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diff --git a/old/jl08w10.txt b/old/jl08w10.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..55ae409 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/jl08w10.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25930 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook The Great Conspiracy, Complete, by Logan +[A History of The Civil War in the United States of America] + +Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the +copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing +this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook. + +This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project +Gutenberg file. Please do not remove it. Do not change or edit the +header without written permission. + +Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the +eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file. Included is +important information about your specific rights and restrictions in +how the file may be used. You can also find out about how to make a +donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. + + +**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** + +**EBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** + +*****These EBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers***** + + +Title: The Great Conspiracy, Complete + +Author: John Alexander Logan + +Release Date: December, 2004 [EBook #7140] +[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] +[This file was first posted on March 14, 2003] + +Edition: 10 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + + + + + +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREAT CONSPIRACY, COMPLETE *** + + + +This eBook was produced by David Widger, widger@cecomet.net + + + + + + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY + + Its Origin and History + + BY + + JOHN LOGAN + + + +PREFACE. + +In the preparation of this work it has been the writer's aim to present +in it, with historical accuracy, authentic facts; to be fair and +impartial in grouping them; and to be true and just in the conclusions +necessarily drawn from them. While thus striving to be accurate, fair, +and just, he has not thought it his duty to mince words, nor to refrain +from "calling things by their right names;" neither has he sought to +curry favor, in any quarter, by fulsome adulation on the one side, nor +undue denunciation on the other, either of the living, or of the dead. +But, while tracing the history of the Great Conspiracy, from its obscure +birth in the brooding brains of a few ambitious men of the earliest days +of our Republic, through the subsequent years of its devolution, down to +the evil days of Nullification, and to the bitter and bloody period of +armed Rebellion, or contemplating it in its still more recent and, +perhaps, more sinister development, of to-day, he has conscientiously +dealt with it, throughout, in the clear and penetrating light of the +voluminous records so readily accessible at the seat of our National +Government. So far as was practicable, he has endeavored to allow the +chief characters in that Conspiracy-as well as the Union leaders, who, +whether in Executive, Legislative, or Military service, devoted their +best abilities and energies to its suppression--to speak for themselves, +and thus while securing their own proper places in history, by a process +of self-adjustment as it were, themselves to write down that history in +their own language. If then there be found within these covers aught +which may seem harsh to those directly or indirectly, nearly or +remotely, connected with that Conspiracy, he may not unfairly exclaim: +"Thou canst not say I did it." If he knows his own heart, the writer +can truly declare, with his hand upon it, that it bears neither hatred, +malice, nor uncharitableness, to those who, misled by the cunning +secrecy of the Conspirators, and without an inkling or even a suspicion +of their fell purposes, went manfully into the field, with a courage +worthy of a better cause, and for four years of bloody conflict, +believing that their cause was just, fought the armies of the Union, in +a mad effort to destroy the best government yet devised by man upon this +planet. And, perhaps, none can better understand than he, how hard, how +very hard, it must be for men of strong nature and intense feeling, +after taking a mistaken stand, and especially after carrying their +conviction to the cannon's mouth, to acknowledge their error before the +world. Hence, while he has endeavored truly to depict--or to let those +who made history at the time help him to depict--the enormity of the +offence of the armed Rebellion and of the heresies and plottings of +certain Southern leaders precipitating it, yet not one word will be +found, herein, condemnatory of those who, with manly candor, soldierly +courage, and true patriotism, acknowledged that error when the ultimate +arbitrament of the sword had decided against them. On the contrary, to +all such as accept, in good faith, the results of the war of the +Rebellion, the writer heartily holds out the hand of forgiveness for the +past, and good fellowship for the future. + +WASHINGTON, D. C. + +April 15, 1886. + + + +CONTENTS. + +[For detailed Table of Contents see below] + + + +CHAPTER. + +I. A Preliminary Retrospect, + +II. Protection, and Free Trade, + +III. Growth of the Slavery Question, + +IV. Popular Sovereignty, + +V. Presidential Contest of 1860, + +VI. The Great Conspiracy Maturing, + +VII. "Secession" Arming, + +VIII. The Rejected Olive Branch, + +IX. Slavery's Setting Sun, + +X. The War Drum--"On to Washington," + +XI. Causes of Secession + +XII. Copperheadism vs. Union-Democracy, + +XIII. The Storm of Battle, + +XIV. The Colored Contraband, + +XV. Freedom's Early Dawn, + +XVI. Compensated, Gradual, Emancipation, + +XVII. Border-State Opposition, + +XVIII. Freedom Proclaimed to All, + +XIX. Historical Review, + +XX. Lincoln's Troubles and Temptations, + +XXI. The Armed Negro + +XXII. Freedom's Sun still Rising, + +XXIII. Thirteenth Amendment Passes the Senate + +XXIV. Treason in the Northern Camp, + +XXV. The "Fire in the Rear," + +XXVI. Thirteenth Amendment Defeated in House, + +XXVII. Slavery Doomed at the Polls, + +XXVIII. Freedom at last Assured, + +XXIX. Lincoln's Second Inauguration, + +XXX. Collapse of Armed Conspiracy, + +XXXI. Assassination! + +XXXII. Turning Back the Hands, + +XXXIII. What Next? + + + + + + CHAPTER I. + A PRELIMINARY RETROSPECT. + +AFRICAN SLAVERY IN AMERICA IN 1620--CONTROVERSY BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND +ENGLAND IN 1699--GEORGIAN ABHORRENCE OF SLAVERY IN 1775--JEFFERSON AND +THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE--SLAVERY A SOURCE OF WEAKNESS IN THE +REVOLUTIONARY WAR--THE SESSION BY VIRGINIA OF THE GREAT NORTH-WEST--THE +ORDINANCE OF 1784 AND ITS FAILURE--THE ORDINANCE OF 1787 AND ITS +ADOPTION--THE GERM OF SLAVERY AGITATION PLANTED--THE QUESTION IN THE +CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION--SUBTERFUGES OF THE OLD CONSTITUTION--THE +BULLDOZING OF THE FATHERS--THE FIRST FEDERAL CONGRESS, 1789--CONDITIONS +OF TERRITORIAL CESSIONS FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA, 1789-1802--THE +"COLONY OF LOUISIANA" (MISSISSIPPI VALLEY) PURCHASE OF 1803--THE TREATY +--CONDITIONS TOUCHING SLAVERY--THE COTTON INDUSTRY REVOLUTIONIZED--RAPID +POPULATING OF THE GREAT VALLEY, BY SLAVEHOLDERS AND SLAVES--JEFFERSON'S +APPARENT INCONSISTENCY EXPLAINED--THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE-- +MULTIPLICATION OF SLAVES--LOUISIANA ADMITTED, 1812, AS A STATE--THE +TERRITORY OF MISSOURI--THE MISSOURI STRUGGLE (1818-1820) IN A NUTSHELL-- +THE "MISSOURI COMPROMISE" + + + CHAPTER II. + PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE. + +CHIEF CAUSE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION--OUR INDEPENDENCE, INDUSTRIAL AS +WELL AS POLITICAL--FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERATION DUE TO LACK OF +INDUSTRIAL PROTECTION--MADISON'S TARIFF ACT OF 1789--HAMILTON'S TARIFF +OF 1790--SOUTHERN STATESMEN AND SOUTHERN VOTES FOR EARLY TARIFFS-- +WASHINGTON AND JEFFERSON ON "PROTECTION "--EMBARGO OF 1807-8--WAR OF +1812-15--CONSEQUENT INCREASE OF AMERICAN MANUFACTURES--BROUGHAM'S PLAN-- +RUIN THREATENED BY GLUT OF BRITISH GOODS--TARIFF ACT OF 1816--CALHOUN'S +DEFENSE OF "PROTECTION"--NEW ENGLAND AGAINST THAT ACT--THE SOUTH SECURES +ITS PASSAGE--THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF ACTS OF 1824 AND 1828--SUBSEQUENT +PROSPERITY IN FREE STATES--THE BLIGHT OF SLAVERY--BIRTH OF THE FREE +TRADE HERESY IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1797--SIMULTANEOUS BIRTH OF THE +HERESY OF STATE RIGHTS--KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS OF 1798--VIRGINIA +RESOLUTIONS OF 1799--JEFFERSON'S REAL PURPOSE IN FORMULATING THEM-- +ACTIVITY OF THE FEW SOUTHERN FREE TRADERS--PLAUSIBLE ARGUMENTS AGAINST +"PROTECTION"--INGENIOUS METHODS OF "FIRING THE SOUTHERN HEART"--SOUTHERN +DISCONTENT WITH TARIFF OF 1824--INFLAMMATORY UTTERANCES--ARMED +RESISTANCE URGED TO TARIFF OF 1828--WALTERBOROUGH ANTI-PROTECTIVE TARIFF +ADDRESS--FREE TRADE AND NULLIFICATION ADVOCACY APPEARS IN CONGRESS--THE +HAYNE-WEBSTER DEBATE--MODIFIED PROTECTIVE TARIFF OF 1832--SOUTH +CAROLINA'S NULLIFICATION ORDINANCE--HAYNE ELECTED GOVERNOR OF SOUTH +CAROLINA--HERESY OF "PARAMOUNT ALLEGIANCE TO THE STATE"--SOUTH CAROLINA +ARMS HERSELF--PRESIDENT JACKSON STAMPS OUT SOUTHERN TREASON--CLAY'S +COMPROMISE TARIFF OF 1833--CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL'S SOLEMN WARNING-- +JACKSON'S FORECAST + + + CHAPTER III. + GROWTH OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. + +"EMANCIPATION" IN NORTHERN AND MIDDLE STATES--VIRGINIA'S UNSUCCESSFUL +EFFORT--CESSION OF THE FLORIDAS, 1819--BALANCE OF POWER--ADMISSION OF +ARKANSAS,1836--SOUTHERN SLAVE HOLDERS' COLONIZATION OF TEXAS--TEXAN +INDEPENDENCE, 1837--CALHOUN'S SECOND AND GREAT CONSPIRACY--DETERMINATION +BEFORE 1839 TO SECEDE--PROTECTIVE TARIFF FEATURES AGAIN THE PRETEXT-- +CALHOUN, IN 1841, ASKING THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT FOR AID--NORTHERN +OPPOSITION TO ACQUISITION OF TEXAS--RATIONALE OF THE LOUISIANA AND +FLORIDA ACQUISITIONS--PROPOSED EXTENSION OF SLAVERY LIMITS--WEBSTER +WARNS THE SOUTH--DISASTERS FOLLOWING COMPROMISE TARIFF OF 1833-- +INDUSTRIAL RUIN OF 1840--ELECTION AND DEATH OF HARRISON--PROTECTIVE +TARIFF OF 1842--POLK'S CAMPAIGN OF 1844--CLAY'S BLUNDER AND POLK'S +CRIME--SOUTHERN TREACHERY--THE NORTH HOODWINKED--POLK ELECTED BY +ABOLITION VOTE--SLAVE-HOLDING TEXAS UNDER A SHAM "COMPROMISE"--WAR WITH +MEXICO--FREE-TRADE TARIFF OF 1846--WILMOT PROVISO--TREATY OF GUADALUPE-- +HIDALGO--SLAVERY CONTEST IN CONGRESS STILL GROWING --COMPROMISE OF 1850 +--A LULL--FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW--NEBRASKA BILL OF 1852-3--KANSAS-NEBRASKA +BILL, 1853-4, REPORTED--PARLIAMENTARY "JUGGLERY"--THE TRIUMPH OF +SLAVERY, IN CONGRESS--BLEEDING KANSAS--TOPEKA CONSTITUTION, 1855--KANSAS +LEGISLATURE DISPERSED, 1856, BY UNITED STATES TROOPS--LECOMPTON +CONSTITUTION OF 1857--FRAUDULENT TRIUMPH OF SLAVERY CONSTITUTION--ITS +SUBSEQUENT DEFEAT--ELECTION OF BUCHANAN, 1856--KANSAS ADMITTED--MISERY +AND RUIN CAUSED BY FREE-TRADE TARIFF OF 1846--FILLMORE AND BUCHANAN +TESTIFY + + + CHAPTER IV. + "POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY." + +DOUGLAS'S THEORY OF POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY--ILLINOIS LEGISLATIVE +ENDORSEMENT OF IT, 1851--DOUGLAS'S POSITION ON KANSAS--NEBRASKA BILL, +1854--DRED SCOTT DECISION--SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, REPUBLICAN CONVENTION +OF 1858--LINCOLN'S REMARKABLE SPEECH TO THE CONVENTION--PIERCE AND +BUCHANAN, TANEY AND DOUGLAS, CHARGED WITH PRO-SLAVERY CONSPIRACY-- +DOUGLAS'S GREAT SPEECH (JULY 9TH, 1858) AT CHICAGO, IN REPLY--LINCOLN'S +POWERFUL REJOINDER, AT CHICAGO, (JULY 10TH)--THE ADMIXTURE OF RACES--THE +VOTING "UP OR DOWN" OF SLAVERY--THE "ARGUMENTS OF KINGS"--TRUTHS OF THE +DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE--DOUGLAS'S BLOOMINGTON SPEECH (JULY 16TH), +OF VINDICATION AND ATTACK--HISTORY OF THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA STRUGGLE--THE +UNHOLY ALLIANCE--THE TWO POINTS AT ISSUE--THE "WHITE MAN'S" COUNTRY-- +DOUGLAS'S PLEDGES TO WEBSTER AND CLAY--DOUGLAS'S SPRINGFIELD SPEECH, +JULY 17TH--THE IRRECONCILABLE PRINCIPLES AT ISSUE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND +HIMSELF--LINCOLN'S GREAT SPEECH, AT SPRINGFIELD, THE SAME EVENING-- +DOUGLAS'S TRIUMPHANT MARCHES AND ENTRIES--THE "OFFICES SEEN IN HIS +ROUND, JOLLY, FRUITFUL FACE"--LINCOLN'S LEAN-FACED FIGHT, FOR PRINCIPLE +ALONE--DOUGLAS'S VARIOUS SPEECHES REVIEWED--THE REAL QUESTION BETWEEN +REPUBLICANS AND DOUGLAS MEN AND THE BUCHANAN MEN--JACKSON'S VETO OF THE +NATIONAL BANK CHARTER--DEMOCRATIC REVOLT AGAINST THE SUPREME COURT +DECISION--VINDICATION OF CLAY--"NEGRO EQUALITY"--MR. LINCOLN'S CHARGE, +OF "CONSPIRACY AND DECEPTION" TO "NATIONALIZE SLAVERY," RENEWED--GREAT +JOINT DEBATE OF 1858, BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS, ARRANGED + + + CHAPTER V. + THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST OF 1860-- + THE CRISIS APPROACHING. + + +HOW THE GREAT JOINT DEBATE OF 1858 RESULTED--THE "LITTLE GIANT" CAPTURES +THE SENATORSHIP--THE "BIG GIANT" CAPTURES THE PEOPLE--THE RISING +DEMOCRATIC STAR OF 1860--DOUGLAS'S GRAND TRIUMPHAL "PROGRESS" THROUGH +THE LAND--A POPULAR DEMOCRATIC IDOL--FRESH AGGRESSIONS OF THE SLAVE +POWER--NEW MEXICO'S SLAVE CODE OF 1859--HELPER'S "IMPENDING CRISIS"-- +JOHN BROWN AND HARPER'S FERRY--THE MEETING OF CONGRESS, DECEMBER, 1859-- +FORTY-FOUR BALLOTS FOR SPEAKER--DANGEROUSLY HEATED CONGRESSIONAL DEBATES +ON SLAVERY--THE DEMOCRATIC SPLIT--JEFFERSON DAVIS'S ARROGANT DOUBLE- +EDGED PRO-SLAVERY' RESOLUTIONS--DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION, +CHARLESTON, S. C., 1860--DECLARATIONS OF THE MAJORITY AND MINORITY +REPORTS AND BUTLER'S RECOMMENDATION, WITH VOTES THEREON--ADOPTION OF THE +MINORITY (DOUGLAS) PLATFORM--SOUTHERN DELEGATES PROTEST AND "BOLT "--THE +BOLTING CONVENTION ADJOURNS TILL JUNE AT RICHMOND--THE REGULAR +CONVENTION BALLOTS AND ADJOURNS TO BALTIMORE--THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION-- +"THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADER A TRUE MISSIONARY"--MORE BOLTING--DOUGLAS'S +NOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY--THE BOLTING CONVENTION NOMINATES +BRECKINRIDGE--THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION AND PLATFORM--NOMINATIONS OF +LINCOLN, AND BELL--COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE FOUR RIVAL PARTY +PLATFORMS--THE OCTOBER ELECTIONS--THE SOUTH PREPARING GLEEFULLY FOR +SECESSION--GOVERNOR GIST'S TREASONABLE MESSAGE TO S. C. LEGISLATURE, +NOV. 5--OTHER SIMILAR UTTERANCES + + + CHAPTER VI. + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY MATURING. + +LINCOLN'S ELECTION ASSURED--SOUTHERN EXULTATION--NORTHERN GLOOM--"FIRING +THE SOUTHERN HEART"--RESIGNATIONS OF FEDERAL OFFICERS AND SENATORS OF +SOUTH CAROLINA--GOVERNOR BROWN, OF GEORGIA, DEFIES "FEDERAL COERCION"-- +ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS'S ARGUMENT AGAINST SECESSION--SOUTH CAROLINA +CALLS AN "UNCONDITIONAL SECESSION CONVENTION"--THE CALL SETS THE SOUTH +ABLAZE--PROCLAMATIONS OF THE GOVERNORS OF THE SOUTHERN STATES, FAVORING +REVOLT--LOYAL ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN OF KENTUCKY--THE CLAMOR OF +REVOLT SILENCES APPEALS FOR UNION--PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S PITIFUL +WEAKNESS--CONSPIRATORS IN HIS CABINET--IMBECILITY OF HIS LAST ANNUAL +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DEC., 1860--ATTORNEY-GENERAL JEREMIAH BLACK'S +OPINION AGAINST COERCION--CONTRAST AFFORDED BY GENERAL JACKSON'S LOYAL +LOGIC--ENSUING DEBATES IN CONGRESS--SETTLED PURPOSE OF THE CONSPIRATORS +TO RESIST PLACATION--FUTILE LABORS OF UNION MEN IN CONGRESS FOR A +PEACEFUL SOLUTION--ABSURD DEMANDS OF THE IMPLACABLES--THE COMMERCIAL +NORTH ON ITS KNEES TO THE SOUTH--CONCILIATION ABJECTLY BEGGED FOR-- +BRUTAL SNEERS AT THE NORTH, AND THREATS OF CLINGMAN, IVERSON, AND OTHER +SOUTHERN FIREEATERS, IN THE U. S. SENATE--THEIR BLUSTER MET BY STURDY +REPUBLICANS--BEN WADE GALLANTLY STANDS BY THE "VERDICT OF THE PEOPLE"-- +PEACEFUL-SETTLEMENT PROPOSITIONS IN THE HOUSE--ADRIAN'S RESOLUTION, AND +VOTE--LOVEJOY'S COUNTER-RESOLUTION, AND VOTE--ADOPTION OF MORRIS'S UNION +RESOLUTION IN HOUSE + + + CHAPTER VII. + SECESSION ARMING. + +THE SOUTH CAROLINA SECESSION CONVENTION MEETS--SPEECHES AT "SECESSION +HALL" OF PARKER, KEITT, INGLIS, BARNWELL, RHETT, AND GREGG, THE FIRST +ORDINANCE OF SECESSION--ITS JUBILANT ADOPTION AND RATIFICATION-- +SECESSION STAMPEDE--A SOUTHERN CONGRESS PROPOSED--PICKENS'S PROCLAMATION +OF SOVEREIGN INDEPENDENCE--SOUTH CAROLINA CONGRESSMEN WITHDRAW-- +DISSENSIONS IN BUCHANAN'S CABINET--COBB FLOYD, AND THOMPSON, +DEMAND WITHDRAWAL OF FEDERAL TROOPS--BUCHANAN'S REPLY-- +SEIZURE OF FORTS, ETC.--THE "STAR OF THE WEST" FIRED ON--THE MAD +RUSH OF REBELLIOUS EVENTS--SOUTH CAROLINA DEMANDS THE SURRENDER OF FORT +SUMTER AND THE DEMAND REFUSED--SECRETARY HOLT'S LETTER TO CONSPIRING +SENATORS AND REBEL AGENT--TROOP'S AT THE NATIONAL CAPITAL--HOLT'S +REASONS THEREFOR--THE REVOLUTIONARY PROGRAMME--"ARMED OCCUPATION OF +WASHINGTON CITY"--LINCOLN'S INAUGURATION TO BE PREVENTED--THE CRUMBLING +AND DISSOLVING UNION--THE NORTH STANDS AGHAST--GREAT DEBATE IN CONGRESS, +1860-1861--CLINGMAN ON THE SOUTHERN TARIFF-GRIEVANCE--DEFIANCE OF BROWN +OF MISSISSIPPI--IVERSON'S BLOODY THREAT--WIGFALL'S UNSCRUPULOUS ADVICE-- +HIS INSULTING DEMANDS--BAKER'S GLORIOUSLY ELOQUENT RESPONSE--ANDY JOHNSON +THREATENED WITH BULLETS--THE NORTH BULLIED--INSOLENT, IMPOSSIBLE TERMS OF +PEACE--LINCOLN'S SPEECHES EN ROUTE FOR WASHINGTON--SAVE ARRIVAL--"I'LL +TRY TO STEER HER THROUGH!"--THE SOUTH TAUNTS HIM--WIGFALL'S CHALLENGE +TO THE BLOODY ISSUE OF ARMS! + + + CHAPTER VIII. + THE REJECTED OLIVE BRANCH. + +THE VARIOUS COMPROMISES OFFERED BY THE NORTH--"THE CRITTENDEN +COMPROMISE"--THE PEACE CONFERENCE--COMPROMISE PROPOSITIONS OF THE +SOUTHERN CONSPIRATORS--IRRECONCILABLE ATTITUDE OF THE PLOTTERS--HISTORY +OF THE COMPROMISE MEASURES IN CONGRESS--CLARK'S SUBSTITUTE TO CRITTENDEN +RESOLUTIONS IN THE SENATE--ANTHONY'S MORE THAN EQUITABLE PROPOSITIONS-- +HIS AFFECTING APPEAL TO STONY HEARTS--THE CONSPIRACY DEVELOPING--SIX +SOUTHERN SENATORS REFUSE TO VOTE AGAINST THE CLARK SUBSTITUTE--ITS +CONSEQUENT ADOPTION, AND DEFEAT OF THE CRITTENDEN RESOLUTIONS--LYING +TELEGRAMS FROM CONSPIRING SENATORS TO FURTHER INFLAME REBELLION-- +SAULSBURY'S AFTERSTATEMENT (1862) AS TO CAUSES OF FAILURE OF +CRITTENDEN'S COMPROMISE--LATHAM'S GRAPHIC PROOF OF THE CONSPIRATORS' +"DELIBERATE, WILFUL DESIGN" TO KILL COMPROMISE--ANDREW JOHNSON'S +EVIDENCE AS TO THEIR ULTIMATE OBJECT "PLACE AND EMOLUMENT FOR +THEMSELVES"--"THE POWERS OF GOVERNMENT IN THE HANDS OF THE FEW"--THE +CORWIN COMPROMISE RESOLUTION IN THE HOUSE--THE BURCH AMENDMENT-- +KELLOGG'S PROPOSITION--THE CLEMENS SUBSTITUTE--PASSAGE BY THE HOUSE OF +CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PROHIBITING CONGRESSIONAL INTERFERENCE WITH +SLAVERY WHERE IT EXISTS--ITS ADOPTION BY THE SENATE--THE CLARK +SUBSTITUTE RECONSIDERED AND DEFEATED--PROPOSITIONS OF THE PEACE CONGRESS +LOST--REJECTION OF THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE + + + CHAPTER IX. + SLAVERY'S SETTING AND FREEDOM'S DAWN. + +THE LAST NIGHT OF THE 36TH CONGRESS--MR. CRITTENDEN'S PATRIOTIC APPEAL-- +"THE SADDEST SPECTACLE EVER SEEN"--IMPOTENCY OF THE BETRAYED AND FALLING +STATE--DOUGLAS'S POWERFUL PLEA--PATRIOTISM OF HIMSELF AND SUPPORTERS-- +LOGAN SUMMARIZES THE COMPROMISES, AND APPEALS TO PATRIOTISM ABOVE PARTY +--STATESMANLIKE BREADTH OF DOUGLAS, BAKER AND SEWARD--HENRY WINTER DAVIS +ELOQUENTLY CONDENSES "THE SITUATION" IN A NUTSHELL--"THE FIRST FRUITS OF +RECONCILIATION" OFFERED BY THE NORTH, SCORNED BY THE CONSPIRATORS-- +WIGFALL AGAIN SPEAKS AS THE MOUTHPIECE OF THE SOUTH--HE RAVES VIOLENTLY +AT THE NORTH--THE SOUTH REJECTS PEACE "EITHER IN THE UNION, OR OUT OF +IT"--THE DAWN OF FREEDOM APPEARS (MARCH 4TH, 1861)--INAUGURATION OF +PRESIDENT LINCOLN--LINCOLN'S FIRST INAUGURAL--GRANDEUR AND PATHOS OF HIS +PATRIOTIC UTTERANCES--HIS FIRST SLEEPLESS AND PRAYERFUL NIGHT AT THE +WHITE HOUSE--THE MORROW, AND ITS BITTER DISAPPOINTMENT--THE MESSAGE OF +"PEACE AND GOOD WILL" REGARDED AS A "CHALLENGE TO WAR"--PRESIDENT +LINCOLN'S CABINET + + + CHAPTER X. + THE WAR-DRUM--"ON TO WASHINGTON!" + +REBEL COMMISSIONERS AT WASHINGTON ON A "MISSION"--SEWARD "SITS DOWN" ON +THEM--HE REFUSES TO RECOGNIZE "CONFEDERATE STATES"--THE REBEL +COMMISSIONERS "ACCEPT THE GAGE OF BATTLE THUS THROWN DOWN TO THEM"-- +ATTEMPT TO PROVISION FORT SUMTER--THE REBELS NOTIFIED--THE FORT AND ITS +SURROUNDINGS--THE FIRST GUN OF SLAVERY FIRED--TERRIFIC BOMBARDMENT OF +THE FORT--THE GARRISON, STARVED AND BURNED OUT, EVACUATES, WITH ALL THE +HONORS OF WAR--THE SOUTH CRAZY WITH EXULTATION--TE DEUMS SUNG, SALUTES +FIRED, AND THE REBEL GOVERNMENT SERENADED--"ON TO WASHINGTON!" THE +REBEL CRY--"GRAY JACKETS OVER THE BORDER"--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S FIRST +PROCLAMATION AND CALL FOR TROOPS--INSULTING RESPONSES OF GOVERNORS +BURTON, HICKS, LETCHER, ELLIS, MAGOFFIN, HARRIS, JACKSON AND RECTOR-- +LOYAL RESPONSES FROM GOVERNORS OF THE FREE STATES--MAGICAL EFFECT OF THE +CALL UPON THE LOYAL NORTH--FEELING IN THE BORDER-STATES--PRESIDENT +LINCOLN'S CLEAR SUMMARY OF THE SITUATION AND ITS PHILOSOPHY--HIS PLAIN +DUTY--THE WAR POWER--THE NATIONAL CAPITAL CUT OFF--EVACUATION OF +HARPER'S FERRY--LOYAL TROOPS TO THE RESCUE--FIGHTING THEIR WAY THROUGH +BALTIMORE--REBEL THREATS--"SCOTT THE ARCH--TRAITOR, AND LINCOLN THE +BEAST"--BUTLER RELIEVES WASHINGTON--THE SECESSION OF VIRGINIA AND NORTH +CAROLINA--SHAMEFUL EVACUATION OF NORFOLK NAVY YARD--SEIZURE OF MINTS AND +ARSENALS--UNION AND REBEL FORCES CONCENTRATING--THE NATIONAL CAPITAL +FORTIFIED--BLOCKADE OF SOUTHERN PORTS--DEATH OF ELLSWORTH--BUTLER +CONFISCATES NEGRO PROPERTY AS "CONTRABAND OF WAR"--A REBEL YARN + + + CHAPTER XI. + THE CAUSES OF SECESSION. + +ABOUNDING EVIDENCES OF CONSPIRACY--MACLAY'S UNPUBLI1SHED DIARY 1787- +1791--PIERCE BUTLER'S FIERCE DENUNCIATION OF THE TARIFF--SOUTH CAROLINA +WILL "LIVE FREE OR DIE GLORIOUS"--JACKSON'S LETTER TO CRAWFORD, ON +TARIFF AND SLAVERY--BENTON'S TESTIMONY--HENRY CLAY'S EVIDENCE--NATHAN +APPLETON'S--A TREASONABLE CAUCUS OF SOUTHERN CONGRESSMEN--ALEXANDER H. +STEPHEN'S EVIDENCE ON THE CAUSES OF SECESSION--WIGFALL'S ADMISSIONS--THE +ONE "REGRETTED" CLAUSE IN THE CONSTITUTION PRECLUDING MONARCHIAL STATES +--ADMISSIONS OF REBEL COMMISSIONERS TO WASHINGTON--ADMISSIONS IN ADDRESS +OF SOUTH CAROLINA TO THE SLAVE-HOLDERS--JEFFERSON DAVIS'S STATEMENT IN +SPECIAL MESSAGE OF APRIL 29, 1861--DECLARATIONS OF REBEL COMMISSIONERS, +TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL--HIGH TARIFF AND "NOT SLAVERY" THE PRINCIPAL CAUSE +--PERSONAL LIBERTY BILLS--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S DECLARATION OF THE +UNDERLYING CAUSE OF REBELLION--A WAR UPON LABOR AND THE RIGHTS OF THE +PEOPLE--ANDREW JOHNSON ON THE "DELIBERATE DESIGN" FOR A "CHANGE OF +GOVERNMENT"--"TIRED OF FREE GOVERNMENT"--DOUGLAS ON THE "ENORMOUS +CONSPIRACY"--THE REBEL PLOT TO SEIZE THE CAPITOL, AND HOLD IT-- +MCDOUGALL'S GRAPHIC EXPOSURE OF THE TREASONABLE CONSPIRACY--YANCEY'S +FAMOUS "SLAUGHTER" LETTER--JEFFERSON DAVIS'S STANDARD OF REVOLT, RAISED +IN 1858--LAMAR'S LETTER TO JEFF. DAVIS (186O)--CAUCUS OF TREASON, AT +WASHINGTON--EVANS'S DISCLOSURES OF THE CAUCUS PROGRAMME OF SECESSION-- +CORROBORATING TESTIMONY--YULEE'S CAPTURED LETTER--CAUCUS RESOLUTIONS IN +FULL + + + CHAPTER XII. + COPPERHEADISM VS. UNION DEMOCRACY. + +NORTHERN COMPLICITY WITH TREASON--MAYOR FERNANDO WOOD RECOMMENDS +SECESSION OF NEW YORK CITY--THE REBEL JUNTA AT WASHINGTON INSPIRES HIM-- +HE OBEYS ORDERS, BUT SHAKES AT THE KNEES--KEITT BRAGS OF THE "MILLIONS +OF DEMOCRATS IN THE NORTH," FURNISHING A "WALL OF FIRE" AGAINST +COERCION--ATTEMPTED REBEL--SEDUCTION OF NEW JERSEY--THE PRICE-BURNETT +CORRESPONDENCE--SECESSION RESOLUTIONS OF THE PHILADELPHIA DEMOCRACY AT +NATIONAL HALL--LANE OF OREGON "SERVES NOTICE" OF "WAR ENOUGH AT HOME" +FOR REPUBLICANS--"NORTHERN DEMOCRATS NEED NOT CROSS THE BORDER TO FIND +AN ENEMY"--EX-PRESIDENT PIERCE'S CAPTURED TREASONABLE LETTER TO JEFF. +DAVIS--THE "FIGHTING" TO BE "WITHIN OUR OWN BORDERS, IN OUR OWN +STREETS"--ATTITUDE OF DOUGLAS, AND THE DOUGLAS DEMOCRACY, AFTER SUMTER-- +DOUGLAS CALLS ON MR. LINCOLN AT THE WHITE HOUSE--HE PATRIOTICALLY +SUSTAINS THE UNION--HE RALLIES THE WHOLE NORTH TO STAND BY THE FLAG-- +THERE CAN BE "NO NEUTRALS IN THIS WAR; ONLY PATRIOTS AND TRAITORS"-- +LAMENTED DEATH OF "THE LITTLE GIANT"--TRIBUTES OF TRUMBULL AND MCDOUGALL +TO HIS MEMORY--LOGAN'S ATTITUDE AT THIS TIME, AND HIS RELATIONS TO +DOUGLAS--THEIR LAST PRIVATE INTERVIEW--DOUGLAS'S INTENTION TO "JOIN THE +ARMY AND FIGHT"--HIS LAST EFFORTS IN CONGRESS--"CONCILIATION," BEFORE +SUMTER--"NO HALF-WAY GROUND" AFTER IT + + + CHAPTER XIII. + THE STORM OF BATTLE. + +THE MILITARY SITUATION--THE GREAT UPRISING--POSITIONS AND NUMBERS OF THE +UNION AND REBEL ARMIES--JOHNSTON EVACUATES HARPER'S FERRY, AND RETREATS +UPON WINCHESTER--PATTERSON'S EXTRAORDINARY CONDUCT--HE DISOBEYS GENERAL +SCOTT'S ORDERS TO "ATTACK AND WHIP THE ENEMY"--JOHNSTON CONSEQUENTLY +FREE TO REINFORCE BEAUREGARD AT MANASSAS--FITZ JOHN PORTER'S +ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THE DISASTROUS CONSEQUENCES--MCDOWELL'S ADVANCE UPON +BEAUREGARD--PRELIMINARY BATTLE AT BLACKBURN'S FORD--JUNCTION OF JOHNSTON +WITH BEAUREGARD--REBEL PLANS OF ADVANCE AND ATTACK--CHANGE IN MCDOWELL'S +PLANS--GREAT PITCHED-BATTLE OF BULL RUN, OR MANASSAS, INCLUDING THE +SECOND BATTLE AT BLACKBURN'S FORD--VICTORY, AT FIRST, WITH MCDOWELL-- +THE CHECK--THE LEISURELY RETREAT--THE PANIC AT, AND NEAR, THE NATIONAL +CAPITAL--THE WAR FULLY INAUGURATED + + + CHAPTER XIV. + THE COLORED CONTRABAND. + +THE KNELL OF SLAVERY--THE "IMPLIED POWERS" OF CONGRESS IN THE +CONSTITUTION--PATRICK HENRY'S PREDICTION--JOHN QUINCY ADAMS'S PROPHECY-- +JOHN SHERMAN'S NON-INTERFERENCE--WITH-SLAVERY RESOLUTIONS--JOHN Q. ADAMS +ON EMANCIPATION--POWERS OF CONGRESS AND MILITARY COMMANDERS--GENERAL +MCCLELLAN'S WEST VIRGINIA PROCLAMATION OF NONINTERFERENCE WITH SLAVES-- +GENERAL BUTLER'S CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL SCOTT AND SECRETARY +CAMERON--CAMERON'S REPLY--MILITARY TENDERNESS FOR THE DOOMED +INSTITUTION--CONGRESS, AFTER BULL RUN--CONFISCATION, AND EMANCIPATION, +OF SLAVES USED TO AID REBELLION--RINGING WORDS OF TRUMBULL, WILSON, +MCDOUGALL, AND TEN EYCK, IN THE SENATE--ROMAN COURAGE OF THE HOUSE-- +CRITTENDEN'S STATEMENTS--WAR RESOLUTIONS--BRECKINRIDGE'S TREASONABLE +SPEECH UPON "THE SANCTITY" OF THE CONSTITUTION--BAKER'S GLORIOUS REPLY-- +HIS MATCHLESS APOSTROPHE TO FREEDOM--HIS SELF-SACRIFICING DEVOTION AND +HEROIC DEATH AT BALL'S BLUFF + + + CHAPTER XV. + FREEDOM'S EARLY DAWN. + +THADDEUS STEVENS'S STARTLING UTTERANCES--CAPTURED SLAVES MUST BE FREE +FOREVER--"NO TRUCES WITH THE REBELS"--HIS PROPHECY AS TO ARMING SLAVES +TO FIGHT REBELLION--SECRETARY CAMERON'S LETTER TOUCHING FUGITIVES FROM +SERVICE--GENERAL FREMONT'S PROCLAMATION OF CONFISCATION AND +EMANCIPATION--ITS EFFECT NORTH AND SOUTH--JEFF. THOMPSON'S SAVAGE +PROCLAMATION OF RETALIATION--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S EMBARRASSMENT--HE +PRIVATELY SUGGESTS TO FREMONT CERTAIN MODIFICATIONS--FREMONT DEFENDS HIS +COURSE--"STRONG AND VIGOROUS MEASURES NECESSARY TO SUCCESS"--THE +PRESIDENT PUBLICLY ORDERS THE MODIFICATION OF FREMONT'S PROCLAMATION-- +THE MILITARY MIND GREATLY CONFUSED--GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS ISSUED BY THE +WAR DEPARTMENT--GENERAL T. W. SHERMAN'S PORT ROYAL PROCLAMATION--GENERAL +WOOL'S SPECIAL AND GENERAL ORDERS AS TO EMPLOYMENT OF "CONTRABANDS"-- +GENERAL DIX'S PROCLAMATION FOR REPULSION OF FUGITIVE SLAVES FROM HIS +LINES--HALLECK ORDERS EXPULSION AS WELL AS REPULSION--HIS LETTER OF +EXPLANATION TO FRANK P. BLAIR--SEWARD'S LETTER TO MCCLELLAN ON +"CONTRABANDS" IN THE DISTRICT +OF COLUMBIA + + + CHAPTER XVI. + "COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION." + +PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ATTITUDE--SACRIFICES OF PATRIOTISM--ASSERTION BY +CONGRESS OF ITS EMANCIPATING WAR-POWERS--THE CAUSE OF FREEDOM SLOWLY +"MARCHING ON"--ABANDONED SLAVES OF BEAUFORT, S. C.--SECRETARY CAMERON +FAVORS ARMING THEM--THE PRESIDENT'S CAUTIOUS ADVANCES--HE MODIFIES +CAMERON'S REPORT TO CONGRESS ON THE SUBJECT--THE MILITARY MIND, ALL "AT +SEA"--COMMANDERS GUIDED BY POLITICAL BIAS--HALLECK'S ST. LOUIS +PROCLAMATION, 1862--BUELL'S LETTER--CONTRARY ACTION OF DIX AND HALLECK, +BUELL AND HOOKER, FREMONT AND DOUBLEDAY--LINCOLN'S MIDDLE COURSE--HE +PROPOSES TO CONGRESS, COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION--INTERVIEW +BETWEEN MR. LINCOLN AND THE BORDER-STATE REPRESENTATIVES--INTERESTING +REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT--MR. LINCOLN BETWEEN TWO FIRES--VIEWS, ON +COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION, OF MESSRS. NOELL, CRISFIELD, MENZIES, +WICKLIFFE, AND HALL--ROSCOE CONKLING'S JOINT RESOLUTION, ADOPTED BY BOTH +HOUSES--HOOKER'S "CAMP BAKER" ORDER--MARYLAND FUGITIVE--SLAVE HUNTERS +PERMITTED TO SEARCH THE CAMP--UNION SOLDIERS ENRAGED--SICKLES ORDERS THE +SLAVE HUNTERS OFF--DOUBLEDAY'S DISPATCH AS TO "ALL NEGROES" ENTERING HIS +LINES--TO BE "TREATED AS PERSONS, NOT AS CHATTELS" + + + CHAPTER XVII. + BORDER--STATE OPPOSITION. + +APPOINTMENT OF A SELECT COMMITTEE, IN HOUSE, ON GRADUAL EMANCIPATION-- +DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA EMANCIPATION ACT--THE PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL MESSAGE +OF APPROVAL--GEN. HUNTER'S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION--PRESIDENT LINCOLN +PROMPTLY RESCINDS IT BY PROCLAMATION--HIS SOLEMN AND IMPASSIONED APPEAL +TO PEOPLE OF THE BORDER-STATES--HE BEGS THEIR CONSIDERATION OF GRADUAL +COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION--GEN. WILLIAMS'S ORDER EXPELLING RUNAWAY +NEGROES FROM CAMP, AT BATON ROUGE--LIEUT.-COL. ANTHONY'S ORDER EXCLUDING +FUGITIVE-SLAVE HUNTERS FROM "CAMP ETHERIDGE"--GEN. MCCLELLAN'S FAMOUS +"HARRISON'S LANDING LETTER" TO THE PRESIDENT--"FORCIBLE ABOLITION OF +SLAVERY" AND "A CIVIL AND MILITARY POLICY"--SLAVEHOLDING BORDER-STATE +SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES AT THE WHITE HOUSE--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S +ADDRESS TO THEM, JULY, 1862--GRADUAL EMANCIPATION THE THEME-- +COMPENSATION AND COLONIZATION TO ACCOMPANY IT--THE ABOLITION PRESSURE +UPON THE PRESIDENT INCREASING--HE BEGS THE BORDER STATESMEN TO RELIEVE +HIM AND THE COUNTRY IN ITS PERIL--THEIR VARIOUS RESPONSES + + + CHAPTER XVIII. + FREEDOM PROCLAIMED TO ALL. + +PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEAL TO COLORED FREEMEN--HE BEGS THEM TO +HELP IN THE COLONIZATION OF THEIR RACE--PROPOSED AFRICAN COLONY IN +CENTRAL AMERICA--EXECUTIVE ORDER OF JULY 2, 1862--EMPLOYMENT OF NEGROES +FOR MILITARY PURPOSES OF THE UNION--JEFF. DAVIS RETALIATES--MCCLELLAN +PROMULGATES THE EXECUTIVE ORDER WITH ADDENDA OF HIS OWN--HORACE +GREELEY'S LETTER TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN--THE LATTER ACCUSED OF +"SUBSERVIENCY" TO THE SLAVE HOLDERS--AN "UNGRUDGING EXECUTION OF THE +CONFISCATION ACT" DEMANDED--MR. LINCOLN'S FAMOUS REPLY--HIS "PARAMOUNT +OBJECT, TO SAVE THE UNION, AND NOT EITHER TO SAVE OR DESTROY SLAVERY"-- +VISIT TO THE WHITE HOUSE OF A RELIGIOUS DEPUTATION FROM CHICAGO-- +MEMORIAL ASKING FOR IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION, BY PROCLAMATION--THE +PRESIDENT'S REPLY TO THE DEPUTATION--"THE POPE'S BULL AGAINST THE +COMET"--VARIOUS OBJECTIONS STATED TENTATIVELY--"A PROCLAMATION OF +LIBERTY TO THE SLAVES" IS "UNDER ADVISEMENT"--THE PROCLAMATION OF +EMANCIPATION ISSUED--ITS POPULAR RECEPTION--MEETING OF LOYAL GOVERNORS +AT ALTOONA--THEIR STIRRING ADDRESS--HOMAGE TO OUR SOLDIERS--PLEDGED +SUPPORT FOR VIGOROUS PROSECUTION OF THE WAR TO TRIUMPHANT END--PRESIDENT +LINCOLN'S HISTORICAL RESUME AND DEFENSE OF EMANCIPATION--HE SUGGESTS TO +CONGRESS, PAYMENT FOR SLAVES AT ONCE EMANCIPATED BY BORDER STATES-- +ACTION OF THE HOUSE, ON RESOLUTIONS SEVERALLY REPREHENDING AND ENDORSING +THE PROCLAMATION--SUPPLEMENTAL EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION OF JAN. 1, 1863 + + + CHAPTER XIX. + HISTORICAL REVIEW. + +COURSE OF SOUTHERN OLIGARCHS THROUGHOUT--THEIR EVERLASTING GREED AND +RAPACITY--BROKEN COVENANTS AND AGGRESSIVE METHODS--THEIR UNIFORM GAINS +UNTIL 1861--UPS AND DOWNS OF THE TARIFF--FREE TRADE, SLAVERY, STATES- +RIGHTS, SECESSION, ALL PARTS OF ONE CONSPIRACY--"INDEPENDENCE" THE FIRST +OBJECT OF THE WAR--DREAMS, AMBITIONS, AND PLANS OF THE CONSPIRATORS-- +LINCOLN'S FAITH IN NORTHERN NUMBERS AND ENDURANCE--"RIGHT MAKES MIGHT"-- +THE SOUTH SOLIDLY-CEMENTED BY BLOOD--THE 37TH CONGRESS--ITS WAR +MEASURES--PAVING THE WAY TO DOWNFALL OF SLAVERY AND REBELLION + + + CHAPTER XX. + LINCOLN'S TROUBLES AND TEMPTATIONS. + +INTERFERENCE WITH SLAVERY FORCED BY THE WAR--EDWARD EVERETT'S OPINION-- +BORDER-STATES DISTRUST OF LINCOLN--IMPOSSIBILITY OF SATISFYING THEIR +REPRESENTATIVES--THEIR JEALOUS SUSPICIONS AND CONGRESSIONAL ACTION-- +PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE OF KINDLY WARNING--STORMY CONTENTION IN CONGRESS-- +CRITTENDEN'S ARGUMENT ON "PROPERTY" IN MAN--BORDER--STATES "BID" FOR +MR. LINCOLN--THE "NICHE IN THE TEMPLE OF FAME" OFFERED HIM--LOVEJOY'S +ELOQUENT COUNTERBLAST--SUMNER (JUNE, 1862,) ON LINCOLN AND EMANCIPATION +--THE PRESIDENT HARRIED AND WORRIED--SNUBBED BY BORDER STATESMEN-- +MCCLELLAN'S THREAT--ARMY-MISMANAGEMENT--ARMING THE BLACKS--HOW THE +EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION WAS WRITTEN--CABINET SUGGESTIONS--MILITARY +SITUATION--REBEL ADVANCE NORTHWARD--LINCOLN, AND THE BREAST-WORKS-- +WASHINGTON AND BALTIMORE MENACED--ANTIETAM, AND THE FIAT OF FREEDOM-- +BORDER-STATE DENUNCIATION--KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE, ETC. + + + CHAPTER XXI. + THE ARMED--NEGRO. + +"WHO WOULD BE FREE, HIMSELF MUST STRIKE THE BLOW!"--THE COLORED TROOPS +AT PORT HUDSON--THEIR HEROISM--STIRRING INCIDENTS--AT MILLIKEN'S BEND-- +AT FORT WAGNER--AT PETERSBURG AND ABOUT RICHMOND--THE REBEL CONSPIRATORS +FURIOUS--OUTLAWRY OF GENERAL BUTLER, ETC.--JEFFERSON DAVIS'S MESSAGE TO +THE REBEL CONGRESS--ATROCIOUS, COLD-BLOODED RESOLUTIONS OF THAT BODY-- +DEATH OR SLAVERY TO THE ARMED FREEMAN--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RETALIATORY +ORDER--THE BLOODY BUTCHERY AT FORT PILLOW--SAVAGE MALIGNITY OF THE REBELS-- +A COMMON ERROR, CORRECTED--ARMING OF NEGROES COMMENCED BY THE REBELS-- +SIMILAR SCHEME OF A REVOLUTIONARY HERO, IN 1778--REBEL CONGRESSIONAL ACT, +CONSCRIPTING NEGROES--JEFFERSON DAVIS'S POSITION--GENERAL LEE'S LETTER +TO BARKSDALE ON THE SUBJECT + + + CHAPTER XXII. + FREEDOM'S SUN STILL RISING. + +DEFINITE CONGRESSIONAL ACTION, ON EMANCIPATION, GERMINATING--GLORIOUS +NEWS FROM THE WEST AND EAST--FALL OF VICKSBURG--GETTYSBURG--LINCOLN'S +GETTYSBURG ORATION--THE DRAFT--THE REBEL "FIRE IN THE REAR"--DRAFT RIOTS +IN NEW YORK--LINCOLN'S LETTER, AUGUST, 1863, ON THE SITUATION-- +CHATTANOOGA--THE CHEERING FALL-ELECTIONS--VALLANDIGHAM'S DEFEAT-- +EMANCIPATION AS A "POLITICAL" MEASURE--"THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" REPORTED +IN THE SENATE--THADDEUS STEVENS'S RESOLUTIONS, AND TEST VOTE IN THE +HOUSE--LOVEJOY'S DEATH--ELOQUENT TRIBUTES OF ARNOLD, WASHBURNE, +GRINNELL, THADDEUS STEVENS, AND SUMNER + + + CHAPTER XXIII. + "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" IN THE SENATE. + +GREAT DEBATE IN THE U. S. SENATE, ON EMANCIPATION--THE WHOLE VILLANOUS +HISTORY OF SLAVERY, LAID BARE--SPEECHES OF TRUMBULL, HENRY WILSON, +HARLAN, SHERMAN, CLARK, HALL, HENDERSON, SUMNER, REVERDY JOHNSON, +MCDOUGALL, SAULSBURY, GARRETT DAVIS, POWELL, AND HENDRICKS--BRILLIANT +ARRAIGNMENT AND DEFENSE OF "THE INSTITUTION"--U. S. GRANT, NOW "GENERAL +IN CHIEF"--HIS PLANS PERFECTED, HE GOES TO THE VIRGINIA FRONT--MR. +LINCOLN'S SOLICITUDE FOR THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT--BORDER--STATE +OBSTRUCTIVE MOTIONS, AMENDMENTS, AND SUBSTITUTES, ALL VOTED DOWN--MR. +LINCOLN'S LETTER TO HODGES, OF KENTUCKY, REVIEWING EMANCIPATION AS A WAR +MEASURE--THE DECISIVE FIELD-DAY (APRIL 8, 1864)--THE DEBATE ABLY CLOSED +--THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PASSED BY THE SENATE + + + CHAPTER XXIV. + TREASON IN THE NORTHERN CAMPS. + +EMANCIPATION TEST--VOTES IN THE HOUSE--ARNOLD'S RESOLUTION--BLUE +PROSPECTS FOR THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT--LINCOLN'S ANXIETY--CONGRESSIONAL +COPPERHEADS--THINLY-DISGUISED TREASON--SPEECHES OF VOORHEES, WASHBURNE, +AND KELLEY--SPRINGFIELD COPPERHEAD PEACE-CONVENTION--"THE UNION AS IT +WAS"--PEACE ON ANY TERMS--VALLANDIGHAM'S LIEUTENANTS--ATTITUDE OF COX, +DAVIS, SAULSBURY, WOOD, LONG, ALLEN, HOLMAN, AND OTHERS--NORTHERN +ENCOURAGEMENT TO REBELS--CONSEQUENT SECOND INVASION, OF THE NORTH, BY +LEE--500,000 TREASONABLE NORTHERN "SONS OF LIBERTY"--RITUAL AND OATHS OF +THE "K. G. C." AND "O. A. K."--COPPERHEAD EFFORTS TO SPLIT THE NORTH +AND WEST, ON TARIFF-ISSUES--SPALDING AND THAD. STEVENS DENOUNCE +TREASON-BREEDING COPPERHEADS + + + CHAPTER XXV. + THE "FIRE IN THE REAR." + +THE REBEL MANDATE--"AGITATE THE NORTH!"--OBEDIENT COPPERHEADS--THEIR +DENUNCIATIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT--BROOKS, FERNANDO WOOD, AND WHITE, ON +THE "FOLLY" OF THE WAR FOR THE UNION--EDGERTON'S PEACE RESOLUTIONS-- +ECKLEY, ON COPPERHEAD MALIGNITY--ALEXANDER LONG GOES "A BOW-SHOT BEYOND +THEM ALL"--HE PROPOSES THE ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF SOUTHERN INDEPENDENCE-- +GARFIELD ELOQUENTLY DENOUNCES LONG'S TREASON--LONG DEFIANTLY REITERATES +IT--SPEAKER COLFAX OFFERS A RESOLUTION TO EXPEL LONG--COX AND JULIAN'S +VERBAL DUEL--HARRIS'S TREASONABLE BID FOR EXPULSION--EXTRAORDINARY SCENE +IN THE HOUSE--FERNANDO WOOD'S BID--HE SUBSEQUENTLY "WEAKENS"--EXCITING +DEBATE--LONG AND HARRIS VOTED "UNWORTHY MEMBERS" OF THE HOUSE + + + CHAPTER XXVI. + "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE. + +GLANCE AT THE MILITARY SITUATION--"BEGINNING OF THE END"--THE +CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT--HOLMAN "OBJECTS" TO "SECOND READING"--KELLOGG +SCORES THE COPPERHEAD-DEMOCRACY--CONTINUOUS "FIRE IN THE REAR" IN BOTH +HOUSES--THE PROPOSED AMENDMENT ATTACKED--THE ADMINISTRATION ATTACKED-- +THE TARIFF ATTACKED--SPEECHES OF GARRETT DAVIS, AND COX--PEACE- +RESOLUTIONS OF LAZEAR AND DAVIS--GRINNELL AND STEVENS, SCORE COX AND +WOOD--HENDRICKS ON THE DRAFT--"ON" TO RICHMOND AND ATLANTA--VIOLENT +DIATRIBES OF WOOD, AND HOLMAN--FARNSWORTH'S REPLY TO ROSS, PRUYN, AND +OTHERS--ARNOLD, ON THE ETHICS OF SLAVERY--INGERSOLL'S ELOQUENT BURST-- +RANDALL, ROLLINS, AND PENDLETON, CLOSING THE DEBATE--THE THIRTEENTH +AMENDMENT DEFEATED--ASHLEY'S MOTION TO RECONSIDER--CONGRESS ADJOURNS + + + CHAPTER XXVII. + SLAVERY DOOMED AT THE POLLS. + +THE ISSUE BETWEEN FREEDOM AND SLAVERY--MR. LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION-- +ENDORSED, AT ALL POINTS, BY HIS PARTY--HIS FAITH IN THE PEOPLE--HORATIO +SEYMOUR'S COPPERHEAD DECLARATIONS--THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY DECLARE THE +WAR "A FAILURE"--THEIR COPPERHEAD PLATFORM, AND UNION CANDIDATE-- +MCCLELLAN THEIR NOMINEE--VICTORIES AT ATLANTA AND MOBILE--FREMONT'S +THIRD PARTY--SUCCESSES OF GRANT AND SHERIDAN--DEATH OF CHIEF-JUSTICE +TANEY--MARYLAND BECOMES "FREE"--MORE UNION VICTORIES--REPUBLICAN "TIDAL- +WAVE" SUCCESS--LINCOLN RE-ELECTED--HIS SERENADE-SPEECHES--AMAZING +CONGRESSIONAL-RETURNS--THE DEATH OF SLAVERY INSURED--IT BECOMES SIMPLY A + +MATTER OF TIME + + + CHAPTER XXVIII. + FREEDOM AT LAST ASSURED. + +THE WINTER OF 1864--THE MILITARY SITUATION--THE "MARCH TO THE SEA"-- +THOMAS AND HOOD--LOGAN'S INTERVIEW WITH THE PRESIDENT--VICTORIES OF +NASHVILLE AND SAVANNAH--MR. LINCOLN'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, ON THIRTEENTH +AMENDMENT--CONGRESSIONAL RECESS--PRESIDENT LINCOLN STILL WORKING WITH, +THE BORDER-STATE REPRESENTATIVES--ROLLINS'S INTERVIEW WITH HIM--THE +THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT UP, IN THE HOUSE, AGAIN--VIGOROUS AND ELOQUENT +DEBATE--SPEECHES OF COX, BROOKS, VOORHEES, MALLORY, HOLMAN, WOOD, AND +PENDLETON, AGAINST THE AMENDMENT--SPEECHES OF CRESWELL, SCOFIELD, +ROLLINS, GARFIELD, AND STEVENS, FOR IT--RECONSIDERATION OF ADVERSE VOTE +--THE AMENDMENT ADOPTED--EXCITING SCENE IN THE HOUSE--THE GRAND SALUTE TO +LIBERTY--SERENADE TO MR. LINCOLN--"THIS ENDS THE JOB" + + + CHAPTER XXIX. + LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURATION. + +REBELLION ON ITS "LAST LEGS"--PEACE COMMISSIONS AND PROPOSITIONS-- +EFFORTS OF GREELEY, JACQUES, GILMORE, AND BLAIR--LINCOLN'S ADVANCES-- +JEFFERSON DAVIS'S DEFIANT MESSAGE TO HIM--THE PRESIDENT AND THE REBEL +COMMISSIONERS AT HAMPTON ROADS--VARIOUS ACCOUNTS, OF THE SECRET +CONFERENCE, BY PARTICIPANTS THE PROPOSITIONS ON BOTH SIDES--FAILURE--THE +MILITARY OUTLOOK--THE REBEL CAUSE DESPERATE--REBEL DESERTIONS-- +"MILITARY" PEACE-CONVENTION PROPOSED BY REBELS--DECLINED--CORRESPONDENCE +BETWEEN GRANT AND LEE, ETC.--THE SECOND INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT +LINCOLN--A STRANGE OMEN--HIS IMMORTAL SECOND-INAUGURAL + + + CHAPTER XXX. + COLLAPSE OF THE ARMED CONSPIRACY. + +PROGRESS OF THE WAR--CAMPAIGN OF THE CAROLINAS, 1865--MEETING, AT CITY +POINT, OF LINCOLN, GRANT, AND SHERMAN--SHERMAN'S ACCOUNT OF WHAT PASSED +--GRANT NOW FEELS "LIKE ENDING THE MATTER"--THE BATTLES OF DINWIDDIE +COURT HOUSE AND FIVE FORKS--UNION ASSAULT ON THE PETERSBURG WORKS--UNION +VICTORY EVERYWHERE--PETERSBURG AND RICHMOND EVACUATED--LEE'S RETREAT CUT +OFF BATTLE OF SAILOR'S CREEK--GRANT ASKS LEE TO SURRENDER--LEE DELAYS-- +SHERIDAN CATCHES HIM, AND HIS ARMY, IN A TRAP--THE REBELS SURRENDER, AT +APPOMATTOX--GRANT'S GENEROUS AND MAGNANIMOUS TERMS--THE STARVING REBELS +FED WITH UNION RATIONS--SURRENDER OF JOHNSTON'S ARMY--OTHER REBEL FORCES +SURRENDER--THE REBELLION STAMPED OUT--CAPTURE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS--THE +REBELS "YIELD EVERYTHING THEY HAD FOUGHT FOR"--THEY CRAVE PARDON AND +OBLIVION FOR THEIR OFFENCES + + + CHAPTER XXXI. + ASSASSINATION! + +PRESIDENT LINCOLN AT RICHMOND--HIS RECEPTIONS AT JEFFERSON DAVIS'S +MANSION--RETURN TO WASHINGTON--THE NEWS OF LEE'S SURRENDER--LINCOLN'S +LAST PUBLIC SPEECH--HIS THEME, "RECONSTRUCTION"--GRANT ARRIVES AT THE +NATIONAL CAPITAL--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S LAST CABINET MEETING--HIS FOND +HOPES OF THE FUTURE--AN UNHEEDED PRESENTIMENT--AT FORD'S THEATRE--THE +LAST ACCLAMATION OF THE PEOPLE--THE PISTOL SHOT THAT HORRIFIED THE +WORLD--SCULKING, RED HANDED TREASON--THE ASSASSINATION PLOT-COMPLICITY +OF THE REBEL AUTHORITIES, BELIEVED BY THE BEST INFORMED MEN--TESTIMONY +AS TO THREE ATTEMPTS TO KILL LINCOLN--THE CHIEF REBEL-CONSPIRATORS +"RECEIVE PROPOSITIONS TO ASSASSINATE"--A NATION'S WRATH--ANDREW +JOHNSON'S VEHEMENT ASSEVERATIONS--"TREASON MUST BE MADE ODIOUS"-- +RECONSTRUCTION + + + CHAPTER XXXII. + TURNING BACK THE HANDS + +"RECONSTRUCTION" OF THE SOUTH--MEMORIES OF THE WAR, DYING OUT--THE +FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH AMENDMENTS--THE SOUTHERN STATES REHABILITATED +BY ACCEPTANCE OF AMENDMENTS, ETC.--REMOVAL OF REBEL DISABILITIES-- +CLEMENCY OF THE CONQUERORS--THE OLD CONSPIRATORS HATCH A NEW CONSPIRACY +--THE "LOST CAUSE" TO BE REGAINED--THE MISSISSIPPI SHOT-GUN PLAN--FRAUD, +BARBARITY, AND MURDERS, EFFECT THE PURPOSE--THE "SOUTH" CEMENTED "SOLID" +BY BLOOD--PEONAGE REPLACES SLAVERY--THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1876-- +THE TILDEN "BARREL," AND "CIPHER DISPATCHES"--THE "FRAUD" CRY--THE OLD +LEADERS DICTATE THE DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENTIAL NOMINEE OF 1880--THEIR FREE- +TRADE ISSUE TO THE FRONT AGAIN--SUCCESSIVE DEMOCRATIC EFFORTS TO FORCE +FREE-TRADE THROUGH THE HOUSE, SINCE REBELLION--EFFECT OF SUCH EFFORTS-- +REPUBLICAN MODIFICATIONS OF THEIR OWN PROTECTIVE TARIFF--THE "SOLID +SOUTH" SUCCEEDS, AT LAST, IN "ELECTING" ITS CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT--IS +THIS STILL A REPUBLIC, OR IS IT AN OLIGARCHY? + + + CHAPTER XXXIII. + WHAT NEXT? + +THE PRESENT OUTLOOK--COMMERCIAL PROSPECTS, BRIGHT--WHAT THE PEOPLE OF +THE NORTHERN AND WESTERN STATES SEE--WHAT IS A "REPUBLICAN FORM OF +GOVERNMENT?"--WHAT DID THE FATHERS MEAN BY IT--THE REASON FOR THE +GUARANTEE IN THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION--PURPOSES OF "THE PEOPLE" IN +CREATING THIS REPUBLIC--THE "SOLID-SOUTHERN" OLIGARCHS DEFEAT THOSE +PURPOSES--THE REPUBLICAN PARTY NOT BLAMELESS FOR THE PRESENT CONDITION +OF THINGS--THE OLD REBEL-CHIEFTAINS AND COPPERHEADS, IN CONTROL--THEY +GRASP ALMOST EVERYTHING THAT WAS LOST BY THE REBELLION--THEIR GROWING +AGGRESSIVENESS--THE FUTURE--"WATCHMAN, WHAT OF THE NIGHT?" + + + +PORTRAITS. + +MAPS. + +SEAT OF WAR IN VIRGINIA. + +FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD. + +FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD, SHOWING POSITION OF ARMIES. + + +EDWARD D. BAKER, +BENJ. F. BUTLER, +J. C. BRECKINRIDGE, +JOHN C. CALHOUN, +HENRY CLAY, +J. J. CRITTENDEN, +HENRY WINTER DAVIS, +JEFFERSON DAVIS, +SIMON CAMERON, +STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, +JOHN C. FREMONT, +H. W. HALLECK, +ISAAC W. HAYNE, +PATRICK HENRY, +DAVID HUNTER, +THOMAS JEFFERSON, +ABRAHAM LINCOLN, +GEO. B. MCCLELLAN, +THAD. STEVENS, +WM. H. SEWARD, +LYMAN TRUMBULL, +BENJ. F. WADE, +DANIEL WEBSTER, +LOUIS T. WIGFALL. + + + + CHAPTER I. + + A PRELIMINARY RETROSPECT. + + +To properly understand the condition of things preceding the great war +of the Rebellion, and the causes underlying that condition and the war +itself, we must glance backward through the history of the Country to, +and even beyond, that memorable 30th of November, 1782, when the +Independence of the United States of America was at last conceded by +Great Britain. At that time the population of the United States was +about 2,500,000 free whites and some 500,000 black slaves. We had +gained our Independence of the Mother Country, but she had left fastened +upon us the curse of Slavery. Indeed African Slavery had already in +1620 been implanted on the soil of Virginia before Plymouth Rock was +pressed by the feet of the Pilgrim Fathers, and had spread, prior to the +Revolution, with greater or less rapidity, according to the surrounding +adaptations of soil, production and climate, to every one of the +thirteen Colonies. + +But while it had thus spread more or less throughout all the original +Colonies, and was, as it were, recognized and acquiesced in by all, as +an existing and established institution, yet there were many, both in +the South and North, who looked upon it as an evil--an inherited evil-- +and were anxious to prevent the increase of that evil. Hence it was +that even as far back as 1699, a controversy sprang up between the +Colonies and the Home Government, upon the African Slavery question--a +controversy continuing with more or less vehemence down to the +Declaration of Independence itself. + +It was this conviction that it was not alone an evil but a dangerous +evil, that induced Jefferson to embody in his original draft of that +Declaration a clause strongly condemnatory of the African Slave Trade--a +clause afterward omitted from it solely, he tells us, "in complaisance +to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never* attempted to restrain the +importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to +continue it," as well as in deference to the sensitiveness of Northern +people, who, though having few slaves themselves, "had been pretty +considerable carriers of them to others" a clause of the great +indictment of King George III., which, since it was not omitted for any +other reason than that just given, shows pretty conclusively that where +the fathers in that Declaration affirmed that "all men are created +equal," they included in the term "men," black as well as white, bond as +well as free; for the clause ran thus: "Determined to keep open a market +where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for +suppressing every Legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this +execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of horrors might want no +fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people to rise +in arms among us, and purchase that liberty of which he has deprived +them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them; thus paying +of former crimes committed against the LIBERTIES of our people with +crimes which he urges them to commit against the LIVES of another." + + [Prior to 1752, when Georgia surrendered her charter and became a + Royal Colony, the holding of slaves within its limits was expressly + prohibited by law; and the Darien (Ga.) resolutions of 1775 + declared not only a "disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural + practice of Slavery in America" as "a practice founded in injustice + and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our Liberties (as well as + lives) but a determination to use our utmost efforts for the + manumission of our slaves in this colony upon the most safe and + equitable footing for the masters and themselves."] + + +During the war of the Revolution following the Declaration of +Independence, the half a million of slaves, nearly all of them in the +Southern States, were found to be not only a source of weakness, but, +through the incitements of British emissaries, a standing menace of +peril to the Slaveholders. Thus it was that the South was overrun by +hostile British armies, while in the North-comparatively free of this +element of weakness--disaster after disaster met them. At last, +however, in 1782, came the recognition of our Independence, and peace, +followed by the evacuation of New York at the close of 1783. + +The lessons of the war, touching Slavery, had not been lost upon our +statesmen. Early in 1784 Virginia ceded to the United States her claims +of jurisdiction and otherwise over the vast territory north-west of the +Ohio; and upon its acceptance, Jefferson, as chairman of a Select +Committee appointed at his instance to consider a plan of government +therefor, reported to the ninth Continental Congress an Ordinance to +govern the territory ceded already, or to be ceded, by individual States +to the United States, extending from the 31st to the 47th degree of +north latitude, which provided as "fundamental conditions between the +thirteen original States and those newly described" as embryo States +thereafter--to be carved out of such territory ceded or to be ceded to +the United States, not only that "they shall forever remain a part of +the United States of America," but also that "after the year 1800 of the +Christian era, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude +in any of the said States"--and that those fundamental conditions were +"unalterable but by the joint consent of the United States in Congress +assembled, and of the particular State within which such alteration +is proposed to be made." + +But now a signal misfortune befell. Upon a motion to strike out the +clause prohibiting Slavery, six States: New Hampshire, Massachusetts, +Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York and Pennsylvania, voted to retain +the prohibitive clause, while three States, Maryland, Virginia and South +Carolina, voted not to retain it. The vote of North Carolina was +equally divided; and while one of the Delegates from New Jersey voted to +retain it, yet as there was no other delegate present from that State, +and the Articles of Confederation required the presence of "two or more" +delegates to cast the vote of a State, the vote of New Jersey was lost; +and, as the same Articles required an affirmative vote of a majority of +all the States--and not simply of those present--the retention of the +clause prohibiting Slavery was also lost. Thus was lost the great +opportunity of restricting Slavery to the then existing Slave States, +and of settling the question peaceably for all time. Three years +afterward a similar Ordinance, since become famous as "the Ordinance of +'87," for the government of the North-west Territory (from which the +Free States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin have +since been carved and admitted to the Union) was adopted in Congress by +the unanimous vote of all the eight States present. And the sixth +article of this Ordinance, or "Articles of Compact," which it was +stipulated should "forever remain unalterable, unless by common +consent," was in these words: + +"Art. 6. There shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in +the said Territory, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the +party shall have been duly convicted; provided always that any person +escaping into the same from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in +any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, +and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor, or service, as +aforesaid." + +But this Ordinance of '87, adopted almost simultaneously with the +framing of our present Federal Constitution, was essentially different +from the Ordinance of three years previous, in this: that while the +latter included the territory south of the Ohio River as well as that +north-west of it, this did not; and as a direct consequence of this +failure to include in it the territory south of that river, the States +of Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi, which were taken out of it, were +subsequently admitted to the Union as Slave States, and thus greatly +augmented their political power. And at a later period it was this +increased political power that secured the admission of still other +Slave States--as Florida, Louisiana and Texas--which enabled the Slave +States to hold the balance of such power as against the original States +that had become Free, and the new Free States of the North-west. + +Hence, while in a measure quieting the great question of Slavery for the +time being, the Ordinance of '87 in reality laid the ground-work for the +long series of irritations and agitations touching its restrictions and +extension, which eventually culminated in the clash of arms that shook +the Union from its centre to its circumference. Meanwhile, as we have +seen--while the Ordinance of 1787 was being enacted in the last Congress +of the old Confederation at New York--the Convention to frame the +present Constitution was sitting at Philadelphia under the Presidency of +George Washington himself. The old Confederation had proved itself to +be "a rope of sand." A new and stronger form of government had become a +necessity for National existence. + +To create it out of the discordant elements whose harmony was essential +to success, was an herculean task, requiring the utmost forbearance, +unselfishness, and wisdom. And of all the great questions, dividing the +framers of that Constitution, perhaps none of them required a higher +degree of self abnegation and patriotism than those touching human +Slavery. + +The situation was one of extreme delicacy. The necessity for a closer +and stronger Union of all the States was apparently absolute, yet this +very necessity seemed to place a whip in the hands of a few States, with +which to coerce the greater number of States to do their bidding. It +seemed that the majority must yield to a small minority on even vital +questions, or lose everything. + +Thus it was, that instead of an immediate interdiction of the African +Slave Trade, Congress was empowered to prohibit it after the lapse of +twenty years; that instead of the basis of Congressional Representation +being the total population of each State, and that of direct taxation +the total property of each State, a middle ground was conceded, which +regarded the Slaves as both persons and property, and the basis both of +Representation and of Direct Taxation was fixed as being the total Free +population "plus three-fifths of all other persons" in each State; and +that there was inserted in the Constitution a similar clause to that +which we have seen was almost simultaneously incorporated in the +Ordinance of '87, touching the reclamation and return to their owners of +Fugitive Slaves from the Free States into which they may have escaped. + +The fact of the matter is, that the Convention that framed our +Constitution lacked the courage of its convictions, and was "bulldozed" +by the few extreme Southern Slave-holding States--South Carolina and +Georgia especially. It actually paltered with those convictions and +with the truth itself. Its convictions--those at least of a great +majority of its delegates--were against not only the spread, but the +very existence of Slavery; yet we have seen what they unwillingly agreed +to in spite of those convictions; and they were guilty moreover of the +subterfuge of using the terms "persons" and "service or labor" when they +really meant "Slaves" and "Slavery." "They did this latter," Mr. +Madison says, "because they did not choose to admit the right of +property in man," and yet in fixing the basis of Direct Taxation as well +as Congressional Representation at the total Free population of each +State with "three-fifths of all other persons," they did admit the right +of property in man! As was stated by Mr. Iredell to the North Carolina +Ratification Convention, when explaining the Fugitive Slave clause: +"Though the word 'Slave' is not mentioned, this is the meaning of it." +And he added: "The Northern delegates, owing to their peculiar scruples +on the subject of Slavery, did not choose the word 'Slave' to be +mentioned." + +In March, 1789, the first Federal Congress met at New York. It at once +enacted a law in accordance with the terms of the Ordinance of '87-- +adapting it to the changed order of things under the new Federal +Constitution--prohibiting Slavery in the Territories of the North-west; +and the succeeding Congress enacted a Fugitive-Slave law. + +In the same year (1789) North Carolina ceded her western territory (now +Tennessee) south of the Ohio, to the United States, providing as one of +the conditions of that cession, "that no regulation made, or to be made, +by Congress, shall tend to emancipate Slaves." Georgia, also, in 1802, +ceded her superfluous territorial domain (south of the Ohio, and now +known as Alabama and Mississippi), making as a condition of its +acceptance that the Ordinance of '87 "shall, in all its parts, extend to +the territory contained in the present act of cession, the article only +excepted which forbids Slavery." + +Thus while the road was open and had been taken advantage of, at the +earliest moment, by the Federal Congress to prohibit Slavery in all the +territory north-west of the Ohio River by Congressional enactment, +Congress considered itself barred by the very conditions of cession from +inhibiting Slavery in the territory lying south of that river. Hence it +was that while the spread of Slavery was prevented in the one Section of +our outlying territories by Congressional legislation, it was stimulated +in the other Section by the enforced absence of such legislation. As a +necessary sequence, out of the Territories of the one Section grew more +Free States and out of the other more Slave States, and this condition +of things had a tendency to array the Free and the Slave States in +opposition to each other and to Sectionalize the flames of that Slavery +agitation which were thus continually fed. + +Upon the admission of Ohio to Statehood in 1803, the remainder of the +North-west territory became the Territory of Indiana. The inhabitants +of this Territory (now known as the States of Indiana, Illinois, +Michigan and Wisconsin), consisting largely of settlers from the Slave +States, but chiefly from Virginia and Kentucky, very persistently (in +1803, 1806 and 1807) petitioned Congress for permission to employ Slave +Labor, but--although their petitions were favorably reported in most +cases by the Committees to which they were referred--without avail, +Congress evidently being of opinion that a temporary suspension in this +respect of the sixth article of the Ordinance of '87 was "not +expedient." These frequent rebuffs by Congress, together with the +constantly increasing emigration from the Free States, prevented the +taking of any further steps to implant Slavery on the soil of that +Territory. + +Meanwhile the vast territory included within the Valley of the +Mississippi and known at that day as the "Colony of Louisiana," was, in +1803, acquired to the United States by purchase from the French--to whom +it had but lately been retroceded by Spain. Both under Spanish and +French rule, Slavery had existed throughout this vast yet sparsely +populated region. When we acquired it by purchase, it was already +there, as an established "institution;" and the Treaty of acquisition +not only provided that it should be "incorporated into the Union of the +United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the +principles of the Federal Constitution," but that its inhabitants in the +meantime "should be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of +their liberty, property, and the religion which they professed"--and, +as "the right of property in man" had really been admitted in practice, +if not in theory, by the framers of that Constitution itself--that +institution was allowed to remain there. Indeed the sparseness of its +population at the time of purchase and the amazing fertility of its soil +and adaptability of its climate to Slave Labor, together with the then +recent invention by Eli Whitney, of Massachusetts, of that wonderful +improvement in the separation of cotton-fibre from its seed, known as +the "cotton-gin"--which with the almost simultaneous inventions of +Hargreaves, and Arkwright's cotton-spinning machines, and Watt's +application of his steam engine, etc., to them, marvelously increased +both the cotton supply and demand and completely revolutionized the +cotton industry--contributed to rapidly and thickly populate the whole +region with white Slave-holders and black Slaves, and to greatly enrich +and increase the power of the former. + +When Jefferson succeeded in negotiating the cession of that vast and +rich domain to the United States, it is not to be supposed that either +the allurements of territorial aggrandizement on the one hand, or the +impending danger to the continued ascendency of the political party +which had elevated him to the Presidency, threatening it from all the +irritations with republican France likely to grow out of such near +proximity to her Colony, on the other, could have blinded his eyes to +the fact that its acquisition must inevitably tend to the spread of that +very evil, the contemplation of which, at a later day, wrung from his +lips the prophetic words, "I tremble for my Country when I reflect that +God is just." It is more reasonable to suppose that, as he believed the +ascendency of the Republican party of that day essential to the +perpetuity of the Republic itself, and revolted against being driven +into an armed alliance with Monarchical England against what he termed +"our natural friend," Republican France, he reached the conclusion that +the preservation of his Republican principles was of more immediate +moment than the question of the perpetuation and increase of human +Slavery. Be that as it may, it none the less remains a curious fact +that it was to Jefferson, the far-seeing statesman and hater of African +Slavery and the author of the Ordinance of 1784--which sought to exclude +Slavery from all the Territories of the United States south of, as well +as north-west of the Ohio River--that we also owe the acquisition of the +vast territory of the Mississippi Valley burdened with Slavery in such +shape that only a War, which nearly wrecked our Republic, could get rid +of! + +Out of that vast and fertile, but Slave-ridden old French Colony of +"Louisiana" were developed in due time the rich and flourishing Slave +States of Louisiana, Missouri and Arkansas. + +It will have been observed that this acquisition of the Colony of +Louisiana and the contemporaneous inventions of the cotton-gin, improved +cotton-spinning machinery, and the application to it of steam power, had +already completely neutralized the wisdom of the Fathers in securing, as +they thought, the gradual but certain extinction of Slavery in the +United States, by that provision in the Constitution which enabled +Congress, after an interval of twenty years, to prohibit the African +Slave Trade; and which led the Congress, on March 22, 1794, to pass an +Act prohibiting it; to supplement it in 1800 with another Act in the +same direction; and on March 2, 1807, to pass another supplemental Act-- +to take effect January 1, 1808--still more stringent, and covering any +such illicit traffic, whether to the United States or with other +countries. Never was the adage that, "The best laid schemes o' mice an' +men gang aft agley," more painfully apparent. Slaves increased and +multiplied within the land, and enriched their white owners to such a +degree that, as the years rolled by, instead of compunctions of +conscience on the subject of African Slavery in America, the Southern +leaders ultimately persuaded themselves to the belief that it was not +only moral, and sanctioned by Divine Law, but that to perpetuate it was +a philanthropic duty, beneficial to both races! In fact one of them +declared it to be "the highest type of civilization." + +In 1812, the State of Louisiana, organized from the purchased Colony of +the same name, was admitted to the Union, and the balance of the +Louisiana purchase was thereafter known as the Territory of Missouri. + +In 1818 commenced the heated and protracted struggle in Congress over +the admission of the State of Missouri--created from the Territory of +that name--as a Slave State, which finally culminated in 1820 in the +settlement known thereafter as the "Missouri Compromise." + +Briefly stated, that struggle may be said to have consisted in the +efforts of the House on the one side, to restrict Slavery in the State +of Missouri, and the efforts of the Senate on the other, to give it free +rein. The House insisted on a clause in the Act of admission providing, +"That the introduction of Slavery or involuntary servitude be +prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party has +been duly convicted; and that all children born within the said State, +after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be declared Free at +the age of twenty-five years." The Senate resisted it--and the Bill +fell. In the meantime, however, a Bill passed both Houses forming the +Territory of Arkansas out of that portion of the Territory of Missouri +not included in the proposed State of Missouri, without any such +restriction upon Slavery. Subsequently, the House having passed a Bill +to admit the State of Maine to the Union, the Senate amended it by +tacking on a provision authorizing the people of Missouri to organize a +State Government, without restriction as to Slavery. The House +decidedly refused to accede to the Senate proposition, and the result of +the disagreement was a Committee of Conference between the two Houses, +and the celebrated "Missouri Compromise," which, in the language of +another--[Hon. John Holmes of Massachusetts, of said Committee on +Conference, March 2, 1820.]--, was: "that the Senate should give up its +combination of Missouri with Maine; that the House should abandon its +attempt to restrict Slavery in Missouri; and that both Houses should +concur in passing the Bill to admit Missouri as a State, with" a +"restriction or proviso, excluding Slavery from all territory north and +west of the new State"--that "restriction or proviso" being in these +words: "That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States +under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees, +thirty minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof as is +included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, +Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of +crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is +hereby forever prohibited; Provided always, that any person escaping +into the same, from whom labor and service is lawfully claimed in any +State or Territory of the United States, such Fugitive may be lawfully +reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or +service, as aforesaid." At a subsequent session of Congress, at which +Missouri asked admission as a State with a Constitution prohibiting her +Legislature from passing emancipation laws, or such as would prevent the +immigration of Slaves, while requiring it to enact such as would +absolutely prevent the immigration of Free Negroes or Mulattoes, a +further Compromise was agreed to by Congress under the inspiration of +Mr. Clay, by which it was laid down as a condition precedent to her +admission as a State--a condition subsequently complied with--that +Missouri must pledge herself that her Legislature should pass no act "by +which any of the citizens of either of the States should be excluded +from the enjoyment of the privileges and immunities to which they are +entitled under the Constitution of the United States." + +This, in a nut-shell, was the memorable Missouri Struggle, and the +"Compromise" or Compromises which settled and ended it. But during that +struggle--as during the formation of the Federal Constitution and at +various times in the interval when exciting questions had arisen--the +bands of National Union were more than once rudely strained, and this +time to such a degree as even to shake the faith of some of the firmest +believers in the perpetuity of that Union. It was during this bitter +struggle that John Adams wrote to Jefferson: "I am sometimes Cassandra +enough to dream that another Hamilton, another Burr, may rend this +mighty fabric in twain, or perhaps into a leash, and a few more choice +spirits of the same stamp might produce as many Nations in North America +as there are in Europe." + +It is true that we had "sown the wind," but we had not yet "reaped the +whirlwind." + + + + + CHAPTER II. + + PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE. + +We have seen that the first Federal Congress met at New York in March, +1789. It organized April 6th. None knew better than its members that +the war of the Americana Revolution chiefly grew out of the efforts of +Great Britain to cripple and destroy our Colonial industries to the +benefit of the British trader, and that the Independence conquered, was +an Industrial as well as Political Independence; and none knew better +than they, that the failure of the subsequent political Confederation of +States was due mainly to its failure to encourage and protect the +budding domestic manufactures of those States. Hence they hastened, +under the leadership of James Madison, to pass "An Act laying a duty on +goods, wares and merchandize imported into the United States," with a +preamble, declaring it to be "necessary" for the "discharge of the debt +of the United States and the encouragement and protection of +manufactures." It was approved by President Washington July 4, 1789--a +date not without its significance--and levied imports both specific and +ad valorem. It was not only our first Tariff Act, but, next to that +prescribing the oath used in organizing the Government, the first Act of +the first Federal Congress; and was passed in pursuance of the +declaration of President Washington in his first Message, that "The +safety and interest of the People" required it. Under the inspiration +of Alexander Hamilton the Tariff of 1790 was enacted at the second +session of the same Congress, confirming the previous Act and increasing +some of the protective duties thereby imposed. + +An analysis of the vote in the House of Representatives on this Tariff +Bill discloses the fact that of the 39 votes for it, 21 were from +Southern States, 13 from the Middle States, and 5 from New England +States; while of the 13 votes against it, 9 were from New England +States, 3 from Southern States, and 1 from Middle States. In other +words, while the Southern States were for the Bill in the proportion of +21 to 3, and the Middle States by 13 to 1, New England was against it by +9 to 5; or again, while 10 of the 13 votes against it were from the New +England and Middle States, 21 (or more than half) of the 39 votes for it +were from Southern States. + +It will thus be seen-singularly enough in view of subsequent events-- +that we not only mainly owe our first steps in Protective Tariff +legislation to the almost solid Southern vote, but that it was thus +secured for us despite the opposition of New England. Nor did our +indebtedness to Southern statesmen and Southern votes for the +institution of the now fully established American System of Protection +cease here, as we shall presently see. + +That Jefferson, as well as Washington and Madison, agreed with the views +of Alexander Hamilton on Protection to our domestic manufactures as +against those of foreign Nations, is evident in his Annual Message of +December 14, 1806, wherein-discussing an anticipated surplus of Federal +revenue above the expenditures, and enumerating the purposes of +education and internal improvement to which he thinks the "whole surplus +of impost" should during times of peace be applied; by which application +of such surplus he prognosticates that "new channels of communication +will be opened between the States; the lines of separation will +disappear; their interests will be identified, and their Union cemented +by new and indissoluble ties"--he says: "Shall we suppress the impost +and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures. On a few +articles of more general and necessary use, the suppression in due +season, will doubtless be right; but the great mass of the articles on +which impost is paid is foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who +are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them." But his embargo +and other retaliatory measures, put in force in 1807 and 1808, and the +War of 1812-15 with Great Britain, which closely followed, furnished +Protection in another manner, by shutting the door to foreign imports +and throwing our people upon their own resources, and contributed +greatly to the encouragement and increase of our home manufactures-- +especially those of wool, cotton, and hemp. + +At the close of that War the traders of Great Britain determined, even +at a temporary loss to themselves, to glut our market with their goods +and thus break down forever, as they hoped, our infant manufactures. +Their purpose and object were boldly announced in the House of Commons +by Mr. Brougham, when he said: "Is it worth while to incur a loss upon +the first importation, in order by the glut to stifle in the cradle +those rising manufactures in the United States which the War had forced +into existence contrary to the natural course of things." Against this +threatened ruin, our manufacturers all over the United States--the sugar +planters of Louisiana among them--clamored for Protection, and Congress +at once responded with the Tariff Act of 1816. + +This law greatly extended and increased specific duties on, and +diminished the application of the ad valorem principle to, foreign +imports; and it has been well described as "the practical foundation of +the American policy of encouragement of home manufactures--the practical +establishment of the great industrial system upon which rests our +present National wealth, and the power and the prosperity and happiness +of our whole people." While Henry Clay of Kentucky, William Loundes of +South Carolina, and Henry St. George Tucker of Virginia supported the +Bill most effectively, no man labored harder and did more effective +service in securing its passage than John C. Calhoun of South Carolina. +The contention on their part was not for a mere "incidental protection" +--much less a "Tariff for revenue only"--but for "Protection" in its +broadest sense, and especially the protection of their cotton +manufactures. Indeed Calhoun's defense of Protection, from the assaults +of those from New England and elsewhere who assailed it on the narrow +ground that it was inimical to commerce and navigation, was a notable +one. He declared that: + +"It (the encouragement of manufactures) produced a system strictly +American, as much so as agriculture, in which it had the decided +advantage of commerce and navigation. The country will from this derive +much advantage. Again it is calculated to bind together more closely +our wide-spread Republic. It will greatly increase our mutual +dependence and intercourse, and will, as a necessary consequence, excite +an increased attention to internal improvements--a subject every way so +intimately connected with the ultimate attainment of national strength +and the perfection of our political institutions." + +He regarded the fact that it would make the parts adhere more closely; +that it would form a new and most powerful cement far outweighing any +political objections that might be urged against the system. In his +opinion "the liberty and the union of the country were inseparably +united; that as the destruction of the latter would most certainly +involve the former, so its maintenance will with equal certainty +preserve it;" and he closed with an impressive warning to the Nation of +a "new and terrible danger" which threatened it, to wit: "disunion." +Nobly as he stood up then--during the last term of his service in the +House of Representatives--for the great principles of, the American +System of Protection to manufactures, for the perpetuity of the Union, +and for the increase of "National strength," it seems like the very +irony of fate that a few years later should find him battling against +Protection as "unconstitutional," upholding Nullification as a "reserved +right" of his State, and championing at the risk of his neck that very +"danger" to the "liberties" and life of his Country against which his +prophetic words had already given solemn warning. + +Strange was it also, in view of the subsequent attitudes of the South +and New England, that this essentially Protective Tariff Act of 1816 +should have been vigorously protested and voted against by New England, +while it was ably advocated and voted for by the South--the 25 votes of +the latter which secured its passage being more than sufficient to have +secured its defeat had they been so inclined. + +The Tariff Acts of 1824 and 1828 followed the great American principle +of Protection laid down and supported by the South in the Act of 1816, +while widening, increasing, and strengthening it. Under their +operation-especially under that of 1828, with its high duties on wool, +hemp, iron, lead, and other staples--great prosperity smiled upon the +land, and particularly upon the Free States. + +In the cotton-growing belt of the South, however, where the prosperity +was relatively less, owing to the blight of Slavery, the very contrast +bred discontent; and, instead of attributing it to the real cause, the +advocates of Free Trade within that region insisted that the Protective +Tariff was responsible for the condition of things existing there. + +A few restless and discontented spirits in the South had indeed agitated +the subject of Free Trade as against Protected manufactures as early as +1797, and, hand in hand with it, the doctrine of States Rights. And +Jefferson himself, although, as we have already seen, attached to the +American System of Protection and believing in its Constitutionality, +unwittingly played into the hands of these Free Traders by drawing up +the famous Kentucky Resolutions of '98 touching States Rights, which +were closely followed by the Virginia Resolutions of 1799 in the same +vein by Madison, also an out-and-out Protectionist. It was mainly in +condemnation of the Alien and Sedition Laws, then so unpopular +everywhere, that these resolutions were professedly fulminated, but they +gave to the agitating Free Traders a States-Rights-Secession-weapon of +which they quickly availed themselves. + +Their drift may be gathered from the first of the Kentucky Resolutions +of '98, which was in these words: "Resolved, That the several States +composing the United States of America are not united on the principle +of unlimited submission to their General Government, but that, by a +compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United +States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government +for special purposes--delegated to that Government certain definite +powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to +their own self-government; and that whensoever the General Government +assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of +no force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and as an +integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party; +that the Government created by this compact was not made the exclusive +or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since +that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the +measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among +powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge +for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of +redress." + +The Resolutions, after enumerating the Alien and Sedition and certain +other laws as in point, conclude by calling upon the other States to +join Kentucky in her opposition to such Federal usurpations of power as +thus embodied, and express confidence: "That they will concur with this +Commonwealth in considering the said Acts as so palpably against the +Constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration that that +compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General +Government, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States, +of all powers whatsoever; that they will view this as seizing the rights +of the States, and consolidating them in the hands of the General +Government, with the power assumed to bind the States (not merely as to +the cases made federal (casus foederis) but) in all cases whatsoever, by +laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent; +that this would be to surrender the form of government we have chosen, +and live under one deriving its powers from its own will, and not from +our authority; and that the co-States, returning to their natural rights +in cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these Acts void and +of no force, and will each take measures of its own in providing that +neither these Acts, nor any others of the General Government, not +plainly and intentionally authorized by the Constitution, shall be +exercised within their respective territories." + +The doctrine of States Rights as formulated in these Resolutions, +including the assumed right of a State to nullify laws of the General +Government, naturally led up, as we shall see, not only to threats of +disunion, but ultimately to a dreadful sectional War waged in the effort +to secure it. That Jefferson, when he penned them, foresaw the terrible +results to flow from these specious and pernicious doctrines, is not to +be supposed for an instant; but that his conscience troubled him may be +fairly inferred from the fact that he withheld from the World for twenty +years afterward the knowledge that he was their author. It is probable +that in this case, as in others, he was a victim of that casuistry which +teaches that "the end justifies the means;" that he hoped and believed +that the assertion of these baleful doctrines would act solely as a +check upon any tendency to further centralization of power in the +General Government and insure that strict construction of the +Constitution. + +Though afterward violated by himself at the same time that he for the +moment threw aside his scruples touching African slavery, when he added +to our domain the great French Slave Colony of Louisiana--was none the +less the great aim of his commanding intellect; and that he fortuitously +believed in the "saving common sense" of his race and country as capable +of correcting an existing evil when it shall have developed into ill +effects. + + [Mr. Jefferson takes this very ground, in almost the same words, in + his letter, 1803, to Wilson C. Nichols in the Louisiana Colony + purchase case, when, after proving by his own strict construction + of the Constitution that there was no power in that instrument to + make such purchase, and confessing the importance in that very case + of setting "an example against broad construction," he concludes: + "If, however, our friends shall think differently, certainly I + shall acquiesce with satisfaction; confiding that the good sense of + the country will correct the evil of construction when it shall + produce ill ejects."] + +Be that as it may, however, the fact remains that the seeds thus sown by +the hands of Jefferson on the "sacred soil" of Virginia and Kentucky, +were dragon's teeth, destined in after years to spring up as legions of +armed men battling for the subversion of that Constitution and the +destruction of that Union which he so reverenced, and which he was so +largely instrumental in founding--and which even came back in his own +life to plague him and Madison during his embargo, and Madison's war of +1812-15, in the utterances and attitude of some of the New England +Federalists. + +The few Free Traders of the South--the Giles's and John Taylor's and men +of that ilk--made up for their paucity in numbers by their unscrupulous +ingenuity and active zeal. They put forth the idea that the American +Protective Policy was a policy of fostering combinations by Federal +laws, the effect of which was to transfer a considerable portion of the +profits of slave labor from the Slave States to other parts of the Union +where it was massed in the hands of a few individuals, and thus created +a moneyed interest which avariciously influenced the General Government +to the detriment of the entire community of people, who, made restive by +the exactions of this power working through the Federal Government, were +as a consequence driven to consider a possible dissolution of the Union, +and make "estimates of resources and means of defense." As a means also +of inflaming both the poor whites and Southern slave-holders by arousing +the apprehensions of the latter concerning the "peculiar institution" of +Slavery, they craftily declared that "If the maxim advanced by the +advocates of the protecting duty system will justify Congress in +assuming, or rather in empowering a few capitalists to assume, the +direction of manufacturing labor, it also invests that body with a power +of legislating for the direction of every other species of labor and +assigning all occupations whatsoever to the care of the intelligence of +mercenary combinations"--and hence untold misery to labor. + +They charged as a further means of firing the Southern heart, that this +moneyed power, born of Protection, "works upon the passion of the States +it has been able to delude by computations of their physical strength +and their naval superiority; and by boasting of an ability to use the +weakening circumstance of negro slavery to coerce the defrauded and +discontented States into submission." And they declared as fundamental +truths upon which they rested that "The Federal is not a National +Government; it is a league between nations. By this league, a limited +power only over persons and property was given to the representatives of +the united nations. This power cannot be further extended, under the +pretext of national good, because the league does not create a national +government." + +It was the passage of the Tariff of 1824 that gave these crafty Free +Traders their first great success in spreading their doctrine of Free +Trade by coupling it with questions of slave labor, States Rights, and +nullification, as laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions. +These arguments created great excitement throughout the South-- +especially in South Carolina and Georgia--which was still further +increased by the passage of the Tariff of 1828, since declared by +eminent authority to have been "the highest and most protective ever +adopted in this country." + + [Mr. Greeley, in his "History of the American Conflict," 1864.] + +Prior to the passage of this Tariff Act, excited assemblages met in some +of the Southern States, and protested against it as an outrage upon +their rights--arraying the South in seditious and treasonable attitude +against not only the North but the Union, with threats of Secession. At +one of these meetings in South Carolina, in 1827, one of their leaders-- +[Dr. Thomas Cooper, President of South Carolina College.]--declared that +"a drilled and managed majority" in the House of Representatives had +determined "at all hazards to support the claims of the Northern +manufacturers, and to offer up the planting interest on the altar of +monopoly." He denounced the American system of Protection exemplified +in that Tariff measure as "a system by which the earnings of the South +are to be transferred to the North--by which the many are to be +sacrificed to the few--under which powers are usurped that were never +conceded--by which inequality of rights, inequality of burthens, +inequality of protection, unequal laws, and unequal taxes are to be +enacted and rendered permanent--that the planter and the farmer under +this system are to be considered as inferior beings to the spinner, the +bleacher, and the dyer--that we of the South hold our plantations under +this system, as the serfs and operatives of the North, subject to the +orders and laboring for the benefit of the master-minds of +Massachusetts, the lords of the spinning jenny and peers of the power- +loom, who have a right to tax our earnings for their emolument, and to +burthen our poverty and to swell their riches;" and after characterizing +Protection as "a system of fraud, robbery and usurpation," he continued +"I have said that we shall ere long be compelled to calculate the value +of our Union; and to enquire of what use to us is this most unequal +alliance, by which the South has always been the loser and the North +always the gainer. Is it worth our while to continue this union of +States, where the North demands to be our masters and we are required to +be their tributaries? who with the most insulting mockery call the yoke +they put upon our necks the 'American system!' The question, however, +is fast approaching the alternative of submission or separation." + +Only a few days after this inflammatory speech at Columbus, S. C., +inciting South Carolinians to resist the pending Protective Tariff even +to the lengths of Secession, during a grand banquet at Richmond, Va., +William B. Giles--another Free Trade leader--proposed, and those present +drank a toast to the "Tariff Schemer" in which was embodied a +declaration that "The Southerners will not long pay tribute." Despite +these turbulent and treasonable mutterings, however, the "Jacksonian +Congress" passed the Act--a majority of members from the Cotton and New +England States voting against, while the vote of the Middle and Western +Free States was almost solidly for, it. + +At a meeting held soon after the enactment of the Tariff of 1828, at +Walterborough Court House, S. C., an address was adopted and issued +which, after reciting the steps that had been taken by South Carolina +during the previous year to oppose it, by memorials and otherwise, and +stating that, despite their "remonstrances and implorations," a Tariff +Bill had passed, not indeed, such as they apprehended, but "ten-fold +worse in all its oppressive features," proceeded thus: + +"From the rapid step of usurpation, whether we now act or not, the day +of open opposition to the pretended powers of the Constitution cannot be +far off, and it is that it may not go down in blood that we now call +upon you to resist. We feel ourselves standing underneath its mighty +protection, and declaring forth its free and recorded spirit, when we +say we must resist. By all the great principles of liberty--by the +glorious achievements of our fathers in defending them--by their noble +blood poured forth like water in maintaining them--by their lives in +suffering, and their death in honor and in glory;--our countrymen! we +must resist. Not secretly, as timid thieves or skulking smugglers--not +in companies and associations, like money chafferers or stock jobbers-- +not separately and individually, as if this was ours and not our +country's cause--but openly, fairly, fearlessly, and unitedly, as +becomes a free, sovereign and independent people. Does timidity ask +WHEN? We answer NOW!" + +These inflammatory utterances, in South Carolina especially, stirred the +Southern heart more or less throughout the whole cotton belt; and the +pernicious principles which they embodied found ardent advocates even in +the Halls of Congress. In the Senate, Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, was +their chief and most vehement spokesman, and in 1830 occurred that +memorable debate between him and Daniel Webster, which forever put an +end to all reasonable justification of the doctrine of Nullification, +and which furnished the ground upon which President Jackson afterward +stood in denouncing and crushing it out with the strong arm of the +Government. + +In that great debate Mr. Hayne's propositions were that the Constitution +is a "compact between the States," that "in case of a plain, palpable +violation of the Constitution by the General Government, a State may +interpose; and that this interposition is constitutional"--a proposition +with which Mr. Webster took direct issue, in these words: "I say, the +right of a State to annul a law of Congress cannot be maintained, but on +the ground of the inalienable right of man to resist oppression; that is +to say, upon the ground of revolution. I admit that there is an +ultimate violent remedy, above the Constitution and in defiance of the +Constitution, which may be resorted to when a revolution is to be +justified. But I do not admit that, under the Constitution, and in +conformity with it, there is any mode in which a State Government, as a +member of the Union, can interfere and stop the progress of the general +movement by force of her own laws under any circumstances whatever." +Mr. Webster insisted that "one of two things is true: either the laws of +the Union are beyond the discretion and beyond the control of the +States, or else we have no Constitution of General Government, and are +thrust back again to the days of the Confederation;" and, in concluding +his powerful argument, he declared that "even supposing the Constitution +to be a compact between the States," Mr. Hayne's doctrine was "not +maintainable, because, first, the General Government is not a party to +the compact, but a Government established by it, and vested by it with +the powers of trying and deciding doubtful questions; and secondly, +because, if the Constitution be regarded as a compact, not one State +only, but all the States are parties to that compact, and one can have +no right to fix upon it her own peculiar construction." + +While the comparatively miserable condition of the cotton-growing States +of the South was attributed by most of the Southern Free Traders solely +to the Protective Tariff of 1828, yet there were some Southerners +willing to concede--as did Mr. Hayne, in the Senate (1832)--that there +were "other causes besides the Tariff" underlying that condition, and to +admit that "Slaves are too improvident, too incapable of that minute, +constant, delicate attention, and that persevering industry which are +essential to manufacturing establishments," the existence of which would +have made those States prosperous. But such admissions were unwilling +ones, and the Cotton-lords held only with the more tenacity to the view +that the Tariff was the chief cause of their condition. + +The Tariff Act of 1832, essentially modifying that of 1828, was passed +with a view, in part, to quiet Southern clamor. But the Southern Cotton +States refused to be mollified. On the contrary, the Free Traders of +South Carolina proceeded to extreme measures, putting in action that +which they had before but threatened. On November 19, 1832, the leading +men of South Carolina met in Convention, and a few days thereafter-- +[November 24,1882]--unanimously passed an Ordinance of Nullification +which declared the Tariff Acts of 1828 and 1832 "Unauthorized by the +Constitution," and "null, void, and no law, nor binding on this State, +its officers, or citizens." The people of the State were forbidden by +it to pay, after the ensuing February 1st, the import-duties therein +imposed. Under the provisions of the Ordinance, the State Legislature +was to pass an act nullifying these Tariff laws, and any appeal to the +United States Supreme Court against the validity of such nullifying act +was prohibited. Furthermore, in the event of the Federal Government +attempting to enforce these Tariff laws, the people of South Carolina +would thenceforth consider themselves out of the Union, and will +"forthwith proceed to organize a separate Government, and do all other +acts and things which sovereign and independent States may of right do." + +At the subsequent meeting of the Legislature, Mr. Hayne, who had been a +member of the Convention, having resigned his seat in the United States +Senate, was elected Governor of the State. He declared in his message +that he recognized "No allegiance as paramount to that which the +citizens of South Carolina owe to the State of their birth or their +adoption"--that doctrine of "paramount allegiance to the State" which in +after-years gave so much trouble to the Union and to Union-loving +Southerners--and declared that he held himself "bound by the highest of +all obligations to carry into effect, not only the Ordinance of the +Convention, but every act of the Legislature, and every judgment of our +own Courts, the enforcement of which may devolve upon the Executive," +and "if," continued he, "the sacred soil of Carolina should be polluted +by the footsteps of an invader, or be stained with the blood of her +citizens, shed in her defense, I trust in Almighty God * * * even should +she stand alone in this great struggle for constitutional liberty, +encompassed by her enemies, that there will not be found, in the wide +limits of the State, one recreant son who will not fly to the rescue, +and be ready to lay down his life in her defense." In support of the +contemplated treason, he even went to the length of calling for an +enrolling of volunteer forces and of holding them ready for service. + +But while South Carolina stood in this treasonable and defiant attitude, +arming for war against the Union, there happened to be in the +Presidential chair one of her own sons--General Jackson. Foreseeing +what was coming, he had, prior to the meeting of the Convention that +framed the Nullification Ordinance, ordered General Scott to Charleston +to look after "the safety of the ports of the United States" +thereabouts, and had sent to the Collector of that port precise +instructions as to his duty to resist in all ways any and all attempts +made under such Ordinance to defeat the operation of the Tariff laws +aforesaid. Having thus quietly prepared the arm of the General +Government for the exercise of its power, he issued in December a +Proclamation declaring his unalterable resolution to treat Nullification +as Treason--and to crush it. + +In that famous document President Jackson said of Nullification: "If +this doctrine had been established at an earlier day, the Union would +have been dissolved in its infancy. The Excise law in Pennsylvania, the +Embargo and Non-intercourse law in the Eastern States, the Carriage-tax +in Virginia, were all deemed unconstitutional, and were more unequal in +their operation than any of the laws now complained of; but fortunately, +none of those States discovered that they had the right now claimed by +South Carolina. * * * The discovery of this important feature in our +Constitution was reserved for the present day. To the statesmen of +South Carolina belongs the invention, and upon the citizens of that +State will unfortunately fall the evils of reducing it to practice. * * +* I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States, +assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence of the Union, +contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized +by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which it was founded +and destructive of the great object for which it was formed. * * * To +say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that +the United States are not a Nation, because it would be a solecism to +contend that any part of a Nation might dissolve its connection with the +other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing any, offense." + +Farther on, in his moving appeal to the South Carolinians, he bids them +beware of their leaders: "Their object is disunion; be not deceived by +names. Disunion, by armed force, is Treason." And then, reminding them +of the deeds of their fathers in the Revolution, he proceeds: "I adjure +you, as you honor their memory, as you love the cause of freedom to +which they dedicated their lives, as you prize the peace of your +country, the lives of its best citizens, and your own fair fame, to +retrace your steps. Snatch from the archives of your State the +disorganizing edict of its Convention--bid its members to reassemble and +promulgate the decided expression of your will to remain in the path +which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity, and honor--tell them +that, compared to disunion, all other evils are light, because that +brings with it an accumulation of all--declare that you will never take +the field unless the Star-spangled banner of your country shall float +over you--that you will not be stigmatized when dead, and dishonored and +scorned while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the +Constitution of your country! Its destroyers you cannot be." + +After asserting his firm "determination to execute the laws-to preserve +the Union by all constitutional means"--he concludes with the prayer, +"May the great Ruler of Nations grant, that the signal blessings with +which He has favored, ours may not, by the madness of party, or personal +ambition be disregarded and lost; and may His wise providence bring +those who have produced this crisis to see the folly before they feel +the misery, of civil strife; and inspire a returning veneration for that +Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs, He has chosen as +the only means of attaining the high destinies to which we may +reasonably aspire." + +The firm attitude of General Jackson, together with the wise +precautionary measures he had already taken, and the practical unanimity +with which his declaration to crush out the Treason was hailed in most +of the Southern as well as the Northern States, almost at once broke the +back of Nullification. + + + [In this connection the following letter, written at that time by + the great Chief Justice Marshall, to a cousin of his, on the + subject of State Sovereignty, is of interest, as showing how + clearly his penetrating intellect perceived the dangers to the + Union hidden in the plausible doctrine of State Rights: + + RICHMOND, May 7, 1833. + + "MY DEAR SIR: + + "I am much indebted to you for your pamphlet on Federal Relations, + which I have read with much satisfaction. No subject, as it seems + to me, is more misunderstood or more perverted. You have brought + into view numerous important historical facts which, in my + judgment, remove the foundation on which the Nullifiers and + Seceders have erected that superstructure which overshadows our + Union. You have, I think, shown satisfactorily that we never have + been perfectly distinct, independent societies, sovereign in the + sense in which the Nullifiers use the term. When colonies we + certainly were not. We were parts of the British empire, and + although not directly connected with each other so far as respected + government, we were connected in many respects, and were united to + the same stock. The steps we took to effect separation were, as + you have fully shown, not only revolutionary in their nature, but + they were taken conjointly. Then, as now, we acted in many + respects as one people. The representatives of each colony acted + for all. Their resolutions proceeded from a common source, and + operated on the whole mass. The army was a continental army + commanded by a continental general, and supported from a + continental treasury. The Declaration of Independence was made by + a common government, and was made for all the States. + + "Everything has been mixed. Treaties made by Congress have been + considered as binding all the States. Some powers have been + exercised by Congress, some by the States separately. The lines + were not strictly drawn. The inability of Congress to carry its + legitimate powers into execution has gradually annulled those + powers practically, but they always existed in theory. + Independence was declared `in the name and by the authority of the + good people of these colonies.' In fact we have always been united + in some respects, separate in others. We have acted as one people + for some purposes, as distinct societies for others. I think you + have shown this clearly, and in so doing have demonstrated the + fallacy of the principle on which either nullification or the right + of peaceful, constitutional secession is asserted. + + "The time is arrived when these truths must be more generally + spoken, or our Union is at an end. The idea of complete + sovereignty of the State converts our government into a league, + and, if carried into practice, dissolves the Union. + + "I am, dear sir, + + "Yours affectionately, + + "J. MARSHALL. + + "HUMPHREY MARSHALL, ESQ., + + "FRANKFORT, KY."] + + +The Nullifiers hailed with pretended satisfaction the report from the +House Committee on Ways and Means of a Bill making great reductions and +equalizations of Tariff duties, as a measure complying with their +demands, and postponed the execution of the Ordinance of Nullification +until the adjournment of Congress; and almost immediately afterward Mr. +Clay's Compromise Tariff Act of 1833 "whereby one tenth of the excess +over twenty per cent. of each and every existing impost was to be taken +off at the close of that year; another tenth two years thereafter; so +proceeding until the 30th of June, 1842, when all duties should be +reduced to a maximum of twenty per cent."--[Says Mr. Greeley, in his +History aforesaid.]