leave the place until
+morning. During the night, the mother was kept chained
+in an out-house, that she might not make any effort
+to prevent the departure of her children. She managed
+to get loose from her fetters, seized an axe, <ins class="corr" id="tn-13" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'cut off the the heads'">
+cut off the heads</ins> of her sleeping boys, and then ended her own
+life by the same instrument.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span></p>
+
+<p>The Missouri Intelligencer, a few months ago, gave
+an account of a slave named Michael, who was sold by
+his master to Mr. J. E. Fenton, by whom he was to be
+immediately shipped for the Southern markets. At the
+mouth of the Ohio, he filed off his irons, and contrived
+to escape. He immediately returned to the place where
+his wife resided, and having armed himself, declared he
+never would be sent to the South, unless his wife was allowed
+to accompany him. He was finally taken by
+stratagem, and lodged in jail for safe keeping. Finding
+that his oppressors were determined to separate him
+from his beloved wife, he committed suicide. I believe
+the attachments of slaves are even stronger than ours;
+for these ties constitute the only pleasure they are allowed
+to have. Hundreds of instances might be told,
+where they have preferred death to separation.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I have been told they sometimes kidnapped free
+colored persons, to sell them as slaves. Is it so?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It is unquestionably true that this is carried on to
+a considerable extent. More than twenty free colored
+children were kidnapped in the single city of Philadelphia,
+in 1825; and in 1827 two were stolen in open
+day. It is a common thing to decoy the unsuspecting victims
+on board a vessel, or to some retired spot, and then
+seize and bind them. A New York paper of 1829, says:
+“Beware of kidnappers! It is well understood that there
+is at present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily
+engaged in their vocation of stealing colored children
+for the Southern market.” As the law supposes every
+colored person to be a slave unless he can <em>prove</em> himself
+free, and as no person of his own complexion is allowed
+to be evidence for him, the kidnappers have an easy
+time of it.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Some people say we ought to pity the masters as
+well as the slaves.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I agree with them entirely. The masters are to
+be deeply pitied; because the long continuance of a
+wicked system has involved them in difficulties, and at
+the same time rendered them generally blind to the best
+means of getting rid of those difficulties. They are likewise
+to be compassionated for the effects which early
+habits of power produce on their own characters. Mr.
+Jefferson, who lived in the midst of slavery, says: “The
+whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span>
+exercise of the most boisterous passions; the most
+unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading
+submission on the other. Our children see this, and
+learn to imitate it. The parent storms; the child looks
+on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same
+airs in a circle of smaller slaves, gives loose to the worst
+of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily
+exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with
+odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy, who
+can retain his morals and manners undepraved in such
+circumstances.” The general licentiousness produced
+by this system can never be described without using language
+too gross to be addressed to a civilized community.
+Some idea of it may be derived from the fact,
+that every female slave is completely in the power of her
+master, of his sons, of his overseers, and his drivers.
+The law does not allow her to offer resistance to a white
+man, under any circumstances; and the state of public
+opinion is such that any pretensions to virtue on her part
+would be treated with brutal ridicule. The slave is not
+allowed to have any right in his wife and children. If
+his master’s interest can be served by his keeping three
+or four wives, or by his wife’s having a succession of
+husbands, he cannot dispute the commands of his owner.
+<ins class="corr" id="tn-15" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Ths wife, or the'">
+The wife, or the</ins> husband, is sometimes sold, and sent
+thousands of miles from each other, and from their little
+ones, without the slightest hope of ever meeting again.
+Under these circumstances, the man, or the woman, is
+soon ordered to take another partner; because it is for
+the interest of the master that they should do so. It is a
+shameful fact that the laws and customs of our country
+make it absolutely impossible for a large portion of our
+population to be virtuous, even if they wish to be so.
+The wealth of Virginia is principally made by the breeding
+of slaves and horses; and persons unaccustomed to
+the system would be shocked by the detail of well authenticated
+facts, which prove that about as little regard
+is paid to decency in one case as the other. <em>Mulatto</em>
+slaves bring a higher price than <em>black</em> ones; hence licentiousness
+in slave States becomes a profitable vice,
+instead of being expensive, as it is under other forms of
+society.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q</em>. I have been told that a great many of the slaves
+have very light complexions. Is it so?</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span></p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> In the old slave States, where the process of <ins class="corr" id="tn-16" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'amagamation has been'">
+amalgamation has been</ins> going on for a long time, this is remarkably
+the case. An old soldier, who lately visited
+the South, said he was not so much struck by any circumstance,
+as by the great change that had taken place
+in the complexion of the slaves since the Revolution.
+Now and then I have seen in the southern papers advertisements
+for a runaway slave, “who passes himself
+for a white man.” A Boston gentleman, who dislikes
+the abolitionists very much, visited Georgia a few years
+ago. He told me that when he was walking with a planter
+one day, they met a man driving a team, who had a
+perfectly fair complexion, with blue eyes and brown hair.
+The Bostonian remarked, “That must be an independent
+fellow, to be driving a team in this part of the country,
+where it is considered so disgraceful for a white
+man to work.” “O, that fellow is a slave,” replied
+the Georgian. Almost every body has heard of the recent
+case of Mary Gilmore, of Philadelphia, a perfectly
+white girl, of Irish parentage, who was taken up and
+tried as a runaway slave. A Missouri newspaper proves
+that a white man may, without a <em>mistake</em>, be adjudged a
+slave. “A case of a slave sueing for his freedom, was
+tried a few days since in Lincoln county, of which the
+following is a brief statement of particulars: A youth of
+about ten years of age sued for his freedom on the
+ground that he was a free white person. The court
+granted his petition to sue as a pauper upon inspection
+of his person. Upon his trial before the jury, he was examined
+by the jury and two learned physicians, all of
+whom concurred in the opinion that very little, if any,
+race of negro blood could be discovered by any of the
+external appearances. All the physiological marks of
+distinction, which characterize the African descent, had
+disappeared. His skin was fair, his hair soft, straight,
+fine and white, his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the
+hazel-nut color; nose prominent, the lips small, his head
+round and well formed, forehead high and prominent,
+ears large, the tibia of the leg straight, and feet hollow.
