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DAVIS RETALIATES—MCCLELLAN +PROMULGATES THE EXECUTIVE ORDER WITH ADDENDA OF HIS OWN—HORACE +GREELEY'S LETTER TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN—THE LATTER ACCUSED OF +"SUBSERVIENCY" TO THE SLAVE HOLDERS—AN "UNGRUDGING EXECUTION OF THE +CONFISCATION ACT" DEMANDED—MR. LINCOLN'S FAMOUS REPLY—HIS "PARAMOUNT +OBJECT, TO SAVE THE UNION, AND NOT EITHER TO SAVE OR DESTROY +SLAVERY"—VISIT TO THE WHITE HOUSE OF A RELIGIOUS DEPUTATION FROM +CHICAGO—MEMORIAL ASKING FOR IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION, BY PROCLAMATION—THE +PRESIDENT'S REPLY TO THE DEPUTATION—"THE POPE'S BULL AGAINST THE +COMET"—VARIOUS OBJECTIONS STATED TENTATIVELY—"A PROCLAMATION OF +LIBERTY TO THE SLAVES" IS "UNDER ADVISEMENT"—THE PROCLAMATION OF +EMANCIPATION ISSUED—ITS POPULAR RECEPTION—MEETING OF LOYAL GOVERNORS +AT ALTOONA—THEIR STIRRING ADDRESS—HOMAGE TO OUR SOLDIERS—PLEDGED +SUPPORT FOR VIGOROUS PROSECUTION OF THE WAR TO TRIUMPHANT END—PRESIDENT +LINCOLN'S HISTORICAL RESUME AND DEFENSE OF EMANCIPATION—HE SUGGESTS TO +CONGRESS, PAYMENT FOR SLAVES AT ONCE EMANCIPATED BY BORDER +STATES—ACTION OF THE HOUSE, ON RESOLUTIONS SEVERALLY REPREHENDING AND ENDORSING +THE PROCLAMATION—SUPPLEMENTAL EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION OF JAN. 1, 1863 +<br> +<br> + <h2> <a href="#ch19">CHAPTER XIX.</a><br> + HISTORICAL REVIEW.<br></h2> +<br> +COURSE OF SOUTHERN OLIGARCHS THROUGHOUT—THEIR EVERLASTING GREED AND +RAPACITY—BROKEN COVENANTS AND AGGRESSIVE METHODS—THEIR UNIFORM GAINS +UNTIL 1861—UPS AND DOWNS OF THE TARIFF—FREE TRADE, SLAVERY, +STATES +RIGHTS, SECESSION, ALL PARTS OF ONE CONSPIRACY—"INDEPENDENCE" THE FIRST +OBJECT OF THE WAR—DREAMS, AMBITIONS, AND PLANS OF THE +CONSPIRATORS—LINCOLN'S FAITH IN NORTHERN NUMBERS AND ENDURANCE—"RIGHT +MAKES MIGHT"—THE SOUTH SOLIDLY-CEMENTED BY BLOOD—THE 37TH CONGRESS—ITS WAR +MEASURES—PAVING THE WAY TO DOWNFALL OF SLAVERY AND REBELLION +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch20">CHAPTER XX.</a><br> + LINCOLN'S TROUBLES AND TEMPTATIONS.<br></h2> +<br> +INTERFERENCE WITH SLAVERY FORCED BY THE WAR—EDWARD EVERETT'S +OPINION—BORDER-STATES DISTRUST OF LINCOLN—IMPOSSIBILITY OF SATISFYING THEIR +REPRESENTATIVES—THEIR JEALOUS SUSPICIONS AND CONGRESSIONAL +ACTION—PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE OF KINDLY WARNING—STORMY CONTENTION IN +CONGRESS—CRITTENDEN'S ARGUMENT ON "PROPERTY" IN MAN—BORDER—STATES "BID" FOR +MR. LINCOLN—THE "NICHE IN THE TEMPLE OF FAME" OFFERED HIM—LOVEJOY'S +ELOQUENT COUNTERBLAST—SUMNER (JUNE, 1862,) ON LINCOLN AND +EMANCIPATION—THE PRESIDENT HARRIED AND WORRIED—SNUBBED BY BORDER +STATESMEN—MCCLELLAN'S THREAT—ARMY-MISMANAGEMENT—ARMING THE BLACKS—HOW THE +EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION WAS WRITTEN—CABINET SUGGESTIONS—MILITARY +SITUATION—REBEL ADVANCE NORTHWARD—LINCOLN, AND THE +BREAST-WORKS—WASHINGTON AND BALTIMORE MENACED—ANTIETAM, AND THE FIAT OF +FREEDOM—BORDER-STATE DENUNCIATION—KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE, ETC. +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch21">CHAPTER XXI.</a><br> + THE ARMED—NEGRO.<br></h2> +<br> +"WHO WOULD BE FREE, HIMSELF MUST STRIKE THE BLOW!"—THE COLORED TROOPS +AT PORT HUDSON—THEIR HEROISM—STIRRING INCIDENTS—AT MILLIKEN'S +BEND—AT FORT WAGNER—AT PETERSBURG AND ABOUT RICHMOND—THE REBEL CONSPIRATORS +FURIOUS—OUTLAWRY OF GENERAL BUTLER, ETC.—JEFFERSON DAVIS'S MESSAGE TO +THE REBEL CONGRESS—ATROCIOUS, COLD-BLOODED RESOLUTIONS OF THAT +BODY—DEATH OR SLAVERY TO THE ARMED FREEMAN—PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RETALIATORY +ORDER—THE BLOODY BUTCHERY AT FORT PILLOW—SAVAGE MALIGNITY OF THE +REBELS—A COMMON ERROR, CORRECTED—ARMING OF NEGROES COMMENCED BY THE +REBELS—SIMILAR SCHEME OF A REVOLUTIONARY HERO, IN 1778—REBEL CONGRESSIONAL ACT, +CONSCRIPTING NEGROES—JEFFERSON DAVIS'S POSITION—GENERAL LEE'S LETTER +TO BARKSDALE ON THE SUBJECT +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br><br> +<h3>PORTRAITS.</h3> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> +<a href="#baker">EDWARD D. BAKER</a><br> +<a href="#fremont">JOHN C. FREMONT</a><br> +<a href="#cameron">SIMON CAMERON</a><br> +<a href="#halleck">H. W. HALLECK</a><br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="baker"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p354-baker.jpg (76K)" src="images/p354-baker.jpg" height="808" width="577"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch18"></a> +<br><br> +<center><h2> +<br> +<br> + CHAPTER XVIII.<br> +<br> + FREEDOM PROCLAIMED TO ALL. +</h2></center> + +<p>While mentally revolving the question of Emancipation—now, evidently +"coming to a head,"—no inconsiderable portion of Mr. Lincoln's thoughts +centered upon, and his perplexities grew out of, his assumption that the +"physical difference" between the Black and White—the African and +Caucasian races, precluded the idea of their living together in the one +land as Free men and equals.</p> + +<p>In his speeches during the great Lincoln-Douglas debate we have seen +this idea frequently advanced, and so, in his later public utterances as +President.</p> + +<p>As in his appeal to the Congressional delegations from the Border-States +on the 12th of July, 1862, he had held out to them the hope that "the +Freed people will not be so reluctant to go" to his projected colony in +South America, when their "numbers shall be large enough to be company +and encouragement for one another," so, at a later date—on the 14th of +August following—he appealed to the Colored Free men themselves to help +him found a proposed Negro colony in New Granada, and thus aid in the +solution of this part of the knotty problem, by the disenthrallment of +the new race from its unhappy environments here.</p> + +<p>The substance of the President's interesting address, at the White +House, to the delegation of Colored men, for whom he had sent, was thus +reported at the time:</p> + +<p>"Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary +observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by +Congress, and placed at his disposition, for the purpose of aiding the +colonization in some country of the people, or a portion of them, of +African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time +been his inclination, to favor that cause; and why, he asked, should the +people of your race be colonized, and where?</p> + +<p>"Why should they leave this Country? This is perhaps the first question +for proper consideration. You and we are different races. We have +between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two +races. Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss; but this +physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think. +Your race suffers very greatly, many of them by living among us, while +ours suffers from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If +this is admitted, it affords a reason, at least, why we should be +separated. You here are Freemen, I suppose?</p> + +<p>"A VOICE—Yes, Sir.</p> + +<p>"THE PRESIDENT—Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives. +Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on +any people. But even when you cease to be Slaves, you are yet far +removed from being placed on an equality with the White race. You are +cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoys. The +aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free; but on +this broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of +a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is +still upon you. I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it as +a fact, with which we have to deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It +is a fact about which we all think and feel alike, I and you. We look +to our condition.</p> + +<p>"Owing to the existence of the two races on this continent, I need not +recount to you the effects upon White men, growing out of the +institution of Slavery. I believe in its general evil effects on the +White race. See our present condition—the Country engaged in War! our +white men cutting one another's throats—none knowing how far it will +extend—and then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your +race among us there could not be War, although many men engaged on +either side do not care for you one way or the other. Nevertheless, I +repeat, without the institution of Slavery, and the Colored race as a +basis, the War could not have an existence. It is better for us both, +therefore, to be separated.</p> + +<p>"I know that there are Free men among you who, even if they could better +their condition, are not as much inclined to go out of the Country as +those who, being Slaves, could obtain their Freedom on this condition. +I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization +is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be +advanced by it. You may believe that you can live in Washington, or +elsewhere in the United States, the remainder of your life; perhaps more +so than you can in any foreign country, and hence you may come to the +conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a +foreign country.</p> + +<p>"This is, (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the +case. But you ought to do something to help those who are not so +fortunate as yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our +People, harsh as it may be, for you free Colored people to remain with +us. Now if you could give a start to the White people you would open a +wide door for many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not +free at the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by Slavery, we +have very poor material to start with.</p> + +<p>"If intelligent Colored men, such as are before me, could move in this +matter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that we +have men at the beginning capable of thinking as White men, and not +those who have been systematically oppressed. There is much to +encourage you.</p> + +<p>"For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your +present comfort for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the +White people. It is a cheering thought throughout life, that something +can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subject +to the hard usages of the World. It is difficult to make a man +miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred to +the great God who made him.</p> + +<p>"In the American Revolutionary War, sacrifices were made by men engaged +in it, but they were cheered by the future. General Washington himself +endured greater physical hardships than if he had remained a British +subject, yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in benefiting +his race, in doing something for the children of his neighbors, having +none of his own.</p> + +<p>"The Colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain +sense it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just +been with me the first time I ever saw him. He says they have, within +the bounds of that Colony, between three and four hundred thousand +people, or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island, or +Delaware, or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of our +larger ones. They are not all American colonists or their descendants. +Something less than 12,000 have been sent thither from this Country. +Many of the original settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere, +their offspring outnumber those deceased.</p> + +<p>"The question is, if the Colored people are persuaded to go anywhere, +why not there? One reason for unwillingness to do so is that some of +you would rather remain within reach of the country of your nativity. I +do not know how much attachment you may have toward our race. It does +not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them. But still +you are attached to them at all events.</p> + +<p>"The place I am thinking about having for a colony, is in Central +America. It is nearer to us than Liberia—not much more than one-fourth +as far as Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers. Unlike +Liberia, it is a great line of travel—it is a highway. The country is +a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural resources +and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of climate with +your native soil, thus being suited to your physical condition.</p> + +<p>"The particular place I have in view, is to be a great highway from the +Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and this particular +place has all the advantages for a colony. On both sides there are +harbors among the finest in the World. Again, there is evidence of very +rich coal mines. A certain amount of coal is valuable in any country. +Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford an +opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get +ready to settle permanently in their homes.</p> + +<p>"If you take colonists where there is no good landing, there is a bad +show; and so, where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which to make +a farm. But if something is started so that you can get your daily +bread as soon as you reach there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is +the best thing I know of, with which to commence an enterprise.</p> + +<p>"To return—you have been talked to upon this subject, and told that a +speculation is intended by gentlemen who have an interest in the +country, including the coal mines. We have been mistaken all our lives +if we do not know Whites, as well as Blacks, look to their +self-interest. Unless among those deficient of intellect, everybody you +trade with makes something. You meet with these things here and +everywhere. If such persons have what will be an advantage to them, the +question is, whether it cannot be made of advantage to you?</p> + +<p>"You are intelligent, and know that success does not as much depend on +external help, as on self-reliance. Much, therefore, depends upon +yourselves. As to the coal mines, I think I see the means available for +your self-reliance. I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you +engaged, have provision made that you shall not be wronged. If you will +engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the money intrusted to +me. I am not sure you will succeed. The Government may lose the money, +but we cannot succeed unless we try; but we think, with care, we can +succeed.</p> + +<p>"The political affairs in Central America are not in quite as +satisfactory condition as I wish. There are contending factions in that +quarter; but it is true, all the factions are agreed alike on the +subject of colonization, and want it; and are more generous than we are +here. To your Colored race they have no objection. Besides, I would +endeavor to have you made equals, and have the best assurance that you +should be the equals of the best.</p> + +<p>"The practical thing I want to ascertain is, whether I can get a number +of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to +go, when I present evidence of encouragement and protection. Could I +get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, +and able to 'cut their own fodder' so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I +could find twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and +children—good things in the family relation, I think I could make a +successful commencement.</p> + +<p>"I want you to let me know whether this can be done or not. This is the +practical part of my wish to see you. These are subjects of very great +importance—worthy of a month's study, of a speech delivered in an hour. +I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not as pertaining to yourselves +merely, nor for your race, and ours, for the present time, but as one of +the things, if successfully managed, for the good of mankind—not +confined to the present generation, but as:</p> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + + 'From age to age descends the lay<br /> + To millions yet to be,<br /> + Till far its echoes roll away<br /> + Into eternity.'"<br /> + + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + +<p>President Lincoln's well-meant colored colonization project, however, +fell through, owing partly to opposition to it in Central America, and +partly to the very natural and deeply-rooted disinclination of the +Colored free men to leave the land of their birth.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, limited Military Emancipation of Slaves was announced and +regulated, on the 22d July, 1862, by the following Executive +Instructions, which were issued from the War Department by order of the +President—the issue of which was assigned by Jefferson Davis as one +reason for his Order of August 1, 1862, directing "that the commissioned +officers of Pope's and Steinwehr's commands be not entitled, when +captured, to be treated as soldiers and entitled to the benefit of the +cartel of exchange:"</p> + +<p> +"WAR DEPARTMENT,<br> +"WASHINGTON, D.C., July 22, 1862.</p> + +<p>"First. Ordered that Military Commanders within the States of Virginia, +North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, +Texas, and Arkansas, in an orderly manner seize and use any property, +real or personal, which may be necessary or convenient for their several +commands, for supplies, or for other Military purposes; and that while +property may be destroyed for proper Military objects, none shall be +destroyed in wantonness or malice.</p> + +<p>"Second. That Military and Naval Commanders shall employ as laborers, +within and from said States, so many Persons of African descent as can +be advantageously used for Military or Naval purposes, giving them +reasonable wages for their labor.</p> + +<p>"Third. That, as to both property, and Persons of African descent, +accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show +quantities and amounts, and from whom both property and such Persons +shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation can be made in +proper cases; and the several departments of this Government shall +attend to and perform their appropriate parts towards the execution of +these orders.</p> + +<p>"By Order of the President:</p> + +<p> "EDWIN M. STANTON,<br> + "Secretary of War."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +On the 9th of August, 1862, Major General McClellan promulgated the +Executive Order of July 22, 1862, from his Headquarters at Harrison's +Landing, Va., with certain directions of his own, among which were the +following:</p> + +<p>"Inhabitants, especially women and children, remaining peaceably at +their homes, must not be molested; and wherever commanding officers find +families peculiarly exposed in their persons or property to marauding +from this Army, they will, as heretofore, so far as they can do with +safety and without detriment to the service, post guards for their +protection.</p> + +<p>"In protecting private property, no reference is intended to Persons +held to service or labor by reason of African Descent. Such Persons +will be regarded by this Army, as they heretofore have been, as +occupying simply a peculiar legal status under State laws, which +condition the Military authorities of the United States are not required +to regard at all in districts where Military operations are made +necessary by the rebellious action of the State governments.</p> + +<p>"Persons subject to suspicion of hostile purposes, residing or being +near our Forces, will be, as heretofore, subject to arrest and +detention, until the cause or necessity is removed. All such arrested +parties will be sent, as usual, to the Provost-Marshal General, with a +statement of the facts in each case.</p> + +<p>"The General Commanding takes this occasion to remind the officers and +soldiers of this Army that we are engaged in supporting the Constitution +and the Laws of the United States and suppressing Rebellion against +their authority; that we are not engaged in a War of rapine, revenge, or +subjugation; that this is not a contest against populations, but against +armed forces and political organizations; that it is a struggle carried +on with the United States, and should be conducted by us upon the +highest principles known to Christian civilization.</p> + +<p>"Since this Army commenced active operations, Persons of African +descent, including those held to service or labor under State laws, have +always been received, protected, and employed as laborers at wages. +Hereafter it shall be the duty of the Provost-Marshal General to cause +lists to be made of all persons of African descent employed in this Army +as laborers for Military purposes—such lists being made sufficiently +accurate and in detail to show from whom such persons shall have come.</p> + +<p>"Persons so subject and so employed have always understood that after +being received into the Military service of the United States, in any +capacity, they could never be reclaimed by their former holders. Except +upon such understanding on their part, the order of the President, as to +this class of Persons, would be inoperative. The General Commanding +therefore feels authorized to declare to all such employees, that they +will receive permanent Military protection against any compulsory return +to a condition of servitude."</p> + +<p>Public opinion was now rapidly advancing, under the pressure of Military +necessity, and the energetic efforts of the immediate Emancipationists, +to a belief that Emancipation by Presidential Proclamation would be wise +and efficacious as an instrumentality toward subduing the Rebellion; +that it must come, sooner or later—and the sooner, the better.</p> + +<p>Indeed, great fault was found, by some of these, with what they +characterized as President Lincoln's "obstinate slowness" to come up to +their advanced ideas on the subject. He was even accused of failing to +execute existing laws touching confiscation of Slaves of Rebels coming +within the lines of the Union Armies. On the 19th of August, 1862, a +letter was addressed to him by Horace Greeley which concluded thus:</p> + +<p>"On the face of this wide Earth, Mr. President, there is not one +disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union Cause who +does not feel that all attempts to put down the Rebellion, and at the +same time uphold its inciting cause, are preposterous and futile—that +the Rebellion, if crushed out to-morrow, would be renewed within a year +if Slavery were left in full vigor—that Army officers, who remain to +this day devoted to Slavery, can at best be but half-way loyal to the +Union—and that every hour of deference to Slavery is an hour of added +and deepened peril to the Union.</p> + +<p>"I appeal to the testimony of your embassadors in Europe. It is freely +at your service, not mine. Ask them to tell you candidly whether the +seeming subserviency of your policy to the Slaveholding, +Slavery-upholding interest, is not the perplexity, the despair, of Statesmen of +all parties; and be admonished by the general answer.</p> + +<p>"I close, as I began, with the statement that what an immense majority +of the loyal millions of your countrymen require of you, is a frank, +declared, unqualified, ungrudging execution of the Laws of the Land, +more especially of the Confiscation Act. That Act gives Freedom to the +Slaves of Rebels coming within our lines, or whom those lines may at any +time inclose. We ask you to render it due obedience by publicly +requiring all your subordinates to recognize and obey it.</p> + +<p>"The Rebels are everywhere using the late Anti-Negro riots in the North +—as they have long used your officers' treatment of Negroes in the +South—to convince the Slaves that they have nothing to hope from a +Union success—that we mean in that case to sell them into a bitter +Bondage to defray the cost of the War.</p> + +<p>"Let them impress this as a truth on the great mass of their ignorant +and credulous Bondmen, and the Union will never be restored—never. We +can not conquer ten millions of people united in solid phalanx against +us, powerfully aided by Northern sympathizers and European allies.</p> + +<p>"We must have scouts, guides, spies, cooks, teamsters, diggers, and +choppers, from the Blacks of the South—whether we allow them to fight +for us or not—or we shall be baffled and repelled.</p> + +<p>"As one of the Millions who would gladly have avoided this struggle, at +any sacrifice but that of principle and honor, but who now feel that the +triumph of the Union is indispensable not only to the existence of our +Country, but to the well-being of mankind, I entreat you to render a +hearty and unequivocal obedience to the Law of the Land.<br> + "Yours,<br> + "HORACE GREELEY."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +To this letter, President Lincoln at once made the following memorable +reply:</p> + +<p> "EXECUTIVE MANSION,<br> + "WASHINGTON, Friday, August 22, 1862.