--agreed to by Calhoun and other Nullifiers, was +passed, became a law without the signature of President Jackson, and +South Carolina once more became to all appearances a contented, law- +abiding State of the Union. + +But after-events proved conclusively that the enactment of this +Compromise Tariff was a terrible blunder, if not a crime. Jackson had +fully intended to hang Calhoun and his nullifying coadjutors if they +persisted in their Treason. He knew that they had only seized upon the +Tariff laws as a pretext with which to justify Disunion, and prophesied +that "the next will be the Slavery or Negro question." Jackson's +forecast was correct. Free Trade, Slavery and Secession were from that +time forward sworn allies; and the ruin wrought to our industries by the +disasters of 1840, plainly traceable to that Compromise Tariff measure +of 1833, was only to be supplemented by much greater ruin and disasters +caused by the Free Trade Tariff of 1846--and to be followed by the armed +Rebellion of the Free Trade and Pro-Slavery States of the South in 1861, +in a mad attempt to destroy the Union. + + + + + CHAPTER III. + + GROWTH OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. + + +It will be remembered that during the period of the Missouri Struggle, +1818-1820, the Territory of Arkansas was formed by an Act of Congress +out of that part of the Missouri Territory not included in the proposed +State of Missouri, and that the Act so creating the Territory of +Arkansas contained no provision restricting Slavery. Early in 1836, the +people of Arkansas Territory met in Convention and formed a Constitution +under which, "and by virtue of the treaty of cession by France to the +United States, of the Province of Louisiana," they asked admission to +the Union as a State. Among other provisions of that Constitution was a +section rendering the State Legislature powerless to pass laws for the +emancipation of slaves without the consent of the owners, or to prevent +emigrants to that State from bringing with them slaves. On June 15th of +the same year, Arkansas was, under that Constitution, admitted to the +Union as a Slave State, with the sole reservation, that nothing in the +Act of admission should be" construed as an assent by Congress to all or +any of the propositions contained" in the said Constitution. + +Long ere this, all the Northern and Middle States had made provision for +the emancipation of such slaves as remained within their borders, and +only a few years previous (in 1829 and 1831-32) Virginia had made strong +but insufficient efforts toward the same end. The failure to free +Virginia of Slavery--the effort to accomplish which had been made by +some of the greatest of her statesmen--only served to rivet the chains +of human bondage more securely throughout all the Slave States, and from +that time on, no serious agitation occurred in any one of them, looking +toward even the most gradual emancipation. On the other hand, the +advocates of the extension of the Slave-Power by the expansion of Slave- +territory, were ever on the alert, they considered it of the last +importance to maintain the balance of power between the Slave States and +the Free States. Hence, while they had secured in 1819 the cession from +Spain to the United States of the Slave-holding Floridas, and the +organization of the Slave Territory of Florida in 1822--which +subsequently came in as a Slave State under the same Act (1845) that +admitted the Free State of Iowa--their greedy eyes were now cast upon +the adjoining rich territories of Mexico. + +Efforts had (in 1827-1829) been made to purchase from Mexico the domain +which was known as Texas. They had failed. But already a part of Texas +had been settled by adventurous Americans under Mexican grants and +otherwise; and General Sam Houston, an adherent of the Slave Power, +having become a leading spirit among them, fomented a revolution. In +March, 1836, Texas, under his guidance, proclaimed herself a Republic +independent of Mexico. + +The War that ensued between Texas and Mexico ended in the flight of the +Mexican Army and the capture of Santa Anna at San Jacinto, and a treaty +recognizing Texan independence. In October, 1836, General Houston was +inaugurated President of the Republic of Texas. Close upon this +followed (in August, 1837) a proposition to our Government from the +Texan envoy for the annexation of Texas to the United States. President +Van Buren declined the offer. The Northern friends of Freedom were as +much opposed to this annexation project as the advocates of Slavery were +anxious for it. Even such conservative Northern Statesmen as Daniel +Webster strongly opposed the project. In a speech delivered in New York +[1837], after showing that the chief aim of our Government in the +acquisition of the Territory of Louisiana was to gain command of the +mouths of the great rivers to the sea, and that in the acquisition of +the Floridas our policy was based on similar considerations, Mr. Webster +declared that "no such necessity, no such policy, requires the +annexation of Texas," and that we ought "for numerous and powerful +reasons to be content with our present boundaries. He recognized that +Slavery already existed under the guarantees of the Constitution and +those guarantees must be fulfilled; that "Slavery, as it exists in the +States, is beyond the power of Congress. It is a concern of the States +themselves," but "when we come to speak of admitting new States, the +subject assumes an entirely different aspect. Our rights and our duties +are then both different. The Free States, and all the States, are then +at liberty to accept or to reject;" and he added, "In my opinion the +people of the United States will not consent to bring into the Union a +new, vastly extensive and Slaveholding country, large enough for a half +a dozen or a dozen States. In my opinion, they ought not to consent to +it." + +Farther on, in the same speech--after alluding to the strong feeling in +the Northern States against the extension of Slavery, not only as a +question of politics, but of conscience and religious conviction as +well-he deems him a rash man indeed "who supposes that a feeling of this +kind is to be trifled with or despised." Said he: "It will assuredly +cause itself to be respected. It may be reasoned with; it may be made +willing--I believe it is entirely willing--to fulfill all existing +engagements and all existing duties--to uphold and defend the +Constitution as it is established, with whatever regrets about some +provisions which it does actually contain. But to coerce it into +silence, to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to +compress and confine it, warm as it is, and more heated as such +endeavors would inevitably render it,--should this be attempted, I know +nothing, even in the Constitution or in the Union itself, which would +not be endangered by the explosion which might follow." + +In 1840, General Harrison, the Whig candidate, was elected to the +Presidency, but died within a few weeks after his inauguration in 1841, +and was succeeded by John Tyler. The latter favored the Slave Power; +and on April 12th, 1844, John C. Calhoun, his Secretary of State, +concluded with Texas a treaty of annexation--which was, however, +rejected by the Senate. Meanwhile the public mind was greatly agitated +over the annexation and other, questions. + + [In the London Index, a journal established there by Jefferson + Davis's agents to support the cause of the rebellious States, a + communication appeared during the early part of the war, Dec. 4, + 1861, supposed to have been written by Mr. Mason, of Virginia, in + which he said: "To tell the Norths, the Butes, the Wedderburns of + the present day, that previous to the year 1839 the sovereign + States of the South had unalterably resolved on the specific ground + of the violation of the Federal Constitution by the tariff of + spoliation which the New England States had imposed upon them--to + secede from the Union; to tell them that in that year the leader of + the South, Calhoun, urged an English gentleman, to whom he had + fully explained the position of the South, and the intolerable + tyranny which the North inflicted upon it, to be the bearer of + credentials from the chief persons of the South, in order to invite + the attention of the British Government to the coming event; that + on his death-bed (Washington, March 31, 1850), he called around him + his political friends--one of whom is now in England--warned them + that in no event could the Union survive the Presidential election + of 1860, though it might possibly break up before that urged them + to be prepared; leaving with his dying words the sacred cause of + Southern secession a solemn legacy in their hands--to have told + this to the Norths and Dartmouths of the present day, with more and + even stronger evidence of the coming events of November, 1860, + would have been like speaking to the stones of the street. In + November, 1860, they were thoroughly ignorant of all the momentous + antecedents of secession--of their nature, their character, their + bearing, import, and consequences." + + In the same correspondence the distinguished Rebel emissary + substantially let out the fact that Calhoun was indirectly, through + himself (Mason), in secret communication with the British + Government as far back as 1841, with a view to securing its + powerful aid in his aforesaid unalterable resolve to Secede from + the Union; and then Mr. Mason pleads--but pleads in vain--for the + armed intervention of England at this later day. Said he: + + "In the year 1841 the late Sir William Napier sent in two plans for + subduing the Union, to the War Office, in the first of which the + South was to be treated as an enemy, in the second as a friend and + ally. I was much consulted by him as to the second plan and was + referred to by name in it, as he showed by the acknowledgment of + this in Lord Fitzroy Somerset's letter of reply. This plan fully + provided for the contingency of an invasion of Canada, and its + application would, in eighteen or twenty months, have reduced the + North to a much more impotent condition than it exhibits at + present. At this very moment the most difficult portion of that + plan has been perfectly accomplished by the South itself; and the + North, in accordance with Sir William Napier's expectations, now + lies helpless before England, and at our absolute mercy. Nor is + there any doubt of this, and if Lord Palmerston is not aware of it + Mr. Seward certainly is. We have nothing remaining to do but to + stretch out our arm in the way Sir William Napier proposed, and the + Northern power--power as we ignorantly call it--must come to an + end. Sir William knew and well estimated the elements of which + that quasi power consisted; and he knew how to apply the + substantive power of England to dissolve it. In the best interest + of humanity, I venture to say that it is the duty of England to + apply this power without further delay--its duty to itself, to its + starving operatives, to France, to Europe, and to humanity. And in + the discharge of this great duty to the world at large there will + not even be the dignity of sacrifice or danger."] + +Threats and counter-threats of Disunion were made on either hand by the +opponents and advocates of Slavery-extension through annexation; nor was +it less agitated on the subject of a Protective Tariff. + +The Compromise Tariff of 1833, together with President Jackson's +upheaval of our financial system, produced, as has already been hinted, +terrible commercial disasters. "In 1840," says competent authority, "all +prices had ruinously fallen; production had greatly diminished, and in +many departments of industry had practically ceased; thousands of +working men were idle, with no hope of employment, and their families +suffering from want. Our farmers were without markets, their products +rotted in their barns, and their lands, teeming with rich harvests, were +sold by the sheriff for debts and taxes. The Tariff, which robbed our +industries of Protection failed to supply Government with its necessary +revenues. The National Treasury in consequence was bankrupt, and the +credit of the Nation had sunk very low." + +Mr. Clay himself stated "the average depression in the value of property +under that state of things which existed before the Tariff of 1842 came +to the rescue of the country, at fifty per cent." And hence it was that +Protection was made the chief issue of the Presidential campaign of +1840, which eventuated in the election of Harrison and Tyler, and in the +Tariff Act of August 30, 1842, which revived our trade and industries, +and brought back to the land a full measure of prosperity. With those +disasters fresh in the minds of the people, Protection continued to be a +leading issue in the succeeding Presidential campaign of 1844--but +coupled with the Texas-annexation issue. In that campaign Henry Clay +was the candidate of the Whig party and James K. Polk of the Democratic +party. Polk was an ardent believer in the annexation policy and stood +upon a platform declaring for the "re-occupation of Oregon and the re- +annexation of Texas at the earliest practicable moment"--as if the +prefix "re" legitimatized the claim in either case; Clay, on the other +hand, held that we had "fairly alienated our title to Texas by solemn +National compacts, to the fulfilment of which we stand bound by good +faith and National honor;" that "Annexation and War with Mexico are +identical," and that he was "not willing to involve this country in a +foreign War for the object of acquiring Texas." + + [In his letter of April 17, 1844, published in the National + Intelligencer.] + +As to the Tariff issue also, Clay was the acknowledged champion of the +American system of Protection, while Polk was opposed to it, and was +supported by the entire Free-trade sentiment, whether North or South. + +As the campaign progressed, it became evident that Clay would be +elected. Then occurred some of those fatalities which have more than +once, in the history of Presidential campaigns, overturned the most +reasonable expectations and defeated the popular will. Mr. Clay +committed a blunder and Mr. Polk an equivocation--to use the mildest +possible term. Mr. Clay was induced by Southern friends to write a +letter--[Published in the North Alabamian, Aug. 16, 1844.]--in which, +after stating that "far from having any personal objection to the +annexation of Texas, I should be glad to see it--without dishonor, +without War, with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and +fair terms," he added: "I do not think that the subject of Slavery ought +to affect the question, one way or the other." Mr. Polk, on the other +hand, wrote a letter in which he declared it to be "the duty of the +Government to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do so, by its +revenue laws and all other means within its power, fair and just +Protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, embracing +Agriculture, Manufactures, the Mechanic Arts, Commerce and Navigation." +This was supplemented by a letter (August 8, 1844) from Judge Wilson +McCandless of Pennsylvania, strongly upholding the Protective principle, +claiming that Clay in his Compromise Tariff Bill had abandoned it, and +that Polk and Dallas had "at heart the true interests of Pennsylvania." +Clay, thus betrayed by the treachery of Southern friends, was greatly +weakened, while Polk, by his beguiling letter, backed by the false +interpretation put upon it by powerful friends in the North, made the +North believe him a better Protectionist than Clay. + +Polk was elected, and rewarded the misplaced confidence by making Robert +J. Walker his Secretary of the Treasury, and, largely through that +great Free Trader's exertions, secured a repeal by Congress of the +Protective Tariff of 1842 and the enactment of the ruinous Free Trade +Tariff of 1846. Had Clay carried New York, his election was secure. As +it happened, Polk had a plurality in New York of but 5,106 in an immense +vote, and that slim plurality was given to him by the Abolitionists +throwing away some 15,000 on Birney. And thus also it curiously +happened that it was the Abolition vote which secured the election of +the candidate who favored immediate annexation and the extension of the +Slave Power! + +Emboldened and apparently sustained by the result of the election, the +Slave Power could not await the inauguration of Mr. Polk, but proceeded +at once, under whip and spur, to drive the Texas annexation scheme +through Congress; and two days before the 4th of March, 1845, an Act +consenting to the admission of the Republic of Texas as a State of the +Union was approved by President Tyler. + +In that Act it was provided that "New States of convenient size, not +exceeding four in number, in addition to the said State of Texas, and +having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said +State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled +to admission under the provisions of the Federal Constitution; and such +States as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying +south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly +known as the Missouri Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union +with or without Slavery, as the people of each State asking admission +may desire. And in such State or States as shall be formed out of said +territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, Slavery or involuntary +servitude (except for crime) shall be prohibited." As has been lucidly +stated by another,--[Greeley's History]--"while seeming to curtail and +circumscribe Slavery north of the above parallel (that of 36 30' north +latitude), this measure really extended it northward to that parallel, +which it had not yet approached, under the flag of Texas, within +hundreds of miles. But the chief end of this sham Compromise was the +involving of Congress in an indirect indorsement of the claim of Texas +to the entire left bank of the Rio Grande, from its mouth to its source; +and this was effected." + +Texas quickly consented to the Act of annexation, and in December, 1845, +a Joint Resolution formally admitting her as a State of the Union, +reported by Stephen A. Douglas, was duly passed. + +In May, 1846, the American forces under General Taylor, which had been +dispatched to protect Texas from threatened assault, were attacked by +the Mexican army, which at Palo Alto was badly defeated and at Resaca de +la Palma driven back across the Rio Grande. + +Congress immediately declared that by this invasion a state of War +existed between Mexico and the United States. Thus commenced the War +with Mexico--destined to end in the triumph of the American Army, and +the acquisition of large areas of territory to the United States. In +anticipation of such triumph, President Polk lost little time in asking +an appropriation of over two million dollars by Congress to facilitate +negotiations for peace with, and territorial cession from, Mexico. And +a Bill making such appropriation was quickly passed by the House of +Representatives--but with the following significant proviso attached, +which had been offered by Mr. Wilmot: "Provided. That as an express and +fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the +Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty that +may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the +moneys herein appropriated, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude +shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime, +whereof the party shall first be duly convicted." + +The debate in the Senate upon the Wilmot proviso, which immediately +ensued, was cut short by the expiration of the Session of Congress--and +the Bill accordingly failed of passage. + +In February, 1848, the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was made between +Mexico and the United States, and Peace reigned once more. About the +same time a Bill was passed by the Senate providing Territorial +Governments for Oregon, California and New Mexico, which provided for +the reference of all questions touching Slavery in such Territories to +the United States Supreme Court, for arbitration. The Bill, however, +failed in the House. The ensuing Presidential campaign resulted in the +election of General Taylor, the Whig candidate, who was succeeded upon +his death, July 10, 1850, by Fillmore. Meanwhile, on the Oregon +Territory Bill, in 1848, a strong effort had been made by Mr. Douglas +and others to incorporate a provision extending to the Pacific Ocean the +Missouri Compromise line of 36 30' of north latitude and extending to +all future organizations of Territories of the United States the +principles of said Compromise. This provision was adopted by the +Senate, but the House struck it from the Bill; the Senate receded, and +Oregon was admitted as a Free Territory. But the conflict in Congress +between those who would extend and those who would restrict Slavery +still continued, and indeed gathered vehemence with time. In 1850, +California was clamoring for admission as a Free State to the Union, and +New Mexico and Utah sought to be organized under Territorial +Governments. + +In the heated discussions upon questions growing out of bills for these +purposes, and to rectify the boundaries of Texas, it was no easy matter +to reach an agreement of any sort. Finally, however, the Compromise of +1850, offered by Mr. Clay, was practically agreed to and carried out, +and under it: California was admitted as a Free State; New Mexico and +Utah were admitted to Territorial organization without a word pro or con +on the subject of Slavery; the State of Texas was awarded a pecuniary +compensation for the rectification of her boundaries; the Slave Trade in +the District of Columbia was abolished; and a more effectual Fugitive +Slave Act passed. + +By both North and South, this Compromise of 1850, and the measures +growing out of it, were very generally acquiesced in, and for a while it +seemed as though a permanent settlement of the Slavery question had been +reached. But in the Fugitive Slave law, thus hastily enacted, lay +embedded the seed for further differences and excitements, speedily to +germinate. In its operation it proved not only unnecessarily cruel and +harsh, in the manner of the return to bondage of escaped slaves, but +also afforded a shield and support to the kidnapping of Free Negroes +from Northern States. The frequency of arrests in the Northern States, +and the accompanying circumstances of cruelty and brutality in the +execution of the law, soon made it especially odious throughout the +North, and created an active feeling of commiseration for the unhappy +victims of the Slave Power, which greatly intensified and increased the +growing Anti-Slavery sentiment in the Free States. + +In 1852-53, an attempt was made in Congress to organize into the +Territory of Nebraska, the region of country lying west of Iowa and +Missouri. Owing to the opposition of the South the Bill was defeated. +In 1853-4 a similar Bill was reported to the Senate by Mr. Douglas, but +afterward at his own instance recommitted to the Committee on +Territories, and reported back by him again in such shape as to create, +instead of one, two Territories, that portion directly west of Missouri +to be called Kansas, and the balance to be known as Nebraska--one of the +sections of the Bill enacting: + +"That in order to avoid all misconstruction it is hereby declared to be +the true intent and meaning of this Act, so far as the question of +Slavery is concerned, to carry into practical operation the following +propositions and principles, established by the Compromise measures of +1850, to wit: + +"First, That all questions pertaining to Slavery in the Territories, and +the new States to be formed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of +the people residing therein through their appropriate representatives. + +"Second, That 'all cases involving title to slaves,' and 'questions of +personal freedom,' are referred to the adjudication of the local +tribunals with the right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United +States. + +"Third, That the provisions of the Constitution and laws of the United +States, in respect to fugitives from service, are to be carried into +faithful execution in all the `organized Territories,' the same as in +the States." + +The sections authorizing Kansas and Nebraska to elect and send delegates +to Congress also prescribed: + +"That the Constitution, and all laws of the United States which are not +locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the +said Territory, as elsewhere in the United States, except the section of +the Act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, +approved March 6th, 1820, which was superseded by the principles of the +Legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures, and is +declared inoperative." + +And when "explaining this Kansas-Nebraska Bill" Mr. Douglas announced +that, in reporting it, "The object of the Committee was neither to +legislate Slavery in or out of the Territories; neither to introduce nor +exclude it; but to remove whatever obstacle Congress had put there, and +apply the doctrine of Congressional Non-intervention in accordance with +the principles of the Compromise Measures of 1850, and allow the people +to do as they pleased upon this as well as all other matters affecting +their interests." + +A vigorous and able debate ensued. A motion by Mr. Chase to strike out +the words "which was superseded by the principles of the legislation of +1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures," was defeated decisively. +Subsequently Mr. Douglas moved to strike out the same words and insert +in place of them, these: "which being inconsistent with the principles +of Non-intervention by Congress with Slavery in the States and +Territories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850 (commonly called +the Compromise Measures), is hereby declared inoperative and void; it +being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate Slavery +into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave +the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic +institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the +United States"--and the motion was agreed to by a vote of 35 yeas to 10 +nays. Mr. Chase immediately moved to add to the amendment just adopted +these words: "Under which, the people of the Territory, through their +appropriate representatives, may, if they see fit, prohibit the +existence of Slavery therein;" but this motion was voted down by 36 nays +to 10 yeas. This developed the rat in the meal-tub. The people were to +be "perfectly free" to act either way on the subject of Slavery, so long +as they did not prohibit Slavery! In this shape the Bill passed the +Senate. + +Public sentiment in the North was greatly stirred by this direct attempt +to repeal the Missouri Compromise. But by the superior parliamentary +tactics of Southern Representatives in the House, whereby the radical +friends of Freedom were shut out from the opportunity of amendment, a +House Bill essentially the same as the Senate Bill was subsequently +passed by the House, under the previous question, and afterward rapidly +passed the Senate, and was approved by the President. At once commenced +that long and terrible struggle between the friends of Free-Soil and the +friends of Slavery, for the possession of Kansas, which convulsed the +whole Country for years, and moistened the soil of that Territory with +streams of blood, shed in numerous "border-ruffian" conflicts. + +The Territorial Government of Kansas was organized late in 1854, and an +"election" for Delegate held, at which the Pro-Slavery candidate +(Whitfield) was fraudulently elected. On March 30, 1855, a Territorial +Legislature was similarly chosen by Pro-Slavery voters "colonized" from +Missouri. That Legislature, upon its meeting, proceeded at once to +enact most outrageous Pro-Slavery laws, which being vetoed by the Free- +Soil Governor (Reeder), were passed over the veto, and the Free-Soil +Governor had to give place to one who favored Slavery in Kansas. But +the Free-Soil settlers of Kansas, in Mass Convention at Big Springs, +utterly repudiated the bogus Legislature and all its acts, to which they +refused submission. + +In consequence of these radical differences, two separate elections for +Delegate in Congress were held by the opposing factions, at one of which +was elected the Pro-Slavery Whitfield, and at the other the Free-Soiler +Reeder. Furthermore, under a call issued by the Big Springs Convention, +a Free-State Constitutional Convention was held in October, 1855, at +Topeka, which framed a Free-State Constitution, and asked admission +under it to the Union. + +In 1856, the House of Representatives--which, after a protracted +struggle, had elected N. P. Banks Speaker--passed a Bill, by a bare +majority, admitting Kansas under her Topeka Constitution; but the Senate +defeated it. July 4, 1856, by order of President Pierce, the Free-State +Legislature, chosen under the Topeka Constitution to meet at Topeka, was +dispersed by United States Troops. Yet, despite all oppositions, +discouragements, and outrages, the Free-State population of +Kansas continued to increase from immigration. + +In 1857, the Pro-Slavery Legislature elected by the Pro-Slavery voters +at their own special election--the Free-State voters declining to +participate--called a Constitutional Convention at Lecompton, which +formed a Pro-Slavery Constitution. This was submitted to the people in +such dexterous manner that they could only vote "For the Constitution +with Slavery" or "For the Constitution without Slavery"--and, as the +Constitution prescribed that "the rights of property in Slaves now in +the Territory, shall in no manner be interfered with," to vote "for the +Constitution Without Slavery" was an absurdity only paralleled by the +course of the United States Senate in refusing to permit the people of +Kansas "to prohibit Slavery" while at the same time declaring them +"perfectly free to act" as they chose in the matter. + +The Constitution, with Slavery, was thus adopted by a vote of over +6,000. But in the meanwhile, at another general election held for the +purpose, and despite all the frauds perpetrated by the Pro-Slavery men, +a Free-State Legislature, and Free-State Delegate to Congress had been +elected; and this Legislature submitted the Lecompton Pro-Slavery +Constitution to the people, January 4, 1858, so that they could vote: +"For the Lecompton Constitution with Slavery," "For the Lecompton +Constitution without Slavery," or "Against the Lecompton Constitution." +The consequence was that the Lecompton Constitution was defeated by a +majority of over 10,000 votes--the Missouri Pro-Slavery colonists +declining to recognize the validity of any further election on the +subject. + +Meanwhile, in part upon the issues growing out of this Kansas conflict, +the political parties of the Nation had passed through another +Presidential campaign (1856), in which the Democratic candidate Buchanan +had been elected over Fremont the "Republican," and Fillmore the +"American," candidates. Both Houses of Congress being now Democratic, +Mr. Buchanan recommended them to accept and ratify the Lecompton Pro- +Slavery Constitution. + +In March, 1858, the Senate passed a Bill--against the efforts of Stephen +A. Douglas--accepting it. In the House, however, a substitute offered +by Mr. Montgomery (Douglas Democrat) known as the Crittenden-Montgomery +Compromise, was adopted. The Senate refused to concur, and the report +of a Committee of Conference--providing for submitting to the Kansas +people a proposition placing limitations upon certain public land +advantages stipulated for in the Lecompton Constitution, and in case +they rejected the proposition that another Constitutional Convention +should be held--was adopted by both Houses; and the proposition being +rejected by the people of Kansas, the Pro-Slavery Lecompton Constitution +fell with it. + +In 1859 a Convention, called by the Territorial Legislature for the +purpose, met at Wyandot, and framed a Free State Constitution which was +adopted by the people in October of that year, and at the ensuing State +election in December the State went Republican. In April, 1860, the +House of Representatives passed a Bill admitting Kansas as a State under +that Constitution, but the Democratic Senate adjourned without action on +the Bill; and it was not until early in 1861 that Kansas was at last +admitted. + +In the meantime, the Free Trade Tariff of 1846 had produced the train of +business and financial disasters that its opponents predicted. Instead +of prosperity everywhere in the land, there was misery and ruin. Even +the discovery and working of the rich placer mines of California and the +consequent flow, in enormous volume, of her golden treasure into the +Eastern States, could not stay-the wide-spread flood of disaster. +President Fillmore, who had succeeded General Taylor on the latter's +death, frequently called the attention of Congress to the evils produced +by this Free Trade, and to the necessity of protecting our manufactures +"from ruinous competition from abroad." So also with his successor, +President Buchanan, who, in his Message of 1857, declared that "In the +midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions and in all the +elements of national wealth, we find our manufactures suspended, our +public works retarded, our private enterprises of different kinds +abandoned, and thousands of useful laborers thrown out of employment and +reduced to want." Further than this, the financial credit of the Nation +was at zero. It was financially bankrupt before the close of Buchanan's +Presidential term. + + + + + CHAPTER IV. + + POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY. + +But now occurred the great Presidential struggle of 1860 --which +involved not alone the principles of Protection, but those of human +Freedom, and the preservation of the Union itself-between Abraham +Lincoln of Illinois, the candidate of the Republican party, as against +Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, the National or Douglas-Democratic +candidate, John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, the Administration or +Breckinridge-Democratic candidate, and John Bell of Tennessee, the +candidate of the Bell-Union party. The great preliminary struggle which +largely influenced the determination of the Presidential political +conflict of 1860, had, however, taken place in the State of Illinois, +two years previously. To that preliminary political contest of 1858, +therefore, we will now turn our eyes--and, in order to fully understand +it, it may be well to glance back over a few years. In 1851 the +Legislature of Illinois had adopted--[The vote in the House being 65 +yeas to 4 nays.]--the following resolution: "Resolved, That our Liberty +and Independence are based upon the right of the people to form for +themselves such a government as they may choose; that this great +principle, the birthright of freemen, the gift of Heaven, secured to us +by the blood of our ancestors, ought to be secured to future +generations, and no limitation ought to be applied to this power in the +organization of any Territory of the United States, of either +Territorial Government or State Constitution, provided the government so +established shall be Republican and in conformity with the Constitution +of the United States." This resolution was a practical endorsement of +the course of Stephen A. Douglas in supporting the Compromise measures +of 1850, which he had defended as being "all founded upon the great +principle that every people ought to possess the right to form and +regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way," and that +"the same principle" should be "extended to all of the Territories of +the United States." + +In accordance with his views and the resolution aforesaid, Mr. Douglas +in 1854, as we have already seen, incorporated in the Kansas-Nebraska +Bill a clause declaring it to be "the true intent and meaning of the Act +not to legislate Slavery into any State or Territory, or to exclude it +therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and +regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to +the Constitution of the United States." + +His position, as stated by himself, was, substantially that the +Lecompton Pro-Slavery Constitution was a fraud upon the people of +Kansas, in that it did not embody the will of that people; and he denied +the right of Congress to force a Constitution upon an unwilling people-- +without regard, on his part, to whether that Constitution allowed or +prohibited Slavery or any other thing, whether good or bad. He held +that the people themselves were the sole judges of whether it is good or +bad, and whether desirable or not. + +The Supreme Court of the United States had in the meantime made a +decision in a case afterward known as the "Dred Scott case," which was +held back until after the Presidential election of 1856 had taken place, +and added fuel to the political fire already raging. Dred Scott was a +Negro Slave. His owner voluntarily took him first into a Free State, +and afterward into a Territory which came within the Congressional +prohibitive legislation aforesaid. That decision in brief was +substantially that no Negro Slave imported from Africa, nor his +descendant, can be a citizen of any State within the meaning of the +Constitution; that neither the Congress nor any Territorial Legislature +has under the Constitution of the United States, the power to exclude +Slavery from any Territory of the United States; and that it is for the +State Courts of the Slave State, into which the negro has been conveyed +by his master, and not for the United States Courts, to decide whether +that Negro, having been held to actual Slavery in a Free State, has, by +virtue of residence in such State, himself become Free. + +Now it was, that the meaning of the words, "subject only to the +Constitution," as used in the Kansas-Nebraska Act, began to be +discerned. For if the people of a Territory were to be "perfectly +free," to deal with Slavery as they chose, "subject only to the +Constitution" they were by this Judicial interpretation of that +instrument "perfectly free" to deal with Slavery in any way so long as +they did not attempt "to exclude" it! The thing was all one-sided. Mr. +Douglas's attitude in inventing the peculiar phraseology in the Kansas- +Nebraska Act--which to some seemed as if expressly "made to order" for +the Dred Scott decision--was criticized with asperity; the popularity, +however, of his courageous stand against President Buchanan on the +Lecompton fraud, seemed to make it certain that, his term in the United +States Senate being about to expire, he would be overwhelmingly re- +elected to that body. + +But at this juncture occurred something, which for a long time held the +result in doubt, and drew the excited attention of the whole Nation to +Illinois as the great battle-ground. In 1858 a Republican State +Convention was held at Springfield, Ill., which nominated Abraham +Lincoln as the Republican candidate for United States Senator to succeed +Senator Douglas in the National Legislature. On June 16th--after such +nomination--Mr. Lincoln made to the Convention a speech--in which, with +great and incisive power, he assailed Mr. Douglas's position as well as +that of the whole Democratic Pro-Slavery Party, and announced in compact +and cogent phrase, from his own point of view, the attitude, upon the +Slavery question, of the Republican Party. + +In that remarkable speech--which at once attracted the attention of the +Country--Mr. Lincoln said: "We are now far into the fifth year, since a +policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of +putting an end to Slavery agitation. Under the operation of that +policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly +augmented. In my opinion it will not cease, until a crisis shall have +been reached and passed. 'A House divided against itself cannot stand.' +I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half Slave and half +Free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved--I do not expect the +House to fall--but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will +become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of Slavery +will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind +shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate +extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become +alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as +South." + + [Governor Seward's announcement of an "irrepressible conflict" was + made four months later.] + +He then proceeded to lay bare and closely analyze the history of all +that had been done, during the four years preceding, to produce the +prevailing condition of things touching human Slavery; describing it as +resulting from that, "now almost complete legal combination-piece of +machinery, so to speak--compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the Dred +Scott decision." After stating the several points of that decision, and +that the doctrine of the "Sacred right of self-government" had been +perverted by the Nebraska "Squatter Sovereignty," argument to mean that, +"if any one man chose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed +to object," he proceeded to show the grounds upon which he charged "pre- +concert" among the builders of that machinery. Said he: "The people +were to be left perfectly free, 'subject only to the Constitution.' +What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders could not see. +Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche for the Dred Scott +decision to afterward come in and declare the perfect freedom of the +people to be just no freedom at all. Why was the amendment, expressly +declaring the right of the people, voted down? Plainly enough now, the +adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision. +Why was the Court decision held up? Why even a Senator's individual +opinion withheld, till after the Presidential election? Plainly enough +now: the speaking out then would have damaged the 'perfectly free' +argument upon which the election was to be carried. Why the outgoing +President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the delay of a re- +argument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation in favor of +the decision? These things look like the cautious patting and petting +of a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when it is dreaded +that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty after-indorsement +of the decision, by the President and others? We cannot absolutely know +that all these exact adaptations are the result of pre-concert. But +when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know +have been gotten out at different times and places and by different +workmen--Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James--[Douglas, Pierce, Taney +and Buchanan.]--for instance--and when we see these timbers joined +together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all +the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths and +proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective +places, and not a piece too many or too few--not omitting even the +scaffolding, or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the +frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in--in such a +case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and +Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all +worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was +struck." + +He drew attention also to the fact that by the Nebraska Bill the people +of a State, as well as a Territory, were to be left "perfectly free," +"subject only to the Constitution," and that the object of lugging a +"State" into this merely Territorial law was to enable the United States +Supreme Court in some subsequent decision to declare, when the public +mind had been sufficiently imbued with Judge Douglas's notion of not +caring "whether Slavery be voted up or voted down," that "the +Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude +Slavery from its limits"--which would make Slavery "alike lawful in all +the States." That, he declared to be Judge Douglas's present mission:-- +"His avowed mission is impressing the 'public heart' to care nothing +about it." Hence Mr. Lincoln urged Republicans to stand by their cause, +which must be placed in the hands of its friends, "Whose hands are free, +whose hearts are in the work--who do care for the result;" for he held +that "a living dog is better than a dead lion." + +On the evening of July 9, 1858, at Chicago, Mr. Douglas (Mr. Lincoln +being present) spoke to an enthusiastic assemblage, which he fitly +described as a "vast sea of human faces," and, after stating that he +regarded "the Lecompton battle as having been fought and the victory +won, because the arrogant demand for the admission of Kansas under the +Lecompton Constitution unconditionally, whether her people wanted it or +not, has been abandoned, and the principle which recognizes the right of +the people to decide for themselves has been submitted in its place," he +proceeded to vindicate his position throughout; declared that he opposed +"the Lecompton monstrosity solely on the ground than it was a violation +of the fundamental principles of free government; on the ground that it +was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas; that it did not embody +their will; that they were averse to it;" and hence he "denied the right +of Congress to force it upon them, either as a Free State or a Slave +State." + +Said he: "I deny the right of Congress to force a Slaveholding State +upon an unwilling people. I deny their right to force a Free State upon +an unwilling people. I deny their right to force a good thing upon a +people who are unwilling to receive it. The great principle is the +right of every community to judge and decide for itself, whether a thing +is right or wrong, whether it would be good or evil for them to adopt +it; and the right of free action, the right of free thought, the right +of free judgment upon the question is dearer to every true American than +any other under a free Government. * * * It is no answer to this +argument to say that Slavery is an evil, and hence should not be +tolerated. You must allow the people to decide for themselves whether +it is good or evil." He then adverted to the arraignment of himself by +Mr. Lincoln, and took direct issue with that gentleman on his +proposition that, as to Freedom and Slavery, "the Union will become all +one thing or all the other;" and maintained on the contrary, that "it is +neither desirable nor possible that there should be uniformity in the +local institutions and domestic regulations of the different States of +this Union." + +Upon the further proposition of Mr. Lincoln, which Mr. Douglas described +as "a crusade against the Supreme Court of the United States on account +of the Dred Scott decision," and as "an appeal from the decision" of +that Court "upon this high Constitutional question to a Republican +caucus sitting in the country," he also took "direct and distinct issue +with him." To "the reason assigned by Mr. Lincoln for resisting the +decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case * * * because it +deprives the Negro of the privileges, immunities and rights of +citizenship which pertain, according to that decision, only to the White +man," Mr. Douglas also took exception thus: "I am free to say to you +that in my opinion this Government of ours is founded on the White +basis. It was made by the White man for the benefit of the White man, +to be administered by White men, in such manner as they should +determine. It is also true that a Negro, an Indian, or any other man of +inferior race to a White man, should be permitted to enjoy, and humanity +requires that he should have, all the rights, privileges, and immunities +which he is capable of exercising consistent with the safety of society. +* * * But you may ask me what are these rights and these privileges? +My answer is, that each State must decide for itself the nature and +extent of these rights. * * * Without indorsing the wisdom of that +decision, I assert that Virginia has the same power by virtue of her +sovereignty to protect Slavery within her limits, as Illinois has to +banish it forever from our own borders. I assert the right of each +State to decide for itself on all these questions, and I do not +subscribe to the doctrine of my friend, Mr. Lincoln, that uniformity is +either desirable or possible. I do not acknowledge that the States must +all be Free or must all be Slave. I do not acknowledge that the Negro +must have civil and political rights everywhere or nowhere. * * * I do +not acknowledge any of these doctrines of uniformity in the local and +domestic regulations in the different States. * * * Mr. Lincoln goes +for a warfare upon the Supreme Court of the United States because of +their judicial decision in the Dred Scott case. I yield obedience to +the decisions in that Court--to the final determination of the highest +judicial tribunal known to our Constitution. He objects to the Dred +Scott decision because it does not put the Negro in the possession of +the rights of citizenship on an equality with the White man. I am +opposed to Negro equality. * * * I would extend to the Negro, and the +Indian, and to all dependent races every right, every privilege, and +every immunity consistent with the safety and welfare of the White +races; but equality they never should have, either political or social, +or in any other respect whatever. * * * My friends, you see that the +issues are distinctly drawn." + +On the following evening (July 10th) at Chicago, Mr. Lincoln addressed +another enthusiastic assemblage, in reply to Mr. Douglas; and, after +protesting against a charge that had been made the previous night by the +latter, of an "unnatural and unholy" alliance between Administration +Democrats and Republicans to defeat him, as being beyond his own +knowledge and belief, proceeded: "Popular Sovereignty! Everlasting +Popular Sovereignty! Let us for a moment inquire into this vast matter +of Popular Sovereignty. What is Popular Sovereignty? We recollect at +an early period in the history of this struggle there was another name +for the same thing--Squatter Sovereignty. It was not exactly Popular +Sovereignty, but Squatter Sovereignty. What do those terms mean? What +do those terms mean when used now? And vast credit is taken by our +friend, the Judge, in regard to his support of it, when he declares the +last years of his life have been, and all the future years of his life +shall be, devoted to this matter of Popular Sovereignty. What is it? +Why it is the Sovereignty of the People! What was Squatter Sovereignty? +I suppose if it had any significance at all, it was the right of the +people to govern themselves, to be sovereign in their own affairs while +they were squatted down in a country not their own--while they had +squatted on a territory that did not belong to them in the sense that a +State belongs to the people who inhabit it--when it belonged to the +Nation--such right to govern themselves was called 'Squatter +Sovereignty.' + +"Now I wish you to mark. What has become of that Squatter Sovereignty? +What has become of it? Can you get anybody to tell you now that the +people of a Territory have any authority to govern themselves, in regard +to this mooted question of Slavery, before they form a State +Constitution? No such thing at all, although there is a general running +fire and although there has been a hurrah made in every speech on that +side, assuming that that policy had given the people of a Territory the +right to govern themselves upon this question; yet the point is dodged. +To-day it has been decided--no more than a year ago it was decided by +the Supreme Court of the United States, and is insisted upon to-day, +that the people of a Territory have no right to exclude Slavery from a +Territory, that if any one man chooses to take Slaves into a Territory, +all the rest of the people have no right to keep them out. This being +so, and this decision being made one of the points that the Judge +(Douglas) approved, * * * he says he is in favor of it, and sticks to +it, and expects to win his battle on that decision, which says there is +no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty; but that any man may take Slaves +into a Territory and all the other men in the Territory may be opposed +to it, and yet by reason of the Constitution they cannot prohibit it; +when that is so, how much is left of this vast matter of Squatter +Sovereignty, I should like to know? Again, when we get to the question +of the right of the people to form a State Constitution as they please, +to form it with Slavery or without Slavery--if that is anything new, I +confess I don't know it * * *. + +"We do not remember that, in that old Declaration of Independence, it is +said that 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are +created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain +inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit +of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted +among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.' +There, is the origin of Popular Sovereignty. Who, then, shall come in +at this day and claim that he invented it? The Lecompton Constitution +connects itself with this question, for it is in this matter of the +Lecompton Constitution that our friend, Judge Douglas, claims such vast +credit. I agree that in opposing the Lecompton Constitution, so far as +I can perceive, he was right. * * * All the Republicans in the Nation +opposed it, and they would have opposed it just as much without Judge +Douglas's aid as with it. They had all taken ground against it long +before he did. Why, the reason that he urges against that Constitution, +I urged against him a year before. I have the printed speech in my hand +now. The argument that he makes, why that Constitution should not be +adopted, that the people were not fairly represented nor allowed to +vote, I pointed out in a speech a year ago which I hold in my hand now, +that no fair chance was to be given to the people. * * * The Lecompton +Constitution, as the Judge tells us, was defeated. The defeat of it was +a good thing or it was not. He thinks the defeat of it was a good +thing, and so do I, and we agree in that. Who defeated it? [A voice-- +'Judge Douglas.'] Yes, he furnished himself, and if you suppose he +controlled the other Democrats that went with him, he furnished three +votes, while the Republicans furnished twenty. That is what he did to +defeat it. In the House of Representatives he and his friends furnished +some twenty votes, and the Republicans furnished ninety odd. Now, who +was it that did the work? * * * Ground was taken against it by the +Republicans long before Douglas did it. The proportion of opposition to +that measure is about five to one." + +Mr. Lincoln then proceeded to take up the issues which Mr. Douglas had +joined with him the previous evening. He denied that he had said, or +that it could be fairly inferred from what he had said, in his +Springfield speech, that he was in favor of making War by the North upon +the South for the extinction of Slavery, "or, in favor of inviting the +South to a War upon the North, for the purpose of nationalizing +Slavery." Said he: "I did not even say that I desired that Slavery +should be put in course of ultimate extinction. I do say so now, +however; so there need be no longer any difficulty about that. * * * I +am tolerably well acquainted with the history of the Country and I know +that it has endured eighty-two years half Slave and half Free. I +believe--and that is what I meant to allude to there--I believe it has +endured, because during all that time, until the introduction of the +Nebraska Bill, the public mind did rest all the, time in the belief that +Slavery was in course of ultimate extinction. That was what gave us the +rest that we had through that period of eighty-two years; at least, so I +believe. + +"I have always hated Slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist--I +have been an Old Line Whig--I have always hated it, but I have always +been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the +Nebraska Bill began. I always believed that everybody was against it, +and that it was in course of ultimate extinction. * * * The great mass +of the Nation have rested in the belief that Slavery was in course of +ultimate extinction. They had reason so to believe. The adoption of +the Constitution and its attendant history led the People to believe so, +and that such was the belief of the framers of the Constitution itself. +Why did those old men about the time of the adoption of the Constitution +decree that Slavery should not go into the new territory, where it had +not already gone? Why declare that within twenty years the African +Slave Trade, by which Slaves are supplied, might be cut off by Congress? +Why were all these acts? I might enumerate more of these acts--but +enough. What were they but a clear indication that the framers of the +Constitution intended and expected the ultimate extinction of that +institution? + +"And now, when I say, as I said in my speech that Judge Douglas has +quoted from, when I say that I think the opponents of Slavery will +resist the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind +shall rest with the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction, +I only mean to say, that they will place it where the founders of this +Government originally placed it. I have said a hundred times, and I +have now no inclination to take it back, that I believe there is no +right, and ought to be no inclination in the people of the Free States, +to enter into the Slave States, and interfere with the question of +Slavery at all. I have said that always; Judge Douglas has heard me say +it--if not quite a hundred times, at least as good as a hundred times; +and when it is said that I am in favor of interfering with Slavery where +it exists, I know that it is unwarranted by anything I have ever +intended, and as I believe, by anything I have ever said. If, by any +means, I have ever used language which could fairly be so construe (as, +however, I believe I never have) I now correct it. So much, then, for +the inference that Judge Douglas draws, that I am in favor of setting +the Sections at War with one another. + +"Now in relation to his inference that I am in favor of a general +consolidation of all the local institutions of the various States * * * +I have said, very many times in Judge Douglas's hearing, that no man +believed more than I in the principle of self-government from beginning +to end. I have denied that his use of that term applies properly. But +for the thing itself, I deny that any man has ever gone ahead of me in +his devotion to the principle, whatever he may have done in efficiency +in advocating it. I think that I have said it in your hearing--that I +believe each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with +himself and the fruit of his labor, so far as it in no wise interferes +with any other man's rights--that each community, as a State, has a +right to do exactly as it pleases with all the concerns within that +State that interfere with the rights of no other State, and that the +General Government, upon principle, has no right to interfere with +anything other than that general class of things that does concern the +whole. I have said that at all times. + +"I have said, as illustrations, that I do not believe in the right of +Illinois to interfere with the cranberry laws of Indiana, the oyster +laws of Virginia, or the liquor laws of Maine. I have said these things +over and over again, and I repeat them here as my sentiments. * * * +What can authorize him to draw any such inference? I suppose there +might be one thing that at least enabled him to draw such an inference +that would not be true with me or many others, that is, because he looks +upon all this matter of Slavery as an exceedingly little thing--this +matter of keeping one-sixth of the population of the whole Nation in a +state of oppression and tyranny unequaled in the World. + +"He looks upon it as being an exceedingly little thing only equal to the +cranberry laws of Indiana--as something having no moral question in it-- +as something on a par with the question of whether a man shall pasture +his land with cattle, or plant it with tobacco--so little and so small a +thing, that he concludes, if I could desire that anything should be done +to bring about the ultimate extinction of that little thing, I must be +in favor of bringing about an amalgamation of all the other little +things in the Union. + +"Now it so happens--and there, I presume, is the foundation of this +mistake--that the Judge thinks thus; and it so happens that there is a +vast portion of the American People that do not look upon that matter as +being this very little thing. They look upon it as a vast moral evil; +they can prove it as such by the writings of those who gave us the +blessings of Liberty which we enjoy, and that they so looked upon it, +and not as an evil merely confining itself to the States where it is +situated; while we agree that, by the Constitution we assented to, in +the States where it exists we have no right to interfere with it, +because it is in the Constitution; and we are by both duty and +inclination to stick by that Constitution in all its letter and spirit, +from beginning to end. * * * The Judge can have no issue with me on a +question of establishing uniformity in the domestic regulations of the +States. * * * + +"Another of the issues he says that is to be made with me, is upon his +devotion to the Dred Scott decision, and my opposition to it. I have +expressed heretofore, and I now repeat, my opposition to the Dred Scott +decision; but I should be allowed to state the nature of that +opposition. * * * What is fairly implied by the term Judge Douglas has +used, 'resistance to the decision?' I do not resist it. If I wanted to +take Dred Scott from his master, I would be interfering with property +and that terrible difficulty that Judge Douglas speaks of, of +interfering with property, would arise. But I am doing no such thing as +that, but all that I am doing is refusing to obey it, as a political +rule. If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on a question +whether Slavery should be prohibited in a new Territory, in spite of the +Dred Scott decision, I would vote that it should. That is what I would +do. + +"Judge Douglas said last night, that before the decision he might +advance his opinion, and it might be contrary to the decision when it +was made; but after it was made, he would abide by it until it was +reversed. Just so! We let this property abide by the decision, but we +will try to reverse that decision. We will try to put it where Judge +Douglas would not object, for he says he will obey it until it is +reversed. Somebody has to reverse that decision, since it is made, and +we mean to reverse it, and we mean to do it peaceably. + +"What are the uses of decisions of Courts? They have two uses. As +rules of property they have two uses. First, they decide upon the +question before the Court. They decide in this case that Dred Scott is +a Slave. Nobody resists that. Not only that, but they say to everybody +else, that persons standing just as Dred Scott stands, are as he is. +That is, they say that when a question comes up upon another person, it +will be so decided again, unless the Court decides in another way-- +unless the Court overrules its decision.--Well, we mean to do what we +can to have the Court decide the other way. That is one thing we mean +to try to do. + +"The sacredness that Judge Douglas throws around this decision is a +degree of sacredness that has never before been thrown around any other +decision. I have never heard of such a thing. Why, decisions +apparently contrary to that decision, or that good lawyers thought were +contrary to that decision, have been made by that very Court before. It +is the first of its kind; it is an astonisher in legal history. It is a +new wonder of the world. It is based upon falsehood in the main as to +the facts--allegations of facts upon which it stands are not facts at +all in many instances; and no decision made on any question--the first +instance of a decision made under so many unfavorable circumstances-- +thus placed, has ever been held by the profession as law, and it has +always needed confirmation before the lawyers regarded it as settled +law. But Judge Douglas will have it that all hands must take this +extraordinary decision, made under these extraordinary circumstances, +and give their vote in Congress in accordance with it, yield to it and +obey it in every possible sense. + +"Circumstances alter cases. Do not gentlemen remember the case of that +same Supreme Court, some twenty-five or thirty years ago, deciding that +a National Bank was Constitutional? * * * The Bank charter ran out, +and a recharter was granted by Congress. That re-charter was laid +before General Jackson. It was urged upon him, when he denied the +Constitutionality of the Bank, that the Supreme Court had decided that +it was Constitutional; and General Jackson then said that the Supreme +Court had no right to lay down a rule to govern a co-ordinate branch of +the Government, the members of which had sworn to support the +Constitution--that each member had sworn to support that Constitution as +he understood it. I will venture here to say, that I have heard Judge +Douglas say that he approved of General Jackson for that act. What has +now become of all his tirade about 'resistance to the Supreme Court?'" + +After adverting to Judge Douglas's warfare on "the leaders" of the +Republican party, and his desire to have "it understood that the mass of +the Republican party are really his friends," Mr. Lincoln said: "If you +indorse him, you tell him you do not care whether Slavery be voted up or +down, and he will close, or try to close, your mouths with his +declaration repeated by the day, the week, the month, and the year. Is +that what you mean? * * * Now I could ask the Republican party, after +all the hard names that Judge Douglas has called them by, all his +repeated charges of their inclination to marry with and hug negroes--all +his declarations of Black Republicanism--by the way, we are improving, +the black has got rubbed off--but with all that, if he be indorsed by +Republican votes, where do you stand? Plainly, you stand ready saddled, +bridled, and harnessed, and waiting to be driven over to the Slavery- +extension camp of the Nation--just ready to be driven over, tied +together in a lot--to be driven over, every man with a rope around his +neck, that halter being held by Judge Douglas. That is the question. +If Republican men have been in earnest in what they have done, I think +that they has better not do it. * * * + +"We were often--more than once at least--in the course of Judge +Douglas's speech last night, reminded that this Government was made for +White men--that he believed it was made for White men. Well, that is +putting it in a shape in which no one wants to deny it; but the Judge +then goes into his passion for drawing inferences that are not +warranted. I protest, now and forever, against that counterfeit logic +which presumes that because I do not want a Negro woman for a Slave I do +necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I need not +have her for either; but, as God has made us separate, we can leave one +another alone, and do one another much good thereby. There are White +men enough to marry all the White women, and enough Black men to marry +all the Black women, and in God's name let them be so married. The +Judge regales us with the terrible enormities that take place by the +mixture of races; that the inferior race bears the superior down. Why, +Judge, if we do not let them get together in the Territories, they won't +mix there. + +" * * * Those arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be +treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that as +much is to be done for them as their condition will allow--what are +these arguments? They are the arguments that Kings have made for +enslaving the People in all ages of the World. You will find that all +the arguments in favor of king-craft were of this class; they always +bestrode the necks of the People, not that they wanted to do it, but +because the People were better off for being ridden! That is their +argument, and this argument of the Judge is the same old Serpent that +says: you work, and I eat; you toil, and I will enjoy the fruits of it. + +"Turn it whatever way you will--whether it come from the mouth of a +King, an excuse for enslaving the People of his Country, or from the +mouth of men of one race as a reason for enslaving the men of another +race, it is all the same old Serpent; and I hold, if that course of +argumentation that is made for the purpose of convincing the public mind +that we should not care about this, should be granted, it does not stop +with the Negro. + +"I should like to know, taking this old Declaration of Independence, +which declares that all men are equal upon principle, and making +exceptions to it, where will it stop? If one man says it does not mean +a Negro, why not say it does not mean some other man? If that +Declaration is not the truth, let us get the Statute Book, in which we +find it, and tear it out! Who is so bold as to do it? If it is not +true, let us tear it out!" [Cries of "No, no."] "Let us stick to it +then; let us stand firmly by it, then. * * * + +" * * * The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any human creature +could be perfect as the Father in Heaven; but He said, 'As your Father +in Heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect.' He set that up as a +standard, and he who did most toward reaching that standard, attained +the highest degree of moral perfection. So I say, in relation to the +principle that all men are created equal--let it be as nearly reached as +we can. If we cannot give Freedom to every creature, let us do nothing +that will impose Slavery upon any other creature. Let us then turn this +Government back into the channel in which the framers of the +Constitution originally placed it. Let us stand firmly by each other. +* * * Let us discard all this quibbling * * * and unite as one People +throughout this Land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that +all men are created equal." + +At Bloomington, July 16th (Mr. Lincoln being present), Judge Douglas +made another great speech of vindication and attack. After sketching +the history of the Kansas-Nebraska struggle, from the introduction by +himself of the Nebraska Bill in the United States Senate, in 1854, down +to the passage of the "English" Bill--which prescribed substantially +that if the people of Kansas would come in as a Slave-holding State, +they should be admitted with but 35,000 inhabitants; but if they would +come in as a Free State, they must have 93,420 inhabitants; which unfair +restriction was opposed by Judge Douglas, but to which after it became +law he "bowed in deference," because whatever decision the people of +Kansas might make on the coming third of August would be "final and +conclusive of the whole question"--he proceeded to compliment the +Republicans in Congress, for supporting the Crittenden-Montgomery Bill-- +for coming "to the Douglas platform, abandoning their own, believing (in +the language of the New York Tribune), that under the peculiar +circumstances they would in that mode best subserve the interests of the +Country;" and then again attacked Mr. Lincoln for his "unholy and +unnatural alliance" with the Lecompton-Democrats to defeat him, because +of which, said he: "You will find he does not say a word against the +Lecompton Constitution or its supporters. He is as silent as the grave +upon that subject. Behold Mr. Lincoln courting Lecompton votes, in +order that he may go to the Senate as the representative of Republican +principles! You know that the alliance exists. I think you will find +that it will ooze out before the contest is over." Then with many +handsome compliments to the personal character of Mr. Lincoln, and +declaring that the question for decision was "whether his principles are +more in accordance with the genius of our free institutions, the peace +and harmony of the Republic" than those advocated by himself, Judge +Douglas proceeded to discuss what he described as "the two points at +issue between Mr. Lincoln and myself." + +Said he: "Although the Republic has existed from 1789 to this day, +divided into Free States and Slave States, yet we are told that in the +future it cannot endure unless they shall become all Free or all Slave. +* * * He wishes to go to the Senate of the United States in order to +carry out that line of public policy which will compel all the States in +the South to become Free. How is he going to do it? Has Congress any +power over the subject of Slavery in Kentucky or Virginia or any other +State of this Union? How, then, is Mr. Lincoln going to carry out that +principle which he says is essential to the existence of this Union, to +wit: That Slavery must be abolished in all the States of the Union or +must be established in them all? You convince the South that they must +either establish Slavery in Illinois and in every other Free State, or +submit to its abolition in every Southern State and you invite them to +make a warfare upon the Northern States in order to establish Slavery +for the sake of perpetuating it at home. Thus, Mr. Lincoln invites, by +his proposition, a War of Sections, a War between Illinois and Kentucky, +a War between the Free States and the Slave States, a War between the +North and South, for the purpose of either exterminating Slavery in +every Southern State or planting it in every Northern State. He tells +you that the safety of the Republic, that the existence of this Union, +depends upon that warfare being carried on until one Section or the +other shall be entirely subdued. The States must all be Free or Slave, +for a house divided against itself cannot stand. That is Mr. Lincoln's +argument upon that question. My friends, is it possible to preserve +Peace between the North and the South if such a doctrine shall prevail +in either Section of the Union? + +"Will you ever submit to a warfare waged by the Southern States to +establish Slavery in Illinois? What man in Illinois would not lose the +last drop of his heart's blood before lie would submit to the +institution of Slavery being forced upon us by the other States against +our will? And if that be true of us, what Southern man would not shed +the last drop of his heart's blood to prevent Illinois, or any other +Northern State, from interfering to abolish Slavery in his State? Each +of these States is sovereign under the Constitution; and if we wish to +preserve our liberties, the reserved rights and sovereignty of each and +every State must be maintained. * * * The difference between Mr. +Lincoln and myself upon this point is, that he goes for a combination of +the Northern States, or the organization of a sectional political party +in the Free States, to make War on the domestic institutions of the +Southern States, and to prosecute that War until they all shall be +subdued, and made to conform to such rules as the North shall dictate to +them. + +"I am aware that Mr. Lincoln, on Saturday night last, made a speech at +Chicago for the purpose, as he said, of explaining his position on this +question. * * * His answer to this point which I have been arguing, +is, that he never did mean, and that I ought to know that he never +intended to convey the idea, that he wished the people of +the Free States to enter into the Southern States and interfere with +Slavery. Well, I never did suppose that he ever dreamed of entering +into Kentucky, to make War upon her institutions, nor will any +Abolitionist ever enter into Kentucky to wage such War. Their mode of +making War is not to enter into those States where Slavery exists, and +there interfere, and render themselves responsible for the consequences. +Oh, no! They stand on this side of the Ohio River and shoot across. +They stand in Bloomington and shake their fists at the people of +Lexington; they threaten South Carolina from Chicago. And they call +that bravery! But they are very particular, as Mr. Lincoln says, not to +enter into those States for the purpose of interfering with the +institution of Slavery there. I am not only opposed to entering into +the Slave States, for the purpose of interfering with their +institutions, but I am opposed to a sectional agitation to control the +institutions of other States. I am opposed to organizing a sectional +party, which appeals to Northern pride, and Northern passion and +prejudice, against Southern institutions, thus stirring up ill feeling +and hot blood between brethren of the same Republic. I am opposed to +that whole system of sectional agitation, which can produce nothing but +strife, but discord, but hostility, and finally disunion. * * * + +"I ask Mr. Lincoln how it is that he purposes ultimately to bring about +this uniformity in each and all the States of the Union? There is but +one possible mode which I can see, and perhaps Mr. Lincoln intends to +pursue it; that is, to introduce a proposition into the Senate to change +the Constitution of the United States in order that all the State +Legislatures may be abolished, State Sovereignty blotted out, and the +power conferred upon Congress to make local laws and establish the +domestic institutions and police regulations uniformly throughout the +United States. + +"Are you prepared for such a change in the institutions of your country? +Whenever you shall have blotted out the State Sovereignties, abolished +the State Legislatures, and consolidated all the power in the Federal +Government, you will have established a Consolidated Empire as +destructive to the Liberties of the People and the Rights of the Citizen +as that of Austria, or Russia, or any other despotism that rests upon +the neck of the People. * * * There is but one possible way in which +Slavery can be abolished, and that is by leaving a State, according to +the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, perfectly free to form and +regulate its institutions in its own way. That was the principle upon +which this Republic was founded, and it is under the operation of that +principle that we have been able to preserve the Union thus far under +its operation. Slavery disappeared from New Hampshire, from Rhode +Island, from Connecticut, from New York, from New Jersey, from +Pennsylvania, from six of the twelve original Slave-holding States; and +this gradual system of emancipation went on quietly, peacefully, and +steadily, so long as we in the Free States minded our own business, and +left our neighbors alone. + +"But the moment the Abolition Societies were organized throughout the +North, preaching a violent crusade against Slavery in the Southern +States, this combination necessarily caused a counter-combination in the +South, and a sectional line was drawn which was a barrier to any further +emancipation. Bear in mind that emancipation has not taken place in any +one State since the Free Soil Party was organized as a political party +in this country. Emancipation went on gradually, in State after State, +so long as the Free States were content with managing their own affairs +and leaving the South perfectly free to do as they pleased; but the +moment the North said we are powerful enough to control you of the +South, the moment the North proclaimed itself the determined master of +the South, that moment the South combined to resist the attack, and thus +sectional parties were formed and gradual emancipation ceased in all the +Slave-holding States. + +"And yet Mr. Lincoln, in view of these historical facts, proposes to +keep up this sectional agitation, band all the Northern States together +in one political Party, elect a President by Northern votes alone, and +then, of course, make a Cabinet composed of Northern men, and administer +the Government by Northern men only, denying all the Southern States of +this Union any participation in the administration of affairs +whatsoever. I submit to you, my fellow-citizens, whether such a line of +policy is consistent with the peace and harmony of the Country? Can the +Union endure under such a system of policy? He has taken his position +in favor of sectional agitation and sectional warfare. I have taken +mine in favor of securing peace, harmony, and good-will among all the +States, by permitting each to mind its own business, and +discountenancing any attempt at interference on the part of one State +with the domestic concerns of the others. * * * + +"Mr. Lincoln tells you that he is opposed to the decision of the Supreme +Court in the Dred Scott case. Well, suppose he is; what is he going to +do about it? * * * Why, he says he is going to appeal to Congress. Let +us see how he will appeal to Congress. He tells us that on the 8th of +March, 1820, Congress passed a law called the Missouri Compromise, +prohibiting Slavery forever in all the territory west of the Mississippi +and north of the Missouri line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes; +that Dred Scott, a slave in Missouri, was taken by his master to Fort +Snelling, in the present State of Minnesota, situated on the west branch +of the Mississippi River, and consequently in the Territory where +Slavery was prohibited by the Act of 1820; and that when Dred Scott +appealed for his Freedom in consequence of having been taken into that +Territory, the Supreme Court of the United States decided that Dred +Scott did not become Free by being taken into that Territory, but that +having been carried back to Missouri, was yet a Slave. + +"Mr. Lincoln is going to appeal from that decision and reverse it. He +does not intend to reverse it as to Dred Scott. Oh, no! But he will +reverse it so that it shall not stand as a rule in the future. How will +he do it? He says that if he is elected to the Senate he will introduce +and pass a law just like the Missouri Compromise, prohibiting Slavery +again in all the Territories. Suppose he does re-enact the same law +which the Court has pronounced unconstitutional, will that make it +Constitutional? * * * Will it be any more valid? Will he be able to +convince the Court that the second Act is valid, when the first is +invalid and void? What good does it do to pass a second Act? Why, it +will have the effect to arraign the Supreme Court before the People, and +to bring them into all the political discussions of the Country. Will +that do any good? * * * + +"The functions of Congress are to enact the Statutes, the province of +the Court is to pronounce upon their validity, and the duty of the +Executive is to carry the decision into effect when rendered by the +Court. And yet, notwithstanding the Constitution makes the decision of +the Court final in regard to the validity of an Act of Congress, Mr. +Lincoln is going to reverse that decision by passing another Act of +Congress. When he has become convinced of the Folly of the proposition, +perhaps he will resort to the same subterfuge that I have found others +of his Party resort to, which is to agitate and agitate until he can +change the Supreme Court and put other men in the places of the present +incumbents." + +After ridiculing this proposition at some length, he proceeded: + +"Mr. Lincoln is alarmed for fear that, under the Dred Scott decision, +Slavery will go into all the Territories of the United States. All I +have to say is that, with or without this decision, Slavery will go just +where the People want it, and not an inch further. * * * Hence, if the +People of a Territory want Slavery, they will encourage it by passing +affirmatory laws, and the necessary police regulations, patrol laws and +Slave Code; if they do not want it, they will withhold that legislation, +and, by withholding it, Slavery is as dead as if it was prohibited by a +Constitutional prohibition, especially if, in addition, their +legislation is unfriendly, as it would be if they were opposed to it." + +Then, taking up what he said was "Mr. Lincoln's main objection to the +Dred Scott decision," to wit: "that that decision deprives the Negro of +the benefits of that clause of the Constitution of the United States +which entitles the citizens of each State to all the privileges and +immunities of citizens of the several States," and admitting that such +would be its effect, Mr. Douglas contended at some length that this +Government was "founded on the White basis" for the benefit of the +Whites and their posterity. He did "not believe that it was the design +or intention of the signers of the Declaration of Independence or the +frames of the Constitution to include Negroes, Indians, or other +inferior races, with White men as citizens;" nor that the former "had +any reference to Negroes, when they used the expression that all men +were created equal," nor to "any other inferior race." He held that, +"They were speaking only of the White race, and never dreamed that their +language would be construed to apply to the Negro;" and after ridiculing +the contrary view, insisted that, "The history of the Country shows that +neither the signers of the Declaration, nor the Framers of the +Constitution, ever supposed it possible that their language would be +used in an attempt to make this Nation a mixed Nation of Indians, +Negroes, Whites, and Mongrels." + +The "Fathers proceeded on the White basis, making the White people the +governing race, but conceding to the Indian and Negro, and all inferior +races, all the rights and all the privileges they could enjoy consistent +with the safety of the society in which they lived. That," said he, "is +my opinion now. I told you that humanity, philanthropy, justice, and +sound policy required that we should give the Negro every right, every +privilege, every immunity consistent with the safety and welfare of the +State. The question, then, naturally arises, what are those rights and +privileges, and what is the nature and extent of them? My answer is, +that that is a question which each State and each Territory must decide +for itself. * * * I am content with that position. My friend Lincoln +is not. * * * He thinks that the Almighty made the Negro his equal and +his brother. For my part I do not consider the Negro any kin to me, nor +to any other White man; but I would still carry my humanity and my +philanthropy to the extent of giving him every privilege and every +immunity that he could enjoy, consistent with our own good." + +After again referring to the principles connected with non-interference +in the domestic institutions of the States and Territories, and to the +devotion of all his energies to them "since 1850, when," said he, "I +acted side by side with the immortal Clay and the god-like Webster, in +that memorable struggle in which Whigs and Democrats united upon a +common platform of patriotism and the Constitution, throwing aside +partisan feelings in order to restore peace and harmony to a distracted +Country"--he alluded to the death-bed of Clay, and the pledges made by +himself to both Clay and Webster to devote his own life to the +vindication of the principles of that Compromise of 1850 as a means of +preserving the Union; and concluded with this appeal: "This Union can +only be preserved by maintaining the fraternal feeling between the North +and the South, the East and the West. If that good feeling can be +preserved, the Union will be as perpetual as the fame of its great +founders. It can be maintained by preserving the sovereignty of the +States, the right of each State and each Territory to settle its +domestic concerns for itself, and the duty of each to refrain from +interfering with the other in any of its local or domestic institutions. +Let that be done, and the Union will be perpetual; let that be done, and +this Republic, which began with thirteen States and which now numbers +thirty-two, which when it began, only extended from the Atlantic to the +Mississippi, but now reaches to the Pacific, may yet expand, North and +South, until it covers the whole Continent, and becomes one vast ocean- +bound Confederacy. Then, my friends, the path of duty, of honor, of +patriotism, is plain. There are a few simple principles to be +preserved. Bear in mind the dividing line between State rights and +Federal authority; let us maintain the great principles of Popular +Sovereignty, of State rights and of the Federal Union as the +Constitution has made it, and this Republic will endure forever." + +On the next evening, July 17th, at Springfield, both Douglas and Lincoln +addressed separate meetings. + +After covering much the same ground with regard to the history of the +Kansas-Nebraska struggle and his own attitude upon it, as he did in his +previous speech, Mr. Douglas declined to comment upon Mr. Lincoln's +intimation of a Conspiracy between Douglas, Pierce, Buchanan, and Taney +for the passage of the Nebraska Bill, the rendition of the Dred Scott +decision, and the extension of Slavery, but proceeded to dilate on the +"uniformity" issue between himself and Mr. Lincoln, in much the same +strain as before, tersely summing up with the statement that "there is a +distinct issue of principles--principles irreconcilable--between Mr. +Lincoln and myself. He goes for consolidation and uniformity in our +Government. I go for maintaining the Confederation of the Sovereign +States under the Constitution, as our fathers made it, leaving each +State at liberty to manage its own affairs and own internal +institutions." + +He then ridiculed, at considerable length, Mr. Lincoln's proposed +methods of securing a reversal by the United States Supreme Court of the +Dred Scott decision--especially that of an "appeal to the People to +elect a President who will appoint judges who will reverse the Dred +Scott decision," which he characterized as "a proposition to make that +Court the corrupt, unscrupulous tool of a political party," and asked, +"when we refuse to abide by Judicial decisions, what protection is there +left for life and property? To whom shall you appeal? To mob law, to +partisan caucuses, to town meetings, to revolution? Where is the remedy +when you refuse obedience to the constituted authorities?" In other +respects the speech was largely a repetition of his Bloomington speech. + +Mr. Lincoln in his speech, the same night, at Springfield, opened by +contrasting the disadvantages under which, by reason of an unfair +apportionment of State Legislative representation and otherwise, the +Republicans of Illinois labored in this fight. Among other +disadvantages--whereby he said the Republicans were forced "to fight +this battle upon principle and upon principle alone"--were those which +he said arose "out of the relative positions of the two persons who +stand before the State as candidates for the Senate." + +Said he: "Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown. All the anxious +politicians of his Party, or who have been of his Party for years past, +have been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be the +President of the United States. They have seen in his round, jolly, +fruitful face, Post-offices, Land-offices, Marshalships, and Cabinet +appointments, Chargeships and Foreign Missions, bursting and sprouting +out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy +hands. And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so +long, they cannot, in the little distraction that has taken place in the +party, bring themselves to give up the charming hope; but with greedier +anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, and give him marches, +triumphal entries, and receptions, beyond what even in the days of his +highest prosperity they could have brought about in his favor. On the +contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be President. In my poor, +lean, lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting +out." + +Then he described the main points of Senator Douglas's plan of campaign +as being not very numerous. "The first," he said, "is Popular +Sovereignty. The second and third are attacks upon my speech made on +the 16th of June. Out of these three points-drawing within the range of +Popular Sovereignty the question of the Lecompton Constitution--he makes +his principal assault. Upon these his successive speeches are +substantially one and the same." Touching the first point, "Popular +Sovereignty"--"the great staple" of Mr. Douglas's campaign--Mr. Lincoln +affirmed that it was "the most arrant Quixotism that was ever enacted +before a community." + +He said that everybody understood that "we have not been in a +controversy about the right of a People to govern themselves in the +ordinary matters of domestic concern in the States and Territories;" +that, "in this controversy, whatever has been said has had reference to +the question of Negro Slavery;" and "hence," said he, "when hereafter I +speak of Popular Sovereignty, I wish to be understood as applying what I +say to the question of Slavery only; not to other minor domestic matters +of a Territory or a State." + +Having cleared away the cobwebs, Mr. Lincoln proceeded: + +"Does Judge Douglas, when he says that several of the past years of his +life have been devoted to the question of 'Popular Sovereignty' * * * +mean to say that he has been devoting his life to securing the People of +the Territories the right to exclude Slavery from the Territories? If +he means so to say, he means to deceive; because he and every one knows +that the decision of the Supreme Court, which he approves, and makes +special ground of attack upon me for disapproving, forbids the People of +a Territory to exclude Slavery. + +"This covers the whole ground from the settlement of a Territory till it +reaches the degree of maturity entitling it to form a State +Constitution. * * * This being so, the period of time from the first +settlement of a Territory till it reaches the point of forming a State +Constitution, is not the thing that the Judge has fought for, or is +fighting for; but, on the contrary, he has fought for, and is fighting +for, the thing that annihilates and crushes out that same Popular +Sovereignty. Well, so much being disposed of, what is left? Why, he is +contending for the right of the People, when they come to make a State +Constitution, to make it for themselves, and precisely as best suits +themselves. I say again, that is Quixotic. I defy contradiction when I +declare that the Judge can find no one to oppose him on that +proposition. I repeat, there is nobody opposing that proposition on +principle. * * * Nobody is opposing, or has opposed, the right of the +People when they form a State Constitution, to form it for themselves. +Mr. Buchanan and his friends have not done it; they, too, as well as the +Republicans and the Anti-Lecompton Democrats, have not done it; but on +the contrary, they together have insisted on the right of the People to +form a Constitution for themselves. The difference between the Buchanan +men, on the one hand, and the Douglas men and the Republicans, on the +other, has not been on a question of principle, but on a question of +fact * * * whether the Lecompton Constitution had been fairly formed by +the People or not. * * * As to the principle, all were agreed. + +"Judge Douglas voted with the Republicans upon that matter of fact. He +and they, by their voices and votes, denied that it was a fair emanation +of the People. The Administration affirmed that it was. * * * This +being so, what is Judge Douglas going to spend his life for? Is he +going to spend his life in maintaining a principle that no body on earth +opposes? Does he expect to stand up in majestic dignity and go through +his apotheosis and become a god, in the maintaining of a principle which +neither man nor mouse in all God's creation is opposing?" + +After ridiculing the assumption that Judge Douglas was entitled to all +the credit for the defeat of the Lecompton Constitution in the House of +Representatives--when the defeating vote numbered 120, of which 6 were +Americans, 20 Douglas (or Anti-Lecompton) Democrats, and 94 Republicans +--and hinting that perhaps he placed "his superior claim to credit, on +the ground that he performed a good act which was never expected of +him," or "upon the ground of the parable of the lost sheep," of which it +had been said, "that there was more rejoicing over the one sheep that +was lost and had been found, than over the ninety and nine in the fold-- +" he added: "The application is made by the Saviour in this parable, +thus: 'Verily, I say unto you, there is more rejoicing in Heaven over +one sinner that repenteth, than over ninety and nine just persons that +need no repentance.' And now if the Judge claims the benefit of this +parable, let him repent. Let him not come up here and say: 'I am the +only just person; and you are the ninety-nine sinners!' Repentance +before forgiveness is a provision of the Christian system, and on that +condition alone will the Republicans grant his forgiveness." + +After complaining that Judge Douglas misrepresented his attitude as +indicated in his 16th of June speech at Springfield, in charging that he +invited "a War of Sections;"--that he proposed that "all the local +institutions of the different States shall become consolidated and +uniform," Mr. Lincoln denied that that speech could fairly bear such +construction. + +In that speech he (Mr. L.) had simply expressed an expectation that +"either the opponents of Slavery will arrest the further spread of it, +and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is +in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it +forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well +as new, North as well as South." Since then, at Chicago, he had also +expressed a "wish to see the spread of Slavery arrested, and to see it +placed where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the +course of ultimate extinction"--and, said he: "I said that, because I +supposed, when the public mind shall rest in that belief, we shall have +Peace on the Slavery question. I have believed--and now believe--the +public mind did rest on that belief up to the introduction of the +Nebraska Bill. Although I have ever been opposed to Slavery, so far I +rested in the hope and belief that it was in the course of ultimate +extinction. For that reason, it had been a minor question with me. I +might have been mistaken; but I had believed, and now believe, that the +whole public mind, that is, the mind of the great majority, had rested +in that belief up to the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. But upon +that event, I became convinced that either I had been resting in a +delusion, or the institution was being placed on a new basis--a basis +for making it Perpetual, National, and Universal. Subsequent events +have greatly confirmed me in that belief. + +"I believe that Bill to be the beginning of a Conspiracy for that +purpose. So believing, I have since then considered that question a +paramount one. So believing, I thought the public mind would never rest +till the power of Congress to restrict the spread of it shall again be +acknowledged and exercised on the one hand, or, on the other, all +resistance be entirely crushed out. I have expressed that opinion and I +entertain it to-night." + +Having given some pieces of evidence in proof of the "tendency," he had +discovered, to the Nationalization of Slavery in these States, Mr. +Lincoln continued: "And now, as to the Judge's inference, that because I +wish to see Slavery placed in the course of ultimate extinction--placed +where our fathers originally placed it--I wish to annihilate the State +Legislatures--to force cotton to grow upon the tops of the Green +Mountains--to freeze ice in Florida--to cut lumber on the broad Illinois +prairies--that I am in favor of all these ridiculous and impossible +things! It seems to me it is a complete answer to all this, to ask if, +when Congress did have the fashion of restricting Slavery from Free +Territory; when Courts did have the fashion of deciding that taking a +Slave into a Free, Country made him Free--I say it is a sufficient +answer to ask, if any of this ridiculous nonsense, about consolidation +and uniformity, did actually follow? Who heard of any such thing, +because of the Ordinance of '87? because of the Missouri Restriction +because of the numerous Court decisions of that character? + +"Now, as to the Dred Scott decision; for upon that he makes his last +point at me. He boldly takes ground in favor of that decision. This is +one-half the onslaught and one-third of the entire plan of the campaign. +I am opposed to that decision in a certain sense, but not in the sense +which he puts on it. I say that in so far as it decided in favor of +Dred Scott's master, and against Dred Scott and his family, I do not +propose to disturb or resist the decision. I never have proposed to do +any such thing. I think, that in respect for judicial authority, my +humble history would not suffer in comparison with that of Judge +Douglas. He would have the citizen conform his vote to that decision; +the member of Congress, his; the President, his use of the veto power. +He would make it a rule of political action for the People and all the +departments of the Government. I would not. By resisting it as a +political rule, I disturb no right of property, create no disorder, +excite no mobs." + +After quoting from a letter of Mr. Jefferson (vol. vii., p. 177, of his +Correspondence,) in which he held that "to consider the judges as the +ultimate arbiters of all Constitutional questions," is "a very dangerous +doctrine indeed; and one which would place us under the despotism of an +Oligarchy," Mr. Lincoln continued: "Let us go a little further. You +remember we once had a National Bank. Some one owed the Bank a debt; he +was sued, and sought to avoid payment on the ground that the Bank was +unconstitutional. The case went to the Supreme Court, and therein it +was decided that the Bank was Constitutional. The whole Democratic +party revolted against that decision. General Jackson himself asserted +that he, as President, would not be bound to hold a National Bank to be +Constitutional, even though the Court had decided it to be so. He fell +in, precisely, with the view of Mr. Jefferson, and acted upon it under +his official oath, in vetoing a charter for a National Bank. + +"The declaration that Congress does not possess this Constitutional +power to charter a Bank, has gone into the Democratic platform, at their +National Conventions, and was brought forward and reaffirmed in their +last Convention at Cincinnati. They have contended for that +declaration, in the very teeth of the Supreme Court, for more than a +quarter of a century. In fact, they have reduced the decision to an +absolute nullity. That decision, I repeat, is repudiated in the +Cincinnati platform; and still, as if to show that effrontery can go no +further, Judge Douglas vaunts in the very speeches in which he denounces +me for opposing the Dred Scott decision, that he stands on the +Cincinnati platform. + +"Now, I wish to know what the Judge can charge upon me, with respect to +decisions of the Supreme Court, which does not lie in all its length, +breadth, and proportions, at his own door? The plain truth is simply +this: Judge Douglas is for Supreme Court decisions when he likes, and +against them when he does not like them. He is for the Dred Scott +decision because it tends to Nationalize Slavery--because it is a part +of the original combination for that object. It so happens, singularly +enough, that I never stood opposed to a decision of the Supreme Court +till this. On the contrary, I have no recollection that he was ever +particularly in favor of one till this. He never was in favor of any, +nor (I) opposed to any, till the present one, which helps to Nationalize +Slavery. Free men of Sangamon--Free men of Illinois, Free men +everywhere--judge ye between him and me, upon this issue! + +"He says this Dred Scott case is a very small matter at +most--that it has no practical effect; that at best, or rather I suppose +at worst, it is but an abstraction. * * * How has the planting of +Slavery in new countries always been effected? It has now been decided +that Slavery cannot be kept out of our new Territories by any legal +means. In what do our new Territories now differ in this respect from +the old Colonies when Slavery was first planted within them? + +"It was planted, as Mr. Clay once declared, and as history proves true, +by individual men in spite of the wishes of the people; the Mother- +Government refusing to prohibit it, and withholding from the People of +the Colonies the authority to prohibit it for themselves. Mr. Clay says +this was one of the great and just causes of complaint against Great +Britain by the Colonies, and the best apology we can now make for having +the institution amongst us. In that precise condition our Nebraska +politicians have at last succeeded in placing our own new Territories; +the Government will not prohibit Slavery within them, nor allow the +People to prohibit it." + +Alluding to that part of Mr. Douglas's speech the previous night +touching the death-bed scene of Mr. Clay, with Mr. Douglas's promise to +devote the remainder of his life to "Popular Sovereignty"--and to his +relations with Mr. Webster--Mr. Lincoln said: "It would be amusing, if +it were not disgusting, to see how quick these Compromise breakers +administer on the political effects of their dead adversaries. If I +should be found dead to-morrow morning, nothing but my insignificance +could prevent a speech being made on my authority, before the end of +next week. It so happens that in that 'Popular Sovereignty' with which +Mr. Clay was identified, the Missouri Compromise was expressly reserved; +and it was a little singular if Mr. Clay cast his mantle upon Judge +Douglas on purpose to have that Compromise repealed. Again, the Judge +did not keep faith with Mr. Clay when he first brought in the Nebraska +Bill. He left the Missouri Compromise unrepealed, and in his report +accompanying the Bill, he told the World he did it on purpose. The +manes of Mr. Clay must have been in great agony, till thirty days later, +when 'Popular Sovereignty' stood forth in all its glory." + +Touching Mr. Douglas's allegations of Mr. Lincoln's disposition to make +Negroes equal with the Whites, socially and politically, the latter +said: "My declarations upon this subject of Negro Slavery may be +misrepresented, but cannot be misunderstood. I have said that I do not +understand the Declaration (of Independence) to mean that all men were +created equal in all respects. They are not equal in color; but I +suppose that it does mean to declare that all men are equal in some +respects; they are equal in their right to 'Life, Liberty, and the +pursuit of Happiness.' Certainly the Negro is not our equal in color-- +perhaps not in many other respects; still, in the right to put into his +mouth the bread that his own hands have earned, he is the equal of every +other man, White or Black. In pointing out that more has been given +you, you cannot be justified in taking away the little which has been +given him. All I ask for the Negro is that if you do not like him, let +him alone. If God gave him but little, that little let him enjoy. + +"The framers of the Constitution," continued Mr. Lincoln, "found the +institution of Slavery amongst their other institutions at the time. +They found that by an effort to eradicate it, they might lose much of +what they had already gained. They were obliged to bow to the +necessity. They gave Congress power to abolish the Slave Trade at the +end of twenty years. They also prohibited it in the Territories where +it did not exist. They did what they could, and yielded to the +necessity for the rest. I also yield to all which follows from that +necessity. What I would most desire would be the separation of the +White and Black races." + +Mr. Lincoln closed his speech by referring to the "New Departure" of +the Democracy--to the charge he had made, in his 16th of June speech, +touching "the existence of a Conspiracy to Perpetuate and Nationalize +Slavery"--which Mr. Douglas had not contradicted--and, said he, "on his +own tacit admission I renew that charge. I charge him with having been +a party to that Conspiracy, and to that deception, for the sole purpose +of Nationalizing Slavery." + +This closed the series of preliminary speeches in the canvass. But they +only served to whet the moral and intellectual and political appetite of +the public for more. It was generally conceded that, at last, in the +person of Mr. Lincoln, the "Little Giant" had met his match. + +On July 24, Mr. Lincoln opened a correspondence with Mr. Douglas, which +eventuated in an agreement between them, July 31st, for joint- +discussions, to take place at Ottawa, Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston, +Galesburgh, Quincy, and Alton, on fixed dates in August, September and +October--at Ottawa, Mr. Douglas to open and speak one hour, Mr. Lincoln +to have an hour and a half in reply, and Mr. Douglas to close in a half +hour's speech; at Freeport, Mr. Lincoln to open and speak for one hour, +Mr. Douglas to take the next hour and a half in reply, and Mr. Lincoln +to have the next half hour to close; and so on, alternating at each +successive place, making twenty-one hours of joint political debate. + +To these absorbingly interesting discussions, vast assemblages listened +with breathless attention; and to the credit of all parties be it said, +with unparalleled decorum. The People evidently felt that the greatest +of all political principles--that of Human Liberty--was hanging on the +issue of this great political contest between intellectual giants, thus +openly waged before the World--and they accordingly rose to the dignity +and solemnity of the occasion, vindicating by their very example the +sacredness with which the Right of Free Speech should be regarded at all +times and everywhere. + + + + + CHAPTER V. + + THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST OF 1860-- + THE CRISIS APPROACHING. + +The immediate outcome of the remarkable joint-debate between the two +intellectual giants of Illinois was, that while the popular vote stood +124,698 for Lincoln, to 121,130 for Douglas--showing a victory for +Lincoln among the People--yet, enough Douglas-Democrats were elected to +the Legislature, when added to those of his friends in the Illinois +Senate, who had been elected two years before, and "held over," to give +him, in all, 54 members of both branches of the Legislature on joint +ballot, against 46 for Mr. Lincoln. Lincoln had carried the people, but +Douglas had secured the Senatorial prize for which they had striven--and +by that Legislative vote was elected to succeed himself in the United +States Senate. This result was trumpeted throughout the Union as a +great Douglas victory. + +During the canvass of Illinois, Douglas's friends had seen to it that +nothing on their part should be wanting to secure success. What with +special car trains, and weighty deputations, and imposing processions, +and flag raisings, the inspiration of music, the booming of cannon, and +the eager shouts of an enthusiastic populace, his political journey +through Illinois had been more like a Royal Progress than anything the +Country had yet seen; and now that his reelection was accomplished, they +proposed to make the most of it--to extend, as it were, the sphere of +his triumph, or vindication, so that it would include not the State +alone, but the Nation--and thus so accentuate and enhance his +availability as a candidate for the Democratic Presidential nomination +of 1860, as to make his nomination and election to the Presidency of the +United States an almost foregone conclusion. + +The programme was to raise so great a popular tidal-wave in his +interest, as would bear him irresistibly upon its crest to the White +House. Accordingly, as the idol of the Democratic popular heart, +Douglas, upon his return to the National Capital, was triumphantly +received by the chief cities of the Mississippi and the Atlantic sea- +board. Hailed as victor in the great political contest in Illinois-upon +the extended newspaper reports of which, the absorbed eyes of the entire +nation, for months, had greedily fed--Douglas was received with much +ostentation and immense enthusiasm at St. Louis, Memphis, New Orleans, +New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington. Like the "Triumphs" +decreed by Rome, in her grandest days, to the greatest of her victorious +heroes, Douglas's return was a series of magnificent popular ovations, + +In a speech made two years before this period, Mr. Lincoln, while +contrasting his own political career with that of Douglas, and modestly +describing his own as "a flat failure" had said: "With him it has been +one of splendid success. His name fills the Nation, and is not unknown +even in foreign lands. I affect no contempt for the high eminence he +has reached. So reached, that the oppressed of my species might have +shared with me in the elevation, I would rather stand on that eminence +than wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow." And +now the star of Douglas had reached a higher altitude, nearing its +meridian splendor. He had become the popular idol of the day. + +But Douglas's partial victory--if such it was--so far from