+Notwithstanding these evidences of his claims, he was
+proved to be the descendant of a mulatto woman, and
+that his progenitors on the mother’s side had been and
+still were slaves: <em>consequently he was found to be a
+slave</em>.” I have been told of a young physician, who went<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span>
+into the far Southern States to settle, and there became
+in love with a very handsome and modest girl, who lived
+at service. He married her; and about a year after that
+event, a gentleman called at the house, and announced
+himself as Mr. J*******y, of Mobile. He said to Dr.
+W*****, “Sir, I have a trifling affair of business to settle
+with you. You have married a slave of mine.” The
+young physician resented this language; for he had not
+entertained the slightest suspicion that the girl had any
+other than white ancestors since the flood. But Mr. J.
+furnished proofs of his claim, and Dr. W. knew very well
+that the laws of the country would uphold him in it. After
+considerable discussion, the best bargain he could
+make was either to pay eight hundred dollars, or have
+his wife put up at auction. He consented to the first
+alternative, and his unwelcome visiter departed. When
+he had gone, Dr. W. told his wife what had happened.
+The poor woman burst into tears and said, “That as
+Mr. J. <em>was her own father</em>, she had hoped that when he
+heard she had found an honorable protector, he would
+have left her in peace.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> There can be no doubt that slavery is a bad system;
+but don’t you think it ought to be done away gradually?
+Ought not the slaves to be fitted for freedom, before
+they are emancipated?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> The difficulty is, it is utterly impossible to fit them
+for freedom while they remain slaves. The masters
+know very well that their vassals will be servile just in
+proportion as they are brutally ignorant; hence all their
+legislation tends to keep them so. It is a disgraceful
+fact, that in half of these United States the working
+men are expressly forbidden to learn to read or write.
+The law ordains that twenty lashes shall be inflicted
+upon every slave found in an assembly met together for
+the purpose of “mental instruction.” Any white person
+who teaches a slave to read or write, or gives or
+sells him any book (the Bible not excepted), is fined two
+hundred dollars; and any colored person who commits
+the same <em>crime</em>, is punished with thirty-nine lashes, or
+with imprisonment. The Rev. Charles C. Jones, of
+Georgia, said in one of his sermons: “Generally
+speaking, the slaves appear to us to be without God and
+without hope in the world—a <em>nation of heathen in our very
+midst</em>. We cannot cry out against the Papists for withholding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span>
+the Scriptures from the common people; for we
+withhold the Bible from <em>our</em> servants, and keep them in
+ignorance of it.” A writer in the Observer, of Charleston,
+S. C. says: “I hazard the assertion, that throughout
+the bounds of our synod, there are at least one hundred
+thousand slaves, speaking the same language as
+ourselves, who never <em>heard</em> of the plan of salvation by a
+Redeemer.” The reason assigned for these oppressive
+laws is, that “teaching slaves to read and write tends
+to excite dissatisfaction in their minds,” and to produce
+insurrection. In Georgia, a white man is fined five hundred
+dollars for teaching a slave or free negro to read or
+write; and if a colored man attempts to teach the alphabet
+even to his own child, he is liable to be fined or
+whipped, according to the discretion of the court. Such
+laws are necessary for the preservation of this detestable
+system; and while such laws exist, how can the
+slaves ever be better fitted for freedom? When the British
+government insisted that female slaves should no
+longer be flogged naked in the Colonies, the Jamaica
+legislature replied, that the practice could not possibly
+be laid aside, “<em>until</em> the negro women acquired more of
+the sense of shame, which distinguishes European females.”
+Fitting men for freedom by keeping them
+slaves, is like the Jamaica mode of making women modest
+by whipping them without clothing.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But don’t you think it would be dangerous to turn
+the slaves at once loose upon the community?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> The abolitionists never desired to have them turned
+loose. They wish to have them governed by salutary
+laws, so regulated as effectually to protect both
+master and slave. They merely wish to have the power
+of punishment transferred from individuals to magistrates;
+to have the sale of human beings cease; and to
+have the stimulus of <em>wages</em> applied, instead of the stimulus
+of the <em>whip</em>. The relation of master and laborer
+might still continue; but under circumstances less irksome
+and degrading to both parties. Even that much
+abused animal the jackass can be made to travel more
+expeditiously by suspending a bunch of turnips on a pole
+and keeping them before his nose, than he can by the
+continual application of the whip; and even when human
+beings are brutalized to the last degree, by the
+soul-destroying system of slavery, they have still sense<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span>
+enough left to be more willing to work two hours for
+twelve cents, than to work one hour for nothing.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I should think this system, in the long run, must
+be an unprofitable one.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It is admitted to be so. Southerners often declare
+that it takes six slaves to do what is easily performed by
+half the number of free laborers. Henry Clay says, “It
+is believed that slave-labor would no where be employed
+in the farming portions of the United States, if the proprietors
+were not tempted to raise slaves by the high
+price of the Southern market, which keeps it up in their
+own;” and he says the effects of introducing slavery into
+Kentucky have been to keep them in the rear of
+their non-slave-holding neighbors, in agriculture, manufactures,
+and general prosperity. General Washington,
+when writing to Sir John Sinclair on the comparative
+value of the soil in Pennsylvania and Virginia, ascribes
+the very low price of land in Virginia to the existence
+of slavery among them. John Randolph declared
+that Virginia was so impoverished by slavery, that
+slaves would soon be advertising for runaway masters.
+A distinguished writer on political economy says: “The
+slave system inflicts an incalculable amount of human
+suffering, for the sake of making a wholesale waste of
+labor and capital.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But the masters say the negroes would cut their
+throats, if they were emancipated.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It is safer to judge by uniform experience than by
+the assertions of the masters, who, even if they have no
+intention to deceive, are very liable to be blinded by
+having been educated in the midst of a bad system. Listen
+to facts on this subject. On the 10th of October,
+1811, the Congress of Chili decreed that every child born
+after that day should be free. In April, 1812, the government
+of Buenos Ayres ordered that every child born
+after the 1st of January, 1813, should be free. In 1821,
+the Congress of Colombia emancipated all slaves who
+had borne arms in favor of the Republic, and provided
+for the emancipation, in eighteen years, of the whole
+slave population, of 900,000. In September, 1829, the
+government of Mexico granted immediate and entire
+emancipation to every slave. In all these instances, <em>not
+one case of insurrection or of bloodshed has ever been
+heard of, as the result of emancipation</em>.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span></p>
+
+<p>In St. Domingo no measures were taken gradually to
+fit the slaves for freedom. They were suddenly emancipated
+during a civil war, and armed against British invaders.