</p> + +<p>"HON. HORACE GREELEY</p> + +<p>"DEAR SIR:—I have just read yours of the 19th inst. addressed to myself +through the New York Tribune.</p> + +<p>"If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may +know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them.</p> + +<p>"If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I +do not now and here argue against them.</p> + +<p>"If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I +waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always +supposed to be right.</p> + +<p>"As to the policy I 'seem to be pursuing,' as you say, I have not meant +to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in +the shortest way under the Constitution.</p> + +<p>"The sooner the National authority can be restored, the nearer the Union +will be—the Union as it was.</p> + +<p>"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time save Slavery, I do not agree with them.</p> + +<p>"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree, with them.</p> + +<p>"My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or +destroy Slavery.</p> + +<p>"If I could save the Union without freeing any Slave, I would do it—and +if I could save it by freeing all the Slaves, I would do it—and if I +could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do +that.</p> + +<p>"What I do about Slavery and the Colored race, I do because I believe it +helps to save the Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not +believe it would help to save the Union.</p> + +<p>"I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the +cause, and shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the +cause.</p> + +<p>"I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall +adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.</p> + +<p>"I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, +and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all +men everywhere could be free.<br> + "Yours,<br> + "A. LINCOLN."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +On the 13th of September, 1862, a deputation from all the religious +denominations of Chicago presented to President Lincoln a memorial for +the immediate issue of a Proclamation of Emancipation, to which, and the +Chairman's remarks, he thus replied:</p> + +<p>"The subject presented in the Memorial is one upon which I have thought +much for weeks past, and I may even say, for months. I am approached +with the most opposite opinions, and advice, and that by religious men, +who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure +that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and +perhaps, in some respects, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for +me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal His will to +others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed He +would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself +than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence +in this matter. And if I can learn what it is, I will do it!</p> + +<p>"These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be +granted that I am not to expect a direct Revelation; I must study the +plain physical aspects of the case, ascertain what is possible, and +learn what appears to be wise and right!</p> + +<p>"The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, the +other day, four gentlemen, of standing and intelligence, from New York, +called, as a delegation, on business connected with the War; but, before +leaving, two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general +Emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them.</p> + +<p>"You know also that the last Session of Congress had a decided majority +of Anti-Slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And the +same is true of the religious people; why the Rebel soldiers are praying +with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and +expecting God to favor their side; for one of our soldiers, who had been +taken prisoner, told Senator Wilson, a few days since, that he met +nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among +in their prayers. But we will talk over the merits of the case.</p> + +<p>"What good would a Proclamation of Emancipation from me do, especially +as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the +whole World will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's +Bull against the Comet! Would my word free the Slaves, when I cannot +even enforce the Constitution in the Rebel States? Is there a single +Court or Magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there? +And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon +the Slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved and which +offers protection and Freedom to the Slaves of Rebel masters who came +within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single +Slave to come over to us.</p> + +<p>"And suppose they could be induced by a Proclamation of Freedom from me +to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them? How can we +feed and care for such a multitude? General Butler wrote me a few days +since that he was issuing more rations to the Slaves who have rushed to +him, than to all the White troops under his command. They eat, and that +is all; though it is true General Butler is feeding the Whites also, by +the thousand; for it nearly amounts to a famine there.</p> + +<p>"If, now, the pressure of the War should call off our forces from New +Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from +reducing the Blacks to Slavery again; for I am told that whenever the +Rebels take any Black prisoners, Free or Slave, they immediately auction +them off! They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground +in the Tennessee river a few days ago.</p> + +<p>"And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it! For instance, when, +after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from +Washington, under a flag of truce, to bury the dead and bring in the +wounded, and the Rebels seized the Blacks who went along to help, and +sent them into Slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the +Government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do?</p> + +<p>"Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would +follow the issuing of such a Proclamation as you desire? Understand, I +raise no objections against it on legal or Constitutional grounds, for, +as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, in time of War, I suppose I +have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the Enemy, nor do +I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of +insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a +practical War measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or +disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the Rebellion.</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p>"I admit that Slavery is at the root of the Rebellion, or, at least, its +sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to +act, but they would have been impotent without Slavery as their +instrument. I will also concede that Emancipation would help us in +Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than +ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, +though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine.</p> + +<p>"Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the War, +and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the Rebels by drawing off +their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we +could do much with the Blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear that in +a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the Rebels; and, indeed, +thus far, we have not had arms enough to equip our White troops.</p> + +<p>"I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and +contempt. There are 50,000 bayonets in the Union Army from the Border +Slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a +Proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the Rebels. I +do not think they all would—not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as +six months ago—not so many to-day, as yesterday. Every day increases +their Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and +want to beat the Rebels.</p> + +<p>"Let me say one thing more: I think you should admit that we already +have an important principle to rally and unite the People, in the fact +that Constitutional Government is at stake. This is a fundamental idea +going down about as deep as anything!</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p>"Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. +They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in +some such way as you desire.</p> + +<p>"I have not decided against a Proclamation of Liberty to the Slaves, but +hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure you that the subject +is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall +appear to be God's will I will do.</p> + +<p>"I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I +have not in any respect injured your feelings."</p> + +<p> +On the 22d day of September, 1862, not only the Nation, but the whole +World, was electrified by the publication—close upon the heels of the +Union victory of Antietam—of the Proclamation of Emancipation—weighted +with consequences so wide and far-reaching that even at this late day +they cannot all be discerned. It was in these words:</p> + +<br><br> + +<p>"I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and +Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and +declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the War will be prosecuted for +the object of practically restoring the Constitutional relation between +the United States and each of the States and the people thereof, in +which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.</p> + +<p>"That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again +recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to +the free acceptance or rejection of all Slave States, so called, the +people whereof may not then be in Rebellion against the United States, +and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may +voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of Slavery within +their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize Persons of +African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere, +with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, +will be continued.</p> + +<p>"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand +eight hundred and sixty-three, all Persons held as Slaves within any +State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in +Rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and +forever Free; and the Executive Government of the United States, +including the Military and Naval authority thereof, will recognize and +maintain the Freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to +repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for +their actual Freedom.</p> + +<p>"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by +Proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which +the people thereof respectively, shall then be in Rebellion against the +United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall +on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United +States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the +qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the +absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive +evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not in Rebellion +against the United States.</p> + +<p>"That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled 'An Act +to make an additional Article of War,' approved March 31, 1862, and +which Act is in the words and figures following:</p> + +<p>"'Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following +shall be promulgated as an additional Article of War, for the government +of the Army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as +such.</p> + +<p>"ARTICLE—All officers or persons in the Military or Naval service of +the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under +their respective commands for the purpose of returning Fugitives from +service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such +service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be +found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be +dismissed from the service.</p> + +<p>"'SECTION 2.—And be it further enacted, That this Act shall take effect +from and after its passage.'</p> + +<p>"Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an Act entitled 'An Act to +suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and Rebellion, to seize and +confiscate property of Rebels, and for other purposes,' approved July +17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following:</p> + +<p>"'SEC. 9.—And be it further enacted, That all Slaves of persons who +shall hereafter be engaged in Rebellion against the Government of the +United States or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, +escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the +Army; and all Slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and +coming under the control of the Government of the United States; and all +Slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied by +Rebel forces and afterward occupied by the forces of the United States, +shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever Free of their +servitude, and not again held as Slaves.</p> + +<p>"'SEC. 10.—And be it further enacted, That no Slave escaping into any +State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, +shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, +except for crime, or some offense against the laws, unless the person +claiming said Fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the +labor or service of such Fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful +owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present +Rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person +engaged in the Military or Naval service of the United States shall, +under any pretense whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the +claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or +surrender up any such Person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed +from the service."</p> + +<p>"And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the +Military and Naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and +enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the Act and +sections above recited.</p> + +<p>"And the Executive will in due time recommend that all +citizens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto +throughout the Rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the +Constitutional relation between the United States and their respective +States and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or +disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, +including the loss of Slaves.</p> + +<p>"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed.</p> + +<p>"Done at the city of Washington this twenty-second day of September, in +the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of +the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.</p> + +<p>"By the President:<br> +"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p> + +<p>"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +This Proclamation, promising Freedom to an Enslaved race, was hailed +with acclamations everywhere save in the rebellious Southern-Slave +States, and in the Border-Slave States.</p> + +<p>At a meeting of Governors of Loyal States, held at Altoona, +Pennsylvania, to take measures for the more active support of the +Government, an Address was adopted, on the very day that the +Proclamation was promulgated, which well expressed the general feeling +prevailing throughout the Northern States, at this time. It was in +these patriotic words:</p> + +<p>"After nearly one year and a half spent in contest with an armed and +gigantic Rebellion against the National Government of the United States, +the duty and purpose of the Loyal States and people continue, and must +always remain as they were at its origin—namely to restore and +perpetuate the authority of this Government and the life of the Nation. +No matter what consequences are involved in our fidelity, this work of +restoring the Republic, preserving the institutions of democratic +Liberty, and justifying the hopes and toils of our Fathers, shall not +fail to be performed.</p> + +<p>"And we pledge, without hesitation, to the President of the United +States, the most loyal and cordial support, hereto as heretofore, in +the exercise of the functions of his great office. We recognize in him +the chief Executive magistrate of the Nation, the Commander-in-Chief of +the Army and Navy of the United States, their responsible and +constitutional head, whose rightful authority and power, as well as the +Constitutional powers of Congress, must be rigorously and religiously +guarded and preserved, as the condition on which alone our form of +Government and the constitutional rights and liberties of the People +themselves can be saved from the wreck of anarchy or from the gulf +'despotism.</p> + +<p>"In submission to the laws which may have been or which may be duly +enacted, and to the lawful orders of the President, cooperating always +in our own spheres with the National Government, we mean to continue in +the most rigorous exercise of all our lawful and proper powers, +contending against Treason, Rebellion, and the public Enemies, and, +whether in public life or in private station, supporting the arms of the +Union, until its Cause shall conquer, until final victory shall perch +upon its standard, or the Rebel foe will yield a dutiful, rightful, and +unconditional submission. And, impressed with the conviction that an +Army of reserve ought, until the War shall end, to be constantly kept on +foot, to be raised, armed, equipped, and trained at home, and ready for +emergencies, we respectfully ask the President to call such a force of +volunteers for one year's service, of not less than one hundred thousand +in the aggregate, the quota of each State to be raised after it shall +have led its quota of the requisitions already made, both for volunteers +and militia. We believe that this would be a Leasure of Military +prudence, while it would greatly promote the Military education of the +People.</p> + +<p>"We hail with heartfelt gratitude and encouraged hope the Proclamation +of the President, issued on the 22nd instant, declaring Emancipated from +their bondage all Persons held to Service or Labor as Slaves in the +Rebel States, whose Rebellion shall last until the first day of January +next ensuing.</p> + +<p>"The right of any person to retain authority to compel any portion of +the subjects of the National Government to rebel against it, or to +maintain its Enemies, implies in those who are allowed possession of +such authority the right to rebel themselves; and therefore, the right +to establish Martial Law or Military Government in a State or Territory +in Rebellion implies the right and the duty of the Government to +liberate the minds of all men living therein by appropriate +Proclamations and assurances of protection, in order that all who are +capable, intellectually and morally, of loyalty and obedience, may not +be forced into Treason as the unwilling tools of rebellious Traitors.</p> + +<p>"To have continued indefinitely the most efficient cause, support, and +stay of the Rebellion, would have been, in our judgment, unjust to the +Loyal people whose treasure and lives are made a willing sacrifice on +the altar of patriotism—would have discriminated against the wife who +is compelled to surrender her husband, against the parent who is to +surrender his child, to the hardships of the camp and the perils of +battle, in favor of Rebel masters permitted to retain their Slaves. It +would have been a final decision alike against humanity, justice, the +rights and dignity of the Government, and against sound and wise +National policy.</p> + +<p>"The decision of the President to strike at the root of the Rebellion +will lend new vigor to efforts, and new life and hope to the hearts of +the People. Cordially tendering to the President our respectful +assurances of personal and official confidence, we trust and believe +that the policy now inaugurated will be crowned with success, will give +speedy and triumphant victories over our enemies, and secure to this +Nation and this People the blessing and favor of Almighty God.</p> + +<p>"We believe that the blood of the heroes who have already fallen, and +those who may yet give their lives to their Country, will not have been +shed in vain.</p> + +<p>"The splendid valor of our soldiers, their patient endurance, their +manly patriotism, and their devotion to duty, demand from us and from +all their countrymen the homage of the sincerest gratitude and the +pledge of our constant reinforcement and support. A just regard for +these brave men, whom we have contributed to place in the field, and for +the importance of the duties which may lawfully pertain to us hereafter, +has called us into friendly conference.</p> + +<p>"And now, presenting to our National Chief Magistrate this conclusion of +our deliberations, we devote ourselves to our Country's service, and we +will surround the President with our constant support, trusting that the +fidelity and zeal of the Loyal States and People will always assure him +that he will be constantly maintained in pursuing, with the utmost +vigor, this War for the preservation of the National life and hope of +humanity.</p> + +<p>"A. G. CURTIN,<br> +"JOHN A. ANDREW,<br> +"RICHARD YATES,<br> +"ISRAEL WASHBURNE, Jr.,<br> +"EDWARD SOLOMON,<br> +"SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD,<br> +"O. P. MORTON,—By D. G. ROSE, his Representative,<br> +"WM. SPRAGUE,<br> +"F. H. PEIRPOINT,<br> +"DAVID TOD,<br> +"N. S. BERRY, +"AUSTIN BLAIR."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Some two months after the issue of his great Proclamation of Liberty, +President Lincoln (in his Second Annual Message to Congress, December 1, +1862), took occasion again to refer to compensated Emancipation, and, +indeed, to the entire matter of Slavery and Freedom, in most instructive +and convincing manner, as follows:</p> + +<p>"On the 22d day of September last, a Proclamation was issued by the +Executive, a copy of which is herewith submitted.</p> + +<p>"In accordance with the purpose in the second paragraph of that paper, I +now respectfully recall your attention to what may be called +'compensated Emancipation.'</p> + +<p>"A Nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its +laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability. +'One generation passeth away, and another generation cometh, but the +Earth abideth forever.' It is of the first importance to duly consider +and estimate this ever-enduring part.</p> + +<p>"That portion of the Earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the +People of the United States, is well adapted to be the home of one +National family; and it is not well adapted for two, or more. Its vast +extent, and its variety of climate and productions, are of advantage, in +this age, for one People, whatever they might have been in former ages. +Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence, have brought these to be an +advantageous combination for one united People.</p> + +<p>"In the Inaugural Address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of +Disunion, as a remedy for the differences between the people of the two +Sections. I did so in language which I cannot improve, and which, +therefore, I beg to repeat:</p> + +<p>"'One Section of our Country believes Slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The Fugitive Slave +clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the +foreign Slave Trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can +ever be in a community where the moral sense of the People imperfectly +supports the law itself.</p> + +<p>"The great body of the People abide by the dry legal obligation in both +cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly +cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the +Sections, than before. The foreign Slave Trade, now imperfectly +suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one +Section; while Fugitive Slaves, now only partially surrendered, would +not be surrendered at all by the other.