settling the +public mind and public conscience, had the contrary effect. It added to +the ferment which the Pro-Slavery Oligarchists of the South--and +especially those of South Carolina--were intent upon increasing, until +so grave and serious a crisis should arrive as would, in their opinion, +furnish a justifiable pretext in the eyes of the World for the +contemplated Secession of the Slave States from the Union. + +Under the inspiration of the Slave Power, and in the direct line of the +Dred Scott decision, and of the "victorious" doctrine of Senator +Douglas, which he held not inconsistent therewith, that the people of +any Territory of the United States could do as they pleased as to the +institution of Slavery within their own limits, and if they desired the +institution, they had the right by local legislation to "protect and +encourage it," the Legislature of the Territory of New Mexico at once +(1859) proceeded to enact a law "for the protection of property in +Slaves," and other measures similar to the prevailing Slave Codes in the +Southern States. + +The aggressive attitude of the South--as thus evidenced anew--naturally +stirred, to their very core, the Abolition elements of the North; on the +other hand, the publication of Hinton Rowan Helper's "Impending Crisis," +which handled the Slavery question without gloves, and supported its +views with statistics which startled the Northern mind, together with +its alleged indorsement by the leading Republicans of the North, +exasperated the fiery Southrons to an intense degree. Nor was the +capture, in October, 1859, of Harper's Ferry, Virginia, by John Brown +and his handful of Northern Abolitionist followers, and his subsequent +execution in Virginia, calculated to allay the rapidly intensifying +feeling between the Freedom-loving North and the Slaveholding South. +When, therefore, the Congress met, in December, 1859, the sectional +wrath of the Country was reflected in the proceedings of both branches +of that body, and these again reacted upon the People of both the +Northern and Southern States, until the fires of Slavery Agitation were +stirred to a white heat. + +The bitterness of feeling in the House at this time, was shown, in part, +by the fact that not until the 1st of February, 1860, was it able, upon +a forty-fourth ballot, to organize by the election of a Speaker, and +that from the day of its meeting on the 5th of December, 1859, up to +such organization, it was involved in an incessant and stormy wrangle +upon the Slavery question. + +So also in the Democratic Senate, the split in the Democratic Party, +between the Lecompton and Anti-Lecompton Democracy, was widened, at the +same time that the Republicans of the North were further irritated, by +the significantly decisive passage of a series of resolutions proposed +by Jefferson Davis, which, on the one hand, purposely and deliberately +knifed Douglas's "Popular Sovereignty" doctrine and read out of the +Party all who believed in it, by declaring "That neither Congress nor a +Territorial Legislature, whether by direct legislation, or legislation +of an indirect and unfriendly character, possesses power to annul or +impair the Constitutional right of any citizen of the United States to +take his Slave-property into the common Territories, and there hold and +enjoy the same while the Territorial condition remains," and, on the +other, purposely and deliberately slapped in the face the Republicans of +the North, by declaring-among other things "That in the adoption of the +Federal Constitution, the States adopting the same, acted severally as +Free and Independent sovereignties, delegating a portion of their powers +to be exercised by the Federal Government for the increased security of +each against dangers, domestic as well as foreign; and that any +intermeddling by any one or more States or by a combination of their +citizens, with the domestic institutions of the others, on any pretext +whatever, political, moral, or religious, with a view to their +disturbance or subversion, is in violation of the Constitution, +insulting to the States so interfered with, endangers their domestic +peace and tranquillity--objects for which the Constitution was formed-- +and, by necessary consequence, tends to weaken and destroy the Union +itself." + +Another of these resolutions declared Negro Slavery to be recognized in +the Constitution, and that all "open or covert attacks thereon with a +view to its overthrow," made either by the Non-Slave-holding States or +their citizens, violated the pledges of the Constitution, "are a +manifest breach of faith, and a violation of the most solemn +obligations." + +This last was intended as a blow at the Freedom of Speech and of the +Press in the North; and only served, as was doubtless intended, to still +more inflame Northern public feeling, while at the same time endeavoring +to place the arrogant and aggressive Slave Power in an attitude of +injured innocence. In short, the time of both Houses of Congress was +almost entirely consumed during the Session of 1859-60 in the heated, +and sometimes even furious, discussion of the Slavery question; and +everywhere, North and South, the public mind was not alone deeply +agitated, but apprehensive that the Union was founded not upon a rock, +but upon the crater of a volcano, whose long-smouldering energies might +at any moment burst their confines, and reduce it to ruin and +desolation. + +On the 23rd of April, 1860, the Democratic National Convention met at +Charleston, South Carolina. It was several days after the permanent +organization of the Convention before the Committee on Resolutions +reported to the main body, and not until the 30th of April did it reach +a vote upon the various reports, which had in the meantime been +modified. The propositions voted upon were three: + +First, The Majority Report of the Committee, which reaffirmed the +Cincinnati platform of 1856--with certain "explanatory" resolutions +added, which boldly proclaimed: That the Government of a Territory +organized by an Act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and, +during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal +right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their +rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by +Congressional or Territorial Legislation;" that "it is the duty of the +Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, +the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else +its Constitutional authority extends;" that "when the settlers in a +Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the +right of Sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into +the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other +States, and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the +Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the +institution of Slavery;" and that "the enactments of State Legislatures +to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile +in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in +effect." The resolutions also included a declaration in favor of the +acquisition of Cuba, and other comparatively minor matters. + +Second, The Minority Report of the Committee, which, after re-affirming +the Cincinnati platform, declared that "Inasmuch as differences of +opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the +powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of +Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the +institution of Slavery within the Territories * * * the Democratic Party +will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on +the questions of Constitutional law." + +Third, The recommendation of Benjamin F. Butler, that the platform +should consist simply of a re-affirmation of the Cincinnati platform, +and not another word. + +The last proposition was first voted on, and lost, by 105 yeas to 198 +nays. The Minority platform was then adopted by 165 yeas to 138 nays. + +The aggressive Slave-holders (Majority) platform, and the Butler +Compromise do-nothing proposition, being both defeated, and the Douglas +(Minority) platform adopted, the Alabama delegation, under instructions +from their State Convention to withdraw in case the National Convention +refused to adopt radical Territorial Pro-Slavery resolutions, at once +presented a written protest and withdrew from the Convention, and were +followed, in rapid succession, by; the delegates from Mississippi, +Louisiana (all but two), South Carolina, Florida, Texas, Arkansas (in +part), Delaware (mostly), and Georgia (mostly)--the seceding delegates +afterwards organizing in another Hall, adopting the above Majority +platform, and after a four days' sitting, adjourning to meet at +Richmond, Virginia, on the 11th of June. + +Meanwhile, the Regular Democratic National Convention had proceeded to +ballot for President--after adopting the two-thirds rule. Thirty-seven +ballots having been cast, that for Stephen A. Douglas being, on the +thirty-seventh, 151, the Convention, on the 3d of May, adjourned to meet +again at Baltimore, June 18th. + +After re-assembling, and settling contested election cases, the +delegates (in whole or in part) from Virginia, North Carolina, +Tennessee, California, Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland and Massachusetts, +withdrew from the Convention, the latter upon the ground mainly that +there had been "a withdrawal, in part, of a majority of the States," +while Butler, who had voted steadily for Jefferson Davis throughout all +the balloting at Charleston, gave as an additional ground personal to +himself, that "I will not sit in a convention where the African Slave +Trade--which is piracy by the laws of my Country--is approvingly +advocated"--referring thereby to a speech, that had been much applauded +by the Convention at Charleston, made by a Georgia delegate (Gaulden), +in which that delegate had said: "I would ask my friends of the South to +come up in a proper spirit; ask our Northern friends to give us all our +rights, and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply +of Slaves from foreign lands. * * * I tell you, fellow Democrats, that +the African Slave Trader is the true Union man (cheers and laughter). I +tell you that the Slave Trading of Virginia is more immoral, more +unchristian in every possible point of view, than that African Slave +Trade which goes to Africa and brings a heathen and worthless man here, +makes him a useful man, Christianizes him, and sends him and his +posterity down the stream of Time, to enjoy the blessings of +civilization. (Cheers and laughter.) * * * I come from the first +Congressional District of Georgia. I represent the African Slave Trade +interest of that Section. (Applause.) I am proud of the position I +occupy in that respect. I believe that the African Slave Trader is a +true missionary, and a true Christian. (Applause.) * * * Are you +prepared to go back to first principles, and take off your +unconstitutional restrictions, and leave this question to be settled by +each State? Now, do this, fellow citizens, and you will have Peace in +the Country. * * * I advocate the repeal of the laws prohibiting the +African Slave Trade, because I believe it to be the true Union movement. +* * * I believe that by re-opening this Trade and giving us Negroes to +populate the Territories, the equilibrium of the two Sections will be +maintained." + +After the withdrawal of the bolting delegates at Baltimore, the +Convention proceeded to ballot for President, and at the end of the +second ballot, Mr. Douglas having received "two-thirds of all votes +given in the Convention" (183) was declared the "regular nominee of the +Democratic Party, for the office of President of the United States." + +An additional resolution was subsequently adopted as a part of the +platform, declaring that "it is in accordance with the true +interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of +the Territorial Governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may +be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial +Legislatures over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has +been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of +the United States, should be respected by all good citizens, and +enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General +Government." + +On the 11th of June, pursuant to adjournment, the Democratic Bolters' +Convention met at Richmond, and, after adjourning to meet at Baltimore, +finally met there on the 28th of that month--twenty-one States being, in +whole or in part, represented. This Convention unanimously readopted +the Southern-wing platform it had previously adopted at Charleston, and, +upon the first ballot, chose, without dissent, John C. Breckinridge of +Kentucky, as its candidate for the Presidential office. + +In the meantime, however, the National Conventions of other Parties had +been held, viz.: that of the Republican Party at Chicago, which, with a +session of three days, May 16-18, had nominated Abraham Lincoln of +Illinois and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, for President and Vice-President +respectively; and that of the "Constitutional Union" (or Native +American) Party which had severally nominated (May 19) for such +positions, John Bell of Tennessee, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts. + +The material portion of the Republican National platform, adopted with +entire unanimity by their Convention, was, so far as the Slavery and +Disunion questions were concerned, comprised in these declarations: + +First, That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has +fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and +perpetuation of the Republican Party; and that the causes which called +it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever +before, demand its peaceful and Constitutional triumph. + +Second, That the maintenance of the principle, promulgated in the +Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, +"that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator +with certain inalienable rights; that among these are Life, Liberty and +the pursuit of Happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are +instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the +governed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican +institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the +States, and the Union of the States must and shall be preserved. + +Third, That to the Union of the States, this Nation owes its +unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of +material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at +home, and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for +Disunion, come from whatever source they may: And we congratulate the +Country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or +countenanced the threats of Disunion, so often made by Democratic +members, without rebuke, and with applause, from their political +associates; and we denounce those threats of Disunion, in case of a +popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles +of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated Treason, which it +is the imperative duty of an indignant People, sternly to rebuke and +forever silence. + +Fourth, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and +especially the right of each State, to order and control its own +domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is +essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and +endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless +invasion, by armed force, of any State or Territory, no matter under +what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. + +Fifth, That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded our +worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of +a Sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions +to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people +of Kansas; in construing the personal relation between master and +servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted +enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of +Congress and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a +purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the +power intrusted to it by a confiding People. + +* * * * * * * + +Seventh, That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, +carries Slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, +is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit +provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, +and with legislation and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its +tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony of the Country. + +Eighth, That the normal condition of all the territory of the United +States is that of Freedom; that as our Republican fathers, when they had +abolished Slavery in all our National Territory, ordained that "No +person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due +process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such +legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution +against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of +Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give +legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of the United States. + +Ninth, That we brand the recent re-opening of the African Slave-trade +under the cover of our National flag, aided by perversions of judicial +power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our Country +and Age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures +for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic. + +Tenth, That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal Governors, of the +acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting Slavery in +those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted +Democratic principle of Non-Intervention and Popular Sovereignty +embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and a demonstration of the +deception and fraud involved therein. + +Eleventh, That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a +State, under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by the House +of Representatives. + + * * * * * * * * * * + +The National platform of the "Constitutional Union" Party, was adopted, +unanimously, in these words: + +"Whereas, experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the +partisan Conventions of the Country have had the effect to mislead and +deceive the People, and at the same time to widen the political +divisions of the Country, by the creation and encouragement of +geographical and Sectional parties; therefore, + +"Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of +duty to recognize no political principle other than the Constitution of +the Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws, +and that, as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the +Country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to +maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great +principles of public liberty and national safety, against all enemies, +at home and abroad; believing that thereby peace may once more be +restored to the Country, the rights of the people and of the States re- +established, and the Government again placed in that condition of +justice, fraternity, and equality which, under the example and +Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the +United States to maintain a more perfect Union, establish justice, +insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote +the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves +and our posterity." + +Thus, by the last of June, 1860, the four National Parties with their +platforms and candidates were all in the political field prepared for +the onset. + +Briefly, the attitude of the standard-bearers representing the platform- +principles of their several Parties, was this: + +Lincoln, representing the Republicans, held that Slavery is a wrong, to +be tolerated in the States where it exists, but which must be excluded +from the Territories, which are all normally Free and must be kept Free +by Congressional legislation, if necessary; and that neither Congress, +nor the Territorial Legislature, nor any individual, has power to give +to it legal existence in such Territories. + +Breckinridge, representing the Pro-Slavery wing of the Democracy, held +that Slavery is a right, which, when transplanted from the Slave-States +into the Territories, neither Congressional nor Territorial legislation +can destroy or impair, but which, on the contrary, must, when necessary, +be protected everywhere by Congress and all other departments of the +Government. + +Douglas, representing the Anti-Lecompton wing of Democracy, held that +whether Slavery be right or wrong, the white inhabitants of the +Territories have the sole right to determine whether it shall or shall +not exist within their respective limits, subject to the Constitution +and Supreme Court decisions thereon; and that neither Congress nor any +State, nor any outside persons, must interfere with that right. + +Bell, representing the remaining political elements, held that it was +all wrong to have any principles at all, except "the Constitution of the +Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws"--a +platform which Horace Greeley well described as "meaning anything in +general, and nothing in particular." + +The canvass that ensued was terribly exciting--Douglas alone, of all the +Presidential candidates, bravely taking the field, both North and South, +in person, in the hope that the magnetism of his personal presence and +powerful intellect might win what, from the start--owing to the adverse +machinations, in the Northern States, of the Administration or +Breckinridge-Democratic wing--seemed an almost hopeless fight. In the +South, the Democracy was almost a unit in opposition to Douglas, +holding, as they did, that "Douglas Free-Soilism" was "far more +dangerous to the South than the election of Lincoln; because it seeks to +create a Free-Soil Party there; while, if Lincoln triumphs, the result +cannot fail to be a South united in her own defense;" while the old Whig +element of the South was as unitedly for Bell. In the North, the +Democracy were split in twain, three-fourths of them upholding Douglas, +and the balance, powerful beyond their numbers in the possession of +Federal Offices, bitterly hostile to him, and anxious to beat him, even +at the expense of securing the election of Lincoln. + +Douglas's fight was that the candidacy and platform of Bell were +meaningless, those of both Lincoln and Breckinridge, Sectional, and that +he alone bore aloft the standard of the entire Union; while, on the +other hand, the supporters of Lincoln, his chief antagonist, claimed +that--as the burden of the song from the lips of Douglas men, Bell men, +and Breckinridge men alike, was the expression of a "fear that," in the +language of Mr. Seward, "if the people elected Mr. Lincoln to the +Presidency, they would wake up and find that they had no Country for him +to preside over"--"therefore, all three of the parties opposing Mr. +Lincoln were in the same boat, and hence the only true Union party, was +the party which made no threats of Disunion, to wit, the Republican +party." + +The October elections of 1860 made it plain that Mr. Lincoln would be +elected. South Carolina began to "feel good" over the almost certainty +that the pretext for Secession for which her leaders had been hoping in +vain for thirty years, was at hand. On the 25th of October, at Augusta, +South Carolina, the Governor, the Congressional delegation, and other +leading South Carolinians, met, and decided that in the event of Mr. +Lincoln's election, that State would secede. Similar meetings, to the +same end, were also held about the same time, in others of the Southern +States. On the 5th of November--the day before the Presidential +election--the Legislature of South Carolina met at the special call of +Governor Gist, and, having organized, received a Message from the +Governor, in which, after stating that he had convened that Body in +order that they might on the morrow "appoint the number of electors of +President and Vice-President to which this State is entitled," he +proceeded to suggest "that the Legislature remain in session, and take +such action as will prepare the State for any emergency that may arise." +He went on to "earnestly recommend that, in the event of Abraham +Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a Convention of the people of this +State be immediately called, to consider and determine for themselves +the mode and measure of redress," and, he continued: "I am constrained +to say that the only alternative left, in my judgment, is the Secession +of South Carolina from the Federal Union. The indications from many of +the Southern States justify the conclusion that the Secession of South +Carolina will be immediately followed, if not adopted simultaneously, by +them, and ultimately by the entire South. The long-desired cooperation +of the other States having similar institutions, for which so many of +our citizens have been waiting, seems to be near at hand; and, if we are +true to ourselves, will soon be realized. The State has, with great +unanimity declared that she has the right peaceably to Secede, and no +power on earth can rightfully prevent it." + + [Referring to the Ordinance of Nullification adopted by the people + of South Carolina, November 24, 1832, growing out of the Tariff Act + of 1832--wherein it was declared that, in the event of the Federal + Government uudertaking to enforce the provisions of that Act: "The + people of this State will thenceforth hold themselves absolved from + all further obligation to maintain or preserve their political + connection with the people of the other States, and will forthwith + proceed to organize a separate government, and do all other acts + and things which Sovereign and independent States may of right + do."] + +He proceeded to say that "If, in the exercise of arbitrary power, and +forgetful of the lessons of history, the Government of the United States +should attempt coercion, it will become our solemn duty to meet force by +force"--and promised that the decision of the aforesaid Convention +"representing the Sovereignty of the State, and amenable to no earthly +tribunal," should be, by him, "carried out to the letter." He +recommended the thorough reorganization of the Militia; the arming of +every man in the State between the ages of eighteen and forty-five; and +the immediate enrollment of ten thousand volunteers officered by +themselves; and concluded with a confident "appeal to the Disposer of +all human events," in whose keeping the "Cause" was to be entrusted. + +That same evening (November 5), being the eve of the election, at +Augusta, South Carolina, in response to a serenade, United States +Senator Chestnut made a speech of like import, in which, after +predicting the election of Mr. Lincoln, he said: "Would the South submit +to a Black Republican President, and a Black Republican Congress, which +will claim the right to construe the Constitution of the Country, and +administer the Government in their own hands, not by the law of the +instrument itself, nor by that of the fathers of the Country, nor by the +practices of those who administered seventy years ago, but by rules +drawn from their own blind consciences and crazy brains? * * * The +People now must choose whether they would be governed by enemies, or +govern themselves." + +He declared that the Secession of South Carolina was an "undoubted +right," a "duty," and their "only safety" and as to himself, he would +"unfurl the Palmetto flag, fling it to the breeze, and, with the spirit +of a brave man, live and die as became" his "glorious ancestors, and +ring the clarion notes of defiance in the ears of an insolent foe!" + +So also, in Columbia, South Carolina, Representative Boyce of that +State, and other prominent politicians, harangued an enthusiastic crowd +that night--Mr. Boyce declaring: "I think the only policy for us is to +arm, as soon as we receive authentic intelligence of the election of +Lincoln. It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by the +most direct means, to withdraw from the Union. Then we will not submit, +whether the other Southern States will act with us or with our enemies. +They cannot take sides with our enemies; they must take sides with us. +When an ancient philosopher wished to inaugurate a great revolution, his +motto was to dare! to dare!" + + + + + CHAPTER VI. + + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY MATURING. + +THE 6th of November, 1860, came and passed; on the 7th, the prevailing +conviction that Lincoln would be elected had become a certainty, and +before the close of that day, the fact had been heralded throughout the +length and breadth of the Republic. The excitement of the People was +unparalleled. The Republicans of the North rejoiced that at last the +great wrong of Slavery was to be placed "where the People could rest in +the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction!" The +Douglas Democracy, naturally chagrined at the defeat of their great +leader, were filled with gloomy forebodings touching the future of their +Country; and the Southern Democracy, or at least a large portion of it, +openly exulted that at last the long-wished-for opportunity for a revolt +of the Slave Power, and a separation of the Slave from the Free States, +was at hand. Especially in South Carolina were the "Fire-eating" +Southrons jubilant over the event. + + ["South Carolina rejoiced over the election of Lincoln, with + bonfires and processions." p. 172, Arnold's "Life of Abraham + Lincoln." + + "There was great joy in Charleston, and wherever 'Fire Eaters' most + did congregate, on the morning of November 7th. Men rushed to + shake hands and congratulate each other on the glad tidings of + Lincoln's election. * * * Men thronged the streets, talking, + laughing, cheering, like mariners long becalmed on a hateful, + treacherous sea, whom a sudden breeze had swiftly wafted within + sight of their longed-for haven." p. 332, vol. i., Greeley's + American Conflict.] + +Meanwhile any number of joint resolutions looking to the calling of a +Secession Convention, were introduced in the South Carolina Legislature, +sitting at Columbia, having in view Secession contingent upon the +"cooperation" of the other Slave States, or looking to immediate and +"unconditional" Secession. + +On the evening of November 7th, Edmund Ruffin of Virginia--a Secession +fanatic who had come from thence in hot haste--in response to a +serenade, declared to the people of Columbia that: "The defense of the +South, he verily believed, was only to be secured through the lead of +South Carolina;" that, "old as he was, he had come here to join them in +that lead;" and that "every day delayed, was a day lost to the Cause." +He acknowledged that Virginia was "not as ready as South Carolina;" but +declared that "The first drop of blood spilled on the soil of South +Carolina would bring Virginia, and every Southern State, with them." He +thought "it was perhaps better that Virginia, and all other border +States, remain quiescent for a time, to serve as a guard against the +North. * * * By remaining in the Union for a time, she would not only +prevent coercive legislation in Congress, but any attempt for our +subjugation." + +That same evening came news that, at Charleston, the Grand Jury of the +United States District Court had refused to make any presentments, +because of the Presidential vote just cast, which, they said, had "swept +away the last hope for the permanence, for the stability, of the Federal +Government of these Sovereign States;" and that United States District +Judge Magrath had resigned his office, saying to the Grand Jury, as he +did so: "In the political history of the United States, an event has +happened of ominous import to fifteen Slave-holding States. The State +of which we are citizens has been always understood to have deliberately +fixed its purpose whenever that event should happen. Feeling an +assurance of what will be the action of the State, I consider it my +duty, without delay, to prepare to obey its wishes. That preparation is +made by the resignation of the office I have held." + +The news of the resignations of the Federal Collector and District +Attorney at Charleston, followed, with an intimation that that of the +Sub-Treasurer would soon be forthcoming. On November 9th, a joint +resolution calling an unconditional Secession Convention to meet at +Columbia December 17th, was passed by the Senate, and on the 12th of +November went through the House; and both of the United States Senators +from South Carolina had now resigned their seats in the United States +Senate. + +Besides all these and many other incitements to Secession was the fact +that at Milledgeville, Georgia, Governor Brown had, November 12th, +addressed a Georgian Military Convention, affirming "the right of +Secession, and the duty of other Southern States to sustain South +Carolina in the step she was then taking," and declaring that he "would +like to see Federal troops dare attempt the coercion of a seceding +Southern State! For every Georgian who fell in a conflict thus incited, +the lives of two Federal Soldiers should expiate the outrage on State +Sovereignty"--and that the Convention aforesaid had most decisively +given its voice for Secession. + +It was about this time, however, that Alexander H. Stephens vainly +sought to stem the tide of Secession in his own State, in a speech +(November 14) before the Georgia Legislature, in which he declared that +Mr. Lincoln "can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. +The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him. In +the Senate he will also be powerless. There will be a majority of four +against him." He also cogently said: "Many of us have sworn to support +it (the Constitution). Can we, therefore, for the mere election of a +man to the Presidency--and that too, in accordance with the prescribed +forms of the Constitution--make a point of resistance to the Government, +and, without becoming the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves, +withdraw ourselves from it? Would we not be in the wrong?" + +But the occasional words of wisdom that fell from the lips of the few +far-seeing statesmen of the South, were as chaff before the storm of +Disunion raised by the turbulent Fire-eaters, and were blown far from +the South, where they might have done some good for the Union cause, +away up to the North, where they contributed to aid the success of the +contemplated Treason and Rebellion, by lulling many of the people there, +into a false sense of security. Unfortunately, also, even the ablest of +the Southern Union men were so tainted with the heretical doctrine of +States-Rights, which taught the "paramount allegiance" of the citizen to +the State, that their otherwise powerful appeals for the preservation of +the Union were almost invariably handicapped by the added protestation +that in any event--and however they might deplore the necessity--they +would, if need be, go with their State, against their own convictions of +duty to the National Union. + +Hence in this same speech we find that Mr. Stephens destroyed the whole +effect of his weighty and logical appeal against Secession from the +Union, by adding to it, that, "Should Georgia determine to go out of the +Union I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause is my cause, +and their destiny is my destiny; and I trust this will be the ultimate +course of all."--and by further advising the calling of a Convention of +the people to decide the matter; thus, in advance, as it were, binding +himself hand and foot, despite his previous Union utterances, to do the +fell bidding of the most rampant Disunionists. And thus, in due time, +it befell, as we shall see, that this "saving clause" in his "Union +speech," brought him at the end, not to that posture of patriotic +heroism to which he aspired when he adjured his Georgian auditors to +"let us be found to the last moment standing on the deck (of the +Republic), with the Constitution of the United States waving over our +heads," but to that of an imprisoned traitor and defeated rebel against +the very Republic and Constitution which he had sworn to uphold and +defend! + +The action of the South Carolina Legislature in calling an Unconditional +Secession Convention, acted among the Southern States like a spark in a +train of gunpowder. Long accustomed to incendiary resolutions of Pro- +Slavery political platforms, as embodying the creed of Southern men; +committed by those declarations to the most extreme action when, in +their judgment, the necessity should arise; and worked up during the +Presidential campaign by swarming Federal officials inspired by the +fanatical Secession leaders; the entire South only needed the spark from +the treasonable torch of South Carolina, to find itself ablaze, almost +from one end to the other, with the flames of revolt. + +Governor after Governor, in State after State, issued proclamation after +proclamation, calling together their respective Legislatures, to +consider the situation and whether their respective States should join +South Carolina in seceding from the Union. Kentucky alone, of them all, +seemed for a time to keep cool, and look calmly and reasonably through +the Southern ferment to the horrors beyond. In an address issued by +Governor Magoffin of that State, to the people, he said: + +"To South Carolina and such other States as may wish to secede from the +Union, I would say: The geography of this Country will not admit of a +division; the mouth and sources of the Mississippi River cannot be +separated without the horrors of Civil War. We cannot sustain you in +this movement merely on account of the election of Mr. Lincoln. Do not +precipitate by premature action into a revolution or Civil War, the +consequences of which will be most frightful to all of us. It may yet +be avoided. There is still hope, faint though it be. Kentucky is a +Border State, and has suffered more than all of you. * * * She has a +right to claim that her voice, and the voice of reason, and moderation +and patriotism shall be heard and heeded by you. If you secede, your +representatives will go out of Congress and leave us at the mercy of a +Black Republican Government. Mr. Lincoln will have no check. He can +appoint his Cabinet, and have it confirmed. The Congress will then be +Republican, and he will be able to pass such laws as he may suggest. +The Supreme Court will be powerless to protect us. We implore you to +stand by us, and by our friends in the Free States; and let us all, the +bold, the true, and just men in the Free and Slave States, with a united +front, stand by each other, by our principles, by our rights, our +equality, our honor, and by the Union under the Constitution. I believe +this is the only way to save it; and we can do it." + +But this "still small voice" of conscience and of reason, heard like a +whisper from the mouths of Stephens in Georgia, and Magoffin in +Kentucky, was drowned in the clamor and tumult of impassioned harangues +and addresses, and the drumming and tramp of the "minute men" of South +Carolina, and other military organizations, as they excitedly prepared +throughout the South for the dread conflict at arms which they +recklessly invited, and savagely welcomed. + +We have seen how President Andrew Jackson some thirty years before, had +stamped out Nullification and Disunion in South Carolina, with an iron +heel. + +But a weak and feeble old man--still suffering from the effects of the +mysterious National Hotel poisoning--was now in the Executive Chair at +the White House. Well-meaning, doubtless, and a Union man at heart, his +enfeebled intellect was unable to see, and hold firm to, the only true +course. He lacked clearness of perception, decision of character, and +nerve. He knew Secession was wrong, but allowed himself to be persuaded +that he had no Constitutional power to prevent it. He had surrounded +himself in the Cabinet with such unbending adherents and tools of the +Slave-Power, as Howell Cobb of Georgia, his Secretary of the Treasury, +John B. Floyd of Virginia, as Secretary of War, Jacob Thompson of +Mississippi, as Secretary of the Interior, and Isaac Toucy of +Connecticut, as Secretary of the Navy, before whose malign influence the +councils of Lewis Cass of Michigan, the Secretary of State, and other +Union men, in and out of the Cabinet, were quite powerless. + +When, therefore, the Congress met (December 3, 1860) and he transmitted +to it his last Annual Message, it was found that, instead of treating +Secession from the Jacksonian standpoint, President Buchanan feebly +wailed over the threatened destruction of the Union, weakly apologized +for the contemplated Treason, garrulously scolded the North as being to +blame for it, and, while praying to God to "preserve the Constitution +and the Union throughout all generations," wrung his nerveless hands in +despair over his own powerlessness--as he construed the Constitution--to +prevent Secession! Before writing his pitifully imbecile Message, +President Buchanan had secured from his Attorney-General (Jeremiah S. +Black of Pennsylvania) an opinion, in which the latter, after touching +upon certain cases in which he believed the President would be justified +in using force to sustain the Federal Laws, supposed the case of a State +where all the Federal Officers had resigned and where there were neither +Federal Courts to issue, nor officers to execute judicial process, and +continued: "In that event, troops would certainly be out of place, and +their use wholly illegal. If they are sent to aid the Courts and +Marshals there must be Courts and Marshals to be aided. Without the +exercise of these functions, which belong exclusively to the civil +service, the laws cannot be executed in any event, no matter what may be +the physical strength which the Government has at its command. Under +such circumstances, to send a military force into any State, with orders +to act against the people, would be simply making War upon them." + +Resting upon that opinion of Attorney-General Black, President Buchanan, +in his Message, after referring to the solemn oath taken by the +Executive "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," and +stating that there were now no longer any Federal Officers in South +Carolina, through whose agency he could keep that oath, took up the laws +of February 28, 1795, and March 3, 1807, as "the only Acts of Congress +on the Statute-book bearing upon the subject," which "authorize the +President, after he shall have ascertained that the Marshal, with his +posse comitatus, is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any +particular case, to call out the Militia and employ the Army and Navy to +aid him in performing this service, having first, by Proclamation, +commanded the insurgents to 'disperse and retire peaceably to their +respective abodes, within a limited time'"--and thereupon held that +"This duty cannot, by possibility, be performed in a State where no +judicial authority exists to issue process, and where there is no +Marshal to execute it; and where even if there were such an officer, the +entire population would constitute one solid combination to resist him." +And, not satisfied with attempting to show as clearly as he seemed to +know how, his own inability under the laws to stamp out Treason, he +proceeded to consider what he thought Congress also could not do under +the Constitution. Said he: "The question fairly stated, is: Has the +Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce into submission a +State which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from +the Confederacy? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the +principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and +make War against a State. After much serious reflection, I have arrived +at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress or +to any other department of the Federal Government." And further: +"Congress possesses many means of preserving it (the Union) by +conciliation; but the sword was not placed in their hands to preserve it +by force." + +Thus, in President Buchanan's judgment, while, in another part of his +Message, he had declared that no State had any right, Constitutional or +otherwise, to Secede from that Union, which was designed for all time-- +yet, if any State concluded thus wrongfully to Secede, there existed no +power in the Union, by the exercise of force, to preserve itself from +instant dissolution! How imbecile the reasoning, how impotent the +conclusion, compared with that of President Jackson, thirty years +before, in his Proclamation against Nullification and Secession, wherein +that sturdy patriot declared to the South Carolinians. that "compared +to Disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an +accumulation of all;" that "Disunion by armed force, is Treason;" and +that he was determined "to execute the Laws," and "to preserve the +Union!" + +President Buchanan's extraordinary Message--or so much of it as related +to the perilous condition of the Union--was referred, in the House of +Representatives, to a Select Committee of Thirty-three, comprising one +member from each State, in which there was a very large preponderance of +such as favored Conciliation without dishonor. But the debates in both +Houses, in which the most violent language was indulged by the Southern +Fire-eaters, as well as other events, soon proved that there was a +settled purpose on the part of the Slave-Power and its adherents to +resist and spit upon all attempts at placation. + +In the Senate also (December 5), a Select Committee of Thirteen was +appointed, to consider the impending dangers to the Union, comprising +Senators Powell of Kentucky, Hunter of Virginia, Crittenden of Kentucky, +Seward of New York, Toombs of Georgia, Douglas of Illinois, Collamer of +Vermont, Davis of Mississippi, Wade of Ohio, Bigler of Pennsylvania, +Rice of Minnesota, Doolittle of Wisconsin, and Grimes of Iowa. Their +labors were alike without practical result, owing to the irreconcilable +attitude of the Southrons, who would accept nothing less than a total +repudiation by the Republicans of the very principles upon which the +recent Presidential contest had by them been fought and won. Nor would +they even accept such a repudiation unless carried by vote of the +majority of the Republicans. The dose that they insisted upon the +Republican Party swallowing must not only be as noxious as possible, but +must absolutely be mixed by that Party itself, and in addition, that +Party must also go down on its knees, and beg the privilege of so mixing +and swallowing the dose! That was the impossible attitude into which, +by their bullying and threats, the Slave Power hoped to force the +Republican Party--either that or "War." + +Project after project in both Houses of Congress looking to Conciliation +was introduced, referred, reported, discussed, and voted on or not, as +the case might be, in vain. And in the meantime, in New York, in +Philadelphia, and elsewhere in the North, the timidity of Capital showed +itself in great Conciliation meetings, where speeches were applauded and +resolutions adopted of the most abject character, in behalf of "Peace, +at any price," regardless of the sacrifice of honor and principles and +even decency. In fact the Commercial North, with supplicating hands and +beseeching face, sank on its knees in a vain attempt to propitiate its +furious creditor, the South, by asking it not only to pull its nose, but +to spit in its face, both of which it humbly and even anxiously offered +for the purpose!* + + [Thus, in Philadelphia, December 13, 1860, at a great meeting held + at the call of the Mayor, in Independence Square, Mayor Henry led + off the speaking--which was nearly all in the same line-by saying: + "I tell you that if in any portion of our Confederacy, sentiments + have been entertained and cherished which are inimical to the civil + rights and social institutions of any other portion, those + sentiments should be relinquished." Another speaker, Judge George + W. Woodward, sneeringly asked: "Whence came these excessive + sensibilities that cannot bear a few slaves in a remote Territory + until the white people establish a Constitution?" Another, Mr. + Charles E. Lex (a Republican), speaking of the Southern People, + said: "What, then, can we say to them? what more than we have + expressed in the resolutions we have offered? If they are really + aggrieved by any laws upon our Statute-books opposed to their + rights--if upon examination any such are found to be in conflict + with the Constitution of these United States--nay, further, if they + but serve to irritate our brethren of the South, whether + Constitutional or not, I, for one, have no objection that they + should instantly be repealed." Another said, "Let us repeal our + obnoxious Personal Liberty bills * * *; let us receive our brother + of the South, if he will come among us for a little time, attended + by his servant, and permit him thus to come." And the resolutions + adopted were even still more abject in tone than the speeches.] + +But the South at present was too busy in perfecting its long-cherished +plans for the disruption of the Union, to more than grimly smile at this +evidence of what it chose to consider "a divided sentiment" in the +North. While it weakened the North, it strengthened the South, and +instead of mollifying the Conspirators against the Union, it inspired +them with fresh energy in their fell purpose to destroy it. + +The tone of the Republican press, too, while more dignified, was +thoroughly conciliatory. The Albany Evening Journal,--[November 30, +1860]--the organ of Governor Seward, recognizing that the South, blinded +by passion, was in dead earnest, but also recognizing the existence of +"a Union sentiment there, worth cherishing," suggested "a Convention of +the People, consisting of delegates appointed by the States, in which it +would not be found unprofitable for the North and South, bringing their +respective griefs, claims, and proposed reforms, to a common +arbitrament, to meet, discuss, and determine upon a future"--before a +final appeal to arms. So, too, Horace Greeley, in the New York +Tribune,--[November 9, 1860.]--after weakly conceding, on his own part, +the right of peaceable Secession, said: "But while we thus uphold the +practical liberty, if not the abstract right, of Secession, we must +insist that the step be taken, if it ever shall be, with the +deliberation and gravity befitting so momentous an issue. Let ample +time be given for reflection; let the subject be fully canvassed before +the People; and let a popular vote be taken in every case, before +Secession is decreed." Other leading papers of the Northern press, took +similar ground for free discussion and conciliatory action. + +In the Senate, as well as the House of Representatives--as also was +shown by the appointment, heretofore mentioned, of Select Committees to +consider the gravity of the situation, and suggest a remedy--the same +spirit of Conciliation and Concession, and desire for free and frank +discussion, was apparent among most of the Northern and Border-State +members of those Bodies. But these were only met by sneers and threats +on the part of the Fire-eating Secession members of the South. In the +Senate, Senator Clingman of North Carolina, sneeringly said: "They want +to get up a free debate, as the Senator (Mr. Seward) from New York +expressed it, in one of his speeches. But a Senator from Texas told me +the other day that a great many of these free debaters were hanging from +the trees of that country;" and Senator Iverson, of Georgia, said: +"Gentlemen speak of Concession, of the repeal of the Personal Liberty +bills. Repeal them all to-morrow, and you cannot stop this revolution." +After declaring his belief that "Before the 4th of March, five States +will have declared their independence" and that "three other States will +follow as soon as the action of the people can be had;" he proceeded to +allude to the refusal of Governor Houston of Texas to call together the +Texas Legislature for action in accord with the Secession sentiment, and +declared that "if he will not yield to that public sentiment, some Texan +Brutus will arise to rid his country of this hoary-headed incubus that +stands between the people and their sovereign will!" Then, sneering at +the presumed cowardice of the North, he continued: "Men talk about their +eighteen millions (of Northern population); but we hear a few days +afterwards of these same men being switched in the face, and they +tremble like sheep-stealing dogs! There will be no War. The North, +governed by such far-seeing Statesmen as the Senator (Mr. Seward) from +New York, will see the futility of this. In less than twelve months, a +Southern Confederacy will be formed; and it will be the most successful +Government on Earth. The Southern States, thus banded together, will be +able to resist any force in the World. We do not expect War; but we +will be prepared for it--and we are not a feeble race of Mexicans +either." + +On the other hand, there were Republicans in that Body who sturdily met +the bluster of the Southern Fire-eaters with frank and courageous words +expressing their full convictions on the situation and their belief that +Concessions could not be made and that Compromises were mere waste +paper. Thus, Senator Ben Wade of Ohio, among the bravest and manliest +of them all, in a speech in the Senate, December 17, the very day on +which the South Carolina Secession Convention was to assemble, said to +the Fire-eaters: "I tell you frankly that we did lay down the principle +in our platform, that we would prohibit, if we had the power, Slavery +from invading another inch of the Free Soil of this Government. I stand +to that principle to-day. I have argued it to half a million of people, +and they stand by it; they have commissioned me to stand by it; and, so +help me God, I will! * * * On the other hand, our platform repudiates +the idea that we have any right, or harbor any ultimate intention to +invade or interfere with your institutions in your own States. * * * +It is not, by your own confessions, that Mr. Lincoln is expected to +commit any overt act by which you may be injured. You will not even +wait for any, you say; but, by anticipating that the Government may do +you an injury, you will put an end to it--which means, simply and +squarely, that you intend to rule or ruin this Government. * * * As to +Compromises, I supposed that we had agreed that the Day of Compromises +was at an end. The most solemn we have made have been violated, and are +no more. * * * We beat you on the plainest and most palpable issue +ever presented to the American people, and one which every man +understood; and now, when we come to the Capital, we tell you that our +candidates must and shall be inaugurated--must and shall administer this +Government precisely as the Constitution prescribes. * * * I tell you +that, with that verdict of the people in my pocket, and standing on the +platform on which these candidates were elected, I would suffer anything +before I would Compromise in any way." + +In the House of Representatives, on December 10, 1860, a number of +propositions looking to a peaceful settlement of the threatened danger, +were offered and referred to the Select Committee of Thirty-three. On +the following Monday, December 17, by 154 yeas to 14 nays, the House +adopted a resolution, offered by Mr. Adrian of New Jersey, in these +words: + +"Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the +Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly recommend the +repeal of all Statutes by the State Legislatures in conflict with, and +in violation of, that sacred instrument, and the laws of Congress passed +in pursuance thereof." + +On the same day, the House adopted, by 135 yeas to no nays, a resolution +offered by Mr. Lovejoy of Illinois, in these words: + +"Whereas, The Constitution of the United States is the Supreme law of +the Land, and ready and faithful obedience to it a duty of all good and +law-abiding citizens; Therefore: + +"Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the +Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly recommend the +repeal of all Nullification laws; and that it is the duty of the +President of the United States to protect and defend the property of the +United States." + + [This resolution, before adoption, was modified by declaring it to + be the duty of all citizens, whether "good and law abiding" or not, + to yield obedience to the Constitution, as will be seen by + referring to the proceedings in the Globe of that date, where the + following appears: + + "Mr. LOGAN. I hope there will be no objection on this side of the + House to the introduction of the [Lovejoy] resolution. I can see + no difference myself, between this resolution and the one + [Adrian's] just passed, except in regard to verbiage. I can find + but one objection to the resolution, and that is in the use of the + words declaring that all' law abiding' citizens should obey the + Constitution. I think that all men should do so. + + "Mr. LOVEJOY. I accept the amendment suggested by my Colleague. + + "Mr. LOGAN. It certainly should include members of Congress; but + if it is allowed to remain all 'good and law abiding' citizens, I + do not think it will include them. [Laughter.] + + "The resolution was modified by the omission of those words."] + +It also adopted, by 115 yeas to 44 nays, a resolution offered by Mr. +Morris of Illinois, as follows: + +"Resolved by the House of Representatives: That we properly estimate the +immense value of our National Union to our collective and individual +happiness; that we cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment +to it; that we will speak of it as the palladium of our political safety +and prosperity; that we will watch its preservation with jealous +anxiety; that we will discountenance whatever may suggest even a +suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned, and indignantly frown +upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our +Country from the rest, or enfeeble the sacred ties which now link +together the various parts; that we regard it as a main pillar in the +edifice of our real independence, the support of tranquillity at home, +our peace abroad, our safety, our prosperity, and that very liberty +which we so highly prize; that we have seen nothing in the past, nor do +we see anything in the present, either in the election of Abraham +Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States, or from any other +existing cause, to justify its dissolution; that we regard its +perpetuity as of more value than the temporary triumph of any Party or +any man; that whatever evils or abuses exist under it ought to be +corrected within the Union, in a peaceful and Constitutional way; that +we believe it has sufficient power to redress every wrong and enforce +every right growing out of its organization, or pertaining to its proper +functions; and that it is a patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in +Peace and our defense in War." + + + + + CHAPTER VII. + + SECESSION ARMING. + +While Congress was encouraging devotion to the Union, and its Committees +striving for some mode by which the impending perils might be averted +without a wholesale surrender of all just principles, the South Carolina +Convention met (December 17, 1860) at Columbia, and after listening to +inflammatory addresses by commissioners from the States of Alabama and +Mississippi, urging immediate and unconditional Secession, unanimously +and with "tremendous cheering" adopted a resolution: "That it is the +opinion of the Convention that the State of South Carolina should +forthwith Secede from the Federal Union, known as the United States of +America,"--and then adjourned to meet at Charleston, South Carolina. + +The next day, and following days, it met there, at "Secession Hall," +listening to stimulating addresses, while a committee of seven worked +upon the Ordinance of Secession. Among the statements made by orators, +were several clear admissions that the rebellious Conspiracy had existed +for very many years, and that Mr. Lincoln's election was simply the +long-sought-for pretext for Rebellion. Mr. Parker said: "It is no +spasmodic effort that has come suddenly upon us; it has been gradually +culminating for a long period of thirty years. At last it has come to +that point where we may say, the matter is entirely right." Mr. Inglis +said: "Most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last +twenty years; and I presume that we have by this time arrived at a +decision upon the subject." Mr. Keitt said: "I have been engaged in +this movement ever since I entered political life; * * * we have +carried the body of this Union to its last resting place, and now we +will drop the flag over its grave." Mr. Barnwell Rhett said: "The +Secession of South Carolina is not an event of a day. It is not +anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of +the Fugitive Slave Law. It has been a matter which has been gathering +head for thirty years." Mr. Gregg said: "If we undertake to set forth +all the causes, do we not dishonor the memory of all the statesmen of +South Carolina, now departed, who commenced forty years ago a war +against the tariff and against internal improvement, saying nothing of +the United States Bank, and other measures which may now be regarded as +obsolete." + +On the 20th of December, 1860--the fourth day of the sittings--the +Ordinance of Secession was reported by the Committee, and was at once +unanimously passed, as also was a resolution that "the passage of the +Ordinance be proclaimed by the firing of artillery and ringing of the +bells of the city, and such other demonstrations as the people may deem +appropriate on the passage of the great Act of Deliverance and Liberty;" +after which the Convention jubilantly adjourned to meet, and ratify, +that evening. At the evening session of this memorable Convention, the +Governor and Legislature attending, the famous Ordinance was read as +engrossed, signed by all the delegates, and, after announcement by the +President that "the State of South Carolina is now and henceforth a Free +and Independent Commonwealth;" amid tremendous cheering, the Convention +adjourned. This, the first Ordinance of Secession passed by any of the +Revolting States, was in these words: + +"An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina +and other States united with her, under the compact entitled the +'Constitution of the United States of America.' + +"We the people of the State of South Carolina in Convention assembled, +do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the +Ordinance adopted by us in Convention on the 23rd day of May, in the +year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of +America was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General +Assembly of this State ratifying the amendments of the said +Constitution, are hereby repealed; and that the Union now subsisting +between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United +States of America, is hereby dissolved." + +Thus, and in these words, was joyously adopted and ratified, that solemn +Act of Separation which was doomed to draw in its fateful train so many +other Southern States, in the end only to be blotted out with the blood +of hundreds of thousands of their own brave sons, and their equally +courageous Northern brothers. + +State after State followed South Carolina in the mad course of Secession +from the Union. Mississippi passed a Secession Ordinance, January 9, +1861. Florida followed, January 10th; Alabama, January 11th; Georgia, +January 18th; Louisiana, January 26th; and Texas, February 1st; +Arkansas, North Carolina, and Virginia held back until a later period; +while Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, Maryland, and Delaware, abstained +altogether from taking the fatal step, despite all attempts to bring +them to it. + +In the meantime, however, South Carolina had put on all the dignity of +a Sovereign and Independent State. Her Governor had a "cabinet" +comprising Secretaries of State, War, Treasury, the Interior, and a +Postmaster General. She had appointed Commissioners, to proceed to the +other Slave-holding States, through whom a Southern Congress was +proposed, to meet at Montgomery, Alabama; and had appointed seven +delegates to meet the delegates from such other States in that proposed +Southern Congress. On the 21st of December, 1860, three Commissioners +(Messrs. Barnwell, Adams, and Orr) were also appointed to proceed to +Washington, and treat for the cession by the United States to South +Carolina, of all Federal property within the limits of the latter. On +the 24th, Governor Pickens issued a Proclamation announcing the adoption +of the Ordinance of Secession, declaring "that the State of South +Carolina is, as she has a right to be, a separate sovereign, free and +independent State, and as such, has a right to levy war, conclude peace, +negotiate treaties, leagues or covenants, and to do all acts whatsoever +that rightfully appertain to a free and independent State;" the which +proclamation was announced as "Done in the eighty-fifth year of the +Sovereignty and Independence of South Carolina." On the same day (the +Senators from that State in the United States Senate having long since, +as we have seen, withdrawn from that body) the Representatives of South +Carolina in the United States House of Representatives withdrew. + +Serious dissensions in the Cabinet of President Buchanan, were now +rapidly disintegrating the "official family" of the President. Lewis +Cass, the Secretary of State, disgusted with the President's cowardice +and weakness, and declining to be held responsible for Mr. Buchanan's +promise not to reinforce the garrisons of the National Forts, under +Major Anderson, in Charleston harbor, retired from the Cabinet December +12th--Howell Cobb having already, "because his duty to Georgia required +it," resigned the Secretaryship of the Treasury, and left it bankrupt +and the credit of the Nation almost utterly destroyed. + +On the 26th of December, Major Anderson evacuated Fort Moultrie, +removing all his troops and munitions of war to Fort Sumter--whereupon a +cry went up from Charleston that this was in violation of the +President's promise to take no step looking to hostilities, provided the +Secessionists committed no overt act of Rebellion, up to the close of +his fast expiring Administration. On the 29th, John B. Floyd, Secretary +of War, having failed to secure the consent of the Administration to an +entire withdrawal of the Federal garrison from the harbor of Charleston, +also resigned, and the next day--he having in the meantime escaped in +safety to Virginia--was indicted by the Grand Jury at Washington, for +malfeasance and conspiracy to defraud the Government in the theft of +$870,000 of Indian Trust Bonds from the Interior Department, and the +substitution therefor of Floyd's acceptances of worthless army- +transportation drafts on the Treasury Department. + +Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, also resigned, January 8th, +1861, on the pretext that "additional troops, he had heard, have been +ordered to Charleston" in the "Star of the West."--[McPherson's History +of the Rebellion, p. 28.] + +Several changes were thus necessitated in Mr. Buchanan's cabinet, by +these and other resignations, so that by the 18th of January, 1861, +Jeremiah S. Black was Secretary of State; General John A. Dix, Secretary +of the Treasury; Joseph Holt, Secretary of War; Edwin M. Stanton, +Attorney General; and Horatio King, Postmaster General. But before +leaving the Cabinet, the conspiring Southern members of it, and their +friends, had managed to hamstring the National Government, by scattering +the Navy in other quarters of the World; by sending the few troops of +the United States to remote points; by robbing the arsenals in the +Northern States of arms and munitions of war, so as to abundantly supply +the Southern States at the critical moment; by bankrupting the Treasury +and shattering the public credit of the Nation; and by other means no +less nefarious. Thus swindled, betrayed, and ruined, by its degenerate +and perfidious sons, the imbecile Administration stood with dejected +mien and folded hands helplessly awaiting the coming catastrophe. + +On December 28th, 1860, the three Commissioners of South Carolina having +reached Washington, addressed to the President a communication, in +which--after reciting their powers and duties, under the Ordinance of +Secession, and stating that they had hoped to have been ready to proceed +to negotiate amicably and without "hostile collision," but that "the +events--[The removal, to Fort Sumter, of Major Anderson's command, and +what followed.]--of the last twenty-four hours render such an assurance +impossible"--they declared that the troops must be withdrawn from +Charleston harbor, as "they are a standing menace which render +negotiation impossible," threatening speedily to bring the questions +involved, to "a bloody issue." + +To this communication Mr. Buchanan replied at considerable length, +December 30th, in an apologetic, self-defensive strain, declaring that +the removal by Major Anderson of the Federal troops under his command, +from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter was done "upon his own responsibility, +and without authority," and that he (the President) "had intended to +command him to return to his former position," but that events had so +rapidly transpired as to preclude the giving of any such command; + + [The seizure by the Secessionists, under the Palmetto Flag, of + Castle Pinckney and Fort Moultrie; the simultaneous raising of that + flag over the Federal Custom House and Post Office at Charleston; + the resignation of the Federal Collector, Naval Officer and + Surveyor of that Port--all of which occurred December 27th; and the + seizure "by force of arms," December 30th, of the United States + Arsenal at that point.] + +and concluding, with a very slight stiffening of backbone, by saying: +"After this information, I have only to add that, whilst it is my duty +to defend Fort Sumter as a portion of the public property of the United +States against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by +such means as I may possess for this purpose, I do not perceive how such +a defense can be construed into a menace against the city of +Charleston." To this reply of the President, the Commissioners made +rejoinder on the 1st of January, 1861; but the President "declined to +receive" the communication. + +From this time on, until the end of President Buchanan's term of office, +and the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln as President, March 4th, 1861, +events crowded each other so hurriedly, that the flames of Rebellion in +the South were continually fanned, while the public mind in the North +was staggered and bewildered, by them. + +On January 2nd, prior to the Secession of Georgia, Forts Pulaski and +Jackson, commanding Savannah, and the Federal Arsenal at Augusta, +Georgia, with two 12 pound howitzers, two cannon, 22,000 muskets and +rifles, and ammunition in quantity, were seized by Rebel militia. About +the same date, although North Carolina had not seceded, her Governor +(Ellis) seized the Federal Arsenal at Fayetteville, Fort Macon, and +other fortifications in that State, "to preserve them" from mob-seizure. + +January 4th, anticipating Secession, Alabama State troops seized Fort +Morgan, with 5,000 shot and shell, and Mount Vernon Arsenal at Mobile, +with 2,000 stand of arms, 150, 000 pounds of powder, some pieces of +cannon, and a large quantity of other munitions of war. The United +States Revenue cutter, "Lewis Cass," was also surrendered to Alabama. + +On the 5th, the Federal steamer "Star of the West," with reinforcements +and supplies for Fort Sumter, left New York in the night--and Secretary +Jacob Thompson notified the South Carolina Rebels of the fact. + +On the 9th, the "Star of the West" appeared off Charleston bar, and +while steaming toward Fort Sumter, was fired upon by Rebel batteries at +Fort Moultrie and Morris Island, and struck by a shot, whereupon she +returned to New York without accomplishing her mission. That day the +State of Mississippi seceded from the Union. + +On the 10th, the Federal storeship "Texas," with Federal guns and +stores, was seized by Texans. On the same day Florida seceded. + +On the 11th, Forts Jackson and St. Philip, commanding the mouth of the +Mississippi River, and Fort Pike, dominating Lake Pontchartrain, were +seized by Louisiana troops; also the Federal Arsenal at Baton Rouge, +with 50,000 small arms, 4 howitzers, 20 heavy pieces of ordnance, 2 +batteries, 300 barrels of powder, and other stores. The State of +Alabama also seceded the same day. + +On the 12th--Fort Marion, the coast surveying schooner "Dana," the +Arsenal at St. Augustine, and that on the Chattahoochee, with 500,000 +musket cartridges, 300,000 rifle cartridges and 50,000 pounds of powder, +having previously been seized--Forts Barrancas and McRae, and the Navy +Yard at Pensacola, were taken by Rebel troops of Florida, Alabama and +Mississippi. On the same day, Colonel Hayne, of South Carolina, arrived +at Washington as Agent or Commissioner to the National Government from +Governor Pickens of that State. + +On the 14th, the South Carolina Legislature resolved "that any attempt +by the Federal Government to reinforce Fort Sumter will be regarded as +an act of open hostility, and a Declaration of War." + +On the 16th, Colonel Hayne, of South Carolina, developed his mission, +which was to demand of the President the surrender of Fort Sumter to the +South Carolina authorities--a demand that had already been made upon, +and refused by, Major Anderson. + +The correspondence concerning this demand, between Colonel Hayne and ten +Southern United States Senators;--[Senators Wigfall, Hemphill, Yulee, +Mallory, Jeff. Davis, C. C. Clay, Fitzgerald, Iverson, Slidell, and +Benjamin.]--the reply of the President, by Secretary Holt, to those +Senators; Governor Pickens's review of the same; and the final demand; +consumed the balance of the month of January; and ended, February 6th, +in a further reply, through the Secretary of War, from the President, +asserting the title of the United States to that Fort, and declining the +demand, as "he has no Constitutional power to cede or surrender it." +Secretary Holt's letter concluded by saying: "If, with all the +multiplied proofs which exist of the President's anxiety for Peace, and +of the earnestness with which he has pursued it, the authorities of that +State shall assault Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the handful of +brave and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our Common +Country into the horrors of Civil War, then upon them and those they +represent, must rest the responsibility." + +But to return from this momentary diversion: On the 18th of January, +Georgia seceded; and on the 20th, the Federal Fort at Ship Island, +Mississippi, and the United States Hospital on the Mississippi River +were seized by Mississippi troops. + +On the 26th, Louisiana seceded. On the 28th, Louisiana troops seized +all the quartermaster's and commissary stores held by Federal officials; +and the United States Revenue cutter "McClelland" surrendered to the +Rebels. + +On February 1st, the Louisiana Rebels seized the National Mint and +Custom House at New Orleans, with $599,303 in gold and silver. On the +same day the State of Texas seceded. + +On February 8th, the National Arsenal at Little Rock, Arkansas, with +9,000 small arms, 40 cannon, and quantities of ammunition, was seized; +and the same day the Governor of Georgia ordered the National Collector +of the Port of Savannah to retain all collections and make no further +payments to the United States Government.* + + + [It was during this eventful month that, certain United States + troops having assembled at the National Capital, and the House of + Representatives having asked the reason therefor, reply was made by + the Secretary of War as follows: + + "WAR DEPARTMENT, February 18, 1861. + [Congressional Globe, August 8, 1861, pp. 457,458] + "SIR: On the 11th February, the House of Representatives adopted a + resolution requesting the President, if not incompatible with the + public interests, to communicate 'the reasons that had induced him + to assemble so large a number of troops in this city, and why they + are kept here; and whether he has any information of a Conspiracy + upon the part of any portion of the citizens of this Country to + seize upon the Capital and prevent the Inauguration of the + President elect.' + + "This resolution having been submitted to this Department for + consideration and report, I have the honor to state, that the body + of troops temporarily transferred to this city is not as large as + is assumed by the resolution, though it is a well-appointed corps + and admirably adapted for the preservation of the public peace. + The reasons which led to their being assembled here will now be + briefly stated. + + "I shall make no comment upon the origin of the Revolution which, + for the last three months, has been in progress in several of the + Southern States, nor shall I enumerate the causes which have + hastened its advancement or exasperated its temper. The scope of + the questions submitted by the House will be sufficiently met by + dealing with the facts as they exist, irrespective of the cause + from which they have proceeded. That Revolution has been + distinguished by a boldness and completeness of success rarely + equaled in the history of Civil Commotions. Its overthrow of the + Federal authority has not only been sudden and wide-spread, but has + been marked by excesses which have alarmed all and been sources of + profound humiliation to a large portion of the American People. + Its history is a history of surprises and treacheries and ruthless + spoliations. The Forts of the United States have been captured and + garrisoned, and hostile flags unfurled upon their ramparts. Its + arsenals have been seized, and the vast amount of public arms they + contained appropriated to the use of the captors; while more than + half a million dollars, found in the Mint at New Orleans, has been + unscrupulously applied to replenish the coffers of Louisiana. + Officers in command of revenue cutters of the United States have + been prevailed on to violate their trusts and surrender the + property in their charge; and instead of being branded for their + crimes, they, and the vessels they betrayed, have been cordially + received into the service of the Seceded States. These movements + were attended by yet more discouraging indications of immorality. + It was generally believed that this Revolution was guided and urged + on by men occupying the highest positions in the public service, + and who, with the responsibilities of an oath to support the + Constitution still resting upon their consciences, did not hesitate + secretly to plan and openly to labor for, the dismemberment of the + Republic whose honors they enjoyed and upon whose Treasury they + were living. As examples of evil are always more potent than those + of good, this spectacle of demoralization on the part of States and + statesmen could not fail to produce the most deplorable + consequences. The discontented and the disloyal everywhere took + courage. In other States, adjacent to and supposed to sympathize + in sense of political wrong with those referred to, Revolutionary + schemes were set on foot, and Forts and arms of the United States + seized. The unchecked prevalence of the Revolution, and the + intoxication which its triumphs inspired, naturally suggested + wilder and yet more desperate enterprises than the conquest of + ungarrisoned Forts, or the plunder of an unguarded Mint. At what + time the armed occupation of Washington City became a part of the + Revolutionary Programme, is not certainly known. More than six + weeks ago, the impression had already extensively obtained that a + Conspiracy for the accomplishment of this guilty purpose was in + process of formation, if not fully matured. The earnest endeavors + made by men known to be devoted to the Revolution, to hurry + Virginia and Maryland out of the Union, were regarded as + preparatory steps for the subjugation of Washington. This plan was + in entire harmony with the aim and spirit of those seeking the + subversion of the Government, since no more fatal blow at its + existence could be struck than the permanent and hostile possession + of the seat of its power. It was in harmony, too, with the avowed + designs of the Revolutionists, which looked to the formation of a + Confederacy of all the Slave States, and necessarily to the + Conquest of the Capital within their limits. It seemed not very + indistinctly prefigured in a Proclamation made upon the floor of + the Senate, without qualification, if not exultingly, that the + Union was already dissolved--a Proclamation which, however + intended, was certainly calculated to invite, on the part of men of + desperate fortunes or of Revolutionary States, a raid upon the + Capital. In view of the violence and turbulent disorders already + exhibited in the South, the public mind could not reject such a + scheme as at all improbable. That a belief in its existence was + entertained by multitudes, there can be no doubt, and this belief I + fully shared. My conviction rested not only on the facts already + alluded to, but upon information, some of which was of a most + conclusive character, that reached the Government from many parts + of the Country, not merely expressing the prevalence of the opinion + that such an organization had been formed, but also often + furnishing the plausible grounds on which the opinion was based. + Superadded to these proofs, were the oft-repeated declarations of + men in high political positions here, and who were known to have + intimate affiliations with the Revolution--if indeed they did not + hold its reins in their hands--to the effect that Mr. Lincoln would + not, or should not be inaugurated at Washington. Such + declarations, from such men, could not be treated as empty bluster. + They were the solemn utterances of those who well understood the + import of their words, and who, in the exultation of the temporary + victories gained over their Country's flag in the South, felt + assured that events would soon give them the power to verify their + predictions. Simultaneously with these prophetic warnings, a + Southern journal of large circulation and influence, and which is + published near the city of Washington, advocated its seizure as a + possible political necessity. + + "The nature and power of the testimony thus accumulated may be best + estimated by the effect produced upon the popular mind. + Apprehensions for the safety of the Capital were communicated from + points near and remote, by men unquestionably reliable and loyal. + The resident population became disquieted, and the repose of many + families in the city was known to be disturbed by painful + anxieties. Members of Congress, too-men of calm and comprehensive + views, and of undoubted fidelity to their Country--frankly + expressed their solicitude to the President and to this Department, + and formally insisted that the defenses of the Capital should be + strengthened. With such warnings, it could not be forgotten that, + had the late Secretary of War heeded the anonymous letter which he + received, the tragedy at Harper's Ferry would have been avoided; + nor could I fail to remember that, had the early admonitions which + reached here in regard to the designs of lawless men upon the Forts + of Charleston Harbor been acted on by sending forward adequate + reinforcements before the Revolution began, the disastrous + political complications that ensued might not have occurred. + + "Impressed by these circumstances and considerations, I earnestly + besought you to allow the concentration, at this city, of a + sufficient military force to preserve the public peace from all the + dangers that seemed to threaten it. An open manifestation, on the + part of the Administration, of a determination, as well as of the + ability, to maintain the laws, would, I was convinced, prove the + surest, as also the most pacific, means of baffling and dissolving + any Conspiracy that might have been organized. It was believed too + that the highest and most solemn responsibility resting upon a + President withdrawing from the Government, was to secure to his + successor a peaceful Inauguration. So deeply, in my judgment, did + this duty concern the whole Country and the fair fame of our + Institutions, that, to guarantee its faithful discharge, I was + persuaded no preparation could be too determined or too complete. + The presence of the troops alluded to in the resolution is the + result of the conclusion arrived at by yourself and Cabinet, on the + proposition submitted to you by this Department. Already this + display of life and loyalty on the part of your Administration, has + produced the happiest effects. Public confidence has been + restored, and the feverish apprehension which it was so mortifying + to contemplate has been banished. Whatever may have been the + machinations of deluded, lawless men, the execution of their + purpose has been suspended, if not altogether abandoned in view of + preparations which announce more impressively than words that this + Administration is alike able and resolved to transfer in peace, to + the President elect, the authority that, under the Constitution, + belongs to him. To those, if such there be, who desire the + destruction of the Republic, the presence of these troops is + necessarily offensive; but those who sincerely love our + Institutions cannot fail to rejoice that, by this timely precaution + they have possibly escaped the deep dishonor which they must have + suffered had the Capital, like the Forts and Arsenals of the South, + fallen into the hands of the Revolutionists, who have found this + great Government weak only because, in the exhaustless beneficence + of its spirit, it has refused to strike, even in its own defense, + lest it should wound the aggressor. + + "I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, + + "J. HOLT. + "Secretary of War, + + "THE PRESIDENT."] + + +On February 20th, Forts Chadbourne and Belknap were seized by the Texan +Rebels; and on the 22nd, the Federal General Twiggs basely surrendered +to them all the fortifications under his control, his little Army, and +all the Government stores in his possession--comprising $55,000 in +specie, 35,000 stand of arms, 26 pieces of mounted artillery, 44 +dismounted guns, and ammunition, horses, wagons, forage, etc., valued at +nearly $2,000,000. + +On the 2nd of March, the Texan Rebels seized the United States Revenue +cutter "Dodge" at Galveston; and on the 6th, Fort Brown was surrendered +to them. + +Thus, with surrender after surrender, and seizure after +seizure, of its revenue vessels and fortifications and troops and arms +and munitions of war in the Southern States--with Fort Sumter invested +and at the mercy of any attack, and Fortress Monroe alone of all the +National strongholds yet safe--with State after State seceding--what +wonder that, while these events gave all encouragement to the Southern +Rebels, the Patriots of the North stood aghast at the appalling +spectacle of a crumbling and dissolving Union! + +During this period of National peril, the debates in both branches of +Congress upon propositions for adjustment of the unfortunate differences +between the Southern Seceders and the Union, as has been already hinted, +contributed still further to agitate the public mind. Speech after +speech by the ablest and most brilliant Americans in public life, for or +against such propositions, and discussing the rightfulness or +wrongfulness of Secession, were made in Congress day after day, and, by +means of the telegraph and the press, alternately swayed the Northern +heart with feelings of hope, chagrin, elation or despair. + +The Great Debate was opened in the Senate on almost the very first day +of its session (December 4th, 1860), by Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, +who, referring to South Carolina, declared that "Instead of being +precipitate, she and the whole South have been wonderfully patient." A +portion of that speech is interesting even at this time, as showing how +certain phases of the Tariff and Internal Improvement questions entered +into the consideration of some of the Southern Secession leaders. Said +he, "I know there are intimations that suffering will fall upon us of +the South, if we secede. My people are not terrified by any such +considerations. * * * They have no fears of the future if driven to +rely on themselves. The Southern States have more territory than all +the Colonies had when they Seceded from Great Britain, and a better +territory. Taking its position, climate, and fertility into +consideration, there is not upon Earth a body of territory superior to +it. * * * The Southern States have, too, at this day, four times the +population the Colonies had when they Seceded from Great Britain. Their +exports to the North and to Foreign Countries were, last year, more than +$300,000,000; and a duty of ten per cent. upon the same amount of +imports would give $30,000,000 of revenue--twice as much as General +Jackson's administration spent in its first year. Everybody can see, +too, how the bringing in of $300,000,000 of imports into Southern ports +would enliven business in our seaboard towns. I have seen with some +satisfaction, also, Mr. President, that the war made upon us has +benefitted certain branches of industry in my State. There are +manufacturing establishments in North Carolina, the proprietors of which +tell me that they are making fifty per cent. annually on their whole +capital, and yet cannot supply one tenth of the demand for their +production. The result of only ten per cent. duties in excluding +products from abroad, would give life and impetus to mechanical and +manufacturing industry, throughout the entire South. Our people +understand these things, and they are not afraid of results, if forced +to declare Independence. Indeed I do not see why Northern Republicans +should wish to continue a connection with us upon any terms. * * * +They want High Tariff likewise. They may put on five hundred per cent. +if they choose, upon their own imports, and nobody on our side will +complain. They may spend all the money they raise on railroads, or +opening harbors, or anything on earth they desire, without interference +from us; and it does seem to me that if they are sincere in their views +they ought to welcome a separation." + +From the very commencement of this long three-months debate, it was the +policy of the Southern leaders to make it appear that the Southern +States were in an attitude of injured innocence and defensiveness +against Northern aggression. Hence, it was that, as early as December +5th, on the floor of the Senate, through Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, they +declared: "All we ask is to be allowed to depart in Peace. Submit we +will not; and if, because we will not submit to your domination, you +choose to make War upon us, let God defend the Right!" + +At the same time it was esteemed necessary to try and frighten the North +into acquiescence with this demand to be "let alone." Hence such +utterances as those of Clingman and Iverson, to which reference has +already been made, and the especially defiant close of the latter's +speech, when--replying to the temperate but firm Union utterances of Mr. +Hale--the Georgia Senator said: "Sir, I do not believe there will be any +War; but if War is to come, let it come; we will meet the Senator from +New Hampshire and all the myrmidons of Abolitionism and Black +Republicanism everywhere upon our own soil; and, in the language of a +distinguished member from Ohio in relation to the Mexican War, we will +'welcome you with bloody hands to hospitable graves.'" + +On the other hand, in order to encourage the revolting States to the +speedy commission of overt acts of Rebellion and violence, that would +precipitate War without a peradventure, utterances fell from Southern +lips, in the National Senate Chamber, like those of Mr. Wigfall, when he +said, during this first day of the debate: "Frederick the Great, on one +occasion, when he had trumped up an old title to some of the adjacent +territory, quietly put himself in possession and then offered to treat. +Were I a South Carolinian, as I am a Texan, and I knew that my State was +going out of the Union, and that this Government would attempt to use +force, I would, at the first moment that that fact became manifest, +seize upon the Forts and the arms and the munitions of war, and raise +the cry 'To your tents, O Israel, and to the God of battles be this +issue!" + +And, as we have already seen, the Rebels of the South were not slow in +following the baleful advice to the letter. But it was not many days +after this utterance when the Conspirators against the Union evidently +began to fear that the ground for Rebellion, upon which they had planted +themselves, would be taken from under their feet by the impulse of +Compromise and Concession which stirred so strongly the fraternal spirit +of the North. That peaceful impulse must be checked and exasperated by +sneers and impossible demands. Hence, on December 12th we find one of +the most active and favorite mouthpieces of Treason, Mr. Wigfall, +putting forth such demands, in his most offensive manner. + +Said he: "If the two Senators from New York (Seward and King), the +Senator from Ohio (Wade), the two Senators from Illinois (Douglas and +Trumbull), the Senator from New Hampshire (Hale), the Senator from +Maine, and others who are regarded as representative men, who have +denied that by the Constitution of the United States, Slaves are +recognized as Property; who have urged and advocated those acts which we +regard as aggressive on the part of the People--if they will rise here, +and say in their places, that they desire to propose amendments to the +Constitution, and beg that we will vote for them; that they will, in +good faith, go to their respective constituencies and urge the +ratification; that they believe, if these Gulf States will suspend their +action, that those amendments will be ratified and carried out in good +faith; that they will cease preaching this 'irrepressible conflict'; and +if, in those amendments, it is declared that Slaves are Property, that +they shall be delivered up upon demand; and that they will assure us +that Abolition societies shall be abolished; that Abolition speeches +shall no longer be made; that we shall have peace and quiet; that we +shall not be called cut-throats and pirates and murderers; that our +women shall not be slandered--these things being said in good faith, the +Senators begging that we will stay our hand until an honest effort can +be made, I believe that there is a prospect of giving them a fair +consideration!" + +Small wonder is it, that this labored and ridiculous piece of +impertinence was received with ironical laughter on the Republican side +of the Senate Chamber. And it was in reference to these threats, and +these preposterous demands--including the suppression of the right of +Free Discussion and Liberty of the Press--that, in the same chamber +(January 7, 1861) the gallant and eloquent Baker said: + +"Your Fathers had fought for that right, and more than that, they had +declared that the violation of that right was one of the great causes +which impelled them to the Separation. * * * Sir, the Liberty of the +Press is the highest safeguard to all Free Government. Ours could not +exist without it. It is with us, nay, with all men, like a great +exulting and abounding river, It is fed by the dews of Heaven, which +distil their sweetest drops to form it. It gushes from the rill, as it +breaks from the deep caverns of the Earth. It is fed by a thousand +affluents, that dash from the mountaintop to separate again into a +thousand bounteous and irrigating rills around. On its broad bosom it +bears a thousand barks. There, Genius spreads its purpling sail. +There, Poetry dips its silver oar. There, Art, Invention, Discovery, +Science, Morality, Religion, may safely and securely float. It wanders +through every land. It is a genial, cordial source of thought and +inspiration, wherever it touches, whatever it surrounds. Sir, upon its +borders, there grows every flower of Grace and every fruit of Truth. I +am not here to deny that that Stream sometimes becomes a dangerous +Torrent, and destroys towns and cities upon its bank; but I am here to +say that without it, Civilization, Humanity, Government, all that makes +Society itself, would disappear, and the World would return to its +ancient Barbarism. + +"Sir, if that were to be possible, or so thought for a moment, the fine +conception of the great Poet would be realized. If that were to be +possible, though but for a moment, Civilization itself would roll the +wheels of its car backward for two thousand years. Sir, if that were +so, it would be true that: + + 'As one by one in dread Medea's train, + Star after Star fades off th' ethereal plain, + Thus at her fell approach and secret might, + Art after art goes out, and all is night. + Philosophy, that leaned on Heaven before, + Sinks to her second cause, and is no more. + Religion, blushing, veils her sacred fires, + And, unawares, Morality expires.' + +"Sir, we will not risk these consequences, even for Slavery; we will not +risk these consequences even for Union; we will not risk these +consequences to avoid that Civil War with which you threaten us; that +War which, you announce so deadly, and which you declare to be +inevitable. * * * I will never yield to the idea that the great +Government of this Country shall protect Slavery in any Territory now +ours, or hereafter to be acquired. It is, in my opinion, a great +principle of Free Government, not, to be surrendered. + +"It is in my judgment, the object of the great battle which we have +fought, and which we have won. It is, in my poor opinion, the point +upon which there is concord and agreement between the great masses of +the North, who may agree in no other political opinion whatever. Be he +Republican, or Democrat, or Douglas man, or Lincoln man; be he from the +North, or the West, from Oregon, or from Maine, in my judgment nine- +tenths of the entire population of the North and West are devoted, in +the very depths of their hearts, to the great Constitutional idea that +Freedom is the rule, that Slavery is the exception, that it ought not to +be extended by virtue of the powers of the Government of the United +States; and, come weal, come woe, it never shall be. + +"But, sir, I add one other thing. When you talk to me about Compromise +or Concession, I am not sure that I always understand you. Do you mean +that I am to give up my convictions of right? Armies cannot compel that +in the breast of a Free People. Do you mean that I am to concede the +benefits of the political struggle through which we have passed, +considered politically, only? You are too just and too generous to ask +that. Do you mean that we are to deny the great principle upon which +our political action has been based? You know we cannot. But if you +mean by Compromise and Concession to ask us to see whether we have not +been hasty, angry, passionate, excited, and in many respects violated +your feelings, your character, your right of property, we will look; +and, as I said yesterday, if we have, we will undo it. Allow me to say +again, if there be any lawyer or any Court that will advise us that our +laws are unconstitutional, we will repeal them. + +"Now as to territory. I will not yield one inch to Secession; but there +are things that I will yield, and there are things to which I will +yield. It is somewhere told that when Harold of England received a +messenger from a brother with whom he was at variance, to inquire on +what terms reconciliation and peace could be effected between brothers, +he replied in a gallant and generous spirit in a few words, 'the, terms +I offer are the affection of a brother; and the Earldom of +Northumberland.' And, said the Envoy, as he marched up the Hall amid +the warriors that graced the state of the King, 'if Tosti, thy brother, +agree to this, what terms will you allow to his ally and friend, +Hadrada, the giant.' 