+They at once ceased to be property, and were
+recognized as human beings. Col. Malefant, who resided
+on the island, informs us, in his Historical and Political
+History of the Colonies, that, “after this public
+act of emancipation, the negroes remained quiet both
+in the south and west, and they continued to work upon
+all the plantations. The colony was flourishing. The
+whites lived happily and in peace upon their estates,
+and the negroes continued to work for them.” General
+Lacroix, in his Memoirs of St. Domingo, speaking of the
+same period, says: “The colony marched as by enchantment
+towards its ancient splendor; cultivation
+prospered; every day produced perceptible proofs of its
+progress.” This prosperous state of things lasted about
+eight years, and would perhaps have continued to the
+present day, had not Bonaparte, at the instigation of the
+old French planters, sent an army to deprive the blacks
+of the freedom they had used so well. The enemies of
+abolition are always talking of the horrors of St. Domingo,
+as an argument to prove that emancipation is dangerous;
+but historical facts prove that the effort to <em>restore
+slavery</em> occasioned all the bloodshed in that island;
+while <em>emancipation produced only the most peaceful and
+prosperous results</em>.</p>
+
+<p>In June, 1794, Victor Hugo, a French republican
+general, retook Guadaloupe from the British, and immediately
+proclaimed freedom to all the slaves. They
+were 85,000 in number, and the whites only 13,000. <em>No
+disasters occurred in consequence of this step.</em> More than
+seven years after this, the Supreme Council of Guadaloupe,
+in an official document, alluding to the tranquillity
+which reigned throughout the island, observed: “We
+shall have the satisfaction of having given an example,
+which will prove that <em>all classes of people may live in perfect
+harmony with each other, under an administration which
+secures justice to all classes</em>.” In 1802, Bonaparte sent
+a powerful French force, and again reduced the island
+to slavery, at the cost of about 20,000 negro lives.</p>
+
+<p>In July, 1828, thirty thousand Hottentots in Cape
+Colony were emancipated from their long and cruel
+bondage, and admitted by law to all the rights and privileges<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span>
+of the white colonists. Outrages were predicted,
+as the inevitable consequence of freeing human creatures
+so completely brutalized as the poor Hottentots;
+but all went on peaceably; and, as a gentleman facetiously
+remarked, “Hottentots as they were, they
+worked much better for Mr. <em>Cash</em>, than they had ever
+done for Mr. <em>Lash</em>.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But they say the British have had difficulties in
+their West Indies.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> The enemies of the cause have tried very hard to
+get up a “raw-head and bloody-bones” story; but even
+if you take their own accounts, you will find that they
+have not been able to adduce any instances of violence
+in support of their assertions. The real facts are these:
+The measure was not carried in a manner entirely satisfactory
+to the English abolitionists. Their knowledge
+of human nature, combined with the practical evidence
+afforded by history, led them to conclude that immediate
+and unqualified emancipation was <em>safest</em> for the master,
+as well as just to the slave; but the planters raised such
+a hue and cry concerning bloodshed and insurrection,
+that the British government determined to conciliate
+them by a gradual abolition of slavery. It was ordained
+that the slaves should work six years longer without
+wages, under the name of <em>apprentices</em>; but no punishment
+could be inflicted without the special order of magistrates.
+The colonies had a right to dispense with the
+apprenticeship system if they pleased; but out of the
+seventeen West India colonies, Antigua and Bermuda
+were the only ones that chose to do so. The act of
+Parliament provided that each apprentice should work
+for his master <em>forty and a half</em> hours a week, and have
+the rest of the time to himself. The masters were not
+satisfied with this; and they tried, by a series of petty
+vexations, to coerce the apprentices into individual contracts
+to work <em>fifty</em> hours in a week. While the people
+had been slaves, they were always allowed <em>cooks</em> to prepare
+their meals, a person to bring <em>water</em> to the gang
+during the hot hours, and <em>nurses</em> to tend the little children
+while their mothers were at work in the field; but
+because the Abolition Act did not expressly provide that
+these privileges should be continued, the masters saw
+fit to take them away. Each apprentice was obliged to
+quit his or her work, and go, sometimes a great distance,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span>
+to the cabin to cook his meals, instead of having
+it served up in the field; and the time taken up in this
+operation was to be made up out of the apprentices’ own
+time. No water was allowed to be brought to quench
+their thirst; the aged and infirm, instead of being left,
+as formerly, to superintend the children under the shade,
+were ordered out into the burning fields; and mothers
+were obliged to toil at the hoe with their infants strapped
+at their backs. In addition to all these annoyances,
+the planters obtained a new proclamation from the governor,
+by which they were authorized to require extra
+labor of the apprentices in times of emergency, or <em>whenever
+they should deem it necessary</em>, in the cultivation,
+gathering, or manufacture of the crop, provided they
+repaid them an equal time at <em>a convenient season of the
+year</em>. This was very much like taking from a New England
+laborer the month of July, and paying it back to
+him in January. The negroes had behaved extremely
+well when emancipation was first proclaimed, and universally
+showed a disposition to be orderly, submissive,
+and thankful; but this system of privation and injustice
+soon created discontent. They knew that they were to
+receive no wages, however industrious they might be;
+and they were well aware that their masters no longer
+had a right to flog them. A bad stimulus to labor had
+been removed, without supplying a good one in its place.
+In three of the colonies, the apprentices refused to
+work on the terms required by their masters. In Jamaica,
+a very small military force was sent into one parish,
+and only on one occasion; but no violence was offered
+on either side; for the apprentices confined themselves
+to <em>passive resistance</em>—merely refusing to work on the
+required terms. In St. Christophers, difficulties of a
+similar kind occurred; but no outrage of any kind was
+committed. In one fortnight all the trouble was at an
+end; and out of twenty thousand apprentices, only thirty
+were found to be absent from their work; and some of
+these were supposed to be dead in the woods. In Demarara,
+the principal difficulty occurred. The laborers
+assembled together, and marched round with a flag staff;
+but the <em>worst</em> thing they did was to beat a constable with
+their fists. <em>It is a solemn fact that a few fisty cuffs with
+a constable are the only violence to persons or property,
+that has been attempted by the eight hundred thousand
+slaves emancipated in the British Colonies!</em></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span></p>
+
+<p>Even the difficulties above enumerated (slight as they
+were, and unworthy to be named in connexion with such
+a great moral change) were but temporary. The governor
+of Jamaica, after five months’ trial of emancipation,
+declares, in his address to the Assembly, “Not
+the slightest idea of any interruption of tranquillity exists
+in any quarter; and those preparations which I have
+felt it my duty to make, might, without the slightest
+danger, have been dispensed with.” By recent news,
+we learn that the planters finding the system of coercion
+was likely to be ruinous to their own interest,
+offered the apprentices 2<em>s.</em> 6<em>d.</em> per day for extra work.