</p> + +<p>"Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our +respective Sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall +between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and each go out of +the presence and beyond the reach of the other; but the different parts +of our Country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and +intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.</p> + +<p>"'Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or +more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make +treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more +faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? suppose +you go to War, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on +both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old +questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.'</p> + +<p>"There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a National boundary +upon which to divide. Trace through, from East to West, upon the line +between the Free and Slave Country, and we shall find a little more than +one third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, +or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while nearly all its +remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk +back and forth without any consciousness of their presence.</p> + +<p>"No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass, by writing +it down on paper or parchment as a National boundary. The fact of +separation, if it comes, gives up, on the part of the seceding Section, +the Fugitive Slave clause, along with all other Constitutional +obligations upon the Section seceded from, while I should expect no +treaty stipulations would ever be made to take its place.</p> + +<p>"But there is another difficulty. The great interior region, bounded +East by the Alleghanies, North by the British dominions, West by the +Rocky Mountains, and South by the line along which the culture of corn +and cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of +Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, +Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of +Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above ten million +people, and will have fifty millions within fifty years, if not +prevented by any political folly or mistake.</p> + +<p>"It contains more than one-third of the country owned by the United +States-certainly more than one million square miles. Once half as +populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more than +seventy-five million people. A glance at the map shows that, territorially +speaking, it is the great body of the Republic. The other parts are but +marginal borders to it, the magnificent region sloping West, from the +Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest and also the richest +in undeveloped resources. In the production of provisions, grains, +grasses, and all which proceed from them, this great interior region is +naturally one of the most important in the World.</p> + +<p>"Ascertain from the statistics the small proportion of the region which +has, as yet, been brought into cultivation, and also the large and +rapidly increasing amount of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed +with the magnitude of the prospect presented. And yet this region has +no sea coast, touches no ocean anywhere. As part of one Nation, its +people now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York, +to South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San +Francisco.</p> + +<p>"But separate our common Country into two nations, as designed by the +present Rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is +thereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets, not, perhaps, by +a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations.</p> + +<p>"And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. +Place it between the now Free and Slave country, or place it South of +Kentucky, or North of Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none South +of it can trade to any port or place North of it, and none North of it +can trade to any port or place South of it except upon terms dictated by +a Government foreign to them.</p> + +<p>"These outlets, East, West, and South, are indispensable to the +well-being of the people inhabiting, and to inhabit, this vast interior +region. Which of the three may be the best, is no proper question. +All, are better than either; and all, of right belong to that People, +and to their successors forever. True to themselves, they will not ask +where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there +shall be no such line.</p> + +<p>"Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to +and through them, to the great outside World. They too, and each of +them, must have access to this Egypt of the West without paying toll at +the crossing of any National boundary.</p> + +<p>"Our National strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the +Land we inhabit; not from our National homestead. There is no possible +severing of this, but would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among us. +In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands Union, and abhors +separation. In fact it would, ere long, force reunion, however much of +blood and treasure the separation might have cost.</p> + +<p>"Our strife pertains to ourselves—to the passing generations of men; +and it can, without convulsion, be hushed forever—with the passing of +one generation.</p> + +<p>"In this view I recommend the adoption of the following Resolution and +Articles Amendatory of the Constitution of the United States.</p> + +<p>"'Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America, in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses +concurring). That the following Articles be proposed to the +Legislatures (or Conventions) of the several States, as Amendments to +the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which Articles when +ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures (or Conventions) to +be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, namely:</p> + +<p>"'ARTICLE—Every State wherein Slavery now exists, which shall abolish +the same therein, at any time, or times, before the first day of +January, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall +receive compensation from the United States, as follows, to wit;</p> + +<p>"'The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State, +bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of per cent. +per annum, to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of for each Slave +shown to have been therein by the eighth census of the United States, +said bonds to be delivered to such States by installments, or in one +parcel, at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same +shall have been gradual, or at one time, within such State; and interest +shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its +delivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, +and afterward reintroducing or tolerating Slavery therein, shall refund +to the United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and +all interest paid thereon.</p> + +<p>"'ARTICLE—All Slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the +chances of the War at any time before the end of the Rebellion, shall be +forever Free; but all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal, +shall be compensated for them, at the same rates as is provided for +States adopting abolishment of Slavery, but in such way that no Slave +shall be twice accounted for.</p> + +<p>"'ARTICLE—Congress may appropriate money, and otherwise provide for +colonizing Free Colored Persons, with their own consent, at any place or +places within the United States.'</p> + +<p> +"I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed Articles at some length. +Without Slavery the Rebellion could never have existed; without Slavery +it could not continue.</p> + +<p>"Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment +and of policy in regard to Slavery, and the African race among us. Some +would perpetuate Slavery; some would abolish it suddenly, without +compensation; some would abolish it gradually, and with compensation; +some would remove the Freed people from us; and some would retain them +with us; and there are yet other minor diversities. Because of these +diversities, we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves.</p> + +<p>"By mutual Concession we should harmonize and act together. This would +be Compromise; but it would be Compromise among the friends, and not +with the enemies of the Union. These Articles are intended to embody a +plan of such mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is +assumed that Emancipation will follow, at least, in several of the +States.</p> + +<p>"As to the first Article, the main points are: first, the Emancipation; +secondly, the length of time for consummating it—thirty-seven years; +and, thirdly, the compensation.</p> + +<p>"The Emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual +Slavery; but the length of time should greatly mitigate their +dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sudden +derangement—in fact from the necessity of any derangement—while most +of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the +measure will have passed away before its consummation. They will never +see it.</p> + +<p>"Another class will hail the prospect of Emancipation, but will +deprecate the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little +to the now living Slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves them +from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate +Emancipation in localities where their numbers are very great; and it +gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be Free +forever.</p> + +<p>"The plan leaves to each State, choosing to act under it, to abolish +Slavery now, or at the end of the century, or at any intermediate time, +or by degrees, extending over the whole or any part of the period; and +it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also provides for +compensation,—and generally, the mode of making it. This, it would +seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor +perpetual Slavery, and especially of those who are to receive the +compensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay, and not to +receive, will object. Yet the measure is both just and economical.</p> + +<p>"In a certain sense, the liberation of Slaves is the destruction of +Property—Property acquired by descent, or by purchase, the same as any +other property. It is no less true for having been often said, that the +people of the South are not more responsible for the original +introduction of this Property than are the people of the North; and when +it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar, and +share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say +that the South has been more responsible than the North for its +continuance.</p> + +<p>"If, then, for a common object, this Property is to be sacrificed, is it +not just that it be done at a common charge?</p> + +<p>"And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the +benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the War alone, is it +not also economical to do it? Let us consider it then. Let us +ascertain the sum we have expended in the War since compensated +Emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether, if that +measure had been promptly accepted, by even some of the Slave States, +the same sum would not have done more to close the War than has been +otherwise done. If so, the measure would save money, and, in that view, +would be a prudent and economical measure.</p> + +<p>"Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing; +but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. And +it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it +before we are able. The War requires large sums, and requires them at +once.</p> + +<p>"The aggregate sum necessary for compensated Emancipation of course +would be large. But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds, +even, any faster than the Emancipation progresses. This might not, and +probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven years. At +that time we shall probably have a hundred million people to share the +burden, instead of thirty-one millions, as now. And not only so, but +the increase of our population may be expected to continue, for a long +time after that period, as rapidly as before; because our territory will +not have become full.</p> + +<p>"I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase +which we have maintained, on an average, from our first National census +in 1790, until that of 1860, we should, in 1900, have a population of +103,208,415. And why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that +period?</p> + +<p>"Our abundant room—our broad National homestead—is our ample resource. +Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly +our population could not expand as stated. Instead of receiving the +foreign born, as now, we should be compelled to send part of the +Native-born away.</p> + +<p>"But such is not our condition. We have two million nine hundred and +sixty-three thousand square miles. Europe has three million and eight +hundred thousand, with a population averaging seventy-three and +one-third persons to the square mile. Why may not our Country at some time, +average as many? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste surface by +mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes? Is it inferior to +Europe in any natural advantage?</p> + +<p>"If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how soon? +As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present; as to +when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union.</p> + +<p>"Several of our States are already above the average of +Europe—seventy-three and a third to the square mile. Massachusetts has 157; Rhode +Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and New Jersey, each, 80. Also +two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the +former having 63, and the latter 59. The States already above the +European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio, +since passing that point, as ever before; while no one of them is equal +to some other parts of our Country in natural capacity for sustaining a +dense population.</p> + +<p>"Taking the Nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and +ratio of increase, for the several decennial periods, to be as follows:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p>YEAR. POPULATION. RATIO OF INCREASE</p> + +<p>1790— 3,929,827</p> + +<p>1800— 5,305,937 —35.02 Per Cent.</p> + +<p>1810— 7,239,814 —36.45</p> + +<p>1820— 9,638,131 —33.13</p> + +<p>1830— 12,866,020 —33.49</p> + +<p>1840— 17,069,453 —32.67</p> + +<p>1850— 23,191,876 —35.87</p> + +<p>1860— 31,443,790 —35.58</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"This shows an average Decennial Increase of 34.69 per cent. in +population through the seventy years from our first to our last census +yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase, at no one of these +seven periods, is either two per cent. below or two per cent. above the +average; thus showing how inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable, +the law of Increase, in our case, is.</p> + +<p>"Assuming that it will continue, gives the following results:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p>YEAR. POPULATION.</p> + +<p>1870— 42,323,041</p> + +<p>1880— 56,967,216</p> + +<p>1890— 76,677,872</p> + +<p>1900— 103,208,415</p> + +<p>1910— 138,918,526</p> + +<p>1920— 186,984,335</p> + +<p>1930— 251,680,914</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"These figures show that our Country may be as populous as Europe now is +at some point between 1920 and 1930—say about 1925—our territory, at +seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile, being of capacity +to contain 217,186,000.</p> + +<p>"And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the +chance by the folly and evils of Disunion or by long and exhausting War +springing from the only great element of National discord among us. +While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of +Secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population, +civilization and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it +would be very great and injurious.</p> + +<p>"The proposed Emancipation would shorten the War, perpetuate Peace, +insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of +the Country. With these, we should pay all the Emancipation would cost, +together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt +without it.</p> + +<p>"If we had allowed our old National debt to run at six per cent. per +annum, simple interest, from the end of our Revolutionary Struggle until +to-day, without paying anything on either principal or interest, each +man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it +then; and this because our increase of men through the whole period has +been greater than six per cent.; has run faster than the interest upon +the debt. Thus, time alone, relieves a debtor Nation, so long as its +population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its +debt.</p> + +<p>"This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly +due, but it shows the great importance of time in this connection—the +great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we +number a hundred millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to +pay now, when we number but thirty-one millions. In a word, it shows +that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the War, than will be a +dollar for Emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will +cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both.</p> + +<p>"As to the Second Article, I think it would be impracticable to return +to Bondage the class of Persons therein contemplated. Some of them, +doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners and hence +provision is made in this Article for compensating such.</p> + +<p>"The Third Article relates to the future of the Freed people. It does +not oblige, but merely authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such as +may consent. This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one +hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing, unless by the +mutual consent of the people to be deported, and the American voters, +through their Representatives in Congress.</p> + +<p>"I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly favor +colonization. And yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against +free Colored persons remaining in the Country which is largely +imaginary, if not sometimes malicious.</p> + +<p>"It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace White +labor and White laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere +catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present +men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be +responsible through Time and in Eternity.</p> + +<p>"Is it true, then, that Colored people can displace any more White labor +by being Free, than by remaining Slaves? If they stay in their old +places, they jostle no White laborers; if they leave their old places, +they leave them open to White laborers. Logically, there is neither +more nor less of it.</p> + +<p>"Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the +wages of White labor, and, very surely would not reduce them. Thus, the +customary amount of labor would still have to be performed; the freed +people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it and, +very probably, for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to +White laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and +consequently enhancing the wages of it.</p> + +<p>"With deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to White +labor is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity in +the market-increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it. +Reduce the supply of Black labor by colonizing the Black laborer out of +the Country, and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and +wages of White labor.</p> + +<p>"But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the +whole Land! Are they not already in the Land? Will liberation make +them any more numerous? Equally distributed among the Whites of the +whole Country, there would be but one Colored, in seven Whites. Could +the one, in any way, greatly disturb the seven?</p> + +<p>"There are many communities now, having more than one free Colored +person to seven Whites; and this, without any apparent consciousness of +evil from it. The District of Columbia, and the States of Maryland and +Delaware, are all in this condition. The District has more than one +free Colored to six Whites; and yet, in its frequent petitions to +Congress I believe it has never presented the presence of free Colored +persons as one of its grievances.</p> + +<p>"But why should Emancipation South, send the freed people North? people +of any color, seldom run, unless there be something to run from. +Heretofore, Colored people, to some extent, have fled North from +bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if +gradual Emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither +to flee from.</p> + +<p>"Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can +be procured; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly give their labor +for the wages, till new homes can be found for them, in congenial +climes, and with people of their own blood and race.</p> + +<p>"This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And, +in any event, cannot the North decide for itself, whether to receive +them?</p> + +<p>"Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case, has there been +any irruption of Colored people Northward because of the abolishment of +Slavery in this District last Spring? What I have said of the +proportion of free Colored persons to the Whites in the District is from +the census of 1860, having no reference to persons called Contrabands, +nor to those made free by the Act of Congress abolishing Slavery here.</p> + +<p>"The plan consisting of these Articles is recommended, not but that a +restoration of the National authority would be accepted without its +adoption.</p> + +<p>"Nor will the War, nor proceedings under the Proclamation of September +22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its +timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay +both.</p> + +<p>"And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress +provides by law for compensating any State which may adopt Emancipation +before this plan shall have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly +renewed. Such would be only an advance part of the plan, and the same +arguments apply to both.</p> + +<p>"This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but +additional to, all others, for restoring and preserving the National +authority throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in +its economical aspect.</p> + +<p>"The plan would, I am confident, secure Peace more speedily, and +maintain it more permanently, than can be done by force alone; while all +it would cost, considering amounts, and manner of payment, and times of +payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the +War, if we rely solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it would +cost no blood at all.</p> + +<p>"The plan is proposed as permanent Constitutional Law. It cannot become +such without the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and +afterward, three-fourths of the Slave States. The requisite +three-fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the Slave +States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their +severally adopting Emancipation at no very distant day upon the new +Constitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now and +save the Union forever.</p> + +<p>"I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed +to the Congress of the Nation by the Chief Magistrate of the Nation. +Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you +have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I +trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me, you will +perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may +seem to display.</p> + +<p>"Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten +the War, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? Is it +doubted that it would restore the National authority and National +prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we +here—Congress and Executive—can secure its adoption; will not the good +people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can +they, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital +objects; we can succeed only by concert.