'We will allow,' said Harold, 'to Hadrada, the +giant, seven feet of English ground, and if he be, as they say, a giant, +some few inches more!' and, as he spake, the Hall rang with acclamation. + +"Sir, in that spirit I speak. I follow, at a humble distance, the ideas +and the words of Clay, illustrious, to be venerated, and honored, and +remembered, forever. * * * He said--I say: that I will yield no inch, +no word, to the threat of Secession, unconstitutional, revolutionary, +dangerous, unwise, at variance with the heart and the hope of all +mankind save themselves. To that I yield nothing; but if States loyal +to the Constitution, if people magnanimous and just, desiring a return +of fraternal feeling, shall come to us and ask for Peace, for permanent, +enduring peace and affection, and say, 'What will you grant? I say to +them, 'Ask all that a gentleman ought to propose, and I will yield all +that a gentleman ought to offer.' Nay, more: if you are galled because +we claim the right to prohibit Slavery in territory now Free, or in any +Territory which acknowledges our jurisdiction, we will evade--I speak +but for myself--I will aid in evading that question; I will agree to +make it all States, and let the People decide at once. I will agree to +place them in that condition where the prohibition of Slavery will never +be necessary to justify ourselves to our consciences or to our +constituents. I will agree to anything which is not to force upon me +the necessity of protecting Slavery in the name of Freedom. To that I +never can and never will yield." + +The speeches of Seward, of Douglas, of Crittenden, of Andrew Johnson, of +Baker, and others, in behalf of the Union, and those of Benjamin, Davis, +Wigfall, Lane, and others, in behalf of Secession, did much toward +fixing the responsibility for the approaching bloody conflict where it +belonged. The speeches of Andrew Johnson of Tennessee--who, if he at a +subsequent period of the Nation's history, proved himself not the +worthiest son of the Republic, at this critical time, at all events, did +grand service in the National Senate--especially had great and good +effect on the public mind in the Northern and Border States. They were, +therefore, gall and wormwood to the Secession leaders, who hoped to drag +the Border States into the great Southern Confederacy of States already +in process of formation. + +Their irritation was shown in threats of personal violence to Mr. +Johnson, as when Wigfall--replying February 7th, 1861, to the latter's +speech, said, "Now if the Senator wishes to denounce Secession and +Nullification eo nomine, let him go back and denounce Jefferson; let him +denounce Jackson, if he dare, and go back and look that Tennessee +Democracy in the face, and see whether they will content themselves with +riddling his effigy!" + +It would seem also, from another part of Wigfall's reply, that the +speeches of Union Senators had been so effective that a necessity was +felt on the part of the Southern Conspirators to still further attempt +to justify Secession by shifting the blame to Northern shoulders, for, +while referring to the Presidential canvass of 1860--and the attitude of +the Southern Secession leaders during that exciting period--he said: +"We (Breckinridge-Democrats) gave notice, both North and South, that if +Abraham Lincoln was elected, this Union was dissolved. I never made a +speech during the canvass without asserting that fact. * * * Then, I +say, that our purpose was not to dissolve the Union; but the dire +necessity has been put upon us. The question is, whether we shall live +longer in a Union in which a Party, hostile to us in every respect, has +the power in Congress, in the Executive department, and in the Electoral +Colleges--a Party who will have the power even in the Judiciary. We +think it is not safe. We say that each State has the clear indisputable +right to withdraw if she sees fit; and six of the States have already +withdrawn, and one other State is upon the eve of withdrawing, if she +has not already done so. How far this will spread no man can tell!" + +As tending to show the peculiar mixture of brag, cajolery, and threats, +involved in the attitude of the South, as expressed by the same favorite +Southern mouthpiece, toward the Border-States on the one hand, and the +Middle and New England States on the other, a further extract from this +(February 7th) speech of the Texan Senator may be of interest. Said he: + +"With exports to the amount of hundreds of millions of dollars, our +imports must be the same. With a lighter Tariff than any people ever +undertook to live under, we could have larger revenue. We would be able +to stand Direct Taxation to a greater extent than any people ever could +before, since the creation of the World. We feel perfectly competent to +meet all issues that may be presented, either by hostility from abroad +or treason at home. So far as the Border-States are concerned, it is a +matter that concerns them alone. Should they confederate with us, +beyond all doubt New England machinery will be worked with the water +power of Tennessee, of Kentucky, of Virginia and of Maryland; the Tariff +laws that now give New England the monopoly in the thirty-three States, +will give to these Border States a monopoly in the Slave-holding States. +Should the non-Slave-holding States choose to side against us in +organizing their Governments, and cling to their New England brethren, +the only result will be, that the meat, the horses, the hemp, and the +grain, which we now buy in Pennsylvania, in Ohio, in Indiana and +Illinois, will be purchased in Kentucky and in Western Virginia and in +Missouri. Should Pennsylvania stand out, the only result will be, that +the iron which is now dug in Pennsylvania, will be dug in the mountains +of Tennessee and of Virginia and of Kentucky and of North Carolina. +These things we know. + +"We feel no anxiety at all, so far as money or men are concerned. We +desire War with nobody; we intend to make no War; but we intend to live +under just such a Government as we see fit. Six States have left this +Union, and others are going to leave it simply because they choose to do +it; that is all. We do not ask your consent; we do not wish it. We +have revoked our ratification of the Treaty commonly known as the +Constitution of the United States; a treaty for common defense and +general welfare; and we shall be perfectly willing to enter into another +Treaty with you, of peace and amity. Reject the olive branch and offer +us the sword, and we accept it; we have not the slightest objection. +Upon that subject we feel as the great William Lowndes felt upon another +important subject, the Presidency, which he said was neither to be +sought nor declined. When you invade our soil, look to your own +borders. You say that you have too many people, too many towns, too +dense a population, for us to invade you. I say to you Senators, that +there is nothing that ever stops the march of an invading force, except +a desert. The more populous a country, the more easy it is to subsist +an army." + +After declaring that--"Not only are our non-Slaveholders loyal, but even +our Negroes are. We have no apprehensions whatever of insurrection--not +the slightest. We can arm our negroes, and leave them at home, when we +are temporarily absent"--Mr. Wigfall proceeded to say: "We may as well +talk plainly about this matter. This is probably the last time I shall +have an opportunity of addressing you. There is another thing that an +invading army cannot do. It cannot burn up plantations. You can pull +down fences, but the Negroes will put them up the next morning. The +worst fuel that ever a man undertook to make fire with, is dirt; it will +not burn. Now I have told you what an invading army cannot do. Suppose +I reverse the picture and tell you what it can do. An invading army in +an enemy's country, where there is a dense population, can subsist +itself at a very little cost; it does not always pay for what it gets. +An invading army can burn down towns; an invading army can burn down +manufactories; and it can starve operatives. It can do all these +things. But an Invading army, and an army to defend a Country, both +require a military chest. You may bankrupt every man south of North +Carolina, so that his credit is reduced to such a point that he could +not discount a note for thirty dollars, at thirty days; but the next +autumn those Cotton States will have just as much money and as much +credit as they had before. They pick money off the cotton plant. Every +time that a Negro touches a cotton-pod with his hand, he pulls a piece +of silver out of it, and he drops it into the basket in which it is +carried to the gin-house. It is carried to the packing screw. A bale +of cotton rolls out-in other words, five ten-dollar pieces roll out- +covered with canvas. We shall never again make less than five million +bales of cotton. * * * We can produce five million bales of cotton, +every bale worth fifty dollars, which is the lowest market price it has +been for years past. We shall import a bale of something else, for +every bale of cotton that we export, and that bale will be worth fifty +dollars. We shall find no difficulty under a War-Tariff in raising an +abundance of money. We have been at Peace for a very long time, We are +very prosperous. Our planters use their cotton, not to buy the +necessaries of life, but for the superfluities, which they can do +without. The States themselves have a mine of wealth in the loyalty and +the wealth of their citizens. Georgia, Mississippi, any one of those +States can issue its six per cent. bonds tomorrow, and receive cotton in +payment to the extent almost of the entire crop. They can first borrow +from their own citizens; they can tax them to an almost unlimited +extent; and they can raise revenue from a Tariff to an almost unlimited +extent. + +"How will it be with New England? where will their revenue come from? +From your Custom-houses? what do you export? You have been telling us +here for the last quarter of a century, that you cannot manufacture, +even for the home market, under the Tariffs which we have given you. +When this Tariff ceases to operate in your favor, and you have to pay +for coming into our markets, what will you export? When your machinery +ceases to move, and your operatives are turned out, will you tax your +broken capitalist or your starving operative? When the navigation laws +cease to operate, what will become of your shipping interest? You are +going to blockade our ports, you say. That is a very innocent game; and +you suppose we shall sit quietly down and submit to a blockade. I speak +not of foreign interference, for we look not for it. We are just as +competent to take Queen Victoria and Louis Napoleon under our +protection, as they are to take us; and they are a great deal more +interested to-day in receiving cotton from our ports than we are in +shipping it. You may lock up every bale of cotton within the limits of +the eight Cotton States, and not allow us to export one for three years, +and we shall not feel it further than our military resources are +concerned. Exhaust the supply of cotton in Europe for one week, and all +Europe is in revolution. + +"These are facts. You will blockade us! Do you suppose we shall do +nothing, even upon the sea? How many letters of marque and reprisal +would it take to put the whole of your ships up at your wharves to rot? +Will any merchant at Havre, or Liverpool, or any other portion of the +habitable globe, ship a cargo upon a New England, or New York, or +Philadelphia clipper, or other ship, when he knows that the seas are +swarming with letters of marque and reprisal? Why the mere apprehension +of such a thing will cut you out of the Carrying Trade of the civilized +World. * * * I speak not of the absurdity of the position that you can +blockade our ports, admitting at the same time that we are in the Union. +Blockade is a remedy, as all writers on International law say, against a +Foreign Power with whom you are at War. You cannot use a blockade +against your own people. An embargo even, you cannot use. That is a +remedy against a Foreign Nation with whom you expect to be at War. You +must treat us as in the Union, or out of it. We have gone out. We are +willing to live at peace with you; but, as sure as fate, whenever any +flag comes into one of our ports, that has thirty-three stars upon it, +that flag will be fired at. Displaying a flag with stars which we have +plucked from that bright galaxy, is an insult to the State within whose +waters that flag is displayed. You cannot enforce the laws without +Coercion, and you cannot Coerce without War. + +"These matters, then, can be settled. How? By withdrawing your troops; +admitting our right to Self-government clearly, unqualifiedly. Do this, +and there is no difficulty about it. You say that you will not do it. +Very well; we have no objection--none whatever. That is Coercion. When +you have attempted it, you will find that you have made War. These, +Senators, are facts. I come here to plead for Peace; but I have seen so +much and felt so much, that I am becoming at last, to tell the plain +truth of the matter, rather indifferent as to which way the thing turns. +If you want War, you can have it. If you want Peace, you can get it; +but I plead not for Peace." + +Meanwhile the Seceding States of the South were strengthening their +attitude by Confederation. On February 4, 1861, the Convention of +Seceding States, called by the South Carolina Convention at the time of +her Secession, met, in pursuance of that call, at Montgomery, Alabama, +and on the 9th adopted a Provisional Constitution and organized a +Provisional Government by the election of Jefferson Davis of +Mississippi, as President, and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, as +Vice-President; to serve until a Presidential election could be held by +the people of the Confederacy. + + [At a later day, March 11, 1861, a permanent Constitution for the + "Confederate States" was adopted, and, in the Fall of the same + year, Messrs. Davis and Stephens were elected by popular vote, for + the term of six years ensuing, as President and Vice-President, + respectively, of the Confederacy.] + +Mr. Davis almost at once left Jackson, Mississippi, for Montgomery, +where he arrived and delivered his Inaugural, February 17, having +received on his road thither a succession of ovations from the +enthusiastic Rebels, to which he had responded with no less than twenty- +five speeches, very similar in tone to those made in the United States +Senate by Mr. Wigfall and others of that ilk-breathing at once defiance +and hopefulness, while admitting the difficulties in the way of the new +Confederacy. + +"It may be," said he, at Jackson, "that we will be confronted by War; +that the attempt will be made to blockade our ports, to starve us out; +but they (the Union men of the North) know little of the Southern heart, +of Southern endurance. No amount of privation could force us to remain +in a Union on unequal terms. England and France would not allow our +great staple to be dammed up within our present limits; the starving +thousands in their midst would not allow it. We have nothing to +apprehend from Blockade. But if they attempt invasion by land, we must +take the War out of our territory. If War must come, it must be upon +Northern, and not upon Southern soil. In the meantime, if they were +prepared to grant us Peace, to recognize our equality, all is well." + +And, in his speech at Stevenson, Alabama, said he "Your Border States +will gladly come into the Southern Confederacy within sixty days, as we +will be their only friends. England will recognize us, and a glorious +future is before us. The grass will grow in the Northern cities, where +the pavements have been worn off by the tread of Commerce. We will +carry War where it is easy to advance--where food for the sword and +torch await our Armies in the densely populated cities; and though they +may come and spoil our crops, we can raise them as before; while they +cannot rear the cities which took years of industry and millions of +money to build." + +Very different in tone to these, were the kindly and sensible utterances +of Mr. Lincoln on his journey from Springfield to Washington, about the +same time, for Inauguration as President of the United States. Leaving +Springfield, Illinois, February 11th, he had pathetically said: + +"My friends: No one, not in my position, can realize the sadness I feel +at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived +more than a quarter of a century. Here my children were born, and here +one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you again. I +go to assume a task more difficult than that which has devolved upon any +other man since the days of Washington. He never would have succeeded +except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times +relied. I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine blessing +which sustained him; and on the same Almighty Being I place my reliance +for support. And I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may +receive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with +which success is certain. Again I bid you an affectionate farewell." + +At Indianapolis, that evening, the eve of his birthday anniversary, +after thanking the assembled thousands for their "magnificent welcome," +and defining the words "Coercion" and "Invasion"--at that time so +loosely used--he continued: "But if the United States should merely hold +and retake her own Forts and other property, and collect the duties on +foreign importation, or even withhold the mails from places where they +were habitually violated, would any or all of these things be 'Invasion' +or 'Coercion'? Do our professed lovers of the Union, who spitefully +resolve that they will resist Coercion and Invasion, understand that +such things as these on the part of the United States would be +'Coercion' or 'Invasion' of a State? If so, their idea of means to +preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be +exceedingly thin and airy." + +At Columbus, Ohio, he spoke in a like calm, conservative, reasoning way +--with the evident purpose of throwing oil on the troubled waters--when +he said: "I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. +It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety; for there is +nothing going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that, when we look +out, there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different +views upon political questions; but nobody is suffering anything. This +is a consoling circumstance; and from it we may conclude that all we +want is time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never +forsaken this People." + +So, too, at Pittsburg, Pa., February 15th, he said, of "our friends," as +he termed them, the Secessionists: "Take even their own views of the +questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the course they are +pursuing. I repeat, then, there is no crisis, except such an one as may +be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by designing +politicians. My advice to them, under the circumstances, is to keep +cool. If the great American People only keep their temper both sides of +the line, the trouble will come to an end, and the question which now +distracts the Country be settled, just as surely as all other +difficulties, of a like character, which have been originated in this +Government, have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their +self-possession, and, just as other clouds have cleared away in due +time, so will this great Nation continue to prosper as heretofore." + +And toward the end of that journey, on the 22nd of February-- +Washington's Birthday--in the Independence Hall at Philadelphia, after +eloquently affirming his belief that "the great principle or idea that +kept this Confederacy so long together was * * * that sentiment in the +Declaration of Independence which gave Liberty not alone to the People +of this Country, but" he hoped "to the World, for all future time * * * +which gave promise that, in due time, the weight would be lifted from +the shoulders of all men"--he added, in the same firm, yet temperate and +reassuring vein: "Now, my friends, can this Country be saved on that +basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the +world, if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved on that basis, +it will be truly awful. But, if this Country cannot be saved without +giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be +assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now in my view of the +present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or War. There is +no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say, +in advance, that there will be no bloodshed, unless it be forced upon +the Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defense. * +* * I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be +the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by." + +Thus, as he progressed on that memorable journey from his home in +Illinois, through Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Columbus, Pittsburgh, +Cleveland, Erie, Buffalo, Albany, New York, Trenton, Newark, +Philadelphia, and Harrisburg-amid the prayers and blessings and +acclamations of an enthusiastic and patriotic people--he uttered words +of wise conciliation and firm moderation such as beseemed the high +functions and tremendous responsibilities to which the voice of that +liberty--and-union-loving people had called him, and this too, with a +full knowledge, when he made the Philadelphia speech, that the enemies +of the Republic had already planned to assassinate him before he could +reach Washington. + +The prudence of his immediate friends, fortunately defeated the +murderous purpose--and by the simple device of taking the regular night +express from Philadelphia instead of a special train next day--to +Washington, he reached the National Capital without molestation early on +the morning of the 23rd of February. + +That morning, after Mr. Lincoln's arrival, in company with Mr. Lovejoy, +the writer visited him at Willard's Hotel. During the interview both +urged him to "Go right along, protect the property of the Country, and +put down the Rebellion, no matter at what cost in men and money." He +listened with grave attention, and said little, but very clearly +indicated his approval of all the sentiments thus expressed--and then, +with the same firm and manly and cheerful faith in the outcome, he +added: "As the Country has placed me at the helm of the Ship, I'll try +to steer her through." + +The spirit in which he proposed to accomplish this superhuman task, was +shown when he told the Southern people through the Civic authorities of +Washington on the 27th of February--When the latter called upon him-- +that he had no desire or intention to interfere with any of their +Constitutional rights--that they should have all their rights under the +Constitution, "not grudgingly, but fully and fairly." And what was the +response of the South to this generous and conciliatory message? +Personal sneers--imputations of Northern cowardice--boasts of Southern +prowess--scornful rejection of all compromise--and an insolent challenge +to the bloody issue of arms! + +Said Mr. Wigfall, in the United States Senate, on March 2d, alluding to +Mr. Lincoln, "I do not think that a man who disguises himself in a +soldier's cloak and a Scotch cap (a more thorough disguise could not be +assumed by such a man) and makes his entry between day and day, into the +Capital of the Country that he is to govern--I hardly think that he is +going to look War sternly in the face. + + [Had Mr. Wigfall been able at this time to look four years into the + future and behold the downfall of the Southern Rebellion, the + flight of its Chieftains, and the capture of Jefferson Davis while + endeavoring to escape, with his body enclosed in a wrapper and a + woman's shawl over his head, as stated by Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart + of Jefferson Davis's Staff, p. 756, vol. ii., Greeley's American + Conflict--he would hardly have retailed this slander.] + +"I look for nothing else than that the Commissioners from the +Confederated States will be received here and recognized by Abraham +Lincoln. I will now predict that this Republican Party that is going to +enforce the Laws, preserve the Union, and collect Revenue, will never +attempt anything so silly; and that instead of taking Forts, the troops +will be withdrawn from those which we now have. See if this does not +turn out to be so, in less than a week or ten days." + +In the same insulting diatribe, he said: "It is very easy for men to +bluster who know there is going to be no danger. Four or five million +people living in a territory that extends from North Carolina down to +the Rio Grande, who have exports to above three hundred million dollars, +whose ports cannot be blockaded, but who can issue letters of marque and +reprisal, and sweep your commerce from the seas, and who will do it, are +not going to be trifled with by that sensible Yankee nation. Mark my +words. I did think, at one time, there was going to be War; I do not +think so now. * * * The Star of the West swaggered into Charleston +harbor, received a blow planted full in the face, and staggered out. +Your flag has been insulted; redress it if you dare! You have submitted +to it for two months, and you will submit to it for ever. * * * We +have dissolved the Union; mend it if you can; cement it with blood; try +the experiment! we do not desire War; we wish to avoid it. * * * This +we say; and if you choose to settle this question by the Sword, we feel, +we know, that we have the Right. We interfere with you in no way. We +ask simply that you will not interfere with us. * * * You tell us you +will keep us in the Union. Try the experiment!" + +And then, with brutal frankness, he continued: "Now, whether what are +called The Crittenden Resolutions will produce satisfaction in some of +these Border States, or not, I am unaware; but I feel perfectly sure +they would not be entertained upon the Gulf. As to the Resolutions +which the Peace Congress has offered us, we might as well make a clean +breast of it. If those Resolutions were adopted, and ratified by three +fourths of the States of this Union, and no other cause ever existed, I +make the assertion that the seven States now out of the Union, would go +out upon that." + + + + + CHAPTER VIII. + + THE REJECTED OLIVE BRANCH. + +While instructive, it will also not be devoid of interest, to pause +here, and examine the nature of the Crittenden Resolutions, and also the +Resolutions of the Peace Congress, which, we have seen, were spurned by +the Secession leaders, through their chief mouthpiece in the United +States Senate. + +The Crittenden Compromise Resolutions * were in these words: + +"A Joint Resolution proposing certain Amendments to the Constitution of +the United States: + +"Whereas, serious and alarming dissensions have arisen between the +Northern and the Southern States, concerning the Rights and security of +the Rights of the Slaveholding States, and especially their Rights in +the common territory of the United States; and whereas, it is eminently +desirable and proper that these dissensions, which now threaten the very +existence of this Union, should be permanently quieted and settled by +Constitutional provisions which shall do equal justice to all Sections, +and thereby restore to the People that peace and good-will which ought +to prevail between all the citizens of the United States; Therefore: + +Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America, in Congress assembled, (two thirds of both Houses +concurring), the following articles be, and are hereby proposed and +submitted as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which +shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of said +Constitution, when ratified by Conventions of three-fourths of the +several States: + +"Article I. In all the territory of the United States now held, or +hereafter to be acquired, situate north of latitude 36 30', Slavery or +involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is prohibited, +while such territory shall remain under Territorial government. In all +the territory south of said line of latitude, Slavery of the African +race is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with +by Congress, but shall be protected as Property by all the departments +of the Territorial government during its continuance. And when any +Territory, north or south of said line, within such boundaries as +Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population requisite for a +member of Congress, according to the then Federal ratio of +representation of the People of the United States, it shall, if its own +form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union, on an +equal footing with the original States; with or without Slavery, as the +Constitution of such new State may provide. + +"Article II. Congress shall have no power to abolish Slavery in places +under its exclusive jurisdiction, and situate within the limits of +States that permit the holding of Slaves. + +"Article III. Congress shall have no power to abolish Slavery within +the District of Columbia; so long as it exists in the adjoining States +of Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor without the consent of the +inhabitants, nor without just compensation first made to such owners of +Slaves as do not consent to such abolishment. Nor shall Congress, at +any time, prohibit officers of the Federal government, or members of +Congress whose duties require them to be in said District, from bringing +with them their Slaves, and holding them as such during the time their +duties may require them to remain there, and afterward taking them from +the District. + +"Article IV. Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder the +Transportation of Slaves from one State to another, or to a Territory in +which Slaves are, by law, permitted to be held, whether that +transportation be by land, navigable rivers, or by the sea. + +"Article V. That in addition to the provisions of the third paragraph +of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the +United States, Congress shall have power to provide by law, and it shall +be its duty to provide, that the United States shall pay to the owner +who shall apply for it, the full value of his Fugitive Slaves in all +cases where the Marshal, or other officer whose duty it was to arrest +said Fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation, +or where, after arrest, said Fugitive was rescued by force, and the +owner thereby prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for +the recovery of his Fugitive Slave under the said clause of the +Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof. + + ["No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws + thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any Law or + Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but + shall be delivered up on claim of the Party to whom such Service or + Labour may be due."--Art. IV., Sec. 2, P 3, U. S. Constitution.] + +"And in all such cases, when the United States shall pay for such +Fugitive, they shall have the Right, in their own name, to sue the +county in which said violence, intimidation, or rescue, was committed, +and recover from it, with interest and damages, the amount paid by them +for said Fugitive Slave. And the said county, after it has paid said +amount to the United States, may, for its indemnity, sue and recover +from the wrong-doers or rescuers by whom the owner was prevented from +the recovery of his Fugitive Slave, in like manner as the owner himself +might have sued and recovered. + +"Article VI. No future amendment of the Constitution shall affect the +five preceding articles; nor the third paragraph of the second section +of the first article of the Constitution, nor the third paragraph of +the second section of the fourth article of said Constitution; and no +amendment shall be made to the Constitution which shall authorize or +give to Congress any power to abolish or interfere with Slavery in any +of the States by whose laws it is or may be, allowed or permitted. + + ["Representatives and Direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the + several States which may be included within this Union, according + to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to + the whole Number of Free Persons, including those bound to Service + for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not Taxed, three-fifths + of all Other Persons," etc.--Art. 1., Sec. 2, P 3, U. S. + Constitution.] + +"And whereas, also, besides those causes of dissension embraced in the +foregoing amendments proposed to the Constitution of the United States, +there are others which come within the jurisdiction of Congress, and may +be remedied by its legislative power; And whereas it is the desire of +Congress, as far as its power will extend, to remove all just cause for +the popular discontent and agitation which now disturb the peace of the +Country and threaten the stability of its Institutions; Therefore: + +"1. Resolved by the Senate and house of Representatives in Congress +assembled, that the laws now in force for the recovery of Fugitive +Slaves are in strict pursuance of the plain and mandatory provisions of +the Constitution, and have been sanctioned as valid and Constitutional +by the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States; that the +Slaveholding States are entitled to the faithful observance and +execution of those laws; and that they ought not to be repealed, or so +modified or changed as to impair their efficiency; and that laws ought +to be made for the punishment of those who attempt, by rescue of the +Slave, or other illegal means, to hinder or defeat the due execution of +said laws. + +"2. That all State laws which conflict with the Fugitive Slave Acts of +Congress, or any other Constitutional Acts of Congress, or which, in +their operation, impede, hinder, or delay, the free course and due +execution of any of said Acts, are null and void by the plain provisions +of the Constitution of the United States; yet those State laws, void as +they are, have given color to practices, and led to consequences, which +have obstructed the due administration and execution of Acts of +Congress, and especially the Acts for the delivery of Fugitive Slaves; +and have thereby contributed much to the discord and commotion now +prevailing. Congress, therefore, in the present perilous juncture, does +not deem it improper, respectfully and earnestly, to recommend the +repeal of those laws to the several States which have enacted them, or +such legislative corrections or explanations of them as may prevent +their being used or perverted to such mischievous purposes. + +"3. That the Act of the 18th of September, 1850, commonly called the +Fugitive Slave Law, ought to be so amended as to make the fee of the +Commissioner, mentioned in the eighth section of the Act, equal in +amount in the cases decided by him, whether his decision be in favor of, +or against the claimant. And, to avoid misconstruction, the last clause +of the fifth section of said Act, which authorizes the person holding a +warrant for the arrest or detention of a Fugitive Slave to summon to his +aid the posse comitatus, and which declares it to be the duty of all +good citizens to assist him in its execution, ought to be so amended as +to expressly limit the authority and duty to cases in which there shall +be resistance, or danger of resistance or rescue. + +"4. That the laws for the suppression of the African Slave Trade, and +especially those prohibiting the importation of Slaves into the United +States, ought to be more effectual, and ought to be thoroughly executed; +and all further enactments necessary to those ends ought to be promptly +made." + + +The Peace Conference, or "Congress," it may here be mentioned, was +called, by action of the Legislature of Virginia, to meet at Washington, +February 4, 1861. The invitation was extended to all of such "States of +this Confederacy * * * whether Slaveholding or Non-Slaveholding, as are +willing to unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the +present unhappy controversies in the spirit in which the Constitution +was originally formed, and consistently with its principles, so as to +afford to the people of the Slaveholding States adequate guarantees for +the security of their rights"--such States to be represented by +Commissioners "to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon some +suitable adjustment." + +The Conference, or "Congress," duly convened, at that place and time, +and organized by electing ex-President John Tyler, of Virginia, its +President. This Peace Congress--which comprised 133 Commissioners, +representing the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, +Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, +Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, +Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin and Kansas--remained in session until +February 27, 1861--and then submitted the result of its labors to +Congress, with the request that Congress "will submit it to Conventions +in the States, as Article Thirteen of the Amendments to the Constitution +of the United States, in the following shape: + +"Section 1. In all the present territory of the United States, north of +the parallel of 36 30' of north latitude, Involuntary Servitude, except +in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory +south of that line, the status of Persons held to Involuntary Service or +Labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed; nor shall any law be +passed by Congress or the Territorial Legislature to hinder or prevent +the taking of such Persons from any of the States of this Union to said +Territory, nor to impair the Rights arising from said relation; but the +same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal Courts, +according to the course of the common law. When any Territory north or +south of said line, within such boundary as Congress may prescribe, +shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of +Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted +into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or +without Involuntary Servitude, as the Constitution of such State may +provide. + +"Section 2. No territory shall be acquired by the United States, except +by discovery and for naval and commercial stations, depots, and transit +routes, without the concurrence of a majority of all the Senators from +States which allow Involuntary Servitude, and a majority of all the +Senators from States which prohibit that relation; nor shall Territory +be acquired by treaty, unless the votes of a majority of the Senators +from each class of States hereinbefore mentioned be cast as a part of +the two-thirds majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty. + +"Section 3. Neither the Constitution, nor any amendment thereof, shall +be construed to give Congress power to regulate, abolish, or control, +within any State, the relation established or recognized by the laws +thereof touching Persons held to Labor or Involuntary Service therein, +nor to interfere with or abolish Involuntary Service in the District of +Columbia without the consent of Maryland, and without the consent of the +owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation; nor +the power to interfere with or prohibit Representatives and others from +bringing with them to the District of Columbia, retaining, and taking +away, Persons so held to Labor or Service; nor the power to interfere +with or abolish Involuntary Service in places under the exclusive +jurisdiction of the United States within those States and Territories +where the same is established or recognized; nor the power to prohibit +the removal or transportation of Persons held to Labor or Involuntary +Service in any State or Territory of the United States to any other +State or Territory thereof where it is established or recognized by law +or usage; and the right during transportation, by sea or river, of +touching at ports, shores, and landings, and of landing in case of +distress, shall exist; but not the right of transit in or through any +State or Territory, or of sale or traffic, against the laws thereof. +Nor shall Congress have power to authorize any higher rate of taxation +on Persons held to Labor or Service than on land. The bringing into the +District of Columbia of Persons held to Labor or Service, for sale, or +placing them in depots to be afterwards transferred to other places for +sale as merchandize, is prohibited. + +"Section 4. The third paragraph of the second section of the fourth +article of the Constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of the +States, by appropriate legislation, and through the action of their +judicial and ministerial officers, from enforcing the delivery of +Fugitives from Labor to the person to whom such Service or Labor is due. + +"Section 5. The Foreign Slave Trade is hereby forever prohibited; and +it shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importation +of Slaves, Coolies, or Persons held to Service or Labor, into the United +States and the Territories from places beyond the limits thereof. + +"Section 6. The first, third, and fifth sections, together with this +section of these amendments, and the third paragraph of the second +section of the first article of the Constitution, and the third +paragraph of the second section of the fourth article thereof, shall not +be amended or abolished without the consent of all the States. + +"Section 7. Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall +pay to the owner the full value of the Fugitive from Labor, in all cases +where the Marshal, or other officer, whose duty it was to arrest such +Fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation from +mobs or riotous assemblages, or when, after arrest, such Fugitive was +rescued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby deprived +of the same; and the acceptance of such payment shall preclude the owner +from further claim to such Fugitive. Congress shall provide by law for +securing to the citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of +citizens in the several States." + + +To spurn such propositions as these--with all the concessions to the +Slave Power therein contained--was equivalent to spurning any and all +propositions that could possibly be made; and by doing this, the +Seceding States placed themselves--as they perhaps desired--in an +utterly irreconcilable attitude, and hence, to a certain extent, which +had not entered into their calculations, weakened their "Cause" in the +eyes of many of their friends in the North, in the Border States, and in +the World. They had become Implacables. Practically considered, this +was their great mistake. The Crittenden Compromise Resolutions covered +and yielded to the Slaveholders of the South all and even more than they +had ever dared seriously to ask or hope for, and had they been open to +Conciliation, they could have undoubtedly carried that measure through +both Houses of Congress and three-fourths of the States. + + ["Its advocates, with good reason, claimed a large majority of the + People in its favor, and clamored for its submission to a direct + popular vote. Had such a submission been accorded, it is very + likely that the greater number of those who voted at all would have + voted to ratify it. * * * The 'Conservatives,' so called, were + still able to establish this Crittenden Compromise by their own + proper strength, had they been disposed so to do. The President + was theirs; the Senate strongly theirs; in the House, they had a + small majority, as was evidenced in their defeat of John Sherman + for Speaker. Had they now come forward and said, with authority: + 'Enable us to pass the Crittenden Compromise, and all shall be + peace and harmony,' they would have succeeded without difficulty. + It was only through the withdrawal of pro-slavery members that the + Republicans had achieved an unexpected majority in either House. + Had those members chosen to return to the seats still awaiting + them, and to support Mr. Crittenden's proposition, they could have + carried it without difficulty."--Vol. 360, Greeley's Am. Conflict.] + +But no, they wilfully withdrew their Congressional membership, State by +State, as each Seceded, and refused all terms save those which involved +an absolute surrender to them on all points, including the impossible +claim of the "Right of Secession." + +Let us now briefly trace the history of the Compromise measures in the +two Houses of Congress. + +The Crittenden-Compromise Joint-Resolution had been introduced in the +Senate at the opening of its session and referred to a Select Committee +of Thirteen, and subsequently, January 16th, 1861, having been reported +back, came up in that body for action. On that day it was amended by +inserting the words "now held or hereafter to be acquired" after the +words "In all the territory of the United States," in the first line of +Article I., so that it would read as given above. This amendment--by +which not only in all territory then belonging to the United States, but +also by implication in all that might thereafter be acquired, Slavery +South of 36 30' was to be recognized--was agreed to by 29 yeas to 21 +nays, as follows: + +YEAS.--Messrs. Baker, Bayard, Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, +Clingman, Crittenden, Douglas, Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hemphill, Hunter, +Iverson, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, +Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury, Sebastian, Slidell and Wigfall--29. + +NAYS.--Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, +Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, +King, Latham, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade and +Wilson--24. + +The question now recurred upon an amendment, in the nature of a +substitute, offered by Mr. Clark, to strike out the preamble of the +Crittenden proposition and all of the resolutions after the word +"resolved," and insert: + +"That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the preservation +of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests of the +Country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that an +extrication from our present dangers is to be looked for in strenuous +efforts to preserve the peace, protect the public property, and enforce +the laws, rather than in new Guarantees for particular interests, +Compromises for particular difficulties, or Concessions to unreasonable +demands. + +"Resolved, That all attempts to dissolve the present Union, or overthrow +or abandon the present Constitution, with the hope or expectation of +constructing a new one, are dangerous, illusory, and destructive; that +in the opinion of the Senate of the United States no such Reconstruction +is practicable; and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union +and Constitution should be directed all the energies of all the +departments of the Government, and the efforts of all good citizens." + + +Before reaching a vote on this amendment, Mr. Anthony, (January 16th) +made a most conciliatory speech, pointing out such practical objections +to the Crittenden proposition as occurred to his mind, and then, +continuing, said: "I believe, Mr. President, that if the danger which +menaces us is to be avoided at all, it must be by Legislation; which is +more ready, more certain, and more likely to be satisfactory, than +Constitutional Amendment. The main difficulty is the Territorial +question. The demand of the Senators on the other side of the Chamber, +and of those whom they represent, is that the territory south of the +line of the Missouri Compromise shall be open to their peculiar +Property. All this territory, except the Indian Reservation, is within +the limits of New Mexico; which, for a part of its northern boundary, +runs up two degrees above that line. This is now a Slave Territory; +made so by Territorial Legislation; and Slavery exists there, recognized +and protected. Now, I am willing, as soon as Kansas can be admitted, to +vote for the admission of New Mexico as a State, with such Constitution +as the People may adopt. This disposes of all the territory that is +adapted to Slave Labor or that is claimed by the South. It ought to +settle the whole question. Surely if we can dispose of all the +territory that we have, we ought not to quarrel over that which we have +not, and which we have no very honest way of acquiring. Let us settle +the difficulties that threaten us now, and not anticipate those which +may never come. Let the public mind have time to cool * * *. In +offering to settle this question by the admission of New Mexico, we of +the North who assent to it propose a great Sacrifice, and offer a large +Concession. + +"* * * But we make the offer in a spirit of Compromise and good +feeling, which we hope will be reciprocated. * * * I appeal to +Senators on the other side, when we thus offer to bridge over full +seven-eighths of the frightful chasm that separates us, will you not +build the other eighth? When, with outstretched arms, we approach you +so near that, by reaching out your hands you can clasp ours in the +fraternal grasp from which they should never be separated, will you, +with folded arms and closed eyes, stand upon extreme demands which you +know we cannot accept, and for which, if we did, we could not carry our +constituents? * * * Together our Fathers achieved the Independence of +their Country; together they laid the foundations of its greatness and +its glory; together they constructed this beautiful system under which +it is our privilege to live, which it is our duty to preserve and to +transmit. Together we enjoy that privilege; together we must perform +that duty. I will not believe that, in the madness of popular folly and +delusion, the most benignant Government that ever blessed humanity is to +be broken up. I will not believe that this great Power which is +marching with giant steps toward the first place among the Nations of +the Earth, is to be turned 'backward on its mighty track.' There are no +grievances, fancied or real, that cannot be redressed within the Union +and under the Constitution. There are no differences between us that +may not be settled if we will take them up in the spirit of those to +whose places we have succeeded, and the fruits of whose labors we have +inherited." + +And to this more than fair proposition to the Southerners--to this +touching appeal in behalf of Peace--what was the response? Not a word! +It seemed but to harden their hearts. + + [Immediately after Mr. Anthony's appeal to the Southern Senators, a + motion was made by Mr. Collamer to postpone the Crittenden + Resolutions and take up the Kansas Admission Bill. Here was the + chance at once offered to them to respond to that appeal--to make a + first step, as it were. They would not make it. The motion was + defeated by 25 yeas to 30 nays--Messrs. Benjamin and Slidell of + Louisiana, Hemphill and Wigfall of Texas, Iverson of Georgia, and + Johnson of Arkansas, voting "nay." The question at once recurred + on the amendment of Mr. Clark--being a substitute for the + Crittenden Resolutions, declaring in effect all Compromise + unnecessary. To let that substitute be adopted, was to insure the + failure of the Crittenden proposition. Yet these same six Southern + Senators though present, refused to vote, and permitted the + substitute to be adopted by 25 yeas to 23 nays. The vote of Mr. + Douglas, who had been "called out for an instant into the ante- + room, and deprived of the opportunity of voting "--as he afterwards + stated when vainly asking unanimous consent to have his vote + recorded among the nays-would have made it 25 yeas to 24 nays, had + he been present and voting, while the votes of the six Southern + Senators aforesaid, had they voted, would have defeated the + substitute by 25 yeas to 30 nays. Then upon a direct vote on the + Crittenden Compromise there would not only have been the 30 in its + favor, but the vote of at least one Republican (Baker) in addition, + to carry it, and, although that would not have given the necessary + two-thirds, yet it would have been a majority handsome enough to + have ultimately turned the scales, in both Houses, for a peaceful + adjustment of the trouble, and have avoided all the sad + consequences which so speedily befell the Nation. But this would + not have suited the Treasonable purposes of the Conspirators. Ten + days before this they had probably arranged the Programme in this, + as well as other matters. Very certain it is that no time was lost + by them and their friends in making the best use for their Cause of + this vote, in the doubtful States of Missouri and North Carolina + especially. In the St. Louis journals a Washington dispatch, + purporting (untruly however) to come from Senators Polk and Green, + was published to this effect. + + "The Crittenden Resolutions were lost by a vote of 25 to 23. A + motion of Mr. Cameron to reconsider was lost; and thus ends all + hope of reconciliation. Civil War is now considered inevitable, + and late accounts declare that Fort Sumter will be attacked without + delay. The Missouri delegation recommend immediate Secession." + + This is but a sample of other similar dispatches sent elsewhere. + And the following dispatch, signed by Mr. Crittenden, and published + in the Raleigh, N. C., Register, to quiet the excitement raised by + the telegrams of the Conspirators, serves also to indicate that the + friends of Compromise were not disheartened by their defeat: + + "WASHINGTON, Jan. 17th, 9 P. M. + + "In reply the vote against my resolutions will be reconsidered. + Their failure was the result of the refusal of six Southern + Senators to vote. There is yet good hope of success. + + "JOHN J. CRITTENDEN." + + + There is instruction also to be drawn from the speeches of Senators + Saulsbury, and Johnson of Tennessee, made fully a year afterward + (Jan. 29-31, 1862) in the Senate, touching the defeat of the + Crittenden Compromise by the Clark substitute at this time. + Speaking of the second session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, Mr. + Saulsbury said: + + "At that session, while vainly striving with others for the + adoption of those measures, I remarked in my place in the Senate + that-- + + "'If any Gibbon should hereafter write the Decline and Fall of the + American Republic, he would date its fall from the rejection by the + Senate of the propositions submitted by the Senator from Kentucky.' + + "I believed so then, and I believe so now. I never shall forget, + Mr. President, how my heart bounded for joy when I thought I saw a + ray of hope for their adoption in the fact that a Republican + Senator now on this floor came to me and requested that I should + inquire of Mr. Toombs, who was on the eve of his departure for + Georgia to take a seat in the Convention of that State which was to + determine the momentous question whether she should continue a + member of the Union or withdraw from it, whether, if the Crittenden + propositions were adopted, Georgia would remain in the Union. + + "Said Mr. Toombs: + + "'Tell him frankly for me that if those resolutions are adopted by + the vote of any respectable number of Republican Senators, + evidencing their good faith to advocate their ratification by their + people, Georgia will not Secede. This is the position I assumed + before the people of Georgia. I told them that if the party in + power gave evidence of an intention to preserve our rights in the + Union, we were bound to wait until their people could act.' + + "I communicated the answer. The Substitute of the Senator from New + Hampshire [Mr. Clark] was subsequently adopted, and from that day + to this the darkness and the tempest and the storm have thickened, + until thousands like myself, as good and as true Union men as you, + Sir, though you may question our motives, have not only despaired + but are without hope in the future." + + To this speech, Mr. Johnson of Tennessee subsequently replied as + follows in the United States Senate (Jan. 31, 1862) + + "Sir, it has been said by the distinguished Senator from Delaware + [Mr. Saulsbury] that the questions of controversy might all have + been settled by Compromise. He dealt rather extensively in the + Party aspect of the case, and seemingly desired to throw the onus + of the present condition of affairs entirely on one side. He told + us that, if so and so had been done, these questions could have + been settled, and that now there would have been no War. He + referred particularly to the resolution offered during the last + Congress by the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Clark], and upon + the vote on that he based his argument. * * * The Senator told us + that the adoption of the Clark amendment to the Crittenden + Resolutions defeated the settlement of the questions of + controversy; and that, but for that vote, all could have been peace + and prosperity now. We were told that the Clark amendment defeated + the Crittenden Compromise, and prevented a settlement of the + controversy. On this point I will read a portion of the speech of + my worthy and talented friend from California [Mr. Latham]; and + when I speak of him thus, I do it in no unmeaning sense I intend + that he, not I, shall answer the Senator from Delaware. * * * As + I have said, the Senator from Delaware told us that the Clark + amendment was the turning point in the whole matter; that from it + had flowed Rebellion, Revolution, War, the shooting and + imprisonment of people in different States--perhaps he meant to + include my own. This was the Pandora's box that has been opened, + out of which all the evils that now afflict the Land have flown. * + * * My worthy friend from California [Mr. Latham], during the last + session of Congress, made one of the best speeches he ever made. * + * * In the course of that speech, upon this very point he made use + of these remarks: + + "'Mr. President, being last winter a careful eye-witness of all + that occurred, I soon became satisfied that it was a deliberate, + wilful design, on the part of some representatives of Southern + States, to seize upon the election of Mr. Lincoln merely as an + excuse to precipitate this revolution upon the Country. One + evidence, to my mind, is the fact that South Carolina never sent + her Senators here.' + + "Then they certainly were not influenced by the Clark amendment. + + "'An additional evidence is, that when gentlemen on this floor, by + their votes, could have controlled legislation, they refused to + cast them for fear that the very Propositions submitted to this + body might have an influence in changing the opinions of their + constituencies. Why, Sir, when the resolutions submitted by the + Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Clark], were offered as an + amendment to the Crittenden Propositions, for the manifest purpose + of embarrassing the latter, and the vote taken on the 16th of + January, 1861, I ask, what did we see? There were fifty-five + Senators at that time upon this floor, in person. The Globe of the + second Session, Thirty-Sixth Congress, Part I., page 409, shows + that upon the call of the yeas and nays immediately preceding the + vote on the substituting of Mr. Clark's amendment, there were + fifty-five votes cast. I will read the vote from the Globe: + + "'YEAS--Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, + Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, + Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, + Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson--25. + + "NAYS--Messrs. Bayard, Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, + Crittenden, Douglas, Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hemphill, Hunter, Iverson, + Johnson of Arkansas, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, + Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury, + Sebastian, Slidell and Wigfall--30. + + "The vote being taken immediately after, on the Clark Proposition, + was as follows: + + "YEAS--Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, + Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, + Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, + Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson and Wilson--25. + + "NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, Crittenden, + Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennefly, Lane, + Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, + Saulsbury and Sebastian-23. + + "'Six senators retained their seats and refused to vote, thus + themselves allowing the Clark Proposition to supplant the + Crittenden Resolution by a vote of twenty-five to twenty-three. + Mr. Benjamin of Louisiana, Mr. Hemphill and Mr. Wigfall of Texas, + Mr. Iverson of Georgia, Mr. Johnson of Arkansas, and Mr. Slidell of + Louisiana, were in their seats, but refused to cast their votes.' + + "I sat right behind Mr. Benjamin, and I am not sure that my worthy + friend was not close by, when he refused to vote, and I said to + him, 'Mr. Benjamin, why do you not vote? Why not save this + Proposition, and see if we cannot bring the Country to it?' He + gave me rather an abrupt answer, and said he would control his own + action without consulting me or anybody else. Said I: 'Vote, and + show yourself an honest man.' As soon as the vote was taken, he + and others telegraphed South, 'We cannot get any Compromise.' Here + were six Southern men refusing to vote, when the amendment would + have been rejected by four majority if they had voted. Who, then, + has brought these evils on the Country? Was it Mr. Clark? He was + acting out his own policy; but with the help we had from the other + side of the chamber, if all those on this side had been true to the + Constitution and faithful to their constituents, and had acted with + fidelity to the Country, the amendment of the Senator from New + Hampshire could have been voted down, the defeat of which the + Senator from Delaware says would have saved the Country. Whose + fault was it? Who is responsible for it? * * * Who did it? + SOUTHERN TRAITORS, as was said in the speech of the Senator from + California. They did it. They wanted no Compromise. They + accomplished their object by withholding their votes; and hence the + Country has been involved in the present difficulty. Let me read + another extract from this speech of the Senator from California + + "'I recollect full well the joy that pervaded the faces of some of + those gentlemen at the result, and the sorrow manifested by the + venerable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Crittenden]. The record shows + that Mr. Pugh, from Ohio, despairing of any Compromise between the + extremes of ultra Republicanism and Disunionists, working + manifestly for the same end, moved, immediately after the vote was + announced, to lay the whole subject on the table. If you will turn + to page 443, same volume, you will find, when, at a late period, + Mr. Cameron, from Pennsylvania, moved to reconsider the vote, + appeals having been made to sustain those who were struggling to + preserve the Peace of the Country, that the vote was reconsidered; + and when, at last, the Crittenden Propositions were submitted on + the 2d day of March, these Southern States having 'nearly all + Seceded, they were then lost but by one vote. Here is the vote: + + "YEAS-Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bright, Crittenden, Douglas, Gwin, + Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, + Nicholson, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Thomson and Wigfall--19. + + "'NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Chandler, Clark, Dixon, + Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, King, + Morrill, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson and Wilson-- + 20. + + "'If these Seceding Southern senators had remained, there would + have passed, by a large vote (as it did without them), an + amendment, by a two-third vote, forbidding Congress ever + interfering with Slavery in the States. The Crittenden Proposition + would have been indorsed by a majority vote, the subject finally + going before the People, who have never yet, after consideration, + refused Justice, for any length of time, to any portion of the + Country. + + "'I believe more, Mr. President, that these gentlemen were acting + in pursuance of a settled and fixed plan to break up and destroy + this Government.' + + "When we had it in our power to vote down the amendment of the + Senator from New Hampshire, and adopt the Crittenden Resolutions, + certain Southern Senators prevented it; and yet, even at a late day + of the session, after they had Seceded, the Crittenden Proposition + was only lost by one vote. If Rebellion and bloodshed and murder + have followed, to whose skirts does the responsibility attach? + + "What else was done at the very same session? The House of + Representatives passed, and sent to this body, a Proposition to + amend the Constitution of the United States, so as to prohibit + Congress from ever hereafter interfering with the Institution of + Slavery in the States, making that restriction a part of the + Organic law of the Land. That Constitutional Amendment came here + after the Senators from seven States had Seceded; and yet it was + passed by a two-third vote in the Senate. Have you ever heard of + any one of the States which had then Seceded, or which has since + Seceded, taking up that Amendment to the Constitution, and saying + they would ratify it, and make it a part of that instrument? No. + Does not the whole history of this Rebellion tell you that it was + Revolution that the Leaders wanted, that they started for, that + they intended to have? The facts to which I have referred show how + the Crittenden Proposition might have been carried; and when the + Senators from the Slave States were reduced to one-fourth of the + members of this body, the two Houses passed a Proposition to Amend + the Constitution, so as to guarantee to the States perfect security + in regard to the Institution of Slavery in all future time, and + prohibiting Congress from legislating on the subject. + + "But what more was done? After Southern Senators had treacherously + abandoned the Constitution and deserted their posts here, Congress + passed Bills for the Organization of three new Territories: Dakota, + Nevada, and Colorado; and in the sixth section of each of those + Bills, after conferring, affirmatively, power on the Territorial + Legislature, it went on to exclude certain powers by using a + negative form of expression; and it provided, among other things, + that the Legislature should have no power to legislate so as to + impair the right to private property; that it should lay no tax + discriminating against one description of Property in favor of + another; leaving the power on all these questions, not in the + Territorial Legislature, but in the People when they should come to + form a State Constitution. + + "Now, I ask, taking the Amendment to the Constitution, and taking + the three Territorial Bills, embracing every square inch of + territory in the possession of the United States, how much of the + Slavery question was left? What better Compromise could have been + made? Still we are told that matters might have been Compromised, + and that if we had agreed to Compromise, bloody Rebellion would not + now be abroad in the Land. Sir, Southern Senators are responsible + for it. They stood here with power to accomplish the result, and + yet treacherously, and, I may say, tauntingly they left this + chamber, and announced that they had dissolved their connection + with the Government. Then, when we were left in the hands of those + whom we had been taught to believe would encroach upon our Rights, + they gave us, in the Constitutional Amendment and in the three + Territorial Bills, all that had ever been asked; and yet gentlemen + talked Compromise! + + "Why was not this taken and accepted? No; it was not Compromise + that the Leaders wanted; they wanted Power; they wanted to Destroy + this Government, so that they might have place and emolument for + themselves. They had lost confidence in the intelligence and + virtue and integrity of the People, and their capacity to govern + themselves; and they intended to separate and form a government, + the chief corner-stone of which should be Slavery, disfranchising + the great mass of the People, of which we have seen constant + evidence, and merging the Powers of Government in the hands of the + Few. I know what I say. I know their feelings and their + sentiments. I served in the Senate here with them. I know they + were a Close Corporation, that had no more confidence in or respect + for the People than has the Dey of Algiers. I fought that Close + Corporation here. I knew that they were no friends of the People. + I knew that Slidell and Mason and Benjamin and Iverson and Toombs + were the enemies of Free Government, and I know so now. I + commenced the war upon them before a State Seceded; and I intend to + keep on fighting this great battle before the Country, for the + perpetuity of Free Government. They seek to overthrow it, and to + establish a Despotism in its place. That is the great battle which + is upon our hands. * * * Now, the Senator from Delaware tells us + that if that (Crittenden) Compromise had been made, all these + consequences would have been avoided. It is a mere pretense; it is + false. Their object was to overturn the Government. If they could + not get the Control of this Government, they were willing to divide + the Country and govern part of it."] + + +The Clark substitute was then agreed to, by 25 (Republican) yeas to 23 +Democratic and Conservative (Bell-Everett) nays--6 Pro-Slavery Senators +not voting, although present; and then, without division, the Crittenden +Resolutions were tabled--Mr. Cameron, however, entering a motion to +reconsider. Subsequently the action of the Senate, both on the +Resolutions and Substitute, was reconsidered, and March 2d the matter +came up again, as will hereafter appear. + +Two days prior to this action in the Senate, Mr. Corwin, Chairman of the +Select Committee of Thirty-three, reported to the House (January 14th), +from a majority of that Committee, the following Joint Resolution: + +"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America in Congress assembled, That all attempts on the parts +of the Legislatures of any of the States to obstruct or hinder the +recovery and surrender of Fugitives from Service or Labor, are in +derogation of the Constitution of the United States, inconsistent with +the comity and good neighborhood that should prevail among the several +States, and dangerous to the Peace of the Union. + +"Resolved, That the several States be respectfully requested to cause +their Statutes to be revised, with a view to ascertain if any of them +are in conflict with or tend to embarrass or hinder the execution of the +Laws of the United States, made in pursuance of the second section of +the Fourth Article of the Constitution of the United States for the +delivery up of Persons held to Labor by the laws of any State and +escaping therefrom; and the Senate and House of Representatives +earnestly request that all enactments having such tendency be forthwith +repealed, as required by a just sense of Constitutional obligations, and +by a due regard for the Peace of the Republic; and the President of the +United States is requested to communicate these resolutions to the +Governors of the several States, with a request that they will lay the +same before the Legislatures thereof respectively. + +"Resolved, That we recognize Slavery as now existing in fifteen of the +United States by the usages and laws of those States; and we recognize +no authority, legally or otherwise, outside of a State where it so +exists, to interfere with Slaves or Slavery in such States, in disregard +of the Rights of their owners or the Peace of society. + +"Resolved, That we recognize the justice and propriety of a faithful +execution of the Constitution, and laws made in pursuance thereof, on +the subject of Fugitive Slaves, or Fugitives from Service or Labor, and +discountenance all mobs or hindrances to the execution of such laws, and +that citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and +immunities of citizens in the several States. + +"Resolved, That we recognize no such conflicting elements in its +composition, or sufficient cause from any source, for a dissolution of +this Government; that we were not sent here to destroy, but to sustain +and harmonize the Institutions of the Country, and to see that equal +justice is done to all parts of the same; and finally, to perpetuate its +existence on terms of equality and justice to all the States. + +"Resolved, That a faithful observance, on the part of all the States, of +all their Constitutional obligations to each other and to the Federal +Government, is essential to the Peace of the Country. + +"Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal Government to enforce the +Federal Laws, protect the Federal property, and preserve the Union of +these States. + +"Resolved, That each State be requested to revise its Statutes, and, if +necessary, so to amend the same as to secure, without Legislation by +Congress, to citizens of other States traveling therein, the same +protection as citizens of such States enjoy; and also to protect the +citizens of other States traveling or sojourning therein against popular +violence or illegal summary punishment, without trial in due form of +law, for imputed crimes. + +"Resolved, That each State be also respectfully requested to enact such +laws as will prevent and punish any attempt whatever in such State to +recognize or set on foot the lawless invasion of any other State or +Territory. + +"Resolved, That the President be requested to transmit copies of the +foregoing resolutions to the Governors of the several States, with a +request that they be communicated to their respective Legislatures." + + +This Joint Resolution, with amendments proposed to the same, came up in +the House for action, on the 27th of February, 1861--the same day upon +which the Peace Congress or Conference concluded its labors at +Washington. + +The Proposition of Mr. Burch, of California, was the first acted upon. +It was to amend the Select Committee's resolutions, as above given, by +adding to them another resolution at the end thereof, as follows: + +"Resolved, etc., That it be, and is hereby, recommended to the several +States of the Union that they, through their respective Legislatures, +request the Congress of the United States to call a Convention of all +the States, in accordance with Article Fifth of the Constitution, for +the purpose of amending said Constitution in such manner and with regard +to such subjects as will more adequately respond to the wants, and +afford more sufficient Guarantees to the diversified and growing +Interests of the Government and of the People composing the same." + +This (Burch) amendment, however, was defeated by 14 yeas to 109 nays. + +A Proposition of Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois, came up next for action. It +was a motion to strike out all after the first word "That" in the +Crittenden Proposition--which had been offered by Mr. Clemens as a +substitute for the Committee Resolutions--and insert the following: + +"The following articles be, and are hereby, proposed and submitted as +Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which shall be +valid, to all intents and purposes as part of said Constitution, when +ratified by Conventions of three-fourths of the several States. + +"Article XIII. That in all the territory now held by the United States +situate north of latitude 36 30' Involuntary Servitude, except in the +punishment for crime, is prohibited while such territory shall remain +under a Territorial government; that in all the territory now held south +of said line, neither Congress nor any Territorial Legislature shall +hinder or prevent the emigration to said territory of Persons; held to +Service from any State of this Union, when that relation exists by +virtue of any law or usage of such State, while it shall remain in a +Territorial condition; and when any Territory north or south of said +line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain +the population requisite for a member of Congress, according to the then +Federal ratio of representation of the People of the United States, it +may, if its form of government be Republican, be admitted into the Union +on an equal footing with the original States, with or without the +relation of Persons held to Service and Labor, as the Constitution of +such new State may provide. + +"Article XIV. That nothing in the Constitution of the United States, or +any amendment thereto, shall be so construed as to authorize any +Department of the Government to in any manner interfere with the +relation of Persons held to Service in any State where that relation +exists, nor in any manner to establish or sustain that relation in any +State where it is prohibited by the Laws or Constitution of such State. +And that this Article shall not be altered or amended without the +consent of every State in the Union. + +"Article XV. The third paragraph of the second section of the Fourth +Article of the Constitution shall be taken and construed to authorize +and empower Congress to pass laws necessary to secure the return of +Persons held to Service or Labor under the laws of any State, who may +have escaped therefrom, to the party to whom such Service or Labor may +be due. + +"Article XVI. The migration or importation of Persons held to Service +or Involuntary Servitude, into any State, Territory, or place within the +United States, from any place or country beyond the limits of the United +States or Territories thereof, is forever prohibited. + +"Article XVII. No territory beyond the present limits of the United +States and the Territories thereof, shall be annexed to or be acquired +by the United States, unless by treaty, which treaty shall be ratified +by a vote of two-thirds of the Senate." + +The Kellogg Proposition was defeated by 33 yeas to 158 +nays. + +The Clemens Substitute was next voted on. This embraced the whole of +the Crittenden Compromise Proposition, as amended in the Senate by +inserting the provision as to all territory "hereafter acquired," with +the addition of another proposed Article of Amendment to the +Constitution, as follows: + +"Article VII. Section I. The elective franchise and the Right to hold +office, whether Federal, State, Territorial, or Municipal, shall not be +exercised by Persons who are, in whole or in part, of the African Race. + +"Section II. The United States shall have power to acquire from time to +time districts of country in Africa and South America, for the +colonization, at expense of the Federal Treasury, of such Free Negroes +and Mulattoes as the several States may wish to have removed from their +limits, and from the District of Columbia, and such other places as may +be under the jurisdiction of Congress." + +The Clemens Substitute (or Crittenden Measure, with the addition of said +proposed Article VII.), was defeated by 80 yeas to 113 nays, and then +the Joint Resolution of the Select Committee as heretofore given--after +a vain attempt to table it--was passed by 136 yeas to 53 nays. + +Immediately after this action, a Joint Resolution to amend the +Constitution of the United States, which had also been previously +reported by the Select Committee of Thirty-three, came before the House, +as follows: + +"Be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses +concurring), That the following Article be proposed to the Legislatures +of the several States as an Amendment to the Constitution of the United +States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, +shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said +Constitution, namely: + +"Article XII. No amendment of this Constitution having for its object +any interference within the States with the relation between their +citizens and those described in Section II. of the First Article of the +Constitution as 'all other persons,' shall originate with any State that +does not recognize that relation within its own limits, or shall be +valid without the assent of every one of the States composing the +Union." + +Mr. Corwin submitted an Amendment striking out all the words after +"namely;" and inserting the following: + +"Article XII. No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will +authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within +any State, with the Domestic Institutions thereof, including that of +Persons held to Labor or Service by the laws of said State." + +Amid scenes of great disorder, the Corwin Amendment was adopted by 120 +yeas to 61 nays, and then the Joint Resolution as amended, was defeated +(two-thirds not voting in the affirmative) by 123 yeas to 71 nays. On +the following day (February 28th), amid still greater confusion and +disorder, which the Speaker, despite frequent efforts, was unable to +quell, that vote was reconsidered, and the Joint Resolution passed by +133 yeas to 65 nays--a result which, when announced was received with +"loud and prolonged applause, both on the floor, and in the galleries." + +On the 2d of March, the House Joint Resolution just given, proposing an +Amendment to the Constitution, prohibiting Congress from touching +Slavery within any State where it exists, came up in the Senate for +action. + +Mr. Pugh moved to substitute for it the Crittenden Proposition. + +Mr. Doolittle moved to amend the proposed substitute (the Crittenden +Proposition), by the insertion of the following, as an additional +Article: + +"Under this Constitution, as originally adopted, and as it now exists, +no State has power to withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United +States; but this Constitution, and all laws passed in pursuance of its +delegated powers, are the Supreme Law of the Land, anything contained in +any Constitution, Ordinance, or Act of any State, to the contrary +notwithstanding." + +Mr. Doolittle's amendment was lost by 18 yeas to 28 nays. + +Mr. Pugh's substitute (the Crittenden Proposition), was lost by 14 yeas +to 25 nays. + +Mr. Bingham moved to amend the House Joint Resolution, by striking out +all after the word "resolved," and inserting the words of the Clark +Proposition as heretofore given, but the amendment was rejected by 13 +yeas to 25 nays. + +Mr. Grimes moved to strike out all after the word "whereas" in the +preamble of the House Joint Resolution, and insert the following: + +"The Legislatures of the States of Kentucky, New Jersey, and Illinois +have applied to Congress to call a Convention for proposing Amendments +to the Constitution of the United States: Therefore, + +"Be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America in Congress assembled, That the Legislatures of the +other States be invited to take the subject of such a Convention into +consideration, and to express their will on that subject to Congress, in +pursuance of the Fifth Article of the Constitution." + +This amendment was also rejected, by 14 yeas to 25 nays. + +Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, offered, as an amendment to the House Joint +Resolution, the propositions submitted by the Peace Congress or +Conference, but the amendment was disagreed to by 3 yeas to 34 nays. + +The House Joint Resolution was then adopted by 24 yeas to 12 nays. + +Subsequently the Crittenden Proposition came up again as a separate +order, with the Clark substitute to it (once carried, but reconsidered), +pending. The Clark substitute was then rejected by 14 yeas to 22 nays. + +Mr. Crittenden then offered the Propositions of the Peace +Congress, as a substitute for his own-and they were rejected by 7 yeas +to 28 nays. + +The Crittenden Proposition itself was then rejected, by +19 yeas to 20 nays. + + + + + CHAPTER IX. + + SLAVERY'S SETTING, AND FREEDOM'S DAWN. + +On that long last night of the 36th Congress--and of the Democratic +Administration--to the proceedings of which reference was made in the +preceding Chapter, several notable speeches were made, but there was +substantially nothing done, in the line of Compromise. The only thing +that had been accomplished was the passage, as we have seen, by two- +thirds majority in both Houses, of the Joint Resolution proposing a +Constitutional Amendment prohibiting Congress from meddling with Slavery +in Slave States. There was no Concession nor Compromise in this, +because Republicans, as well as Democrats, had always held that Congress +had no such power. It is true that the Pro-slavery men had charged the +Republicans with ultimate designs, through Congress, upon Slavery in the +Slave States; and Mr. Crittenden pleaded for its passage as exhibiting a +spirit, on their part, of reconciliation; that was all. + +In his speech that night--that memorable and anxious night preceding the +Inauguration of President Lincoln--the venerable Mr. Crittenden, +speaking before the Resolution was agreed to, well sketched the +situation when he said in the Senate: "It is an admitted fact that our +Union, to some extent, has already been dismembered; and that further +dismemberment is impending and threatened. It is a fact that the +Country is in danger. This is admitted on all hands. It is our duty, +if we can, to provide a remedy for this. We are, under the Constitution +and by the election of the People, the great guardians, as well as the +administrators of this Government. To our wisdom they have trusted this +great chart. Remedies have been proposed; resolutions have been +offered, proposing for adoption measures which it was thought would +satisfy the Country, and preserve as much of the Union as remained to us +at least, if they were not enough at once to recall the Seceding States +to the Union. We have passed none of these measures. The differences +of opinion among Senators have been such that we have not been able to +concur in any of the measures which have been proposed, even by bare +majorities, much less by that two-thirds majority which is necessary to +carry into effect some of the pacific measures which have been proposed. +We are about to adjourn. We have done nothing. Even the Senate of the +United States, beholding this great ruin around them, beholding +Dismemberment and Revolution going on, and Civil War threatened as the +result, have been able to do nothing; we have absolutely done nothing. +Sir, is not this a remarkable spectacle? * * * How does it happen that +not even a bare majority here, when the Country trusted to our hands is +going to ruin, have been competent to devise any measure of public +safety? How does it happen that we have not had unanimity enough to +agree on any measure of that kind? Can we account for it to ourselves, +gentlemen? We see the danger; we acknowledge our duty, and yet, with +all this before us, we are acknowledging before the world that we can do +nothing; acknowledging before the world, or appearing to all the world, +as men who do nothing! Sir, this will make a strange record in the +history of Governments and in the history of the world. Some are for +Coercion; yet no army has been raised, no navy has been equipped. Some +are for pacification; yet they have been able to do nothing; the dissent +of their colleagues prevents them; and here we are in the midst of a +falling Country, in the midst of a falling State, presenting to the eyes +of the World the saddest spectacle it has ever seen. Cato is +represented by Addison as a worthy spectacle, 'a great man falling with +a falling State,' but he fell struggling. We fall with the ignominy on +our heads of doing nothing, like the man who stands by and sees his +house in flames, and says to himself, 'perhaps the fire will stop before +it consumes all.'" + +One of the strong pleas made in the Senate that night, was by Mr. +Douglas, when he said: "The great issue with the South has been that +they would not submit to the Wilmot proviso. The Republican Party +affirmed the doctrine that Congress must and could prohibit Slavery in +the Territories. The issue for ten years was between Non-intervention +on the part of Congress, and prohibition by Congress. Up to two years +ago, neither the Senator (Mason) from Virginia, nor any other Southern +Senator, desired affirmative legislation to protect Slavery. Even up to +this day, not one of them has proposed affirmative legislation to +protect it. Whenever the question has come up, they have decided that +affirmative legislation to protect it was unnecessary; and hence, all +that the South required on the Territorial question was 'hands off; +Slavery shall not be prohibited by Act of Congress.' Now, what do we +find? This very session, in view of the perils which surround the +Country, the Republican Party, in both Houses of Congress, by a +unanimous vote, have backed down from their platform and abandoned the +doctrine of Congressional prohibition. This very week three Territorial +Bills have been passed through both Houses of Congress without the +Wilmot proviso, and no man proposed to enact it; not even one man on the +other side of the Chamber would rise and propose the Wilmot proviso." + +"In organizing three Territories," continued he, "two of them South of +the very line where they imposed the Wilmot proviso twelve years ago, no +one on the other side of the Chamber proposed it. They have abandoned +the doctrine of the President-elect upon that point. He said, and it is +on record, that he had voted for the Wilmot proviso forty-two times, and +would do it forty-two times more if he ever had a chance. Not one of +his followers this year voted for it once. The Senator from New York +(Mr. Seward) the embodiment of the Party, sat quietly and did not +propose it. What more? Last year we were told that the Slave Code of +New Mexico was to be repealed. I denounced the attempted interference. +The House of Representatives passed the Bill, but the Bill remains on +your table; no one Republican member has proposed to take it up and pass +it. Practically, therefore, the Chicago platform is abandoned; the +Philadelphia platform is abandoned; the whole doctrine for which the +Republican Party contended, as to the Territories, is abandoned, +surrendered, given up. Non-intervention is substituted in its place. +Then, when we find that, on the Territorial question, the Republican +Party, by a unanimous vote, have surrendered to the South all they ask, +the Territorial question ought to be considered pretty well settled. +The only question left was that of the States; and after having +abandoned their aggressive policy as to the Territories, a portion of +them are willing to unite with us, and deprive themselves of the power +to do it in the States." + +"I submit," said he, "that these two great facts--these startling, +tremendous facts--that they have abandoned their aggressive policy in +the Territories, and are willing to give guarantees in the States, ought +to be accepted as an evidence of a salutary change in Public Opinion at +the North. All I would ask now of the Republican Party is, that they +would insert in the Constitution the same principle that they have +carried out practically in the Territorial Bills for Colorado, Dakota, +and Nevada, by depriving Congress of the power hereafter to do what +there cannot be a man of them found willing to do this year; but we +cannot ask them to back down too much. I think they have done quite as +much within one year, within three months after they have elected a +President, as could be expected." + +That Douglas and his followers were also patriotically willing to +sacrifice a favorite theory in the face of a National peril, was brought +out, at the same time, by Mr. Baker, when he said to Mr. Douglas: "I +desire to suggest (and being a little of a Popular Sovereignty man, it +comes gracefully from me) that others of us have backed down too, from +the idea that Congress has not the power to prohibit Slavery in the +Territories; and we are proposing some of us in the Crittenden +proposition, and some in the Amendment now before the Senate--to +prohibit Slavery by the Constitution itself, in the Territories;"--and +by Mr. Douglas, when he replied: "I think as circumstances change, the +action of public men ought to change in a corresponding degree. * * * I +am willing to depart from my cherished theory, by an Amendment to the +Constitution by which we shall settle this question on the principles +prescribed in the Resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky." + + In the House, Mr. Logan, had, on the 5th of February, 1861, said: + + "Men, Sir, North and South, who love themselves far better than + their Country, have brought us to this unhappy condition. * * * + Let me say to gentlemen, that I will go as far as any man in the + performance of a Constitutional duty to put down Rebellion, to + suppress Insurrection, and to enforce the laws; but when we + undertake the performance of these duties, let us act in such a + manner as will be best calculated to preserve and not destroy the + Government, and keep ourselves within the bounds of the + Constitution. * * * Sir, I have always denied, and do yet deny, + the Right of Secession. There is no warrant for it in the + Constitution. It is wrong, it is unlawful, unconstitutional, and + should be called by the right name, Revolution. No good, Sir, can + result from it, but much mischief may. It is no remedy for any + grievance. + + "I hold that all grievances can be much easier redressed inside the + Union than out of it. * * * If a collision must ensue between + this Government and any of our own people, let it come when every + other means of settlement has been tried and exhausted; and not + then, except when the Government shall be compelled to repel + assaults for the protection of its property, flag, and the honor of + the Country. * * * + + "I have been taught to believe that the preservation of this + glorious Union, with its broad flag waving over us, as the shield + for our protection on land and on sea, is paramount to all the + Parties and platforms that ever have existed, or ever can exist. I + would, to-day, if I had the power, sink my own Party, and every + other one, with all their platforms, into the vortex of ruin, + without heaving a sigh or shedding a tear, to save the Union, or + even stop the Revolution where it is." + + After enumerating the various propositions for adjustment, then + pending in the House, to wit: that of Senator Crittenden; that of + Senator Douglas; that of the Committee of Thirty-three; that of the + Border States; and those of Representatives McClernand, Kellogg, + and Morris, of Illinois, Mr. Logan took occasion to declare that + "in a crisis like this" he was "willing to give his support to any + of them," but his preference was for that of Mr. Morris. + + Said he: "He (Morris) proposes that neither Congress nor a + Territorial Legislature shall interfere with Slavery in the + Territories at all; but leaves the people, when they come to form + their State Constitution, to determine the question for themselves. + I think this is the best proposition, because it is a fair + concession on all sides. The Republicans give up their + Congressional intervention; those who are styled 'Squatter + Sovereigns' give up their Territorial legislative policy; and the + Southern (Slave) protectionists give up their protection- + intervention policy; thus every Party yields something. With this + proposition as an Article in the Constitution, it would satisfy + every conservative man in this Union, both North and South, I do + seriously and honestly believe. + + "Having indicated my preference of these propositions, and my + reasons for that preference, I have said all I desire to say on the + point, except to repeat again, that I will willingly vote for any + of them, or make any other sacrifice necessary to save the Union. + It makes no kind of difference to me what the sacrifice; if it will + save my Country, I am ready to make it." * * * + + "There are some in this Hall," said he, "that are almost ready to + strike the Party fetters from their limbs, and assist in measures + of Peace. Halt not; take the step; be independent and free at + once! Let us overcome Party passion and error; allow virtue and + good sense in this fateful hour to be triumphant; let us invoke + Deity to interpose and prepare the way for our Country's escape + from the perils by which we are now surrounded; and in view of our + present greatness and future prospects, our magnificent and growing + cities, our many institutions of learning, our once happy and + prosperous People, our fruitful fields and golden forests, our + enjoyment of all civil and religious blessings--let Parties die + that these be preserved. Such noble acts of patriotism and + concession, on your part, would cause posterity to render them + illustrious, and pause to contemplate the magnitude of the events + with which they were connected. * * * In the name of the patriotic + sires who breasted the storms and vicissitudes of the Revolution; + by all the kindred ties of this Country; in the name of the many + battles fought for your Freedom; in behalf of the young and the + old; in behalf of the Arts and Sciences, Civilization, Peace, + Order, Christianity, and Humanity, I appeal to you to strike from + your limbs the chains that bind them! Come forth from that + loathsome prison, Party Caucus; and in this hour--the most gloomy + and disheartening to the lovers of Free Institutions that has ever + existed during our Country's history--arouse the drooping spirits + of our countrymen, by putting forth your good strong arms to assist + in steadying the rocking pillars of the mightiest Republic that has + ever had an existence." + + "Mr. Speaker," continued he, "a word or two more, and I am done. + Revolution stalks over the Land. States have rebelled against the + constituted authorities of the Union, and now stand, sword in hand, + prepared to vindicate their new nationality. Others are preparing + to take a similar position. Rapidly transpiring events are + crowding on us with fearful velocity. Soon, circumstances may + force us into an unnatural strife, in which the hand of brother + shall be uplifted against brother, and father against son. My God, + what a spectacle! If all the evils and calamities that have ever + happened since the World began, could be gathered in one great + Catastrophe, its horrors could not eclipse, in their frightful + proportions, the Drama that impends over us. Whether this black + cloud that drapes in mourning the whole political heavens, shall + break forth in all the frightful intensity of War, and make + Christendom weep at the terrible atrocities that will be enacted-- + or, whether it will disappear, and the sky resume its wonted + serenity, and the whole Earth be irradiated by the genial sunshine + of Peace once more--are the alternatives which this Congress, in my + judgment, has the power to select between." + +In this same broad spirit, Mr. Seward, in his great speech of January +12th, had said: "Republicanism is subordinate to Union, as everything +else is and ought to be--Republicanism, Democracy, every other political +name and thing; all are subordinate-and they ought to disappear in the +presence of the great question of Union." In another part of it, he had +even more emphatically said: "I therefore * * * avow my adherence to the +Union in its integrity and with all its parts, with my friends, with my +Party, with my State, with my Country, or without either, as they may +determine, in every event, whether of Peace or War, with every +consequence of honor or dishonor, of life or death. Although I lament +the occasion, I hail with cheerfulness the duty of lifting up my voice +among distracted debates, for my whole Country and its inestimable +Union." And as showing still more clearly the kindly and conciliatory +attitude of the great Republican leader, when speaking of those others +who seemed to be about to invoke revolutionary action to oppose--and +overthrow the Government--he said: "In such a case I can afford to meet +prejudice with Conciliation, exaction with Concession which surrenders +no principle, and violence with the right hand of Peace." + +In the House of Representatives, too, the voice of patriotism was often +heard through the loud clamor and disorder of that most disorderly and +Treason-uttering session--was heard from the lips of statesmen, who rose +high above Party, in their devotion to the Union. The calm, +dispassionate recital by Henry Winter Davis (of Maryland), of the +successive steps by which the Southern leaders had themselves created +that very "North" of whose antagonism they complained, was one of the +best of these, in some respects. He was one of the great Select +Committee of Thirty-three, and it was (February 5th) after the +Resolutions, heretofore quoted, had been reported by it, that he +condensed the history of the situation into a nutshell, as follows: + +"We are at the end of the insane revel of partisan license which, for +thirty years, has, in the United States, worn the mask of Government. +We are about to close the masquerade by the dance of death. The Nations +of the World look anxiously to see if the People, ere they tread that +measure, will come to themselves. + + * * * * * * * * * * * * * + +"Southern politicians have created a North. Let us trace the process +and draw the moral. + +"The laws of 1850 calmed and closed the Slavery agitation; and President +Pierce, elected by the almost unanimous voice of the States, did not +mention Slavery in his first two Messages. In 1854, the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise, at the instance of the South, reopened the +agitation. + +"Northern men, deserted by Southern Whigs, were left to unite for self- +defense. + +"The invasion of Kansas, in 1855 and 1856, from Missouri; the making a +Legislature and laws for that Territory, by the invaders; still further +united the Northern people. The election of 1856 measured its extent. + +"The election of Mr. Buchanan and his opening policy in Kansas, soothed +the irritation, and was rapidly demoralizing the new Party, when the +Pro-Slavery Party in Kansas perpetrated, and the President and the South +accepted, the Lecompton fraud, and again united the North more +resolutely in resistance to that invasion of the rights of self- +government. + +"The South for the first time failed to dictate terms; and the People +vindicated by their votes the refusal of the Constitution. + +"Ere this result was attained, the opinions of certain Judges of the +Supreme Court scattered doubts over the law of Slavery in the +Territories; the South, while repudiating other decisions, instantly +made these opinions the criterion of faithfulness to the Constitution; +while the North was agitated by this new sanction of the extremest +pretensions of their opponents. + +"The South did not rest satisfied with their Judicial triumph. + +"Immediately the claim was pressed for protection by Congress to +Slavery, declared by the Supreme Court, they said, to exist in all the +Territories. + +"This completed the union of the Free States in one great defensive +league; and the result was registered in November. That result is now +itself become the starting point of new agitation--the demand of new +rights and new guarantees. The claim to access to the Territories was +followed by the claim to Congressional protection, and that is now +followed by the hitherto unheard of claim to a Constitutional Amendment +establishing Slavery, not merely in territory now held, but in all +hereafter held from the line of 36 30' to Cape Horn, while the debate +foreshadows in the distance the claim of the right of transit and the +placing of property in Slaves in all respects on the footing of other +property--the topics of future agitation. How long the prohibition of +the importation of Slaves will be exempted from the doctrine of +equality, it needs no prophet to tell. + +"In the face of this recital, let the imputation of autocratic and +tyrannical aspirations cease to be cast on the people of the Free +States; let the Southern people dismiss their fears, return to their +friendly confidence in their fellow-citizens of the North, and accept, +as pledges of returning Peace, the salutary amendments of the law and +the Constitution offered as the first fruits of Reconciliation." + +But calmness, kindness, and courtesy were alike thrown away in both +Houses upon the implacable Southern leaders. As the last day of that +memorable session, which closed in the failure of all peaceful measures +to restore the Union, slowly dawned--with but a few hours lacking of the +time when Mr. Lincoln would be inaugurated President of the United +States--Mr. Wigfall thought proper, in the United States Senate, to +sneer at him as "an ex-rail-splitter, an ex-grocery keeper, an ex- +flatboat captain, and an ex-Abolition lecturer"--and proceeded to scold +and rant at the North with furious volubility. + +"Then, briefly," said he, "a Party has come into power that represents +the antagonism to my own Section of the Country. It represents two +million men who hate us, and who, by their votes for such a man as they +have elected, have committed an overt act of hostility. That they have +done." + +"You have won the Presidency," said he, to the Republicans, "and you are +now in the situation of the man who had won the elephant at a raffle. +You do not know what to do with the beast now that you have it; and one- +half of you to-day would give your right arms if you had been defeated. +But you succeeded, and you have to deal with facts. Our objection to +living in this Union, and therefore the difficulty of reconstructing it, +is not your Personal Liberty bills, not the Territorial question, but +that you utterly and wholly misapprehend the Form of Government." + +"You deny," continued he, "the Sovereignty of the States; you deny the +right of self-government in the People; you insist upon Negro Equality; +your people interfere impertinently with our Institutions and attempt to +subvert them; you publish newspapers; you deliver lectures; you print +pamphlets, and you send them among us, first, to excite our Slaves to +insurrection against their masters, and next, to array one class of +citizens against the other; and I say to you, that we cannot live in +peace, either in the Union or out of it, until you have abolished your +Abolition societies; not, as I have been misquoted, abolish or destroy +your school-houses; but until you have ceased in your schoolhouses +teaching your children to hate us; until you have ceased to convert your +pulpits into hustings; until you content yourselves with preaching +Christ, and Him crucified, and not delivering political harangues on the +Sabbath; until you have ceased inciting your own citizens to make raids +and commit robberies; until you have done these things we cannot live in +the same Union with you. Until you do these things, we cannot live out +of the Union at Peace." + +Such were the words--the spiteful, bitter words--with which this chosen +spokesman of the South saluted the cold and cloudy dawn of that day +which was to see the sceptre depart from the hands of the Slave Power +forever. + +A few hours later, under the shadow of the main Pastern Portico of the +Capitol at Washington--with the retiring President and Cabinet, the +Supreme Court Justices, the Foreign Diplomatic Corps, and hundreds of +Senators, Representatives and other distinguished persons filling the +great platform on either side and behind them--Abraham Lincoln stood +bareheaded before full thirty thousand people, upon whose uplifted faces +the unveiled glory of the mild Spring sun now shone--stood reverently +before that far greater and mightier Presence termed by himself, "My +rightful masters, the American People"--and pleaded in a manly, earnest, +and affectionate strain with "such as were dissatisfied," to listen to +the "better angels" of their nature. + +Temperate, reasonable, kindly, persuasive--it seems strange that Mr. +Lincoln's Inaugural Address did not disarm at least the personal +resentment of the South toward him, and sufficiently strengthen the +Union-loving people there, against the red-hot Secessionists, to put the +"brakes" down on Rebellion. Said he: + +"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States, +that by the accession of a Republican Administration, their Property and +their Peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never +been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample +evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to +their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of +him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches, +when I declare that 'I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to +interfere with the Institution of Slavery in the States where it +exists.' I believe I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no +inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me, did so with +the full knowledge that I had made this, and many similar declarations, +and had never recanted them. * * * + +"I now reiterate these sentiments; and in doing so, I only press upon +the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is +susceptible, that the Property, Peace, and Security of no Section are to +be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, +too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution +and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States, +when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one Section +as to another. + +"I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with +no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical +rules. * * * + +"A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now +formidably attempted. I hold that, in contemplation of Universal Law, +and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. +Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all +National Governments. It is safe to assert that no Government proper +ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. +Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National +Constitution, and the Union will endure forever--it being impossible to +destroy it, except by some action not provided for in the instrument +itself. + +"Again, if the United States be not a Government proper, but an +Association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a +contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? +One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; but does +it not require all, to lawfully rescind it? + +"Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, +in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history +of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It +was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was +matured and continued in the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It +was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States +expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the +Articles of Confederation, in 1778; and, finally, in 1787, one of the +declared objects, for ordaining and establishing the Constitution, was +'to form a more perfect Union.' But, if destruction of the Union by +one, or by a part only, of the States, be lawfully possible, the Union +is less perfect than before, the Constitution having lost the vital +element of perpetuity. + +"It follows, from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion, +can lawfully get out of the Union; that Resolves and Ordinances to that +effect, are legally void; and that acts of violence within any State or +States against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary +or revolutionary, according to circumstances. + +"I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, +the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take +care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the +laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States. * * * + +"I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared +purpose of the Union, that it will Constitutionally defend and maintain +itself. + +"In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall +be none, unless it is forced upon the National Authority. + +"The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the +property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the +duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be necessary for these objects, +there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the People +anywhere. + +"The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts +of the Union. + + * * * * * * * + +"Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose +a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed Secession? +Plainly, the central idea of Secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority, held in restraint by Constitutional checks and limitations and +always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and +sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a Free People. Whoever +rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy, or to despotism. +Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent +arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority +principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. + + * * * * * * * + +"Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our +respective Sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall +between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the +presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of +our Country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and +intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is +it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more +satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties, +easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully +enforced between aliens, than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to +War, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, +and no gain on either you cease fighting, the identical old questions, +as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. + +"This Country, with its Institutions, belongs to the People who inhabit +it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can +exercise their Constitutional right of amending it, or their +Revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant +of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of +having the National Constitution amended. While I make no +recommendations of Amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority +of the People over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the +modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing +circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opportunity being +afforded the People to act upon it. * * * + +"The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the People, and +they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the +States. The People themselves can do this also, if they choose; but the +Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to +administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to +transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor. + + * * * * * * * + +" * * * While the People retain their virtue and vigilance, no +Administration, by any extreme of weakness or folly, can very seriously +injure the Government in the short space of four years. + +"My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an +object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would +never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; +but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now +dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the +sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new +Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change +either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied, hold the +right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for +precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm +reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored Land, are still +competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty. + +"In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is +the momentous issue of Civil War. The Government will not assault you. +You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You +have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Government, while I +shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect, and defend it'. + +"I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be +enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds +of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every +battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone, +all over this broad Land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when +again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our +nature." + +Strange, indeed, must have been the thoughts that crowded through the +brain and oppressed the heart of Abraham Lincoln that night--his first +at the White House! + +The city of Washington swarmed with Rebels and Rebel sympathizers, and +all the departments of Government were honey-combed with Treason and +shadowed with treachery and espionage. Every step proposed or +contemplated by the Government would be known to the so-called +Government of the Confederate States almost as soon as thought of. All +means, to thwart and delay the carrying out of the Government's +purposes, that the excuses of routine and red-tape admitted of, would be +used by the Traitors within the camp, to aid the Traitors without. + +No one knew all this, better than Mr. Lincoln. With no Army, no Navy, +not even a Revenue cutter left--with forts and arsenals, ammunition and +arms in possession of the Rebels, with no money in the National +Treasury, and the National credit blasted--the position must, even to +his hopeful nature, have seemed at this time desperate. To be sure, +despite threats, neither few nor secret, which had been made, that he +should not live to be inaugurated, he had passed the first critical +point--had taken the inaugural oath--and was now duly installed in the +White House. That was something, of course, to be profoundly thankful +for. But the matter regarded by him of larger moment--the safety of the +Union--how about that? + +How that great, and just, and kindly brain, in the dim shadows of that +awful first night at the White House, must have searched up and down and +along the labyrinths of history and "corridors of time," everywhere in +the Past, for any analogy or excuse for the madness of this Secession +movement--and searched in vain! + +With his grand and abounding faith in God, how Abraham Lincoln must have +stormed the very gates of Heaven that night with prayer that he might be +the means of securing Peace and Union to his beloved but distracted +Country! How his great heart must have been racked with the +alternations of hope and foreboding--of trustfulness and doubt! +Anxiously he must have looked for the light of the morrow, that he might +gather from the Press, the manner in which his Inaugural had been +received. Not that he feared the North--but the South; how would the +wayward, wilful, passionate South, receive his proffered olive-branch? + +Surely, surely,--thus ran his thoughts--when the brave, and gallant, and +generous people of that Section came to read his message of Peace and +Good-will, they must see the suicidal folly of their course! Surely +their hearts must be touched and the mists of prejudice dissolved, so +that reason would resume her sway, and Reconciliation follow! A little +more time for reflection would yet make all things right. The young men +of the South, fired by the Southern leaders' false appeals, must soon +return to reason. The prairie fire is terrible while it sweeps along, +but it soon burns out. When the young men face the emblem of their +Nation's glory--the flag of the land of their birth--then will come the +reaction and their false leaders will be hurled from place and power, +and all will again be right. Yea, when it comes to firing on the old, +old flag, they will not, cannot, do it! Between the Compromise within +their reach, and such Sacrilege as this, they cannot waver long. + +So, doubtless, all the long night, whether waking or sleeping, the mind +of this true-hearted son of the West, throbbed with the mighty weight of +the problem entrusted to him for solution, and the vast responsibilities +which he had just assumed toward his fellow-men, his Nation, and his +God. + +And when, at last, the long lean frame was thrown upon the couch, and +"tired Nature's sweet restorer" held him briefly in her arms, the smile +of hopefulness on the wan cheek told that, despite all the terrible +difficulties of the situation, the sleeper was sustained by a strong and +cheerful belief in the Providence of God, the Patriotism of the People, +and the efficacy of his Inaugural Peace-offering to the South. But alas, +and alas, for the fallibility of human judgment and human hopes! +Instead of a message of Peace, the South chose to regard it as a message +of Menace;* and it was not received in a much better spirit by some of +the Northern papers, which could see no good in it--"no Union spirit in +it"--but declared that it breathed the spirit of Sectionalism and +mischief, and "is the knell and requiem of the Union, and the death of +hope." + + ["Mr. Lincoln fondly regarded his Inaugural as a resistless + proffering of the olive branch to the South; the Conspirators + everywhere interpreted it as a challenge to War."