+The enemies of abolition prophesied that nothing would
+induce the negroes to work more than they were actually
+compelled to by law, and that the crops would perish
+for want of gathering. But the result proved otherwise.
+As soon as <em>wages</em> were offered, they came forward
+eagerly, and offered to do more work than the planters
+were willing to pay for. We have the testimony of one
+of their magistrates, that as soon as this system was
+tried, “their apparent indifference was every where
+thrown off, and their work carried on in a steady, persevering,
+and diligent manner.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> And how was it in Antigua and Bermuda, where
+they gave up the apprenticeship system, and tried immediate
+and unqualified emancipation?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> In those colonies not the slightest difficulty, of any
+kind, has occurred. The Antigua journals declare,
+“The great doubt is solved; the highest hopes of the
+negroes’ friends are fulfilled. A whole people, comprising
+thirty thousand souls, have passed from slavery
+into freedom, not only without the slightest irregularity,
+but with the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a Sabbath.”
+The Christmas holidays were always seasons
+of alarm in the slave-colonies, and a military force was
+always held in readiness; but the Christmas after emancipation,
+the customary guard was dispensed with. Up
+to the present time, every thing remains perfectly tranquil
+in Antigua; and a negro is at the head of the police
+in that island. The population consists of 2,000 whites,
+30,000 slaves, and 4,500 free blacks.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Yet people are always saying that free negroes
+cannot take care of themselves.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It is because people are either very much prejudiced<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>
+or very ignorant on the subject. In the United
+States, colored persons have scarcely any chance to
+rise. They are despised, and abused, and discouraged,
+at every turn. In the slave States they are subject to
+laws nearly as oppressive as those of the slave. They
+are whipped or imprisoned, if they try to learn to read
+or write; they are not allowed to testify in court; and
+there is a general disposition not to encourage them
+by giving them employment. In addition to this,
+the planters are very desirous to expel them from
+the State, partly because they are jealous of their influence
+upon the slaves, and partly because those who
+have slaves to let out, naturally dislike the competition
+of the free negroes. But if colored people are well
+treated, and have the same inducements to industry as
+other people, they work as well and behave as well.
+A few years ago the Pennsylvanians were very much
+alarmed at the representations that were made of the
+increase of pauperism from the ingress of free negroes.
+A committee was appointed to examine into the subject,
+and it was ascertained that the colored people not only
+supported their own poor, but paid a considerable additional
+sum towards the support of white paupers.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard people say that the slaves would not
+take their freedom, if it were offered to them.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I sincerely wish they would offer it. I should like
+to see the experiment tried. If the slaves are so well
+satisfied with their condition, why do they make such
+severe laws against running away? Why are the patroles
+on duty all the time to shoot every negro who
+does not give an account of himself as soon as they call
+to him? Why, notwithstanding all these pains and penalties,
+are their newspapers full of advertisements for
+runaway slaves? If the free negroes are so much worse
+off than those in bondage, why is it that their laws bestow
+freedom on any slave, “who saves his master or
+mistress’s life, or performs any meritorious service to
+the State?” That must be a very bad country where
+the law stipulates that <em>meritorious</em> actions shall be rewarded
+by making a man more unhappy than he was
+before! Some months ago, I had a conversation with a
+woman, who went from Boston to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama.
+She was the wife of a Baptist clergyman, professed
+to be a pious woman, and was considered as such.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span>
+I found her an apologist for slavery, but was not aware
+at the time that she actually owned slaves. She maintained
+that freedom was the greatest curse that could be
+bestowed on a slave; and when I attempted to put the
+case home to her conscience, she, for consistency’s sake,
+declared, that she should be quite as willing to die and
+leave her own little son in slavery, as to leave him a free
+laborer at the North. She said if she had a hundred
+slaves, she should treat them all kindly, and endeavor to
+make their condition comfortable. I replied, “I am
+willing to believe that you would do so, madam; but in
+case of your death, or of any pecuniary distress in the
+family, the poor slaves would be divided among heirs, or
+seized by creditors; and then who can tell into whose
+hands they may fall? The condition of the slave depends
+on the character of the master; and that is entirely a
+matter of <em>accident</em>”. The pious woman rejoined, “Oh, I
+should take care of that. If they were good, faithful
+servants, they would find at my death that papers of
+manumission had been duly prepared.” “But you told
+me that freedom was the greatest curse that could be
+bestowed upon a slave,” replied I: “Now is it possible,
+madam, that you would leave, as your dying legacy to
+good and faithful servants, the greatest curse you could
+bestow?”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Do you suppose they really believe what they say,
+when they declare that slaves are happier than freemen?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I leave your own republican good sense to determine
+that question. Governor Giles of Virginia did not
+take that ground in his address to the Legislature in
+1827. Speaking of punishing free blacks by selling
+them as slaves, he says: “Slavery must be admitted to
+be a punishment of the highest order; and according to
+every just rule for the apportionment of punishment to
+crimes, it would seem that <em>it ought to be applied only to
+crime of the highest order</em>!”</p>
+
+<p>But even if it were true that the slaves were as happy
+and contented as slave-holders try to represent them—what
+would it prove? It would merely prove that they
+had fearfully brutalized immortal souls before they <em>could</em>
+be happy in such a situation. Edmund Burke said very
+truly, “If you have made a <em>happy slave</em>, you have made
+a <em>degraded man</em>.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But how is it that some people, who really do not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span>
+intend to make false representations, bring back such
+favorable accounts of slavery, after they have visited at
+the South?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It is because they go among rich, hospitable
+planters, and see favorite household slaves. Of the poor
+wretches on the plantations, subject to the tender mercies
+of an overseer, they know as little, as the guests of
+a Russian nobleman know of the miserable condition of
+his serfs. Their sympathies all go with the master.
+They ask questions of the master, and not of the slave.