</p> + +<p>"It is not, 'Can any of us imagine better?' but,'Can we all do better?' +Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs, 'Can we do +better? The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy +present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise +with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act +anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our +Country.</p> + +<p>"Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We, of this Congress and +this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No +personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of +us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor +or dishonor, to the latest generation.</p> + +<p>"We say we are for the Union. The World will not forget that we say +this. We know how to save the Union.</p> + +<p>"The World knows we do know how to save it. We even we here—hold the +power, and bear the responsibility.</p> + +<p>"In giving Freedom to the Slave, we assure Freedom to the Free-Honorable +alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or +meanly lose, the last, best hope of Earth. Other means may succeed; +this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just—a way +which, if followed, the World would forever applaud, and God must +forever bless.</p> + +<p> "ABRAHAM LINCOLN."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +The popular Branch of Congress responded with heartiness to what Mr. +Lincoln had done. On December 11, 1862, resolutions were offered by Mr. +Yeaman in the House of Representatives, as follows:</p> + +<p>"Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate Concurring), That +the Proclamation of the President of the United States, of date the 22d +of September, 1862, is not warranted by the Constitution.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the policy of Emancipation as indicated in that +Proclamation, is not calculated to hasten the restoration of Peace, was +not well chosen as a War measure, and is an assumption of power +dangerous to the rights of citizens and to the perpetuity of a Free +People."</p> + +<p>These resolutions were laid on the table by 95 yeas to 47 nays—the yeas +all Republicans, save three, and the nays all Democrats save five.</p> + +<p>On December 15, 1862, Mr. S. C. Fessenden, of Maine, offered resolutions +to the House, in these words:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the Proclamation of the President of the United States, +of the date of 22d September, 1862, is warranted by the Constitution.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the policy of Emancipation, as indicated in that +Proclamation, is well adapted to hasten the restoration of Peace, was +well chosen as a War measure, and is an exercise of power with proper +regard for the rights of the States, and the perpetuity of Free +Government."</p> + +<p>These resolutions were adopted by 78 yeas to 52 nays—the yeas all +Republicans, save two, and the nays all Democrats, save seven.</p> + +<p>The Proclamation of September 22d, 1862, was very generally endorsed and +upheld by the People at large; and, in accordance with its promise, it +was followed at the appointed time, January 1st, 1863, by the +supplemental Proclamation specifically Emancipating the Slaves in the +rebellious parts of the United States—in the following terms:</p> + +<p>"WHEREAS, On the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord +one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a Proclamation was issued by +the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the +following, to wit:</p> + +<p>"'That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand +eight hundred and sixty-three, all Persons held as Slaves within any +State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be +in Rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, +and forever Free; and the Executive Government of the United States, +including the Military and Naval Authority thereof, will recognize and +maintain the Freedom of such Persons, and will do no act or acts to +repress such Persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for +their actual Freedom.</p> + +<p>"'That the Executive will, on the First day of January aforesaid, by +Proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which +the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in Rebellion against the +United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall +on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United +States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the +qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the +absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive +evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in +Rebellion against the United States.'</p> + +<p>"Now, therefore, I ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, by +virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and +Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed Rebellion against the +authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and +necessary War measure for suppressing said Rebellion, do, on this First +day of January, in the Year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and +sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly +proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first +above mentioned, Order and designate as the States and parts of States +wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in Rebellion +against the United States, the following, to wit:</p> + +<p>"Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, +Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, +Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafouche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, +including the City of New Orleans,) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, +Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the +forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties +of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, +and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which +excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this +Proclamation were not issued.</p> + +<p>"And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do Order +and declare that all Persons held as Slaves within said designated +States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, Free; and +that the Executive Government of the United States, including the +Military and Naval authorities thereof; will recognize and maintain the +Freedom of said Persons.</p> + +<p>"And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be Free, to abstain +from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to +them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for +reasonable wages.</p> + +<p>"And I further declare and make known that such Persons, of suitable +condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States +to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man +vessels of all sorts in said service.</p> + +<p>"And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, +warranted by the Constitution upon Military necessity, I invoke the +considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.</p> + +<p>"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed.</p> + +<p>"Done at the City of Washington, this First day of January, in the year +of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the +Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.</p> + +<p>"By the President:<br> +"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p> + +<p>"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="fremont"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p368-fremont.jpg (70K)" src="images/p368-fremont.jpg" height="803" width="580"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch19"></a><br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XIX.<br><br> + + HISTORICAL REVIEW. +</h2> +</center> +<br> + +<p> +Let us now refresh recollection by glancing backward over the history of +our Country, and we shall see, as recorded in these pages, that, from +the first, there existed in this Nation a class of individuals greedily +ambitious of power and determined to secure and maintain control of this +Government; that they left unturned no stone which would contribute to +the fostering and to the extension of African Slavery; that, hand in +hand with African Slavery—and as a natural corollary to it—they +advocated Free Trade as a means of degrading Free White labor to the +level of Black Slave labor, and thus increasing their own power; that +from the first, ever taking advantage of the general necessities of the +Union, they arrogantly demanded and received from a brow-beaten People, +concession after concession, and compromise after compromise; that every +possible pretext and occasion was seized by them to increase, +consolidate, and secure their power, and to extend the territorial +limits over which their peculiar Pro-Slavery and Pro-Free-Trade +doctrines prevailed; and that their nature was so exacting, and their +greed so rapacious, that it was impossible ever to satisfy them.</p> + +<p>Nor were they burdened with over-much of that high sense of honor—a +quality of which they often vaunted themselves—which impelled others to +stand by their agreements. It seemed as though they considered the most +sacred promises and covenants of no account, and made only to be +trampled upon, when in the way of their Moloch.</p> + +<p>We remember the bitter Slavery agitation in Congress over the admission +of the State of Missouri, and how it eventuated in the Missouri +Compromise. That compromise, we have seen, they afterward trod upon, +and broke, with as little compunction as they would have stepped upon +and crushed a toad.</p> + +<p>They felt their own growing power, and gloried in their strength and +arrogance; and Northern timidity became a scoff and by-word in their +mouths.</p> + +<p>The fact is, that from its very conception, as well as birth, they hated +and opposed the Union, because they disliked a Republican and preferred +a Monarchical form of Government. Their very inability to prevent the +consummation of that Union, imbittered them. Hence their determination +to seize every possible occasion and pretext afterward to destroy it, +believing, as they doubtless did, that upon the crumbled and mouldering +ruins of a dissevered Union and ruptured Republic, Monarchical ideas +might the more easily take root and grow. But experience had already +taught them that it would be long before their real object could even be +covertly hinted at, and that in the meantime it must be kept out of +sight by the agitation of other political issues. The formulation and +promulgation therefore, by Jefferson, in the Kentucky Resolutions of +1798, and by Madison, in the Virginia Resolutions of 1799, of the +doctrine of States Rights already referred to, was a perfect "God-send" +to these men. For it not only enabled them to keep from public view and +knowledge their ultimate aim and purpose, but constituted the whip which +they thenceforth everlastingly flourished and cracked over the shrinking +heads of other and more patriotic people—the whip with which, through +the litter of their broken promises, they ruthlessly rode into, and, for +so long a period of years held on to, supreme power and place in the +Land.</p> + +<p>Including within the scope of States Rights, the threats of +Nullification, Disunion and Secession—ideas abhorrent to the Patriot's +mind—small wonder is it that, in those days, every fresh demand made by +these political autocrats was tremblingly acceded to, until patience and +concession almost utterly exhausted themselves.</p> + +<p>Originally disturbing only South Carolina and Georgia to any extent, +these ambitious men, who believed in anything rather than a Republic, +and who were determined to destroy the Union, gradually spread the +spirit of jealousy and discontent into other States of the South; their +immediate object being to bring the Southern States into the closest +possible relations the one with the other; to inspire them all with +common sympathies and purposes; to compact and solidify them, so that in +all coming movements against the other States of the Union, they might +move with proportionately increased power, and force, and effect, +because of such unity of aim and strength.</p> + +<p>This spirit of Southern discontent, and jealousy of the Northern States, +was, as we have seen, artfully fanned by the Conspirators, in heated +discussions over the Tariff Acts of 1824, and 1828, and 1832, until, by +the latter date, the people of the Cotton-States were almost frantic, +and ready to fight over their imaginary grievances. Then it was that +the Conspirators thought the time had come, for which they had so long +and so earnestly prayed and worked, when the cotton Sampson should wind +his strong arms around the pillars of the Constitution and pull down the +great Temple of our Union—that they might rear upon its site another +and a stronger edifice, dedicated not to Freedom, but to Free-Trade and +to other false gods.</p> + +<p>South Carolina was to lead off, and the other Cotton States would +follow. South Carolina did lead off—but the other Cotton-States did +not follow.</p> + +<p>It has been shown in these pages how South Carolina declared the Tariff +Acts aforesaid, null and void, armed herself to resist force, and +declared that any attempt of the general Government to enforce those +Acts would cause her to withdraw from the Union. But Jackson as we know +throttled the treason with so firm a grip that Nullification and +Secession and Disunion were at once paralyzed.</p> + +<p>The concessions to the domineering South, in Clay's Compromise Tariff of +1833, let the Conspirators down easily, so to speak; and they pretended +to be satisfied. But they were satisfied only as are the thirsty sands +of Africa with the passing shower.</p> + +<p>The Conspirators had, however, after all, made substantial gains. They +had established a precedent for an attempt to secede. That was +something. They had demonstrated that a single Southern State could +stand up, armed and threatening, strutting, blustering, and bullying, +and at least make faces at the general Government without suffering any +very dreadful consequences. That was still more.</p> + +<p>They had also ascertained that, by adopting such a course, a single +Southern State could force concessions from the fears of the rest of the +United States. That was worth knowing, because the time might come, +when it might be desirable not only for one but for all the Southern +States to secede upon some other pretext, and when it would be awkward, +and would interfere with the Disunion programme, to have the other +States either offer or make concessions.</p> + +<p>They had also learned the valuable lesson that the single issue of +Free-Trade was not sufficiently strong of itself to unite all the Southern +States in a determination to secede, and thus dissolve the Union. They +saw they must agitate some other issue to unify the South more +thoroughly and justify Disunion. On looking over the whole field they +concluded that the Slavery question would best answer their purpose, and +they adopted it.</p> + +<p>It was doubtless a full knowledge of the fact that they had adopted it, +that led Jackson to make the declaration, heretofore in these pages +given, which has been termed "prophetic." At any rate, thenceforth the +programme of the Conspirators was to agitate the Slavery question in all +ways possible, so as to increase, extend and solidify the influence and +strength of the Slave power; strain the bonds uniting them with the Free +States; and weaken the Free States by dividing them upon the question. +At the same time the Free-Trade question was to be pressed forward to a +triumphal issue, so that the South might be enriched and strengthened, +and the North impoverished and weakened, by the result.</p> + +<p>That was their programme, in the rough, and it was relentlessly adhered +to. Free-Trade and Slavery by turns, if not together, from that time +onward, were ever at the front, agitating our People both North and +South, and not only consolidating the Southern States on those lines, as +the Conspirators designed, but also serving ultimately to consolidate, +to some extent—in a manner quite unlooked for by the +Conspirators—Northern sentiment, on the opposite lines of Protection and Freedom.</p> + +<p>The Compromise Tariff Act of 1833—which Clay was weak enough to +concede, and even stout old Jackson to permit to become law without his +signature—gave to the Conspirators great joy for years afterward, as +they witnessed the distress and disaster brought by it to Northern homes +and incomes—not distress and disaster alone, but absolute and +apparently irreparable ruin.</p> + +<p>The reaction occasioned by this widespread ruin having brought the Whigs +into power, led to the enactment of the Protective-Tariff of 1842 +and—to the chagrin of the Conspirators—industrial prosperity and plenty to +the Free North again ensued.</p> + +<p>Even as Cain hated his brother Abel because his sacrifices were +acceptable in the sight of God, while his own were not, so the Southern +Conspirators, and other Slave-owners also, had, by this time, come to +hate the Northern free-thinking, free-acting, freedom-loving mechanic +and laboring man, because the very fact and existence of his Godgiven +Freedom and higher-resulting civilization was a powerful and perpetual +protest against the—abounding iniquities and degradations of Slavery as +practiced by themselves.</p> + +<p>Hence, by trickery, by cajoling the People With his, and their own, +assurances that he was in favor of Protection—they secured the election +in 1844 of a Free-Trade President, the consequent repeal of the +Protective-Tariff of 1842—which had repaired the dreadful mischief +wrought by the Compromise Act of 1833—and the enactment of the infamous +Free-Trade Tariff of 1846, which blasted the manufacturing and farming +and trade industries of the Country again, as with fire.</p> + +<p>The discovery of the great gold fields of California, and the enormous +amount of the precious metal poured by her for many succeeding years +into the lap of the Nation, alone averted what otherwise would +inevitably have been total ruin. As it was, in 1860, the National +credit had sunk to a lower point than ever before in all its history. +It was confessedly bankrupt, and ruin stalked abroad throughout the +United States.</p> + +<p>But while, with rapid pen, the carrying out of that part of the Southern +Conspirators' Disunion programme which related to Free-Trade, is thus +brought again to mind, the other part of that programme, which related +to Slavery, must not be neglected or overlooked. On this question they +had determined, as we have seen, to agitate without ceasing—having in +view, primarily, as already hinted, the extension of Slave territory and +the resulting increase of Slave power in the Land; and, ulteriorly, the +solidifying of that power, and Disunion of the Republic, with a view to +its conversion into an Oligarchy, if not a Monarchy.</p> + +<p>The bitterness of the struggle over the admission of Missouri as a Slave +State in 1820, under the Missouri Compromise, was to be revived by the +Conspirators, at the earliest possible moment.</p> + +<p>Accordingly in 1836—only three years after the failure of Nullification +in South Carolina, the Territory, of Arkansas was forced in as a Slave +State, and simultaneously the Slave-owning henchmen of the Conspirators, +previously settled there for the purpose, proclaimed the secession from +Mexico, and independence, of Texas. This was quickly followed, in 1844, +by Calhoun's hastily negotiated treaty of annexation with Texas; its +miscarriage in the Senate; and the Act of March 2, 1845—with its sham +compromise—consenting to the admission of Texas to the Union of States.</p> + +<p>Then came the War with Mexico; the attempt by means of the Wilmot +proviso to check the growing territorial-greed and rapacity of the +Slave-power; and the acquisition by the United States, of California and +New Mexico, under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, which brought +Peace.</p> + +<p>Then occurred the agitation over the organization of Territorial +governments for Oregon, California, and New Mexico, and the strong +effort to extend to the Pacific Ocean the Missouri-Compromise line of +36 30', and to extend to all future Territorial organizations the +principles of that compromise.</p> + +<p>Then came the struggle in 1850, over the admission of California as a +State, and New Mexico and Utah to Territorial organization—ending in +the passage of Clay's Compromise measures of 1850.</p> + +<p>Yet still the Southern Conspirators—whose forces, both in Congress and +out, were now well-disciplined, compacted, solidified, experienced, and +bigotedly enthusiastic and overbearing—were not satisfied. It was not +their intention to be satisfied with anything less than the destruction +of the Union and of our Republican form of Government. The trouble was +only beginning, and, so far, almost everything had progressed to their +liking. The work must proceed.</p> + +<p>In 1852-3 they commenced the Kansas-Nebraska agitation; and, what with +their incessant political and colonizing movements in those Territories; +the frequent and dreadful atrocities committed by their tools, the +Border-ruffians; the incessant turmoil created by cruelties to their +Fugitive-slaves; their persistent efforts to change the Supreme Court to +their notions; these—with the decision and opinion of the Supreme Court +in the Dred Scott case—together worked the Slavery question up to a +dangerous degree of heat, by the year 1858.</p> + +<p>And, by 1860—when the people of the Free States, grown sick unto death +of the rule of the Slave-power in the General Government, arose in their +political might, and shook off this "Old Man of the Sea," electing, +beyond cavil and by the Constitutional mode, to the Presidential office, +a man who thoroughly represented in himself their conscience, on the one +hand, which instinctively revolted against human Slavery as a wrong +committed against the laws of God, and their sense of justice and equity +on the other, which would not lightly overlook, or interfere with vested +rights under the Constitution and the laws of man—the Conspirators had +reached the point at which they had been aiming ever since that failure +in 1832 of their first attempt at Disunion, in South Carolina.</p> + +<p>They had now succeeded in irritating both the Free and the Slave-holding +Sections of our Country against each other, to an almost unbearable +point; had solidified the Southern States on the Slavery and Free-Trade +questions; and at last—the machinations of these same Conspirators +having resulted in a split in the Democratic Party, and the election of +the Republican candidate to the Presidency, as the embodiment of the +preponderating National belief in Freedom and equality to all before the +Law, with Protection to both Labor and Capital—they also had the +pretext for which they had both been praying and scheming and preparing +all those long, long years—they, and some of their fathers before them.</p> + +<p>It cannot be too often repeated that to secure a Monarchy, or at least +an Oligarchy, over which the leading Conspirators should rule for +life—whether that Monarchy or that Oligarchy should comprise the States of +the South by themselves, or all the States on a new basis of Union—was +the great ultimate aim of the Conspirators; and this could be secured +only by first disrupting the then existing Republican Union of +Republican States.</p> + +<p>The doctrine of the right of Secession had now long been taught, and had +become a part of the Southern Slave-holders' Democratic creed, as fully +as had the desirability of Slavery and Free-Trade—and even many of the +Northern Democrats, and some Republicans as well, were not much inclined +to dispute, although they cared not to canvass, the point.</p> + +<p>The programme of action was therefore much the same as had been laid +down in the first attempt in 1832:—first South Carolina would secede +and declare her independence; then the other Slave States in quick +succession would do likewise; then a new Constitution for a solid +Southern Union; then, if necessary, a brief War to cement it—which +would end, of course, in the independence of the South at least, but +more probably in the utter subjugation and humiliation of the Free +States.</p> + +<p>When the time should come, during or after this War—as come, in their +belief, it would—for a change in the form of Government, then they +could seize the first favorable occasion and change it. At present, +however, the cry must be for "independence." That accomplished, the +rest would be easy. And until that independence was accomplished, no +terms of any sort, no settlement of any kind, were either to be proposed +or accepted by them.