--Greeley's Am. + Conflict, vol. i., p. 428.] + + +Bitter indeed must have been President Lincoln's disappointment and +sorrow at the reception of his Inaugural. With the heartiest +forgiveness, in the noblest spirit of paternal kindness, he had +generously held out his arms, as far as they could reach, to clasp to +his heart--to the great heart of the Union--the rash children of the +South, if they would but let him. It was more with sorrow, than in +anger, that he looked upon their contemptuous repulsion of his advances; +and his soul still reproachfully yearned toward these his Southern +brethren, as did that of a higher than he toward His misguided brethren, +when He cried: "O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, +and stonest them which are sent unto thee, how often would I have +gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens +under her wings, and ye would not!" + +On the day following his Inauguration, President Lincoln sent to the +United States Senate the names of those whom he had chosen to constitute +his Cabinet, as follows: William H. Seward, of New York, Secretary of +State; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury; Simon +Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, of +Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, +Secretary of the Interior; Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney General; +and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Postmaster General. + +On the other hand, the President of the rebellious Confederacy, +Jefferson Davis, had partly constituted his Cabinet already, as follows: +Robert Toombs, of Georgia, Secretary of State; Charles G. Memminger, of +South Carolina, Secretary of the Treasury; Leroy Pope Walker, of +Alabama, Secretary of War; to whom he afterwards added: Stephen R. +Mallory, of Florida, Secretary of the Navy; and John H. Reagan, of +Texas, Postmaster-General. + + + + + CHAPTER X. + + THE WAR-DRUM "ON TO WASHINGTON" + +Scarcely one week had elapsed after the Administration of Mr. Lincoln +began, when (March 11th) certain "Commissioners of the Southern +Confederacy" (John Forsyth, of Alabama, and Martin J. Crawford, of +Georgia), appeared at Washington and served a written request upon +the State Department to appoint an early day when they might present to +the President of the United States their credentials "from the +Government of the Confederate States of America" to the Government of +the United States, and open "the objects of the mission with which they +are charged." + +Secretary Seward, with the President's sanction, declined official +intercourse with Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, in a "Memorandum" (March +15th) reciting their request, etc., in which, after referring to +President Lincoln's Inaugural Address--forwarded to them with the +"Memorandum" he says: "A simple reference will be sufficient to satisfy +those gentlemen that the Secretary of State, guided by the principles +therein announced, is prevented altogether from admitting or assuming +that the States referred to by them have, in law or in fact, withdrawn +from the Federal Union, or that they could do so in the manner described +by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other manner than with the +consent and concert of the People of the United States, to be given +through a National Convention, to be assembled in conformity with the +provisions of the Constitution of the United States. Of course, the +Secretary of State cannot act upon the assumption, or in any way admit, +that the so-called Confederate States constitute a Foreign Power, with +whom diplomatic relations ought to be established." + +On the 9th of April, Messrs. Forsyth, Crawford and Roman--as +"Commissioners of the Southern Confederacy"--addressed to Secretary +Seward a reply to the "Memorandum" aforesaid, in which the following +passage occurs: + +"The undersigned, like the Secretary of State, have no purpose to +'invite or engage in discussion' of the subject on which their two +Governments are so irreconcilably at variance. It is this variance that +has broken up the old Union, the disintegration of which has only begun. + +"It is proper, however, to advise you that it were well to dismiss the +hopes you seem to entertain that, by any of the modes indicated, the +people of the Confederate States will ever be brought to submit to the +authority of the Government of the United States. You are dealing with +delusions, too, when you seek to separate our people from our +Government, and to characterize the deliberate, Sovereign act of that +people as a 'perversion of a temporary and partisan excitement.' If you +cherish these dreams, you will be awakened from them, and find them as +unreal and unsubstantial as others in which you have recently indulged. + +"The undersigned would omit the performance of an obvious duty were they +to fail to make known to the Government of the United States that the +people of the Confederate States have declared their independence with a +full knowledge of all the responsibilities of that act, and with as firm +a determination to maintain it by all the means with which nature has +endowed them as that which sustained their fathers when they threw off +the authority of the British Crown. + +"The undersigned clearly understand that you have declined to appoint a +day to enable them to lay the objects of the mission with which they are +charged, before the President of the United States, because so to do +would be to recognize the independence and separate nationality of the +Confederate States. This is the vein of thought that pervades the +memorandum before us. + +"The truth of history requires that it should distinctly appear upon the +record, that the undersigned did not ask the Government of the United +States to recognize the independence of the Confederate States. They +only asked audience to adjust, in a spirit of amity and peace, the new +relations springing from a manifest and accomplished revolution in the +Government of the late Federal Union. + +"Your refusal to entertain these overtures for a peaceful solution, the +active naval and military preparation of this Government, and a formal +notice to the Commanding General of the Confederate forces in the harbor +of Charleston that the President intends to provision Fort Sumter by +forcible means, if necessary, are viewed by the undersigned, and can +only be received by the World, as a Declaration of War against the +Confederate States; for the President of the United States knows that +Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned without the effusion of blood. + +"The undersigned, in behalf of their Government and people, accept the +gage of battle thus thrown down to them, and, appealing to God and the +judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their Cause, the people of +the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last, against +this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to Sectional power." + + +Let us now, for a moment, glance at the condition of Fort Sumter, and of +the Government with regard to it: + +On the 5th of March, the day after President Lincoln had taken his oath +of office, there was placed in his hands a letter of Major Anderson, +commanding at Fort Sumter, in which that officer, under date of the 28th +of February, expressed the opinion that "reinforcements could not be +thrown into that fort within the time for his relief rendered necessary +by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding +possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good +and well-disciplined men." + + [President Lincoln's first Message, July 4, 1861.] + +Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott concurred in that opinion, and as the +provisions in the Fort would be exhausted before any such force could be +raised and brought to the ground, evacuation and safe withdrawal of the +Federal garrison from the Fort became a Military necessity, and was so +regarded by the Administration. + +"It was believed, however"--in the language of Mr. Lincoln himself, in +his first Message to Congress--"that to so abandon that position, under +the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous: that the necessity under +which it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it +would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it +would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and +go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that in fact it +would be our National destruction consummated. This could not be +allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison; and ere it would be +reached, Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear +indication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the +evacuation of Fort Sumter as a Military necessity." + +Owing to misconception or otherwise, an order to reinforce Fort Pickens +was not carried out, and an expedition to relieve Fort Sumter was then +ordered to be dispatched. On the 8th of April President Lincoln, by +messenger, notified Governor Pickens of South Carolina, "that he might +expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort; and that if the +attempt should not be resisted there would be no effort to throw in men, +arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack +upon the fort." + +A crisis was evidently approaching, and public feeling all over the +Country was wrought up to the highest degree of tension and stood tip- +toe with intense expectancy. The test of the doctrine of Secession was +about to be made there, in the harbor of Charleston, upon which the eyes +of Patriot and Rebel were alike feverishly bent. + +There, in Charleston harbor, grimly erect, stood the octagon-shaped Fort +Sumter, mid-way of the harbor entrance, the Stars and Stripes proudly +waving from its lofty central flagstaff, its guns bristling on every +side through the casemates and embrasures, as if with a knowledge of +their defensive power. + +About equidistant from Fort Sumter on either side of the harbor- +entrance, were the Rebel works at Fort Moultrie and Battery Bee on +Sullivan's Island, on the one side, and Cummings Point Battery, on +Morris Island, on the other-besides a number of other batteries facing +seaward along the sea-coast line of Morris Island. Further in, on the +same side of the harbor, and but little further off from Fort Sumter, +stood Fort Johnson on James Island, while Castle Pinckney and a Floating +Battery were between the beleagured Fort and the city of Charleston. + +Thus, the Federal Fort was threatened with the concentrated fire of +these well-manned Rebel fortifications on all sides, and in its then +condition was plainly doomed; for, while the swarming Rebels, unmolested +by Fort Sumter, had been permitted to surround that Fort with frowning +batteries, whose guns outnumbered those of the Fort, as ten to one, and +whose caliber was also superior, its own condition was anything but that +of readiness for the inevitable coming encounter. + +That the officers' quarters, barracks, and other frame-work wooden +buildings should have been permitted to remain as a standing invitation +to conflagration from bombardment, can only be accounted for on the +supposition that the gallant officer in command, himself a Southerner, +would not believe it possible that the thousands of armed Americans by +whom he was threatened and encircled, could fire upon the flag of their +own native Country. He and his garrison of seventy men, were soon to +learn the bitter truth, amid a tempest of bursting shot and shell, the +furnace-heat of crackling walls, and suffocating volumes of dense smoke +produced by an uncontrollable conflagration. + +The Rebel leaders at Washington had prevented an attack in January upon +the forts in the harbor of Charleston, and at Pensacola.--[McPherson's +History of the Rebellion, p. 112.]--In consequence of which failure to +proceed to the last extremity at once, the energies of the Rebellion had +perceptibly diminished. + +Said the Mobile Mercury: "The country is sinking into a fatal apathy, +and the spirit and even the patriotism of the people is oozing out, +under this do-nothing policy. If something is not done pretty soon, +decisive, either evacuation or expulsion, the whole country will become +so disgusted with the sham of Southern independence that the first +chance the people get at a popular election they will turn the whole +movement topsy-turvy so bad that it never on Earth can be righted +again." + +After the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, however, the Rebel authorities at +Montgomery lost no time, but strained every nerve to precipitate War. +They felt that there was danger to the cause of Secession in delay; that +there were wavering States outside the Confederacy, like Virginia, that +might be dragged into the Confederacy by prompt and bloody work; and +wavering States within, like Alabama, that must be kept in by similar +means. Their emissaries were busy everywhere in the South, early in +April, preaching an instant crusade against the old flag--inciting the +people to demand instant hostilities against Fort Sumter--and to cross a +Rubicon of blood, over which there could be no return. + +Many of the Rebel leaders seemed to be haunted by the fear (no doubt +well founded) that unless blood was shed--unless an impassable barrier, +crimsoned with human gore, was raised between the new Confederacy and +the old Union--there would surely be an ever-present danger of that +Confederacy falling to pieces. Hence they were now active in working +the people up to the required point of frenzy. + +As a specimen of their speeches, may be quoted that of Roger A. Pryor, +of Virginia, who, at Charleston, April 10, 1861, replying to a serenade, +said:--[Charleston Mercury's report.] + +'Gentlemen, I thank you, especially that you have at last annihilated +this accursed Union [Applause] reeking with corruption, and insolent +with excess of tyranny. Thank God, it is at last blasted and riven by +the lightning wrath of an outraged and indignant people. [Loud +applause.] Not only is it gone, but gone forever. [Cries of, 'You're +right,' and applause.] In the expressive language of Scripture, it is +water spilt upon the ground, which cannot be gathered up. [Applause.] +Like Lucifer, son of the morning, it has fallen, never to rise again. +[Continued applause.] + +"For my part, gentlemen," he continued, as soon as he could be heard, +"if Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to-morrow were to abdicate their +offices and were to give me a blank sheet of paper to write the +condition of re-annexation to the defunct Union, I would scornfully +spurn the overture. * * * I invoke you, and I make it in some sort a +personal appeal--personal so far as it tends to our assistance in +Virginia--I do invoke you, in your demonstrations of popular opinion, in +your exhibitions of official intent, to give no countenance to this idea +of reconstruction. [Many voices, emphatically, 'never,' and applause.] + +"In Virginia," resumed he, "they all say, if reduced to the dread +dilemma of this memorable alternative, they will espouse the cause of +the South as against the interest of the Northern Confederacy, but they +whisper of reconstruction, and they say Virginia must abide in the +Union, with the idea of reconstructing the Union which you have +annihilated. I pray you, gentlemen, rob them of that idea. Proclaim to +the World that upon no condition, and under no circumstances, will South +Carolina ever again enter into political association with the +Abolitionists of New England. [Cries of 'never,' and applause.] + +"Do not distrust Virginia," he continued; "as sure as tomorrow's sun +will rise upon us, just so sure will Virginia be a member of this +Southern Confederation. [Applause.] And I will tell you, gentlemen, +what will put her in the Southern Confederacy in less than an hour by +Shrewsbury clock--STRIKE A BLOW! [Tremendous applause.] The very +moment that blood is shed, old Virginia will make common cause with her +sisters of the South. [Applause.] It is impossible she should do +otherwise." + +The question of the necessity of "Striking a Blow"--of the immediate +"shedding of blood"--was not only discussed before the Southern people +for the purpose of inflaming their rebellious zeal, but was also the +subject of excited agitation in the Confederate Cabinet at this time. + +In a speech made by ex-United States Senator Clemens of Alabama, at +Huntsville, Alabama, at the close of the Rebellion, he told the +Alabamians how their State, which, as we have seen, was becoming +decidedly shaky in its allegiance to the "Sham of Southern +Independence," was kept in the Confederacy. + +Said he: "In 1861, shortly after the Confederate Government was put in +operation, I was in the city of Montgomery. One day (April 11, 1861) I +stepped into the office of the Secretary of War, General Walker, and +found there, engaged in a very excited discussion, Mr. Jefferson Davis +(the President), Mr. Memminger (Secretary of the Treasury), Mr. Benjamin +(Attorney-General), Mr. Gilchrist, a member of our Legislature from +Loundes county, and a number of other prominent gentlemen. They were +discussing the propriety of immediately opening fire on Fort Sumter, to +which General Walker, the Secretary of War, appeared to be opposed. Mr. +Gilchrist said to him, 'Sir, unless you sprinkle blood in the face of +the people of Alabama, they will be back in the old Union in less than +ten days!' THE NEXT DAY GENERAL BEAUREGARD OPENED HIS BATTERIES ON +SUMTER, AND ALABAMA WAS SAVED TO THE CONFEDERACY." + +On the 8th of April, G. T. Beauregard, "Brigadier General Commanding" +the "Provisional Army C. S. A." at Charleston, S. C., notified the +Confederate Secretary of War (Walker) at Montgomery, Ala., that "An +authorized messenger from President Lincoln has just informed Gov. +Pickens and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter +peaceably, or otherwise by force." + +On the 10th, Confederate Secretary Walker telegraphed to Beauregard: "If +you have no doubt of the authorized character of the agent who +communicated to, you the intention of the Washington Government to +supply Fort Sumter by force, you will at once demand its evacuation, +and, if this is refused, proceed, in such manner as you may determine, +to reduce it." To this Beauregard at once replied: "The demand will be +made to-morrow at 12 o'clock." Thereupon the Confederate Secretary +telegraphed again: "Unless there are special reasons connected with your +own condition, it is considered proper that you should make the demand +at an earlier hour." And Beauregard answered: "The reasons are special +for 12 o'clock." + +On the 11th General Beauregard notified Secretary Walker: "The demand +was sent at 2 P. M., and until 6 was allowed for the answer." The +Secretary desiring to have the reply of Major Anderson, General +Beauregard telegraphed: "Major Anderson replies: 'I have the honor to +acknowledge the receipt of your communication demanding the evacuation +of this Fort, and to say in reply thereto that it is a demand with which +I regret that my sense of honor and of my obligation to my Government +prevent my compliance.' He adds, verbally, 'I will await the first +shot, and, if you do not batter us to pieces, we will be starved out in +a few days.'" + +To this, the Confederate Secretary at once responded with: "Do not +desire needlessly to bombard Fort Sumter. If Major Anderson will state +the time at which, as indicated by himself, he will evacuate, and agree +that, in the mean time, he will not use his guns against us unless ours +should be employed against Fort Sumter, you are authorized thus to avoid +the effusion of blood. If this or its equivalent be refused, reduce the +Fort, as your judgment decides to be the most practicable." + +At 11 o'clock that night (April 11) General Beauregard sent to Major +Anderson, by the hands of his aides-de-camp, Messrs. Chesnut and Lee, a +further communication, in which, after alluding to the Major's verbal +observation, the General said: "If you will state the time at which you +will evacuate Fort Sumter, and agree that in the mean time you will not +use your guns against us unless ours shall be employed against Fort +Sumter, we shall abstain from opening fire upon you. Col. Chesnut and +Capt. Lee are authorized by me to enter into such an agreement with you. +You are therefore requested to communicate to them an open answer." + +To this, Major Robert Anderson, at 2.30 A.M. of the 12th, replied "that, +cordially uniting with you in the desire to avoid the useless effusion +of blood, I will, if provided with the necessary means of +transportation, evacuate Fort Sumter by noon on the 15th inst., should I +not receive prior to that time, controlling instructions from my +Government, or additional supplies, and that I will not in the mean time +open my fire upon your forces unless compelled to do so by some hostile +act against this Fort or the flag of my Government, by the forces under +your command, or by some portion of them, or by the perpetration of some +act showing a hostile intention on your part against this Fort or the +flag it bears." Thereupon General Beauregard telegraphed Secretary +Walker: "He would not consent. I write to-day." + +At 3.20 A.M., Major Anderson received from Messrs. Chesnut and Lee a +notification to this effect: "By authority of Brigadier General +Beauregard, commanding the Provisional Forces of the Confederate States, +we have the honor to notify you that he will open the fire of his +batteries on Fort Sumter in one hour from this time." And a later +dispatch from General Beauregard to Secretary Walker, April 12, +laconically stated: "WE OPENED FIRE AT 4.30." + +At last the hour and the minute had come, for which the Slave Power of +the South had for thirty years so impatiently longed. At last the +moment had come, when all the long-treasured vengeance of the South-- +outgrown from questions of Tariff, of Slavery, and of Secession--was to +be poured out in blood and battle; when the panoplied powers and forces +of rebellious confederated States, standing face to face with the +resolute patriotism of an outraged Union, would belch forth flame and +fury and hurtling missiles upon the Federal Fort and the old flag +floating o'er it. + +And whose the sacrilegious hand that dared be first raised against his +Country and his Country's flag? Stevens's mortar battery at Sullivan's +Island is ready to open, when a lean, long-haired old man, with eyes +blazing in their deep fanatical sockets, totters hastily forward and +ravenously seizing in his bony hands a lanyard, pulls the string, and, +with a flash and roar, away speeds the shrieking shell on its mission of +destruction; and, while shell after shell, and shot after shot, from +battery after battery, screams a savage accompaniment to the boom and +flash and bellow of the guns, that lean old man works his clutched +fingers in an ecstasy of fiendish pleasure, and chuckles: "Aye, I told +them at Columbia that night, that the defense of the South is only to be +secured through the lead of South Carolina; and, old as I am, I had come +here to join them in that lead--and I have done it." + + [Edmund Ruffin, see p. 100. This theory of the necessity of South + Carolina leading, had long been held, as in the following, first + published in the New York Tribune, July 3, 1862, which, among other + letters, was found in the house of William H. Trescot, on + Barnwell's Island, South Carolina, when re-occupied by United + States troops: + + "VIRGINIA CONVENTION, May 3, 1851 + + "My DEAR, SIR:--You misunderstood my last letter, if you supposed + that I intended to visit South Carolina this Spring. I am + exceedingly obliged to you for your kind invitations, and it would + afford me the highest pleasure to interchange in person, sentiments + with a friend whose manner of thinking so closely agrees with my + own. But my engagements here closely confine me to this city, and + deny me such a gratification. + + "I would be especially glad to be in Charleston next week, and + witness the proceedings of your Convention of Delegates from the + Southern Rights Associations. The condition of things in your + State deeply interests me. Her wise foresight and manly + independence have placed her, as the head of the South, to whom + alone true-hearted men can look with any hope or pleasure. + + "Momentous are the consequences which depend upon your action. + Which party will prevail? The immediate Secessionists, or those + who are opposed to separate State action at this time? For my part + I forbear to form a wish. Were I a Carolinian, it would be very + different; but when I consider the serious effects the decision may + have on your future weal or woe, I feel that a citizen of a State + which has acted as Virginia, has no right to interfere, even by a + wish. + + "If the General Government allows you peaceably and freely to + Secede, neither Virginia, nor any other Southern State, would, in + my opinion, follow you at present. But what would be the effect + upon South Carolina? Some of our best friends have supposed that + it would cut off Charleston from the great Western trade, which she + is now striking for, and would retard very greatly the progress of + your State. I confess that I think differently. I believe + thoroughly in our own theories, and that, even if Charleston did + not grow quite as fast in her trade with other States, yet the + relief from Federal taxation would vastly stimulate your + prosperity. If so, the prestige of the Union would be destroyed, + and you would be the nucleus for a Southern Confederation at no + distant day. + + "But I do not doubt, from all I have been able toe to learn that the + Federal Government would use force, beginning with the form most + embarrassing to you, and least calculated to excite sympathy. I + mean a naval blockade. In that event, could you stand the reaction + feeling which the suffering commerce of Charleston would probably + manifest? Would you not lose that in which your strength consists, + the union of your people? I do not mean to imply an opinion, I + only ask the question. + + "If you could force this blockade, and bring the Government to + direct force, the feeling in Virginia would be very great. I trust + in God it would bring her to your aid. But it would be wrong in me + to deceive you by speaking certainly. I cannot express the deep + mortification I have felt at her course this Winter. But I do not + believe that the course of the Legislature is a fair expression of + popular feeling. In the East, at least, the great majority + believes in the right of Secession, and feels the deepest sympathy + with Carolina in her opposition to measures which they regard as + she does. But the West--Western Virginia--there is the rub! Only + 60,000 slaves to 494,000 whites! When I consider this fact, and + the kind of argument which has been heard in this body, I cannot + but regard with the greatest fear the question whether Virginia + would assist Carolina in such an issue. + + "I must acknowledge, my dear sir, that I look to the future with + almost as much apprehension as hope. You well object to the term + Democrat. Democracy, in its original philosophical sense, is + indeed incompatible with Slavery and the whole system of Southern + society. Yet, if you look back, what change will you find made in + any of your State Constitutions, or in our legislation--that is, in + its general course--for the last fifty years, which was not in the + direction of this Democracy? Do not its principles and theories + become daily more fixed in our practice? (I had almost said in the + opinions of our people, did I not remember with pleasure the great + improvement of opinion in regard to the abstract question of + Slavery). And if such is the case, what are we to hope in the + future? I do not hesitate to say that if the question is raised + between Carolina and the Federal Government, and the latter + prevails, the last hope of republican government, and, I fear, of + Southern civilization, is gone. Russia will then be a better + government than ours. + + "I fear that the confusion and interruptions amid which I write + have made this rather a rambling letter. Do you visit the North in + the Summer? I would be very happy to welcome you to the Old + Dominion. + + "I am much obliged to you for the offer to send me Hammond's Eulogy + on Calhoun, but I am indebted to the author for a copy. + + "With esteem and friendship, yours truly, + + "M. R. H. GARNETT. + + "WM. H. TRESCOT, ESQ."] + + +Next morning's New York herald, in its Charleston dispatch of April 12, +announced to the World that "The first shot [fired at Fort Sumter] from +Stevens's battery was fired by the venerable Edmund Ruffin, of +Virginia," and added, "That ball will do more for the cause of +Secession, in Virginia, than volumes of stump speeches." + +"Soon," says Greeley in his History, "the thunder of fifty heavy +breaching cannon, in one grand volley, followed by the crashing and +crumbling of brick, stone, and mortar around and above them, apprized +the little garrison that their stay must necessarily be short." + +Says an eye-witness of the bombardment: "Shells burst with the greatest +rapidity in every portion of the work, hurling the loose brick and stone +in all directions, breaking the windows and setting fire to whatever +woodwork they burst against. * * * The firing from the batteries on +Cumming's Point was scattered over the whole of the gorge or rear of the +Fort, till it looked like a sieve. The explosion of shells, and the +quantity of deadly missiles that were hurled in every direction and at +every instant of time, made it almost certain death to go out of the +lower tier of casemates, and also made the working of the barbette or +upper (uncovered) guns, which contained all our heaviest metal, and by +which alone we could throw shells, quite impossible. + +"During the first day there was hardly an instant of time that there was +a cessation of the whizzing of balls, which were sometimes coming half a +dozen at once. There was not a portion of the work which was not taken +in reverse from mortars. * * * During Friday, the officers' barracks +were three times set on fire by the shells and three times put out under +the most galling and destructive cannonade. + +"For the fourth time, the barracks were set on fire early on Saturday +morning, and attempts were made to extinguish the flames; but it was +soon discovered that red-hot shot were being thrown into the Fort with +fearful rapidity, and it became evident that it would be impossible to +put out the conflagration. The whole garrison was then set to work, or +as many as could be spared, to remove the powder from the magazines, +which was desperate work, rolling barrels of powder through the fire. * +* * After the barracks were well on fire, the batteries directed upon +Fort Sumter increased their cannonading to a rapidity greater than had +been attained before." + +"About this time, the shells and ammunition in the upper service- +magazines exploded, scattering the tower and upper portions of the +building in every direction. The crash of the beams, the roar of the +flames, and the shower of fragments of the Fort, with the blackness of +the smoke, made the scene indescribably terrific and grand. This +continued for several hours. * * * " + +=== Gutchecked to here + +"There was not a portion of the Fort where a breath of air could be got +for hours, except through a wet cloth. The fire spread to the men's +quarters on the right hand and on the left, and endangered the powder +which had been taken out of the magazines. The men went through the +fire, and covered the barrels with wet cloths, but the danger of the +Fort's blowing up became so imminent that they were obliged to heave the +barrels out of the embrasures." + +Major Anderson's official report tells the whole story briefly and well, +in these words: + + "STEAMSHIP BALTIC, OFF SANDY HOOK + + "April 18, 1861, 10.30 A.M., VIA NEW YORK. + +"Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty-four hours, until the quarters +were entirely burnt, the main gates destroyed by fire, the gorge walls +seriously injured, the magazine surrounded by flames, and its door +closed from the effects of heat; four barrels and three cartridges of +powder only being available, and no provisions remaining but pork, I +accepted terms of evacuation offered by General Beauregard--being the +same offered by him on the 11th inst., prior to the commencement of +hostilities--and marched out of the Fort on Sunday afternoon, the 14th +instant, with colors flying and drums beating, bringing away company and +private property, and saluting my flag with fifty guns. + + "ROBERT ANDERSON, + "Major 1st Artillery, Commanding. + +"HON. SIMON CAMERON, +"Secretary of War, Washington." + + +During all this thirty-four hours of bombardment, the South rejoiced +with exceeding great joy that the time had come for the vindication of +its peculiar ideas of State and other rights, even though it be with +flames and the sword. At Charleston, the people were crazy with +exultation and wine-feasting and drinking being the order of the day and +night. But for the surrender, Fort Sumter would have been stormed that +Sunday night. As it was, Sunday was turned into a day of general +jubilation, and while the people cheered and filled the streets, all the +Churches of Charleston celebrated, with more or less devotional fervor +and ceremony, the bloodless victory. + +At Montgomery, the Chiefs of the Confederate Government were serenaded. +"Salvos of artillery were fired, and the whole population seemed to be +in an ecstasy of triumph."--[McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p. +114] + +The Confederate Secretary of War, flushed with the success, predicted +that the Confederate flag "will, before the first of May, float over the +dome of the old Capitol at Washington" and "will eventually float over +Faneuil Hall, in Boston." + +From Maryland to Mexico, the protests of Union men of the South were +unheard in the fierce clamor of "On to Washington!" + +The Richmond Examiner said: "There never was half the unanimity among +the people before, nor a tithe of the zeal upon any subject, that is now +manifested to take Washington. From the mountain tops and valleys to +the shores of the sea, there is one wild shout of fierce resolve to +capture Washington City at all and every human hazard." + +So also, the Mobile Advertiser enthusiastically exclaimed: + +"We are prepared to fight, and the enemy is not. Now is the time for +action, while he is yet unprepared. Let the fife sound 'Gray Jackets +over the Border,' and let a hundred thousand men, with such arms as they +can snatch, get over the border as quickly as they can. Let a division +enter every Northern border State, destroy railroad connection to +prevent concentration of the enemy, and the desperate strait of these +States, the body of Lincoln's country, will compel him to a peace--or +compel his successor, should Virginia not suffer him to escape from his +doomed capital." + +It was on Friday morning, the 12th of April, as we have seen, that the +first Rebel shot was fired at Fort Sumter. It was on Saturday afternoon +and evening that the terms of surrender were agreed to, and on Sunday +afternoon that the Federal flag was saluted and hauled down, and the +surrender completed. On Monday morning, being the 15th of April, in all +the great Northern Journals of the day appeared the following: + +"PROCLAMATION. + +"WHEREAS, the laws of the United States have been for some time past, +and now are, opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the +States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, +Louisiana, and Texas, by Combinations too powerful to be suppressed by +the ordinary course of Judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in +the Marshals by law; now, therefore I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the +United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution +and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, +the Militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate number +of 75,000, in order to suppress said Combinations, and to cause the laws +to be duly executed. + +"The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the +State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal +citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the +honor, the integrity, and existence of our National Union, and the +perpetuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs already long +enough endured. I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned +to the forces hereby called forth, will probably be to repossess the +forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union; and +in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the +objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or +interference with, property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens of +any part of the Country; and I hereby command the persons composing the +Combinations aforesaid, to disperse and retire peaceably to their +respective abodes, within twenty days from this date. + +"Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an +extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested +by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. The Senators and +Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble at their respective +chambers at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the 4th day of July next, +then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their +wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. + +"In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +"Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. + +"By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State." + + +While in the North the official responses to this Call for troops were +prompt and patriotic, in the Border and Slave States, not yet in +Rebellion, they were anything but encouraging. + +The reply of Governor Burton, of Delaware, was by the issue of a +proclamation "recommending the formation of volunteer companies for the +protection of the lives and property of the people of Delaware against +violence of any sort to which they may be exposed; the companies not +being subject to be ordered by the Executive into the United States +service--the law not vesting him with such authority--but having the +option of offering their services to the General Government for the +defense of its capital and the support of the Constitution and laws of +the Country." + +Governor Hicks, of Maryland, in like manner, issued a proclamation for +Maryland's quota of the troops, but stated that her four regiments would +be detailed to serve within the limits of Maryland--or, for the defense +of the National Capital. + +Governor Letcher, of Virginia, replied: "The militia of Virginia will +not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such use or purpose +as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the Southern States, +and a requisition made upon me for such an object--an object, in my +judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the Act of 1795 +--will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate Civil War, +and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the +Administration has exhibited toward the South." + +Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, replied to Secretary Cameron: "Your +dispatch is received, and, if genuine--which its extraordinary character +leads me to doubt--I have to say in reply that I regard the levy of +troops made by the Administration, for the purpose of subjugating the +States of the South, as in violation of the Constitution and a +usurpation of power. I can be no party to this wicked violation of the +laws of the country, and to this War upon the liberties of a free +people. You can get no troops from North Carolina. I will reply more +in detail when your Call is received by mail." + +Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, replied: "Your dispatch is received. In +answer I say emphatically, Kentucky will furnish no troops for the +wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States." + +Governor Harris, of Tennessee, replied: "Tennessee will not furnish a +single man for Coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessary, for the +Defense of our rights or those of our Southern brethren." + +Governor Jackson, of Missouri, replied: "Your requisition is illegal, +unconstitutional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical and cannot be +complied with." + +Governor Rector, of Arkansas, replied: "None will be furnished. The +demand is only adding insult to injury." + +Discouraging and even insulting as were most of these replies, the +responses of the Governors of the Free States were, on the other hand, +full of the ring of true martial Patriotism evoked by the fall of Sumter +and the President's first call for troops. Twenty millions of Northern +hearts were stirred by that Call, as they had never before been stirred. +Party and faction became for the moment, a thing of the past. + +The Governors of the Free States made instant proclamation for +volunteers, and the People responded not by thousands but by hundreds of +thousands. New York, the Empire State, by her Governor and her +Legislature placed all her tremendous resources at the service of the +Union; and the great State of Pennsylvania, through Governor Curtin, did +the same. Nor were the other States at all behind. + +The Loyal North felt that Law, Order, Liberty, the existence of the +Nation itself was in peril, and must be both saved and vindicated. Over +half a million of men--from the prairies of the West and the hills and +cities of the East--from farms and counting houses, from factories and +mines and workshops--sprang to arms at the Call, and begged to be +enrolled. The merchants and capitalists throughout the North proffered +to the Government their wealth and influence and best services. The +press and the people responded as only the press and people of a Free +land can respond--with all their heart and soul. "Fort Sumter," said +one of the journals, "is lost, but Freedom is saved. Henceforth, the +Loyal States are a unit in uncompromising hostility to Treason, wherever +plotted, however justified. Fort Sumter is temporarily lost, but the +Country is saved. Live the Republic!" + +This, in a nutshell, was the feeling everywhere expressed, whether by +the great crowds that marched through the streets of Northern cities +with drums beating and banners flying--cheering wildly for the Union, +singing Union songs, and compelling those of doubtful loyalty to throw +out to the breeze from their homes the glorified Stars and Stripes--by +the great majority of newspapers--by the pulpit, by the rostrum, by the +bench, by all of whatever profession or calling in Northern life. For +the moment, the voice of the Rebel-sympathizer was hushed in the land, +or so tremendously overborne that it seemed as if there was an absolute +unanimity of love for the Union. + +Of course, in Border-States, bound to the South by ties of lineage and +intermarriage and politics and business association, the feeling could +not be the same as elsewhere. There, they were, so to speak, drawn both +ways at once, by the beckoning hands of kindred on the one side, and +Country on the other! Thus they long waited and hesitated, praying that +something might yet happen to save the Union of their fathers, and +prevent the shedding of brothers' blood, by brothers-hoping against +hope-waited, in the belief that a position of armed neutrality might be +permitted to them; and grieved, when they found this could not be. + +Each side to the great Conflict-at-arms naturally enough believed itself +right, and that the other side was the first aggressor; but the judgment +of Mankind has placed the blame where it properly belonged--on the +shoulders of the Rebels. The calm, clear statement of President +Lincoln, in his July Message to Congress, touching the assault and its +preceding history--together with his conclusions--states the whole +matter in such authentic and convincing manner that it may be said to +have settled the point beyond further controversy. After stating that +it "was resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina that he might +expect an attempt would be made to provision the Fort; and that if the +attempt should not be resisted there would be no effort to throw in men, +arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack on +the Fort," Mr. Lincoln continues: "This notice was accordingly given; +whereupon the Fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even +awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition." + +The President then proceeds: "It is thus seen that the assault upon and +reduction of Fort Sumter was, in no sense, a matter of self-defense on +the part of the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the +Fort could, by no possibility, commit aggression upon them. They knew-- +they were expressly notified--that the giving of bread to the few brave +and hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be +attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. +They knew that this Government desired to keep the garrison in the Fort +--not to assail them--but merely to maintain visible possession, and +thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate dissolution-- +trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot- +box for final adjustment; and they assailed and reduced the Fort for +precisely the reverse object--to drive out the visible authority of the +Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution. + +"That this was their object, the Executive well understood; and, having +said to them, in the Inaugural Address, 'you can have no conflict +without being yourselves the aggressors,' he took pains not only to keep +this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power +of ingenious sophistry as that the World should not be able to +misunderstand it. + +"By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that +point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the Government +began the Conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to +return their fire, save only the few in the Fort sent to that harbor +years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that +protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, +they have forced upon the Country, the distinct issue: 'Immediate +dissolution or blood.' + +"And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It +presents to the whole family of Man the question whether a +Constitutional Republic or Democracy--a government of the People by the +same People--can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against +its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented +individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to +organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this +case, or on any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence, +break up their Government, and thus practically put an end to free +government upon the earth. It forces us to ask: 'Is there in all +republics, this inherent and fatal weakness?' 'Must a Government of +necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak +to maintain its own existence?' + +"So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the War power +of the Government; and so to resist force, employed for its destruction, +by force, for its preservation." + +The Call for Troops was made, as we have seen, on the 15th day of April. +On the evening of the following day several companies of a Pennsylvania +Regiment reported for duty in Washington. On the 18th, more +Pennsylvania Volunteers, including a company of Artillery, arrived +there. + +On the 19th of April, the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment--whose progress +through New York city had been triumphal-was suddenly and unexpectedly +assailed, in its passage through Baltimore, to the defense of the +National Capital, by a howling mob of Maryland Secessionists--worked up +to a pitch of States-rights frenzy by Confederate emissaries and +influential Baltimore Secession-sympathizers, by news of the sudden +evacuation of the Federal Arsenal at Harper's Ferry, and other exciting +tidings--and had to fight its way through, leaving three soldiers of +that regiment dead, and a number wounded, behind it. + + [At a meeting of the "National Volunteer Association," at Monument + Square, Baltimore, the previous evening, says Greeley's History of + the American Conflict, page 462, "None of the speakers directly + advocated attacks on the Northern troops about to pass through the + city; but each was open in his hostility to 'Coercion,' and + ardently exhorted his hearers to organize, arm and drill, for the + Conflict now inevitable. Carr (Wilson C. N. Carr) said: 'I do not + care how many Federal troops are sent to Washington; they will soon + find themselves surrounded by such an army from Virginia and + Maryland, that escape to their homes will be impossible; and when + the 75,000 who are intended to invade the South shall have polluted + that soil with their touch, the South will extermninate and sweep + them from the Earth.' (Frantic cheering and yelling). The meeting + broke up with stentorian cheers for 'the South' and for 'President + Davis."'] + +Ten companies of Philadelphia troops, reaching Baltimore at the same +time, unarmed, were also violently assailed by the crazy mob, and, after +a two hours' fight, reached the cars and returned to Philadelphia. + +Washington City--already, by the Secession of Virginia, cut off from the +South--was thus practically cut off from the North as well; and to +isolate it more completely, the telegraph wires were cut down and the +railroad bridges burned. A mere handful of regulars, the few volunteers +that had got through before the outbreak in Baltimore, and a small +number of Union residents and Government department clerks--these, under +General Winfield Scott, constituted the paltry force that, for ten days +after the Call for troops, held the National Capital. + +Informed, as the Rebels must have been, by their swarming spies, of the +weakness of the Federal metropolis, it seems absolutely marvelous that +instant advantage was not taken of it. + +The Richmond Examiner, of April 23d, said: "The capture of Washington +City is perfectly within the power of Virginia and Maryland, if Virginia +will only make the effort with her constituted authorities; nor is there +a single moment to lose. * * * The fanatical yell for the immediate +subjugation of the whole South is going up hourly from the united voices +of all the North; and, for the purpose of making their work sure, they +have determined to hold Washington City as the point whence to carry on +their brutal warfare. Our people can take it--they will take it--and +Scott, the arch-traitor, and Lincoln, the Beast, combined, cannot +prevent it. The just indignation of an outraged and deeply injured +people will teach the Illinois Ape to repeat his race and retrace his +journey across the borders of the Free Negro States still more rapidly +than he came. * * * Great cleansing and purification are needed and +will be given to that festering sink of iniquity, that wallow of Lincoln +and Scott--the desecrated city of Washington; and many indeed will be +the carcasses of dogs and caitiff that will blacken the air upon the +gallows before the great work is accomplished. So let it be!" + +But despite all this fanfaronade of brutal bluster, and various +movements that looked somewhat threatening, and this complete isolation +for more than a week from the rest of the World, the city of Washington +was not seized by the Rebels, after all. + +This nervous condition of affairs, however, existed until the 25th--and +to General Benjamin F. Butler is due the chief credit of putting an end +to it. It seems he had reached the Susquehanna river at Perryville, +with his Eighth Massachusetts Regiment on the 20th--the day after the +Sixth Massachusetts had been mobbed at Baltimore--and, finding his +further progress to Washington via Baltimore, barred by the destruction +of the bridge across the Susquehanna, etc., he at once seized a large +ferry steamer, embarked his men on her, steamed down the river and +Chesapeake Bay to Annapolis, the capital of Maryland, took possession of +the frigate Constitution, the Naval Academy, and the city itself, +gathered supplies, and being reinforced by the arrival by water of the +famous New York Seventh, and other regiments, repaired the branch +railroad to Annapolis Junction (on the main line of railroad between +Baltimore and Washington), and transferred his column from thence, by +cars, on the 25th, to the National Capital--soon thereafter also taking +military possession of Baltimore, which gave no further trouble to the +Union Cause. In the meantime, however, other untoward events to that +Cause had happened. + +Two days after the Call for troops, the Virginia Convention (April 17th) +secretly voted to Secede from the Union. An expedition of Virginia +troops was almost at once started to capture the Federal Arsenal at +Harper's Ferry, which, as has already been intimated, was evacuated +hastily on the night of the 18th, by the handful of Union regulars +garrisoning it, after a futile effort to destroy the public property and +stores it held. Another expedition was started to seize the Federal +Navy Yard at Norfolk--a rich prize, containing as it did, between 2,000 +and 3,000 pieces of heavy ordnance (300 of them Dahlgrens), three old +line-of-battle ships and a number of frigates, including the Cumberland +and the fine forty-gun steam frigate Merrimac, together with thousands +of kegs of powder and immense stores of other munitions of war, and +supplies--that had cost in all some $10,000,000. Without an enemy in +sight, however, this fine Navy Yard was shamefully evacuated, after +partly scuttling and setting fire to the vessels--the Cumberland alone +being towed away--and spiking the guns, and doing other not very +material damage. + +So also, in North Carolina, Rebel influence was equally active. On the +20th of April Governor Ellis seized the Federal Branch Mint at, +Charlotte, and on the 22d the Federal Arsenal at Fayetteville. A few +days thereafter his Legislature authorized him to tender to Virginia-- +which had already joined the Confederacy--or to the Government of the +Confederate States itself, the volunteer forces of North Carolina. And, +although at the end of January the people of that State had decided at +the polls that no Secession Convention be held, yet the subservient +Legislature did not hesitate, on demand, to call one together which met +in May and ordained such Secession. + +Thus, by the end of May, 1861, the Confederacy had grown to comprise +nine instead of seven States, and the Confederate troops were +concentrating on Richmond--whither the Rebel Government was soon to +remove, from Montgomery. + +By this time also not only had the ranks of the regular Union Army been +filled and largely added to, but 42,000 additional volunteers had been +called out by President Lincoln; and the blockade of the Southern ports +(including those of Virginia and North Carolina) that had been +proclaimed by him, was, despite all obstacles, now becoming effectual +and respected. + +Washington City and its suburbs, by the influx of Union volunteers, had +during this month become a vast armed camp; the Potomac river had been +crossed and the Virginia hills (including Arlington heights) which +overlooked the Federal Capital, had been occupied and fortified by Union +troops; the young and gallant Colonel Ellsworth had been killed by a +Virginia Rebel while pulling down a Rebel flag in Alexandria; and +General Benjamin F. Butler, in command at Fortress Monroe, had by an +inspiration, solved one of the knottiest points confronting our armies, +by declaring of three Negroes who had fled from their master so as to +escape working on Rebel fortifications, that they should not be returned +to that master--under the Fugitive Slave Law, as demanded by a Rebel +officer with a flag of truce--but were confiscated "property," and would +be retained, as "contraband of war." + +It was about this time, too, that the New Orleans Picayune fell into +line with other unscrupulous Rebel sheets, by gravely declaring that: +"All the Massachusetts troops now in Washington are Negroes, with the +exception of two or three drummer boys. General Butler, in command, is +a native of Liberia. Our readers may recollect old Ben, the barber, who +kept a shop in Poydras street, and emigrated to Liberia with a small +competence. General Butler is his son." Little did the writer of that +paragraph dream how soon New Orleans would crouch at the very feet of +that same General! + +And now, while the armed hosts on either side are assembling in hostile +array, or resting on their arms, preliminary to the approaching fray of +battle, let us glance at the alleged causes underlying this great +Rebellion against the Union. + + + + + CHAPTER XI. + + THE CAUSES OF SECESSION. + +In preceding Chapters of this work, it has been briefly shown, that from +the very hour in which the Republic of the United States was born, there +have not been wanting, among its own citizens, those who hated it, and +when they could not rule, were always ready to do what they could, by +Conspiracy, Sedition, Mutiny, Nullification, Secession, or otherwise, to +weaken and destroy it. This fact, and the processes by which the +Conspirators worked, is very well stated, in his documentary "History of +the Rebellion," by Edward McPherson, when he says: "In the Slaveholding +States, a considerable body of men have always been disaffected to the +Union. They resisted the adoption of the National Constitution, then +sought to refine away the rights and powers of the General Government, +and by artful expedients, in a series of years, using the excitements +growing out of passing questions, finally perverted the sentiments of +large masses of men, and prepared them for Revolution." + +Before giving further incontestable proofs establishing this fact, and +before endeavoring to sift out the true cause or causes of Secession, +let us first examine such evidences as are submitted by him in support +of his proposition. + +The first piece of testimony, is an extract from an unpublished journal +of U. S. Senator Maclay of Pennsylvania, from March 4, 1789, to March 3, +1791--the period of the First Congress under the Federal Constitution. +It runs thus: + +"1789, June 9.--In relation to the Tariff Bill, the affair of confining +the East India Trade to the citizens of America had been negatived, and +a committee had been appointed to report on this business. The report +came in with very high duties, amounting to a prohibition. But a new +phenomenon had made its appearance in the House (meaning the Senate) +since Friday. + +"Pierce Butler, from South Carolina, had taken his seat, and flamed like +a meteor. He arraigned the whole Impost law, and then charged +(indirectly) the whole Congress with a design of oppressing South +Carolina. He cried out for encouraging the Danes and Swedes, and +foreigners of every kind, to come and take away our produce. In fact he +was for a Navigation Act reversed. + +"June 11.--Attended at the hall as usual. + +"Mr. Ralph Izard and Mr. Butler opposed the whole of the drawbacks in +every shape whatever. + +"Mr. (William) Grayson, of Virginia, warm on this subject, said we were +not ripe for such a thing. We were a new Nation, and had no business +for any such regulations--a Nation /sui generis/. + +"Mr. (Richard Henry) Lee (of Virginia) said drawbacks were right, but +would be so much abused, he could not think of admitting them. + +"Mr. (Oliver) Ellsworth (of Connecticut) said New England rum would be +exported, instead of West India, to obtain the drawback. + +"I thought it best to say a few words in reply to each. We were a new +Nation, it was true, but we were not a new People. We were composed of +individuals of like manners, habits, and customs with the European +Nations. What, therefore, had been found useful among them, came well +recommended by experience to us. Drawbacks stand as an example in this +point of view to us. If the thing was right in itself, there could be +no just argument drawn against the use of a thing from the abuse of it. +It would be the duty of Government to guard against abuses, by prudent +appointments and watchful attention to officers. That as to changing +the kind of rum, I thought the collection Bill would provide for this, +by limiting the exportation to the original casks and packages. I said +a great deal more, but really did not feel much interest either way. +But the debates were very lengthy. + +"Butler flamed away, and THREATENED A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, with +regard to his State, as sure as God was in the firmament. He scattered +his remarks over the whole Impost bill, calling it partial, oppressive, +etc., and solely calculated to oppress South Carolina, and yet ever and +anon declaring how clear of local views and how candid and dispassionate +he was. He degenerates into mere declamation. His State would live +free, or die glorious." + +The next piece of evidence is General Jackson's letter to Rev. A. J. +Crawford, as follows: + +["Private."] + +"WASHINGTON, May 1, 1833. + +"MY DEAR SIR: * * * I have had a laborious task here, but Nullification +is dead; and its actors and courtiers will only be remembered by the +People to be execrated for their wicked designs to sever and destroy the +only good Government on the globe, and that prosperity and happiness we +enjoy over every other portion of the World. Haman's gallows ought to +be the fate of all such ambitious men who would involve their Country in +Civil War, and all the evils in its train, that they might reign and +ride on its whirlwinds and direct the storm. The Free People of these +United States have spoken, and consigned these wicked demagogues to +their proper doom. Take care of your Nullifiers; you have them among +you; let them meet with the indignant frowns of every man who loves his +Country. The Tariff, it is now known, was a mere pretext--its burden +was on your coarse woolens. By the law of July, 1832, coarse woolen was +reduced to five per cent., for the benefit of the South. Mr. Clay's +Bill takes it up and classes it with woolens at fifty per cent., reduces +it gradually down to twenty per cent., and there it is to remain, and +Mr. Calhoun and all the Nullifiers agree to the principle. The cash +duties and home valuation will be equal to fifteen per cent. more, and +after the year 1842, you pay on coarse woolens thirty-five per cent. If +this is not Protection, I cannot understand; therefore the Tariff was +only the pretext, and Disunion and a Southern Confederacy the real +object. The next pretext will be the Negro or Slavery question. + +"My health is not good, but is improving a little. Present me kindly to +your lady and family, and believe me to be your friend. I will always +be happy to hear from you. + "ANDREW JACKSON." + + +Another evidence is given in the following extract from Benton's "Thirty +Years in the Senate," vol. ii., as follows: + +"The regular inauguration of this Slavery agitation dates from the year +1835; but it had commenced two years before, and in this way: +Nullification and Disunion had commenced in 1830, upon complaint against +Protective Tariff. That, being put down in 1833 under President +Jackson's proclamation and energetic measures, was immediately +substituted by the Slavery agitation. Mr. Calhoun, when he went home +from Congress in the spring of that year, told his friends that 'the +South could never be united against the North on the Tariff question-- +that the sugar interest of Louisiana would keep her out--and that the +basis of Southern Union must be shifted to the Slave question.' Then +all the papers in his interest, and especially the one at Washington, +published by Mr. Duff Green, dropped Tariff agitation, and commenced +upon Slavery, and in two years had the agitation ripe for inauguration, +on the Slavery question. And in tracing this agitation to its present +stage, and to comprehend its rationale, it is not to be forgotten that +it is a mere continuation of old Tariff Disunion, and preferred because +more available." + +Again, from p. 490 of his private correspondence, Mr. Clay's words to an +Alabamian, in 1844, are thus given: + +"From the developments now being made in South Carolina, it is perfectly +manifest that a Party exists in that State seeking a Dissolution of the +Union, and for that purpose employ the pretext of the rejection of Mr. +Tyler's abominable treaty. South Carolina, being surrounded by Slave +States, would, in the event of a Dissolution of the Union, suffer only +comparative evils; but it is otherwise with Kentucky. She has the +boundary of the Ohio extending four hundred miles on three Free States. +What would our condition be in the event of the greatest calamity that +could befall this Nation?" + +Allusion is also made to a letter written by Representative Nathan +Appleton, of Boston, December 15, 1860, in which that gentleman said +that when he was in Congress--in 1832-33--he had "made up his mind that +Messrs. Calhoun, Hayne, McDuffie, etc., were desirous of a separation of +the Slave States into a separate Confederacy, as more favorable to the +security of Slave Property." + +After mentioning that "About 1835, some South Carolinians attempted a +Disunion demonstration," our authority says: It is thus described by ex- +Governor Francis Thomas of Maryland, in his speech in Baltimore, October +29, 1861: + +"Full twenty years ago, when occupying my seat in the House of +Representatives, I was surprised one morning, after the assembling of +the House, to observe that all the members from the Slaveholding States +were absent. Whilst reflecting on this strange occurrence, I was asked +why I was not in attendance on the Southern Caucus assembled in the room +of the Committee on Claims. I replied that I had received no +invitation. + +"I then proposed to go to the Committee-room to see what was being done. +When I entered, I found that little cock-sparrow, Governor Pickens, of +South Carolina, addressing the meeting, and strutting about like a +rooster around a barn-yard coop, discussing the following resolution: + +"' Resolved, That no member of Congress, representing a Southern +constituency, shall again take his seat until a resolution is passed +satisfactory to the South on the subject of Slavery.' + +"I listened to his language, and when he had finished, I obtained the +floor, asking to be permitted to take part in the discussion. I +determined at once to kill the Treasonable plot hatched by John C. +Calhoun, the Catiline of America, by asking questions. I said to Mr. +Pickens, 'What next do you propose we shall do? are we to tell the +People that Republicanism is a failure? If you are for that, I am not. +I came here to sustain and uphold American institutions; to defend the +rights of the North as well as the South; to secure harmony and good +fellowship between all Sections of our common Country.' They dared not +answer these questions. The Southern temper had not then been gotten +up. As my questions were not answered, I moved an adjournment of the +Caucus /sine die/. Mr. Craig, of Virginia, seconded the motion, and the +company was broken up. We returned to the House, and Mr. Ingersoll, of +Pennsylvania, a glorious patriot then as now, introduced a resolution +which temporarily calmed the excitement." + +The remarks upon this statement, made November 4, 1861, by the National +Intelligencer, were as follows: + +"However busy Mr. Pickens may have been in the Caucus after it met, the +most active man in getting it up and pressing the Southern members to go +into it, was Mr. R. B. Rhett, also a member from South Carolina. The +occasion, or alleged cause of this withdrawal from the House into secret +deliberation was an anti-Slavery speech of Mr. Slade, of Vermont, which +Mr. Rhett violently denounced, and proposed to the Southern members to +leave the House and go into Conclave in one of the Committee-rooms, +which they generally did, if not all of them. We are able to state, +however, what may not have been known to Governor Thomas, that at least +three besides himself, of those who did attend it, went there with a +purpose very different from an intention to consent to any Treasonable +measure. These three men were Henry A. Wise, Balie Peyton, and William +Cost Johnson. Neither of them opened his lips in the Caucus; they went +to observe; and we can assure Governor Thomas, that if Mr. Pickens or +Mr. Calhoun, (whom he names) or any one else had presented a distinct +proposition looking to Disunion, or Revolt, or Secession, he would have +witnessed a scene not soon to be forgotten. The three whom we have +mentioned were as brave as they were determined. Fortunately, perhaps, +the man whom they went particularly to watch, remained silent and +passive." + +Let us, however, pursue the inquiry a little further. On the 14th of +November, 1860, Alexander H. Stephens addressed the Legislature of +Georgia, and in a portion of that address--replying to a speech made +before the same Body the previous evening by Mr. Toombs, in which the +latter had "recounted the evils of this Government"--said: + +"The first [of these evils] was the Fishing Bounties, paid mostly to the +sailors of New England. Our friend stated that forty-eight years of our +Government was under the administration of Southern Presidents. Well, +these Fishing Bounties began under the rule of a Southern President, I +believe. No one of them, during the whole forty-eight years, ever set +his Administration against the principle or policy of them. * * * + +"The next evil which my friend complained of, was the Tariff. Well, let +us look at that for a moment. About the time I commenced noticing +public matters, this question was agitating the Country almost as +fearfully as the Slave question now is. In 1832, when I was in college, +South Carolina was ready to Nullify or Secede from the Union on this +account. And what have we seen? The Tariff no longer distracts the +public counsels. Reason has triumphed! The present Tariff was voted +for by Massachusetts and South Carolina. The lion and the lamb lay down +together--every man in the Senate and House from Massachusetts and South +Carolina, I think, voted for it, as did my honorable friend himself. +And if it be true, to use the figure of speech of my honorable friend, +that every man in the North that works in iron, and brass and wood, has +his muscle strengthened by the protection of the Government, that +stimulant was given by his vote and I believe (that of) every other +Southern man. + +"Mr. TOOMBS--The Tariff lessened the duties. + +"Mr. STEPHENS--Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity voted with the +South to lessen them, and they were made just as low as Southern men +asked them to be, and that is the rate they are now at. If reason and +argument, with experience, produced such changes in the sentiments of +Massachusetts from 1832 to 1857, on the subject of the Tariff, may not +like changes be effected there by the same means--reason and argument, +and appeals to patriotism on the present vexed question? And who can +say that by 1875 or 1890, Massachusetts may not vote with South Carolina +and Georgia upon all those questions that now distract the Country and +threaten its peace and existence. + +"Another matter of grievance alluded to by my honorable friend was the +Navigation Laws. This policy was also commenced under the +Administration of one of these Southern Presidents who ruled so well, +and has been continued through all of them since. * * * One of the +objects (of these) was to build up a commercial American marine by +giving American bottoms the exclusive Carrying Trade between our own +ports. This is a great arm of national power. This object was +accomplished. We have now an amount of shipping, not only coastwise, +but to foreign countries, which puts us in the front rank of the Nations +of the World. England can no longer be styled the Mistress of the Seas. +What American is not proud of the result? Whether those laws should be +continued is another question. But one thing is certain; no President, +Northern or Southern, has ever yet recommended their repeal. * * * + +"These then were the true main grievances or grounds of complaint +against the general system of our Government and its workings--I mean +the administration of the Federal Government. As to the acts of the +federal States I shall speak presently: but these three were the main +ones used against the common head. Now, suppose it be admitted that all +of these are evils in the system; do they overbalance and outweigh the +advantages and great good which this same Government affords in a +thousand innumerable ways that cannot be estimated? Have we not at the +South, as well as the North, grown great, prosperous, and happy under +its operations? Has any part of the World ever shown such rapid +progress in the development of wealth, and all the material resources of +national power and greatness, as the Southern States have under the +General Government, notwithstanding all its defects? + +"Mr. TOOMBS--In spite of it. + +"Mr. STEPHENS--My honorable friend says we have, in spite of the General +Government; that without it, I suppose he thinks, we might have done as +well, or perhaps better, than we have done in spite of it. * * * +Whether we of the South would have been better off without the +Government, is, to say the least, problematical. On the one side we can +only put the fact, against speculation and conjecture on the other. * * +* The influence of the Government on us is like that of the atmosphere +around us. Its benefits are so silent and unseen that they are seldom +thought of or appreciated. + +"We seldom think of the single element of oxygen in the air we breathe, +and yet let this simple, unseen and unfelt agent be withdrawn, this +life-giving element be taken away from this all-pervading fluid around +us, and what instant and appalling changes would take place in all +organic creation. + +"It may be that we are all that we are 'in spite of the General +Government,' but it may be that without it we should have been far +different from what we are now. It is true that there is no equal part +of the Earth with natural resources superior perhaps to ours. That +portion of this Country known as the Southern States, stretching from +the Chesapeake to the Rio Grande, is fully equal to the picture drawn by +the honorable and eloquent Senator last night, in all natural +capacities. But how many ages and centuries passed before these +capacities were developed to reach this advanced age of civilization. +There these same hills, rich in ore, same rivers, same valleys and +plains, are as they have been since they came from the hand of the +Creator; uneducated and uncivilized man roamed over them for how long no +history informs us. + +"It was only under our institutions that they could be developed. Their +development is the result of the enterprise of our people, under +operations of the Government and institutions under which we have lived. +Even our people, without these, never would have done it. The +organization of society has much to do with the development of the +natural resources of any Country or any Land. The institutions of a +People, political and moral, are the matrix in which the germ of their +organic structure quickens into life--takes root, and develops in form, +nature, and character. Our institutions constitute the basis, the +matrix, from which spring all our characteristics of development and +greatness. Look at Greece. There is the same fertile soil, the same +blue sky, the same inlets and harbors, the same AEgean, the same +Olympus; there is the same land where Homer sung, where Pericles spoke; +it is in nature the same old Greece--but it is living Greece no more. + +"Descendants of the same people inhabit the country; yet what is the +reason of this vast difference? In the midst of present degradation we +see the glorious fragments of ancient works of art-temples, with +ornaments and inscriptions that excite wonder and admiration--the +remains of a once high order of civilization, which have outlived the +language they spoke--upon them all, Ichabod is written--their glory has +departed. Why is this so? I answer, their institutions have been +destroyed. These were but the fruits of their forms of government, the +matrix from which their great development sprang; and when once the +institutions of a People have been destroyed, there is no earthly power +that can bring back the Promethean spark to kindle them here again, any +more than in that ancient land of eloquence, poetry and song. + +"The same may be said of Italy. Where is Rome, once the mistress of the +World? There are the same seven hills now, the same soil, the same +natural resources; the nature is the same, but what a ruin of human +greatness meets the eye of the traveler throughout the length and +breadth of that most down-trodden land! why have not the People of that +Heaven-favored clime, the spirit that animated their fathers? Why this +sad difference? + +"It is the destruction of their institutions that has caused it; and, my +countrymen, if we shall in an evil hour rashly pull down and destroy +those institutions which the patriotic hand of our fathers labored so +long and so hard to build up, and which have done so much for us and the +World, who can venture the prediction that similar results will not +ensue? Let us avoid it if we can. I trust the spirit is among us that +will enable us to do it. Let us not rashly try the experiment, for, if +it fails, as it did in Greece and Italy, and in the South American +Republics, and in every other place wherever liberty is once destroyed, +it may never be restored to us again. + +"There are defects in our government, errors in administration, and +short-comings of many kinds; but in spite of these defects and errors, +Georgia has grown to be a great State. Let us pause here a moment. + +"When I look around and see our prosperity in everything, agriculture, +commerce, art, science, and every department of education, physical and +mental, as well as moral advancement--and our colleges--I think, in the +face of such an exhibition, if we can, without the loss of power, or any +essential right or interest, remain in the Union, it is our duty to +ourselves and to posterity--let us not too readily yield to this +temptation--to do so. Our first parents, the great progenitors of the +human race, were not without a like temptation, when in the Garden of +Eden. They were led to believe that their condition would be bettered-- +that their eyes would be opened--and that they would become as gods. +They in an evil hour yielded--instead of becoming gods they only saw +their own nakedness. + +"I look upon this Country, with our institutions, as the Eden of the +World, the Paradise of the Universe. It may be that out of it we may +become greater and more prosperous, but I am candid and sincere in +telling you that I fear if we rashly evince passion, and without +sufficient cause shall take that step, that instead of becoming greater +or more peaceful, prosperous, and happy--instead of becoming gods, we +will become demons, and at no distant day commence cutting one another's +throats. This is my apprehension. + +"Let us, therefore, whatever we do, meet those difficulties, great as +they are, like wise and sensible men, and consider them in the light of +all the consequences which may attend our action. Let us see first +clearly where the path of duty leads, and then we may not fear to tread +therein." + + +Said Senator Wigfall, of Texas, March 4, 1861, in the United States +Senate, only a few hours before Mr. Lincoln's Inauguration: + +"I desire to pour oil on the waters, to produce harmony, peace and quiet +here. It is early in the morning, and I hope I shall not say anything +that may be construed as offensive. I rise merely that we may have an +understanding of this question. + +"It is not Slavery in the Territories, it is not expansion, which is the +difficulty. If the resolution which the Senator from Wisconsin +introduced here, denying the right of Secession, had been adopted by +two-thirds of each branch of this department of the Government, and had +been ratified by three-fourths of the States, I have no hesitation in +saying that, so far as the State in which I live and to which I owe my +allegiance is concerned, if she had no other cause for a disruption of +the Union taking place, she would undoubtedly have gone out. + + [To insert as an additional article of amendment to the + Constitution, the following: "Under this Constitution, as + originally adopted, and as it now exists, no State has power to + withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United States: but this + Constitution, and all laws passed in pursuance of its delegated + powers, are the Supreme Law of the Land, anything contained in any + constitution, ordinance, or act of any State, to the contrary + notwithstanding."] + +"The moment you deny the right of self-government to the free White men +of the South, they will leave the Government. They believe in the +Declaration of Independence. They believe that: + +"'Governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from +the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government +becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the People to +alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new Government, laying its +foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as +to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.' + +"That principle of the Declaration of Independence is the one upon which +the free White men of the South predicated their devotion to the present +Constitution of the United States; and it was the denial of that, as +much as anything else, that has created the dissatisfaction in that +Section of the Country. + +"There is no instrument of writing that has ever been written that has +been more misapprehended and misunderstood and misrepresented than this +same unfortunate Declaration of Independence, and no set of gentlemen +have ever been so slandered as the fathers who drew and signed that +Declaration. + +"If there was a thing on earth that they did not intend to assert, it +was that a Negro was a White man. As I said here, a short time ago, one +of the greatest charges they made against the British Government was, +that old King George was attempting to establish the fact practically +that all men were created Free and Equal. They charged him in the +Declaration of Independence with inciting their Slaves to insurrection. +That is one of the grounds upon which they threw off their allegiance to +the British Parliament. + +"Another great misapprehension is, that the men who drafted that +Declaration of Independence had any peculiar fancy for one form of +government rather than another. They were not fighting to establish a +Democracy in this country; they were not fighting to establish a +Republican form of government in this Country. Nothing was further from +their intention. + +"Alexander Hamilton, after he had fought for seven years, declared that +the British form of government was the best that the ingenuity of man +had ever devised; and when John Adams said to him, 'without its +corruptions;' 'Why,' said he, 'its corruptions are its greatest +excellence; without the corruptions, it would be nothing.' + +"In the Declaration of Independence, they speak of George III., after +this fashion. They say: + +"'A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define +a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free People.' + +"Now, I ask any plain common-sense man what was the meaning of that? +Was it that they were opposed to a Monarchical form of government? Was +it that they believed a Monarchical form of government was incompatible +with civil liberty? No, sir; they entertained no such absurd idea. +None of them entertained it; but they say that George III, was a prince +whose character was 'marked by every act which may define a tyrant' and +that therefore he was 'unfit to be the ruler of a free People.' Had his +character not been so marked by every quality which would define a +tyrant, he might have been the fit ruler of a free People; ergo, a +monarchical form of Government was not incompatible with civil liberty. + +"That was clearly the opinion of those men. I do not advocate it now; +for I have said frequently that we are wiser than our fathers, and our +children will be wiser than we are. One hundred years hence, men will +understand their own affairs much better than we do. We understand our +affairs better than those who preceded us one hundred years. But what I +assert is, that the men of the Revolution did not believe that a +Monarchical form of Government was incompatible with civil liberty. + +"What I assert is, that when they spoke of 'all men being created +equal,' they were speaking of the White men who then had unsheathed +their swords--for what purpose? To establish the right of self- +government in themselves; and when they had achieved that, they +established, not Democracies, but Republican forms of Government in the +thirteen sovereign, separate and independent Colonies. Yet the +Declaration of Independence is constantly quoted to prove Negro +equality. It proves no such thing; it was intended to prove no such +thing. + +"The 'glittering generalities' which a distinguished former Senator from +Massachusetts (Mr. Choate) spoke of, as contained in the Declaration of +Independence, one of them at least, about all men being created equal-- +was not original with Mr. Jefferson. I recollect seeing a pamphlet +called the Principles of the Whigs and Jacobites, published about the +year 1745, when the last of the Stuarts, called 'the Pretender,' was +striking a blow that was fatal to himself, but a blow for his crown, in +which pamphlet the very phraseology is used, word for word and letter +for letter. I have not got it here to-night. I sent the other day to +the Library to try and find it, but could not find it; it was burnt, I +believe, with the pamphlets that were burnt some time ago. + +"That Mr. Jefferson copied it or plagiarized it, is not true, I suppose, +any more than the charge that the distinguished Senator from New York +plagiarized from the Federalist in preparing his celebrated compromising +speech which was made here a short time ago. It was the cant phrase of +the day in 1745, which was only about thirty years previous to the +Declaration of Independence. This particular pamphlet, which I have +read, was published; others were published at the same time. That sort +of phraseology was used. + +"There was a war of classes in England; there were men who were +contending for legitimacy; who were contending for the right of the +Crown being inherent and depending on the will of God, 'the divine right +of Kings,' for maintaining an hereditary landed-aristocracy; there was +another Party who were contending against this doctrine of legitimacy, +and the right of primogeniture. These were called the Whigs; they +established this general phraseology in denouncing the divine right and +the doctrine of legitimacy, and it became the common phraseology of the +Country; so that in the obscure county of Mecklenburg, in North +Carolina, a declaration containing the same assertions was found as in +this celebrated Declaration of Independence, written by the immortal +Jefferson. + +"Which of us, I ask, is there upon this floor who has not read and re- +read whatever was written within the last twenty-five or thirty years by +the distinguished men of this country? But enough of that. + +"As I said before, there ought not have been, and there did not +necessarily result from our form of Government, any irrepressible +conflict between the Slaveholding and the non-Slaveholding States. +Nothing of the sort was necessary. + +"Strike out a single clause in the Constitution of the United States, +that which secures to each State a Republican form of Government, and +there is no reason why, under precisely such a Constitution as we have, +States that are Monarchical and States that are Republican, could not +live in peace and quiet. They confederate together for common defense +and general welfare, each State regulating its domestic concerns in its +own way; those which preferred a Republican form of Government +maintaining it, and those which preferred a Monarchical form of +Government maintaining it. + +"But how long could small States, with different forms of Government, +live together, confederated for common defense and general welfare, if +the people of one Section were to come to the conclusion that their +institutions were better than those of the other, and thereupon +straightway set about subverting the institutions of the other?" + + +In the reply of the Rebel "Commissioners of the Southern Confederacy" +to Mr. Seward, April 9, 1861, they speak of our Government as being +"persistently wedded to those fatal theories of construction of the +Federal Constitution always rejected by the statesmen of the South, and +adhered to by those of the Administration school, until they have +produced their natural and often-predicted result of the destruction of +the Union, under which we might have continued to live happily and +gloriously together, had the spirit of the ancestry who framed the +common Constitution animated the hearts of all their sons." + +In the "Address of the people of South Carolina, assembled in +Convention, to the people of the Slaveholding States of the United +States," by which the attempt was made to justify the passage of the +South Carolina Secession Ordinance of 1860, it is declared that: + +"Discontent and contention have moved in the bosom of the Confederacy, +for the last thirty-five years. During this time South Carolina has +twice called her people together in solemn Convention, to take into +consideration, the aggressions and unconstitutional wrongs, perpetrated +by the people of the North on the people of the South. These wrongs +were submitted to by the people of the South, under the hope and +expectation that they would be final. But such hope and expectation +have proved to be vain. Instead of producing forbearance, our +acquiescence has only instigated to new forms of aggressions and +outrage; and South Carolina, having again assembled her people in +Convention, has this day dissolved her connection with the States +constituting the United States. + +"The one great evil from which all other evils have flowed, is the +overthrow of the Constitution of the United States. The Government of +the United States, is no longer the Government of Confederated +Republics, but of a consolidated Democracy. It is no longer a free +Government, but a Despotism. It is, in fact, such a Government as Great +Britain attempted to set over our Fathers; and which was resisted and +defeated by a seven years struggle for Independence. + +"The Revolution of 1776, turned upon one great principle, self- +government,--and self-taxation, the criterion of self-government. + +"The Southern States now stand exactly in the same position towards the +Northern States, that the Colonies did towards Great Britain. The +Northern States, having the majority in Congress, claim the same power +of omnipotence in legislation as the British Parliament. 'The General +Welfare' is the only limit to the legislation of either; and the +majority in Congress, as in the British Parliament, are the sole judges +of the expediency of the legislation this 'General Welfare' requires. +Thus the Government of the United States has become a consolidated +Government; and the people of the Southern States are compelled to meet +the very despotism their fathers threw off in the Revolution of 1776. + +"The consolidation of the Government of Great Britain over the Colonies, +was attempted to be carried out by the taxes. The British Parliament +undertook to tax the Colonies to promote British interests. Our fathers +resisted this pretension. They claimed the right of self-taxation +through their Colonial Legislatures. They were not represented in the +British Parliament, and, therefore, could not rightly be taxed by its +legislation. The British Government, however, offered them a +representation in Parliament; but it was not sufficient to enable them +to protect themselves from the majority, and they refused the offer. +Between taxation without any representation, and taxation without a +representation adequate to protection, there was no difference. In +neither case would the Colonies tax themselves. Hence, they refused to +pay the taxes laid by the British Parliament. + +"And so with the Southern States, towards the Northern States, in the +vital matter of taxation. They are in a minority in Congress. Their +representation in Congress is useless to protect them against unjust +taxation; and they are taxed by the people of the North for their +benefit, exactly as the people of Great Britain taxed our ancestors in +the British Parliament for their benefit. For the last forty years, the +taxes laid by the Congress of the United States have been laid with a +view of subserving the interests of the North. The people of the South +have been taxed by duties on imports, not for revenue, but for an object +inconsistent with revenue--to promote, by prohibitions, Northern +interests in the productions of their mines and manufactures. + +"There is another evil, in the condition of the Southern towards the +Northern States, which our ancestors refused to bear towards Great +Britain. Our ancestors not only taxed themselves, but all the taxes +collected from them were expended amongst them. Had they submitted to +the pretensions of the British Government, the taxes collected from +them, would have been expended in other parts of the British Empire. +They were fully aware of the effect of such a policy in impoverishing +the people from whom taxes are collected, and in enriching those who +receive the benefit of their expenditure. + +"To prevent the evils of such a policy, was one of the motives which +drove them on to Revolution, yet this British policy has been fully +realized towards the Southern States, by the Northern States. The +people of the Southern States are not only taxed for the benefit of the +Northern States, but after the taxes are collected, three fourths of +them are expended at the North. This cause, with others, connected with +the operation of the General Government, has made the cities of the +South provincial. Their growth is paralyzed; they are mere suburbs of +Northern cities. The agricultural productions of the South are the +basis of the foreign commerce of the United States; yet Southern cities +do not carry it on. Our foreign trade is almost annihilated. * * * + +"No man can for a moment believe, that our ancestors intended to +establish over their posterity, exactly the same sort of Government they +had overthrown. * * * Yet by gradual and steady encroachments on the +part of the people of the North, and acquiescence on the part of the +South, the limitations in the Constitution have been swept away; and the +Government of the United States has become consolidated, with a claim of +limitless powers in its operations. * * * + +"A majority in Congress, according to their interested and perverted +views, is omnipotent. * * * Numbers with them, is the great element of +free Government. A majority is infallible and omnipotent. 'The right +divine to rule in Kings,' is only transferred to their majority. The +very object of all Constitutions, in free popular Government, is to +restrain the majority. Constitutions, therefore, according to their +theory, must be most unrighteous inventions, restricting liberty. None +ought to exist; but the body politic ought simply to have a political +organization, to bring out and enforce the will of the majority. This +theory is a remorseless despotism. In resisting it, as applicable to +ourselves, we are vindicating the great cause of free Government, more +important, perhaps, to the World, than the existence of all the United +States." + + +In his Special Message to the Confederate Congress at Montgomery, April +29, 1861, Mr. Jefferson Davis said: + +"From a period as early as 1798, there had existed in all the States a +Party, almost uninterruptedly in the majority, based upon the creed that +each State was, in the last resort, the sole judge, as well of its +wrongs as of the mode and measure of redress. * * * The Democratic +Party of the United States repeated, in its successful canvas of 1836, +the declaration, made in numerous previous political contests, that it +would faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the +Kentucky and Virginia Legislatures of [1798 and] 1799, and that it +adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of +its political creed." + +In a letter addressed by the Rebel Commissioners in London (Yancey, Rost +and Mann), August 14, 1861, to Lord John Russell, Secretary of Foreign +Affairs, it appears that they said: "It was from no fear that the Slaves +would be liberated, that Secession took place. The very Party in power +has proposed to guarantee Slavery forever in the States, if the South +would but remain in the Union." On the 4th of May preceding, Lord John +had received these Commissioners at his house; and in a letter of May +11, 1861, wrote, from the Foreign Office, to Lord Lyons, the British +Minister at Washington, a letter, in which, alluding to his informal +communication with them, he said: "One of these gentlemen, speaking for +the others, dilated on the causes which had induced the Southern States +to Secede from the Northern. The principal of these causes, he said, +was not Slavery, but the very high price which, for the sake of +Protecting the Northern manufacturers, the South were obliged to pay for +the manufactured goods which they required. One of the first acts of +the Southern Congress was to reduce these duties, and to prove their +sincerity he gave as an instance that Louisiana had given up altogether +that Protection on her sugar which she enjoyed by the legislation of the +United States. As a proof of the riches of the South. He stated that +of $350,000,000 of exports of produce to foreign countries $270,000,000 +were furnished by the Southern States." * * * They pointed to the new +Tariff of the United States as a proof that British manufactures would +be nearly excluded from the North, and freely admitted in the South. + + +This may be as good a place as any other to say a few words touching +another alleged "cause" of Secession. During the exciting period just +prior to the breaking out of the great War of the Rebellion, the Slave- +holding and Secession-nursing States of the South, made a terrible +hubbub over the Personal Liberty Bills of the Northern States. And when +Secession came, many people of the North supposed these Bills to be the +prime, if not the only real cause of it. Not so. They constituted, as +we now know, only a part of the mere pretext. But, none the less, they +constituted a portion of the history of that eventful time, and cannot +be altogether ignored. + +In order then, that the reader may quickly grasp, not only the general +nature, but also the most important details of the Personal Liberty +Bills (in force, in 1860, in many of the Free States) so frequently +alluded to in the Debates of Congress, in speeches on the stump, and in +the fulminations of Seceding States and their authorized agents, +commissioners, and representatives, it may be well now, briefly to refer +to them, and to state that no such laws existed in California, Illinois, +Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota, New York, Ohio and Oregon. + +Those of Maine provided that no officer of the State should in any way +assist in the arrest or detention of a Fugitive Slave, and made it the +duty of county attorneys to defend the Fugitive Slave against the claim +of his master. A Bill to repeal these laws passed the Maine Senate, but +failed in the House. + +That of Massachusetts provided for commissioners in each county to +defend alleged Fugitives from Service or Labor; for payment by the +Commonwealth of all expenses of defense; prohibited the issue or service +of process by State officers for arrest of alleged Fugitives, or the use +of any prisons in the State for their detention, or that of any person +aiding their escape; prohibited the kidnapping or removal of alleged +Fugitive Slaves by any person; prohibited all officers within the State, +down to Town officers, from arresting, imprisoning, detaining or +returning to Service "any Person for the reason that he is claimed or +adjudged to be a Fugitive from Service or Labor"--all such prohibitions +being enforced by heavy fines and imprisonment. The Act of March 25, +1861, materially modified and softened the above provisions. + +New Hampshire's law, provided that all Slaves entering the State with +consent of the master shall be Free, and made the attempt to hold any +person as a Slave within the State a felony. + +Vermont's, prescribed that no process under the Fugitive Slave Law +should be recognized by any of her Courts, officers, or citizens; nor +any aid given in arresting or removing from the State any Person claimed +as a Fugitive Slave; provided counsel for alleged Fugitives; for the +issue of habeas corpus and trial by jury of issues of fact between the +parties; ordained Freedom to all within the State who may have been held +as Slaves before coming into it, and prescribed heavy penalties for any +attempt to return any such to Slavery. A bill to repeal these laws, +proposed November, 1860, in the Vermont House of Representatives, was +beaten by two to one. + +Connecticut's, provided that there must be two witnesses to prove that a +Person is a Slave; that depositions are not evidence; that false +testifying in Fugitive Slave cases shall be punishable by fine of $5,000 +and five years in State prison. + +In New Jersey, the only laws touching the subject, permitted persons +temporarily sojourning in the State to bring and hold their Slaves, and +made it the duty of all State officers to aid in the recovery of +Fugitives from Service. + +In Pennsylvania, barring an old dead-letter Statute, they simply +prohibited any interference by any of the Courts, Aldermen, or Justices +of the Peace, of the Commonwealth, with the functions of the +Commissioner appointed under the United States Statute in Fugitive Slave +cases. + +In Michigan, the law required States' attorneys to defend Fugitive +Slaves; prescribed the privileges of habeas corpus and jury trial for +all such arrested; prohibited the use of prisons of the State for their +detention; required evidence of two credible witnesses as to identity; +and provided heavy penalties of fine and imprisonment for the seizure of +any Free Person, with intent to have such Person held in Slavery. A +Bill to repeal the Michigan law was defeated in the House by about two +to one. + +Wisconsin's Personal Liberty law was similar to that of Michigan, but +with this addition, that no judgment recovered against any person in +that State for violating the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 should be +enforced by sale or execution of any real or personal property in that +State. + +That of Rhode Island, forbade the carrying away of any Person by force +out of the State; forbade the official aiding in the arrest or detention +of a Fugitive Slave; and denied her jails to the United States for any +such detention. + +Apropos of this subject, and before leaving it, it may be well to quote +remarks of Mr. Simons of Rhode Island, in the United States Senate. +Said he: "Complaint has been made of Personal Liberty Bills. Now, the +Massachusetts Personal Liberty Bill was passed by a Democratic House, a +Democratic Senate, and signed by a Democratic Governor, a man who was +afterwards nominated by Mr. Polk for the very best office in New +England, and was unanimously confirmed by a Democratic United States +Senate. Further than this, the very first time the attention of the +Massachusetts Legislature was called to the propriety of a repeal of +this law was by a Republican Governor. Now, on the other hand, South +Carolina had repealed a law imprisoning British colored sailors, but +retained the one imprisoning those coming from States inhabited by her +own brethren!" + +These Personal Liberty Bills were undoubtedly largely responsible for +some of the irritation on the Slavery question preceding open +hostilities between the Sections. But President Lincoln sounded the +real depths of the Rebellion when he declared it to be a War upon the +rights of the People. In his First Annual Message, December 3, 1861, he +said: + +"It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a War upon the first principle of popular government--the +rights of the People. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most +grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the +general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the +abridgment of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the +People of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, +except the legislative, boldly advocated, with labored arguments to +prove that large control of the People in government is the source of +all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a +possible refuge from the power of the People. + +"In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. + +"It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general argument should be +made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its +connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask brief +attention. It is the effort to place Capital on an equal footing with, +if not above Labor, in the structure of the Government. + +"It is assumed that Labor is available only in connection with Capital; +that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning Capital, somehow by the +use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next considered +whether it is best that Capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce +them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and drive them to it +without their consent. Having proceeded so far, it is naturally +concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers, or what we call +Slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer +is fixed in that condition for life. + +"Now, there is no such relation between Capital and Labor as assumed; +nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life, in the +condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all +inferences from them are groundless. + +"Labor is prior to, and independent of Capital. Capital is only the +fruit of Labor, and could never have existed if Labor had not first +existed. Labor is the superior of Capital, and deserves much the higher +consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of +protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and +probably always will be, a relation between Labor and Capital, producing +mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole Labor of the +community exists within that relation. + +"A few men own Capital, and that few, avoid labor themselves, and with +their Capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large +majority belong to neither class--neither work for others, nor have +others working for them. + +"In most of the Southern States, a majority of the whole people of all +colors are neither Slaves nor masters; while in the Northern, a large +majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families--wives, +sons, and daughters--work for themselves, on their farms, in their +houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and +asking no favors of Capital on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or +Slaves on the other. + +"It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their +own Labor with Capital--that is they labor with their own hands, and +also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed, and +not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence +of this mixed class. + +"Again, as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such +thing as the free hired-laborer being fixed to that condition for life. +Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in +their lives, were hired laborers. + +"The prudent, penniless beginner in the World, labors for wages awhile, +saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors +on his own account another while, and at length hires another new +beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous +system, which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent +energy and progress, and improvement of condition to all. + +"No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from +poverty--none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not +honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power +which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be +used to close the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix +new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of Liberty shall be +lost. * * * The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day-it is +a vast future also. * * * " + + +So too, Andrew Johnson, in his speech before the Senate, January 31, +1862, spake well and truly when he said that "there has been a +deliberate design for years to change the nature and character and +genius of this Government." And he added: "Do we not know that these +schemers have been deliberately at work, and that there is a Party in +the South, with some associates in the North, and even in the West, that +have become tired of Free Government, in which they have lost +confidence." + +Said he: "They raise an outcry against 'Coercion,' that they may +paralyze the Government, cripple the exercise of the great powers with +which it was invested, finally to change its form and subject us to a +Southern despotism. Do we not know it to be so? Why disguise this +great truth? Do we not know that they have been anxious for a change of +Government for years? Since this Rebellion commenced it has manifested +itself in many quarters. + +"How long is it since the organ of the Government at Richmond, the +Richmond Whig, declared that rather than live under the Government of +the United States, they preferred to take the Constitutional Queen of +Great Britain as their protector; that they would make an alliance with +Great Britain for the purpose of preventing the enforcement of the Laws +of the United States. Do we not know this?" + + +Stephen A. Douglas also, in his great Union speech at Chicago, May 1, +1861--only a few days before his lamented death-said: + +"The election of Mr. Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present Secession +movement is the result of an enormous Conspiracy formed more than a year +since formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve +months ago. They use the Slavery question as a means to aid the +accomplishment of their ends. They desired the election of a Northern +candidate by a Sectional vote, in order to show that the two Sections +cannot live together. + +"When the history of the two years from the Lecompton question down to +the Presidential election shall be written, it will be shown that the +scheme was deliberately made to break up this Union. + +"They desired a Northern Republican to be elected by a purely Northern +vote, and then assign this fact as a reason why the Sections cannot live +together. If the Disunion candidate--(Breckinridge) in the late +Presidential contest had carried the united South, their scheme was, the +Northern candidate successful, to seize the Capital last Spring, and by +a united South and divided North, hold it. + +"Their scheme was defeated, in the defeat of the Disunion candidates in +several of the Southern States. + +"But this is no time for a detail of causes. The Conspiracy is now +known; Armies have been raised. War is levied to accomplish it. There +are only two sides to the question. + +"Every man must be for the United States, or against it. There can be +no Neutrals in this War; only Patriots or Traitors! [Cheer after +Cheer]." + + +In a speech made in the United States Senate, January 31, 1862, Senator +McDougall of California--conceded to be intellectually the peer of any +man in that Body--said: + +"We are at War. How long have we been at War? We have been engaged in +a war of opinion, according to my historical recollection, since 1838. +There has been a Systematic organized war against the Institutions +established by our fathers, since 1832. This is known of all men who +have read carefully the history of our Country. If I had the leisure, +or had consulted the authorities, I would give it year by year, and date +by date, from that time until the present, how men adversary to our +Republican Institutions have been organizing War against us, because +they did not approve of our Republican Institutions. + +"Before the Mexican War, it is well known that General Quitman, then +Governor of Mississippi, was organizing to produce the same condition of +things (and he hoped a better condition of things, for he hoped a +successful Secession), to produce this same revolution that is now +disturbing our whole Land. The War with Mexico, fighting for a Southern +proposition, for which I fought myself, made the Nation a unit until +1849; and then again they undertook an Organization to produce +Revolution. These things are history. This statement is true, and +cannot be denied among intelligent men anywhere, and cannot be denied in +this Senate. + +"The great men who sat in Council in this Hall, the great men of the +Nation, men whose equals are not, and I fear will not be for many years, +uniting their judgments, settled the controversy in 1850. They did not +settle it for the Conspirators of the South, for they were not parties +to the compact. Clay and Webster, and the great men who united with +them, had no relation with the extremes of either extreme faction. The +Compromise was made, and immediately after it had been effected, again +commenced the work of organization. I had the honor to come from my +State on the Pacific into the other branch of the Federal Congress, and +there I learned as early as 1853, that the work of Treason was as +industriously pursued as it is being pursued to-day. I saw it; I felt +it; I knew it. I went home to the shores of the Pacific instructed +somewhat on this subject. + +"Years passed by. I engaged in my duties as a simple professional man, +not connected with public affairs. The question of the last +Presidential election arose before the Country--one of those great +questions that are not appreciated, I regret from my heart, by the +American Nation, when we elect a President, a man who has more power for +his time than any enthroned Monarch in Europe. We organize a Government +and place him in front as the head and the Chief of the Government. +That question came before the American People. + +"At that time I was advised of this state of feeling--and I will state +it in as exact form of words as I can state it, that it may be +understood by Senators: Mr. Douglas is a man acceptable to the South. +Mr. Douglas is a man to whom no one has just cause of exception +throughout the South. Mr. Douglas is more acceptable to Mississippi and +Louisiana than Mr. Breckinridge. Mr. Breckinridge is not acceptable to +the South; or at least, if he is so, he is not in the same degree with +Mr. Douglas. Mr. Douglas is the accepted man of a great National Party, +and if he is brought into the field he will be triumphantly elected. +THAT MUST NOT BE DONE, because THE ORGANIZATION FOR SECESSION IS +MATURED. EVERYTHING IS PREPARED, and the election of Mr. Douglas would +only postpone it for four years; and Now when we are PREPARED to carry +out these things WE MUST INDULGE IN STRATAGEM, and the nomination of Mr. +Breckinridge is a mere strategic movement to divide the great +conservative Party of the Nation into two, so as to elect a Republican +candidate AND CONSOLIDATE THE SOUTH BY THE CRY OF 'ABOLITIONIST!' + +"That is a mere simple statement of the truth, and it cannot be +contradicted. Now, in that scheme all the men of counsel of that Party +were engaged. * * * I, on the far shores of the Pacific understood +those things as long ago as a year last September (1860). I was advised +about this policy and well informed of it. * * * + +"I was at war, in California, in January (1861) last; in the maintenance +of the opinions that I am now maintaining, I had to go armed to protect +myself from violence. The country, whenever there was controversy, was +agitated to its deepest foundations. That is known, perhaps, not to +gentlemen who live up in Maine or Massachusetts, or where you are +foreign to all this agitation; but known to all people where disturbance +might have been effective in consequences. I felt it, and had to carry +my life in my hand by the month, as did my friends surrounding me. + +"I say that all through last winter (that of 1860-61) War had been +inaugurated in all those parts of the Country where disturbed elements +could have efficient result. In January (1861), a year ago, I stood in +the hall of the House of Representatives of my State, and there was War +then, and angry faces and hostile men were gathered; and we knew then +well that the Southern States had determined to withdraw themselves from +the Federal Union. + +"I happened to be one of those men who said, 'they shall not do it;' and +it appears to me that the whole argument is between that class of men +and the class of men who said they would let them do it. * * * When +this doctrine was started here of disintegrating the Cotton States from +the rest of the Confederacy, I opposed it at once. I saw immediately +that War was to be invoked. * * * + +"I will not say these things were understood by gentlemen of the +Republican Party * * * but I, having been accepted and received as a +Democrat of the old school from the olden time, and HAVING FAST SOUTHERN +SYMPATHIES, I DID KNOW ALL ABOUT THEM. * * * I KNOW THAT SECESSION WAS A +THING DETERMINED UPON. * * * I was advised of and understood the whole +programme, KNEW HOW IT WAS TO BE DONE IN ITS DETAILS; and I being +advised, made war against it. * * * + +"War had been, in fact, inaugurated. What is War? Was it the firing on +our flag at Sumter? Was that the first adversary passage? To say so, +is trifling with men's judgments and information. No, sir; when they +organized a Government, and set us at defiance, they commenced War; and +the various steps they took afterwards, by organizing their troops, and +forming their armies, and advancing upon Sumter; all these were merely +acts of War; but War was inaugurated whenever they undertook to say they +would maintain themselves as a separate and independent government; and, +after that time, every man who gave his assistance to them was a +Traitor, according to the highest Law." + +The following letter, written by one of the most active of the Southern +conspirators in 1858, during the great Douglas and Lincoln Debate of +that year, to which extended reference has already been made, is of +interest in this connection, not only as corroborative evidence of the +fact that the Rebellion of the Cotton States had been determined on long +before Mr. Lincoln was elected President, but as showing also that the +machinery for "firing the Southern heart" and for making a "solid South" +was being perfected even then. The subsequent split in the Democratic +Party, and nomination of Breckinridge by the Southern wing of it, was +managed by this same Yancey, simply as parts of the deliberate programme +of Secession and Rebellion long before determined on by the Cotton Lords +of the Cotton States. + + + "MONTGOMERY, June 15, 1858. + +"DEAR SIR:--Your kind favor of the 13th is received. + +"I hardly agree with you that a general movement can be made that will +clean out the Augean Stable. If the Democracy were overthrown it would +result in giving place to a greedier and hungrier swarm of flies. + +"The remedy of the South is not in such a process. It is in a diligent +organization of her true men for prompt resistance to the next +aggression. It must come in the nature of things. No National Party +can save us. No Sectional Party can ever do it. But if we could do as +our fathers did--organize 'Committees of Safety' all over the Cotton +States (and it is only in them that we can hope for any effective +movement), we shall fire the Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind, +give courage to each other, and at the proper moment, by one organized, +concerted action, we can precipitate the Cotton States into a +revolution. + +"The idea has been shadowed forth in the South by Mr. Ruffin; has been +taken up and recommended in the Advertiser under the name of 'League of +United Southerners,' who, keeping up their old relations on all other +questions, will hold the Southern issues paramount, and influence +parties, legislatures and statesmen. I have no time to enlarge, but to +suggest merely. + +"In haste, yours, etc. + "W. L. YANCEY. + +"To JAMES S. SLAUGHTER." + + +At Jackson, Mississippi, in the fall of the same year (1858) just after +the great Debate between Douglas and Lincoln had closed, Jefferson Davis +had already raised the standard of Revolution, Secession and Disunion, +during the course of a speech, in which he said: "If an Abolitionist be +chosen President of the United States, you will have presented to you +the question of whether you will permit the Government to pass into the +hands of your avowed and implacable enemies? Without pausing for an +answer, I will state my own position to be, that such a result would be +a species of revolution by which the purposes of the Government would be +destroyed, and the observance of its mere forms entitled to no respect. +In that event, in such a manner as should be most expedient, I should +deem it your duty to provide for your safety, outside of the Union with +those who have already shown the will, and would have acquired the power +to deprive you of your birthright, and to reduce you to worse than the +Colonial dependence of your fathers." + +The "birthright" thus referred to was of course, the alleged right to +have Slaves; but what was this "worse than Colonial dependence" to +which, in addition to the peril supposed to threaten the Southern +"birthright," the Cotton States of Mississippi were reduced? +"Dependence" upon whom, and with regard to what? Plainly upon the +North; and with regard, not to Slavery alone--for Jefferson Davis held, +down to the very close of the War, that the South fought "not for +Slavery"--but as to Tariff Legislation also. There was the rub! These +Cotton Lords believed, or pretended to believe, that the High Tariff +Legislation, advocated and insisted upon both by the Whigs and +Republicans for the Protection of the American Manufacturer and working +man, built up and made prosperous the North, and elevated Northern +laborers; at the expense of the South, and especially themselves, the +Cotton Lords aforesaid. + +We have already seen from the utterances of leading men in the South +Carolina, Secession Convention, "that"--as Governor Hicks, himself a +Southern man, said in his address to the people of Maryland, after the +War broke out "neither the election of Mr. Lincoln, nor the non- +execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, nor both combined, constitute their +grievances. They declare that THE REAL CAUSE of their discontent DATES +AS FAR BACK AS 1833." + +And what was the chief cause or pretext for discontent at that time? +Nothing less than the Tariff. They wanted Free Trade, as well as +Slavery. The balance of the Union wanted Protection, as well as +Freedom. + +The subsequent War, then, was not a War waged for Slavery alone, but for +Independence with a view to Free Trade, as set forth in the "Confederate +Constitution," as soon as that Independence could be achieved. And the +War on our part, while for the integrity of the Union in all its parts-- +for the life of the Nation itself, and for the freedom of man, should +also have brought the triumph of the American idea of a Protective +Tariff, whose chief object is the building up of American manufactures +and the Protection of the Free working-man, in the essential matters of +education, food, clothing, rents, wages, and work. + +It is mentioned in McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p. 392, that in +a letter making public his reasons for going to Washington and taking +his seat in Congress, Mr. James L. Pugh, a Representative from Alabama, +November 24, 1860, said: "The sole object of my visit is to promote the +cause of Secession." + +From the manner in which they acted after reaching Washington, it is not +unreasonable to suppose that most of those persons representing, in both +branches of Congress, the Southern States which afterwards seceded, came +to the National Capital with a similar object in view--taking their +salaries and mileages for services supposed to be performed for the +benefit of the very Government they were conspiring to injure, and +swearing anew the sacred oath to support and defend the very +Constitution which they were moving heaven and earth to undermine and +destroy! + + [As a part of the history of those times, the following letter is + not without interest: + + "OXFORD, December 24, 1860. + + "MY DEAR SIR:--I regretted having to leave Washington without + having with you a full conference as to the great events whose + shadows are upon us. The result of the election here is what the + most sanguine among us expected; that is, its general result is so. + It is as yet somewhat difficult to determine the distinctive + complexion of the convention to meet on the 7th of January. The + friends of Southern Independence, of firm and bona fide resistance, + won an overwhelming victory; but I doubt whether there is any + precise plan. + + "No doubt a large majority of the Convention will be for separate + Secession. But unless intervening events work important changes of + sentiment, not all of those elected as resistance men will be for + immediate and separate Secession. Our friends in Pontotoc, Tippah, + De Soto and Pauola took grounds which fell far short of that idea, + though their resolutions were very firm in regard to Disunion and + an ultimate result. + + "In the meantime the Disunion sentiment among the people is growing + every day more intense. + + "Upon the whole, you have great cause for gratification in the + action of your State. + + "The submissionists are routed, horse, foot, and dragoons, and any + concession by the North will fail to restore that sacred attachment + to the Union which was once so deeply radicated in the hearts of + our people. What they want now, is wise and sober leading. I + think that there might be more of dignity and prudent foresight in + the action of our State than have marked the proceedings of South + Carolina. I have often rejoiced that we have you to rest upon and + confide in. I do not know what we could do without you. That God + may preserve you to us, and that your mind may retain all its vigor + to carry us through these perilous times, is my most fervent + aspiration. + + "I am as ever, and forever, your supporter, ally and friend. + + "L. Q. C. LAMAR. + + "COL. JEFF. DAVIS, Washington, D. C."] + + +This was but a part of the deliberate, cold-blooded plan mapped out in +detail, early in the session succeeding the election of Mr. Lincoln, in +a secret Caucus of the Chief Plotters of the Treason. It was a secret +conference, but the programme resolved on, soon leaked out. + +The following, which appeared in the Washington National Intelligencer +on Friday, January 11, 1861, tells the story of this stage of the Great +Conspiracy pretty clearly: + +"The subjoined communication, disclosing the designs of those who have +undertaken to lead the movement now threatening a permanent dissolution +of the Union, comes to us from a distinguished citizen of the South +[understood to be Honorable Lemuel D. Evans, Representative from Texas +in the 34th Congress, from March 4, 1855, to March 3, 1857] who formerly +represented his State with great distinction in the popular branch of +Congress. + +"Temporarily sojourning in this city he has become authentically +informed of the facts recited in the subjoined letter, which he +communicates to us under a sense of duty, and for the accuracy of which +he makes himself responsible. + +"Nothing but assurances coming from such an intelligent, reliable source +could induce us to accept the authenticity of these startling +statements, which so deeply concern not only the welfare but the honor +of the Southern people. + +"To them we submit, without present comment, the programme to which they +are expected to yield their implicit adhesion, without any scruples of +conscience as without any regard for their own safety. + + "'WASHINGTON, January 9, 1861. + +"'I charge that on last Saturday night (January 5th), a Caucus was held +in this city by the Southern Secession Senators from Florida, Georgia, +Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas. It was then and +there resolved in effect to assume to themselves the political power of +the South, and, to control all political and military operations for the +present, they telegraphed to complete the plan of seizing forts, +arsenals, and custom-houses, and advised the Conventions now in session, +and soon to assemble, to pass Ordinances for immediate Secession; but, +in order to thwart any operations of the Government here, the +Conventions of the Seceding States are to retain their representations +in the Senate and the House. + +"'They also advised, ordered, or directed the assembling of a Convention +of delegates from the Seceding States at Montgomery on the 13th of +February. This can of course only be done by the revolutionary +Conventions usurping the powers of the people, and sending delegates +over whom they will lose all control in the establishment of a +Provisional Government, which is the plan of the dictators. + +"'This Caucus also resolved to take the most effectual means to dragoon +the Legislatures of Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and +Virginia into following the Seceding States. Maryland is also to be +influenced by such appeals to popular passion as have led to the +revolutionary steps which promise a conflict with the State and Federal +Governments in Texas. + +"'They have possessed themselves of all the avenues of information in +the South--the telegraph, the press, and the general control of the +postmasters. They also confidently rely upon defections in the army and +navy. + +"'The spectacle here presented is startling to contemplate. Senators +entrusted with the representative sovereignty of the States, and sworn +to support the Constitution of the United States, while yet acting as +the privy councillors of the President, and anxiously looked to by their +constituents to effect some practical plan of adjustment, deliberately +conceive a Conspiracy for the overthrow of the Government through the +military organizations, the dangerous secret order, the 'Knights of the +Golden Circle,' 'Committees of Safety,' Southern leagues, and other +agencies at their command; they have instituted as thorough a military +and civil despotism as ever cursed a maddened Country. + +"'It is not difficult to foresee the form of government which a +Convention thus hurriedly thrown together at Montgomery will irrevocably +fasten upon a deluded and unsuspecting people. It must essentially be +'a Monarchy founded upon military principles,' or it cannot endure. +Those who usurp power never fail to forge strong chains. + +"'It may be too late to sound the alarm. Nothing may be able to arrest +the action of revolutionary tribunals whose decrees are principally in +'secret sessions.' But I call upon the people to pause and reflect +before they are forced to surrender every principle of liberty, or to +fight those who are becoming their masters rather than their servants. + "' EATON" + +"As confirming the intelligence furnished by our informant we may cite +the following extract from the Washington correspondence of yesterday's +Baltimore Sun: + +"'The leaders of the Southern movement are consulting as to the best +mode of consolidating their interests into a Confederacy under a +Provisional Government. The plan is to make Senator Hunter, of +Virginia, Provisional President, and Jefferson Davis Commander-in-Chief +of the army of defense. Mr. Hunter possesses in a more eminent degree +the philosophical characteristics of Jefferson than any other statesman +now living. Colonel Davis is a graduate of West Point, was +distinguished for gallantry at Buena Vista, and served as Secretary of +War under President Pierce, and is not second to General Scott in +military science or courage.' + +"As further confirmatory of the above, the following telegraphic +dispatch in the Charleston Mercury of January 7, 1861, is given: + +"'[From our Own Correspondent.] + +"'WASHINGTON, January 6.--The Senators from those of the Southern States +which have called Conventions of their people, met in caucus last night, +and adopted the following resolutions: + +"'Resolved, That we recommend to our respective States immediate +Secession. + +"'Resolved, That we recommend the holding of a General Convention of the +said States, to be holden in the city of Montgomery, Alabama, at some +period not later than the 15th day of February, 1861.' + +"These resolutions were telegraphed this evening to the Conventions of +Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. A third resolution is also known to +have been adopted, but it is of a confidential character, not to be +divulged at present. There was a good deal of discussion in the caucus +on the question of whether the Seceding States ought to continue their +delegations in Congress till the 4th of March, to prevent unfriendly +legislation, or whether the Representatives of the Seceding States +should all resign together, and leave a clear field for the opposition +to pass such bills, looking to Coercion, as they may see fit. It is +believed that the opinion that they should remain prevailed." + +Furthermore, upon the capture of Fernandina, Florida, in 1862, the +following letter was found and published. Senator Yulee, the writer, +was present and participated as one of the Florida Senators, in the +traitorous "Consultation" therein referred to--and hence its especial +value: + + +"WASHINGTON, January 7, 1861. + +"My DEAR SIR:--On the other side is a copy of resolutions adopted at a +consultation of the Senators from the Seceding States--in which Georgia, +Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi, and Florida were +present. + +"The idea of the meeting was that the States should go out at once, and +provide for the early organization of a Confederate Government, not +later than 15th February. This time is allowed to enable Louisiana and +Texas to participate. It seemed to be the opinion that if we left here, +force, loan, and volunteer Bills might be passed, which would put Mr. +Lincoln in immediate condition for hostilities; whereas, by remaining in +our places until the 4th of March, it is thought we can keep the hands +of Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable the Republicans from effecting any +legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming +Administration. + +"The resolutions will be sent by the delegation to the President of the +Convention. I have not been able to find Mr. Mallory (his Senatorial +colleague) this morning. Hawkins (Representative from Florida) is in +Connecticut. I have therefore thought it best to send you this copy of +the resolutions. + + "In haste, yours truly + "D. L. YULEE. + +"JOSEPH FINEGAN, Esq., +"'Sovereignty Convention,' Tallahassee, Fla." + + + +The resolutions "on the other side" of this letter, to which he refers, +are as follows: + +"Resolved, 1--That in our opinion each of the Southern States should, as +soon as may be, Secede from the Union. + +"Resolved, 2--That provision should be made for a Convention to organize +a Confederacy of the Seceding States, the Convention to meet not later +than the 15th of February, at the city of Montgomery, in the State of +Alabama. + +"Resolved, That in view of the hostile legislation that is threatened +against the Seceding States, and which may be consummated before the 4th +of March, we ask instructions whether the delegations are to remain in +Congress until that date for the purpose of defeating such legislation. + +"Resolved, That a committee be and are hereby appointed, consisting of +Messrs. Davis, Slidell, and Mallory, to carry out the objects of this +meeting." + + +In giving this letter to the World--from its correspondent accompanying +the expedition--the New York Times of March 15, 1862, made these +forcible and clear-headed comments: + +"The telegraphic columns of the Times of January 7, 1861, contained the +following Washington dispatch: 'The Southern Senators last night +(January 5th) held a conference, and telegraphed to the Conventions of +their respective States to advise immediate Secession.' Now, the +present letter is a report by Mr. Yulee, who was present at this +'consultation' as he calls it, of the resolutions adopted on this +occasion, transmitted to the said Finegan, who by the way, was a member +of the 'Sovereign Convention' of Florida, then sitting in the town of +Tallahassee. + +"It will thus be seen that this remarkable letter, which breathes +throughout the spirit of the Conspirator, in reality lets us into one of +the most important of the numerous Secret Conclaves which the Plotters +of Treason then held in the Capital. It was then, as it appears, that +they determined to strike the blow and precipitate their States into +Secession. But at the same time they resolved that it would be +imprudent for them openly to withdraw, as in that case Congress might +pass 'force, loan, and volunteer bills,' which would put Mr. Lincoln in +immediate condition for hostilities. No, no! that would not do. (So +much patriotic virtue they half suspected, half feared, was left in the +Country.) On the contrary, 'by remaining in our places until the 4th of +March it is thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied, and +disable the Republicans from effecting any legislation which will +strengthen the hands of the incoming Administration.' Ah what a tragic +back-ground, full of things unutterable, is there! + +"It appears, however, that events were faster than they, and instead of +being able to retain their seats up to the 4th of March, they were able +to remain but a very few weeks. Mr. Davis withdrew on the 21st of +January, just a fortnight after this 'consultation.' But for the rest, +mark how faithfully the programme here drawn up by this knot of Traitors +in secret session was realized. Each of the named States represented by +this Cabal did, 'as soon as may be, Secede from the Union'--the +Mississippi Convention passing its Ordinance on the heels of the receipt +of these resolutions, on the 9th of January; Florida and Alabama on the +11th; Louisiana on the 26th, and Texas on the 1st of February; while the +'organization of the Confederate Government' took place at the very time +appointed, Davis being inaugurated on the 18th of February. + +"And here is another Plot of the Traitors brought to light. These very +men, on withdrawing from the Senate, urged that they were doing so in +obedience to the command of their respective States. As Mr. Davis put +it, in his parting speech, 'the Ordinance of Secession having passed the +Convention of his State, he felt obliged to obey the summons, and retire +from all official connection with the Federal Government.' This letter +of Mr. Yulee's clearly reveals that they had themselves pushed their +State Conventions to the adoption of the very measure which they had the +hardihood to put forward as an imperious 'summons' which they could not +disobey. It is thus that Treason did its Work." + + + + + CHAPTER XII. + + COPPERHEADISM VS. UNION DEMOCRACY. + +When we remember that it was on the night of the 5th of January, 1861, +that the Rebel Conspirators in the United States Senate met and plotted +their confederated Treason, as shown in the Yulee letter, given in the +preceding Chapter of this work, and that on the very next day, January +6, 1861, Fernando Wood, then Mayor of the great city of New York, sent +in to the Common Council of that metropolis, his recommendation that New +York city should Secede from its own State, as well as the United +States, and become "a Free City," which, said he, "may shed the only +light and hope of a future reconstruction of our once blessed +Confederacy," it is impossible to resist the conviction that this +extraordinary movement of his, was inspired and prompted, if not +absolutely directed, by the secret Rebel Conclave at Washington. It +bears within itself internal evidences of such prompting. + +Thus, when Mayor Wood states the case in the following words, he seems +to be almost quoting word for word an instruction received by him from +these Rebel leaders--in connection with their plausible argument, +upholding it. Says he: + +"Much, no doubt, can be said in favor of the justice and policy of a +separation. It may be said that Secession or revolution in any of the +United States would be subversive of all Federal authority, and, so far +as the central Government is concerned, the resolving of the community +into its original elements--that, if part of the States form new +combinations and, Governments, other States may do the same. Then it +may be said, why should not New York city, instead of supporting by her +contributions in revenue two-thirds of the expenses of the United +States, become also equally independent? As a Free City, with but +nominal duty on imports, her local Government could be supported without +taxation upon her people. Thus we could live free from taxes, and have +cheap goods nearly duty free. In this she would have the whole and +united support of the Southern States, as well as all the other States +to whose interests and rights under the Constitution she has always been +true." + +That is the persuasive casuistry peculiar to the minds of the Southern +Secession leaders. It is naturally followed by a touch of that self- +confident bluster, also at that time peculiar to Southern lips-as +follows: + +"It is well for individuals or communities to look every danger square +in the face, and to meet it calmly and bravely. As dreadful as the +severing of the bonds that have hitherto united the States has been in +contemplation, it is now apparently a stern and inevitable fact. We +have now to meet it, with all the consequences, whatever they may be. +If the Confederacy is broken up the Government is dissolved, and it +behooves every distinct community, as well as every individual, to take +care of themselves. + +"When Disunion has become a fixed and certain fact, why may not New York +disrupt the bands which bind her to a venal and corrupt master--to a +people and a Party that have plundered her revenues, attempted to ruin +her commerce, taken away the power of self-government, and destroyed the +Confederacy of which she was the proud Empire City? * * *" + +After thus restating, as it were, the views and "arguments" of the Rebel +Junta, as we may presume them to have been pressed on him, he becomes +suddenly startled at the Conclave's idea of meeting "all the +consequences, whatever they may be," and, turning completely around, +with blanching pen, concludes: + +"But I am not prepared to recommend the violence implied in these views. +In stating this argument in favor of freedom, 'peaceably if we can, +forcibly if we must,' let me not be misunderstood. The redress can be +found only in appeals to the magnanimity of the people of the whole +State." * * * + +If "these views" were his own, and not those of the Rebel Conclave, he +would either have been "prepared to recommend the violence implied in +them," or else he would have suppressed them altogether. But his +utterance is that of one who has certain views for the first time placed +before him, and shrinks from the consequences of their advocacy--shrinks +from "the violence implied" in them--although for some reason he dares +not refuse to place those views before the people. + +And, in carrying out his promise to do so--"In stating this argument," +presumably of the Rebel Conclave, "in favor of freedom, 'peaceably if we +can, forcibly if we must'"--the language used is an admission that the +argument is not his own. Were it his own, would he not have said in +"making" it, instead of in "stating" it? Furthermore, had he been +"making" it of his own accord, he would hardly have involved himself in +such singular contradictions and explanations as are here apparent. He +was plainly "stating" the Rebel Conclave's argument, not making one +himself. He was obeying orders, under the protest of his fears. And +those fears forced his trembling pen to write the saving-clause which +"qualifies" the Conclave's second-hand bluster preceding it. + +That the Rebels hoped for Northern assistance in case of Secession, is +very clear from many speeches made prior to and soon after the election +of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency--and from other sources of information. +Thus we find in a speech made by Representative L. M. Keitt, of South +Carolina, in Charleston, November, 1860, the following language, +reported by the Mercury: + +"But we have been threatened. Mr. Amos Kendall wrote a letter, in which +he said to Colonel Orr, that if the State went out, three hundred +thousand volunteers were ready to march against her. I know little +about Kendall--and the less the better. He was under General Jackson; +but for him the Federal treasury seemed to have a magnetic attraction. + +"Jackson was a pure man, but he had too many around him who made +fortunes far transcending their salaries. [Applause.] And this Amos +Kendall had the same good fortune under Van Buren. He (Kendall) +threatened us on the one side, and John Hickman on the other. John +Hickman said, defiantly, that if we went out of the Union, eighteen +millions of Northern men would bring us back. + +"Let me tell you, there are a million of Democrats in the North who, +when the Black Republicans attempt to march upon the South, will be +found a wall of fire in the front. [Cries of 'that's so,' and +applause.]" + +Harper's Weekly of May 28, 1864, commenting on certain letters of M. F. +Maury and others, then just come to light, said: + +"How far Maury and his fellow-conspirators were justified in their hopes +of seducing New Jersey into the Rebellion, may be gathered from the +correspondence that took place, in the spring of 1861, between Ex- +Governor Price, of New Jersey, who was one of the representatives from +that State in the Peace Congress, and L. W. Burnet, Esq., of Newark. + +"Mr. Price, in answering the question what ought New Jersey to do, says: +'I believe the Southern confederation permanent. The proceeding has +been taken with forethought and deliberation--it is no hurried impulse, +but an irrevocable act, based upon the sacred, as was supposed, equality +of the States; and in my opinion every Slave State will in a short +period of time be found united in one Confederacy. * * * Before that +event happens, we cannot act, however much we may suffer in our material +interests. It is in that contingency, then, that I answer the second +part of your question:--What position for New Jersey will best accord +with her interests, honor, and the patriotic instincts of her people? I +say emphatically she would go with the South from every wise, +prudential, and patriotic reason.' + +"Ex-Governor Price proceeds to say that he is confident the States of +Pennsylvania and New York will 'choose also to cast their lot with the +South, and after them, the Western and Northwestern States.'" + +The following resolution,* was adopted with others, by a meeting of +Democrats held January 16, 1861, at National Hall, Philadelphia, and has +been supposed to disclose "a plan, of which ex-Governor Price was likely +aware:" + +"Twelfth--That in the deliberate judgment of the Democracy of +Philadelphia, and, so far as we know it, of Pennsylvania, the +dissolution of the Union by the separation of the whole South, a result +we shall most sincerely lament, may release this Commonwealth to a large +extent from the bonds which now connect her with the Confederacy, except +so far as for temporary convenience she chooses to submit to them, and +would authorize and require her citizens, through a Convention, to be +assembled for that purpose, to determine with whom her lot should be +cast, whether with the North and the East, whose fanaticism has +precipitated this misery upon us, or with our brethren of the South, +whose wrongs we feel as our own; or whether Pennsylvania should stand by +herself, as a distinct community, ready when occasion offers, to bind +together the broken Union, and resume her place of loyalty and +devotion." + +Senator Lane of Oregon, replying to Senator Johnson of Tennessee, +December 19, 1860, in the United States Senate, and speaking of and for +the Northern Democracy, said: + +"They will not march with him under his bloody banner, or Mr. Lincoln's, +to invade the soil of the gallant State of South Carolina, when she may +withdraw from a Confederacy that has refused her that equality to which +she is entitled, as a member of the Union, under the Constitution. On +the contrary, when he or any other gentleman raises that banner and +attempts to subjugate that gallant people, instead of marching with him, +we will meet him there, ready to repel him and his forces. He shall not +bring with him the Northern Democracy to strike down a people contending +for rights that have been refused them in a Union that ought to +recognize the equality of every member of the Confederacy. * * * I now +serve notice that, when War is made upon that gallant South for +withdrawing from a Union which refuses them their rights, the Northern +Democracy will not join in the crusade. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY WILL HAVE +WAR ENOUGH AT HOME. THE DEMOCRACY OF THE NORTH NEED NOT CROSS THE +BORDER TO FIND AN ENEMY." + +The following letter from Ex-President Pierce is in the same misleading +strain: + +"CLARENDON HOTEL, January 6, 1860.--[This letter was captured, at Jeff. +Davis's house in Mississippi, by the Union troops.] + +"MY DEAR FRIEND:--I wrote you an unsatisfactory note a day or two since. +I have just had a pleasant interview with Mr. Shepley, whose courage and +fidelity are equal to his learning and talents. He says he would rather +fight the battle with you as the standard-bearer in 1860, than under the +auspices of any other leader. The feeling and judgment of Mr. S. in +this relation is, I am confident, rapidly gaining ground in New England. +Our people are looking for 'the coming man,' one who is raised by all +the elements of his character above the atmosphere ordinarily breathed +by politicians, a man really fitted for this exigency by his ability, +courage, broad statesmanship, and patriotism. Colonel Seymour (Thomas +H.) arrived here this morning, and expressed his views in this relation +in almost the identical language used by Mr. Shepley. + +"It is true that, in the present state of things at Washington and +throughout the country, no man can predict what changes two or three +months may bring forth. Let me suggest that, in the running debates in +Congress, full justice seems to me not to have been done to the +Democracy of the North. I do not believe that our friends at the South +have any just idea of the state of feeling, hurrying at this moment to +the pitch of intense exasperation, between those who respect their +political obligations and those who have apparently no impelling power +but that which fanatical passion on the subject of Domestic Slavery +imparts. + +"Without discussing the question of right, of abstract power to Secede, +I have never believed that actual disruption of the Union can occur +without blood; and if, through the madness of Northern Abolitionism, +that dire calamity must come, THE FIGHTING WILL NOT BE ALONG MASON'S AND +DIXON'S LINE MERELY. IT [WILL] BE WITHIN OUR OWN BORDERS, IN OUR OWN +STREETS, BETWEEN THE TWO CLASSES OF CITIZENS TO WHOM I HAVE REFERRED. +Those who defy law and scout Constitutional obligations will, if we ever +reach the arbitrament of arms, FIND OCCUPATION ENOUGH AT HOME. + +"Nothing but the state of Mrs. Pierce's health would induce me to leave +the Country now, although it is quite likely that my presence at home +would be of little service. + +"I have tried to impress upon our people, especially in New Hampshire +and Connecticut, where the only elections are to take place during the +coming spring, that while our Union meetings are all in the right +direction, and well enough for the present, they will not be worth the +paper upon which their resolutions are written unless we can overthrow +political Abolitionism at the polls and repeal the Unconstitutional and +obnoxious laws which, in the cause of 'personal liberty,' have been +placed upon our statute-books. I shall look with deep interest, and not +without hope, for a decided change in this relation. + + "Ever and truly your friend, + "FRANKLIN PIERCE. + +"Hon. JEFF. DAVIS, +"Washington, D. C." + + +But let us turn from contemplating the encouragements to Southern +Treason and Rebellion, held out by Northern Democratic Copperheads, to +the more pleasing spectacle of Loyalty and Patriotism exhibited by the +Douglas wing of Democracy. + +Immediately after Sumter, and while the President was formulating his +Message, calling for 75,000 volunteers, Douglas called upon him at the +White House, regretted that Mr. Lincoln did not propose to call for +thrice as many; and on the 18th of April, having again visited the White +House, wrote, and gave the following dispatch to the Associated Press, +for circulation throughout the Country: + +"April 18, 1861, Senator Douglas called on the President, and had an +interesting conversation on the present condition of the Country. The +substance of it was, on the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was +unalterably opposed to the administration in all its political issues, +he was prepared to fully sustain the President in the exercise of all +his Constitutional functions, to preserve the Union, maintain the +Government, and defend the Federal Capital. A firm policy and prompt +action was necessary. The Capital was in danger and must be defended at +all hazards, and at any expense of men and money. He spoke of the +present and future without any reference to the past." + +It is stated of this meeting and its immediate results: "The President +was deeply gratified by the interview. To the West, Douglas +telegraphed, 'I am for my Country and against all its assailants.' The +fire of his patriotism spread to the masses of the North, and Democrat +and Republican rallied to the support of the flag. In Illinois the +Democratic and Republican presses vied with each other in the utterance +of patriotic sentiments. * * * Large and numerously attended Mass +meetings met, as it were with one accord, irrespective of parties, and +the people of all shades of political opinions buried their party +hatchets. Glowing and eloquent orators exhorted the people to ignore +political differences in the present crisis, join in the common cause, +and rally to the flag of the Union and the Constitution. It was a noble +truce. From the many resolutions of that great outpouring of patriotic +sentiment, which ignored all previous party ties, we subjoin the +following: + +"'Resolved, that it is the duty of all patriotic citizens of Illinois, +without distinction of party or sect, to sustain the Government through +the peril which now threatens the existence of the Union; and of our +Legislature to grant such aid of men and money as the exigency of the +hour and the patriotism of our people shall demand.' + +"Governor Yates promptly issued his proclamation, dated the 15th of +April, convening the Legislature for the 23rd inst. in Extraordinary +Session. + + * * * * * * * + +"On the evening of the 25th of April, Mr. Douglas, who had arrived at +the Capital the day before, addressed the General Assembly and a densely +packed audience, in the Hall of Representatives, in that masterly +effort, which must live and be enshrined in the hearts of his countrymen +so long as our Government shall endure. Douglas had ever delighted in +the mental conflicts of Party strife; but now, when his Country was +assailed by the red hand of Treason, he was instantly divested of his +Party armor and stood forth panoplied only in the pure garb of a true +Patriot. + +"He taught his auditory--he taught his Country, for his speeches were +telegraphed all over it--the duty of patriotism at that perilous hour of +the Nation's Life. He implored both Democrats and Republicans to lay +aside their Party creeds and Platforms; to dispense with Party +Organizations and Party Appeals; to forget that they were ever divided +until they had first rescued the Government from its assailants. His +arguments were clear, convincing, and unanswerable; his appeals for the +Salvation of his Country, irresistible. It was the last speech, but +one, he ever made." + +Among other pithy and patriotic points made by him in that great speech +--[July 9, 1861.]--were these: "So long as there was a hope of a +peaceful solution, I prayed and implored for Compromise. I have spared +no effort for a peaceful solution of these troubles; I have failed, and +there is but one thing to do--to rally under the flag." "The South has +no cause of complaint." "Shall we obey the laws or adopt the Mexican +system of War, on every election." "Forget Party--all remember only +your Country." "The shortest road to Peace is the most tremendous +preparation for War." "It is with a sad heart and with a grief I have +never before experienced, that I have to contemplate this fearful +Struggle. * * * But it is our duty to protect the Government and the +flag from every assailant, be he who he may." + +In Chicago, Douglas repeated his patriotic appeal for the preservation +of the Union, and tersely declared that "There can be no Neutrals in +this War--only Patriots and Traitors." In that city he was taken with a +mortal illness, and expired at the Tremont House, June 3, 1861--just one +month prior to the meeting of the called Session of Congress. + +The wonderful influence wielded by Douglas throughout the North, was +well described afterward by his colleague, Judge Trumbull, in the +Senate, when he said: "His course had much to do in producing that +unanimity in support of the Government which is now seen throughout the +Loyal States. The sublime spectacle of twenty million people rising as +one man in vindication of Constitutional Liberty and Free Government, +when assailed by misguided Rebels and plotting Traitors, is, to a +considerable extent due to his efforts. His magnanimous and patriotic +course in this trying hour of his Country's destiny was the crowning act +of his life." + +And Senator McDougall of California--his life-long friend--in describing +the shock of the first intelligence that reached him, of his friend's +sudden death, with words of even greater power, continued: "But, as, +powerless for the moment to resist the tide of emotions, I bowed my head +in silent grief, it came to me that the Senator had lived to witness the +opening of the present unholy War upon our Government; that, witnessing +it, from the Capital of his State, as his highest and best position, he +had sent forth a War-cry worthy of that Douglass, who, as ancient +legends tell, with the welcome of the knightly Andalusian King, was +told, + + '"Take thou the leading of the van, + And charge the Moors amain; + There is not such a lance as thine + In all the hosts of Spain.' + +"Those trumpet notes, with a continuous swell, are sounding still +throughout all the borders of our Land. I heard them upon the mountains +and in the valleys of the far State whence I come. They have +communicated faith and strength to millions. * * * I ceased to grieve +for Douglas. The last voice of the dead Douglas I felt to be stronger +than the voice of multitudes of living men." + +And here it may not be considered out of place for a brief reference to +the writer's own position at this time; especially as it has been much +misapprehended and misstated. One of the fairest of these statements* +runs thus: + + [Lusk's History of the Politics of Illinois from 1856 to 1884, p. + 175.] + +"It is said that Logan did not approve the great speech made by Senator +Douglas, at Springfield, in April, 1861, wherein he took the bold ground +that in the contest which was then clearly imminent to him, between the +North and the South, that there could be but two parties, Patriots and +Traitors. But granting that there was a difference between Douglas and +Logan at that time, it did not relate to their adhesion to the Cause of +their Country Logan had fought for the Union upon the plains of Mexico, +and again stood ready to give his life, if need be, for his Country, +even amid the cowardly slanders that were then following his pathway. + +"The difference between Douglas and Logan was this: Mr. Douglas was +fresh from an extended campaign in the dissatisfied Sections of the +Southern States, and he was fully apprised of their intention to attempt +the overthrow of the Union, and was therefore in favor of the most +stupendous preparations for War. + +"Mr. Logan, on the other hand, believed in exhausting all peaceable +means before a resort to Arms, and in this he was like President +Lincoln; but when he saw there was no alternative but to fight, he was +ready and willing for armed resistance, and, resigning his seat in +Congress, entered the Army, as Colonel of the Thirty-first Illinois +Infantry, and remained in the field in active service until Peace was +declared." + +This statement is, in the main, both fair and correct. + +It is no more correct, however, in intimating that "Logan did not +approve the great speech made by Senator Douglas, at Springfield, in +April, 1861, wherein he took the bold ground that in the contest which +was then clearly imminent to him, between the North and the South, that +there could be but two parties, Patriots and Traitors," than others have +been in intimating that he was disloyal to the Union, prior to the +breaking out of hostilities--a charge which was laid out flat in the +Senate Chamber, April 19, 1881. + + [In Dawson's Life of Logan, pp. 348-353, this matter is thus + alluded to: + + "In an early part of this work the base charge that Logan was not + loyal before the War has been briefly touched on. It may be well + here to touch on it more fully. As was then remarked, the only man + that ever dared insinuate to Logan's face that he was a Secession + sympathizer before the War, was Senator Ben Hill of Georgia, in the + United States Senate Chamber, March 30, 1881; and Logan instantly + retorted: 'Any man who insinuates that I sympathized with it at + that time insinuates what is false,' and Senator Hill at once + retracted the insinuation." + + "Subsequently, April 19, 1881, Senator Logan, in a speech, + fortified with indisputable record and documentary evidence, + forever set at rest the atrocious calumny. From that record it + appears that on the 17th December, 1860, while still a Douglas + Democrat, immediately after Lincoln's election, and long before his + inauguration, and before even the first gun of the war was fired, + Mr. Logan, then a Representative in the House, voted affirmatively + on a resolution, offered by Morris of Illinois, which declared an + 'immovable attachment' to 'our National Union,' and 'that it is our + patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in peace and our defense + in war;' that on the 7th January, 1861, Mr. Adrian having offered + the following 'Resolved, That we fully approve of the bold and + patriotic act of Major Anderson in withdrawing from Fort Moultrie + to Fort Sumter, and of the determination of the President to + maintain that fearless officer in his present position; and that we + will support the President in all constitutional measures to + enforce the laws and preserve the Union'--Mr. Logan, in casting his + vote, said: 'As the resolution receives my unqualified approval, I + vote Aye;' and that further on the 5th of February, 1861, before + the inauguration of President Lincoln, in a speech made by Logan in + the House in favor of the Crittenden Compromise measures, he used + the following language touching Secession: + + "'Sir, I have always denied, and do yet deny, the right of + Secession. There is no warrant for it in the Constitution. It is + wrong, it is unlawful, unconstitutional, and should be called by + the right name--revolution. No good, sir, can result from it, but + much mischief may. It is no remedy for any grievances. I hold + that all grievances can be much easier redressed inside the Union + than out of it.' + + "In that same speech he also * * * said: + + "'I have been taught that the preservation of this glorious Union, + with its broad flag waving over us as the shield for our protection + on land and on sea, is paramount to all the parties and platforms + that ever have existed or ever can exist. I would, to day, if I + had the power, sink my own party and every other one, with all + their platforms, into the vortex of ruin, without heaving a sigh or + shedding a tear, to save the Union, or even stop the revolution + where it is.' + + "In this most complete speech of vindication--which Senator Logan + said he put upon record, 'First, that my children, after me, may + not have these slanders thrown in their faces without the power of + dispelling or refuting them; and second, that they may endure in + this Senate Chamber, so that it may be a notice to Senators of all + parties and all creeds that hereafter, while I am here in the + Senate, no insinuation of that kind will be submitted to by me,'-- + the proofs of the falsity of the charge were piled mountain-high, + and among them the following voluntary statements from two + Democratic Senators, who were with him before the War, in the House + of Representatives: + + "'United States Senate Chamber, + WASHINGTON, April 14, 1881. + + "'DEAR SIR: In a discussion in the Senate a few weeks since you + referred to the fact that a Southern Senator, who had served with + you in Congress before the War, could testify that during your term + of service there you gave no encouragement to the Secession of the + Southern States, adding, however, that you did not ask such + testimony. I was not sure at the time that your reference was to + me, as Senator Pugh of Alabama, was also a member of that Congress. + + "'Since then, having learned that your reference was to me, I + propose on the floor of the Senate, should suitable occasion offer, + to state what I know of your position and views at the time + referred to. But, as I may be absent from the Senate for some + time, I deem it best to give you this written statement, with full + authority to use it in any way that seems proper to you. + + "'When you first came to Congress in ----, you were a very ardent + and impetuous Democrat. In the division which took place between + Mr. Douglas and his friends, on the one hand, and the Southern + Democrats, on the other, you were a warm and uncompromising + supporter of Mr. Douglas; and in the course of that convention you + became somewhat estranged from your party associates in the South. + In our frequent discussions upon the subjects of difference, I + never heard a word of sympathy from your lips with Secession in + either theory or practice. On the contrary, you were vehement in + your opposition to it.' + + "'I remember well a conversation I had with you just before leaving + Washington to become a candidate for the Secession convention. You + expressed the deep regret you felt at my proposed action, and + deplored the contemplated movement in terms as strong as any I + heard from any Republican.' + Yours truly, + "'L. Q. C. LAMAR + + "'Hon. JOHN A. LOGAN. + "United States Senate, Washington, D. C.' + + + "Senate Chamber, April 14, 1881. + + "'Having read the above statement of Senator Lamar, I fully concur + with him in my recollection of your expressions and action in + opposition to Secession. + Truly yours, J. L. PUGH.' + + "At the conclusion of Senator Logan's speech of refutation, Senator + Brown of Georgia (Democrat) said: + + "'Our newspapers may have misrepresented his position. I am now + satisfied they did. I have heard the Senator's statement with + great interest, and I take pleasure in saying--for I had some idea + before that there was some shadow of truth in this report--that I + think his vindication' is full, complete, and conclusive.' + + "'I recollect very well during the war, when I was Governor of my + State and the Federal army was invading it, to have had a large + force of militia aiding the Confederate army, and that Gen. Logan + was considered by us as one of the ablest, most gallant, and + skillful leaders of the Federal army. We had occasion to feel his + power, and we learned to respect him.' + + "Senator Beck, of Kentucky (Democrat), referring to the fact that + he was kept out of the House at one time, and a great many + suggestions had been made to him as to General Logan, continued: + + "'As I said the other day, I never proposed to go into such things, + and never have done so; but at that time General Frank Blair was + here, and I submitted many of the papers I received to him,--I + never thought of using any of them,--and I remember the remark that + he made to me: Beck, John Logan was one of the hardest fighters of + the war; and when many men who were seeking to whistle him down the + wind because of his politics when the war began, were snugly fixed + in safe places, he was taking his life in his hand wherever the + danger was greatest--and I tore up every paper I got, and burnt it + in the fire before his eyes.' + + "Senator Dawes of Massachusetts (Republican), also took occasion to + say: + + "Mr. President, I do not know that anything which can be said on + this side would be of any consequence to the Senator from Illinois + in this matter. But I came into the House of Representatives at + the same session that the Senator did. + + "'He was at that time one of the most intense of Democrats, and I + was there with him when the Rebellion first took root and + manifested itself in open and flagrant war; and I wish to say as a + Republican of that day, when the Senator from Illinois was a + Democrat, that at the earliest possible moment when the Republican + Party was in anxiety as to the position of the Northern Democracy + on the question of forcible assault on the Union, nothing did they + hail with more delight than the early stand which the Senator from + Illinois, from the Democratic side of the House, took upon the + question of resistance to the Government of the United States. + + "I feel that it is right that I should state that he was among the + first, if not the very first, of the Northern Democrats who came + out openly and declared, whatever may have been their opinion about + the doctrines of the Republican Party, that when it came to a + question of forcible resistance, they should be counted on the side + of the Government, and in co-operation with the Republican Party in + the attempt to maintain its authority.' + + "'I am very glad, whether it be of any service or not, to bear this + testimony to the early stand the Senator from Illinois took while + he was still a Democrat, and the large influence he exerted upon + the Northern Democracy, which kept it from being involved in the + condition and in the work of the Southern Democracy at that + time.'"] + +So far from this being the case, the fact is--and it is here mentioned +in part to bring out the interesting point that, had he lived, Douglas +would have been no idle spectator of the great War that was about to be +waged--that when Douglas visited Springfield, Illinois, to make that +great speech in the latter part of April, 1861, the writer went there +also, to see and talk over with him the grave situation of affairs, not +only in the Nation generally, but particularly in Illinois. And on that +occasion Mr. Douglas said to him, substantially: "The time has now +arrived when a man must be either for or against his Country. Indeed so +strongly do I feel this, and that further dalliance with this question +is useless, that I shall myself take steps to join the Array, and fight +for the maintenance of the Union." + +To this the writer replied that he was "equally well convinced that each +and every man must take his stand," and that he also "purposed at an +early day to raise a Regiment and draw the sword in that Union's +defense." + +This was after Sumter, and only seventy days before Congress was to meet +in Called Session. When that session met, Douglas had, weeks before, +gone down to the grave amid the tears of a distracted Nation, with the +solemn injunction upon his dying lips: "Obey the Laws and Defend the +Constitution"--and the writer had returned to Washington, to take his +seat in Congress, with that determination still alive in his heart. + +In fact there had been all along, substantial accord between Mr. Douglas +and the writer. There really was no "difference between Douglas and +Logan" as to "preparations for War," or in "exhausting all Peaceable +means before a resort to Arms," and both were in full accord with +President Lincoln on these points. + +Let us see if this is not of record: Take the writer's speech in the +House of Representatives, February 5, 1861, and it will be seen that he +said: "I will go as far as any man in the performance of a +Constitutional duty to put down Rebellion, to suppress Insurrection, and +to enforce the Laws." Again, he said, "If all the evils and calamities +that have ever happened since the World began, could be gathered in one +Great Catastrophe, its horrors could not eclipse, in their frightful +proportions, the Drama that impends over us." + +From these extracts it is plain enough that even at this very early day +the writer fully understood the "frightful proportions" of the impending +struggle, and would "go as far as"--not only Mr. Douglas, but--"any man, +to put down Rebellion"--which necessarily involved War, and +"preparations for War." But none the less, but rather the more, because +of the horrors which he foresaw must be inseparable from so terrible a +War, was he anxious by timely mutual Concessions--"by any sacrifice," as +he termed it--if possible, to avert it. + +He was ready to sink Party, self, and to accept any of the Propositions +to that end--Mr. Douglas's among them. + + [See his speech of February 5, 1861, Congressional Globe] + +In this attitude also he was in accord with Mr. Douglas, who, as well as +the writer, was ready to make any sacrifice, of Party or self; to +"exhaust every effort at peaceful adjustment," before resorting to War. +The fact is they were much of the time in consultation, and always in +substantial accord. + +In a speech made in the Senate, March 15, 1861, Mr. Douglas had reduced +the situation to the following three alternative points: + +"1. THE RESTORATION AND PRESERVATION OF THE UNION by such Amendments to +the Constitution as will insure the domestic tranquillity, safety, and +equality of all the States, and thus restore peace, unity, and +fraternity, to the whole Country. + +"2. A PEACEFUL DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION by recognizing the Independence +of such States as refuse to remain in the Union without such +Constitutional Amendments, and the establishment of a liberal system of +commercial and social intercourse with them by treaties of commerce and +amity. + +"3. WAR, with a view to the subjugation and military occupation of those +States which have Seceded or may Secede from the Union." + +As a thorough Union man, he could never have agreed to a "Peaceful +Dissolution of the Union." On the other hand he was equally averse to +War, because he held that "War is Disunion. War is final, eternal +Separation." Hence, all his energies and talents were given to carrying +out his first-stated line of policy, and to persuading the Seceders to +accept what in that line was offered to them by the dominant party. + +His speech in the Senate, March 25, 1861, was a remarkable effort in +that respect. Mr. Breckinridge had previously spoken, and had declared +that: "Whatever settlement may be made of other questions, this must be +settled upon terms that will give them [the Southern States] either a +right, in common with others, to emigrate into all the territory, or +will secure to them their rights on a principle of equitable division." + +Mr. Douglas replied: "Now, under the laws as they stand, in every +Territory of the United States, without any exception, a Southern man +can go with his Slave-property on equal terms with all other property. +* * * Every man, either from the North or South, may go into the +Territories with his property on terms of exact equality, subject to the +local law; and Slave-property stands on an equal footing with all other +kinds of property in the Territories of the United States. It now +stands on an equal footing in all the Territories for the first time. + +"I have shown you that, up to 1859, little more than a year ago, it was +prohibited in part of the Territories. It is not prohibited anywhere +now. For the first time, under Republican rule, the Southern States +have secured that equality of rights in the Territories for their Slave- +property which they have been demanding so long." + +He held that the doctrine of Congressional prohibition in all the +Territories, as incorporated in the Wilmot proviso, had now been +repudiated by the Republicans of both Houses of Congress, who had "all +come over to Non-intervention and Popular Sovereignty;" that the "Wilmot +proviso is given up; that Congressional prohibition is given up; that +the aggressive policy is repudiated; and hereafter the Southern man and +the Northern man may move into the Territories with their Property on +terms of entire equality, without excepting Slaves or any other kind of +property." + +Continuing, he said: "What more do the Southern States want? What more +can any man demand? Non-intervention is all you asked. Will it be said +the South required in addition to this, laws of Congress to protect +Slavery in the Territories? That cannot be said; for only last May, the +Senate, by a nearly unanimous vote--a unanimous vote of the Southern +men, with one or two exceptions--declared that affirmative legislation +was not needed at this time. * * * What cause is there for further +alarm in the Southern States, so far as the Territories are concerned? +* * * + +"I repeat, the South has got all they ever claimed in all the +Territories. * * * Then, sir, according to law, the Slaveholding +States have got equality in the Territories. How is it in fact. * * * +Now, I propose to show that they have got the actual equitable +partition, giving them more than they were disposed to demand. + +"The Senator from Kentucky, * * * Mr. Crittenden, introduced a +proposition for an equitable partition. That proposition was, that +north of 36 30' Slavery should be prohibited, and South of it should be +protected, by Territorial law. * * * What is now the case? It is true +the Crittenden proposition has not yet become part of the Constitution; +but it is also true that an equitable partition has been made by the +vote of the people themselves, establishing, maintaining, and protecting +Slavery in every inch of territory South of the thirty-seventh parallel, +giving the South half a degree more than the Crittenden Proposition. + +"There stands your Slave-code in New Mexico protecting Slavery up to the +thirty-seventh degree as effectually as laws can be made to protect it. +There it stands the Law of the Land. Therefore the South has all below +the thirty-seventh parallel, while Congress has not prohibited Slavery +even North of it. + + * * * * * * + +"What more, then, is demanded? Simply that a Constitutional Amendment +shall be adopted, affirming--what? Precisely what every Republican in +both Houses of Congress has voted for within a month. Just do, by +Constitutional Amendment, what you have voted in the Senate and House of +Representatives, that is all. You are not even required to do that, but +merely to vote for a proposition submitting the question to the People +of the States whether they will make a Constitutional Amendment +affirming the equitable partition of the Territories which the People +have already made. * * * + +"You may ask, why does the South want us to do it by Constitutional +Amendment, when we have just done it voluntarily by Law? The President +of the United States, in his Inaugural, has told you the reason. He has +informed you that all of these troubles grow out of the absence of a +Constitutional provision defining the power of Congress over the subject +of Slavery. * * * He thinks that the trouble has arisen from the +absence of such a Constitutional Provision, and suggests a National +Convention to enable the People to supply the defect, leaving the People +to say what it is, instead of dictating to them what it shall be." + +It may here be remarked that while Mr. Douglas held that "So far as the +doctrine of Popular Sovereignty and Nonintervention is concerned, the +Colorado Bill, the Nevada Bill, and the Dakota Bill, are identically the +same with the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and in its precise language"--these +former Bills having been passed at the last Session of the 36th +Congress--the Republicans, on the contrary, held that neither in these +nor other measures had they abandoned any distinctive Republican +principle; while Breckinridge declared that they had passed those +Territorial Bills, without the Wilmot proviso, because they felt +perfectly secure in those Territories, with all the Federal patronage in +Republican hands. + +However that may be, we have here, brought out in strong contrast, the +conciliatory feeling which inspired such Union men as Douglas, and the +strong and persistent efforts they made in behalf of Concession and +Peace up to a period only a few weeks before the bombardment of Sumter; +and the almost total revulsion in their sentiments after that event, as +to the only proper means to preserve the Union. For it was only then +that the truth, as it fell from Douglas's lips at Springfield, was fully +recognized, to wit: that there was no half-way ground betwixt Patriotism +and Treason; that War was an existing fact; and that Patriots must arm +to defend and preserve the Union against the armed Traitors assailing +it. + +At last, July 4, 1861, the Congress met, and proceeded at once with +commendable alacrity and patriotism, to the consideration and enactment +of measures sufficient to meet the extraordinary exigency, whether as +regards the raising and equipment of the vast bodies of Union volunteers +needed to put down Rebellion, or in the raising of those enormous +amounts of money which the Government was now, or might thereafter be, +called upon to spend like water in preserving the Union. + +It was at this memorable Session, of little over one month, that the +chief of the great "War Measures" as they were termed, were enacted. + + + + + CHAPTER XIII. + + THE STORM OF BATTLE + +We have seen how Fort Sumter fell; how the patriotic North responded to +President Lincoln's Call, for 75,000 three-months volunteers, with such +enthusiasm that, had there been a sufficiency of arms and accoutrements, +he might have had, within three months of that Call, an Army of 500,000 +men in the field; how he had called for 42,000 three-years volunteers +early in May, besides swelling what little there was of a regular Army +by ten full regiments; and how a strict blockade of the entire Southern +Coast-line had not only been declared, but was now enforced and +respected. + +General Butler, promoted Major-General for his Military successes at +Annapolis and Baltimore, was now in command of Fortress Monroe and +vicinity, with some 12,000 volunteers under him, confronted, on the +Peninsula, by a nearly equal number of Rebel troops, under Generals +Huger and Magruder--General Banks, with less than 10,000 Union troops, +occupying Baltimore, and its vicinage. + +General Patterson, with some 20,000 Union troops--mostly Pennsylvania +militia--was at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, with about an equal number +of the Enemy, under General Joseph E. Johnston, at Harper's Ferry, on +the Potomac, watching him. + +Some 50,000 Union troops were in camp, in and about Washington, on the +Virginia side, under the immediate command of Generals McDowell and +Mansfield--Lieutenant General Scott, at Washington, being in Chief- +command of the Union Armies--and, confronting these Union forces, in +Virginia, near the National Capital, were some 30,000 Rebel troops under +the command of General Beauregard, whose success in securing the +evacuation of Fort Sumter by its little garrison of half-starved Union +soldiers, had magnified him, in the eyes of the rebellious South, into +the proportions of a Military genius of the first order. + +There had been no fighting, nor movements, worthy of special note, until +June 7th, when General Patterson advanced from Chambersburg, +Pennsylvania, to Hagerstown, Maryland. General Johnston at once +evacuated Harper's Ferry, and retreated upon Winchester, Virginia. + +General McClellan, in command of the Department of the Ohio, had, +however, crossed the Ohio river, and by the 4th of July, being at +Grafton, West Virginia, with his small Army of Union troops, to which a +greatly inferior Rebel force was opposed, commenced that successful +advance against it, which led, after Bull Run, to his being placed at +the head of all the Armies of the United States. + +Subsequently Patterson crossed the Potomac, and after trifling away over +one month's time, at last, on the 15th of July, got within nine miles of +Winchester and Johnston's Army. Barring a spiritless reconnaissance, +Patterson--who was a fervent Breckinridge-Democrat in politics, and +whose Military judgment, as we shall see, was greatly influenced, if not +entirely controlled, by his Chief of staff, Fitz John Porter--never got +any nearer to the Enemy! + +Instead of attacking the Rebel force, under Johnston, or at least +keeping it "employed," as he was ordered to do by General Scott; instead +of getting nearer, and attempting to get between Winchester and the +Shenandoah River, as was suggested to him by his second in command, +General Sanford; and instead of permitting Sanford to go ahead, as that +General desired to, with his own 8,000 men, and do it himself; General +Patterson ordered him off to Charlestown--twelve miles to the Union left +and rear,--and then took the balance of his Army, with himself, to the +same place! + +In other words, while he had the most positive and definite orders, from +General Scott, if not to attack and whip Johnston, to at least keep him +busy and prevent that Rebel General from forming a junction, via the +Manassas Gap railroad or otherwise, with Beauregard, Patterson +deliberately moved his Army further away from Winchester and gave to the +Enemy the very chance of escaping and forming that junction which was +essential to Rebel success in the vicinity of Manassas. + +But for this disobedience of orders, Bull Run would doubtless have been +a great victory to the Union Arms, instead of a reverse, and the War, +which afterward lasted four years, might have been over in as many +months. + +It is foreign to the design of this work, to present in it detailed +descriptions of the battles waged during the great War of the Rebellion +--it being the present intention of the writer, at some later day, to +prepare and publish another work devoted to such stirring Military +scenes. Yet, as it might seem strange and unaccountable for him to pass +by, at this time, without any description or comment, the first pitched +battle of the Rebellion, he is constrained to pause and view that +memorable contest. And first, it may be well to say a word of the +general topography of the country about the battle-field. + +The Alleghany Mountains, or that part of them with which we have now to +do, stretch in three almost equidistant parallel ridges, from North-East +to South-West, through the heart of Old Virginia. An occasional pass, +or "Gap," through these ridges, affords communication, by good roads, +between the enclosed parallel valleys and the Eastern part of that +State. + +The Western of these Alleghany ridges bears the name of "Alleghany +Mountains" proper; the Eastern is called the "Blue Ridge;" while the +Middle Ridge, at its Northern end--which rests upon the Potomac, where +that river sweeps through three parallel ridges almost at right angles +to their own line of direction--is called the "Great North Mountain." + +The valley, between the Middle Ridge and the Blue Ridge, is known as the +Shenandoah Valley, taking its name from the Shenandoah River, which, for +more than one hundred miles, flows along the Western foot of the Blue +Ridge, toward the North-East, until it empties into the Potomac, at +Harper's Ferry. + +The Orange and Alexandria railroad runs from Alexandria,--on the +opposite bank of the Potomac from Washington, and a few miles below the +Capital,--in a general Southeasterly direction, to Culpepper Court- +House; thence Southerly to Gordonsville, where it joins the Virginia +Central--the Western branch of which runs thence through Charlotteville, +Staunton, and Covington, across the ridges and valleys of the +Alleghanies, while its Eastern branch, taking a general South-easterly +direction, crosses the Richmond and Fredricksburg railroad at Hanover +Junction, some twenty miles North of Richmond, and thence sweeps +Southerly to the Rebel capital. + +It is along this Easterly branch of the Virginia Central that Rebel re- +enforcements will be hurried to Beauregard, from Richmond to +Gordonsville, and thence, by the Orange and Alexandria railroad, to +Manassas Junction. + +Some twenty-five miles from Alexandria, a short railroad-feeder--which +runs from Strasburg, in the Shenandoah Valley, through the Blue Ridge, +at Manassas Gap, in an East-South-easterly direction--strikes the +Alexandria and Orange railroad. The point of contact is Manassas +Junction; and it is along this Manassas-Gap feeder that Johnston, with +his Army at Winchester--some twenty miles North-North-East of Strasburg- +expects, in case of attack by Patterson, to be re-enforced by +Beauregard; or, in case the latter is assailed, to go to his assistance, +after shaking off Patterson. + +This little link of railroad, known as the Manassas Gap railroad, is +therefore an important factor in the game of War, now commencing in +earnest; and it had, as we shall see, very much to do, not only with the +advance of McDowell's Union Army upon Bull Run, but also with the result +of the first pitched battle thereabout fought. + +From Alexandria, some twelve miles to the Westward, runs a fine turnpike +road to Fairfax Court-House; thence, continuing Westward, but gradually +and slightly dipping award the South, it passes through Germantown, +Centreville, and Groveton, to Warrenton. + +This "Warrenton Pike"--as it is termed--also plays a somewhat +conspicuous part, before, during, and after the Battle of Bull Run. For +most of its length, from Fairfax Court-House to Warrenton, the Warrenton +Pike pursues a course almost parallel with the Orange and Alexandria +railroad aforesaid, while the stream of Bull Run, pursuing a South- +easterly course, has a general direction almost parallel with that of +the Manassas Gap railroad. + +We shall find that it is the diamond-shaped parallelogram, formed by the +obtuse angle junction of the two railroads on the South, and the +similarly obtuse-angled crossing of the stream of Bull Run by the +Warrenton Pike on the North, that is destined to become the historic +battle-field of the first "Bull Run," or "Manassas;" and it is in the +Northern obtuse-angle of this parallelogram that the main fighting is +done, upon a spot not much more than one mile square, three sides of the +same being bounded respectively by the Bull Run stream, the Warrenton +Pike, which crosses it on a stone bridge, and the Sudley Springs road, +which crosses the Pike, at right-angles to it, near a stone house. + +On the 3rd of June, 1861, General McDowell, in command of the Department +of North-Eastern Virginia, with head-quarters at Arlington, near +Washington, receives from Colonel Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General +with Lieutenant-General Scott--who is in Chief command of all the Union +Forces, with Headquarters at Washington--a brief but pregnant +communication, the body of which runs thus: "General Scott desires you +to submit an estimate of the number and composition of a column to be +pushed toward Manassas Junction, and perhaps the Gap, say in four or +five days, to favor Patterson's attack on Harper's Ferry. The rumor is +that Arlington Heights will be attacked to-night." + +In response to this request, General McDowell submits, on the day +following, an estimate that "the actual entire force at the head of the +column should, for the purpose of carrying the position at Manassas and +of occupying both the road to Culpepper, and the one to the Gap, be as +much as 12,000 Infantry, two batteries of regular Artillery, and from +six to eight companies of Cavalry, with an available reserve, ready to +move forward from Alexandria by rail, of 5,000 Infantry and one heavy +field battery, rifled if possible; these numbers to be increased or +diminished as events may indicate." This force of raw troops he +proposes to organize into field brigades under the command of "active +and experienced colonels" of the regular Army. And while giving this +estimate as to the number of troops necessary, he suggestively adds that +"in proportion to the numbers used will be the lives saved; and as we +have such numbers pressing to be allowed to serve, might it not be well +to overwhelm and conquer as much by the show of force as by the use of +it?" + +Subsequently McDowell presents to General Scott, and Mr. Lincoln's +Cabinet, a project of advance and attack, which is duly approved and +ordered to be put in execution. In that project or plan of operations, +submitted by verbal request of General Scott, near the end of June,--the +success of which is made contingent upon Patterson's holding Johnston +engaged at Winchester in the Shenandoah Valley, and also upon Butler's +holding the Rebel force near Fortress Monroe from coming to Beauregard's +aid at Manassas Junction,--McDowell estimates Beauregard's strength at +25,000, with a possible increase, bringing it up to 35,000 men. The +objective point in McDowell's plan, is Manassas Junction, and he +proposes "to move against Manassas with a force of 30,000 of all arms, +organized into three columns, with a reserve of 10,000." + +McDowell is fully aware that the Enemy has "batteries in position at +several places in his front, and defensive works on Bull Run, and +Manassas Junction." These batteries he proposes to turn. He believes +Bull Run to be "fordable at almost anyplace,"--an error which ultimately +renders his plan abortive,--and his proposition is, after uniting his +columns on the Eastern side of Bull Run, "to attack the main position by +turning it, if possible, so as to cut off communications by rail with +the South, or threaten to do so sufficiently to force the Enemy to leave +his intrenchments to guard them." + +In other words, assuming the Enemy driven back, by minor flanking +movements, or otherwise, upon his intrenched position at Bull Run, or +Manassas, the plan is to turn his right, destroy the Orange and +Alexandria railroad leading South, and the bridge at Bristol, so as to +cut off his supplies. This done, the Enemy--if nothing worse ensues for +him--will be in a "bad box." + +McDowell, however, has no idea that the Enemy will stand still to let +this thing be done. On the contrary, he is well satisfied that +Beauregard will accept battle on some chosen ground between Manassas +Junction and Washington. + +On the afternoon of Tuesday, the 16th of July, the advance of McDowell's +Army commences. That Army is organized into five divisions--four of +which accompany McDowell, while a fifth is left to protect the defensive +works of Washington, on the South bank of the Potomac. This latter, the +Fourth Division, commanded by Brigadier-General Theodore Runyon, +comprises eight unbrigaded New Jersey regiments of (three months, and +three years) volunteers--none of which take part in the ensuing +conflicts-at-arms. + +The moving column consists of the First Division, commanded by +Brigadier-General Daniel Tyler, comprising four brigades, respectively +under Brigadier-General R. C. Schenck, and Colonels E. D. Keyes, W. T. +Sherman, and I. B. Richardson; the Second Division, commanded by Colonel +David Hunter, comprising two brigades, under Colonels Andrew Porter and +A. E. Burnside respectively; the Third Division, commanded by Colonel S. +P. Heintzelman, comprising three brigades, under Colonels W. B. +Franklin, O. B. Wilcox, and O. O. Howard, respectively; and the Fifth +Division, commanded by Colonel Dixon S. Miles, comprising two brigades, +under Colonels Lewis Blenker, and Thomas A. Davies, respectively. + +Tyler's Division leads the advance, moving along the Leesburg road to +Vienna, on our right, with orders to cross sharply to its left, upon +Fairfax Court House, the following (Wednesday) morning. Miles's +Division follows the turnpike road to Annandale, and then moves, by the +Braddock road,--along which Braddock, a century before, had marched his +doomed army to disaster,--upon Fairfax Court House, then known to be +held by Bonham's Rebel Brigade of South Carolinians. Hunter follows +Miles, to Annandale, and thence advances direct upon Fairfax, by the +turnpike road--McDowell's idea being to bag Bonham's Brigade, if +possible, by a simultaneous attack on the front and both flanks. But +the advance is too slow, and the Enemy's outposts, both there and +elsewhere, have ample opportunity of falling safely back upon their main +position, behind the stream of Bull Run. + + [McDowell in his testimony before the "Committee on the Conduct of + the War," said: "At Fairfax Court House was the South Carolina + Brigade. And I do not suppose anything would have had a greater + cheering effect upon the troops, and perhaps upon the Country, than + the capture of that brigade. And if General Tyler could have got + down there any time in the forenoon instead of in the afternoon, + the capture of that brigade was beyond question. It was about + 5,000 or 6,000 men, and Tyler had 12,000, at the same time that we + were pressing on in front. He did not get down there until in the + afternoon; none of us got forward in time."] + +This slowness is due to various causes. There is a pretty general +dread, for example, among our troops, of threatened ambuscades, and +hence the advance is more cautious than it otherwise would be. It is +thought the part of wisdom, as it were, to "feel the way." The +marching, moreover, is new to our troops. General Scott had checked +McDowell when the latter undertook to handle eight regiments together, +near Washington, by intimating that he was "trying to make a show." +Thus the very essential knowledge of how to manoeuvre troops in large +bodies, has been withheld from our Union generals, while the volunteer +regiments have either rusted in camp from inaction, or have been denied +the opportunity of acquiring that endurance and hardiness and discipline +which frequent movement of troops confers. Hence, all unused to the +discipline of the march, every moment some one falls out of line to +"pick blackberries, or to get water." Says McDowell, in afterward +reporting this march: "They would not keep in the ranks, order as much +as you pleased. When they came where water was fresh, they would pour +the old water out of their canteens and fill them with fresh water; they +were not used to denying themselves much." + +Meantime, Heintzelman's Division is also advancing, by cross-roads, more +to the left and South of the railroad line,--in accordance with +McDowell's plan, which comprehends not only the bagging of Bonham, but +an immediate subsequent demonstration, by Tyler, upon Centreville and +beyond, while Heintzelman, supported by Hunter and Miles, shall swoop +across Bull Run, at Wolf Run Shoals, some distance below Union Mills, +turn the Enemy's right, and cut off his Southern line of railroad +communications. Thus, by the evening of Wednesday, the 17th, +Heintzelman is at Sangster's Station, while Tyler, Miles, and Hunter, +are at Fairfax. + +It is a rather rough experience that now befalls the Grand Army of the +Union. All unused, as we have seen, to the fatigues and other hardships +of the march, the raw levies, of which it almost wholly consists, which +started bright and fresh, strong and hopeful, full of the buoyant ardor +of enthusiastic patriotism, on that hot July afternoon, only some thirty +hours back, are now dust-begrimed, footsore, broken down, exhausted by +the scorching sun, hungry, and without food,--for they have wasted the +rations with which they started, and the supply-trains have not yet +arrived. Thus, hungry and physically prostrated, "utterly played out," +as many of them confess, and demoralized also by straggling and loss of +organization, they bivouac that night in the woods, and dream uneasy +dreams beneath the comfortless stars. + +A mile beyond Fairfax Court House, on the Warrenton Turnpike, is +Germantown. It is here that Tyler's Division has rested, on the night +of the 17th. At 7 o'clock on the morning of Thursday, the 18th, in +obedience to written orders from McDowell, it presses forward, on that +"Pike," to Centreville, five miles nearer to the Enemy's position behind +Bull Run--Richardson's Brigade in advance--and, at 9 o'clock, occupies +it. Here McDowell has intended Tyler to remain, in accordance with the +plan, which he has imparted to him in conversation, and in obedience to +the written instructions to: "Observe well the roads to Bull Run and to +Warrenton. Do not bring on an engagement, but keep up the impression +that we are moving on Manassas,"--this advance, by way of Centreville, +being intended solely as a "demonstration" to mask the real movement, +which, as we have seen, is to be made by the other divisions across Wolf +Run Shoals, a point on Bull Run, some five or six miles below Union +Mills, and some seven miles below Blackburn's Ford. + +Upon the arrival of Richardson's Brigade, Thursday morning, at +Centreville, it is found that, under cover of the darkness of the +previous night, the Enemy has retreated, in two bodies, upon Bull Run, +the one along the Warrenton Pike, the other (the largest) down the +ridge-road from Centreville to Blackburn's Ford. Richardson's Brigade +at once turns down the latter road and halts about a mile beyond +Centreville, at a point convenient to some springs of water. Tyler soon +afterward rides up, and, taking from that brigade two companies of light +Infantry and a squadron of Cavalry, proceeds, with Colonel Richardson, +to reconnoitre the Enemy, finding him in a strong position on the +opposite bank of Bull Run, at Blackburn's Ford. + +While this is going on, McDowell has ridden in a Southerly direction +down to Heintzelman's Division, at Sangster's Station, "to make +arrangements to turn the Enemy's right, and intercept his communications +with the South," but has found, owing to the narrowness and crookedness +of the roads, and the great distance that must be traversed in making +the necessary detour, that his contemplated movement is too risky to be +ventured. Hence he at once abandons his original plan of turning the +Enemy's right, and determines on "going around his left, where the +country is more open, and the roads broad and good." + +McDowell now orders a concentration, for that night, of the four +divisions, with two days cooked rations in their haversacks, upon and +about Centreville,--the movement to commence as soon as they shall +receive expected commissariat supplies. But, later on the 18th,-- +learning that his advance, under Tyler, has, against orders, become +engaged with the Enemy--he directs the concentration to be made at once. + +Let us examine, for a moment, how this premature engagement comes about. +We left Tyler, accompanied by Richardson, with a squadron of Cavalry and +a battalion of light Infantry making a reconnaissance, on Thursday +morning the 18th, toward Blackburn's Ford. They approach within a mile +of the ford, when they discover a Rebel battery on the farther bank of +Bull Run--so placed as to enfilade the road descending from their own +position of observation down to the ford,--strong Rebel infantry pickets +and skirmishing parties being in front. + +Tyler at once orders up his two rifled guns, Ayres' Battery, and +Richardson's entire Brigade--and later, Sherman's Brigade as a reserve. +As soon as they come up,--about noon-he orders the rifled guns into +battery on the crest of the hill, about one mile from, and looking down +upon, the Rebel battery aforesaid, and opens upon the Enemy; giving him +a dozen shells,--one of them making it lively for a body of Rebel +Cavalry which appears between the ford and Manassas. + +The Rebel battery responds with half a dozen shots, and then ceases. +Tyler now orders Richardson to advance his brigade and throw out +skirmishers to scour the thick woods which cover the Bull Run bottom- +land. Richardson at once rapidly deploys the battalion of light +Infantry as skirmishers in advance of his brigade, pushes them forward +to the edge of the woods, drives in the skirmishers of the Enemy in fine +style, and supports their further advance into the woods, with the 1st +Massachusetts Regiment. + +Meanwhile Tyler, discovering a favorable opening in the woods, "low down +on the bottom of the stream," for a couple of howitzers in battery, +sends Captain Ayres of the 5th U. S. Artillery, and a detached section +(two 12-pound howitzers) of his battery, with orders to post it himself +on that spot, and sends Brackett's squadron of the 2d Cavalry to his +support. + +No sooner does Ayres open fire on the Enemy, than he awakens a Rebel +hornet's-nest. Volley after volley of musketry shows that the Bull Run +bottom fairly swarms with Rebel troops, while another Rebel battery, +more to the Rebel right, opens, with that already mentioned, a +concentrated cross-fire upon him. + +And now Richardson orders up the 12th New York, Colonel Walrath, to the +left of our battery. Forming it into line-of-battle, Richardson orders +it to charge through the woods upon the Enemy. Gallantly the regiment +moves forward, after the skirmishers, into the woods, but, being met by +a very heavy fire of musketry and artillery along the whole line of the +Enemy's position, is, for the most part, thrown back in confusion--a +mere fragment* remaining in line, and retreating,--while the howitzers, +and Cavalry also, are withdrawn. + +Meantime, however, Richardson has ordered up, and placed in line-of- +battle, on the right of our battery, the 1st Massachusetts, the 2d +Michigan (his own), and the 3d Michigan. The skirmishers in the woods +still bravely hold their ground, undercover, and these three regiments +are plucky, and anxious to assault the Enemy. Richardson proposes to +lead them in a charge upon the Enemy's position, and drive him out of +it; but Tyler declines to give permission, on the ground that this being +"merely a reconnaissance," the object of which--ascertaining the +strength and position of the Enemy--having been attained, a further +attack is unnecessary. He therefore orders Richardson to "fall back in +good order to our batteries on the hill,"--which he does. + +Upon reaching these batteries, Richardson forms his 2d Michigan, in +"close column by division," on their right, and the 1st Massachusetts +and 3d Michigan, in "line of battle," on their left--the 12th New York +re-forming, under cover of the woods at the rear, later on. Then, with +our skirmishers thrown into the woods in front, their scattering fire, +and the musketry responses of the Rebels, are drowned in the volume of +sound produced by the deafening contest which ensues between our +Artillery, and that of the Enemy from his batteries behind Bull Run. + +This artillery-duel continues about one hour; and then seems to cease by +mutual consent, about dusk--after 415 shots have been fired on the Union +side, and have been responded to by an equal number from the Rebel +batteries, "gun for gun"--the total loss in the engagement, on the Union +side, being 83, to a total loss among the Enemy, of Thursday night, +Richardson retires his brigade upon Centreville, in order to secure +rations and water for his hungry and thirsty troops,--as no water has +yet been found in the vicinity of the Union batteries aforesaid. On the +morrow, however, when his brigade re-occupies that position, water is +found in abundance, by digging for it. + +This premature attack, at Blackburn's Ford, by Tyler, against orders, +having failed, throws a wet blanket upon the martial spirit of +McDowell's Army. In like degree is the morale of the Rebel Army +increased. + +It is true that Longstreet, in command of the Rebel troops at +Blackburn's Ford, has not had things all his own way; that some of his +artillery had to be "withdrawn;" that, as he acknowledges in his report, +his brigade of three Virginia regiments (the 1st, 11th, and 17th) had +"with some difficulty repelled" the Union assault upon his position; +that he had to call upon General Early for re-enforcements; that Early +re-enforced him with two Infantry regiments (the 7th Louisiana and 7th +Virginia) at first; that one of these (the 7th Virginia) was "thrown +into confusion;" that Early then brought up his own regiment (the 24th +Virginia) under Lieutenant Colonel Hairston, and the entire seven guns +of the "Washington Artillery;" and that but for the active "personal +exertions" of Longstreet, in "encouraging the men under his command," +and the great numerical superiority of the Rebels, there might have been +no Union "repulse" at all. Yet still the attack has failed, and that +failure, while it dispirits the Patriot Army, inspires the Rebel Army +with renewed courage. + +Under these circumstances, Friday, the 19th of July, is devoted to +reconnaissances by the Engineer officers of the Union Army; to the +cooking of the supplies, which have at last arrived; and to resting the +weary and road-worn soldiers of the Union. + +Let us take advantage of this halt in the advance of McDowell's "Grand +Army of the United States"--as it was termed--to view the Rebel position +at, and about Manassas, and to note certain other matters having an +important and even determining bearing upon the issue of the impending +shock-at-arms. + +Beauregard has received early information of McDowell's advance from +Arlington, and of his plans. + + [This he admits, in his report, when he says; "Opportunely informed + of the determination of the Enemy to advance on Manassas, my + advanced brigades, on the night of the 16th of July, were made + aware, from these headquarters, of the impending movement,"] + +On Tuesday the 16th, he notifies his advanced brigades. On Wednesday, +he sends a dispatch from Manassas, to Jefferson Davis, at Richmond, +announcing that the Union troops have assailed his outposts in heavy +force; that he has fallen back before them, on the line of Bull Run; and +that he intends to make a stand at Mitchell's Ford (close to Blackburn's +Ford) on that stream,--adding: if his (McDowell's) force is +overwhelming, "I shall retire to the Rappahannock railroad bridge, +saving my command for defense there, and future operations. Please +inform Johnston of this, via Staunton, and also Holmes. Send forward +any re-enforcements at the earliest possible instant, and by every +possible means." + +In the meantime, however, Beauregard loses no time in advantageously +posting his troops. On the morning of the 18th of July, when the Union +advance enters Centreville, he has withdrawn all his advanced brigades +within the Rebel lines of Bull Run, resting them on the South side of +that stream, from Union Mills Ford, near the Orange and Alexandria +railroad bridge, up to the stone bridge over which the Warrenton Pike +crosses the Run,--a distance of some six to eight miles. + +Between the Rebel left, at Stone Bridge, and the Rebel right, at Union +Mills Ford, are several fords across Bull Run--the general course of the +stream being from the North-West to South-East, to its confluence with +the Occoquan River, some twelve miles from the Potomac River. + +Mitchell's Ford, the Rebel center, is about three miles to the South- +West of, and about the same distance North-East from, Manassas Junction. +But it may be well, right here, to locate all these fordable crossings +of the rocky, precipitous, and well-wooded Bull Run stream, between the +Stone Bridge and Union Mills Ford. Thus, half a mile below the Stone +Bridge is Lewis's Ford; half a mile below that, Ball's Ford; half a mile +below that, Island Ford; one and one-half miles below that, Mitchell's +Ford--one mile below that. + +Blackburn's Ford; three-quarters of a mile farther down, McLean's Ford; +and nearly two miles lower down the stream, Union Mills Ford. + +By Thursday morning, the 18th of July, Beauregard has advantageously +posted the seven brigades into which he has organized his forces, at +these various positions along his extended front, as follows: + +At the Stone Bridge, Brigadier-General N. G. Evans's Seventh Brigade, of +one regiment and one battalion of Infantry, two companies of Cavalry, +and a battery of four six-pounders. + +At Lewis's, Balls, and Island Fords--Colonel P. St. George Cocke's +Fifth Brigade, of three regiments of Infantry, one battery of Artillery, +and one company of Cavalry. + +At Mitchell's Ford, Brigadier-General M. L. Bonham's First Brigade, of +four Infantry regiments, two batteries, and six companies of Cavalry. + +At Blackburn's Ford, Brigadier-General J. Longstreet's Fourth Brigade, +of four Infantry regiments, with two 6-pounders. + +At McLean's Ford, Brigadier-General D. R. Jones's Third Brigade of three +Infantry regiments, one Cavalry company, and two 6-pounders. + +At Union Mills Ford, Brigadier-General R. S. Ewell's Second Brigade, of +three Infantry regiments, three Cavalry companies, and four 12-powder +howitzers--Colonel Jubal A. Early's Sixth Brigade, of three Infantry +regiments and three rifled pieces of Walton's Battery, being posted in +the rear of, and as a support to, Ewell's Brigade. + + [Johnston also found, on the 20th, the Reserve Brigade of Brig. + Gen. T. H. Holmes--comprising two regiments of Infantry, Walker's + Battery of Artillery, and Scott's Cavalry-with Early's Brigade, "in + reserve, in rear of the right."] + +The disposition and strength of Beauregard's forces at these various +points along his line of defense on Bull Run stream, plainly shows his +expectation of an attack on his right; but he is evidently suspicious +that it may come upon his centre; for, as far back as July 8th, he had +issued special orders to the effect that: + +"Should the Enemy march to the attack of Mitchell's Ford, via +Centreville, the following movements will be made with celerity: + +"I. The Fourth Brigade will march from Blackburn's Ford to attack him on +the flank and centre. + +"II. The Third Brigade will be thrown to the attack of his centre and +rear toward Centreville. + +"III. The Second and Sixth Brigades united will also push forward and +attack him in the rear by way of Centreville, protecting their own right +flanks and rear from the direction of Fairfax Station and Court House. + +"IV. In the event of the defeat of the Enemy, the troops at Mitchell's +Ford and Stone Bridge, especially the Cavalry and Artillery, will join +in the pursuit, which will be conducted with vigor but unceasing +prudence, and continued until he shall have been driven beyond the +Potomac." + +And it is not without interest to note Beauregard's subsequent +indorsement on the back of these Special Orders, that: "The plan of +attack prescribed within would have been executed, with modifications +affecting First and Fifth Brigades, to meet the attack upon Blackburn's +Ford, but for the expected coming of General Johnston's command, which +was known to be en route to join me on [Thursday] the 18th of July." + +The knowledge thus possessed on Thursday, the 18th, by Beauregard, that +Johnston's Army is on its way to join him, is of infinite advantage to +the former. On the other hand, the complete ignorance, at this time, of +McDowell on this point,--and the further fact that he has been lulled +into a feeling of security on the subject, by General Scott's emphatic +assurance to him that "if Johnston joins Beauregard, he shall have +Patterson on his heels"--is a great disadvantage to the Union general. + +Were McDowell now aware of the real Military situation, he would +unquestionably make an immediate attack, with the object of crushing +Beauregard before Johnston can effect a junction with him. It would +then be a mere matter of detail for the armies of McDowell, McClellan, +and Patterson, to bag Johnston, and bring the armed Rebellion to an +inglorious and speedy end. But Providence--through the plottings of +individuals within our own lines--wills it otherwise. + +Long before this, Patterson has been informed by General Winfield Scott +of the proposed movement by McDowell upon Manassas,--and of its date. + +On Saturday, July 13th, General Scott telegraphed to Patterson: "I +telegraphed to you yesterday, if not strong enough to beat the Enemy +early next week, make demonstrations so as to detain him in the Valley +of Winchester; but if he retreats in force toward Manassas, and it be +too hazardous to follow him, then consider the route via Keys Ferry, +Leesburg, etc." + +On Wednesday, the 17th, Scott telegraphs to Patterson: "I have nothing +official from you since Sunday (14th), but am glad to learn, through +Philadelphia papers, that you have advanced. Do not let the Enemy amuse +and delay you with a small force in front whilst he re-enforces the +Junction with his main body. McDowell's first day's work has driven the +Enemy beyond Fairfax Court House. The Junction will probably be carried +by to-morrow." + +On Thursday, the 18th, Patterson replies that to attack "the greatly +superior force at Winchester "when the three months volunteers' time was +about up, and they were threatening to leave him--would be "most +hazardous" and then he asks: "Shall I attack?" + +Scott answers the same day: "I have certainly been expecting you to beat +the Enemy. If not, to hear that you had felt him strongly, or, at +least, had occupied him by threats and demonstrations. You have been at +least his equal, and, I suppose, superior in numbers. Has he not stolen +a march and sent re-enforcements toward Manassas Junction? A week is +enough to win victories," etc. + +Patterson retorts, on the same day: "The Enemy has stolen no march upon +me. I have kept him actively employed, and by threats, and +reconnaissances in force, caused him to be re-enforced. I have +accomplished in this respect more than the General-in-Chief asked, or +could well be expected, in face of an Enemy far superior in numbers, +with no line of communication to protect." + +In another dispatch, to Assistant Adjutant-General Townsend (with +General Scott), he says, that same afternoon of Thursday, the 18th: "I +have succeeded, in accordance with the wishes of the General-in-Chief, +in keeping General Johnston's Force at Winchester. A reconnaissance in +force, on Tuesday, caused him to be largely re-enforced from Strasburg." + +Again, on Friday, the 19th, he informs Colonel Townsend that: "The +Enemy, from last information, are still at Winchester, and being re- +enforced every night." + +It is not until Saturday, the 20th of July, that he telegraphs to +Townsend: "With a portion of his force, Johnston left Winchester, by the +road to Millwood, on the afternoon of the 18th." And he adds the +ridiculous statement: "His whole force was about 35,200." + +Thus, despite all the anxious care of General Scott, to have Johnston's +Army detained in the Shenandoah Valley, it has escaped Patterson so +successfully, and entirely, that the latter does not even suspect its +disappearance until the day before the pitched Battle of Bull Run is +fought! Its main body has actually reached Manassas twenty-four hours +before Patterson is aware that it has left Winchester! + +And how is it, that Johnston gets away from Patterson so neatly? And +when does he do it? + + [The extraordinary conduct of General Patterson at this critical + period, when everything seemed to depend upon his exertions, was + afterward the subject of inquiry by the Joint-Committee on the + Conduct of the War. The testimony taken by that Committee makes it + clear, to any unprejudiced mind, that while Patterson himself may + have been loyal to the Union, he was weak enough to be swayed from + the path of duty by some of the faithless and unpatriotic officers + with whom he had partly surrounded himself--and especially by Fitz + John Porter, his Chief-of-staff. Let us examine the sworn + testimony of two or three witnesses on this point. + + General CHARLES W. SANFORD, who was second in command under + Patterson, and in command of Patterson's Left Wing, testified [see + pages 54-66, Report on Conduct of the War, Vol. 3, Part 2,] that he + was at a Council of War held at the White House, June 29th, when + the propriety of an attack on the Rebel lines at Manassas was + discussed; that he objected to any such movement until Patterson + was in such a position as to prevent the junction between General + Johnston's Army and the troops at Manassas; that on the 6th of + July, he was sent by General Scott, with four picked New York + regiments, to Patterson, and (waiving his own seniority rank) + reported to that General, at Williamsport; that Patterson gave him + command of a division of 8,000 men (and two batteries) out of a + total in his Army of 22,000; that he "delivered orders from General + Scott to General Patterson, and urged a forward movement as soon as + possible;" that there was "Some delay at Martinsburg, + notwithstanding the urgency of our matter," but they "left there on + [Monday] the 15th of July, and went in the direction of + Winchester,"--down to Bunker Hill,--Patterson with two divisions + going down the turnpike, and Sanford taking his division a little + in advance and more easterly on the side roads so as to be in a + position to flank Johnston's right; that on that afternoon (Monday, + July 15) General Patterson rode up to where Sanford was locating + his camp. + + Continuing his testimony, General Sanford said: "I was then within + about nine miles of Johnston's fortified camp at Winchester. + Patterson was complimenting me upon the manner in which my + regiments were located, and inquiring about my pickets, which I had + informed him I had sent down about three miles to a stream below. + I had driven out the Enemy's skirmishers ahead of us. They had + some cavalry there. In answer to his compliments about the + comfortable location I had made, I said: 'Very comfortable, + General, when shall we move on?' * * * He hesitated a moment or + two, and then said: 'I don't know yet when we shall move. And if I + did I would not tell my own father.' I thought that was rather a + queer speech to make to me under the circumstances. But I smiled + and said: 'General, I am only anxious that we shall get forward, + that the Enemy shall not escape us.' He replied: 'There is no + danger of that. I will have a reconnaissance to-morrow, and we + will arrange about moving at a very early period.' He then took + his leave. + + "The next day [Tuesday, July 16th], there was a reconnaissance on + the Winchester turnpike, about four or five miles below the + General's camp. He sent forward a section of artillery and some + cavalry, and they found a post-and-log fence across the Winchester + turnpike, and some of the Enemy's cavalry on the other side of it. + They gave them a round of grape. The cavalry scattered off, and + the reconnaissance returned. That was the only reconnaissance I + heard of while we were there. My own pickets went further than + that. But it was understood, the next afternoon, that we were to + march forward at daylight. I sent down Col. Morell, with 40 men, + to open a road down to Opequan Creek, within five miles of the camp + at Winchester, on the side-roads I was upon, which would enable me, + in the course of three hours, to get between Johnston and the + Shenandoah River, and effectually bar his way to Manassas. I had + my ammunition all distributed, and ordered my men to have 24 hours' + rations in their haversacks, independent of their breakfast. We + were to march at 4 o'clock the next morning. I had this road to + the Opequan completed that night. I had then with me, in addition + to my eight regiments amounting to about 8,000 men and a few + cavalry, Doubleday's heavy United States battery of 20 and 30 + pounders, and a very good Rhode Island battery. And I was willing + to take the risk, whether Gen. Patterson followed me up or not, of + placing myself between Johnston and the Shenandoah River, rather + than let Johnston escape. And, at 4 o'clock [July 17th] I should + have moved over that road for that purpose, if I had had no further + orders. But, a little after 12 o'clock at night [July 16th-17th,] + I received a long order of three pages from Gen. Patterson, + instructing me to move on to Charlestown, which is nearly at right + angles to the road I was going to move on, and twenty-two miles + from Winchester. This was after I had given my orders for the + other movement." + + * * * * * * * * * * + + 'Question [by the Chairman].