+Even if they tried to talk with the latter, the poor creatures
+would be afraid to speak freely, lest any expressions
+of discontent might be reported to the master, or
+the overseer. I should like to have you hear them talk
+as I have heard runaway slaves talk, when they knew
+they had a friend to listen to them!</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But do you think the suitable time has yet come
+to exert ourselves on this subject?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> I will answer, as a similar question was lately answered
+by a lady who had been brought up in the midst
+of slavery: “If thou were a slave, toiling in the fields
+of Carolina, I apprehend thou wouldst think the time
+had <em>fully</em> come.” This explains the whole difficulty.
+We do not put ourselves in the condition of the slave,
+and imagine what would be our feelings if we were in
+<em>his</em> circumstances. We do not obey the Scripture injunction,
+“remember those that are in bonds, <em>as bound
+with them</em>.”</p>
+
+<p>But if we look at this question merely with a view to
+expediency, without reference to justice or mercy, when
+can we hope that a time will come <em>more</em> propitious to the
+discussion of this subject? The fact is, difficulties and
+dangers increase every day. In South Carolina and
+Louisiana, the blacks are already a majority. The annual
+increase of the <em>slaves</em>, without including the free
+blacks, in the United States, is now 62,000 annually. It
+is a fact worthy of consideration, that the licentiousness
+of the white man increases the colored race; but the
+vices of colored men or women can never increase the
+white race; for the children of such connections are of
+course not white.—These people are increasing in the
+midst of us in startling ratio. If we pursue a kind and
+Christian course, we can identify their interests with the
+rest of the community, and make them our friends; but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
+if we persevere in the course we have pursued, their
+feelings and interests <em>must</em> be all in opposition to ours,
+and there is great reason to fear the consequences.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Don’t you think the Colonization Society is doing
+some good?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Those who have examined into the subject, have so
+universally come to the conclusion that Colonization is
+entirely ineffectual for the abolition of slavery at any
+time, however remote, that it seems hardly worth while
+to waste words on that subject. I do not pretend to impeach
+the motives of benevolent individuals, who have
+been engaged in it; but there is no doubt that its <em>practical
+tendency</em> is to perpetuate slavery. John Randolph,
+and other slave-holders, have advocated that Society,
+upon the avowed ground that by sending off an inconvenient
+surplus it would increase the price of the slaves
+left. In the new slave States, where they have not as
+yet an “inconvenient surplus” of slaves, they don’t like
+the Colonization Society; but the old slave States have
+been its warmest friends. There is one brief objection
+to the idea of abolishing slavery by Colonization: <em>it is
+impossible</em>. Even if it were desirable to remove these
+valuable laborers from our soil, it could not be done, if
+the whole Treasury and Navy of the United States were
+devoted to it. The Colonization Society has been in
+operation about nineteen years; they have had immense
+funds; and they have transported to Africa, during that
+time, about three thousand colored persons, of which
+<em>not one thousand</em> were manumitted slaves. Now the annual
+<em>increase</em> of the slaves alone is 62,000; and the annual
+increase of the free blacks is about 10,000. <em>In
+nineteen years the Colonizationists have not been able to
+carry off one sixtieth part of the increase of the slaves in
+one year!</em> This is worse than the old story of the frog,
+who jumped out of the well two feet every night, and
+fell back three feet every morning. But even if the
+colored people <em>could</em> be all carried out of the country,
+what is the South to do for laborers? They have been
+in the habit of excusing themselves, by saying that white
+men cannot work in their climate, and by taking it for
+granted that black men will not work for wages. If the
+climate is unsuitable for white laborers, it is manifestly
+very impolitic to send off the black ones. It would be
+far wiser to try the experiment they have tried in Bermuda<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span>
+and Antigua. Labor is needed in all parts of our
+country; and it is worse than a childish game to be
+sending off ship-loads of laborers to Africa, while we
+are bringing in ship-loads from Ireland, Holland, and
+Switzerland.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I have heard some people say they gave their
+money to the Colonization Society merely as a missionary
+establishment.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> It would be well for those people to examine into
+the matter, and first ascertain whether it <em>is</em> a missionary
+establishment. When we send missions to India, the
+Sandwich Islands, &amp;c., we send men believed to be pious
+and enlightened. For the probable influence of the emigrants
+carried out by the Colonization Society, let the
+Society answer for itself. They assure us that the colored
+persons colonized from the United States will
+“carry religion and the arts into the heart of Africa.”
+Yet Mr. Clay, Vice President of the Society, says, “Of
+all classes of our population the most vicious is that of
+the free colored—contaminated themselves, they extend
+their vices to all around them.” And the African Repository,
+which is the organ of the Society, declares that
+“they are notoriously ignorant—a curse and a contagion
+wherever they reside.” Now, are not these admirable
+missionaries to send out to christianize Africa? It
+would be wise to put them under better and more encouraging
+influences at home, before we attempt to send
+them to enlighten heathen lands.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Some say that these people are naturally inferior
+to us; and that the shape of their skulls proves it.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> If I believed that the colored people were naturally
+inferior to the whites, I should say that was an additional
+reason why we ought to protect, instruct, and encourage
+them. No consistent republican will say that a
+strong-minded man has a right to oppress those less
+gifted than himself. Slave-holders do not seem to think
+the negroes are so stupid as not to acquire knowledge,
+and make use of it, if they could get a chance. If they
+do think so, why do their laws impose such heavy penalties
+on all who attempt to give them any education?
+Nobody thinks it necessary to forbid the promulgation
+of knowledge among monkeys. If you believe the colored
+race are naturally inferior, I wish you would read
+the history of Toussaint L’Ouverture, the Washington<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span>
+of St. Domingo. Though perfectly black, he was unquestionably
+one of the greatest and best men of his
+age. I wish you would hear Mr. Williams of New
+York, and Mr. Douglass of Philadelphia preach a few
+times, before you hastily decide concerning the capacity
+of the colored race for intellectual improvement. As
+for the shape of their skulls, I shall be well satisfied if
+our Southern brethren will emancipate all the slaves
+who have <em>not</em> what is called the “African conformation.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> What do you think about property in slaves?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Let me reply to that question by asking others. If
+you were taken by an Algerine pirate, and an Arab
+bought you, and paid honestly for you, should you ever
+consider yourself the <em>property</em> of the Arab? Should you
+think your fellow-citizens ought so to consider you?