</p> + +<p>These were their dreams, their ambitions, their plans; and the tenacious +courage with which they stuck to them "through thick and thin," through +victory and disaster, were worthy of a better cause.</p> + +<p>While, therefore, the pretexts for Secession were "Slavery" and +"Free-Trade"—both of which were alleged to be jeopardized in the election and +inauguration of Abraham Lincoln—yet, no sooner had hostilities +commenced between the seceding States and the Union, than they declared +to the World that their fight was not for Slavery, but for Independence.</p> + +<p>They dared not acknowledge to the World that they fought for Slavery, +lest the sympathies of the World should be against them. But it was +well understood by the Southern masses, as well as the other people of +the Union, that both Slavery and Free-Trade were involved in the +fight—as much as independence, and the consequent downfall of the Union.</p> + +<p>President Lincoln, however, had made up his mind to do all he properly +could to placate the South. None knew better than he, the history of +this Secession movement, as herein described. None knew better than he, +the fell purpose and spirit of the Conspirators. Yet still, his kindly +heart refused to believe that the madness of the Southern leaders was so +frenzied, and their hatred of Free men, Free labor, and Free +institutions, so implacable, that they would wilfully refuse to listen +to reason and ever insist on absolutely inadmissible terms of +reconciliation.</p> + +<p>From the very beginning of his Administration, he did all that was +possible to mollify their resentment and calm their real or pretended +fears. Nor was this from any dread or doubt as to what the outcome of +an armed Conflict would be; for, in his speech at Cincinnati, in the +Autumn of 1859, he had said, while addressing himself to Kentuckians and +other Southern men: "Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as +brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, man +for man, as any other people living; that you have shown yourselves +capable of this upon various occasions; but man for man, you are not +better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us. +You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in +numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal it +would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will +make nothing by attempting to master us."</p> + +<p>And early in 1860, in his famous New York Cooper Institute speech he had +said "Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let +us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it." He plainly +believed to the end, that "right makes might;" and he believed in the +power of numbers—as also did Napoleon, if we may judge from his famous +declaration that "The God of battles is always on the side of the +heaviest battalions." Yet, so believing, President Lincoln exerted +himself in all possible ways to mollify the South. His assurances, +however, were far from satisfying the Conspirators. They never had been +satisfied with anything in the shape of concession. They never would +be. They had been dissatisfied with and had broken all the compacts and +compromises, and had spit upon all the concessions, of the past; and +nothing would now satisfy them, short of the impossible.</p> + +<p>They were not satisfied now with Lincoln's promise that the Government +would not assail them—organized as, by this time, they were into a +so-called Southern "Confederacy" of States—and they proceeded accordingly +to assail that Government which would not assail them. They opened fire +on Fort Sumter.</p> + +<p>This was done, as has duly appeared, in the hope that the shedding of +blood would not only draw the States of the Southern Confederacy more +closely together in their common cause, and prevent the return of any of +them to their old allegiance, but also to so influence the wavering +allegiance to the Union, of the Border States, as to strengthen that +Confederacy and equivalently weaken that Union, by their Secession.</p> + +<p>Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, of the Border States +that were wavering, were thus gathered into the Confederate fold, by +this policy of blood-spilling—carried bodily thither, by a desperate +and frenzied minority, against the wishes of a patriotic majority.</p> + +<p>Virginia, especially, was a great accession to the Rebel cause. She +brought to it the prestige of her great name. To secure the active +cooperation of "staid old Virginia," "the Mother of Statesmen," in the +struggle, was, in the estimation of the Rebels, an assurance of victory +to their cause. And the Secession of Virginia for a time had a +depressing influence upon the friends of the Union everywhere.</p> + +<p>The refusal of West Virginia to go with the rest of the State into +Rebellion, was, to be sure, some consolation; and the checkmating of the +Conspirators' designs to secure to the Confederacy the States of +Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, helped the confidence of Union men. In +fact, as long as the National Capital was secure, it was felt that the +Union was still safe.</p> + +<p>But while the Confederacy, by the firing upon Fort Sumter, and thus +assailing that Government which Lincoln had promised would not assail +the Rebels, had gained much in securing the aid of the States mentioned, +yet the Union Cause, by that very act, had gained more. For the echoes +of the Rebel guns of Fort Moultrie were the signal for such an uprising +of the Patriots of the North and West and Middle States, as, for the +moment, struck awe to the hearts of Traitors and inspired with courage +and hopefulness the hearts of Union men throughout the Land.</p> + +<p>Moreover it put the Rebels in their proper attitude, in the eyes of the +World—as the first aggressors—and thus deprived them, to a certain +extent, of that moral support from the outside which flows from +sympathy.</p> + +<p>Those echoes were the signal, not only of that call to arms which led to +such an uprising, but for the simultaneous calling together of the +Thirty-seventh Congress of the United States in Extra Session—the +Congress whose measures ultimately enabled President Lincoln and the +Union Armies to subdue the Rebellion and save the Union—the Congress +whose wise and patriotic deliberations resulted in the raising of those +gigantic Armies and Navies, and in supplying the unlimited means, +through the Tariff and National Bank Systems and otherwise, by which +those tremendous Forces could be both created and effectively +operated—the Congress which cooperated with President Lincoln and those Forces in +preparing the way for the destruction of the very corner-stone of the +Confederacy, Slavery itself.</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="cameron"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p384-cameron.jpg (77K)" src="images/p384-cameron.jpg" height="792" width="582"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch20"></a><br><br> + + +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XX.<br><br> + + LINCOLN'S TROUBLES AND TEMPTATIONS. +</h2> +</center> +<br> + +<p>The Rebels themselves, as has already been noted, by the employment of +their Slaves in the construction of earthworks and other fortifications, +and even in battle, at Bull Run and elsewhere, against the Union Forces, +brought the Thirty-seventh Congress, as well as the Military Commanders, +and the President, to an early consideration of the Slavery question. +But it was none the less a question to be treated with the utmost +delicacy.</p> + +<p>The Union men, as well as the Secession-sympathizers, of Kentucky and +Tennessee and Missouri and Maryland, largely believed in Slavery, or at +least were averse to any interference with it. These, would not see +that the right to destroy that unholy Institution could pertain to any +authority, or be justified by any exigency; much less that, as held by +some authorities, its existence ceased at the moment when its hands, or +those of the State in which it had existed, were used to assail the +General Government.</p> + +<p>They looked with especial suspicion and distrust upon the guarded +utterances of the President upon all questions touching the future of +the Colored Race.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [At Faneuil Hall, Edward Everett is reported to have said, in + October of 1864:</p> + +<p> "It is very doubtful whether any act of the Government of the + United States was necessary to liberate the Slaves in a State which + is in Rebellion. There is much reason for the opinion that, by the + simple act of levying War against the United States, the relation + of Slavery was terminated; certainly, so far as concerns the duty + of the United States to recognize it, or to refrain from + interfering with it.</p> + +<p> "Not being founded on the Law of Nature, and resting solely on + positive Local Law—and that, not of the United States—as soon as + it becomes either the motive or pretext of an unjust War against + the Union—an efficient instrument in the hands of the Rebels for + carrying on the War—source of Military strength to the Rebellion, + and of danger to the Government at home and abroad, with the + additional certainty that, in any event but its abandonment, it + will continue, in all future time to work these mischiefs, who can + suppose it is the duty of the United States to continue to + recognize it.</p> + +<p> "To maintain this would be a contradiction in terms. It would be + two recognize a right in a Rebel master to employ his Slave in acts + of Rebellion and Treason, and the duty of the Slave to aid and abet + his master in the commission of the greatest crime known to the + Law. No such absurdity can be admitted; and any citizen of the + United States, from thee President down, who should, by any overt + act, recognize the duty of a Slave to obey a Rebel master in a + hostile operation, would himself be giving aid and comfort to the + Enemy."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>They believed that when Fremont issued the General Order—heretofore +given in full—in which that General declared that "The property, real +and personal, of all persons, in the State of Missouri, who shall take +up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to +have taken an active part with their enemies in the field, is declared +to be confiscated to the public use, and their Slaves, if any they have, +are hereby declared Free men," it must have been with the concurrence, +if not at the suggestion, of the President; and, when the President +subsequently, September 11,1861, made an open Order directing that this +clause of Fremont's General Order, or proclamation, should be "so +modified, held, and construed, as to conform to, and not to transcend, +the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress +entitled 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary +Purposes,' approved August 6, 1861," they still were not satisfied.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The sections of the above Act, bearing upon the matter, are the + first and fourth, which are in these words:</p> + +<p> "That if, during the present or any future insurrection against the + Government of the United States, after the President of the United + States shall have declared, by proclamation, that the laws of the + United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by + combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course + of judicial proceedings, or by the power vested in the marshals by + law, any person or persons, his, her, or their agent, attorney, or + employee, shall purchase or acquire, sell or give, any property of + whatsoever kind or description, with intent to use or employ the + same, or suffer the same to be used or employed, in aiding, + abetting, or promoting such insurrection or resistance to the laws, + or any persons engaged therein; or if any person or persons, being + the owner or owners of any such property, shall knowingly use or + employ, or consent to the use or employment of the same as + aforesaid, all such property is hereby declared to be lawful + subject of prize and capture wherever found; and it shall be the + duty of the President of the United States to cause the same to be + seized, confiscated and condemned."</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p> "SEC. 4. That whenever hereafter, during the present insurrection + against the Government of the United States, any person claimed to + be held to Labor or Service under the law of any State shall be + required or permitted by the person to whom such Labor or Service + is claimed to be due, or by the lawful agent of such person, to + take up arms against the United States; or shall be required or + permitted by the person to whom such Labor or Service is claimed to + be due, or his lawful agent, to work or to be employed in or upon + any fort, navy-yard, dock, armory, ship, entrenchment, or in any + Military or Naval service whatsoever, against the Government and + lawful authority of the United States, then, and in every such + case, the person to whom such Labor or Service is claimed to be + due, shall forfeit his claim to such Labor, any law of the State or + of the United States to the contrary notwithstanding. And whenever + thereafter the person claiming such Labor or Service shall seek to + enforce his claim, it shall be a full and sufficient answer to such + claim that the person whose Service or Labor is claimed had been + employed in hostile service against the Government of the United + States, contrary to the provisions of this act."</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>It seemed as impossible to satisfy these Border-State men as it had been +to satisfy the Rebels themselves.</p> + +<p>The Act of Congress, to which President Lincoln referred +in his Order modifying Fremont's proclamation, had itself been opposed +by them, under the lead of their most influential Representative and +spokesman, Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, in its passage through that +Body. It did not satisfy them.</p> + +<p>Neither had they been satisfied, when, within one year and four days +after "Slavery opened its batteries of Treason, upon Fort Sumter," that +National curse and shame was banished from the Nation's Capital by +Congressional enactment.</p> + +<p>They were not satisfied even with Mr. Lincoln's conservative suggestions +embodied in the Supplemental Act.</p> + +<p>Nor were they satisfied with the General Instructions, of October 14, +1861, from the War Department to its Generals, touching the employment +of Fugitive Slaves within the Union Lines, and the assurance of just +compensation to loyal masters, therein contained, although all avoidable +interference with the Institution was therein reprobated.</p> + +<p>Nothing satisfied them. It was indeed one of the most curious of the +many phenomena of the War of the Rebellion, that when—as at the end of +1861—it had become evident, as Secretary Cameron held, that it "would +be National suicide" to leave the Rebels in "peaceful and secure +possession of Slave Property, more valuable and efficient to them for +War, than forage, cotton, and Military stores," and that the Slaves +coming within our lines could not "be held by the Government as Slaves," +and should not be held as prisoners of War—still the loyal people of +these Border-States, could not bring themselves to save that Union, +which they professed to love, by legislation on this tender subject.</p> + +<p>On the contrary, they opposed all legislation looking to any +interference with such Slave property. Nothing that was proposed by Mr. +Lincoln, or any other, on this subject, could satisfy them.</p> + +<p>Congress enacted a law, approved March 13, 1862, embracing an additional +Article of War, which prohibited all officers "from employing any of the +forces under their respective Commands for the purpose of returning +Fugitives from Service or Labor who may have escaped from +any persons to whom such Service or Labor is claimed to be due," and +prescribed that "Any officer who shall be found guilty by Court-Martial +of violating this Article shall be dismissed from the Service." In both +Houses, the loyal Border-State Representatives spoke and voted against +its passage.</p> + +<p>One week previously (March 6, 1862), President Lincoln, in an admirable +Message, hitherto herein given at length, found himself driven to broach +to Congress the subject of Emancipation. He had, in his First Annual +Message (December, 1861), declared that "the Union must be preserved; +and hence all indispensable means must be employed;" but now, as a part +of the War Policy, he proposed to Congress the adoption of a Joint +Resolution declaring "That the United States ought to cooperate with any +State which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such +State, pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to +compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such +change of System."</p> + +<p>It was high time, he thought, that the idea of a gradual, compensated +Emancipation, should begin to occupy the minds of those interested, "so +that," to use his own words, "they may begin to consider whether to +accept or reject it," should Congress approve the suggestion.</p> + +<p>Congress did approve, and adopt, the Joint-Resolution, as we +know—despite the opposition from the loyal element of the Border States—an +opposition made in the teeth of their concession that Mr. Lincoln, in +recommending its adoption, was "solely moved by a high patriotism and +sincere devotion to the glory of his Country."</p> + +<p>But, consistently with their usual course, they went to the House of +Representatives, fresh from the Presidential presence, and, with their +ears still ringing with the common-sense utterances of the President, +half of them voted against the Resolution, while the other half +refrained from voting at all. And their opposition to this wise and +moderate proposition was mainly based upon the idea that it carried with +it a threat—a covert threat.</p> + +<p>It certainly was a warning, taking it in connection with the balance of +the Message, but a very wise and timely one.</p> + +<p>These loyal Border-State men, however, could not see its wisdom, and at +a full meeting held upon the subject decided to oppose it, as they +afterward did. Its conciliatory spirit they could not comprehend; the +kindly, temperate warning, they would not heed. The most moderate of +them all,—[Mr. Crittenden of Kentucky.]—in the most moderate of his +utterances, could not bring himself to the belief that this Resolution +was "a measure exactly suited to the times."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [And such was the fatuity existing among the Slave-holders of the + Border States, that not one of those Slave States had wisdom enough + to take the liberal offer thus made by the General Government, of + compensation. They afterward found their Slaves freed without + compensation.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>So, also, one month later, (April 11, 1862), when the Senate Bill +proposing Emancipation in the District of Columbia, was before the +House, the same spokesman and leader of the loyal Border-State men +opposed it strenuously as not being suited to the times. For, he +persuasively protested: "I do not say that you have not the power; but +would not that power be, at such a time as this, most unwisely and +indiscreetly exercised. That is the point. Of all the times when an +attempt was ever made to carry this measure, is not this the most +inauspicious? Is it not a time when the measure is most likely to +produce danger and mischief to the Country at large? So it seems to +me."</p> + +<p>It was not now, nor would it ever be, the time, to pass this, or any +other measure, touching the Institution of Slavery, likely to benefit +that Union to which these men professed such love and loyalty.</p> + +<p>Their opposition, however, to the march of events, was of little +avail—even when backed, as was almost invariably the case, by the other +Democratic votes from the Free States. The opposition was obstructive, +but not effectual. For this reason it was perhaps the more irritating +to the Republicans, who were anxious to put Slavery where their great +leader, Mr. Lincoln, had long before said it should be placed—"in +course of ultimate extinction."</p> + +<p>This very irritation, however, only served to press such Anti-Slavery +Measures more rapidly forward. By the 19th of June, 1862, a Bill "to +secure Freedom to all persons within the Territories of the United +States"—after a more strenuous fight against it than ever, on the part +of Loyal and Copperhead Democrats, both from the Border and Free +States,—had passed Congress, and been approved by President Lincoln. +It provided, in just so many words, "That, from and after the passage of +this Act, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in +any of the Territories of the United States now existing, or which may +at any time hereafter be formed or acquired by the United States, +otherwise than in punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been +duly convicted."</p> + +<p>Here, then, at last, was the great end and aim, with which Mr. Lincoln +and the Republican Party started out, accomplished. To repeat his +phrase, Slavery was certainly now in course of ultimate extinction.</p> + +<p>But since that doctrine had been first enunciated by Mr. Lincoln, events +had changed the aspect of things. War had broken out, and the Slaves of +those engaged in armed Rebellion against the authority of the United +States Government, had been actually employed, as we have seen, on Rebel +works and fortifications whose guns were trailed upon the Armies of the +Union.</p> + +<p>And now, the question of Slavery had ceased to be simply whether it +should be put in course of ultimate extinction, but whether, as a War +Measure—as a means of weakening the Enemy and strengthening the +Union—the time had not already come to extinguish it, so far, at least, as the +Slaves of those participating in the Rebellion, were concerned.</p> + +<p>Congress, as has been heretofore noted, had already long and heatedly +debated various propositions referring to Slavery and African +Colonization, and had enacted such of them as, in its wisdom, were +considered necessary; and was now entering a further stormy period of +contention upon various other projects touching the Abolition of the +Fugitive Slave Laws, the Confiscation of Rebel Property, and the +Emancipation of Slaves—all of which, of course, had been, and would be, +vehemently assailed by the loyal Border-States men and their Free-State +Democratic allies.</p> + +<p>This contention proceeded largely upon the lines of construction of that +clause in the Constitution of the United States and its Amendments, +which provides that no person shall be deprived of Life, Liberty, or +Property, without due process of Law, etc. The one side holding that, +since the beginning of our Government, Slaves had been, under this +clause, Unconstitutionally deprived of their Liberty; the other side +holding that Slaves being "property," it would be Unconstitutional under +the same clause, to deprive the Slave-owner of his Slave property.</p> + +<p>Mr. Crittenden, the leader of the loyal Border-States men in Congress, +was at this time especially eloquent on this latter view of the +Constitution. In his speech of April 23, 1862, in the House of +Representatives, he even undertook to defend American Slavery under the +shield of English Liberty!</p> + +<p>Said he: "It is necessary for the prosperity of any Government, for +peace and harmony, that every man who acquires property shall feel that +he shall be protected in the enjoyment of it, and in his right to hold +it. It elevates the man; it gives him a feeling of dignity. It is the +great old English doctrine of Liberty. Said Lord Mansfield, the rain +may beat against the cabin of an Englishman, the snow may penetrate it, +but the King dare not enter it without the consent of its owner. That +is the true English spirit. It is the source of England's power."</p> + +<p>And again: "The idea of property is deeply seated in our minds. By the +English Law and by the American Law you have the right to take the life +of any man who attempts, by violence, to take your property from you. +So far does the Spirit of these Laws go. Let us not break down this +idea of property. It is the animating spirit of the Country. Indeed it +is the Spirit of Liberty and Freedom."