--And that left Johnston free? + "Answer--Yes, Sir; left him free to make his escape, which he did. + * * *" + + 'Question.--In what direction would Johnston have had to move to + get by you? + "Answer--Right out to the Shenandoah River, which he forded. He + found out from his cavalry, who were watching us, that we were + actually leaving, and he started at 1 o'clock that same day, with + 8,000 men, forded the Shenandoah where it was so deep that he + ordered his men to put their cartridge-boxes on their bayonets, got + out on the Leesburg road, and went down to Manassas." + + "Question [by the Chairman].--Did he [Patterson] assign any reason + for that movement? + "Answer.--I was, of course, very indignant about it, and so were + all my officers and men; so much so that when, subsequently, at + Harper's Ferry, Patterson came by my camp, there was a universal + groan--against all discipline, of course, and we suppressed it as + soon as possible. The excuse given by Gen. Patterson was this: + that he had received intelligence that he could rely upon, that + Gen. Johnston had been re-enforced by 20,000 men from Manassas, + and was going to make an attack upon him; and in the order which I + received that night--a long order of three pages--I was ordered to + occupy all the communicating roads, turning off a regiment here, + and two or three regiments there, and a battery at another place, + to occupy all the roads from Winchester to the neighborhood of + Charlestown, and all the cross-roads, and hold them all that day, + until Gen. Patterson's whole army went by me to Charlestown; and I + sat seven hours in the saddle near a place called Smithfield, while + Patterson, with his whole army, went by me on their way to + Charlestown, he being apprehensive, as he said, of an attack from + Johnston's forces." + + "Question [by Mr. Odell].--You covered his movement? + "Answer--Yes, Sir. Now the statement that he made, which came to + me through Colonel Abercrombie, who was Patterson's brother-in-law, + and commanded one division in that army, was, that Johnston had + been re-enforced; and Gen. Fitz-John Porter reported the same thing + to my officers. Gen. Porter was then the chief of Patterson's + staff, and was a very excellent officer, and an accomplished + soldier. They all had got this story, which was without the + slightest shadow of foundation; for there had not a single man + arrived at the camp since we had got full information that their + force consisted of 20,000 men, of whom 1,800 were sick with the + measles. The story was, however, that they had ascertained, by + reliable information, of this re-enforcement. Where they got their + information, I do not know. None such reached me; and I picked up + deserters and other persons to get all the information I could; and + we since have learned, as a matter of certainty, that Johnston's + forces never did exceed 20,000 men there. But the excuse Patterson + gave was, that Johnson had been re-enforced by 20,000 men from + Manassas, and was going to attack him. That was the reason he gave + then for this movement. But in this paper he has lately published, + he hints at another reason--another excuse--which was that it was + by order of Gen. Scott. Now, I know that the peremptory order of + Gen. Scott to Gen. Patterson, repeated over and over again, was + this--I was present on several occasions when telegraphic + communications went from Gen. Scott to Gen. Patterson: Gen. Scott's + orders to Gen. Patterson were that, if he were strong enough, he + was to attack and beat Johnston. But if not, then he was to place + himself in such a position as to keep Johnston employed, and + prevent him from making a junction with Beauregard at Manassas. + That was the repeated direction of Gen. Scott to Gen. Patterson; + and it was because of Patterson's hesitancy, and his hanging back, + and keeping so far beyond the reach of Johnston's camp, that I was + ordered to go up there and re-enforce him, and assist him in any + operations necessary to effect that object. The excuse of Gen. + Patterson now is, that he had orders from Gen. Scott to move to + Charlestown. Now, that is not so. But this state of things + existed: Before the movement was made from Martinsburg, General + Patterson suggested to General Scott that Charlestown would be a + better base of operations than Martinsburg and suggested that he + had better move on Charlestown, and thence make his approaches to + Winchester; that it would be better to do that than to move + directly to Winchester from Martinsburg; and General Scott wrote + back to say that, if he found that movement a better one, he was at + liberty to make it. But Gen. Patterson had already commenced his + movement on Winchester direct from Martinsburg, and had got as far + as Bunker Hill; so that the movement which he had formerly + suggested, to Charlestown, was suppressed by his own act. But that + is the pretence now given in his published speech for making the + movement from Bunker Hill to Charlestown, which was a retreat, + instead of the advance which the movement to Charlestown he first + proposed to Gen. Scott was intended to be." + + * * * * * * * * * * * * + + "Question [by the Chairman].--Was not that change of direction and + movement to Charlestown a total abandonment of the object which you + were pursuing? + "Answer.--Entirely an abandonment of the main principles of the + orders he was acting under." + + "Question.--And of course an abandonment of the purpose for which + you were there? + "Answer.--Yes, Sir. + + "Question [by Mr. Odell].-Was it not your understanding in leaving + here, and was it not the understanding also of Gen. Scott, that + your purpose in going there was to check Johnston with direct + reference to the movement here? + "Answer--Undoubtedly. It was in consequence of the suggestion made + by me at the Council at the President's house. * * * And upon the + suggestion of General Scott they wanted me to go up there and + assist Patterson in this movement against Johnston, so as to carry + out the point I had suggested of first checkmating Johnston before + the movement against Manassas was made here." + + * * * * * * * * * + + Question [by the Chairman].--Would there have been any difficulty + in preventing Johnston from going to Manassas? + "Answer.--None whatever." + + * * * * * * * * * + + "Question [by the Chairman.]--I have heard it suggested that he + (Patterson) undertook to excuse this movement on the ground that + the time of many of his troops had expired, and they refused to + accompany him. + "Answer.--That to my knowledge, is untrue. The time of none of + them had expired when this movement was made. All the troops that + were there were in the highest condition for the service. These + three-months' men, it may be well to state to you who are not + Military men, were superior to any other volunteer troops that we + had, in point of discipline. They were the disciplined troops of + the Country. The three-months' men were generally the organized + troops of the different States--New York, Pennsylvania, etc. We + had, for instance, from Patterson's own city, Philadelphia, one of + the finest regiments in the service, which was turned over to me, + at their own request; and the most of my regiments were disciplined + and organized troops. They were all in fine condition, anxious, + zealous, and earnest for a fight. They thought they were going to + attack Johnston's camp at Winchester. Although I had suggested to + Gen. Patterson that there was no necessity for that, the camp being + admirably fortified with many of their heavy guns from Norfolk, I + proposed to him to place ourselves between Johnston and the + Shenandoah, which would have compelled him to fight us there, or to + remain in his camp, either of which would have effected General + Scott's object. If I had got into a fight, it was very easy, over + this road I had just been opening, for Patterson to have re- + enforced me and to have come up to the fight in time. The + proposition was to place ourselves between Johnston's fortified + camp and the Shenandoah, where his fortified camp would have been + of no use to him." + + "Question.--Even if you had received a check there, it would have + prevented his junction with the forces at Manassas? + "Answer.--Yes, Sir; I would have risked a battle with my own + division rather than Johnston should have escaped. If he had + attacked me, I could have taken a position where I could have held + it, while Patterson could have fallen upon him and repulsed him." + + "Question [by Mr. Odell].--Had you any such understanding with + Patterson? + "Answer.--I told him I would move down on this side-road in + advance, leaving Gen. Patterson to sustain me if I got into a + fight. So, on the other hand, if he should attack Patterson, I was + near enough to fall upon Johnston's flank and to support Patterson. + By using this communication of mine to pass Opequan Creek--where, I + had informed Patterson, I had already pushed forward my pickets, + [200 men in the day and 400 more at night,] to prevent the Enemy + from burning the bridge--it would have enabled me to get between + Johnston and the Shenandoah River. On the morning [Wednesday, July + 17th] of our march to Charlestown, Stuart's cavalry, which figured + so vigorously at Bull Run, was upon my flank all day. They were + apparently about 800 strong. I saw them constantly on my flank for + a number of miles. I could distinguish them, with my glass, with + great ease. Finally, they came within about a mile of the line of + march I was pursuing and I sent a battery around to head them off, + and the 12th Regiment across the fields in double-quick time to + take them in the rear. I thought I had got them hemmed in. But + they broke down the fences, and went across the country to + Winchester, and I saw nothing more of them. They were then about + eight miles from Winchester, and must have got there in the course + of a couple of hours. That day [Wednesday, the 17th] at 10 + o'clock--as was ascertained from those who saw him crossing the + Shenandoah--Johnston started from Winchester with 8,000 men, forded + the Shenandoah, and got to Manassas on Friday night; and his second + in command started the next day with all the rest of the available + troops--something like 9,000 men; leaving only the sick, and a few + to guard them, in the camp at Winchester--and they arrived at the + battle-field in the midst of the fight, got out of the cars, rushed + on the battle-field, and turned the scale. I have no doubt that, + if we had intercepted Johnston, as we ought to have done, the + battle of Bull Run would have been a victory for us instead of a + defeat. Johnston was undoubtedly the ablest general they had in + their army." + + Colonel CRAIG BIDDLE, testified that he was General Patterson's + aide-de-camp at the time. In answer to a question by the Chairman, + he continued: + + "Answer.--I was present, of course, at all the discussions. The + discussion at Martinsburg was as to whether or not General + Patterson should go on to Winchester. General Patterson was very + full of that himself. He was determined to go to Winchester; but + the opinions of all the regular officers who were with him, were + against it. The opinions of all the men in whose judgment I had + any confidence, were against it. They seemed to have the notion + that General Patterson had got his Irish blood up by the fight we + had had at Falling Waters, and was bound to go ahead. He decided + upon going ahead, against the remonstrances of General [Fitz John] + Porter, who advised against it. He told me he considered he had + done his duty, and said no more. The movement was delayed in + consequence of General Stone's command not being able to move right + away. It was then evident that there was so much opposition to it + that the General was induced to call a council of the general + officers in his command, at which I was present. They were + unanimously opposed to the advance. That was at Martinsburg." + + * * * * * * * * * + + "Question.--While at Bunker Hill, the night before you left there, + were any orders issued to march in the evening? + "Answer.--I think there were such orders." + + "Question.--Did not General Patterson issue orders at Bunker Hill, + the night before you marched to Charlestown, for an attack on the + Enemy? + "Answer.-I think such orders were written. I do not think they + were issued. I think General Patterson was again persuaded not to + make an advance." + + Colonel R. BUTLER PRICE, Senior aide to Patterson, testified as + follows: + + * * * * * * * * * + + "Question [by Mr. Gooch].--Was it not the intention to move from + Bunker Hill to Winchester? + "Answer.--Yes, Sir. At one time General Patterson had given an + order to move from Bunker Hill to Winchester. He was very + unwilling to leave Johnston even at Winchester without attacking + him; and on the afternoon before we left Bunker Hill he decided to + attack him, notwithstanding his strong force." + + "Question.--Behind his intrenchments? + "Answer.--Yes, Sir; it went so far that his order was written by + his adjutant, General [Fitz John] Porter. It was very much against + the wishes of General [Fitz John] Porter; and he asked General + Patterson if he would send for Colonel Abercrombie and Colonel + Thomas and consult them on the movement. General Patterson + replied: No, Sir; for I know they will attempt to dissuade me from + it, and I have made up my mind to fight Johnston under all + circumstances. That was the day before we left Bunker Hill. Then + Colonel [Fitz John] Porter asked to have Colonel Abercrombie and + Colonel Thomas sent for and consulted as to the best manner to + carry out his wishes. He consented, and they came, and after half + an hour they dissuaded him from it." + + "Question.--At that time General Patterson felt it was so important + to attack Johnston that he had determined to do it? + "Answer.--Yes, Sir; the order was not published, but it was + written." + + "Question.--You understood General Patterson to be influenced to + make that attempt because he felt there was a necessity for + detaining Johnston? + "Answer.--Yes, Sir; to detain him as long as he possibly could." + + "Question.--That order was not countermanded until late on Tuesday, + the 16th, was it? + "Answer.--That order never was published. It was written; but, at + the earnest solicitation of Colonel [Fitz John] Porter, it was + withheld until he could have a consultation with Colonel + Abercrombie and Colonel Thomas."] + +It is about 1 o'clock on the morning of Thursday, July 18th,--that same +day which witnesses the preliminary Battle of Blackburn's Ford--that +Johnston, being at Winchester, and knowing of Patterson's peculiarly +inoffensive and timid movement to his own left and rear, on Charlestown, +receives from the Rebel Government at Richmond, a telegraphic dispatch, +of July 17th, in these words: "General Beauregard is attacked. To +strike the Enemy a decisive blow, a junction of all your effective force +will be needed. If practicable, make the movement. * * * In all the +arrangements exercise your discretion." + +Johnston loses no time in deciding that it is his duty to prevent, if +possible, disaster to Beauregard's Army; that to do this he must effect +a junction with him; and that this necessitates either an immediate +fight with, and defeat of, Patterson,--which may occasion a fatal +delay--or else, that Union general must be eluded. Johnston determines +on the latter course. + +Leaving his sick, with some militia to make a pretense of defending the +town in case of attack, Johnston secretly and rapidly marches his Army, +of 9,000 effective men, Southeasterly from Winchester, at noon of +Thursday, the 18th; across by a short cut, wading the Shenandoah River, +and then on through Asby's Gap, in the Blue Ridge, that same night; +still on, in the same direction, to a station on the Manassas Gap +railroad, known as Piedmont, which is reached by the next (Friday) +morning,--the erratic movements of Stuart's Cavalry entirely concealing +the manoeuvre from the knowledge of Patterson. + +From Piedmont, the Artillery and Cavalry proceed to march the remaining +twenty-five miles, or so, to Manassas Junction, by the roads. The 7th +and 8th Georgia Regiments of Bartow's Brigade, with Jackson's Brigade,-- +comprising the 2d, 4th, 5th, 27th and 33d Virginia Regiments--are +embarked on the cars, and hurriedly sent in advance, by rail, to +Manassas, reaching there on that same (Friday) afternoon and evening. +These are followed by General Johnston, with Bee's Brigade--comprising +the 4th Alabama, 2d Mississippi, and a battalion of the 11th +Mississippi--which arrive at Manassas about noon of Saturday, the 20th +of July, the balance of Johnston's Infantry being billed for arrival +that same day, or night. + +Upon Johnston's own arrival at Manassas, Saturday noon,--the very day +that Patterson ascertains that "the bird has flown,"--after assuming +command, by virtue of seniority, he proceeds to examine Beauregard's +position. This he finds "too extensive, and the ground too densely +wooded and intricate," to be learned quickly, and hence he is impelled +to rely largely upon Beauregard for information touching the strength +and positions of both the Rebel and Union Armies. + +Beauregard has now 21,833 men, and 29 pieces of artillery of his own +"Army of the Potomac." Johnston's and Holmes's junction with him has +raised the Rebel total to 32,000 effectives, and 55 guns. McDowell, on +the other hand, who started with 30,000 effectives, finds himself on the +19th--owing to the departure of one of his regiments and a battery of +Artillery, because of the expiration of their term of enlistment,--with +but "28,000 men at the utmost."--[Comte de Paris.] + +On the evening of Saturday, the 20th of July, Johnston and Beauregard +hold an important consultation. The former feels certain that +Patterson, with his more than 20,000 effectives, will now lose no time +in essaying a junction with McDowell's Army, and that such junction will +probably be effected by July 22nd. Hence he perceives the necessity of +attacking McDowell, and if possible, with the combined Rebel Forces, +whipping him before Patterson can come up to his assistance. + +At this consultation it is agreed by the two Rebel generals to assume +the offensive, at once. Beauregard proposes a plan of battle--which is +an immediate general advance of the Rebel centre and left, +concentrating, from all the fords of Bull Run, upon Centreville, while +the Rebel right advances toward Sangster's cross-roads, ready to fall +either on Centreville, or upon Fairfax Court House, in its rear, +according to circumstances. + +The plan proposed, is accepted at once by Johnston. The necessary order +is drawn up by Beauregard that night; and at half past four o'clock on +Sunday morning, July 21st, Johnston signs the written order. Nothing +now remains, apparently, but the delivery of the order to the Rebel +brigade commanders, a hurried preparation for the forward movement, and +then the grand attack upon McDowell, at Centreville. + +Already, no doubt, the fevered brain of Beauregard pictures, in his +vivid imagination, the invincible thunders of his Artillery, the +impetuous advance of his Infantry, the glorious onset of his Cavalry, +the flight and rout of the Union forces, his triumphal entry into +Washington--Lincoln and Scott and the Congress crouching at his feet-- +and the victorious South and conquered North acclaiming him Dictator! +The plan is Beauregard's own, and Beauregard is to have command. Hence +all the glory of capturing the National Capital, must be Beauregard's. +Why not? But "man proposes, and God disposes." The advance and attack, +are, in that shape, never to be made. + +McDowell, in the meantime, all unconscious of what has transpired in the +Shenandoah Valley, and between there and Manassas; never dreaming for an +instant that Patterson has failed to keep Johnson there--even if he has +not attacked and defeated him; utterly unsuspicious that his own +lessened Union Army has now to deal with the Forces of Johnston and +Beauregard combined--with a superior instead of an inferior force; is +executing a plan of battle which he has decided upon, and announced to +his general officers, on that same Saturday evening, at his Headquarters +in Centreville. + +Instead of attempting to turn the Enemy's right, and cut off his +communications with Richmond and the South, McDowell has now determined +to attack the Enemy's left, cut his communication, via the Manassas Gap +railroad, with Johnston's Army,--still supposed by him to be in the +Valley of the Shenandoah--and, taking him in the left flank and rear, +roll him upon Manassas, in disorder and defeat--with whatever might +follow. + +That is the plan--in its general features. In executing it, Blenker's +Brigade of Miles's Division is to remain at Centreville as a reserve, +throwing up intrenchments about its Heights, upon which to fall back, in +case of necessity; Davies's Brigade of the same Division, with +Richardson's Brigade of Tyler's Division--as the Left Wing--are to +demonstrate at Blackburn's Ford, toward the Enemy's right; Tyler's other +three brigades, under Keyes, Schenck, and Sherman, are to feign an +attack on the Enemy's left, posted behind the strongly-defended Stone +Bridge over which the Warrenton turnpike, running Westward, on its way +from Centreville to Warrenton, crosses Bull Run stream; while the strong +divisions under Hunter and Heintzelman--forming McDowell's Right Wing-- +are to follow Tyler's Division Westward down the turnpike to a point +within one mile and a half of the Stone Bridge, thence, by cross-road, +diverge several miles to the North, then sweep around gradually to the +West, and then Southwardly over Bull Run at Sudley Springs Ford, +swooping down the Sudley road upon the Enemy's left flank and rear, near +Stone Bridge, rolling it back toward his center, while Tyler's remaining +three brigades cross the bridge and join in the assault. That is the +whole plan in a nutshell. + +It has been McDowell's intention to push forward, from Centreville along +the Warrenton Pike a few miles, on the evening of this Military +conference; but he makes his first mistake, in allowing himself to be +dissuaded from that, by those, who, in his own words, "have the greatest +distance to go," and who prefer "starting early in the morning and +making but one move." + +The attacking divisions now have orders to march at 2:30 A. M., in order +"to avoid the heat," which is excessive. Tyler's three immediate +brigades--or some of them--are slow in starting Westward, along the +Warrenton Pike, to the Stone Bridge; and this leads to a two or three +hours delay of the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman, before they can +follow that Pike beyond Centreville, and commence the secret detour to +their right, along the cross-road leading to Sudley Springs. + +At 6:30 A.M., Tyler's Artillery gets into position, to cannonade the +Enemy's batteries, on the West Bank of Bull Run, commanding the Stone +Bridge, and opens fire. Half an hour before this, (at 6 A.M.), the +Rebel artillerists, posted on a hill South of the Pike, and 600 yards +West of the bridge, have caught sight of Tyler's Union blue-jackets. +Those of the Rebel gunners whose eyes are directed to the North-East, +soon see, nearly a mile away, up the gradual slope, a puff of blue +smoke. Immediately the bang of a solitary rifle cannon is heard, and +the scream of a rifled shot as it passes over their heads. At +intervals, until past 9 A.M., that piece and others in the same +position, keep hammering away at the Rebel left, under Evans, at Stone +Bridge. + +The Rebel response to this cannonade, is very feeble. McDowell observes +this. He suspects there has been a weakening of the Enemy's force at +the bridge, in order to strengthen his right for some purpose. And what +can that purpose be, but to throw his augmented right upon our left, at +Blackburn's Ford, and so, along the ridge-road, upon Centreville? Thus +McDowell guesses, and guesses well. To be in readiness to protect his +own left and rear, by reenforcing Miles's Division, at Centreville and +along the ridge to Blackburn's Ford, he temporarily holds back Howard's +Brigade of Heintzelman's Division at the point where the cross-road to +Sudley Springs Ford-along which Hunter's Division, followed by the +Brigades of Franklin and Wilcox, of Heintzelman's Division, have already +gone-intersects the Warrenton Pike. + +It is 9 o'clock. Beauregard, as yet unaware of McDowell's new plan, +sends an order to Ewell, on his right, to hold himself ready "to take +the offensive, at a moment's notice,"--and directing that Ewell be +supported in his advance, toward Sangster's cross-roads and the rear of +Centreville, by Holmes's Brigade. In accordance with that order, Ewell, +who is "at Union Mills and its neighborhood," gets his brigade ready, +and Holmes moves up to his support. After waiting two hours, Ewell +receives another order, for both Ewell and Holmes "to resume their +places." Something must have occurred since 9 o'clock, to defeat +Beauregard's plan of attack on Centreville--with all its glorious +consequences! What can it be? We shall see. + +While Tyler's Artillery has been cannonading the Rebel left, under +Evans, at Stone Bridge,--fully impressed with the prevailing Union +belief that the bridge is not only protected by strong masked batteries, +heavy supports of Infantry, and by abatis as well as other defenses, but +is also mined and ready to be blown up at the approach of our troops, +when in reality the bridge is not mined, and the Rebel force in men and +guns at that point has been greatly weakened in anticipation of +Beauregard's projected advance upon Centreville,--the Union column, +under Hunter and Heintzelman, is advancing from Centreville, in the +scorching heat and suffocating dust of this tropical July morning, +slowly, but surely, along the Warrenton Pike and the cross-road to +Sudley Springs Ford--a distance of some eight miles of weary and +toilsome marching for raw troops in such a temperature--in this order: +Burnside's Brigade, followed by Andrew Porter's Brigade,--both of +Hunter's Division; then Franklin's Brigade, followed by Willcox's +Brigade,--both of Heintzelman's Division. + +It is half past 9 o'clock; before Burnside's Brigade has crossed the +Bull Run stream, at Sudley's Ford, and the head of Andrew Porter's +Brigade commences to ford it. The troops are somewhat slow in crossing. +They are warm, tired, thirsty, and as to dust,--their hair and eyes and +nostrils and mouths are full of it, while most of the uniforms, once +blue, have become a dirty gray. The sky is clear. The sun already is +fiercely hot. The men stop to drink and fill their canteens. It is +well they do. + +McDowell, who has been waiting two or three hours at the turn, impatient +at the delay, has ridden over to the front of the Flanking column, and +now reaches Sudley's Ford. He feels that much valuable time is already +lost. His plan has, in a measure, been frustrated by delay. He had +calculated on crossing Bull Run, at Sudley's Ford, and getting to the +rear of the Enemy's position, at Stone Bridge, before a sufficient Rebel +force could be assembled to contest the Union advance. He sends back an +aide with orders to the regimental commanders in the rear, to "break +from column, and hurry forward separately, as fast as possible." +Another aide he sends, with orders to Howard to bring his brigade +across-fields. To Tyler he also sends orders to "press forward his +attack, as large bodies of the Enemy are passing in front of him to +attack the division (Hunter's) which has passed over." + +It may here be explained, that the Sudley road, running about six miles +South-Southeasterly from Sudley Springs Ford to Manassas Junction, is +crossed at right angles, about two miles South of the Springs, by the +Warrenton Pike, at a point about one mile and a half West of the Stone +Bridge. For nearly a mile South of Sudley Ford, the Sudley road passes +through thick woods on the left, and alternate patches of wooded and +cleared lands on the right. The country farther South, opens into +rolling fields, occasionally cut by transverse gullies, and patched with +woods. This is what Burnside's Brigade beholds, as it marches +Southward, along the Sudley road, this eventful morning. + +Thus far, the cannonade of Tyler's batteries, and the weak return-fire +of the Rebel Artillery, at Stone Bridge, over two miles South-East of +Sudley Ford, is about the only music by which the Union march has kept +time. + +But now, as Burnside's foremost regiment emerges from the woods, at half +past 10 o'clock, the Artillery of the Enemy opens upon it. + +Let us see how this happens. Evans's Brigade, defending the Stone +Bridge, and constituting the Enemy's extreme left, comprises, as has +already been mentioned, Sloan's 4th South Carolina Regiment, Wheat's +Louisiana battalion, Terry's squadron of Virginia Cavalry, and +Davidson's section of Latham's Battery of six-pounders. + +Earlier in the morning Evans has supposed, from the cannonade of Tyler's +batteries among the pines on the hills obliquely opposite the Enemy's +left, as well as from the sound of the cannonade of the Union batteries +away down the stream on the Enemy's right, near Blackburn's Ford, that +McDowell is about to make an attack upon the whole front of the Rebel +line of defense along Bull Run-by way of the Stone Bridge, and the +various fords below it, which cross that stream. But by 10 o'clock, +that Rebel general begins to feel doubtful, suspicious, and uneasy. +Despite the booming of Tyler's guns, he has caught in the distance the +rumbling sounds of Hunter's Artillery wheels. + +Evans finds himself pondering the meaning of those long lines of dust, +away to his left; and then, like a flash, it bursts upon him, that all +this Military hubbub in his front, and far away to his right, is but a +feint; that the real danger is somehow connected with that mysterious +far-away rumble, and those lines of yellow dust; that the main attack is +to be on the unprepared left and rear of the Rebel position! + +No sooner has the Rebel brigade-commander thus divined the Union plan of +attack, than he prepares, with the limited force at his command, to +thwart it. Burnside and he are about equidistant, by this time, from +the intersection of the Sudley road, running South, with the Warrenton +Pike, running West. Much depends upon which of them shall be the first +to reach it,--and the instinctive, intuitive knowledge of this, spurs +Evans to his utmost energy. He leaves four of his fifteen companies, +and Rogers's section of the Loudoun Artillery,--which has come up from +Cocke's Brigade, at the ford below--to defend the approaches to the +Stone Bridge, from the East side of Bull Run,--and, with the other +eleven companies, and Latham's half-battery, he hurries Westward, along +the Warrenton Pike, toward the Sudley road-crossing, to resist the +impending Union attack. + +It is now 10:30 o'clock, and, as he hurries along, with anxious eyes, +scanning the woods at the North, he suddenly catches the glitter of +Burnside's bayonets coming down through them, East of the Sudley road, +in "column of regiments" toward Young's Branch--a small stream turning, +in a Northern and Southern loop, respectively above and below the +Warrenton Pike, much as the S of a prostrate dollar-mark twines above +and below its horizontal line, the vicinity of which is destined to be +hotly-contested ground ere night-fall. + + [Says Captain D. P. Woodbury, U. S. corps of engineers, and + who, with Captain Wright, guided the divisions of Hunter and + Heintzelman in making the detour to the upper part of Bull Run: "At + Sudley's Mills we lingered about an hour to give the men and horses + water and a little rest before going into action, our advance guard + in the mean time going ahead about three quarters of a mile. + Resuming our march, we emerged from the woods about one mile South + of the ford, and came upon a beautiful open valley about one and a + quarter miles square, bounded on the right or West by a wooded + ridge, on the Fast by the rough spurs or bluffs of Bull Run, on the + North by an open plain and ridge, on which our troops began to + form, and on the South by another ridge, on which the Enemy was + strongly posted, with woods behind their backs. The Enemy was also + in possession of the bluffs of Bull Run on our left."] + +Sending word to Headquarters, Evans pushes forward and gaining Buck +Ridge, to the North of the Northern loop of Young's Branch, forms his +line-of-battle upon that elevation--which somewhat compensates him for +the inferiority of his numbers--nearly at right angles to the Bull Run +line; rapidly puts his Artillery in position; the Rebel guns open on +Burnside's advance--their hoarse roar soon supplemented by the rattle of +Rebel musketry, and the answering roar and rattle of the Union onset; +and the Battle of Bull Run has commenced! + +It is after 10:30 A.M., and Beauregard and Johnston are upon an eminence +in the rear of the centre of the Enemy's Bull Run line. They have been +there since 8 o'clock. An hour ago, or more, their Signal Officer has +reported a large body of Union troops crossing the Bull Run Valley, some +two or three miles above the Stone Bridge; upon the strength of which, +Johnston has ordered Bee's Brigade from near Cocke's position, with +Hampton's Legion and Stonewall Jackson's Brigade from near Bonham's +left, to move to the Rebel left, at Stone Bridge; and these troops are +now hastening thither, guided by the sound of the guns. + +The artillery-firing is also heard by Johnston and Beauregard, but +intervening wooded slopes prevent them from determining precisely whence +it comes. Beauregard, with a badly-organized staff, is chaffing over +the delay that has occurred in carrying out his own plan of battle. He +is waiting to hear of the progress of the attack which he has ordered +upon the Union Army,--supposed by him to be at Centreville,--and +especially as to the advance of his right toward Sangster's Station. In +the meantime also,--from early morning,--the Rebel commanders have heard +heavy firing in the direction of Blackburn's Ford, toward their right, +where the Artillery attached to the brigades of Davies and Richardson, +constituting McDowell's Left Wing, is demonstrating in a lively manner, +in accordance with McDowell's plan. + +It is 11 o'clock. Beauregard has become satisfied that his orders for +the Rebel advance and attack on Centreville, have failed or miscarried. +His plan is abandoned, and the orders countermanded. At the same time +the growing volume of artillery-detonations upon the left of the Bull +Run line of defense--together with the clouds of dust which indicate the +route of march of Hunter's and Heintzelman's Divisions from near +Centreville to the point of conflict, satisfies both Johnston and +Beauregard, that a serious attack is imperilling the Rebel left. + +Beauregard at once proposes to Johnston "a modification of the abandoned +plan," viz.: "to attack with the" Rebel "right, while the left stands on +the defensive." But rapidly transpiring events conspire to make even +the modified plan impracticable. + +Johnston, convinced by the still growing volume of battlesounds on the +Rebel left, that the main attack of McDowell is being made there, urges +Beauregard to strengthen the left, as much as possible; and, after that +general has sent orders to this end,--to Holmes and Early to come up +with their Brigades from Union Mills Ford, moving "with all speed to the +sound of the firing," and to Bonham to promptly send up, from Mitchell's +Ford, a battery and two of his regiments--both he and Beauregard put +spurs to their horses, and gallop at full speed toward the firing, four +miles away on their left,--stopping on the way only long enough for +Johnston to order his Chief-of-artillery, Colonel Pendleton, to "follow, +with his own, and Alburtis's Batteries." + +Meanwhile let us return and witness the progress of the battle, on the +Rebel left,--where we were looking on, at 10:30 o'clock. Evans had then +just posted his eleven companies of Infantry on Buck Ridge, with one of +his two guns on his left, near the Sudley road, and the other not far +from the Robinson House, upon the Northern spur of the elevated plateau +just South of Young's Branch, and nearly midway between the Sudley road +and Stone Bridge. + +The battle, as we have seen, has opened. As Burnside's Brigade appears +on the slope, to the North of Buck Ridge (or Hill), it is received by a +rapid, well-sustained, and uncomfortable, but not very destructive fire, +from Evans's Artillery, and, as the Union regiments press forward, in +column, full of impulsive ardor, the Enemy welcomes the head of the +column with a hot musketry-fire also, delivered from the crest of the +elevation behind which the Rebel Infantry lie flat upon the ground. + +This defense by Evan's demi-Brigade still continues, although half an +hour, or more, has elapsed. Burnside has not yet been able to dislodge +the Enemy from the position. Emboldened to temerity by this fact, Major +Wheat's Louisiana battalion advances through the woods in front, upon +Burnside, but is hurled back by a galling fire, which throws it into +disorder and flight. + +At this moment, however, the brigades of Bee and Bartow--comprising the +7th and 8th Georgia, 2nd Mississippi, 4th Alabama, 6th North Carolina, +and two companies of the 11th Mississippi, with Imboden's Battery of +four pieces--recently arrived with Johnston from Winchester, come up, +form on the right of Sloan's 4th South Carolina Regiment, while Wheat +rallies his remnant on Sloan's left, now resting on the Sudley road, and +the whole new Rebel line opens a hot fire upon Burnside's Brigade. + +Hunter, for the purpose of better directing the Union attack, is at this +moment rapidly riding to the left of the Union line,--which is advancing +Southwardly, at right angles to Bull Run stream and the old line of +Rebel defense thereon. He is struck by the fragment of a shell, and +carried to the rear. + +Colonel John S. Slocum's, 2nd Rhode Island, Regiment, with Reynold's +Rhode Island Battery (six 13-pounders), having been sent to the front of +Burnside's left, and being closely pressed by the Enemy, Burnside's own +regiment the 1st Rhode Island, is gallantly led by Major Balch to the +support of the 2nd, and together they handsomely repulse the Rebel +onset. Burnside now sends forward Martin's 71st New York, with its two +howitzers, and Marston's 2nd New Hampshire,--his whole Brigade, of four +regiments and a light artillery battery, being engaged with the heavy +masked battery (Imboden's and two other pieces), and nearly seven full +regiments of the Enemy. + +The regiments of Burnside's Brigade are getting considerably cut up. +Colonels Slocum and Marston, and Major Balch, are wounded. There is +some confusion in the ranks, and the Rhode Island Battery is in danger +of capture, when General Andrew Porter--whose own brigade has just +reached the field and is deploying to the right of Burnside's--succeeds +Hunter in command of the division, and rides over to his left. Burnside +asks him for Sykes's battalion of regulars, which is accordingly +detached from the extreme right of Andrew Porter's Division, rapidly +forms on the left, in support of the Rhode Island Battery, and opens a +hot and effective fire which, in connection with the renewed fire of +Burnside's rallied regiments, and the opening artillery practice of +Griffin's Battery--that has just come up at a gallop and gone into a +good position upon an eminence to the right of Porter's Division, and to +the right of the Sudley road looking South--fairly staggers the Enemy. + +And now the brigades of Sherman and Keyes, having been ordered across +Bull Run by General Tyler, are seen advancing from Poplar Ford, at the +rear of our left,--Sherman's Brigade, headed by Corcoran's 69th New York +Regiment, coming up on Burnside's left, while Keves's Brigade is +following, to the left again of, Sherman. + + [Sherman, in his Official Report, after mentioning the receipt by + him of Tyler's order to "cross over with the whole brigade to the + assistance of Colonel Hunter"--which he did, so far as the Infantry + was concerned, but left his battery under Ayres behind, on account + of the impassability of the bluff on the Western bank of Bull Run- + says: "Early in the day, when reconnoitering the ground, I had seen + a horseman descend from a bluff in our front, cross the stream, and + show himself in the open field, and, inferring we could cross over + at the same point, I sent forward a company as skirmishers, and + followed with the whole brigade, the New York Sixty-ninth leading." + + This is evidently the ford at the elbow of Bull Run, to the right + of Sherman's front, which is laid down on the Army-maps as "Poplar + Ford," and which McDowell's engineers had previously discovered and + mapped; and to which Major Barnard of the U. S. Engineer Corps + alludes when, in his Official Report, he says: "Midway between the + Stone Bridge and Sudley Spring our maps indicated another ford, + which was said to be good." + + The Comte de Paris, at page 241, vol. I. of his admirable "History + of the Civil War in America," and perhaps other Military + historians, having assumed and stated--upon the strength of this + passage in Sherman's Report--that "the Military instinct" of that + successful soldier had "discovered" this ford; and the impression + being thus conveyed, however undesignedly, to their readers, that + McDowell's Engineer corps, after spending two or three days in + reconnaissances, had failed to find the ford which Sherman had in a + few minutes "discovered" by "Military instinct;" it is surely due + to the truth of Military history, that the Engineers be fairly + credited with the discovery and mapping of that ford, the existence + of which should also have been known to McDowell's brigade + commanders. + + If, on the other hand, the Report of the Rebel Captain Arthur L. + Rogers, of the Loudoun Artillery, to General Philip St. George + Cocke, be correct, it would seem that Sherman attempted to cross + Bull Run lower down than Poplar Ford, which is "about one mile + above the Stone Bridge," but was driven back by the fire of + Rogers's guns to cross at that particular ford; for Rogers, in that + Report, says that about 11 o'clock A. M., the first section of the + Loudoun Artillery, under his command, "proceeded to the crest of + the hill on the West Side of Bull Run, commanding Stone Bridge. * + * * Here." continues he, "I posted my section of Artillery, and + opened a brisk fire upon a column of the Enemy's Infantry, supposed + to be two regiments, advancing towards me, and supported by his + battery of rifled cannon on the hills opposite. These poured into + my section a steady fire of shot and shell. After giving them some + fifty rounds, I succeeded in heading his column, and turned it up + Bull Run to a ford about one mile above Stone Bridge, where, with + the regiments which followed, they crossed, and proceeded to join + the rest of the Enemy's forces in front of the main body of our + Army."] + +Before this developing, expanding, and advancing attack of the Union +forces, the Rebel General Bee, who--since his coming up to support +Evans, with his own and Bartow's Brigades, to which had since been added +Hampton's Legion,--has been in command of this new Rebel line of defense +upon the left of the Bull Run line, concludes that that attack is +getting too strong for him, and orders his forces to retreat to the +Southward, and re-form on a second line, parallel to their present line, +and behind the rising ground at their rear. They do so, somewhat faster +than he desires. The whole line of the Rebel centre gives way, followed +by the wings, as far as the victorious Union troops can see. + +We must be blind if we cannot perceive that thus far, the outlook, from +the Union point of view,--despite numberless mistakes of detail, and +some, perhaps, more general in their character--is very good. The "Boys +in Blue" are irresistibly advancing, driving the "Rebel Gray" back and +back, without let or hindrance, over the Buck Hill ridge, over Young's +Branch, back to, and even over, the Warrenton Pike. Time, to be sure, +is flying--valuable time; but the Enemy also is retiring.--There is some +slight confusion in parts of our own ranks; but there is much more in +his. At present, we have decidedly the best of it. McDowell's plan has +been, thus far, successful. Will that success continue? We shall see. + +Heintzelman's Division is coming, up from the rear, to the Union right-- +Franklin's Brigade, made up of the 5th and 11th Massachusetts, and 1st +Minnesota, with Ricketts's splendid battery of six 10-pounder Parrotts, +forming on the right of Andrew Porter's Brigade and Division; while +Willcox's demi-Brigade, with its 11th ("Fire Zouaves") and 38th New +York--having left Arnold's Battery of four pieces, with the 1st Michigan +as its support, posted on a hill commanding Sudley's Ford--comes in, on +the right of Franklin, thus forming the extreme right of the advancing +Union line of attack. + +As our re-enforcing brigades come up, on our right, and on our left, the +Enemy falls back, more and more discouraged and dismayed. It seems to +him, as it does to us, "as though nothing can stop us." Jackson, +however, is now hurrying up to the relief of the flying and disordered +remnants of Bee's, Bartow's, and Evans's Brigades; and these +subsequently rally, with Hampton's Legion, upon Jackson's strong brigade +of fresh troops, so that, on a third new line, to which they have been +driven back, they soon have--6,500 Infantry, 13 pieces of Artillery, and +Stuart's cavalry-posted in a belt of pines which fringes the Southern +skirt of the Henry House plateau--in a line-of-battle which, with its +left resting upon the Sudley road, three-quarters of a mile South of its +intersection with the Warrenton Pike, is the irregular hypothenuse of a +right-angled triangle, formed by itself and those two intersecting +roads, to the South-East of such intersection. It is within this right- +angled triangular space that the battle, now proceeding, bids fair to +rage most fiercely. + +Johnston and Beauregard, riding up from their rear, reach this new +(third) line to which the Rebel troops have been driven, about noon. +They find the brigades of Bee, Bartow, and Evans, falling back in great +disorder, and taking shelter in a wooded ravine, South of the Robinson +House and of the Warrenton Pike. Hampton's Legion, which has just been +driven backward over the Pike, with great loss, still holds the Robinson +House. Jackson, however, has reached the front of this line of defense, +with his brigade of the 2nd, 4th, 5th, 27th, and 33rd Virginia Infantry, +and Pendleton's Battery--all of which have been well rested, since their +arrival, with other brigades of Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, from +Winchester, a day or two back. + +As Jackson comes up, on the left of "the ravine and woods occupied by +the mingled remnants of Bee's, Bartow's and Evans's commands," he posts +Imboden's, Stanard's, and Pendleton's Batteries in line, "below the brim +of the Henry House plateau," perhaps one-eighth of a mile to the East- +Southeastward of the Henry House, at his centre; Preston's 4th Virginia, +and Echol's 27th Virginia, at the rear of the battery-line; Harper's 5th +Virginia, with Radford's Cavalry, at its right; and, on its left, +Allen's 2nd Virginia; with Cumming's 33rd Virginia to the left of that +again, and Stuart's Cavalry covering the Rebel left flank. + +It is about this time that the chief Rebel generals find their position +so desperate, as to necessitate extraordinary measures, and personal +exposure, on their part. Now it is, that Jackson earns the famous +sobriquet which sticks to him until he dies. + + + [Bee approaches Jackson--so goes the story, according to Swinton; + he points to the disordered remnants of his own brigade mingled + with those of the brigades of Bartow and Evans huddled together in + the woods, and exclaims: "General, they are beating us back!" + "Sir," responds Jackson, drawing himself up, severely, "We'll give + them the bayonet!" And Bee, rushing back among his confused troops, + rallies them with the cry: "There is Jackson, standing like a Stone + wall! Let us determine to die here, and we will conquer."] + +Now it is, that Johnston and Beauregard, accompanied by their staffs, +ride backward and forward among the Rebel ranks, rallying and +encouraging them. Now it is, that, Bee and Bartow and Hampton being +wounded, and the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Hampton Legion killed, +Beauregard leads a gallant charge of that legion in person. And now it +is, that Johnston himself, finding all the field-officers of the 4th +Alabama disabled, "impressively and gallantly charges to the front" with +the colors of that regiment at his side! + +These conspicuous examples of bravery, inspire the Rebel troops with +fresh courage, at this admittedly "critical" moment. + +Johnston now assigns to Beauregard the chief "command of the left" of +the Bull Run line,--that is to say, the chief command of the Enemy's new +line of defense, which, as we have seen, is on the left of, and at right +angles to, the old Bull Run line--while he himself, riding back to the +Lewis House, resumes "the command of the whole field." + +On his way to his rear, Johnston orders Cocke to send reenforcements to +Beauregard. He also dispatches orders to hurry up to that Rebel +general's support, the brigades of Holmes and Early from near the Union +Mills Ford, and that of Bonham from Mitchell's Ford,--Ewell with his +brigade, being also directed to "follow with all speed" from Union +Mills Ford-making a total of over 10,000 fresh troops. + +From the "commanding elevation" of the Lewis House, Johnston can observe +the position of the Union forces beyond Bull Run, at Blackburn's Ford +and Stone Bridge; the coming of his own re-enforcing brigades from far +down the valley, toward Manassas; and the manoeuvres of our advancing +columns under McDowell. + +As the battle proceeds, the Enemy's strength on the third new line of +defense increases, until he has 22 guns, 260 Cavalry, and 12 regiments +of Infantry, now engaged. It is interesting to observe also, that, of +these, 16 of the guns, 9 of the regiments, and all of the Cavalry +(Stuart's), belong to Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, while only 6 +guns and 3 Infantry regiments thus engaged, belong to Beauregard's Army +of the Potomac. Thus the burden of the battle has been, and is being, +borne by Johnston's, and not Beauregard's troops--in the proportion of +about three of the former, to one of the latter,--which, for over two +hours, maintain their position despite many successive assaults we make +upon them. + +It is after 2 o'clock P.M., when Howard's Brigade, of Heintzelman's +Division, reaches the battle-field, almost broken down with exhaustion. +By order of Heintzelman it has moved at double-quick for a mile of the +way, until, under the broiling heat, it can do so no longer. The last +two miles of the weary tramp, while the head of the brigade has moved at +quick time, the rear, having lost distances, moves, much of the time, at +a double-quick. As a consequence, many of Howard's men drop out, and +absolutely faint from exhaustion. + +As Howard's Brigade approaches the field, besides the ambulances and +litters, conveying to the rear the wounded and dying, crowds of +retreating stragglers meet and tell it to hurry along; that the Enemy +has been driven back a mile; but, as it marches along, its regiments do +not feel particularly encouraged by the disorganization so prevalent; +and the fact that as they come into action, the thunders of the Rebel +Artillery do not seem to meet an adequately voluminous response--from +the Union side, seems to them, a portent of evil. Weary and fagged out, +they are permitted to rest, for a while, under cover. + +Up to this time, our line, increased, as it has been, by the brigades of +Sherman and Keyes, on the left of Burnside, and of Franklin and Wilcox, +on the right of Porter, has continued to advance victoriously. Our +troops are, to be sure, considerably scattered, having been "moved from +point to point" a good deal. On our left, the Enemy has been driven +back nearly a mile, and Keyes's Brigade is pushing down Bull Run, under +shelter of the bluffs, trying to turn the right of the Enemy's new line, +and give Schenck's Brigade a better chance for crossing the Stone +Bridge, still commanded by some of the Rebel guns. + +Having "nothing to do" there, "several of the Union regiments" are +coming over, from our left toward our right, with a view of overlapping, +and turning, the Enemy's left. + +It is about half past 2 o'clock. The batteries of Griffin and Ricketts +have already been advanced as far as the eminence, upon our right, upon +which stands the Dogan House. Supported by Lyons's gallant 14th New +York Chasseurs, Griffin's and Ricketts's Batteries are still pouring a +terribly destructive fire into the batteries and columns of the Enemy, +now behind the brow of the Henry House hill, wherever exposed, while +Palmer's seven companies of Union Cavalry are feeling the Enemy's left +flank, which McDowell proposes to turn. The flags of eight Union +regiments, though "borne somewhat wearily" now point toward the hilly +Henry House plateau, beyond which "disordered masses of Rebels" have +been seen "hastily retiring." + +There is a lull in the battle. The terrible heat is exhausting to the +combatants on both sides. Griffin and Ricketts have wrought such havoc +with their guns, that "nothing remains to be fired at." Victory seems +most surely to be ours. + +Away down at his headquarters at the Lewis House, the Rebel General +Johnston stands watching the progress of the battle, as it goes against +him. Nervously he glances, every now and then, over his left shoulder, +as if expecting something. An officer is galloping toward him, from +Manassas. He comes from the office of Beauregard's Adjutant-General, at +that point. He rides up and salutes. "General," says he, breathlessly, +"a United States Army has reached the line of the Manassas Gap railroad, +and is now but three or four miles from our left flank!" + +Johnston clenches his teeth nervously. Thick beads of perspiration +start from his forehead. He believes it is Patterson's Army that has +followed "upon his heels" from before Winchester, faster than has been +anticipated; and, as he thinks of Kirby Smith, who should long since +have arrived with Elzey's Brigade--all, of his own "Army of the +Shenandoah," that has not yet followed him to Manassas,--the exclamation +involuntarily bursts from his lips: "Oh, for four regiments!" + + [Says a correspondent and eye-witness of the battle, writing to the + Richmond Dispatch, from the battle-field, July 23d: "Between two + and three o'clock large numbers of men were leaving the field, some + of them wounded, others exhausted by the long struggle, who gave us + gloomy reports; but, as the firing on both sides continued + steadily, we felt sure that our brave Southerners had not been + conquered by the overwhelming hordes of the North. It is, however, + due to truth to say that the result at this hour hung trembling in + the balance. We had lost numbers of our most distinguished + officers. Gens. Barlow and Bee had been stricken down; Lieut; Col. + Johnson of the Hampton Legion had been killed; Col. Hampton had + been wounded. But there was at hand a fearless general whose + reputation was staked on this battle: Gen. Beauregard promptly + offered to lead the Hampton Legion into action, which he executed + in a style unsurpassed and unsurpassable. Gen. Beauregard rode up + and down our lines, between the Enemy and his own men, regardless + of the heavy fire, cheering and encouraging our troops. About this + time, a shell struck his horse, taking its head off, and killing + the horses of his aides, Messrs. Ferguson and Hayward. * * * Gen. + Johnston also threw himself into the thickest of the fight, seizing + the colors of a Georgia (Alabama) regiment, and rallying then to + the charge. * * * Your correspondent heard Gen. Johnston exclaim + to Gen. Cocke, just at the critical moment, 'Oh, for four + regiments!' His wish was answered; for in the distance our re- + enforcements appeared. The tide of battle was turned in our favor + by the arrival of Gen. Kirby Smith, from Winchester, with 4,000 men + of Gen. Johnston's Division. Gen. Smith heard, while on the + Manassas Railroad cars, the roar of battle. He stopped the train, + and hurried his troops across the fields to the point just where he + was most needed. They were at first supposed to be the Enemy, + their arrival at that point of the field being entirely unexpected. + The Enemy fell back, and a panic seized them. Cheer after cheer + from our men went up, and we knew the battle had been won." + + Another Rebel correspondent who, as an officer of the Kentucky + battalion of General Johnston's Division of the Rebel Army, + participated in the battle, wrote to the Louisville Courier from + Manassas, July 22, an account of it, in which, after mentioning + that the Rebel Army had been forced back for two miles, he + continues; "The fortunes of the day were evidently against us. + Some of our best officers had been slain, and the flower of our + Army lay strewn upon the field, ghastly in death or gaping with + wounds. At noon, the cannonading is described as terrific. It was + an incessant roar for more than two hours, the havoc and + devastation at this time being fear ful. McDowell * * * had nearly + outflanked us, and they were just in the act of possessing + themselves of the Railway to Richmond. Then all would have been + lost. But most opportunely--I may say Providentially--at this + juncture, Gen. Johnston, [Kirby Smith it should be] with the + remnant of Johnston's Division--our Army, as we fondly call it, for + we have been friends and brothers in camp and field for three + months--reappeared, and made one other desperate struggle to obtain + the vantage-ground. Elzey's Brigade of Marylanders and Virginians + led the charge; and right manfully did they execute the work,"] + +"The prayer of the wicked availeth not," 'tis said; yet never was the +prayer of the righteous more quickly answered than is that of the Rebel +General-in-chief! Johnston himself, alluding to this exigent moment, +afterward remarks, in his report: "The expected reenforcements appeared +soon after." Instead of Patterson's Union Army, it is Kirby Smith, +coming up, with Elzey's Brigade, from Winchester! + +Satisfied of the safe arrival of Kirby Smith, and ordering him up, with +Elzey's Brigade, Johnston directs Kershaw's 2nd and Cash's 8th South +Carolina Regiments, which have just come up, with Kemper's Battery, from +Bonham's Brigade, to strengthen the Rebel left, against the attempt +which we are still making to reach around it, about the Sudley road, to +take it in reverse. Fisher's 6th North Carolina Regiment arriving about +the same time, is also hurried along to help Beauregard. + +But during the victorious lull, heretofore alluded to, something is +happening on our side, that is of very serious moment. Let us see what +it is: + +The batteries of Griffin and Ricketts, at the Dogan House, having +nothing to fire at, as we have seen, are resting, pleased with the +consciousness of their brilliant and victorious service against the +Rebel batteries and Infantry columns, when they are ordered by McDowell +--who, with his staff, is upon elevated ground to the rear of our +right,--to advance 1,000 yards further to the front, "upon a hill near +the Henry House." + +Ricketts considers this a perilous job--but proceeds to execute the +order as to his own battery. A small ravine is in his front. With +Ricketts gallantly leading, the battery dashes across the ravine at full +gallop, breaking one wheel as it goes, which is at once replaced. A +fence lies across the way. The cannoniers demolish it. The battery +ascends the hill near the Henry House, which is full of the Enemy's +sharpshooters. + + [For this, and what immediately follows, see the testimony of + Ricketts and others, before the Committee on the Conduct of the + War.] + +Soon as Ricketts gets his guns in battery, his men and horses begin to +fall, under the fire of these sharpshooters. He turns his guns upon the +Henry House,--and "literally riddles it." Amid the moans of the +wounded, the death scream of a woman is heard! The Enemy had permitted +her to remain in her doomed house! + +But the execution is not all on one side, by any means. Ricketts is in +a very hot place--the hottest, he afterward declares, that he has ever +seen in his life--and he has seen fighting before this. + +The Enemy is behind the woods, at the front and right of Ricketts's +Battery. This, with the added advantage of the natural slope of the +ground, enables him to deliver upon the brave Union artillerists a +concentrated fire, which is terribly destructive, and disables so many +of Rickett's horses that he cannot move, if he would. Rickett's own +guns, however, are so admirably served, that a smooth-bore battery of +the Enemy, which has been stubbornly opposing him, is driven back, +despite its heavy supports. + +And Griffin's Battery now comes rapidly up into position on the left of, +and in line with, Ricketts. For Griffin also has been ordered from the +Dogan House hill, to this new, and dangerously exposed, position. + +But when Major Barry, General McDowell's Chief of Artillery, brings him +the order, Griffin hesitates--for he has no Infantry support. + +"The Fire Zouaves--[The 11th New York]--will support you," says Barry," +They are just ready to follow you at the double-quick!" + +"Then why not let them go and get in position on the hill," says +Griffin; "then, let Ricketts's and my batteries come into battery +behind; and then, let them (the Zouaves) fall back?" + +Griffin advises, also, as a better position for his own battery, a hill +500 yards in the rear of the Henry House hill. But advice is thrown +away. His artillery-chief is inflexible. + +"I tell you," says Griffin again, "the Fire Zouaves won't support us." + +"They will," replies Barry. "At any rate it is General McDowell's order +to go there!" + +That settles the business. "I will go," responds Griffin; "but mark my +words, they will not support us!" + +Griffin's Battery, indeed, starts first, but, owing to the mistake of +one of his officers, it has to be countermarched, so that Ricketts's is +thrown to the front, and, as we have seen, first reaches the crest of +the Henry House hill. + +Griffin, as he comes up with his guns, goes into battery on the left of +Ricketts, and at once opens briskly on the Enemy. One of Griffin's guns +has a ball lodged in the bore, which cannot be got in or out. His other +five guns, with the six guns of Ricketts, make eleven pieces, which are +now side by side-all of them driving away at the Enemy's (Stonewall +Jackson's) strong batteries, not more than 300 yards away. + +They have been at it half an hour perhaps, when Griffin moves two of his +pieces to the right of Ricketts, and commences firing with them. He has +hardly been there five minutes, when a Rebel regiment coming out of the +woods at Griffin's right front, gets over a rail fence, its Colonel +steps out between his regiment (now standing up to the knees in rank +grass) and the battery, and commences a speech to his men! + +Griffin orders one of his officers to load with canister, and let drive +at them. The guns are loaded, and ready to fire, when up gallops Barry, +exclaiming: "Captain, don't fire there; those are your battery- +supports!" + +At this supreme moment, Reynolds's gorgeous looking Marines are sitting +down in close column, on the ground, to the left of the Union batteries. +The showy 11th New York "Fire Zouaves" are a little to the rear of the +right of the guns. The gallant 14th New York Chasseurs, in their dust- +covered red uniforms, who had followed Griffin's Battery, at some +distance, have, only a little while since, pushed finely up, from the +ravine at the rear of our batteries, into the woods, to the right of +Griffin and Ricketts, at a double-quick. To the left of the batteries, +close to the battalion of Marines, Heintzelman bestrides his horse, near +some of his own Division. + +To Major Barry's startling declaration, Captain Griffin excitedly +shouts: "They are Confederates! Sure as the world, they are +Confederates!" + +But Barry thinks he knows better, and hastily responds: "I know they are +your battery-support." + +Griffin spurs toward his pieces, countermands his previous order, and- +firing is resumed in the old direction. + +Andew Porter, has just ridden up to Heintzelman's side, and now catches +sight of the Rebel regiment. "What troops are those?" he asks of +General Hientzelman, pointing in their direction. + +While Heintzelman is replying, and just as Averell drops his reins and +levels his field-glass at them, "down come their pieces-rifles and +muskets,--and probably," as Averell afterward said, "there never was +such a destructive fire for a few minutes. It seemed as though every +man and horse of that battery just laid right down, and died right off!" + +It is a dreadful mistake that has been made. And there seems to have +been no excuse for it either. The deliberateness of the Rebel colonel +has given Barry abundant time to have discovered his error. For Griffin +subsequently declared, under oath, that, "After the officer who had been +talking to the regiment had got through, he faced them to the left, +marched them about fifty yards to the woods, then faced them to the +right again, marched them about forty yards toward us, then opened fire +upon us--and that was the last of us!" + +It is a terrible blunder. For, up to this moment, the battle is +undeniably ours. And, while the Rebel colonel has been haranguing his +brave men, there has been plenty of time to have "passed the word" along +the line of our batteries, and poured canister into the Rebel regiment +from the whole line of eleven guns, at point-blank range, which must +inevitably have cut it all to pieces. The fate of the day hung balanced +right there and then--with all the chances in favor of McDowell. But +those chances are now reversed. Such are the fickle changes in the +fortunes of battle! + +Instead of our batteries cutting to pieces the Rebel Infantry regiment, +the Rebel Infantry regiment has mowed down the gallant artillerists of +our batteries. Hardly a man of them escapes. Death and destruction +reap a wondrous and instant harvest. Wounded, dying, or dead, lie the +brave cannoniers at their guns, officers and men alike hors du combat, +while wounded horses gallop wildly back, with bounding caissons, down +the gentle declivity, carrying disorder, and further danger, in their +mad flight. + +The supporting Fire Zouaves and Marines, on the right and left of our +line of guns, stand, with staring eyes and dumb open-mouths, at the +sudden turn of affairs. They are absolutely paralyzed with +astonishment. They do not run at first. They stand, quaking and panic- +stricken. They are urged to advance upon the Rebel regiment--"to give +them a volley, and then try the bayonet." In vain! They fire perhaps +100 scattering shots; and receive in return, as they break and run down +the hill to the rear, volley after volley, of deadly lead, from the +Rebel muskets. + +But, as this Rebel regiment (Cummings's 33rd Virginia) advances to seize +the crippled and defenceless guns, it is checked, and driven back, by +the 1st Michigan Regiment of Willcox's Brigade, which has pushed forward +in the woods at our extreme right. + +Meanwhile, having been ordered by McDowell to support Ricketts's +Battery, Howard has formed his four tired regiments into two lines-- +Berry's 4th Maine, and Whitney's 2nd Vermont, on the right and left of +the first; and Dunnell's 5th, and his own 3rd Maine, under Staples, in +the second line. Howard himself leads his first line up the elevated +plateau of the Henry House. Reaching the crest, the line delivers its +fire, volley after volley, despite the concentrated hail of the Enemy's +Artillery and muskets. As the second line advances, a Rebel cannon- +ball, and an unfortunate charge of our own Cavalry, scatters most of the +5th Maine. The 2nd Vermont, which has advanced 200 yards beyond the +crest, rapidly firing, while the Enemy retires, is now, in turn, forced +back by the Enemy's hot fire, and is replaced by the 3rd Maine, while +the remnant of the 5th moves up to the extreme right of Howard's now +single line. But the Rebel fire grows hotter and hotter, and owing to +this, and a misunderstood order, Howard's line begins to dissolve, and +then retires in confusion,--Howard and others vainly striving to rally +his own utterly exhausted men. + +Sherman's Brigade, too, has come over from our left, and now advances +upon the deadly plateau, where lie the disabled Union batteries--the +prizes, in full sight of both Armies, for which each seems now to be so +desperately striving. + +Quinby's 13th New York Rifles, in column of companies, leads the +brigade, followed by Lieutenant-Colonel Peck's 2d Wisconsin, Cameron's +79th New York (Highlanders), and Corcoran's 69th New York (Irish), "in +line of battle." Down the slope, across the ravine, and up, on the +other side, steadily presses Quinby, till he reaches the crest. He +opens fire. An advancing Rebel regiment retires, as he pushes up to +where the Union batteries and cannoniers lie wounded and dying--the +other three regiments following in line-of-battle until near the crest, +when the fire of the Enemy's rifles and musketry, added to his heavy +cannonading, grows so severe that the brigade is forced back to shelter +in a roadway leading up the plateau. + +Peck's 2nd Wisconsin, now emerges from this sheltered roadway, and +steadily mounts the elevation, in the face of the Enemy's severe fire- +returning it, with spirit, as it advances. But the Rebel fire becomes +too galling. The gray-clad Wisconsin boys return to the sheltered road +again, while the cry goes up from Sherman's ranks: "Our own men are +firing at them!" Rallying at the road, the 2nd Wisconsin again returns, +with desperate courage, to the crest of the hill, delivers its fire, and +then, unable to withstand the dreadful carnage, falls back once more, in +disorder. + +At this, the 79th (Highland) Regiment springs forward, to mount the brow +of the fatal hill, swept as it is, with this storm of shot and shell and +musket-balls. Up, through the lowering smoke, lit with the Enemy's +incessant discharges in the woods beyond, the brave Highlanders jauntily +march, and, with Cameron and their colors at their head, charge +impetuously across the bloody hill-crest, and still farther, to the +front. But it is not in human nature to continue that advance in the +teeth of the withering fire from Jackson's batteries, strengthened, as +they are, by Pelham's and Kemper's. The gallant fellows fall back, +rally again, advance once more, retire again, and at last,--the heroic +Cameron being mortally wounded,--fall back, in confusion, under the +cover of the hill. + +And now, while Quinby's Regiment, on another ridge, more to the left, is +also again engaging the Enemy, the 69th New York, led by the fearless +Corcoran, dashes forward, up the Henry House hill, over the forbidding +brow, and beyond. As the brave Irishmen reach the abandoned batteries, +the hoarse roar of cannon, the sharp rattle of musketry-volleys, the +scream of shot and shell, and the whistling of bullets, is at once +deafening and appalling, while the air seems filled with the iron and +leaden sleet which sweeps across the scorched and blasted plateau of the +Henry House. Nobly the Irish Regiment holds its ground for a time; but, +at last, it too falls back, before the hurtling tempest. + +The fortunes of the day are plainly turning against us. Time is also +against us--as it has been all along--while it is with the Enemy. It is +past 3 o'clock. + +Since we last looked at Beauregard's third new defensive line, there +have been material accessions to it. The remains of the brigades of +Bee, Evans, and Bartow, have been reformed on the right of Jackson's +Brigade--Bee on his immediate right, Evans to the right of Bee, and +Bartow to the right of Evans, with a battery which has been engaging +Schenck's Brigade on the other side of Bull Run near the Stone Bridge; +while Cocke's Brigade watches Bull Run to the rear of Bartow. On the +left of Jackson's. Brigade, is now to be seen a part of Bonham's +Brigade (Kershaw's 2nd South Carolina, and Cash's 8th South Carolina) +with Kemper's Battery on its left. Kirby Smith has reached the front, +from Manassas, and--in advancing from his position on the left of +Bonham's demi-Brigade, just West of the Sudley road, with Elzey's +Brigade, in a counter-attack upon our right-is wounded, and carried to +the rear, leaving his command to Elzey. Stuart's Cavalry are in the +woods, still farther to the Enemy's left, supporting Beckham's Battery. +Early's Brigade is also coming up, from Union Mills Ford, not far to the +rear of the Enemy's left, with the design of coming into line between +Elzey's Brigade and Beckham's Battery, and out-flanking and attacking +our right. But let us bring our eyes back to the bloody contest, still +going on, for the possession of the batteries of Griffin and Ricketts. + +Arnold's Battery has raced up on our right, and is delivering shot, +shell, spherical case, and canister, with effect, although exposed to a +severe and accurate fire from the Enemy. Wilcox, with what is left of +the 1st Michigan, after once retaking the batteries on the plateau, from +the 7th Georgia, has got around the Enemy's left flank and is actually +engaged with the Enemy's rear, while that Enemy's front is engaged with +Franklin and Sherman! But Hobart Ward's 38th New York, which Wilcox has +ordered up to support the 1st Michigan, on our extreme right, in this +flanking movement, has been misdirected, and is now attacking the +Enemy's centre, instead of his left; and Preston's 28th Virginia--which, +with Withers's 18th Virginia, has come up to the Rebel left, from +Cocke's Brigade, on the Enemy's right--finding the 1st Michigan broken, +in the woods, attacks it, and wounds and captures Wilcox. Withers's +Regiment has, with a yell--the old "Rebel yell," now rising everywhere +from Rebel throats, and so often heard afterward,--charged the 14th New +York Chasseurs, in the woods; and the Chasseurs, though retiring, have +fired upon it with such precision as to throw some of their assailants +into disorder. + + [Says General Keyes, who had kept on down the Run, "on the extreme + left of our advance--having separated from Sherman on his right:--I + thought the day was won about 2 o'clock; but about half past 3 + o'clock a sudden change in the firing took place, which, to my ear, + was very ominous. I knew that the moment the shout went up from + the other side, there appeared to be an instantaneous change in the + whole sound of the battle. * * * That, as far as I can learn, was + the shout that went up from the Enemy's line when they found out + for certain that it was Johnston [Kirby Smith] and not Patterson, + that had come."] + +Meanwhile McDowell is making one more effort to retrieve the misfortunes +of the day. Lawrence's 5th, and Clark's 11th Massachusetts, with +Gorman's 1st Minnesota,--all belonging to Franklin's Brigade--together +with Corcoran's 69th New York, of Sherman's Brigade, have been brought +into line-of-battle, by the united efforts of Franklin, Averell, and +other officers, at our centre, and with the remnants of two or three +other regiments, are moving against the Enemy's centre, to support the +attack of the Chasseurs-rallied and led forward again by Heintzelman +upon the Rebel left, and that of the 38th New York upon the Rebel left +centre,--in another effort to recapture the abandoned batteries. + +Charge after charge, is made by our gallant regiments, and counter- +charge after counter-charge, is made by the fresh troops of the Enemy. +For almost half an hour, has the contest over the batteries rolled +backward and forward. Three several times have the batteries been +taken, and re-taken,--much of the determined and desperate struggle +going on, over the prostrate and bleeding bodies of the brave Union +artillerists,--but without avail. Regiment after regiment, has been +thrown back, by the deadly fusillade of the Enemy's musketry from the +skirt of woods at his front and left, and the canister, case, and +bursting shells, of his rapidly-served Artillery. + +It is now near upon 4 o'clock. Our last effort to recapture the +batteries has failed. The Union line of advance has been seriously +checked. Some of our own guns in those batteries are turned on us. The +Enemy's Infantry make a rush over the blood-soaked brow of the fatal +plateau, pouring into our men a deadly fire, as they advance,--while +over to our right and rear, at the same moment, are seen the fresh +regiments of Early's Brigade coming out of the woods--deploying rapidly +in several lines--with Stuart's handful of Rebel Cavalry, while +Beckham's guns, in the same quarter, open an oblique enfilading reverse +fire upon us, in a lively manner. + +At once the minds of the fagged-out Union troops become filled with the +dispiriting idea that the exhausting fight which they have made all day +long, has been simply with Beauregard's Army of the Potomac, and that +these fresh Rebel troops, on the Union right and rear, are the vanguard +of Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah! After all the hard marching and +fighting they have done during the last thirteen hours,--with empty +stomachs, and parched lips, under a scorching sun that still, as it +descends in the West, glowers down upon them, through the murky air, +like a great, red, glaring eye,--the very thought is terrible! + +Without fear, yet equally without hope, the Union troops crumble to +groups, and then to individuals. The attempt of McDowell to turn the +left of the Enemy's Bull Run line, has failed. + +McDowell and his officers heroically but vainly strive, at great +personal risk to themselves, to stem the tide of confusion, and +disorder. Sykes's battalion of regulars, which has been at our left, +now steadily moves obliquely across the field of battle toward our +right, to a hill in the midground, which it occupies, and, with the aid +of Arnold's Battery and Palmer's Cavalry, holds, while the exhausted and +disorganized troops of the Union Army doggedly and slowly retire toward +Sudley Ford, their rear covered by an irregular square of Infantry, +which, mainly by the exertions of Colonel Corcoran, has been formed to +resist a threatened charge of Stuart's Cavalry. + + [At the rate of "not more than two, or two and a half, miles an + hour," and not "helter-skelter," as some narrators state.] + +It is not fear, that has got the better of our Union troops. It is +physical exhaustion for one thing; it is thirst for another. Men must +drink,--even if they have foolishly thrown away their canteens,--and +many have retired to get water. It is the moral effect also--the +terrible disappointment--of seeing what they suppose are Johnston's +fresh troops from the Shenandoah Valley, without Patterson "on their +heels," suddenly appear on their flank and rear. It is not fear; though +some of them are panic-stricken, and, as they catch sight of Stuart's +mounted men,--no black horse or uniform among them,--raise the cry of +"The Black Horse Cavalry!--The Black Horse Cavalry!" + +The Union attack has been repulsed, it is true; but the Union soldiers, +though disorganized, discouraged, and disappointed, are not dismayed. +Their officers not yet having learned how to fight, and themselves +lacking the cohesion of discipline, the men have lost their regimental +organizations, and owing to the causes mentioned, slowly retire across +Sudley Ford of Bull Run, in a condition of disintegration, their retreat +being bravely covered by the 27th and 69th New York, (which have rallied +and formed there), Sykes's Infantry battalion, Arnold's Battery, and +Palmer's Cavalry. + + [In his report to Major Barnard, Capt. D. P. Woodbury, of the + corps of Engineers, says: "It is not for me to give a history of + the battle. The Enemy was driven on our left, from cover to cover, + a mile and a half. Our position for renewing the action the next + morning was excellent; whence, then, our failure? It will not be + out of place, I hope, for me to give my own opinion of the cause of + this failure. An old soldier feels safe in the ranks, unsafe out + of the ranks, and the greater the danger the more pertinaciously he + clings to his place. The volunteer of three months never attains + this instinct of discipline. Under danger, and even under mere + excitement, he flies away from his ranks, and looks for safety in + dispersion. At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 21st, there + were more than twelve thousand volunteers on the battle-field of + Bull Run, who had entirely lost their regimental organizations. + They could no longer be handled as troops, for the officers and men + were not together. Men and officers mingled together + promiscuously; and it is worthy of remark that this disorganization + did not result from defeat or fear, for up to four o'clock we had + been uniformly successful. The instinct of discipline, which keeps + every man in his place, had not been acquired. We cannot suppose + that the troops of the Enemy had attained a higher degree of + discipline than our own, but they acted on the defensive, and were + not equally exposed to disorganization."] + +While the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman, which came down in the +morning across Sudley Ford, are now, with one brigade (Sherman's) of +Tyler's Division, retiring again, in this disordered condition, by that +ford; two other brigades of Tyler's Division, viz., that of Schenck-- +which, at 4 o'clock, was just in the act of advancing upon, and across, +the Stone Bridge, to join in the Union attack, and of Keyes, which was, +at the same time, just succeeding in its effort to turn the right flank +of the Enemy's third new line,--are withdrawing from the field, across +Bull Run stream, by the Warrenton Pike, and other roads leading them +directly toward Centreville. The brigades of both Keyes and Schenck are +retiring in good order; that of Keyes, at "an ordinary pace," following +close after McDowell, who, with his staff, has ridden across the +battlefield and Bull Run; while part of that of Schenck, united with the +2nd Maine (of Keyes' Brigade) and Ayres's Battery, "promptly and +effectively" repulses a charge of the Enemy's Cavalry, and covers the +rear of Tyler's Division. Both of these brigades reach Centreville, +hungry and weary, but otherwise, for the most part, in good shape. + +But during this grand all-day attack, by two of McDowell's divisions, +directly aided by part of a third, upon the left of the Enemy's original +Bull Run line of defense--which attack, while it has failed in its +purpose, has also utterly upset and defeated the Enemy's purpose to +carry out Beauregard's plan of attacking Centreville that same morning-- +what has the Left Wing of McDowell's Army been doing? Let us go back to +Sunday morning, and ascertain: + +All the Army of McDowell, save his Left Wing--which, comprising the two +brigades (Blenker's and Davies's) of Miles's Division, and Richardson's +Brigade of Tyler's Division that fought the preliminary battle of +Blackburn's Ford, is now under the command of Miles,--moved away from +Centreville, down the Warrenton Pike, as we have seen, very early in the +morning. + +Blenker remains with his brigade as a reserve, on the heights a little +East of Centreville, to throw up intrenchments; which, however, he does +not do, for lack of trenching implements. Richardson and Davies are to +make a feint, at Blackburn's Ford, so as to draw the Enemy's troops +there, while the heavy blow of McDowell's Right Wing and Centre falls +upon the left flank and rear of the Enemy's Bull Run line. + +Richardson's Brigade is already down the ridge, in his old position at +Blackburn's Ford, when Davies with his brigade reaches it, from +Centreville, and, by virtue of seniority, takes command of the two +brigades. Leaving Richardson's Brigade and Greene's Battery exactly on +the battle-ground of the 18th July, Davies posts two regiments (the 18th +and 32nd New York) of his own brigade, with Hunt's Battery, on the brow +of a hill, in an open wheat field, some eighty yards to the South- +Eastward of Richardson, distant some 1,500 yards from Longstreet's +batteries on the Western side of Bull Run,--and commences a rapid fire, +upon the Enemy's position at Blackburn's Ford, from both of the Union +batteries. + +At 10 o'clock, there is a lull in this Union fire. The Artillery +ammunition is running short. The demonstration, however, seems, thus +far, to be successful--judging by the movement of Rebel troops toward +Blackburn's Ford. The lull continues until 11 o'clock. At that time +Miles arrives at his front, in a towering rage. + +On his way down the ridge, that morning, early, Davies had made a +discovery. While passing a roadway, his guide had casually remarked: +"There is a road that leads around to the Enemy's camp, direct." "Ah!" +--said Davies--"and can they get through that road?" "Oh, yes," replied +the guide. Davies had at once halted, and, after posting his 16th and +31st New York Regiments, with two guns of Hunt's Battery, near this +road, at its junction with the ridge road running up to Centreville and +Black burn's Ford, had proceeded, with the rest of his regiments and +guns, to the position where Miles finds him. + +But Miles has discovered what Davies has done, in this matter of the +flanking roadway; and--without knowing, or apparently caring to know, +the reason underlying the posting of the two regiments and two guns in +its vicinity,--flies into "a terrible passion" because of it; in "no +very measured language," gives Davies "a severe dressing down;" and +orders him to bring both regiments and guns down to the front. Davies +complies, and says nothing. Miles also orders him to continue the +firing from his batteries, without regard to the quantity of ammunition. +This order, also, Davies obeys--and the firing proceeds, for two solid +hours, until another order comes, about 1 o'clock P.M., to stop firing. + +The fact is, that Miles is not at all himself--but is suffering under +such a strain of mental excitement, he afterward claims, that he is not +responsible. + +Miles, however, returns to Centreville about noon; and no sooner is he +gone, than Davies at once sends back pioneers to obstruct that road +which would bring the Enemy around his left flank and rear, to +Centreville. These, work so industriously, that they cut down a quarter +of a mile of trees, and block the road up completely. Davies also posts +a few pickets there, in case of accidents. It is well he does so. It +is not long before the Enemy makes an attempt to get around to his rear, +by that road; but, finding it both obstructed and picketed, retires +again. Davies does not see the Rebels making that attempt, but catches +sight of them on their return, and gives them a severe shelling for +their pains. + +Davies keeps up his firing, more or less-according to the condition of +the Enemy and of his own ammunition--until 4 o'clock, when the firing +occasioned by the Union flanking movement, six miles to his right, +ceases. Then there reaches him a note from Richardson, so badly +penciled that he can only make out the one word "beaten,"--but cannot, +for the life of him, make out, whether the beaten one is our Right Wing, +or the Enemy! + +Of what followed, he tells the story himself,--under oath, before the +Committee on the Conduct of the War--so graphically, that the temptation +to give it, in his own words, is irresistible. "I saw unmistakable +evidence," said he, "that we were going to be attacked on our Left Wing. +I got all ready for the attack, but did not change my front. + +"About 5 o'clock, I think, the Rebels made their appearance back upon +this very road up which they had gone before; but instead of keeping up +the road, they turned past a farm-house, went through the farm-yard, and +came down and formed right in front of me, in a hollow, out of my sight. +Well, I let them all come down there, keeping a watch upon their +movements. I told the Artillery not to fire any shot at them until they +saw the rear column go down, so as to get them all down in the little +hollow or basin, there. There was a little basin there, probably a +quarter of a mile every way. I should think that, maybe, 3,000 men +filed down, before I changed front. + +"We lay there, with two regiments back, and the Artillery in front, +facing Bull Run. As soon as about 3,000 of the Enemy got down in this +basin, I changed the front of the Artillery around to the left, in face +of the Enemy, and put a company of Infantry between each of the pieces +of Artillery, and then deployed the balance of the regiments right and +left, and made my line-of-battle. + +"I gave directions to the Infantry not to fire a shot, under any +circumstances, until they got the word of command from me. I +furthermore said I would shoot the first man that fired a shot before I +gave the command to do so. + +"I gave them orders all to lie down on their faces. They, (the Rebels) +were just over the brow of the hill, so that, if they came up in front +of us, they could not hit a man. + +"As soon as I saw the rear column, I told * * * Lieutenant Benjamin to +fire. * * * He fired the first shot when the rear column presented +itself. It just went over their heads, and hit a horse and rider in +their rear. As soon as the first shot was fired, I gave the order for +the whole six pieces of Artillery to open with grape and canister. The +effect was terrible. They were all there, right before us, about 450 +yards off, and had not suspected that we were going to fire at all, +though they did not know what the reason was. Hunt's Battery (belonging +to Richardson--who had by mistake got Greene's) performed so well, that, +in thirty minutes, we dispersed every one of them! + +"I do not know how many were killed, but we so crippled their entire +force that they never came after us an inch. A man, who saw the effect +of the firing, in the valley, said it was just like firing into a wheat +field; the column gave way at once, before the grape and canister; they +were just within available distance. I knew very well that if they but +got into that basin, the first fire would cut them all to pieces; and it +did. We continued to fire for thirty minutes, when there was nothing +more to fire at, and no more shots were returned." + +At a later hour--while remaining victorious at their well defended +position, with the Enemy at their front, dispersed and silenced,--these +two brigades of the Left Wing, receive orders to fall back on +Centreville, and encamp. With the brigade of Richardson, and Greene's +Battery in advance, Davies's own brigade and Hunt's Battery following, +they fall back on the heights of Centreville "without the least +confusion and in perfect order"--reaching them at 7 P.M. + +Meantime Miles has been relieved from command, and McDowell has ordered +Blenker's Brigade to take position a mile or more in advance of +Centreville, toward Bull Run, on both sides of the Warrenton Pike, to +protect the retreat, now being made, in "a few collected bodies," but +mainly in great disorder--owing partly to the baggage-wagons choking the +road, along which both venturesome civilians and fagged-out troops are +retreating upon Centreville. This confused retreat passes through +Blenker's lines until 9 o'clock P.M.