+Can what is stolen in the beginning, be honest property
+in the transmission? If you and your children had
+toiled hard for years, and received only a peck of corn
+a week for your services, should you not think that some
+compensation was due to <em>you</em>?</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> These are hard questions; and I find it is hard to
+answer a good many things, when we once get into the
+habit of imagining how we should think and feel if we
+ourselves were the slaves. But what have the North to
+do on this subject?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> They cannot help having a great deal to do with
+it, either for good or for evil. They are citizens of this
+republic; and as such cannot but feel a painful interest
+in a subject which makes their beloved country an object
+of derision to the civilized world. If the slaves should
+make any attempt to gain their freedom, we are bound
+to go with an armed force and rivet their chains. If a
+slave escapes from his master unto us, we are bound to
+deliver him up to the lash. The people of Pennsylvania,
+living so near the slave States, have a great many of
+these painful scenes to encounter. A few months ago,
+an industrious and pious colored man in Philadelphia
+was torn from his home at midnight, and beaten in such
+a degree that the snow for some distance was stained
+with his blood. His poor wife, who was devotedly attached
+to him, had an infant about eight or ten days old;
+but regardless of her situation, she plunged into the
+snow, and implored mercy for her husband. Her shrieks<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span>
+and entreaties were of no avail. The citizens of Philadelphia
+could not help her, because the free States are
+bound by law to give up runaway slaves. The evil
+might be cured by the extreme cheapness of labor, if
+the surplus population were not drained off to supply
+<em>new</em> slave States. But in order to accommodate slave-holders
+in this respect, Louisiana has been bought, and
+Florida bought, by revenues principally raised in the
+free States; and now they want to purchase Texas likewise
+for an eternal slave market. Every time a member
+from the free States votes for the admission of a slave
+state into the Union, he helps to increase the political
+power, which has always been wielded for the perpetuation
+of this abominable system. It is high time for the
+free States to begin to reflect seriously, whether they
+ought any longer to give their money and their moral
+influence in support of this iniquity.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> I did not know we were obliged to give up runaway
+slaves to their masters. Are you sure it is so?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> When masters <em>bring</em> their slaves into the free
+States, or <em>send</em> them, the slaves can legally take their
+freedom; but when the slaves run away, we are obliged
+by law to give them up, let the circumstances be what
+they may. Many conscientious people prefer to obey
+the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not deliver
+unto his master the servant which hath escaped unto
+thee.”</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But would you at once give so many ignorant
+creatures political power, by making them voters?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> That would be for the wisdom of legislators to decide;
+and they would probably decide that it would not
+be judicious to invest emancipated slaves with the elective
+franchise; for though it is not their fault that they
+have been kept brutally ignorant, it unfits them for
+voters. At the present time, slaves <em>are</em> represented in
+Congress. Every five slaves are counted equal to three
+freemen; which is just the same as if our farmers were
+allowed to count every five of their oxen as three voters.
+This system gives the Southern aristocracy great political
+power, entirely unchecked by democratic influence,
+which comes in as a counterpoise in States where the
+laboring class are allowed to vote. W. B. Seabrook, of
+South Carolina, has lately published an Essay on the
+management of slaves, in which he says: “An addition<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span>
+of $1,000,000 to the private fortune of Daniel Webster would
+not give to Massachusetts more weight than she now possesses
+in the Federal Councils. On the other hand, every increase
+of slave property in South Carolina, is a fraction thrown into
+the scale by which <em>her representation in Congress is determined</em>.”
+This country has been governed by a President forty-eight
+years. During forty of those years we have been governed by
+a slave-holder! The New England candidates each remained
+in office but four years; and the great middle section has never
+given a President. The Middle States are politically
+stronger than the Northern, and are therefore more likely to
+act independently, and without reference to Southern support.
+Perhaps this may be the reason why those States, large and
+wealthy as they are, have never given a President to their
+country. Slave-holders are keen-sighted politicians; and they
+are closely knit together by one common bond of sympathy
+on the subject of slavery. It is a common remark with them
+that they never will vote for any man north of the Potomac.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> You know that abolitionists are universally accused of
+wishing to promote the amalgamation of colored and white
+people.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> This is a false charge, got up by the enemies of the cause,
+and used as a bugbear to increase the prejudices of the community.
+By the hue and cry that is raised on the subject, one
+would really suppose that in this free country a certain set of
+men had power to compel their neighbors to marry contrary
+to their own inclination. The abolitionists have never, by example,
+writing, or conversation, endeavored to connect amalgamation
+with the subject of abolition. When their enemies
+insist upon urging this silly and unfounded objection, they
+content themselves with replying, “If there be a natural antipathy
+between the races, the antipathy will protect itself. If
+such marriages are contrary to the order of Providence, we
+certainly may trust Providence to take care of the matter. It
+is a poor compliment to the white young men to be so afraid
+that the moment we allow the colored ones to be educated,
+the girls will all be running after them.”</p>
+
+<p>At a town meeting in New Hampshire, one of the citizens
+rose to say that he did not approve of admitting colored lads
+into the school. “If you suffer these people to be educated,”
+said he, “the first thing we shall know they will be marrying
+our daughters!” After some other remarks, he concluded by
+saying, “it is impossible for the colored and white race to live
+together in a kind social relation—there is a natural antipathy—they
+cannot be made to mix any better than oil and water.”
+A plain farmer replied, “I thought you said just now,
+that you was afraid that they’d marry our <em>darters</em>; if they won’t
+mix any better than <em>ile</em> and water, what are you afraid of?”