</p> + +<p>There was at this time, a growing belief in the minds of these loyal +Border-States men, that this question of Slavery-abolition was reaching +a crisis. They saw "the handwriting on the wall," but left no stone +unturned to prevent, or at least to avert for a time, the coming +catastrophe. They egged Congress, in the language of the distinguished +Kentuckian, to "Let these unnecessary measures alone, for the present;" +and, as to the President, they now, not only volunteered in his defense, +against the attacks of others, but strove also to capture him by their +arch flatteries.</p> + +<p>"Sir,"—said Mr. Crittenden, in one of his most eloquent bursts, in the +House of Representatives,—"it is not my duty, perhaps, to defend the +President of the United States. * * * I voted against Mr. Lincoln, and +opposed him honestly and sincerely; but Mr. Lincoln has won me to his +side. There is a niche in the Temple of Fame, a niche near to +Washington, which should be occupied by the statue of him who shall, +save this Country. Mr. Lincoln has a mighty destiny. It is for him, if +he will, to step into that niche. It is for him to be but President of +the People of the United States, and there will his statue be. But, if +he choose to be, in these times, a mere sectarian and a party man, that +niche will be reserved for some future and better Patriot. It is in his +power to occupy a place next Washington,—the Founder, and the +Preserver, side by side. Sir, Mr. Lincoln is no coward. His not doing +what the Constitution forbade him to do, is no proof of his cowardice."</p> + +<p>On the other hand, Owen Lovejoy, the fiery Abolitionist, the very next +day after the above remarks of Mr. Crittenden were delivered in the +House, made a great speech in reply, taking the position that "either +Slavery, or the Republic, must perish; and the question for us to decide +is, which shall it be?"</p> + +<p>He declared to the House: "You cannot put down the rebellion and restore +the Union, without destroying Slavery." He quoted the sublime language +of Curran touching the Spirit of the British Law, which consecrates the +soil of Britain to the genius of Universal Emancipation,</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In these words:</p> + +<p> "I speak in the Spirit of the British law, which makes Liberty + commensurate with, and inseparable from, the British soil; which + proclaims even to the stranger and the sojourner the moment he sets + his foot upon British earth, that the ground on which he treads is + holy, and consecrated by the genius Of UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION.</p> + +<p> "No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no + matter what complexion incompatible with Freedom, an Indian or an + African sun may have burnt upon him; no matter in what disastrous + battle his Liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with what + solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of Slavery; the + first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and + the god sink together in the dust; his Soul walks abroad in her own + majesty; his Body swells beyond the measure of his chains, that + burst from around him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated, and + disenthralled by the irresistible genius of UNIVERSAL + EMANCIPATION."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>And Cowper's verse, wherein the poet says:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> "Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs + Receive our air, that moment they are Free,"</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>—and, after expressing his solicitude to have this true of America, as +it already was true of the District of Columbia, he proceeded to say:</p> + +<p>"The gentleman from Kentucky says he has a niche for Abraham Lincoln. +Where is it? He pointed upward! But, Sir, should the President follow +the counsels of that gentleman, and become the defender and perpetuator +of human Slavery, he should point downward to some dungeon in the Temple +of Moloch, who feeds on human blood and is surrounded with fires, where +are forged manacles and chains for human limbs—in the crypts and +recesses of whose Temple, woman is scourged, and man tortured, and +outside whose walls are lying dogs, gorged with human flesh, as Byron +describes them stretched around Stamboul. That is a suitable place for +the statue of one who would defend and perpetuate human Slavery."</p> + +<p>And then—after saying that "the friends of American Slavery need not +beslime the President with their praise. He is an Anti-Slavery man. He +hates human Bondage "—the orator added these glowing words:</p> + +<p>"I, too, have a niche for Abraham Lincoln; but it is in Freedom's Holy +Fane, and not in the blood-besmeared Temple of human Bondage; not +surrounded by Slaves, fetters and chains, but with the symbols of +Freedom; not dark with Bondage, but radiant with the light of Liberty. +In that niche he shall stand proudly, nobly, gloriously, with shattered +fetters and broken chains and slave-whips beneath his feet. If Abraham +Lincoln pursues the path, evidently pointed out for him in the +providence of God, as I believe he will, then he will occupy the proud +position I have indicated. That is a fame worth living for; ay, more, +that is a fame worth dying for, though that death led through the blood +of Gethsemane and the agony of the Accursed Tree. That is a fame which +has glory and honor and immortality and Eternal Life. Let Abraham +Lincoln make himself, as I trust he will, the Emancipator, the +Liberator, as he has the opportunity of doing, and his name shall not +only be enrolled in this Earthly Temple, but it will be traced on the +living stones of that Temple which rears itself amid the Thrones and +Hierarchies of Heaven, whose top-stone is to be brought in with shouting +of 'Grace, grace unto it!'"</p> + +<p>We have seen how the loyal Border-State men, through their chosen +Representative—finding that their steady and unfaltering opposition to +all Mr. Lincoln's propositions, while quite ineffectual, did not serve +by any means to increase his respect for their peculiar kind of loyalty +—offered him posthumous honors and worship if he would but do as they +desired. Had they possessed the power, no doubt they would have taken +him up into an exceeding high mountain and have offered to him all the +Kingdoms of the Earth to do their bidding. But their temptations were +of no avail.</p> + +<p>President Lincoln's duty, and inclination alike—no less than the +earnest importunities of the Abolitionists—carried him in the opposite +direction; but carried him no farther than he thought it safe, and wise, +to go. For, in whatever he might do on this burning question of +Emancipation, he was determined to secure that adequate support from the +People without which even Presidential Proclamations are waste paper.</p> + +<p>But now, May 9, 1862, was suddenly issued by General Hunter, commanding +the "Department of the South," comprising Georgia, Florida and South +Carolina, his celebrated Order announcing Martial Law, in those States, +as a Military Necessity, and—as "Slavery and Martial Law in a Free +Country are altogether incompatible"—declaring all Slaves therein, +"forever Free."</p> + +<p>This second edition, as it were, of Fremont's performance, at once threw +the loyal Border-State men into a terrible ferment. Again, they, and +their Copperhead and other Democratic friends of the North, meanly +professed belief that this was but a part of Mr. Lincoln's programme, +and that his apparent backwardness was the cloak to hide his +Anti-Slavery aggressiveness and insincerity.</p> + +<p>How hurtful the insinuations, and even direct charges, of the day, made +by these men against President Lincoln, must have been to his honest, +sincere, and sensitive nature, can scarcely be conceived by those who +did not know him; while, on the other hand, the reckless impatience of +some of his friends for "immediate and universal Emancipation," and +their complaints at his slow progress toward that goal of their hopes, +must have been equally trying.</p> + +<p>True to himself, however, and to the wise conservative course which he +had marked out, and, thus far, followed, President Lincoln hastened to +disavow Hunter's action in the premises, by a Proclamation, heretofore +given, declaring that no person had been authorized by the United States +Government to declare the Slaves of any State, Free; that Hunter's +action in this respect was void; that, as Commander-in-chief he reserved +solely to himself, the questions, first, as to whether he had the power +to declare the Slaves of any State or States, Free, and, second, whether +the time and necessity for the exercise of such supposed power had +arrived. And then, as we may remember, he proceeded to cite the +adoption, by overwhelming majorities in Congress, of the Joint +Resolution offering pecuniary aid from the National Government to "any +State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery;" and to make a +most earnest appeal, for support, to the Border-States and to their +people, as being "the most interested in the subject matter."</p> + +<p>In his Special Message to Congress,—[Of March 6, 1862.]—recommending +the passage of that Joint Resolution, he had plainly and emphatically +declared himself against sudden Emancipation of Slaves. He had therein +distinctly said: "In my judgment, gradual, and not immediate, +Emancipation, is better for all." And now, in this second appeal of his +to the Border-States men, to patriotically close with the proposal +embraced in that. Resolution, he said: "The changes it contemplates +would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or wrecking +anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done, by +one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it is now +your high privilege to do! May the vast future not have to lament that +you have neglected it!"</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The following letter, from Sumner, shows the impatience of some of + the President's friends, the confidence he inspired in others + nearer in his counsels, and how entirely, at this time, his mind + was absorbed in his project for gradual and compensated + Emancipation.]</p> + +<p> "SENATE CHAMBER, June 5, 1862.</p> + +<p> "MY DEAR SIR.—Your criticism of the President is hasty. I am + confident that, if you knew him as I do, you would not make it. Of + course the President cannot be held responsible for the + misfeasances of subordinates, unless adopted or at least tolerated + by him. And I am sure that nothing unjust or ungenerous will be + tolerated, much less adopted, by him.</p> + +<p> "I am happy to let you know that he has no sympathy with Stanly in + his absurd wickedness, closing the schools, nor again in his other + act of turning our camp into a hunting ground for Slaves. He + repudiates both—positively. The latter point has occupied much of + his thought; and the newspapers have not gone too far in recording + his repeated declarations, which I have often heard from his own + lips, that Slaves finding their way into the National lines are + never to be Re-enslaved—This is his conviction, expressed without + reserve.</p> + +<p> "Could you have seen the President—as it was my privilege +often—while he was considering the great questions on which he has + already acted—the invitation to Emancipation in the States, + Emancipation in the District of Columbia, and the acknowledgment of + the Independence of Hayti and Liberia—even your zeal would have + been satisfied, for you would have felt the sincerity of his + purpose to do what he could to carry forward the principles of the + Declaration of Independence.</p> + +<p> "His whole soul was occupied, especially by the first proposition, + which was peculiarly his own. In familiar intercourse with him, I + remember nothing more touching than the earnestness and + completeness with which he embraced this idea. To his mind, it was + just and beneficent, while it promised the sure end of Slavery. Of + course, to me, who had already proposed a bridge of gold for the + retreating fiend, it was most welcome. Proceeding from the + President, it must take its place among the great events of + history.</p> + +<p> "If you are disposed to be impatient at any seeming + shortcomings, think, I pray you, of what has been done in a brief + period, and from the past discern the sure promise of the future. + Knowing something of my convictions and of the ardor with which I + maintain them, you may, perhaps, derive some assurance from my + confidence; I may say to you, therefore, stand by the + Administration. If need be, help it by word and act, but stand by + it and have faith in it.</p> + +<p> "I wish that you really knew the President, and had heard the + artless expression of his convictions on those questions which + concern you so deeply. You might, perhaps, wish that he were less + cautious, but you would be grateful that he is so true to all that + you have at heart. Believe me, therefore, you are wrong, and I + regret it the more because of my desire to see all our friends + stand firmly together.</p> + +<p> "If I write strongly it is because I feel strongly; for my constant + and intimate intercourse with the President, beginning with the 4th + of March, not only binds me peculiarly to his Administration, but + gives me a personal as well as a political interest in seeing that + justice is done him.</p> + +<p> "Believe me, my dear Sir, with much regard, ever faithfully yours,<br> + "CHARLES SUMNER."</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br> +<p>But stones are not more deaf to entreaty than were the ears of the loyal +Border-State men and their allies to President Lincoln's renewed appeal. +"Ephraim" was "wedded to his idols."</p> + +<p>McClellan too—immediately after his retreat from the Chickahominy to +the James River—seized the opportunity afforded by the disasters to our +arms, for which he was responsible, to write to President Lincoln a +letter (dated July 7, 1862) in which he admonished him that owing to the +"critical" condition of the Army of the Potomac, and the danger of its +being "overwhelmed" by the Enemy in front, the President must now +substantially assume and exercise the powers of a Dictator, or all would +be lost; that "neither Confiscation of property * * * nor forcible +Abolition of Slavery, should be contemplated for a moment;" and that "A +declaration of Radical views, especially upon Slavery, will rapidly +disintegrate our present Armies."</p> + +<p>Harried, and worried, on all sides,—threatened even by the Commander of +the Army of the Potomac,—it is not surprising, in view of the +apparently irreconcilable attitude of the loyal Border-State men to +gradual and compensated Emancipation, that the tension of President +Lincoln's mind began to feel a measure of relief in contemplating +Military Emancipation in the teeth of all such threats.</p> + +<p>He had long since made up his mind that the existence of Slavery was not +compatible with the preservation of the Union. The only question now +was, how to get rid of it? If the worst should come to the +worst—despite McClellan's threat—he would have to risk everything on the turn +of the die—would have to "play his last card;" and that "last card" was +Military Emancipation. Yet still he disliked to play it. The time and +necessity for it had not yet arrived—although he thought he saw them +coming.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In the course of an article in the New York Tribune, August, 1885, + Hon. George S. Boutwell tells of an interview in "July or early + in August" of 1862, with President Lincoln, at which the latter + read two letters: one from a Louisiana man "who claimed to be a + Union man," but sought to impress the President with "the dangers + and evils of Emancipation;" the other, Mr. Lincoln's reply to him, + in which, says Mr. B., "he used this expression: 'you must not + expect me to give up this Government without playing my last card.' + Emancipation was his last card."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Things were certainly, at this time, sufficiently unpromising to chill +the sturdiest Patriot's heart. It is true, we had scored some important +victories in the West; but in the East, our arms seemed fated to +disaster after disaster. Belmont, Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, and +Pittsburg Landing, were names whose mention made the blood of Patriots +to surge in their veins; and Corinth, too, had fallen. But in the East, +McClellan's profitless campaign against Richmond, and especially his +disastrous "change of base" by a "masterly" seven days' retreat, +involving as many bloody battles, had greatly dispirited all Union men, +and encouraged the Rebels and Rebel-sympathizers to renewed hopes and +efforts.</p> + +<p>And, as reverses came to the Union Arms, so seemed to grow +proportionately the efforts, on all sides, to force forward, or to stave +off, as the case might be, the great question of the liberation and +arming of the Slaves, as a War Measure, under the War powers of the +Constitution. It was about this time (July 12, 1862) that President +Lincoln determined to make a third, and last, attempt to avert the +necessity for thus emancipating and arming the Slaves. He invited all +the Senators and Representatives in Congress from the Border-States, to +an interview at the White House, and made to them the appeal, heretofore +in these pages given at length.</p> + +<p>It was an earnest, eloquent, wise, kindly, patriotic, fatherly appeal in +behalf of his old proposition, for a gradual, compensated Emancipation, +by the Slave States, aided by the resources of the National Government.</p> + +<p>At the very time of making it, he probably had, in his drawer, the rough +draft of the Proclamation which was soon to give Liberty to all the +Colored millions of the Land.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [McPherson gives a letter, written from Washington, by Owen Lovejoy + (Feb. 22, 1864), to Wm. Lloyd Garrison, in which the following + passage occurs:</p> + +<p> "Recurring to the President, there are a great many reports + concerning him which seem to be reliable and authentic, which, + after all, are not so. It was currently reported among the + Anti-Slavery men of Illinois that the Emancipation Proclamation was + extorted from him by the outward pressure, and particularly by the + Delegation from the Christian Convention that met at Chicago.</p> + +<p> "Now, the fact is this, as I had it from his own lips: He had + written the Proclamation in the Summer, as early as June, I + think—but will not be certain as to the precise time—and called his + Cabinet together, and informed them he had written it and meant to + make it, but wanted to read it to them for any criticism or remarks + as to its features or details.</p> + +<p> "After having done so, Mr. Seward suggested whether it would not be + well for him to withhold its publication until after we had gained + some substantial advantage in the Field, as at that time we had met + with many reverses, and it might be considered a cry of despair. + He told me he thought the suggestion a wise one, and so held on to + the Proclamation until after the Battle of Antietam."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Be that as it may, however, sufficient evidences exist, to prove that he +must have been fully aware, at the time of making that appeal to the +supposed patriotism of these Border-State men, how much, how very much, +depended on the manner of their reception of it.</p> + +<p>To him, that meeting was a very solemn and portentous one. He had +studied the question long and deeply—not from the standpoint of his own +mere individual feelings and judgment, but from that of fair +Constitutional construction, as interpreted by the light of Natural or +General Law and right reason. What he sought to impress upon them was, +that an immediate decision by the Border-States to adopt, and in due +time carry out, with the financial help of the General Government, a +policy of gradual Emancipation, would simultaneously solve the two +intimately-blended problems of Slavery-destruction and +Union-preservation, in the best possible manner for the pockets and feelings +of the Border-State Slave-holder, and for the other interests of both +Border-State Slave-holder and Slave.</p> + +<p>His great anxiety was to "perpetuate," as well as to save, to the People +of the World, the imperiled form of Popular Government, and assure to it +a happy and a grand future.</p> + +<p>He begged these Congressmen from the Border-States, to help him carry +out this, his beneficent plan, in the way that was best for all, and +thus at the same time utterly deprive the Rebel Confederacy of that +hope, which still possessed them, of ultimately gathering these States +into their rebellious fold. And he very plainly, at the same time, +confessed that he desired this relief from the Abolition pressure upon +him, which had been growing more intense ever since he had repudiated +the Hunter proclamation.</p> + +<p>But the President's earnest appeal to these loyal Representatives in +Congress from the Border-States, was, as we have seen, in vain. It +might as well have been made to actual Rebels, for all the good it did. +For, a few days afterward, they sent to him a reply signed by more than +two-thirds of those present, hitherto given at length in these pages, in +which-after loftily sneering at the proposition as "an interference by +this Government with a question which peculiarly and exclusively +belonged to" their "respective States, on which they had not sought +advice or solicited aid," throwing doubts upon the Constitutional power +of the General Government to give the financial aid, and undertaking by +statistics to prove that it would absolutely bankrupt the Government to +give such aid,—they insultingly declared, in substance, that they could +not "trust anything to the contingencies of future legislation," and +that Congress must "provide sufficient funds" and place those funds in +the President's hands for the purpose, before the Border-States and +their people would condescend even to "take this proposition into +careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is +demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole +Country."</p> + +<p>Very different in tone, to be sure, was the minority reply, which, after +stating that "the leaders of the Southern Rebellion have offered to +abolish Slavery among them as a condition to Foreign Intervention in +favor of their Independence as a Nation," concluded with the terse and +loyal deduction: "If they can give up Slavery to destroy the Union, we +can surely ask our people to consider the question of Emancipation to +save the Union."</p> + +<p>But those who signed this latter reply were few, among the many. +Practically, the Border-State men were a unit against Mr. Lincoln's +proposition, and against its fair consideration by their people. He +asked for meat, and they gave him a stone.</p> + +<p>Only a few days before this interview, President Lincoln—alarmed by the +report of McClellan, that the magnificent Army of the Potomac under his +command, which, only three months before, had boasted 161,000 men, had +dwindled down to not more than "50,000 men left with their colors"—had +been to the front, at Harrison's Landing, on the James river, and, +although he had not found things quite so disheartening as he had been +led to believe, yet they were bad enough, for only 86,000 men were found +by him on duty, while 75,000 were unaccounted for—of which number +34,4172 were afterward reported as "absent by authority."</p> + +<p>This condition of affairs, in connection with the fact that McClellan +was always calling for more troops, undoubtedly had its influence in +bringing Mr. Lincoln's mind to the conviction, hitherto mentioned, of +the fast-approaching Military necessity for Freeing and Arming the +Slaves.</p> + +<p>It was to ward this off, if possible, that he had met and appealed to +the Border-State Representatives. They had answered him with sneers and +insults; and nothing was left him but the extreme course of almost +immediate Emancipation.</p> + +<p>Long and anxiously he had thought over the matter, but the time for +action was at hand.</p> + +<p>And now, it cannot be better told, than in President Lincoln's own +words, as given to the portrait-painter Carpenter, and recorded in the +latter's, "Six months in the White House," what followed:</p> + +<p>"It had got to be," said he, "midsummer, 1862. Things had gone on from +bad to worse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on +the plan of operations we had been pursuing; that we had about played +our last card, and must change our tactics, or lose the game!</p> + +<p>"I now determined upon the adoption of the Emancipation Policy; and, +without consultation with, or the knowledge of, the Cabinet, I prepared +the original draft of the Proclamation, and, after much anxious thought, +called a Cabinet meeting upon the subject. This was the last of July, +or the first part of the month of August, 1862." (The exact date he did +not remember.)</p> + +<p>"This Cabinet meeting took place, I think, upon a Saturday. All were +present, excepting Mr. Blair, the Postmaster-General, who was absent at +the opening of the discussion, but came in subsequently. I said to the +Cabinet, that I had resolved upon this step, and had not called them +together to ask their advice, but to lay the subject-matter of a +Proclamation before them; suggestions as to which would be in order, +after they had heard it read.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Lovejoy was in error" when he stated "that it excited no comment, +excepting on the part of Secretary Seward. Various suggestions were +offered. Secretary Chase wished the language stronger, in reference to +the arming of the Blacks. Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the +policy, on the ground that it would cost the Administration the fall +elections.</p> + +<p>"Nothing, however, was offered, that I had not already +fully anticipated and settled in my own mind, until Secretary Seward +spoke. He said in substance: 'Mr. President, I approve of the +Proclamation, but I question the expediency of its issue at this +juncture. The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our +repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a +step. It may be viewed as the last Measure of an exhausted Government, +a cry for help, the Government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, +instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the Government.'</p> + +<p>"His idea," said the President "was that it would be considered our last +shriek, on the retreat." (This was his precise expression.) "' Now,' +continued Mr. Seward, 'while I approve the Measure, I suggest, Sir, that +you postpone its issue, until you can give it to the Country supported +by Military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now, +upon the greatest disasters of the War!'"</p> + +<p>Mr. Lincoln continued: "The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of +State, struck me with very great force. It was an aspect of the case +that, in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked. +The result was that I put the draft of the Proclamation aside, as you do +your sketch for a picture, waiting for a victory."</p> + +<p>It may not be amiss to interrupt the President's narration to Mr. +Carpenter, at this point, with a few words touching "the Military +Situation."</p> + +<p>After McClellan's inexplicable retreat from before the Rebel +Capital—when, having gained a great victory at Malvern Hills, Richmond would +undoubtedly have been ours, had he but followed it up, instead of +ordering his victorious troops to retreat like "a whipped Army"—[See +General Hooker's testimony before the Committee on the Conduct of the +War.]—his recommendation, in the extraordinary letter (of July 7th) to +the President, for the creation of the office of General-in-Chief, was +adopted, and Halleck, then at Corinth, was ordered East, to fill it.</p> + +<p>Pope had previously been called from the West, to take +command of the troops covering Washington, comprising some 40,000 men, +known as the Army of Virginia; and, finding cordial cooperation with +McClellan impossible, had made a similar suggestion.</p> + +<p>Soon after Halleck's arrival, that General ordered the transfer of the +Army of the Potomac, from Harrison's Landing to Acquia creek—on the +Potomac—with a view to a new advance upon Richmond, from the +Rappahannock river.</p> + +<p>While this was being slowly accomplished, Lee, relieved from fears for +Richmond, decided to advance upon Washington, and speedily commenced the +movement.</p> + +<p>On the 8th of August, 1862, Stonewall Jackson, leading the Rebel +advance, had crossed the Rapidan; on the 9th the bloody Battle of Cedar +Mountain had been fought with part of Pope's Army; and on the 11th, +Jackson had retreated across the Rapidan again.</p> + +<p>Subsequently, Pope having retired across the Rappahannock, Lee's Forces, +by flanking Pope's Army, again resumed their Northern advance. August +28th and 29th witnessed the bloody Battles of Groveton and Gainesville, +Virginia; the 30th saw the defeat of Pope, by Lee, at the second great +Battle of Bull Run, and the falling back of Pope's Army toward +Washington; and the succeeding Battle of Chantilly took place September +1, 1862.</p> + +<p>It is not necessary at this time to even touch upon the causes and +agencies which brought such misfortune to the Union Arms, under Pope. +It is sufficient to say here, that the disaster of the second Bull Run +was a dreadful blow to the Union Cause, and correspondingly elated the +Rebels.</p> + +<p>Jefferson Davis, in transmitting to the Rebel Congress at Richmond, +Lee's victorious announcements, said, in his message: "From these +dispatches it will be seen that God has again extended His shield over +our patriotic Army, and has blessed the cause of the Confederacy with a +second signal victory, on the field already memorable by the gallant +achievement of our troops."</p> + +<p>Flushed with victory, but wisely avoiding the fortifications of the +National Capital, Lee's Forces now swept past Washington; crossed the +Potomac, near Point of Rocks, at its rear; and menaced both the National +Capital and Baltimore.</p> + +<p>Yielding to the apparent necessity of the moment, the President again +placed. McClellan in command of the Armies about Washington, to wit: +the Army of the Potomac; Burnside's troops that had come up from North +Carolina; what remained of Pope's Army of Virginia; and the large +reinforcements from fresh levies, constantly and rapidly pouring in.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [This was probably about the time of the occurrence of an amusing + incident, touching Lincoln, McClellan, and the fortifications + around Washington, afterward told by General J. G. Barnard, then + Chief of Engineers on the staff of General George B. + McClellan.—See New York Tribune, October 21, 1885. It seems that the + fortifications having been completed, McClellan invited Mr. Lincoln + and his Cabinet to inspect them. "On the day appointed," said + Barnard, "the Inspection commenced at Arlington, to the Southwest + of Washington, and in front of the Enemy. We followed the line of + the works southerly, and recrossed the Potomac to the easterly side + of the river, and continued along the line easterly of Washington + and into the heaviest of all the fortifications on the northerly + side of Washington. When we reached this point the President asked + General McClellan to explain the necessity of so strong a + fortification between Washington and the North.</p> + +<p> "General McClellan replied: 'Why, Mr. President, according to + Military Science it is our duty to guard against every possible or + supposable contingency that may arise. For example, if under any + circumstances, however fortuitous, the Enemy, by any chance or + freak, should, in a last resort, get in behind Washington, in his + efforts to capture the city, why, there the fort is to defend it.'</p> + +<p> "'Yes, that's so General,' said the President; 'the precaution is + doubtless a wise one, and I'm glad to get so clear an explanation, + for it reminds me of an interesting question once discussed for + several weeks in our Lyceum, or Moot Court, at Springfield, Ill., + soon after I began reading law.'</p> + +<p> "'Ah!' says General McClellan. 'What question was that, Mr. + President?'</p> + +<p> "'The question,' Mr. Lincoln replied, 'was, "Why does man have + breasts?"' and he added that after many evenings' debate, the + question was submitted to the presiding Judge, who wisely decided + 'That if under any circumstances, however fortuitous, or by any + chance or freak, no matter of what nature or by what cause, a man + should have a baby, there would be the breasts to nurse it.'"]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Yet, it was not until the 17th of September that the Battle of Antietam +was fought, and Lee defeated—and then only to be allowed to slip back, +across the Potomac, on the 18th—McClellan leisurely following him, +across that river, on the 2nd of November!</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Arnold, in his "Life of Abraham Lincoln," says that President + Lincoln said of him: "With all his failings as a soldier, McClellan + is a pleasant and scholarly gentleman. He is an admirable + Engineer, but" he added, "he seems to have a special talent for a + stationary Engine."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> + +<p>On the 5th, McClellan was relieved,—Burnside taking the command,—and +Union men breathed more freely again.</p> + +<p>But to return to the subject of Emancipation. President Lincoln's own +words have already been given—in conversation with Carpenter—down to +the reading of the Proclamation to his Cabinet, and Seward's suggestion +to "wait for a victory" before issuing it, and how, adopting that +advice, he laid the Proclamation aside, waiting for a victory.</p> + +<p>"From time to time," said Mr. Lincoln, continuing his narration, "I +added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously +waiting the progress of events. Well, the next news we had was of +Pope's disaster at Bull Run. Things looked darker than ever. Finally, +came the week of the Battle of Antietam. I determined to wait no +longer.</p> + +<p>"The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our +side. I was then staying at the Soldiers' Home (three miles out of +Washington.) Here I finished writing the second draft of the +preliminary Proclamation; came up on Saturday; called the Cabinet +together to hear it; and it was published the following Monday."</p> + +<p>It is not uninteresting to note, in this connection, upon the same +authority, that at the final meeting of the Cabinet prior to this issue +of the Proclamation, when the third paragraph was read, and the words of +the draft "will recognize the Freedom of such Persons," were reached, +Mr. Seward suggested the insertion of the words "and maintain" after the +word "recognize;" and upon his insistence, the President said, "the +words finally went in."</p> + +<p>At last, then, had gone forth the Fiat—telegraphed and read throughout +the Land, on that memorable 22d of September, 1862—which, with the +supplemental Proclamation of January 1, 1863, was to bring joy and +Freedom to the millions of Black Bondsmen of the South.</p> + +<p>Just one month before its issue, in answer to Horace Greeley's Open +letter berating him for "the seeming subserviency" of his "policy to the +Slave-holding, Slave up-holding interest," etc., President Lincoln had +written his famous "Union letter" in which he had conservatively said: +"My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or +destroy Slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any Slave, I +would do it—and if I could save it by freeing all the Slaves, I would +do it—and if I could save it by freeing some, and leaving others alone, +I would also do that."</p> + +<p>No one outside of his Cabinet dreamed, at the time he made that answer, +that the Proclamation of Emancipation was already written, and simply +awaited a turn in the tide of battle for its issue!</p> + +<p>Still less could it have been supposed, when, on the 13th of +September—only two days before Stonewall Jackson had invested, attacked, and +captured Harper's Ferry with nearly 12,000 prisoners, 73 cannon, and +13,000 small arms, besides other spoils of War—Mr. Lincoln received the +deputation from the religious bodies of Chicago, bearing a Memorial for +the immediate issue of such a Proclamation.</p> + +<p>The very language of his reply,—where he said to them: "It is my +earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I +can learn what it is, I will do it! These are not, however, the days of +miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a +direct revelation. I must study the plain physical aspects of the case, +ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and +right"—when taken in connection with the very strong argument with +which he followed it up, against the policy of Emancipation advocated in +the Memorial, and his intimation that a Proclamation of Emancipation +issued by him "must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's Bull +against the Comet!"—would almost seem to have been adopted with the +very object of veiling his real purpose from the public eye, and leaving +the public mind in doubt. At all events, it had that effect.</p> + +<p>Arnold, in his "Life of Lincoln," says of this time, when General Lee +was marching Northward toward Pennsylvania, that "now, the President, +with that tinge of superstition which ran through his character, 'made,' +as he said, 'a solemn vow to God, that, if Lee was driven back, he would +issue the Proclamation;'" and, in the light of that statement, the +concluding words of Mr. Lincoln's reply to the deputation aforesaid:—"I +can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more +than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will +do,"—have a new meaning.</p> + +<p>The Emancipation Proclamation, when issued, was a great surprise, but +was none the less generally well-received by the Union Armies, and +throughout the Loyal States of the Union, while, in some of them, its +reception was most enthusiastic.</p> + +<p>It happened, too, as we have seen, that the Convention of the Governors +of the Loyal States met at Altoona, Penn., on the very day of its +promulgation, and in an address to the President adopted by these loyal +Governors, they publicly hailed it "with heartfelt gratitude and +encouraged hope," and declared that "the decision of the President to +strike at the root of the Rebellion will lend new vigor to efforts, and +new life and hope to the hearts, of the People."</p> + +<p>On the other hand, the loyal Border-States men were dreadfully exercised +on the subject; and those of them in the House of Representatives +emphasized their disapproval by their votes, when, on the 11th and 15th +of the following December, Resolutions, respectively denouncing, and +endorsing, "the policy of Emancipation, as indicated in that +Proclamation," of September 22, 1862, were offered and voted on.</p> + +<p>In spite of the loyal Border-States men's bitter opposition, however, +the Resolution endorsing that policy as a War Measure, and declaring the +Proclamation to be "an exercise of power with proper regard for the +rights of the States and the perpetuity of Free Government," as we have +seen, passed the House.</p> + +<p>Of course the Rebels themselves, against whom it was aimed, gnashed +their teeth in impotent rage over the Proclamation. But they lost no +time in declaring that it was only a proof of what they had always +announced: that the War was not for the preservation of the American +Union, but for the destruction of African Slavery, and the spoilation of +the Southern States.</p> + +<p>Through their friends and emissaries, in the Border and other Loyal +States of the Union,—the "Knights of the Golden Circle,"—</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The "Knights of the Golden Circle" was the most extensive of these + Rebel organizations. It was "an auxiliary force to the Rebel + Army." Its members took an obligation of the most binding + character, the violation of which was punishable by death, which + obligation, in the language of another, "pledged them to use every + possible means in their power to aid the Rebels to gain their + Independence; to aid and assist Rebel prisoners to escape; to vote + for no one for Office who was not opposed to the further + prosecution of the War; to encourage desertions from the Union + Army; to protect the Rebels in all things necessary to carry out + their designs, even to the burning and destroying of towns and + cities, if necessary to produce the desired result; to give such + information as they had, at all times, of the movements of our + Armies, and of the return of soldiers to their homes; and to try + and prevent their going back to their regiments at the front."</p> + +<p> In other words the duty of the Organization and of its members, was + to hamper, oppose, and prevent all things possible that were being + done at any time for the Union Cause, and to encourage, forward, + and help all things possible in behalf of the Rebel Cause.</p> + +<p> It was to be a flanking force of the Enemy—a reverse fire—a fire + in the rear of the Union Army, by Northern men; a powerful + cooperating force—all the more powerful because secret—operating + safely because secretly and in silence—and breeding discontent, + envy, hatred, and other ill feelings wherever possible, in and out + of Army circles, from the highest to the lowest, at all possible + times, and on all possible occasions.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>—the "Order of American Knights" or "Sons of Liberty," and other +Copperhead organizations, tainted with more or less of Treason—they +stirred up all the old dregs of Pro-Slavery feeling that could possibly +he reached; but while the venomous acts and utterances of such +organizations, and the increased and vindictive energy of the armed +Rebels themselves, had a tendency to disquiet the public mind with +apprehensions as to the result of the Proclamation, and whether, indeed, +Mr. Lincoln himself would be able to resist the pressure, and stand up +to his promise of that Supplemental Proclamation which would give +definiteness and practical effect to the preliminary one, the masses of +the people of the Loyal States had faith in him.</p> + +<p>There was also another element, in chains, at the South, which at this +time must have been trembling with that mysterious hope of coming +Emancipation for their Race, conveyed so well in Whittier's lines, +commencing: "We pray de Lord; he gib us signs, dat some day we be Free" +—a hope which had long animated them, as of something almost too good +for them to live to enjoy, but which, as the War progressed, appeared to +grow nearer and nearer, until now they seemed to see the promised Land, +flowing with milk and honey, its beautiful hills and vales smiling under +the quickening beams of Freedom's glorious sun. But ah! should they +enter there?—or must they turn away again into the old wilderness of +their Slavery, and this blessed Liberty, almost within their grasp, +mockingly elude them?</p> + +<p>They had not long to wait for an answer. The 1st of January, 1863, +arrived, and with it—as a precious New Year's Gift—came the +Supplemental Proclamation, bearing the sacred boon of Liberty to the +Emancipated millions.</p> + +<p>At last, at last, no American need blush to stand up and proclaim his +land indeed, and in truth, "the Land of Freedom."</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="halleck"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p492-halleck.jpg (83K)" src="images/p492-halleck.jpg" height="817" width="596"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch21"></a><br><br> + + +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXI.<br><br> + + THE ARMED NEGRO. +</h2> +</center> +<br> +<p>Little over five months had passed, since the occurrence of the great +event in the history of the American Nation mentioned in the preceding +Chapter, before the Freed Negro, now bearing arms in defense of the +Union and of his own Freedom, demonstrated at the first attack on Port +Hudson the wisdom of emancipating and arming the Slave, as a War +measure. He seemed thoroughly to appreciate and enter into the spirit +of the words; "who would be Free, himself must strike the blow."</p> + +<p>At the attack (of May 27th, 1863), on Port Hudson, where it held the +right, the "Black Brigade" covered itself with glory.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> At Baton Rouge, before starting for Port Hudson, the color-guard of + the First Louisiana Regiment—of the Black Brigade—received the + Regimental flags from their white colonel, (Col. Stafford,) then + under arrest, in a speech which ended with the injunction: + "Color-guard, protect, defend, die for, but do not surrender these flags;" + to which Sergeant Planciancois replied: "Colonel, I will bring + these colors to you in honor, or report to God the reason why!" He + fell, mortally wounded, in one of the many desperate charges at + Port Hudson, with his face to the Enemy, and the colors in his + hand.</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Banks, in his Report, speaking of the Colored regiments, said: "Their +conduct was heroic. No troops could be more determined or more daring. +They made, during the day, three charges upon the batteries of the +Enemy, suffering very heavy losses, and holding their positions at +nightfall with the other troops on the right of our line. The highest +commendation is bestowed upon them by all the officers in command on the +right."</p> + +<p>The New York Times' correspondent said:—"The deeds of heroism performed +by these Colored men were such as the proudest White men might emulate. +Their colors are torn to pieces by shot, and literally bespattered by +blood and brains. The color-sergeant of the 1st Louisiana, on being +mortally wounded (the top of his head taken off by a sixpounder), hugged +the colors to his breast, when a struggle ensued between the two +color-corporals on each side of him, as to who should have the honor of +bearing the sacred standard, and during this generous contention one was +seriously wounded."</p> + +<p>So again, on Sunday the 6th of June following, at Milliken's Bend, where +an African brigade, with 160 men of the 23rd Iowa, although surprised in +camp by a largely superior force of the Enemy, repulsed him +gallantly—of which action General Grant, in his official Report, said: "In this +battle, most of the troops engaged were Africans, who had but little +experience in the use of fire-arms. Their conduct is said, however, to +have been most gallant."</p> + +<p>So, also, in the bloody assault of July 18th, on Fort Wagner, which was +led by the 54th Massachusetts (Colored) Regiment with intrepidity, and +where they planted, and for some time maintained, their Country's flag +on the parapet, until they "melted away before the Enemy's fire, their +bodies falling down the slope and into the ditch."</p> + +<p>And from that time on, through the War—at Wilson's Wharf, in the many +bloody charges at Petersburg, at Deep Bottom, at Chapin's Farm, Fair +Oaks, and numerous other battle-fields, in Virginia and elsewhere, right +down to Appomattox—the African soldier fought courageously, fully +vindicating the War-wisdom of Abraham Lincoln in emancipating and arming +the Race.</p> + +<p>The promulgation of this New Year's Proclamation of Freedom +unquestionably had a wonderful effect in various ways, upon the outcome +of the War.</p> + +<p>It cleared away the cobwebs which the arguments of the loyal +Border-State men, and of the Northern Copperheads and other Disunion and +Pro-Slavery allies of the Rebels were forever weaving for the +discouragement, perplexity and ensnarement, of the thoroughly loyal +out-and-out Union men of the Land. It largely increased our strength in +fighting material. It brought to us the moral support of the World, +with the active sympathy of philanthropy's various forces. And besides, +it correspondingly weakened the Rebels. Every man thus freed from his +Bondage, and mustered into the Union Armies, was not only a gain of one +man on the Union side, but a loss of one man to the Enemy. It is not, +therefore, surprising that the Disunion Conspirators—whether at the +South or at the North—were furious.</p> + +<p>The Chief Conspirator, Jefferson Davis, had already, (December 23, +1862,) issued a proclamation of outlawry against General B. F. Butler, +for arming certain Slaves that had become Free upon entering his +lines—the two last clauses of which provided: "That all Negro Slaves captured +in arms, be at once delivered over to the Executive authorities of the +respective States to which they belong, to be dealt with according to +the laws of said States," and "That the like orders be executed in all +cases with respect to all commissioned Officers of the United States, +when found serving in company with said Slaves in insurrection against +the authorities of the different States of this Confederacy."</p> + +<p>He now called the attention of the Rebel Congress to President Lincoln's +two Proclamations of Emancipation, early in January of 1863; and that +Body responded by adopting, on the 1st of May of that year, a +Resolution, the character of which was so cold-bloodedly atrocious, that +modern Civilization might well wonder and Christianity shudder at its +purport.