+Any one who observes the infinite variety of shadings in the
+complexions of the colored people, will perceive that amalgamation
+has for a long time been carried on. The only justification<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span>
+that the apologist for slavery can give is, that it is not
+sanctioned by marriage. According to Southern laws every
+child must follow the condition of its <em>mother</em>; that is, if the
+mother is a slave, her offspring must be so likewise. If they
+would change one word, and say the child shall follow the
+condition of its <em>father</em>, a large proportion of their slaves would
+be free at once; and the others would soon become so, provided
+no new cargoes were in the mean time smuggled in from
+Africa. In this subject, the truth is briefly told in a juvenile
+couplet, viz.</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="poetry">
+    <div class="verse indentq">“By universal emancipation,</div>
+    <div class="verse indent0">We want to <em>stop</em> amalgamation.”</div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Is there any truth in the charge that you wish to break
+down all distinctions of society, and introduce the negroes into
+our parlors?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> There is not the slightest truth in this charge. People
+have pointed to an ignorant shoe-black, and asked me whether
+I would invite him to visit my house. I answered, “No; I
+would not do so if he were a white man; and I should not be
+likely to do it, merely because he was black.” An educated
+person will not naturally like to associate with one who is
+grossly ignorant. It may be no merit in one that he is well-informed,
+and no fault of the other that he is ignorant; for
+these things may be the result of circumstances, over which
+the individual had no control; but such people will not choose
+each other’s society merely from want of sympathy. For
+these reasons, I would not select an ignorant man, of any
+complexion, for my companion; but when you ask me whether
+that man’s children shall have as fair a chance as my own, to
+obtain an education, and rise in the world, I should be ashamed
+of myself, both as a Christian and a republican, if I did not
+say, yes, with all my heart.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But do you believe that prejudice against color ever can
+be overcome?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Yes, I do; because I have faith that all things will pass
+away, which are not founded in reason and justice. In France
+and England, this prejudice scarcely exists at all. Their noblemen
+would never dream of taking offence because a colored
+gentleman sat beside them in a stage-coach, or at the table of
+an hotel. Be assured, however, that the abolitionists have not
+the slightest wish to force you to give up this prejudice. If,
+after conscientious examination, you believe it to be right,
+cherish it; but do not adhere to it merely because your neighbors
+do. Look it in the face—apply the golden rule—and
+judge for yourself. The Mahometans really think they could
+not eat at the same table with a Christian, without pollution;
+but I have no doubt the time will come when this prejudice
+will be removed. The old feudal nobles of England would
+not have thought it possible that their descendants could live
+in a community, where they and their vassals were on a perfect
+civil equality; yet the apparent impossibility has come to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span>
+pass, with advantage to many, and injury to none. When we
+endeavor to conform to the spirit of the gospel, there is never
+any danger that it will not lead us into the paths of peace.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But they say your measures are unconstitutional.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Is it unconstitutional to talk, and write, and publish on
+any subject? particularly one in which the welfare and character
+of the country are so deeply involved? This is all the
+abolitionists have ever done; it is all they have ever desired
+to do. Nobody disputes that Congress has constitutional
+power to abolish slavery and the slave-trade in the District of
+Columbia. That District belongs in common to all the States,
+and each of them has an interest in the slaves there. The
+public prisons of that District, built <em>with the money of the whole
+people</em> of the United States, are used for the benefit of slave-traders,
+and the groaning victims of this detestable traffic are
+kept confined within their walls. The keepers of these prisons,
+<em>paid with the money of the whole people</em>, act as jailers to these
+slave-traders, until their gang of human brutes can be completed.
+When we are acting as accomplices in all this, have
+we no right to petition for the abolition of slavery and the
+slave trade <em>there</em>? I do not see how any conscientious man
+can help believing it to be a solemn duty.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> Is there any truth in the charge, that abolitionists have
+tried to excite insurrections among the slaves?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> This charge is destitute of the slightest foundation in
+truth. The abolitionists have addressed facts and arguments
+to the slave-holders <em>only</em>. They have never sought for any
+communication with the slaves; and if they did so, their principles
+would lead them to teach patience and submission, until
+their deliverance could be accomplished by peaceful
+measures. I believe the publications by the Peace Society do
+not contain so much in defence of non-resistance under injury,
+as the publications of the abolitionists. If it should be discovered
+that any member of an Anti-Slavery Society had tried
+to excite disaffection among the slaves, he would be immediately
+turned out of the Society, with strong expressions of
+disapprobation. This false charge has been got up at the
+South merely to excite sympathy. A little while ago a paragraph
+went the rounds of the newspapers, concerning an <em>abolitionist</em>
+who had been overheard trying to persuade a negro
+lad to run away, and offering to forge free papers for him. It
+was afterwards ascertained that the man was a <em>kidnapper</em>, and
+took this means of getting the boy into his own power, for the
+sake of selling him. Complaints are made that pictures of a
+man flogging slaves having been on some of the books sent to
+the South; and it is urged that negroes can understand these
+pictures, if they do not know their letters. In the first place,
+the books are sent to the masters. In the next place (as has
+been well observed), the pictures represent a thing that is
+either true, or not true. If it is not true, the negroes would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span>
+look at the picture without being reminded of any thing <em>they</em>
+had ever seen or known—if told that it represented a driver
+beating slaves, they would laugh at such Munchausen stories
+of things that never happened. On the other hand, if the representation
+is true, would the mere picture of a thing be more
+likely to excite them to insurrection than the thing itself?
+These stories of efforts to excite violence are mere spectres
+raised on purpose for the occasion. If you will take notice of
+the charges brought against abolitionists, you will find that
+they are always mere assertions, unsupported by quotations,
+or any species of evidence. When I have read the resolutions
+passed at public meetings against the abolitionists, I have
+smiled at the farce which those men have been acting. In
+nearly all their resolutions, the abolitionists could most cordially
+and conscientiously concur. The enemies of the cause
+have in several cities gravely met together to declare that they
+do not approve of attempts to promote insurrections. The
+abolitionists agree with them entirely. With the same ridiculous
+gravity, they make known to the world that they do not
+approve of any legislative interference with the Southern
+States. The abolitionists have never dreamed of any such interference.
+They merely wish to <em>induce the Southerners to
+legislate for themselves</em>; and they hope to do this by the universal
+dissemination of facts and arguments, calculated to promote
+a <em>correct public sentiment</em> on the subject of slavery. This is all
+they ever intended to do; and this they will do, though earth
+and hell combine against their efforts. The men engaged in
+this cause are not working for themselves, but for God—and
+therefore they are strong.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But do you believe the Southerners ever can be persuaded?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> At all events, it is our duty to try. “Thus saith the Lord
+God, Thou shalt speak my words unto them, whether they
+will hear, or whether they will forbear; neither be afraid of
+their words, though briers and thorns be with thee, and
+thou dost dwell among scorpions.” If public sentiment becomes
+universally reformed on this subject, it cannot fail to
+have a powerful influence. Slavery was abolished in the British
+dominions entirely by moral influence. Parliament never
+would have voted for the bill, the king never would have
+signed it, if an enlightened public sentiment had not made the
+step absolutely necessary; and the public became enlightened
+by the exertions of benevolent men, who were obliged to endure
+every form of obloquy and rage, before the good work
+was completed. The slave-holders are perfectly aware that
+the same causes will produce similar effects in this country.