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [It was in these words:</p> + +<p> "Resolved, by the Congress of the Confederate States of America, In + response to the Message of the President, transmitted to Congress + at the commencement of the present session, That, in the opinion of + Congress, the commissioned officers of the Enemy ought not to be + delivered to the authorities of the respective States, as suggested + in the said Message, but all captives taken by the Confederate + forces ought to be dealt with and disposed of by the Confederate + Government.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 2.—That, in the judgment of Congress, the proclamations of + the President of the United States, dated respectively September + 22, 1862, and January 1, 1863, and the other measures of the + Government of the United States and of its authorities, commanders, + and forces, designed or tending to emancipate slaves in the + Confederate States, or to abduct such slaves, or to incite them to + insurrection, or to employ negroes in war against the Confederate + States, or to overthrow the institution of African Slavery, and + bring on a servile war in these States, would, if successful, + produce atrocious consequences, and they are inconsistent with the + spirit of those usages which, in modern warfare, prevail among + civilized nations; they may, therefore, be properly and lawfully + repressed by retaliation.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 3.—That in every case wherein, during the present war, any + violation of the laws or usages of war among civilized nations + shall be, or has been, done and perpetrated by those acting under + authority of the Government of the United States, on persons or + property of citizens of the Confederate States, or of those under + the protection or in the land or naval service of the Confederate + States, or of any State of the Confederacy, the President of the + Confederate States is hereby authorized to cause full and ample + retaliation to be made for every such violation, in such manner and + to such extent as he may think proper.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 4.—That every white person, being a commissioned officer, or + acting as such, who, during the present war, shall command negroes + or mulattoes in arms against the Confederate States, or who shall + arm, train, organize, or prepare negroes or mulattoes for military + service against the Confederate States, or who shall voluntarily + aid negroes or mulattoes in any military enterprise, attack, or + conflict in such service, shall be deemed as inciting servile + insurrection, and shall, if captured, be put to death, or be + otherwise punished at the discretion of the Court.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 5.—Every person, being a commissioned officer, or acting as + such in the service of the Enemy, who shall, during the present + war, excite, attempt to excite, or cause to be excited, a servile + insurrection, or who shall incite, or cause to be incited, a slave + to rebel, shall, if captured, be put to death, or be otherwise + punished at the discretion of the court.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 6.—Every person charged with an offense punishable under the + preceding resolutions shall, during the present war, be tried + before the military court attached to the army or corps by the + troops of which he shall have been captured, or by such other + military court as the President may direct, and in such manner and + under such regulations as the President shall prescribe; and, after + conviction, the President may commute the punishment in such manner + and on such terms as he may deem proper.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 7.—All negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged in war, or + be taken in arms against the Confederate States, or shall give aid + or comfort to the enemies of the Confederate States, shall, when + captured in the Confederate States, be delivered to the authorities + of the State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt + with according to the present or future laws of such State or + States."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>But atrocious as were the provisions of the Resolution, or Act +aforesaid, in that they threatened death or Slavery to every Black man +taken with Union arms in his hand, and death to every White commissioned +officer commanding Black soldiers, yet the manner in which they were +executed was still more barbarous.</p> + +<p>At last it became necessary to adopt some measure by which captured +Colored Union soldiers might be protected equally with captured White +Union soldiers from the frequent Rebel violations of the Laws of War in +the cases of the former.</p> + +<p>President Lincoln, therefore, issued an Executive Order prescribing +retaliatory measures.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In the following words:</p> + +<p> "EXECUTIVE MANSION,</p> + +<p> "WASHINGTON, July 30, 1863.</p> + +<p> "It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its + citizens, of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to + those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. + The Law of Nations, and the usages and customs of War, as carried + on by civilized Powers, permit no distinction as to color in the + treatment of prisoners of War, as public enemies.</p> + +<p> "To sell or Enslave any captured person, on account of his Color, + and for no offense against the Laws of War, is a relapse into + barbarism, and a crime against the civilization of the age.</p> + +<p> "The Government of the United States will give the same protection + to all its soldiers, and if the Enemy shall sell or Enslave any one + because of his color, the offense shall be punished by Retaliation + upon the Enemy's prisoners in our possession.</p> + +<p> "It is therefore Ordered, that, for every soldier of the United + States killed in violation of the Laws of War, a Rebel soldier + shall be executed; and for every one Enslaved by the Enemy or sold + into Slavery, a Rebel soldier shall be placed at hard work on the + public works, and continued at such labor until the other shall be + released and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of War.</p> + +<p> "By order of the Secretary of War. <br> +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. E. D.<br> + TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br> +<p>It was hoped that the mere announcement of the decision of our +Government to retaliate, would put an instant stop to the barbarous +conduct of the Rebels toward the captured Colored Union troops, but the +hope was vain. The atrocities continued, and their climax was capped by +the cold-blooded massacres perpetrated by Forrest's 5,000 Cavalry, after +capturing Fort Pillow, a short distance above Memphis, on the +Mississippi river.</p> + +<p>The garrison of that Fort comprised less than 600 Union soldiers, about +one-half of whom were White, and the balance Black. These brave fellows +gallantly defended the Fort against eight times their number, from +before sunrise until the afternoon, when—having failed to win by fair +means, under the Laws of War,—the Enemy treacherously crept up the +ravines on either side of the Fort, under cover of flags of truce, and +then, with a sudden rush, carried it, butchering both Blacks and Whites +—who had thrown away their arms, and were striving to escape—until +night temporarily put an end to the sanguinary tragedy.</p> + +<p>On the following morning the massacre was completed by the butchery and +torture of wounded remnants of these brave Union defenders—some being +buried alive, and others nailed to boards, and burned to death.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [For full account of these hideous atrocities, see testimony of + survivors before the Committee on Conduct and Expenditures of the + War. (H. R. Report, No. 65, 1st S. 38th Cong.)]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>And all this murderous malignity, for what?—Simply, and only, because +one-half of the Patriot victims had Black skins, while the other half +had dared to fight by the side of the Blacks!</p> + +<p>In the after-days of the War, the cry with which our Union Black +regiments went into battle:—"Remember Fort Pillow!"—inspired them to +deeds of valor, and struck with terror the hearts of the Enemy. On many +a bloody field, Fort Pillow was avenged.</p> + +<p>It is a common error to suppose that the first arming of the Black man +was on the Union side. The first Black volunteer company was a Rebel +one, raised early in May, 1861, in the city of Memphis, Tenn.; and at +Charleston, S. C., Lynchburg, Va., and Norfolk, Va., large bodies of +Free Negroes volunteered, and were engaged, earlier than that, to do +work on the Rebel batteries.</p> + +<p>On June 28th of the same year, the Rebel Legislature of Tennessee passed +an Act not only authorizing the Governor "to receive into the Military +service of the State all male Free persons of Color between the ages of +fifteen and fifty, or such number as may be necessary, who may be sound +in mind and body, and capable of actual service," but also prescribing +"That in the event a sufficient number of Free persons of Color to meet +the wants of the State shall not tender their services, the Governor is +empowered, through the Sheriffs of the different counties, to press such +persons until the requisite number is obtained."</p> + +<p>At a review of Rebel troops, at New Orleans, November 23, 1861, "One +regiment comprised 1,400 Free Colored men." Vast numbers of both Free +Negroes and Slaves were employed to construct Rebel fortifications +throughout the War, in all the Rebel States. And on the 17th of +February, 1864, the Rebel Congress passed an Act which provides in its +first section "That all male Free Negroes * * * resident in the +Confederate States, between the ages of eighteen and fifty years, shall +be held liable to perform such duties with the Army, or in connection +with the Military defenses of the Country, in the way of work upon the +fortifications, or in Government works for the production or preparation +of materials of War, or in Military hospitals, as the Secretary of War +or the Commanding General of the Trans-Mississippi Department may, from +time to time, prescribe:" while the third section provides that when the +Secretary of War shall "be unable to procure the service of Slaves in +any Military Department, then he is authorized to impress the services +of as many male Slaves, not to exceed twenty thousand, as may be +required, from time to time, to discharge the duties indicated in the +first section of the Act."</p> + +<p>And this Act of, the Rebel Congress was passed only forty days before +the fiendish massacre of the Union Whites and Blacks who together, at +Fort Pillow, were performing for the Union, "such duties with the Army," +and "in connection with the Military defenses of the Country," as had +been prescribed for them by their Commanding General!</p> + +<p>Under any circumstances—and especially under this state of +facts—nothing could excuse or palliate that shocking and disgraceful and +barbarous crime against humanity; and the human mind is incapable of +understanding how such savagery can be accounted for, except upon the +theory that "He that nameth Rebellion nameth not a singular, or one only +sin, as is theft, robbery, murder, and such like; but he nameth the +whole puddle and sink of all sins against God and man; against his +country, his countrymen, his children, his kinsfolk, his friends, and +against all men universally; all sins against God and all men heaped +together, nameth he that nameth Rebellion."</p> + +<p>The inconsistency of the Rebels, in getting insanely and murderously +furious over the arming of Negroes for the defense of the imperiled +Union and the newly gained liberties of the Black Race, when they had +themselves already armed some of them and made them fight to uphold the +Slave-holders' Rebellion and the continued Enslavement of their race, is +already plain enough.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The writer is indebted to the courtesy of a prominent South + Carolinian, for calling his attention to the "Singular coincidence, + that a South Carolinian should have proposed in 1778, what was + executed in 1863-64—the arming of Negroes for achieving their + Freedom"—as shown in the following very curious and interesting + letters written by the brave and gifted Colonel John Laurens, of + Washington's staff, to his distinguished father:</p> + +<p> HEAD QUARTERS, 14th Jan., 1778.</p> + +<p> I barely hinted to you, my dearest father, my desire to augment the + Continental forces from an untried source. I wish I had any + foundation to ask for an extraordinary addition to those favours + which I have already received from you. I would solicit you to + cede me a number of your able bodied men slaves, instead of leaving + me a fortune.</p> + +<p> I would bring about a two-fold good; first I would advance those + who are unjustly deprived of the rights of mankind to a state which + would be a proper gradation between abject slavery and perfect + liberty, and besides I would reinforce the defenders of liberty + with a number of gallant soldiers. Men, who have the habit of + subordination almost indelibly impressed on them, would have one + very essential qualification of soldiers. I am persuaded that if I + could obtain authority for the purpose, I would have a corps of + such men trained, uniformly clad, equip'd and ready in every + respect to act at the opening of the next campaign. The ridicule + that may be thrown on the color, I despise, because I am sure of + rendering essential service to my country.</p> + +<p> I am tired of the languor with which so sacred a war as this is + carried on. My circumstances prevent me from writing so long a + letter as I expected and wish'd to have done on a subject which I + have much at heart. I entreat you to give a favorable answer to <br> + Your most affectionate <br> + JOHN LAURENS.</p> + +<p> The Honble Henry Laurens Esq.<br> + President of Congress.</p> +<br><br> +<p> + HEAD QUARTERS, 2nd Feb., 1778.</p> + +<p> My Dear Father:</p> + +<p> The more I reflect upon the difficulties and delays which are + likely to attend the completing our Continental regiments, the more + anxiously is my mind bent upon the scheme, which I lately + communicated to you. The obstacles to the execution of it had + presented themselves to me, but by no means appeared + insurmountable. I was aware of having that monstrous popular + prejudice, open-mouthed against me, of undertaking to transform + beings almost irrational, into well disciplined soldiers, of being + obliged to combat the arguments, and perhaps the intrigues, of + interested persons. But zeal for the public service, and an ardent + desire to assert the rights of humanity, determined me to engage in + this arduous business, with the sanction of your consent. My own + perseverance, aided by the countenance of a few virtuous men, will, + I hope, enable me to accomplish it.</p> + +<p> You seem to think, my dear father, that men reconciled by long + habit to the miseries of their condition, would prefer their + ignominious bonds to the untasted sweets of liberty, especially + when offer'd upon the terms which I propose.</p> + +<p> I confess, indeed, that the minds of this unhappy species must be + debased by a servitude, from which they can hope for no relief but + death, and that every motive to action but fear, must be nearly + extinguished in them. But do you think they are so perfectly + moulded to their state as to be insensible that a better exists? + Will the galling comparison between themselves and their masters + leave them unenlightened in this respect? Can their self love be + so totally annihilated as not frequently to induce ardent wishes + for a change?</p> + +<p> You will accuse me, perhaps, my dearest friend, of consulting my + own feelings too much; but I am tempted to believe that this + trampled people have so much human left in them, as to be capable + of aspiring to the rights of men by noble exertions, if some friend + to mankind would point the road, and give them a prospect of + success. If I am mistaken in this, I would avail myself, even of + their weakness, and, conquering one fear by another, produce equal + good to the public. You will ask in this view, how do you consult + the benefit of the slaves? I answer, that like other men, they are + creatures of habit. Their cowardly ideas will be gradually + effaced, and they will be modified anew. Their being rescued from + a state of perpetual humiliation, and being advanced as it were, in + the scale of being, will compensate the dangers incident to their + new state.</p> + +<p> The hope that will spring in each man's mind, respecting his own + escape, will prevent his being miserable. Those who fall in battle + will not lose much; those who survive will obtain their reward. + Habits of subordination, patience under fatigues, sufferings and + privations of every kind, are soldierly qualifications, which these + men possess in an eminent degree.</p> + +<p> Upon the whole, my dearest friend and father, I hope that my plan + for serving my country and the oppressed negro race will not appear + to you the chimera of a young mind, deceived by a false appearance + of moral beauty, but a laudable sacrifice of private interest, to + justice and the public good.</p> + +<p> You say, that my resources would be small, on account of the + proportion of women and children. I do not know whether I am + right, for I speak from impulse, and have not reasoned upon the + matter. I say, altho' my plan is at once to give freedom to the + negroes, and gain soldiers to the states; in case of concurrence, I + should sacrifice the former interest, and therefore we change the + women and children for able-bodied men. The more of these I could + obtain, the better; but forty might be a good foundation to begin + upon.</p> + +<p> It is a pity that some such plan as I propose could not be more + extensively executed by public authority. A well-chosen body of + 5,000 black men, properly officer'd, to act as light troops, in + addition to our present establishment, might give us decisive + success in the next campaign.</p> + +<p> I have long deplored the wretched state of these men, and + considered in their history, the bloody wars excited in Africa, to + furnish America with slaves—the groans of despairing multitudes, + toiling for the luxuries of merciless tyrants.</p> + +<p> I have had the pleasure of conversing with you, sometimes, upon the + means of restoring them to their rights. When can it be better + done, than when their enfranchisement may be made conducive to the + public good, and be modified, as not to overpower their weak minds?</p> + +<p> You ask, what is the general's opinion, upon this subject? He is + convinced, that the numerous tribes of blacks in the southern parts + of the continent, offer a resource to us that should not be + neglected. With respect to my particular plan, he only objects to + it, with the arguments of pity for a man who would be less rich + than he might be.</p> + +<p> I am obliged, my dearest friend and father, to take my leave for + the present; you will excuse whatever exceptionable may have + escaped in the course of my letter, and accept the assurance of + filial love, and respect of <br> + Your <br> + JOHN LAURENS]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br> +<p>If, however, it be objected that the arming of Negroes by the Rebels was +exceptional and local, and, that otherwise, the Rebels always used their +volunteer or impressed Negro forces in work upon fortifications and +other unarmed Military Works, and never proposed using them in the clash +of arms, as armed soldiers against armed White men, the contrary is +easily proven.</p> + +<p>In a message to the Rebel Congress, November 7, 1864, Jefferson Davis +himself, while dissenting at that time from the policy, advanced by +many, of "a general levy and arming of the Slaves, for the duty of +soldiers," none the less declared that "should the alternative ever be +presented of subjugation, or of the employment of the Slave as a +soldier, there seems no reason to doubt what should then be our +decision."</p> + +<p>In the meantime, however, he recommended the employment of forty +thousand Slaves as pioneer and engineer laborers, on the ground that +"even this limited number, by their preparatory training in intermediate +duties Would form a more valuable reserve force in case of urgency, than +threefold their number suddenly called from field labor; while a fresh +levy could, to a certain extent, supply their places in the special +service" of pioneer and engineer work; and he undertook to justify the +inconsistency between his present recommendation, and his past attitude, +by declaring that "A broad, moral distinction exists between the use of +Slaves as soldiers in defense of their homes, and the incitement of the +same persons to insurrection against their masters, for," said he, "the +one is justifiable, if necessary; the other is iniquitous and unworthy +of a civilized people."</p> + +<p>So also, while a Bill for the arming of Slaves was pending before the +Rebel Congress early in 1865, General Robert E. Lee wrote, February +18th, from the Headquarters of the Rebel Armies, to Hon. E. Barksdale, +of the Rebel House of Representatives, a communication, in which, after +acknowledging the receipt of a letter from him of February 12th, "with +reference to the employment of Negroes as soldiers," he said: "I think +the Measure not only expedient but necessary * * * in my opinion, the +Negroes, under proper circumstances, will make efficient soldiers. * * +* I think those who are employed, should be freed. It would be neither +just nor wise, in my opinion, to require them to remain as +Slaves"—thus, not only approving the employment of Black Slaves as soldiers, to +fight White Union men, but justifying their Emancipation as a reward for +Military service. And, a few days afterward, that Rebel Congress passed +a Bill authorizing Jefferson Davis to take into the Rebel Army as many +Negro Slaves "as he may deem expedient, for and during the War, to +perform Military service in whatever capacity he may direct," and at the +same time authorizing General Lee to organize them as other "troops" are +organized.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [This Negro soldier Bill, according to McPherson's Appendix, p. + 611-612, passed both Houses, and was in these words:</p> + +<p> A Bill to increase the Military Forces of the Confederate States.</p> + +<p> "The Congress of the Confederate States of America do Enact, That + in order to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain + the rightful possession of the Confederate States, secure their + Independence and preserve their Institutions, the President be and + he is hereby authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of + Slaves the services of such number of able-bodied Negro men as he + may deem expedient for and during the War, to perform Military + service in whatever capacity he may direct.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 2.—That the General-in-Chief be authorized to organize the + said Slaves into companies, battalions, regiments, and brigades, + under such rules and regulations as the Secretary of War may + prescribe, and to be commanded by such officers as the President + may appoint.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 3.—That, while employed in the Service, the said troops + shall receive the same rations, clothing, and compensation as are + allowed to other troops in the same branch of the Service.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 4.—That if, under the previous sections of this Act, the + President shall not be able to raise a sufficient number of troops + to prosecute the War successfully and maintain the Sovereignty of + the States, and the Independence of the Confederate States, then he + is hereby authorized to call on each State, whenever he thinks it + expedient, for her quota of 300,000 troops, in addition to those + subject to Military service, under existing laws, or so many + thereof as the President may deem necessary, to be raised from such + classes of the population, irrespective of color, in each State, as + the proper authorities thereof may determine: Provided, that not + more than 25 per cent. of the male Slaves, between the ages of 18 + and 45, in any State, shall be called for under the provisions of + this Act.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 5.—That nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorize + a change in the relation of said Slaves."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br> + + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p4.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p6.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +</body> +</html> + + + + |