+One of the Southern editors has lately declared that what is
+most to be feared is, that these fanatical abolitionists will make
+some people of morbid consciences believe that slavery really
+<em>is</em> wrong, and that it is their duty to relinquish it. Another<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span>
+Southern newspaper complains that the worst effect of this
+discussion is, that it is causing good men to regard slave-holders
+with abhorrence.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But if the system works so badly in every respect, why
+are people so unwilling to give it up?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> Human nature is willing to endure much, rather than relinquish
+unbridled licentiousness and despotic control. The
+emperor of Russia, and the pachas of Egypt would be reluctant
+to abridge their own power, for the sake of introducing a
+system of things more conducive to the freedom, virtue and
+happiness of their subjects. They had rather live in constant
+fear of the poisoned bowl and the midnight dagger, than to
+give up the pleasant exercise of tyranny, to which they have
+so long been accustomed. In addition to this feeling, so common
+to our nature, there are many conscientious people, who
+are terrified at the idea of emancipation. It has always been
+presented to them in the most frightful colors; and bad men
+are determined, if possible, to prevent the abolitionists from
+proving to such minds that <em>the dangers of insurrection all belong
+to slavery, and would cease when slavery was abolished</em>.</p>
+
+<p>At the North, the apologists of slavery are numerous and
+virulent, because their <em>interests</em> are closely intertwined with
+the pernicious system. Inquire into the private history of
+many of the men, who have called meetings against the abolitionists—you
+will find that some manufacture negro cloths
+for the South—some have sons who sell those cloths—some
+have daughters married to slave-holders—some have plantations
+and slaves mortgaged to them—some have ships employed
+in Southern commerce—and some candidates for political
+offices would bow until their back-bones were broken,
+to obtain or preserve Southern influence. The Southerners
+understand all this perfectly well, and despise our servility,
+even while they condescend to make use of it.</p>
+
+<p>One great reason why the people of this country have not
+thought and felt right on this subject, is that all our books,
+newspapers, almanacs and periodicals, have combined to represent
+the colored race as an inferior and degraded class, who
+never could be made good and useful citizens. Ridicule and
+reproach have been abundantly heaped upon them; but their
+virtues and their sufferings have found few historians. The
+South has been well satisfied with such a public sentiment.
+It sends back no echo to disturb their consciences, and it effectually
+rivets the chain on the necks of their vassals. In this
+department of service, the Colonization Society has been a
+most active and zealous agent.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But some people say that all the mobs, and other violent
+proceedings, are to be attributed to the abolitionists.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> They might as well charge the same upon St. Paul, when
+his fearless preaching of the gospel brought him into such
+imminent peril, that his friends were obliged to “let him<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span>
+down over the wall in a basket,” to save his life. As well
+might St. Stephen have been blamed for the mob that stoned
+him to death. With the same justice might William Penn
+have been called the cause of all the violent persecutions
+against the Quakers. When principles of truth are sent out
+in the midst of a perverse generation, they <em>always</em> come
+“<ins class="corr" id="tn-36" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'not not to bring peace'">
+not to bring peace</ins>, but a sword.” The abolitionists have offered
+violence to no man—they have never attempted to stop
+the discussions of their opponents; but have, on the contrary,
+exerted themselves to obtain a candid examination of the subject
+on all sides. They merely claim the privilege of delivering
+peaceful addresses at orderly meetings, and of publishing
+what they believe to be facts, with an honest desire to have
+them tested by the strictest ordeal of truth.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But do you think a foreigner ought to be allowed to lecture
+on this subject?</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> <em>We</em> have some hundred missionaries abroad lecturing
+other nations—preaching against systems most closely entwined
+with the government and prejudices of the people. If
+good and conscientious men leave ease, honor, and popularity
+behind them, to come here, and labor among the poor
+and the despised, merely from zeal in a good cause, shall we
+refuse to hear what they have to say? If we insult, mob, and
+stone them, how could we consistently blame the Hindoos and
+Sandwich Islanders for abusing <em>our</em> missionaries? We sent
+out agents to England, to give her the benefit of our experience
+on the subject of temperance; ought <em>we</em> not to be willing to
+receive the benefit of her experience on the subject of slavery?
+Let us candidly hear what these men have to say. If it be
+contrary to reason and truth, reject it; if it be the truth, let us
+ponder it in our hearts.</p>
+
+<p><em>Q.</em> But everybody says the discussion of slavery will lead to
+the dissolution of the Union.</p>
+
+<p><em>A.</em> There must be something wrong in the Union, if the
+candid discussion of <em>any</em> subject can dissolve it; and for the
+truth of this remark, I appeal to your own good sense. If the
+South should be injudicious enough to withdraw from the
+Union for the sake of preserving a moral pestilence in her
+borders, it is very certain that slavery cannot long continue after
+that event. None of the frontier States could long keep their
+slaves, if we were not obliged by law to deliver up runaways;
+nor could they any longer rely upon the free States, in cases
+of emergency, to support slavery by force of arms. The union
+of these States has been continually disturbed and embittered
+by the existence of slavery; and the abolitionists would fain
+convince the whole country that it is best to cast away this
+apple of discord. Their attachment to the Union is so strong,
+that they would make any sacrifice of self-interest to preserve
+it; but they never will consent to sacrifice honor and principle.
+“Duties are ours; events are God’s!”</p>
+
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
+<div class="chapter"></div>
+
+<div class="p4 transnote">
+<a id="TN"></a>
+<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p>
+
+<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
+corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
+the text and consultation of external sources.</p>
+
+<p>Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
+when a predominant preference was found in the original book.</p>
+
+<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
+and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.</p>
+
+<p>
+<a href="#tn-13">Pg 13</a>: ‘cut off the the heads’ replaced by ‘cut off the heads’.<br />
+<a href="#tn-15">Pg 15</a>: ‘Ths wife, or the’ replaced by ‘The wife, or the’.<br />
+<a href="#tn-16">Pg 16</a>: ‘amagamation has been’ replaced by ‘amalgamation has been’.<br />
+<a href="#tn-36">Pg 36</a>: ‘not not to bring peace’ replaced by ‘not to bring peace’.<br />
+</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY CATECHISM ***</div>
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author	nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>	2025-01-25 03:32:24 -0800
committer	nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>	2025-01-25 03:32:24 -0800
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