--and then, all is secure. + +At midnight, McDowell has decided to make no stand at Centreville, but +to retire upon the defensive works at Washington. The order to retreat, +is given, and, with the rear well guarded by Richardson's and Blenker's +Brigades, is carried out, the van of the retreat, with no Enemy +pursuing, degenerating finally into a "mob," which carries more or less +panic into Washington itself, as well as terrible disappointment and +chagrin to all the Loyal States of the Union. + +Knowing what we now do, concerning the Battle of Bull Run, it is +somewhat surprising, at this day, to read the dispatches sent by +McDowell to General Scott's headquarters at Washington, immediately +after it. They are in these words: + + "CENTREVILLE, July 21, 1861--5:45 P.M. + +"We passed Bull Run, engaged the Enemy, who, it seems, had just been +re-enforced by General Johnston. We drove them for several hours, and +finally routed them." + + ["No one who did not share in the sad experience will be able to + realize the consternation which the news of this discomfiture-- + grossly exaggerated--diffused over the loyal portion of our + Country. Only the tidings which had reached Washington up to four + o'clock--all presaging certain and decisive victory--were permitted + to go North by telegraph that day and evening; so that, on Monday + morning, when the crowd of fugitives from our grand Army was + pouring into Washington, a heedless, harmless, worthless mob, the + Loyal States were exulting over accounts of a decisive triumph. + But a few hours brought different advices; and these were as much + worse than the truth as the former had been better: our Army had + been utterly destroyed-cut to pieces, with a loss of twenty-five to + thirty thousand men, besides all its artillery and munitions, and + Washington lay at the mercy of the Enemy, who were soon to advance + to the capture and sack of our great commercial cities. Never + before had so black a day as that black Monday lowered upon the + loyal hearts of the North; and the leaden, weeping skies reflected + and heightened, while they seemed to sympathize with, the general + gloom. It would have been easy, with ordinary effort and care, to + have gathered and remanded to their camps or forts around + Alexandria or Arlington, all the wretched stragglers to whom fear + had lent wings, and who, throwing away their arms and equipments, + and abandoning all semblance of Military order or discipline, had + rushed to the Capital to hide therein their shame, behind a cloud + of exaggerations and falsehoods. The still effective batteries, + the solid battalions, that were then wending their way slowly back + to their old encampments along the South bank of the Potomac, + depressed but unshaken, dauntless and utterly unassailed, were + unseen and unheard from; while the panic-stricken racers filled and + distended the general ear with their tales of impregnable + intrenchments and masked batteries, of regiments slaughtered, + brigades utterly cut to pieces, etc., making out their miserable + selves to be about all that was left of the Army. That these men + were allowed thus to straggle into Washington, instead of being + peremptorily stopped at the bridges and sent back to the + encampments of their several regiments, is only to be accounted for + on the hypothesis that the reason of our Military magnates had been + temporarily dethroned, so as to divest them of all moral + responsibility," Greeley's Am. Conflict, pp. 552-53., vol. I.] + +"They rallied and repulsed us, but only to give us again the victory, +which seemed complete. But our men, exhausted with fatigue and thirst, +and confused by firing into each other, were attacked by the Enemy's +reserves, and driven from the position we had gained, overlooking +Manassas. After this, the men could not be rallied, but slowly left the +field. In the meantime the Enemy outflanked Richardson at Blackburn's +Ford, and we have now to hold Centreville till our men can get behind +it. Miles's Division is holding the town. It is reported that Colonel +Cameron is killed, Hunter and Heintzelman wounded, neither dangerously. + "IRWIN MCDOWELL, + "Brigadier-General, Commanding. + +"Lieutenant-Colonel TOWNSEND." + + + "FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE, July 21, 1861. + +"The men having thrown away their haversacks in the battle, and left +them behind, they are without food; have eaten nothing since breakfast. +We are without artillery ammunition. The larger part of the men are a +confused mob, entirely demoralized. It was the opinion of all the +commanders that no stand could be made this side of the Potomac. We +will, however, make the attempt at Fairfax Court House. From a prisoner +we learn that 20,000 from Johnston joined last night, and they march on +us to-night. + "IRWIN MCDOWELL. + +"Colonel TOWNSEND" + + + "FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE, [July] 22, 1861. + +"Many of the volunteers did not wait for authority to proceed to the +Potomac, but left on their own decision. They are now pouring through +this place in a state of utter disorganization. They could not be +prepared for action by to-morrow morning even were they willing. I +learn from prisoners that we are to be pressed here to-night and +tomorrow morning, as the Enemy's force is very large, and they are +elated. I think we heard cannon on our rear-guard. I think now, as all +of my commanders thought at Centreville, there is no alternative but to +fall back to the Potomac, and I shall proceed to do so with as much +regularity as possible. + "IRWIN MCDOWELL. + +"Colonel TOWNSEND." + + + "ARLINGTON, July 22, 1861. + +"I avail myself of the re-establishing of telegraph to report my +arrival. When I left the forks of the Little River turnpike and +Columbia turnpike, where I had been for a couple of hours turning +stragglers and parties of regiments upon this place and Alexandria, I +received intelligence that the rear-guard, under Colonel Richardson, had +left Fairfax Court House, and was getting along well. Had not been +attacked. I am now trying to get matters a little organized over here. + "IRWIN MCDOWELL. + "Brigadier-General. +"E. D. TOWNSEND." + + +McDowell had unquestionably been repulsed, in his main attack, with his +Right Wing, and much of his Army was badly demoralized; but, on the +other hand, it may be well to repeat that the Enemy's plan of attack +that same morning had been frustrated, and most of his forces so badly +shattered and demoralized that he dared not follow up the advantage +which, more by our own blunders than by his prowess, he had gained. + +If the Union forces--or at least the Right Wing of them--were whipped, +the Enemy also was whipped. Jackson himself confesses that while he +had, at the last moment, broken our centre, our forces had turned both +of his flanks. The Enemy was, in fact, so badly used up, that he not +only dared not pursue us to Washington--as he would have down had he +been able--but he was absolutely afraid McDowell would resume the +attack, on the right of the original Bull Run line, that very night! +For, in a letter to General Beauregard; dated Richmond, Virginia, August +4, 1861, Jefferson Davis,--who was on the ground at Bull Run, July +21st,--alluding to the Battle of Bull Run, and Beauregard's excuses for +not pursuing the Union troops, says: + +"I think you are unjust to yourself in putting your failure to pursue +the Enemy to Washington, to the account of short supplies of subsistence +and transportation. Under the circumstances of our Army, and in the +absence of the knowledge since acquired--if, indeed, the statements be +true--it would have been extremely hazardous to have done more than was +performed. You will not fail to remember that, so far from knowing that +the Enemy was routed, a large part of our forces was moved by you, in +the night of the 21st, to repel a supposed attack upon our right, and +the next day's operations did not fully reveal what has since been +reported of the Enemy's panic." + +And Jefferson Davis's statement is corroborated by the Report of Colonel +Withers, of the 18th Virginia, who, after starting with other regiments, +in an attempt to cut off the Union retreat, was recalled to the Stone +Bridge,--and who says: "Before reaching the point we designed to occupy +(near the Stone Bridge) we were met by another order to march +immediately to Manassas Junction, as an attack was apprehended that +night. Although it was now after sunset, and my men had had no food all +day, when the command to march to Manassas was given, they cheerfully +took the route to that place." + +Colonel Davies, who, as we have seen, commanded McDowell's stubborn Left +Wing, was after all, not far wrong, when, in his testimony before the +Committee on the Conduct of the War, he declared, touching the story of +the Bull Run Battle: "It ought to have read that we were victorious with +the 13,000 troops of the Left Wing, and defeated in the 18,000 of the +Right Wing. That is all that Bull Run amounts to." + +In point of fact, the Battle of Bull Run--the first pitched battle of +the War--was a drawn battle. + +War was now fully inaugurated--Civil War--a stupendous War between two +great Sections of one common Country; those of our People, on the one +side, fighting for the dissolution of the Union--and incidentally for +Free Trade, and for Slavery; those on the other side, fighting for the +preservation of the Union--and incidentally for Protection to our Free +Industries, and for the Freedom of the Slave. + +As soon as the Republican Party controlled both Houses of Congress it +provided Protection to our Free Industries, and to the Free Labor +engaged in them, by the Morill Tariff Act of 1860--the foundation Act of +all subsequent enactments on the subject. In subsequent pages of this +work we shall see how the Freedom of the Slave was also accomplished by +the same great Party. + + + + + CHAPTER XIV. + + THE COLORED CONTRABAND. + +When the first gun was fired at Fort Sumter, its sullen echoes sounded +the funeral knell of Slavery. Years before, it had been foretold, and +now it was to happen. Years before, it bad been declared, by competent +authority, that among the implications of the Constitution was that of +the power of the General Government to Emancipate the Slaves, as a War +measure. Hence, in thus commencing the War of the Rebellion, the South +marched with open eyes upon this, as among other of the legitimate and +logical results of such a War. + +Patrick Henry, in opposing the ratification by Virginia of the Federal +Constitution, had declared to the Slaveholders of that State that "Among +ten thousand implied powers" which Congress may assume, "they may, if we +be engaged in War, liberate every one of your Slaves, if they please, * +* * Have they not power to provide for the General Defense and Welfare? +May they not think that these call for the abolition of Slavery? May +they not pronounce all Slaves Free? and will they not be warranted by +that power? * * * They have the power, in clear, unequivocal terms, +and will clearly and certainly exercise it." + +So, too, in his great speech of May 25, 1836, in the House of +Representatives, John Quincy Adams had declared that in "the last great +conflict which must be fought between Slavery and Emancipation," +Congress "must and will interfere" with Slavery, "and they will not only +possess the Constitutional power so to interfere, but they will be bound +in duty to do it, by the express provisions of the Constitution itself." +And he followed this declaration with the equally emphatic words: "From +the instant that your Slave-holding States become the theatre of War- +civil, servile, or foreign--from that instant, the War powers of +Congress extend to interference with the Institution of Slavery in every +Way by which it can be interfered with." + +The position thus announced by these expounders of the Constitution--the +one from Virginia, the other from Massachusetts--was not to be shaken +even by the unanimous adoption, February 11, 1861, by the House of +Representatives on roll call, of the resolution of Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, +in these words: + +"Resolved, That neither the Congress of the United States nor the people +or governments of the non-Slaveholding States have the Constitutional +right to legislate upon or interfere with Slavery in any of the +Slaveholding States in the Union." + +Ex-President J. Q. Adams's cogent exposition of the Constitution, +twenty-five years before, in that same House, demonstrating not only +that Congress had the right but the Constitutional power to so +interfere--and his further demonstration April 15, 1842, of his +statement that under the laws of War, "when a Country is invaded, and +two hostile armies are set in martial array, the Commanders of both +Armies have power to Emancipate all the Slaves in the invaded +territory"--as not to be overcome by a mere vote of one House, however +unanimous. For the time being, however, it contributed, with other +circumstances, to confuse the public mind and conscience. Indeed as +early as May of 1861, the attitude of our Government and its troops +toward Negro Slaves owned or used by Rebels in rebellious States, began +to perturb the public, bother the Administration, and worry the Military +officers. + +For instance, in Major-General McClellan's proclamation to the Union men +of West Virginia, issued May 26, 1861, he said: + +"The General Government cannot close its ears to the demand you have +made for assistance. I have ordered troops to cross the river. They +come as your friends and brothers--as enemies only to armed Rebels, who +are preying upon you; your homes, your families, and your property are +safe under our protection. All your rights shall be religiously +respected, notwithstanding all that has been said by the Traitors to +induce you to believe our advent among you will be signalized by an +interference with your Slaves. Understand one thing clearly: not only +will we abstain from all such interference, but we will, on the +contrary, with an iron hand crush any attempt at insurrection on their +part." + +On the other hand, the very next day, May 27, 1861, Major-General +Butler, in command of the "Department of A Virginia," wrote to +Lieutenant-General Scott as follows: + +"Since I wrote my last dispatch the question in regard to Slave property +is becoming one of very serious magnitude. The inhabitants of Virginia +are using their Negroes in the batteries, and are preparing to send the +women and children South. The escapes from them are very numerous, and +a squad has come in this morning to my pickets bringing their women and +children. Of course these cannot be dealt with upon the theory on which +I designed to treat the services of able-bodied men and women who might +come within my lines, and of which I gave you a detailed account in my +last dispatch. I am in the utmost doubt what to do with this species of +Property. + +"Up to this time I have had come within my lines men and women with +their children, entire families, each family belonging to the same +owner. I have, therefore, determined to employ, as I can do very +profitably, the able-bodied persons in the party, issuing proper food +for the support of all, and charging against their services the expense +of care and sustenance of the non-laborers, keeping a strict and +accurate account as well of the services as of the expenditure, having +the worth of the services, and the cost of the expenditure, determined +by a Board of Survey, to be hereafter detailed. I know of no other +manner in which to dispose of this subject and the questions connected +therewith. + +"As a matter of Property to the Insurgents, it will be of very great +moment, the number that I now have amounting, as I am informed, to what, +in good times, would be of the value of sixty thousand dollars. Twelve +of these Negroes, I am informed, have escaped from the batteries on +Sewall's Point, which, this morning, fired upon my expedition as it +passed by out of range. As a means of offense, therefore, in the +Enemy's hands, these Negroes, when able-bodied, are of the last +importance. Without them the batteries could not have been erected, at +least for many weeks. + +"As a Military question it would seem to be a measure of necessity to +deprive their masters of their services. How can this be done? As a +political question and a question of humanity, can I receive the +services of a father and mother, and not take the children? Of the +humanitarian aspect I have no doubt. Of the political one I have no +right to judge. I therefore submit all this to your better judgment, +and as the questions have a political aspect, I have ventured, and I +trust I am not wrong in so doing, to duplicate the parts of my dispatch +relating to this subject, and forward them to the Secretary of War." + +In reply to the duplicate copy of this letter received by him, Secretary +Cameron thus answered: + + "WASHINGTON, May 30, 1861. + +"SIR: Your action in respect to the Negroes who came within your lines +from the service of the Rebels is approved. The Department is sensible +of the embarrassments which must surround officers conducting Military +operations in a State by the laws of which Slavery is sanctioned. + +"The Government cannot recognize the rejection by any State of the +Federal obligations, nor can it refuse the performance of the Federal +obligations resting upon itself. Among these Federal obligations, +however, none can be more important than that of suppressing and +dispersing armed combinations formed for the purpose of overthrowing its +whole Constitutional authority. + +"While, therefore, you will permit no interference by the persons under +your command, with the relations of Persons held to Service under the +laws of any State, you will, on the other hand, so long as any State, +within which your Military operations are conducted, is under the +control of such armed combinations, refrain from surrendering to alleged +masters any Person who may come within your lines. + +"You will employ such Persons in the services to which they may be best +adapted, keeping an account of the labor by them performed, of the value +of it, and the expenses of their maintenance. The question of their +final disposition will be reserved for future determination. + + "SIMON CAMERON, + "Secretary of War. + +"To Major General BUTLER." + + +Great tenderness, however, was exhibited by many of the Union Generals +for the doomed Institution. On June 3, 1861, from Chambersburg, Pa., a +proclamation signed "By order of Major General Patterson, F. J. Porter, +Asst. Adj. General," was issued from "Headquarters Department of +Pennsylvania," "To the United States troops of this Department," in +which they are admonished "that, in the coming campaign in Virginia, +while it is your duty to punish Sedition, you must protect the Loyal, +and, should the occasion offer, at once suppress Servile Insurrection." + + +"General Orders No. 33," issued from "Headquarters Department of +Washington," July 17, 1861, "By command of Brigadier General Mansfield, +Theo. Talbot, Assistant Adjutant General," were to this effect: +"Fugitive Slaves will under no pretext whatever, be permitted to reside, +or be in any way harbored, in the quarters or camps of the troops +serving in this Department. Neither will such Slaves be allowed to +accompany troops on the march. Commanders of troops will be held +responsible for a strict observance of this order." And early in August +a Military order was issued at Washington "that no Negroes, without +sufficient evidence of their being Free or of their right to travel, are +permitted to leave the city upon the cars." + +But Bull Run did much to settle the Military as well as public mind in +proper grooves on this subject. + +Besides employing Negro Slaves to aid Rebellion, by the digging of +ditches, the throwing up of intrenchments, and the erection of +batteries, their Rebel masters placed in their hands arms with which to +shoot down Union soldiers at the Battle of Bull Run, which, as we have +seen, occurred on Sunday, July 21, 1861--and resulted in a check to the +Union Cause. + +The terror and confusion and excitement already referred to, that +prevailed in Washington all that night and the next day, as the panic- +stricken crowd of soldiers and civilians poured over the Long Bridge, +footsore with running, faint with weariness, weak with hunger, and +parched with thirst and the dust of the rout, can hardly be described. + +But, however panicky the general condition of the inhabitants of the +National Capital, the Congress bravely maintained its equanimity. + +In the Senate, on the day following the disaster, a bill touching the +Confiscation of Property used for insurrectionary purposes being up for +consideration, the following amendment was offered to it: + +"And be it further enacted, That whenever any person claiming to be +entitled to the Service or Labor of any other Person under the laws of +any State, shall employ such Person in aiding or promoting any +Insurrection, or in resisting the Laws of the United States, or shall +permit him to be so employed, he shall forfeit all right to such Service +or Labor, and the Person whose Labor or Service is thus claimed shall be +thenceforth discharged therefrom, any law to the contrary +notwithstanding." + +This amendment, emancipating Slaves employed by their masters to aid +Rebellion, was adopted by 33 yeas to 6 nays. + +As showing the feeling expressed right upon the very heels of what +seemed to be a great disaster, and when rumor, at any rate, placed the +victorious Enemy at the very gates of the Capital City, a few lines from +the debate may be interesting. + +Mr. Trumbull said: "I am glad the yeas and nays have been called to let +us see who is willing to vote that the Traitorous owner of a Negro shall +employ him to shoot down the Union men of the Country, and yet insist +upon restoring him to the Traitor that owns him. I understand that +Negroes were in the fight which has recently occurred. I take it that +Negroes who are used to destroy the Union, and to shoot down the Union +men by the consent of Traitorous masters, ought not to be restored to +them. If the Senator from Kentucky is in favor of restoring them, let +him vote against the amendment." + +Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, said: "I shall vote with more heart +than I vote for ordinary measures, for this proposition. I hope the +Senate and the House of Representatives will sustain it, and that this +Government will carry it out with an inflexibility that knows no change. +The idea that men who are in arms destroying their Country shall be +permitted to use others for that purpose, and that we shall stand by and +issue orders to our Commanders, that we should disgrace our Cause and +our Country, by returning such men to their Traitorous masters, ought +not longer to be entertained. The time has come for that to cease; and, +by the blessing of God, so far as I am concerned, I mean it shall cease. + +"If there is anybody in this Chamber that chooses to take the other +path, let him do it; let him know what our purpose is. Our purpose is +to save this Government and save this Country, and to put down Treason; +and if Traitors use bondsmen to destroy this Country, my doctrine is +that the Government shall at once convert these bondsmen into men that +cannot be used to destroy our Country. I have no apologies to make for +this position, I take it proudly. + +"I think the time has come when this Government, and the men who are in +arms under the Government, should cease to return to Traitors their +Fugitive Slaves, whom they are using to erect batteries to murder brave +men who are fighting under the flag of their Country. The time has come +when we should deal with the men who are organizing Negro companies, and +teaching them to shoot down loyal men for the only offence of upholding +the flag of their Country. + +"I hope further, Sir, that there is a public sentiment in this Country +that will blast men who will rise, in the Senate or out it, to make +apologies for Treason, or to defend or to maintain the doctrine that +this Government is bound to protect Traitors in converting their Slaves +into tools for the destruction of the Republic." + +Senator McDougall, of California, said: "I regard this as a Confiscation +for Treason, and I am for the proposition." + +Mr. Ten Eyck, said: "No longer ago than Saturday last I voted in the +Judiciary Committee against this amendment, for two reasons: First, I +did not believe that persons in Rebellion against this Government would +make use of such means as the employment of Persons held to Labor or +Service, in their Armies; secondly, because I did not know what was to +become of these poor wretches if they were discharged. God knows we do +not want them in our Section of the Union. But, Sir, having learned and +believing that these persons have been employed with arms in their hands +to shed the blood of the Union-loving men of this Country, I shall now +vote in favor of that amendment with less regard to what may become of +these people than I had on Saturday. I will merely instance that there +is a precedent for this. If I recollect history aright, General +Jackson, in the Seminole War, declared that every Slave who was taken in +arms against the United States should be set Free," + +So, too, in the House of Representatives, the retrograde of a badly +demoralized Army, its routed fragments still coming in with alarming +stories of a pursuing Enemy almost at the gates of the city, had no +terrors for our legislators; and there was something of Roman dignity, +patriotism, and courage, in the adoption, on that painfully memorable +Blue Monday, (the first--[Offered by Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky]--with +only two dissenting votes, on a yea and nay vote; and, the second-- +[Offered by Mr. Vandever, of Iowa.]--with entire unanimity) of the +following Resolutions: + +"Resolved by the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United +States, That the present deplorable Civil War has been forced upon the +Country by the Disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against +the Constitutional Government, and in arms around the Capital; that in +this National emergency, Congress, banishing all feelings of mere +passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole +Country; that this War is not waged on their part in any spirit of +oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of +overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established Institutions +of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the +Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, +and rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon as these +objects are accomplished, the War ought to cease." + +"Resolved, That the maintenance of the Constitution, the preservation of +the Union, and the enforcement of the Laws, are sacred trusts which must +be executed; that no disaster shall discourage us from the most ample +performance of this high duty; and that we pledge to the Country and the +World, the employment of every resource, National and individual, for +the suppression, overthrow, and punishment of Rebels in arms." + +The first of these Resolutions was intended to calm the fears of the +Border States--excited by Rebel emissaries; the second, to restore +confidence and courage to the patriot hearts of Union-men, everywhere. +Both were effectual. + +And here it will hardly be amiss to glance, for an instant, toward the +Senate Chamber; and especially at one characteristic incident. It was +the afternoon of August the 1st, 1861,--scarce ten days since the check +to the Union arms at Bull Run; and Breckinridge, of Kentucky, not yet +expelled from the United States Senate, was making in that Body his +great speech against the "Insurrection and Sedition Bill," and upon "the +sanctity of the Constitution." + +Baker, of Oregon,--who, as Sumner afterward said: "with a zeal that +never tired, after recruiting men drawn by the attraction of his name, +in New York and Philadelphia and elsewhere, held his Brigade in camp, +near the Capitol, so that he passed easily from one to the other, and +thus alternated the duties of a Senator and a General," having reached +the Capitol, direct from his Brigade-camp, entered the Senate Chamber, +in his uniform, while Breckinridge was speaking. + +When the Kentucky Senator "with Treason in his heart, if not on his +lips," resumed his seat, the gray-haired soldier-Senator at once rose to +reply. "He began,"--said Charles Sumner, in alluding to the incident-- +"simply and calmly; but as he proceeded, his fervid soul broke forth in +words of surpassing power. As on a former occasion he had presented the +well-ripened fruits of study, so now he spoke with the spontaneous +utterance of his own mature and exuberant eloquence--meeting the +polished Traitor at every point with weapons keener and brighter than +his own." + +After demolishing Breckinridge's position touching the alleged +Unconstitutionality of the measure, and characterzing his other +utterances as "reproof, malediction, and prediction combined," the +Patriot from the Far-West turned with rising voice and flashing eye upon +the gloomy Kentuckian: + +"I would ask him," said he, "what would you have us do now--a +Confederate Army within twenty miles of us, advancing, or threatening to +advance, to overwhelm your Government; to shake the pillars of the +Union, to bring it around your head, if you stay here, in ruins? Are we +to stop and talk about an uprising sentiment in the North against the +War? Are we to predict evil, and retire from what we predict? Is it +not the manly part to go on as we have begun, to raise money, and levy +Armies, to organize them, to prepare to advance; when we do advance, to +regulate that advance by all the laws and regulations that civilization +and humanity will allow in time of battle? Can we do anything more? To +talk to us about stopping, is idle; we will never stop. Will the +Senator yield to Rebellion? Will he shrink from armed Insurrection? +Will his State justify it? Will its better public opinion allow it? +Shall we send a flag of Truce? What would he have? Or would he conduct +this War so feebly, that the whole World would smile at us in derision?" + +And then cried the orator-his voice rising to a higher key, penetrating, +yet musical as the blast from a silver trumpet: "What would he have? +These speeches of his, sown broadcast over the Land, what clear distinct +meaning have they? Are they not intended for disorganization in our +very midst? Are they not intended to dull our weapons? Are they not +intended to destroy our zeal? Are they not intended to animate our +enemies? Sir, are they not words of brilliant, polished Treason, even +in the very Capitol of the Nation? + +"What would have been thought, if, in another Capitol, in another +Republic, in a yet more martial age, a Senator as grave, not more +eloquent or dignified than the Senator from Kentucky, yet with the Roman +purple flowing over his shoulder, had risen in his place, surrounded by +all the illustrations of Roman glory, and declared that the cause of +advancing Hannibal was just, and that Carthage ought to be dealt with in +terms of peace? What would have been thought if, after the battle of +Cannae, a Senator there had risen in his place and denounced every levy +of the Roman People, every expenditure of its treasure, and every appeal +to the old recollections and the old glories?" + +The speaker paused. The sudden and intent silence was broken by another +voice: "He would have been hurled from the Tarpeian rock." + +"Sir," continued the soldier-orator, "a Senator, himself learned far +more than myself in such lore, [Mr. Fessenden,] tells me, in a voice +that I am glad is audible, that he would have been hurled from the +Tarpeian Rock! It is a grand commentary upon the American Constitution +that we permit these words [Senator Breckinridge's] to be uttered. + +"I ask the Senator to recollect, too, what, save to send aid and comfort +to the Enemy, do these predictions of his amount to? Every word thus +uttered falls as a note of inspiration upon every Confederate ear. +Every sound thus uttered is a word, (and, falling from his lips, a +mighty word) of kindling and triumph to a Foe that determines to +advance. + +"For me, I have no such word as a Senator, to utter. For me"--and here +his eyes flashed again while his martial voice rang like a clarion-call +to battle--"amid temporary defeat, disaster, disgrace, it seems that my +duty calls me to utter another word, and that word is, bold, sudden, +forward, determined, WAR, according to the laws of War, by Armies, by +Military Commanders clothed with full power, advancing with all the past +glories of the Republic urging them on to conquest! + + * * * * * * + +"I tell the Senator," continued the inspired Patriot, "that his +predictions, sometimes for the South, sometimes for the Middle States, +sometimes for the North-East, and then wandering away in airy visions +out to the Far Pacific, about the dread of our people, as for loss of +blood and treasure, provoking them to Disloyalty, are false in +sentiment, false in fact, and false in Loyalty. The Senator from +Kentucky is mistaken in them all. + +"Five hundred million dollars! What then? Great Britain gave more than +two thousand million in the great Battle for Constitutional Liberty +which she led at one time almost single-handed against the World. Five +hundred thousand men! What then? We have them; they are ours; they are +the children of the Country; they belong to the whole Country; they are +our sons; our kinsmen; and there are many of us who will give them all +up before we will abate one word of our just demand, or will retreat one +inch from the line which divides right from wrong. + +"Sir, it is not a question of men or of money in that sense. All the +money, all the men, are, in our judgment, well bestowed in such a cause. +When we give them, we know their value. Knowing their value well, we +give them with the more pride and the, more joy. Sir, how can we +retreat? Sir, how can we make Peace? Who shall treat? What +Commissioners? Who would go? Upon what terms? Where is to be your +boundary line? Where the end of the principles we shall have to give +up? What will become of Constitutional Government? What will become of +public Liberty? What of past glories? What of future hopes? + +"Shall we sink into the insignificance of the grave--a degraded, +defeated, emasculated People, frightened by the results of one battle, +and scared at the visions raised by the imagination of the Senator from +Kentucky on this floor? No, Sir! a thousand times, no, Sir! We will +rally--if, indeed, our words be necessary--we will rally the People, the +Loyal People, of the whole Country. They will pour forth their +treasure, their money, their men, without stint, without measure. The +most peaceable man in this body may stamp his foot upon this Senate +Chamber floor, as of old a warrior and a Senator did, and from that +single tramp there will spring forth armed Legions. + +"Shall one battle determine the fate of empire, or a dozen?--the loss of +one thousand men, or twenty thousand? or one hundred million or five +hundred million dollars? In a year's Peace--in ten years, at most, of +peaceful progress--we can restore them all. There will be some graves +reeking with blood, watered by the tears of affection. There will be +some privation; there will be some loss of luxury; there will be +somewhat more need for labor to procure the necessaries of life. When +that is said, all is said. If we have the Country, the whole Country, +the Union, the Constitution, Free Government--with these there will +return all the blessings of well-ordered civilization; the path of the +Country will be a career of greatness and of glory such as, in the olden +time, our Fathers saw in the dim visions of years yet to come, and such +as would have been ours now, to-day, if it had not been for the Treason +for which the Senator too often seeks to apologize." + +This remarkable speech was the last utterance of that glorious and +courageous soul, in the National Senate. Within three months, his +lifeless body, riddled by Rebel rifle balls, was borne away from the +fatal field of Ball's Bluff--away, amid the lamentations of a Nation-- +away, across land and ocean--to lie beside his brave friend Broderick, +on that Lone Mountain whose solemn front looks out upon the calm +Pacific. + +He had not lived in vain. In his great speech at the American Theatre +in San Francisco, after his election by Oregon (1860) to represent her +in the United States Senate, he had aroused the people to a sense of +shame, that, as he said: "Here, in a land of written Constitutional +Liberty it is reserved for us to teach the World that, under the +American Stars and Stripes, Slavery marches in solemn procession; that, +under the American flag, Slavery is protected to the utmost verge of +acquired territory; that under the American banner, the name of Freedom +is to be faintly heard, the songs of Freedom faintly sung; that, while +Garibaldi, Victor Emanuel, every great and good man in the World, +strives, struggles, fights, prays, suffers and dies, sometimes on the +scaffold, sometimes in the dungeon, often on the field of battle, +rendered immortal by his blood and his valor; that, while this triumphal +procession marches on through the arches of Freedom--we, in this land, +of all the World, shrink back trembling when Freedom is but mentioned!" + +And never was a shamed people more suddenly lifted up from that shame +into a grand frenzy of patriotic devotion than were his auditors, when, +with the inspiration of his matchless genius, he continued: + +"As for me, I dare not, will not, be false to Freedom. Where the feet +of my youth were planted, there, by Freedom, my feet shall ever stand. +I will walk beneath her banner. I will glory in her strength. I have +watched her in history struck down on an hundred chosen fields of +battle. I have seen her friends fly from her; her foes gather around +her. I have seen her bound to the stake; I have seen them give her +ashes to the winds. But when they turned to exult, I have seen her +again meet them face to face, resplendent in complete steel, brandishing +in her strong right hand a flaming sword, red with Insufferable light! +I take courage. The People gather around her. The genius of America +will, at last, lead her sons to Freedom." + +Never were grander utterances delivered by man in all the ages; never +was there exhibited a more sublime faith; never a truer spirit of +prophecy; never a more heroic spirit. + +He was then on his way to Washington; on his way to perform the last +acts in the drama of his own career--on his way to death. He knew the +time had come, of which, ten years before, he had prophetically spoken +in the House of Representatives, when he said: "I have only to say that, +if the time should come when Disunion rules the hour, and discord is to +reign supreme, I shall again be ready to give the best blood in my veins +to my Country's Cause. I shall be prepared to meet all antagonists with +lance in rest, to do battle in every land, in defense of the +Constitution of the Country which I have sworn to support, to the last +extremity, against Disunionists, and all its Enemies, whether of the +South or North; to meet them everywhere, at all times, with speech or +hand, with word or blow, until thought and being shall be no longer +mine." And right nobly did he fulfil in all respects his promise; so +that at the end--as was afterward well said of him by Mr. Colfax--he had +mounted so high, that, "doubly crowned, as statesman, and as warrior-- + + 'From the top of Fame's ladder he stepped to the Sky!'" + + [This orator and hero was a naturalized Englishman, and commanded + an American regiment in the Mexican War.] + + + + + CHAPTER XV. + + FREEDOM'S EARLY DAWN. + +On the day following Baker's great reply to Breckinridge, another +notable speech was made, in the House of Representatives--notable, +especially, in that it foreshadowed Emancipation, and, coming so soon +after Bull Run, seemed to accentuate a new departure in political +thought as an outgrowth of that Military reverse. It was upon the +Confiscation Act, and it was Thaddeus Stevens who made it. Said he: + +"If we are justified in taking property from the Enemy in War, when you +have rescued an oppressed People from the oppression of that Enemy, by +what principle of the Law of Nations, by what principle of philanthropy, +can you return them to the bondage from which you have delivered them, +and again rivet the chains you have once broken? It is a disgrace to +the Party which advocates it. It is against the principle of the Law of +Nations. It is against every principle of philanthropy. I for one, +shall never shrink from saying when these Slaves are once conquered by +us, 'Go and be Free.' God forbid that I should ever agree that they +should be returned again to their masters! I do not say that this War +is made for that purpose. Ask those who made the War, what is its +object. Do not ask us. * * * Our object is to subdue the Rebels. + +"But," continued he, "it is said that if we hold out this thing, they +will never submit--that we cannot conquer them--that they will suffer +themselves to be slaughtered, and their whole country to be laid waste. +Sir, War is a grievous thing at best, and Civil War more than any other; +but if they hold this language, and the means which they have suggested +must be resorted to; if their whole country must be laid waste, and made +a desert, in order to save this Union from destruction, so let it be. I +would rather, Sir, reduce them to a condition where their whole country +is to be re-peopled by a band of freemen than to see them perpetrate the +destruction of this People through our agency. I do not say that it is +time to resort to such means, and I do not know when the time will come; +but I never fear to express my sentiments. It is not a question with me +of policy, but a question of principle. + +"If this War is continued long, and is bloody, I do not believe that the +free people of the North will stand by and see their sons and brothers +and neighbors slaughtered by thousands and tens of thousands by Rebels, +with arms in their hands, and forbear to call upon their enemies to be +our friends, and to help us in subduing them; I for one, if it continues +long, and has the consequences mentioned, shall be ready to go for it, +let it horrify the gentleman from New York (Mr. Diven) or anybody else. +That is my doctrine, and that will be the doctrine of the whole free +people of the North before two years roll round, if this War continues. + +"As to the end of the War, until the Rebels are subdued, no man in the +North thinks of it. If the Government are equal to the People, and I +believe they are, there will be no bargaining, there will be no +negotiation, there will be no truces with the Rebels, except to bury the +dead, until every man shall have laid down his arms, disbanded his +organization, submitted himself to the Government, and sued for mercy. +And, Sir, if those who have the control of the Government are not fit +for this task and have not the nerve and mind for it, the People will +take care that there are others who are--although, Sir, I have not a bit +of fear of the present Administration, or of the present Executive. + +"I have spoken more freely, perhaps, than gentlemen within my hearing +might think politic, but I have spoken just what I felt. I have spoken +what I believe will be the result; and I warn Southern gentlemen, that +if this War is to continue, there will be a time when my friend from New +York (Mr. Diven) will see it declared by this free Nation, that every +bondman in the South--belonging to a Rebel, recollect; I confine it to +them--shall be called upon to aid us in War against their masters, and +to restore this Union." + +The following letter of instruction from Secretary Cameron, touching the +Fugitive Slave question, dated seven days after Thaddeus Stevens' +speech, had also an interesting bearing on the subject: + + "WASHINGTON, August 8, 1861. + +"GENERAL: The important question of the proper disposition to be made of +Fugitives from Service in States in Insurrection against the Federal +Government, to which you have again directed my attention in your letter +of July 30, has received my most attentive consideration. + +"It is the desire of the President that all existing rights, in all the +States, be fully respected and maintained. The War now prosecuted on +the part of the Federal Government is a War for the Union, and for the +preservation of all Constitutional rights of States, and the citizens of +the States, in the Union. Hence, no question can arise as to Fugitives +from Service within the States and Territories in which the authority of +the Union is fully acknowledged. The ordinary forms of Judicial +proceeding, which must be respected by Military and Civil authorities +alike, will suffice for the enforcement of all legal claims. + +"But in States wholly or partially under Insurrectionary control, where +the Laws of the United States are so far opposed and resisted that they +cannot be effectually enforced, it is obvious that rights dependent on +the execution of those laws must, temporarily, fail; and it is equally +obvious that rights dependent on the laws of the States within which +Military operations are conducted must be necessarily subordinated to +the Military exigences created by the Insurrection, if not wholly +forfeited by the Treasonable conduct of parties claiming them. To this +general rule, rights to Services can form no exception. + +"The Act of Congress, approved August 6, 1861, declares that if Persons +held to Service shall be employed in hostility to the United States, the +right to their services shall be forfeited, and such Persons shall be +discharged therefrom. It follows, of necessity, that no claim can be +recognized by the Military authorities of the Union to the services of +such Persons when fugitives. + +"A more difficult question is presented in respect to Persons escaping +from the Service of Loyal masters. It is quite apparent that the laws +of the State, under which only the services of such fugitives can be +claimed, must needs be wholly, or almost wholly, suspended, as to +remedies, by the Insurrection and the Military measures necessitated by +it. And it is equally apparent that the substitution of Military for +Judicial measures for the enforcement of such claims must be attended by +great inconveniences, embarrassments, and injuries. + +"Under these circumstances it seems quite clear that the substantial +rights of Loyal masters will be best protected by receiving such +fugitives, as well as fugitives from Disloyal masters, into the service +of the United States, and employing them under such organizations and in +such occupations as circumstances may suggest or require. + +"Of course a record should be kept showing the name and description of +the fugitives, the name and the character, as Loyal or Disloyal, of the +master, and such facts as may be necessary to a correct understanding of +the circumstances of each case after tranquillity shall have been +restored. Upon the return of Peace, Congress will, doubtless, properly +provide for all the persons thus received into the service of the Union, +and for just compensation to Loyal masters. In this way only, it would +seem, can the duty and safety of the Government and the just rights of +all be fully reconciled and harmonized. + +"You will therefore consider yourself as instructed to govern your +future action, in respect to Fugitives from Service, by the principles +here stated, and will report from time to time, and at least twice in +each month, your action in the premises to this Department. + +"You will, however, neither authorize, nor permit any interference, by +the troops under your command, with the servants of peaceful citizens in +house or field; nor will you, in any way, encourage such servants to +leave the lawful Service of their masters; nor will you, except in cases +where the Public Safety may seem to require, prevent the voluntary +return of any Fugitive, to the Service from which he may have escaped." + +"I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, + + "SIMON CAMERON, + "Secretary of War. + +"Major-General B. F. BUTLER, +"Commanding Department of Virginia, +"Fortress Monroe." + + +Whether or not inspired by the prophetic speech of Thaddeus Stevens, +aforesaid, the month of August was hardly out before its prophecy seemed +in a fair way of immediate fulfilment. Major-General John Charles +Fremont at that time commanded the Eastern Department--comprising the +States of Missouri, Kansas, Illinois, and Kentucky-and he startled the +Country by issuing the following Emancipation proclamation: + + + "HEADQUARTERS OF THE WESTERN DEPARTMENT. + + "St. Louis, August 30, 1861. + +"Circumstances, in my judgment, of sufficient urgency, render it +necessary that the commanding general of this Department should assume +the administrative powers of the State. Its disorganized condition, the +helplessness of the civil authority, the total insecurity of life, and +the devastation of property by bands of murderers and marauders, who +infest nearly every county of the State, and avail themselves of the +public misfortunes and the vicinity of a hostile force to gratify +private and neighborhood vengeance, and who find an enemy wherever they +find plunder, finally demand the severest measures to repress the daily +increasing crimes and outrages which are driving off the inhabitants and +ruining the State. + +"In this condition, the public safety and the success of our arms +require unity of purpose, without let or hinderance, to the prompt +administration of affairs. + +"In order, therefore, to suppress disorder, to maintain as far as now +practicable the public peace, and to give security and protection to the +persons and property of loyal citizens, I do hereby extend and declare +established Martial Law throughout the State of Missouri. + +"The lines of the Army of Occupation in this State are for the present +declared to extend from Leavenworth by way of the posts of Jefferson +City, Rolla, and Ironton, to Cape Girardeau, on the Mississippi river. + +"All persons who shall betaken with arms in their hands within these +lines shall be tried by Court-Martial, and if found guilty will be shot. + +"The property, real and personal, of all persons, in the State of +Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall +be directly proven to have taken an active part with their Enemies in +the field, is declared to be confiscated to the public use, and their +Slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared Free men. + +"All persons who shall be proven to have destroyed, after the +publication of this order, railroad tracks, bridges, or telegraphs, +shall suffer the extreme penalty of the law. + +"All persons engaged in Treasonable correspondence, in giving or +procuring aid to the Enemies of the United States, in fomenting tumults, +in disturbing the public tranquillity by creating and circulating false +reports or incendiary documents, are in their own interests warned that +they are exposing themselves to sudden and severe punishment. + +"All persons who have been led away from their allegiance, are required +to return to their homes forthwith; any such absence, without sufficient +cause, will be held to be presumptive evidence against them. + +"The object of this declaration is to place in the hands of the Military +authorities the power to give instantaneous effect to existing laws, and +to supply such deficiencies as the conditions of War demand. But this +is not intended to suspend the ordinary Tribunals of the Country, where +the Law will be administered by the Civil officers in the usual manner, +and with their customary authority, while the same can be peaceably +exercised. + +"The commanding general will labor vigilantly for the public Welfare, +and in his efforts for their safety hopes to obtain not only the +acquiescence, but the active support of the Loyal People of the Country. + + "J. C. FREMONT, + "Major-General Commanding." + + +Fremont's Proclamation of Confiscation and Emancipation, was hailed with +joy by some Patriots in the North, but was by others looked upon as rash +and premature and inexpedient; while it bitterly stirred the anger of +the Rebels everywhere. + +The Rebel Jeff. Thompson, then in command of the Rebel forces about St. +Louis, at once issued the following savage proclamation of retaliation: + + + "HEADQUARTERS FIRST MILITARY DISTRICT, M. S. G. + + 'St. Louis, August 31, 1861. + +"To all whom it may concern: + +"Whereas Major-General John C. Fremont, commanding the minions of +Abraham Lincoln in the State of Missouri, has seen fit to declare +Martial Law throughout the whole State, and has threatened to shoot any +citizen-soldier found in arms within certain limits; also, to Confiscate +the property and Free the Negroes belonging to the members of the +Missouri State Guard: + +"Therefore, know ye, that I, M. Jeff. Thompson, Brigadier-General of +the First Military District of Missouri, having not only the Military +authority of Brigadier-General, but certain police powers granted by +Acting-Governor Thomas C. Reynolds, and confirmed afterward by Governor +Jackson, do most solemnly promise that for every member of the Missouri +State Guard, or soldier of our allies, the Armies of the Confederate +States, who shall be put to death in pursuance of the said order of +General Fremont, I will hang, draw, and quarter a minion of said Abraham +Lincoln. + +"While I am anxious that this unfortunate War shall be conducted, if +possible, upon the most liberal principles of civilized warfare--and +every order that I have issued has been with that object--yet, if this +rule is to be adopted (and it must first be done by our Enemies) I +intend to exceed General Fremont in his excesses, and will make all +tories that come within my reach rue the day that a different policy was +adopted by their leaders. + +"Already mills, barns, warehouses, and other private property have been +wastefully and wantonly destroyed by the Enemy in this district, while +we have taken nothing except articles strictly contraband or absolutely +necessary. Should these things be repeated, I will retaliate ten-fold, +so help me God!" + + "M. JEFF. THOMPSON, + "Brigadier-General Commanding." + + + +"President Lincoln, greatly embarrassed by the precipitate action of his +subordinate, lost no time in suggesting to General Fremont certain +modifications of his Emancipation proclamation-as follows: + +"[PRIVATE.] + "WASHINGTON, D. C., September 2, 1861. + +"MY DEAR SIR: Two points in your proclamation of August 30th give me +some anxiety: + +"First. Should you shoot a man according to the proclamation, the +Confederates would very certainly shoot our best man in their hands, in +retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my +order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without +first having my approbation or consent. + +"Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in +relation to the Confiscation of Property, and the liberating Slaves of +Traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends, and turn them +against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky. + +"Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, +modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections +of the Act of Congress entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for +Insurrectionary purposes,' approved August 6, 1861, a copy of which Act +I herewith send you. + +"This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure. + +"I send it by a special messenger, in that it may certainly and speedily +reach you. + "Yours very truly, + "A. LINCOLN. + +"Major-General FREMONT." + + +General Fremont replied to President Lincoln's suggestions, as follows: + + "HEADQUARTERS WESTERN DEPARTMENT, + "St. Louis, September 8, 1861. + +"MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the second, by special +messenger, I know to have been written before you had received my +letter, and before my telegraphic dispatches and the rapid developments +of critical conditions here had informed you of affairs in this quarter. +I had not written to you fully and frequently, first, because in the +incessant change of affairs I would be exposed to give you contradictory +accounts; and., secondly, because the amount of the subjects to be laid +before you would demand too much of your time. + +"Trusting to have your confidence, I have been leaving it to events +themselves to show you whether or not I was shaping affairs here +according to your ideas. The shortest communication between Washington +and St. Louis generally involves two days, and the employment of two +days, in time of War, goes largely toward success or disaster. I +therefore went along according to my own judgment, leaving the result of +my movement to justify me with you. + +"And so in regard to my proclamation of the thirtieth. Between the +Rebel Armies, the Provisional Government, and the home Traitors, I felt +the position bad, and saw danger. In the night I decided upon the +proclamation and the form of it--I wrote it the next morning and printed +it the same day. I did it without consultation or advice with any one, +acting solely with my best judgment to serve the Country and yourself, +and perfectly willing to receive the amount of censure which should be +thought due, if I had made a false movement. + +"This is as much a movement in the War, as a battle, and, in going into +these, I shall have to act according to my judgment of the ground before +me, as I did on this occasion. If upon reflection, your better judgment +still decides that I am wrong in the article respecting the Liberation +of Slaves, I have to ask that you will openly direct me to make the +correction. The implied censure will be received as a soldier always +should the reprimand of his chief. + +"If I were to retract of my own accord, it would imply that I myself +thought it wrong, and that I had acted without the reflection which the +gravity of the point demanded. But I did not. I acted with full +deliberation, and upon the certain conviction that it was a measure +right and necessary, and I think so still. + +"In regard to the other point of the proclamation to which you refer, I +desire to say that I do not think the Enemy can either misconstrue or +urge anything against it, or undertake to make unusual retaliation. The +shooting of men who shall rise in arms against an Army in the Military +occupation of a Country, is merely a necessary measure of defense, and +entirely according to the usages of civilized warfare. The article does +not at all refer to prisoners of war, and certainly our Enemies have no +grounds for requiring that we should waive in their benefit any of the +ordinary advantages which the usages of War allow to us. + +"As promptitude is itself an advantage in War, I have also to ask that +you will permit me to carry out upon the spot the provisions of the +proclamation in this respect. + +"Looking at affairs from this point of view, I am satisfied that strong +and vigorous measures have now become necessary to the success of our +Arms; and hoping that my views may have the honor to meet your approval, + + "I am, with respect and regard, very truly yours, + "J. C. FREMONT. + +"THE PRESIDENT." + + +President Lincoln subsequently rejoined, ordering a modification of the +proclamation. His letter ran thus: + +"WASHINGTON, September 11, 1861. + +"SIR: Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just +received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the +necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing +your Proclamation of August 30th, I perceived no general objection to +it. + +"The particular clause, however, in relation to the Confiscation of +Property and the Liberation of Slaves, appeared to me to be +objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Congress, passed the +6th of last August, upon the same subjects; and hence I wrote you +expressing my wish that that clause should be modified accordingly. + +"Your answer, just received, expresses the preference, on your part, +that I should make an open order for the modification, which I very +cheerfully do. + +"It is therefore Ordered, that the said clause of said proclamation be +so modified, held, and construed as to conform to, and not to transcend, +the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress +entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary +Purposes,' approved August 6, 1861, and that said Act be published at +length with this Order. + + "Your obedient servant, + "A. LINCOLN. + +"Major-General JOHN C. FREMONT." + + +In consequence, however, of the agitation on the subject, the extreme +delicacy with which it was thought advisable in the earliest stages of +the Rebellion to treat it, and the confusion of ideas among Military men +with regard to it, the War Department issued the following General +Instructions on the occasion of the departure of the Port Royal +Expedition, commanded by General T. W. Sherman: + + + "WAR DEPARTMENT, October 14, 1861. + +"SIR: In conducting Military Operations within States declared by the +Proclamation of the President to be in a State of Insurrection, you will +govern yourself, so far as Persons held to Service under the laws of +such States are concerned, by the principles of the letters addressed by +me to Major-General Butler on the 30th of May and the 8th of August, +copies of which are herewith furnished to you. + +"As special directions, adapted to special circumstances, cannot be +given, much must be referred to your own discretion as Commanding +General of the Expedition. You will, however, in general avail yourself +of the services of any Persons, whether Fugitives from Labor or not, who +may offer them to the National Government; you will employ such Persons +in such services as they may be fitted for, either as ordinary +employees, or, if special circumstances seem to require it, in any other +capacity with such organization, in squads, companies, or otherwise, as +you deem most beneficial to the service. This, however, not to mean a +general arming of them for Military service. + +"You will assure all Loyal masters that Congress will provide just +compensation to them for the loss of the services of the Persons so +employed. + +"It is believed that the course thus indicated will best secure the +substantial rights of Loyal masters, and the benefits to the United +States of the services of all disposed to support the Government, while +it avoids all interference with the social systems or local Institutions +of every State, beyond that which Insurrection makes unavoidable and +which a restoration of peaceful relations to the Union, under the +Constitution, will immediately remove. + "Respectfully, + "SIMON CAMERON, + "Secretary of War. + +"Brigadier-General T. W. SHERMAN, +"Commanding Expedition to the Southern Coast." + + +Brigadier-General Thomas W. Sherman, acting upon his own interpretation +of these instructions, issued a proclamation to the people of South +Carolina, upon occupying the Forts at Port Royal, in which he said: + +"In obedience to the orders of the President of these United States of +America, I have landed on your shores with a small force of National +troops. The dictates of a duty which, under these circumstances, I owe +to a great sovereign State, and to a proud and hospitable people, among +whom I have passed some of the pleasantest days of my life, prompt me to +proclaim that we have come amongst you with no feelings of personal +animosity, no desire to harm your citizens, destroy your property, or +interfere with any of your lawful rights or your social or local +Institutions, beyond what the causes herein alluded to may render +unavoidable." + +Major-General Wool, at Fortress Monroe, where he had succeeded General +Butler, likewise issued a Special Order on the subject of Contrabands, +as follows: + + +"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF VIRGINIA, +"FORT MONROE, October 14, 1861. +"[Special Orders No. 72.] + +"All Colored Persons called Contrabands, employed as servants by +officers and others residing within Fort Monroe, or outside of the Fort +at Camp Hamilton and Camp Butler, will be furnished with their +subsistence and at least eight dollars per month for males, and four +dollars per month for females, by the officers or others thus employing +them. + +"So much of the above-named sums, as may be necessary to furnish +clothing, to be decided by the Chief Quartermaster of the Department, +will be applied to that purpose, and the remainder will be paid into his +hands to create a fund for the support of those Contrabands who are +unable to work for their own support. + +"All able-bodied Colored Persons who are under the protection of the +troops of this Department, and who are not employed as servants, will be +immediately put to work in either the Engineer's or Quartermaster's +Department. + +"By command of Major-General Wool: + +"[Signed] WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE, +"Assistant Adjutant General." + + +He subsequently also issued the following General Order: + +"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF VIRGINIA, +"FORT MONROE, November 1, 1861. +"[General Orders No. 34.] + +"The following pay and allowances will constitute the valuation of the +Labor of the Contrabands at work in the Engineer, Ordnance, +Quartermaster, Commissary, and Medical Departments at this Post, to be +paid as hereinafter mentioned; + +"Class 1st.--Negro man over eighteen years of age, and able-bodied, ten +dollars per month, one ration and the necessary amount of clothing. + +"Class 2d.--Negro boys from 12 to 18 years of age, and sickly and infirm +Negro men, five dollars per month, one ration, and the necessary amount +of clothing. + +"The Quartermaster will furnish all the clothing. The Department +employing these men will furnish the subsistence specified above, and as +an incentive to good behavior (to be withheld at the direction of the +chiefs of the departments respectively), each individual of the first +class will receive $2 per month, and each individual of the second class +$1 per month, for their own use. The remainder of the money valuation +of their Labor, will be turned over to the Quartermaster, who will +deduct from it the cost of the clothing issued to them; the balance will +constitute a fund to be expended by the Quartermaster under the +direction of the Commanding officer of the Department of Virginia for +the support of the women and children and those that are unable to work. + +"For any unusual amount of Labor performed, they may receive extra pay, +varying in amount from fifty cents to one dollar, this to be paid by the +departments employing them, to the men themselves, and to be for their +own use. + +"Should any man be prevented from working, on account of sickness, for +six consecutive days, or ten days in any one month, one-half of the +money value will be paid. For being prevented from laboring for a +longer period than ten days in any one month all pay and allowances +cease. + +"By command of Major-General Wool: + +"[Signed] "WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE, +"Assistant Adjutant General." + + +On November 13, 1861, Major-General Dix, in a proclamation addressed to +the people of Accomac and Northampton Counties, Va., ordered the +repulsion of Fugitive Slaves seeking to enter the Union lines, in these +words: + +"The Military Forces of the United States are about to enter your +Counties as a part of the Union. They will go among you as friends, and +with the earnest hope that they may not, by your own acts, be forced to +become your enemies. They will invade no rights of person or property. +On the contrary, your Laws, your Institutions, your Usages, will be +scrupulously respected. There need be no fear that the quietude of any +fireside will be disturbed, unless the disturbance is caused by +yourselves. + +"Special directions have been given not to interfere with the condition +of any Person held to domestic service; and, in order that there may be +no ground for mistake or pretext for misrepresent action, Commanders of +Regiments and Corps have been instructed not to permit any such Persons +to come within their lines." + +On the 20th of November, 1861, Major General Halleck issued the +following Genera., Order--which went even further, in that it expelled, +as well as repelled Fugitive Slaves from our lines: + + +"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF MISSOURI, +"St. Louis, November 20, 1861. +"[General Orders No. 3.] + +"I. It has been represented that important information respecting the +number and condition of our Forces, is conveyed to the Enemy by means of +Fugitive Slaves who are admitted within our lines. In order to remedy +this evil, it is directed that no such Persons be hereafter permitted to +enter the lines of any camp, or of any forces on the march; and that any +now within such lines be immediately excluded therefrom." + +This Order was subsequently explained in a letter, of December 8, 1861, +from General Halleck to Hon. F. P. Blair, in which he said: + +" * * * Order No. 3 was in my mind, clearly a Military necessity. +Unauthorized persons, black or white, Free or Slaves, must be kept out +of our camps, unless we are willing to publish to the Enemy everything +we do or intend to do. It was a Military and not a political order. I +am ready to carry out any lawful instructions in regard to Fugitive +Slaves which my superiors may give me, and to enforce any law which +Congress may pass. But I cannot make law, and will not violate it. You +know my private opinion on the policy of Confiscating the Slave Property +of Rebels in Arms. If Congress shall pass it, you may be certain that I +shall enforce it. Perhaps my policy as to the treatment of Rebels and +their property is as well set out in Order No. 13, issued the day +(December 4, 1861), your letter was written, as I could now describe +it." + +It may be well also to add here, as belonging to this period of +doubtfulness touching the status of escaped Slaves, the following +communication sent by Secretary Seward to General McClellan, touching +"Contrabands" in the District of Columbia: + + +"DEPARTMENT OF STATE, +"WASHINGTON, December 4, 1861. + +"To Major-General GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, Washington: + +"GENERAL: I am directed by the President to call your attention to the +following subject: + +"Persons claimed to be held to Service or Labor under the laws of the +State of Virginia, and actually employed in hostile service against the +Government of the United States, frequently escape from the lines of the +Enemy's Forces and are received within the lines of the Army of the +Potomac. + +"This Department understands that such Persons afterward coming into the +city of Washington are liable to be arrested by the city police, upon +the presumption, arising from color, that they are Fugitives from +Service or Labor. + +"By the 4th section of the Act of Congress approved August 6, 1861, +entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary +purposes,' such hostile employment is made a full and sufficient answer +to any further claim to Service or Labor. Persons thus employed and +escaping are received into the Military protection of the United States, +and their arrest as Fugitives from Service or Labor should be +immediately followed by the Military arrest of the parties making the +seizure. + +"Copies of this communication will be sent to the Mayor of the city of +Washington and to the Marshal of the District of Columbia, that any +collision between the Civil and Military authorities may be avoided. + +"I am, General, your very obedient, + + "WILLIAM H. SEWARD." + + + + + CHAPTER XVI. + + "COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION." + +Thus far the reader's eye has been able to review in their successive +order some of the many difficulties and perplexities which beset the +pathway of President Lincoln as he felt his way in the dark, as it were, +toward Emancipation. It must seem pretty evident now, however, that his +chief concern was for the preservation of the Union, even though all +other things--Emancipation with them--had to be temporarily sacrificed. + +Something definite, however, had been already gained. Congress had +asserted its right under the War powers of the Constitution, to release +from all claim to Service or Labor those Slaves whose Service or Labor +had been used in hostility to the Union. And while some of the Union +Generals obstructed the execution of the Act enforcing that right, by +repelling and even as we have seen, expelling, from the Union lines all +Fugitive Slaves--whether such as had or had not been used in hostility +to us--yet still the cause of Freedom to all, was slowly and silently +perhaps, yet surely and irresistibly, marching on until the time when, +becoming a chief factor in the determination of the question of "whether +we should have a Country at all," it should triumph coincidently with +the preservation of the Republic. + +But now a new phase of the Slave question arose--a question not +involving what to do with Fugitive Slaves of any sort, whether engaged +or not engaged in performing services hostile to the Union cause, but +what to do with Slaves whom their panic-stricken owners had, for the +time being, abandoned in the presence of our Armies. + +This question was well discussed in the original draft of the report of +the Secretary of War, December 1, 1861 in which Secretary Cameron said: + +"It has become a grave question for determination what shall be done +with the Slaves abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops +into Southern territory, as in the Beaufort district of South Carolina. +The whole White population therein is six thousand, while the number of +Negroes exceeds thirty-two thousand. The panic which drove their +masters in wild confusion from their homes, leaves them in undisputed +possession of the soil. Shall they, armed by their masters, be placed +in the field to fight against us, or shall their labor be continually +employed in reproducing the means for supporting the Armies of +Rebellion? + +"The War into which this Government has been forced by rebellious +Traitors is carried on for the purpose of repossessing the property +violently and treacherously seized upon by the Enemies of the +Government, and to re-establish the authority and Laws of the United +States in the places where it is opposed or overthrown by armed +Insurrection and Rebellion. Its purpose is to recover and defend what +is justly its own. + +"War, even between Independent Nations, is made to subdue the Enemy, and +all that belongs to that Enemy, by occupying the hostile country, and +exercising dominion over all the men and things within its territory. +This being true in respect to Independent Nations at war with each +other, it follows that Rebels who are laboring by force of arms to +overthrow a Government, justly bring upon themselves all the +consequences of War, and provoke the destruction merited by the worst of +crimes. That Government would be false to National trust, and would +justly excite the ridicule of the civilized World, that would abstain +from the use of any efficient means to preserve its own existence, or to +overcome a rebellious and traitorous Enemy, by sparing or protecting the +property of those who are waging War against it. + +"The principal wealth and power of the Rebel States is a peculiar +species of Property, consisting of the service or labor of African +Slaves, or the descendants of Africans. This Property has been +variously estimated at the value of from seven hundred million to one +thousand million dollars. + +"Why should this Property be exempt from the hazards and consequences of +a rebellious War? + +"It was the boast of the leader of the Rebellion, while he yet had a +seat in the Senate of the United States, that the Southern States would +be comparatively safe and free from the burdens of War, if it should be +brought on by the contemplated Rebellion, and that boast was accompanied +by the savage threat that 'Northern towns and cities would become the +victims of rapine and Military spoil,' and that 'Northern men should +smell Southern gunpowder and feel Southern steel.' + +"No one doubts the disposition of the Rebels to carry that threat into +execution. The wealth of Northern towns and cities, the produce of +Northern farms, Northern workshops and manufactories would certainly be +seized, destroyed, or appropriated as Military spoil. No property in +the North would be spared from the hands of the Rebels, and their rapine +would be defended under the laws of War. While the Loyal States thus +have all their property and possessions at stake, are the insurgent +Rebels to carry on warfare against the Government in peace and security +to their own property? + +"Reason and justice and self-preservation forbid that such should be; +the policy of this Government, but demand, on the contrary, that, being +forced by Traitors and Rebels to the extremity of war, all the rights +and powers of war should be exercised to bring it to a speedy end. + +"Those who war against the Government justly forfeit all rights of +property, privilege, or security, derived from the Constitution and +Laws, against which they are in armed Rebellion; and as the labor and +service of their Slaves constitute the chief Property of the Rebels, +such Property should share the common fate of War to which they have +devoted the property of Loyal citizens. + +"While it is plain that the Slave Property of the South is justly +subjected to all the consequences of this Rebellious War, and that the +Government would be untrue to its trust in not employing all the rights +and powers of War to bring it to a speedy close, the details of the plan +for doing so, like all other Military measures, must, in a great degree, +be left to be determined by particular exigencies. The disposition of +other property belonging to the Rebels that becomes subject to our arms +is governed by the circumstances of the case. + +"The Government has no power to hold Slaves, none to restrain a Slave of +his Liberty, or to exact his service. It has a right, however, to use +the voluntary service of Slaves liberated by War from their Rebel +masters, like any other property of the Rebels, in whatever mode may be +most efficient for the defense of the Government, the prosecution of the +War, and the suppression of Rebellion. It is clearly a right of the +Government to arm Slaves when it may become necessary, as it is to take +gunpowder from the Enemy; whether it is expedient to do so, is purely a +Military question. The right is unquestionable by the laws of War. The +expediency must be determined by circumstances, keeping in view the +great object of overcoming the Rebels, reestablishing the Laws, and +restoring Peace to the Nation. + +"It is vain and idle for the Government to carry on this War, or hope to +maintain its existence against rebellious force, without employing all +the rights and powers of War. As has been said, the right to deprive +the Rebels of their Property in Slaves and Slave Labor is as clear and +absolute as the right to take forage from the field, or cotton from the +warehouse, or powder and arms from the magazine. To leave the Enemy in +the possession of such property as forage and cotton and military +stores, and the means of constantly reproducing them, would be madness. +It is, therefore, equal madness to leave them in peaceful and secure +possession of Slave Property, more valuable and efficient to them for +war than forage, cotton, military stores. Such policy would be National +suicide. + +"What to do with that species of Property is a question that time and +circumstances will solve, and need not be anticipated further than to +repeat that they cannot be held by the Government as Slaves. It would +be useless to keep them as prisoners of War; and self-preservation, the +highest duty of a Government, or of individuals, demands that they +should be disposed of or employed in the most effective manner that will +tend most speedily to suppress the Insurrection and restore the +authority of the Government. If it shall be found that the men who have +been held by the Rebels as Slaves, are capable of bearing arms and +performing efficient Military service, it is the right, and may become +the duty, of this Government to arm and equip them, and employ their +services against the Rebels, under proper Military regulations, +discipline, and command. + +"But in whatever manner they may be used by the Government, it is plain +that, once liberated by the rebellious act of their masters they should +never again be restored to bondage. By the master's Treason and +Rebellion he forfeits all right to the labor and service of his Slave; +and the Slave of the rebellious master, by his service to the +Government, becomes justly entitled to Freedom and protection. + +"The disposition to be made of the Slaves of Rebels, after the close of +the War, can be safely left to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress. +The Representatives of the People will unquestionably secure to the +Loyal Slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the +Constitution of the Country." + +This original draft of the report was modified, at the instance of +President Lincoln, to the following--and thus appeared in Secretary +Cameron's report of that date, as printed: + +"It is already a grave question what shall be done with those Slaves who +were abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops into +Southern territory, as at Beaufort district, in South Carolina. The +number left within our control at that point is very considerable, and +similar cases will probably occur. What should be done with them? Can +we afford to send them forward to their masters, to be by them armed +against us, or used in producing supplies to sustain the Rebellion? + +"Their labor may be useful to us; withheld from the Enemy it lessens his +Military resources, and withholding them has no tendency to induce the +horrors of Insurrection, even in the Rebel communities. They constitute +a Military resource, and, being such, that they should not be turned +over to the Enemy is too plain to discuss. Why deprive him of supplies +by a blockade, and voluntarily give him men to produce them? + +"The disposition to be made of the Slaves of Rebels, after the close of +the War, can be safely left to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress. +The Representatives of the People will unquestionably secure to the +Loyal Slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the +Constitution of the Country. + +SIMON CAMERON. +"Secretary of War." + + +The language of this modification is given to show that the President, +at the close of the year 1861, had already reached a further step +forward toward Emancipation--and the sound reasoning upon which he made +that advance. He was satisfying his own mind and conscience as he +proceeded, and thus, while justifying himself to himself, was also +simultaneously carrying conviction to the minds and consciences of the +People, whose servant and agent he was. + +That these abandoned Slaves would "constitute a Military resource" and +"should not be turned over to the Enemy" and that "their labor may be +useful to us" were propositions which could not be gainsaid. But to +quiet uncalled-for apprehensions, and to encourage Southern loyalty, he +added, in substance, that at the close of this War--waged solely for the +preservation of the Union--Congress would decide the doubtful status of +the Slaves of Rebels, while the rights of Union Slave-holders would be +secured. + +The Contraband-Slave question, however, continued to agitate the public +mind for many months--owing to the various ways in which it was treated +by the various Military commanders, to whose discretion its treatment, +in their several commands, was left--a discretion which almost +invariably leaned toward the political bias of the commander. Thus, in +a proclamation, dated St. Louis, February 23, 1862, Halleck, commanding +the Department of Missouri, said: + +"Soldiers! let no excess on your part tarnish the glory of our arms! + +"The order heretofore issued in this department, in regard to pillaging +and marauding, the destruction of private property, and the stealing or +concealment of Slaves, must be strictly enforced. It does not belong to +the Military to decide upon the relation of Master and Slave. Such +questions must be settled by the civil Courts. No Fugitive Slaves will +therefore be admitted within our lines or camps, except when especially +ordered by the General Commanding. * * * " + +And Buell, commanding the Department of the Ohio, in response to a +communication on the subject from the Chairman of the Military Committee +of the Kentucky Legislature, wrote, March 6, 1862: + +"It has come to my knowledge that Slaves sometimes make their way +improperly into our lines, and in some instances they may be enticed +there, but I think the number has been magnified by report. Several +applications have been made to me by persons whose servants have been +found in our camps, and in every instance that I know of the master has +recovered his servant and taken him away." + +Thus, while some of our Commanders, like Dix and Halleck, repelled or +even expelled the Fugitive Slave from their lines; and others, like +Buell and Hooker, facilitated the search for, and restoration to his +master, of the black Fugitive found within our lines; on the other hand, +Fremont, as we have seen, and Doubleday and Hunter, as we shall yet see, +took totally different ground on this question. + +President Lincoln, however, harassed as he was by the extremists on both +sides of the Slavery question, still maintained that calm statesman-like +middle-course from which the best results were likely to flow. But he +now thought the time had come to broach the question of a compensated, +gradual Emancipation. + +Accordingly, on March 6, 1862, he sent to Congress the following +message: + +"Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: + +"I recommend the adoption of a joint Resolution by your honorable +bodies, which shall be substantially as follows: + +"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State +which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State +pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to compensate +for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of +system. + +"If the proposition contained in the Resolution does not meet the +approval of Congress and the Country, there is the end; but if it does +command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and +people immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of +the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject +it, The Federal Government would find its highest interest in such a +measure, as one of the most efficient means of self preservation. + +"The leaders of the existing Insurrection entertain the hope that this +Government will ultimately be forced to acknowledge the Independence of +some part of the disaffected region, and that all the Slave States North +of such part will then say, 'the Union for which we have struggled being +already gone, we now choose to go with the Southern Section.' + +"To deprive them of this hope, substantially ends the Rebellion; and the +initiation of Emancipation completely deprives them of it, as to all the +States initiating it. The point is not that all the States tolerating +Slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate Emancipation; but that, +while the offer is equally made to all, the more Northern shall, by such +initiation, make it certain to the more Southern that in no event will +the former ever join the latter in their proposed Confederacy. I say, +'initiation,' because in my judgment, gradual, and not sudden +Emancipation, is better for all. + +"In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with +the census tables and Treasury reports before him, can readily see for +himself how very soon the current expenditures of this War would +purchase, at fair valuation, all the Slaves in any named State. + +"Such a proposition on the part of the General Government sets up no +claim of a right by Federal authority to interfere with Slavery within +State limits, referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject +in each case to the State and its people immediately interested. It is +proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them. + +"In the Annual Message last December, I thought fit to say, 'the Union +must be preserved; and hence all indispensable means must be employed.' +I said this, not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made, and +continues to be an indispensable means to this end. A practical +reacknowledgment of the National authority would render the War +unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however, resistance +continues, the War must also continue; and it is impossible to foresee +all the incidents which may attend, and all the ruin which may follow +it. Such as may seem indispensable, or may obviously promise great +efficiency toward ending the struggle, must and will come. + +"The proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope it may be +esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered +would not be of more value to the States and private persons concerned, +than are the Institution, and Property in it, in the present aspect of +affairs? + +"While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be +merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is +recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical +results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my +Country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the People to the +subject. + +"March 6, 1862." + + +In compliance with the above suggestion from the President, a Joint +Resolution, in the precise words suggested, was introduced into the +House, March 10, by Roscoe Conkling, and on the following day was +adopted in the House by 97 yeas to 36 nays. + +Of the 36 members of the House who voted against this Resolution, were +34 Democrats, and among them were Messrs. Crisfield of Maryland, and +Messrs. Crittenden, Mallory, and Menzies of Kentucky. These gentleman +afterward made public a report, drawn by themselves, of an interesting +interview they had held with President Lincoln on this important +subject, in the words following: + + +"MEMORANDUM OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER SLAVE- +STATE REPRESENTATIVES MARCH 10, 1862. + +"'DEAR SIR:--I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to +come to the White House to-morrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring +such of your colleagues as are in town.'" + + +"'WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862. + +"Yesterday on my return from church I found Mr. Postmaster General Blair +in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and +verbally communicated the President's invitation; and stated that the +President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations +of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation +of his Message of the 6th inst. + +"This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, +assembled at the White House at the appointed time, and after some +little delay were admitted to an audience. + +"After the usual salutations and we were seated, the President said, in +substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation +with us in explanation of his Message of the 6th; that since he had sent +it in, several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had +avoided any allusion to the Message, and he therefore inferred that the +import of the Message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as +inimical to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would +talk with us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion. + +"The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or +wound the sensibilities of the Slave States. On the contrary, his +purpose was to protect the one and respect the other; that we were +engaged in a terrible, wasting, and tedious War; immense Armies were in +the field, and must continue in the field as long as the War lasts; that +these Armies must, of necessity, be brought into contact with Slaves in +the States we represented and in other States as they advanced; that +Slaves would come to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up; +that he was constantly annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic +complaints; on the one side, a certain class complained if the Slave was +not protected by the Army; persons were frequently found who, +participating in these views, acted in a way unfriendly to the +Slaveholder; on the other hand, Slaveholders complained that their +rights were interfered with, their Slaves induced to abscond, and +protected within the lines, these complaints were numerous, loud, and +deep; were a serious annoyance to him and embarrassing to the progress +of the War; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the Government in the +States we represented; strengthened the hopes of the Confederates that +at some day the Border States would unite with them, and thus tend to +prolong the War; and he was of opinion, if this Resolution should be +adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, these causes of +irritation and these hopes would be removed, and more would be +accomplished towards shortening the War than could be hoped from the +greatest victory achieved by Union Armies; that he made this proposition +in good faith, and desired it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, +and in the same patriotic spirit in which it was made; that Emancipation +was a subject exclusively under the control of the States, and must be +adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim nor had +this Government any right to coerce them for that purpose; that such was +no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and he wished it to +be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there to be prepared to +give him an answer, but he hoped we would take the subject into serious +consideration; confer with one another, and then take such course as we +felt our duty and the interests of our constituents required of us. + +"Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State, Slavery was not +considered a permanent Institution; that natural causes were there in +operation which would, at no distant day, extinguish it, and he did not +think that this proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that, +he and his friends felt solicitous as to the Message on account of the +different constructions which the Resolution and Message had received. +The New York Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must +accept gradual Emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get +something worse. + +"The President replied, he must not be expected to quarrel with the New +York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to do it; he +would not anticipate events. In respect to Emancipation in Missouri, he +said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but the +operation of these natural causes had not prevented the irritating +conduct to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the +Confederates that Missouri would at some time range herself alongside of +them, which, in his judgment, the passage of this Resolution by +Congress, and its acceptance by Missouri, would accomplish. + +"Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the +refusal of the State to accept this proposal, and desired to know if the +President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of +this scheme. + +"The President replied that he had no designs beyond the action of the +States on this particular subject. He should lament their refusal to +accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it. + +"Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was +any power, except in the States themselves, to carry out his scheme of +Emancipation? + +"The President replied, he thought there could not be. He then went off +into a course of remark not qualifying the foregoing declaration, nor +material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning. + +"Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon +Slavery as a permanent Institution; and he did not know that they would +be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss, +and they could be rid of the race; but they did not like to be coerced +into Emancipation, either by the direct action of the Government or by +indirection, as through the Emancipation of Slaves in this District, or +the Confiscation of Southern Property as now threatened; and he thought +before they would consent to consider this proposition they would +require to be informed on these points. + +"The President replied that 'unless he was expelled by the act of God or +the Confederate Armies, he should occupy that house for three years, and +as long as he remained there, Maryland had nothing to fear, either for +her Institutions or her interests, on the points referred to.' + +"Mr. Crisfield immediately added: 'Mr. President, what you now say could +be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your proposition +with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will be inclined +to do.' + +"The President: 'That (meaning a publication of what he said), will not +do; it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time;' and again +intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the 'Greeley +faction' was impending, he said, 'he did not wish to encounter it before +the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided.' + +"Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the +Constitutionality of his scheme. + +"The President replied: 'As you may suppose, I have considered that; and +the proposition now submitted does not encounter any Constitutional +difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any State by giving +such State pecuniary aid;' and he thought that the Resolution, as +proposed by him, would be considered rather as the expression of a +sentiment than as involving any Constitutional question. + +"Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at +all, it should be by the votes of the Free States, and come as a +proposition from them to the Slave States, affording them an inducement +to put aside this subject of discord; that it ought not to be expected +that members representing Slaveholding Constituencies should declare at +once, and in advance of any proposition to them, for the Emancipation of +Slaves. + +"The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was a +fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best; +that he did not know how this scheme was received by the Members from +the Free States; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly; +but for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been, +and he could not tell how they would vote. + +"And, in reply to some expression of Mr. Hall as to his own opinion +regarding Slavery, he said he did not pretend to disguise his Anti- +Slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong and should continue to +think so; but that was not the question we had to deal with now. +Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North, as of +the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it, the North, as well as the +South, was morally bound to do its full and equal share. He thought the +Institution, wrong, and ought never to have existed; but yet he +recognized the rights of Property which had grown out of it, and would +respect those rights as fully as similar rights in any other property; +that Property can exist, and does legally exist. He thought such a law, +wrong, but the rights of Property resulting must be respected; he would +get rid of the odious law, not by violating the right, but by +encouraging the proposition, and offering inducements to give it up." + +"Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by +Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that whatever might be our final +action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriotism and sincere +devotion to the happiness and glory of his Country; and with that +conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he +had made. + +"After some conversation on the current war news we retired, and I +immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper. + "J. W. CRISFIELD." + +"We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of +Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the +occasion is in this paper, faithfully and fully given. + +"J. W. MENZIES, +"J. J. CRITTENDEN, +"R. MALLORY. +"March 10, 1862." + + +Upon the passage of the Joint-Resolution in the House only four +Democrats (Messrs. Cobb, Haight, Lehman, and Sheffield) voted in the +affirmative, and but two Republicans (Francis Thomas, and Leary) in the +negative. On the 2nd of April, it passed the Senate by a vote of 32 +yeas--all Republicans save Messrs. Davis and Thomson--to 10 nays, all +Democrats. + +Meantime the question of the treatment of the "Contraband" in our +Military camps, continued to grow in importance. + +On March 26, 1862, General Hooker issued the following order touching +certain Fugitive Slaves and their alleged owners: + +"HEADQUARTERS, HOOKER'S DIVISION, CAMP BAKER, +"LOWER POTOMAC, March 26, 1862. + +"To BRIGADE AND REGIMENTAL COMMANDERS OF THIS DIVISION: + +"Messrs. Nally, Gray, Dummington, Dent, Adams, Speake, Price, Posey, +and Cobey, citizens of Maryland, have Negroes supposed to be with some +of the regiments of this Division; the Brigadier General commanding +directs that they be permitted to visit all the camps of his command, in +search of their Property, and if found, that they be allowed to take +possession of the same, without any interference whatever. Should any +obstacle be thrown in their way by any officer or soldier in the +Division, they will be at once reported by the regimental commanders to +these headquarters. + +"By command of Brigadier General Hooker; + +"JOSEPH DICKINSON, +"Assistant Adjutant General." + + +On the following day, by direction of General Sickles, the following +significant report was made touching the above order: + +"HEADQUARTERS, SECOND REGIMENT, EXCELSIOR BRIGADE. +"CAMP HALL, March 27, 1862. + +"LIEUTENANT:--In compliance with verbal directions from Brigadier +General D. E. Sickles, to report as to the occurrence at this camp on +the afternoon of the 26th instant, I beg leave to submit the following: + +"At about 3:30 o'clock P. M., March 26, 1862, admission within our lines +was demanded by a party of horsemen (civilians), numbering, perhaps, +fifteen. They presented the lieutenant commanding the guard, with an +order of entrance from Brigadier General Joseph Hooker, Commanding +Division (copy appended), the order stating that nine men should be +admitted. + +"I ordered that the balance of the party should remain without the +lines; which was done. Upon the appearance of the others, there was +visible dissatisfaction and considerable murmuring among the soldiers, +to so great an extent that I almost feared for the safety of the +Slaveholders. At this time General Sickles opportunely arrived, and +instructed me to order them outside the camp, which I did, amidst the +loud cheers of our soldiers. + +"It is proper to add, that before entering our lines, and within about +seventy-five or one hundred yards of our camp, one of their number +discharged two pistol shots at a Negro, who was running past them, with +an evident intention of taking his life. This justly enraged our men. + + "All of which is respectfully submitted. + + "Your obedient servant, + "JOHN TOLEN. + "Major Commanding Second Regiment, E. B. + +"To Lieutenant J. L. PALMER, Jr., +"A. D. C. and A. A. A. General." + + +On April 6, the following important dispatch, in the nature of an order, +was issued by General Doubleday to one of his subordinate officers: + +"HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DEFENSES, +"NORTH OF THE POTOMAC, +"WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862. + +"SIR:--I am directed by General Doubleday to say, in answer to your +letter of the 2d instant, that all Negroes coming into the lines of any +of the camps or forts under his command, are to be treated as persons, +and not as chattels. + +"Under no circumstances has the Commander of a fort or camp the power of +surrendering persons claimed as Fugitive Slaves, as it cannot be done +without determining their character. + +"The Additional Article of War recently passed by Congress positively +prohibits this. + +"The question has been asked, whether it would not be better to exclude +Negroes altogether from the lines. The General is of the opinion that +they bring much valuable information, which cannot be obtained from any +other source. They are acquainted with all the roads, paths, fords, and +other natural features of the country, and they make excellent guides. +They also know and frequently have exposed the haunts of Secession spies +and Traitors and the existence of Rebel organizations. They will not, +therefore, be excluded. + +"The General also directs me to say that civil process cannot be served +directly in the camps or forts of his command, without full authority be +obtained from the Commanding Officer for that purpose. + +"I am very respectfully, your obedient servant, + +"E. P. HALSTED, +"Assistant Adjutant General. + +"Lieut. Col. JOHN D. SHANE, +"Commanding 76th Reg. N. Y. Vols." + + + + + CHAPTER XVII. + + BORDER-STATE OPPOSITION. + +On April 3, 1862, the United States Senate passed a Bill to liberate all +Persons of African descent held to Service or Labor within the District +of Columbia, and prohibiting Slavery or involuntary servitude in the +District except as a punishment for crime--an appropriation being made +to pay to loyal owners an appraised value of the liberated Slaves not to +exceed $300 for each Slave. The vote on its passage in the Senate was +29 yeas to 14 nays--all the yeas being Republican, and all but two of +the nays Democratic. + +April 11th, the Bill passed the House by 92 yeas to 39 nays--all the +yeas save 5 being Republican, and all the nays, save three, being +Democratic. + +April 7, 1862, the House adopted a resolution, by 67 yeas to 52 nays-- +all the yeas, save one, Republican, and all the nays, save 12, +Democratic--for the appointment of a Select Committee of nine, to +consider and report whether any plan could be proposed and recommended +for the gradual Emancipation of all the African Slaves, and the +extinction of Slavery in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, +Tennessee, and Missouri, by the people or local authorities thereof, and +how far and in what way the Government of the United States could and +ought equitably to aid in facilitating either of those objects. + +On the 16th President Lincoln sent the following Message to Congress: + +"Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: + +"The Act entitled 'An Act for the release of certain Persons held to +Service or Labor in the District of Columbia,' has this day been +approved and signed. + +"I have never doubted the Constitutional authority of Congress to +abolish Slavery in this District; and I have ever desired to see the +National Capital freed from the Institution in some satisfactory way. +Hence there has never been in my mind any question upon the subject +except the one of expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances. + +"If there be matters within and about this Act which might have taken a +course or shape more satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to +specify them. I am gratified that the two principles of compensation +and colonization are both recognized and practically applied in the Act. + +"In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be +presented within ninety days from the passage of the Act, 'but not +thereafter;' and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane, +or absent persons. I presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and +I recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or Supplemental Act. + +"ABRAHAM LINCOLN. +"April 16, 1862." + + +Subsequently, in order to meet the President's views, such an amendatory +or Supplemental Act was passed and approved. + +But now, Major General Hunter having taken upon himself to issue an +Emancipation proclamation, May 9, 1862, the President, May 19, 1862, +issued a proclamation rescinding it as follows: + +"Whereas there appears in the public prints what purports to be a +proclamation of Major General Hunter, in the words and figures +following, to wit: + +"'HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH, +'HILTON HEAD, S. C., May 9, 1862. +'[General Orders No. 11.] + +'The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising +the Military Department of the South, having deliberately declared +themselves no longer under the protection of the United States of +America, and having taken up arms against the said United States, it +becomes a Military necessity to declare them under Martial Law. This +was accordingly done on the 25th day of April, 1862. Slavery and +Martial Law, in a Free Country, are altogether incompatible; the Persons +in these three States--Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina-heretofore +held as Slaves, are therefore declared forever Free. + +'DAVID HUNTER, +'Major-General Commanding. + +'Official: +ED. W. SMITH, +'Acting Assistant Adjutant General.' + + +"And whereas the same is producing some excitement and misunderstanding, + +"Therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, proclaim +and declare, that the Government of the United States had no knowledge, +information, or belief, of an intention on the part of General Hunter to +issue such a proclamation; nor has it yet any authentic information that +the document is genuine. And further, that neither General Hunter, nor +any other Commander, or person, has been authorized by the Government of +the United States to make proclamations declaring the Slaves of any +State Free; and that the supposed proclamation, now in question, whether +genuine or false, is altogether void, so far as respects such +declaration. + +"I further make known that whether it be competent for me, as Commander- +in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to declare the Slaves of any State or +States free, and whether, at any time, in any case, it shall have become +a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the Government, to +exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my +responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified +in leaving to the decision of Commanders in the field. These are +totally different questions from those of police regulations in armies +and camps. + +"On the sixth day of March last, by a Special Message, I recommended to +Congress the adoption of a Joint Resolution to be substantially as +follows: + +"' Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State +which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State +pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to +compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such +change of system.' + +"The Resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large +majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, +definite, and solemn proposal of the Nation to the States and people +most immediately interested in the subject-matter. To the people of +those States I now earnestly appeal--I do not argue--I beseech you to +make the argument for yourselves--you cannot, if you would, be blind to +the signs of the times--I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration +of them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partisan +politics. This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting +no reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The changes it +contemplates would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or +wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been +done, by one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it +is now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to +lament that you have neglected it. + +"In witness thereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +"Done at the city of Washington this nineteenth day of May, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the +Independence of the United States the eighty-sixth. + +"By the President. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State." + + +On June 5th, 1862, General T. Williams issued the following Order: + +"HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, +"BATON ROUGE, June 5, 1862. +"[General Orders No. 46.] + +"In consequence of the demoralizing and disorganizing tendencies to the +troops, of harboring runaway Negroes, it is hereby ordered that the +respective Commanders of the camps and garrisons of the several +regiments, Second Brigade, turn all such Fugitives in their camps or +garrisons out beyond the limits of their respective guards and +sentinels. + +"By order of Brigadier-General T. Williams: + +"WICKHAM HOFFMAN, +"Assistant-Adjutant General." + + +Lieutenant-Colonel D. R. Anthony, of the Seventh Kansas Volunteers, +commanding a Brigade, issued the following order, at a date subsequent +to the Battle of Pittsburg Landing and the evacuation of Corinth: + +"HEADQUARTERS MITCHELL'S BRIGADE, +"ADVANCE COLUMN, FIRST BRIGADE, FIRST DIVISION, +"GENERAL ARMY OF THE MISSISSIPPI, +"CAMP ETHERIDGE, TENNESSEE, June 18, 1862. +"[General Orders No. 26.] + +"1. The impudence--and impertinence of the open and armed Rebels, +Traitors, Secessionists, and Southern-Rightsmen of this section of the +State of Tennessee, in arrogantly demanding the right to search our camp +for Fugitive Slaves, has become a nuisance, and will no longer be +tolerated. "Officers will see that this class of men, who visit our +camp for this purpose, are excluded from our lines. + +"2. Should any such persons be found within our lines, they will be +arrested and sent to headquarters. + +"3. Any officer or soldier of this command who shall arrest and deliver +to his master a Fugitive Slave, shall be summarily and severely +punished, according to the laws relative to such crimes. + +"4. The strong Union sentiment in this Section is most gratifying, and +all officers and soldiers, in their intercourse with the loyal, and +those favorably disposed, are requested to act in their usual kind and +courteous manner and protect them to the fullest extent. + +"By order of D. R. Anthony, Lieutenant-Colonel Seventh Kansas +Volunteers, commanding: + +"W. W. H. LAWRENCE, +"Captain and Assistant-Adjutant General." + + +Lieutenant-Colonel Anthony was subsequently placed under arrest for +issuing the above order. + +It was about this time, also, that General McClellan addressed to +President Lincoln a letter on "forcible Abolition of Slavery," and "a +Civil and Military policy"--in these terms: + +"HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, +"CAMP NEAR HARRISON'S LANDING, VA., July 7, 1862. + +"MR. PRESIDENT:--You have been fully informed that the Rebel Army is in +the front, with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our +positions or reducing us by blocking our river communications. I cannot +but regard our condition as critical, and I earnestly desire, in view of +possible contingencies, to lay before your Excellency, for your private +consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the +Rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the situation of this +Army, or strictly come within the scope of my official duties. These +views amount to convictions, and are deeply impressed upon my mind and +heart. + +"Our cause must never be abandoned; it is the cause of Free institutions +and Self-government. The Constitution and the Union must be preserved, +whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and blood. + +"If Secession is successful, other dissolutions are clearly to be seen +in the future. Let neither Military disaster, political faction, nor +Foreign War shake your settled purpose to enforce the equal operation of +the Laws of the United States upon the people of every State. + +"The time has come when the Government must determine upon a Civil and +Military policy, covering the whole ground of our National trouble. + +"The responsibility of determining, declaring, and supporting such Civil +and Military policy, and of directing the whole course of National +affairs in regard to the Rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised by +you, or our Cause will be lost. The Constitution gives you power, even +for the present terrible exigency. + +"This Rebellion has assumed the character of a War; as such it should be +regarded, and it should be conducted upon the highest principles known +to Christian civilization. It should not be a War looking to the +subjugation of the people of any State, in any event. It should not be +at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political +organizations. Neither Confiscation of property, political executions +of persons, territorial organizations of States, or forcible Abolition +of Slavery, should be contemplated for a moment. + +"In prosecuting the War, all private property and unarmed persons should +be strictly protected, subject only to the necessity of Military +operations; all private property taken for Military use should be paid +or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high crimes; +all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited and offensive demeanor by +the military towards citizens promptly rebuked. + +"Military arrests should not be tolerated, except in places where active +hostilities exist; and oaths, not required by enactments, +Constitutionally made, should be neither demanded nor received. + +"Military Government should be confined to the preservation of public +order and the protection of political right. Military power should not +be allowed to interfere with the relations of Servitude, either by +supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for +repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slaves, contraband under the +Act of Congress, seeking Military protection, should receive it. + +"The right of the Government to appropriate permanently to its own +service claims to Slave-labor should be asserted, and the right of the +owner to compensation therefor should be recognized. + +"This principle might be extended, upon grounds of Military necessity +and security, to all the Slaves of a particular State, thus working +manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia +also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure is +only a question of time. + +"A system of policy thus Constitutional, and pervaded by the influences +of Christianity and Freedom, would receive the support of almost all +truly Loyal men, would deeply impress the Rebel masses and all foreign +nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend itself to +the favor of the Almighty. + +"Unless the principles governing the future conduct of our Struggle +shall be made known and approved, the effort to obtain requisite forces +will be almost hopeless. A declaration of radical views, especially +upon Slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present Armies. + +"The policy of the Government must be supported by concentrations of +Military power. The National Forces should not be dispersed in +expeditions, posts of occupation, and numerous armies, but should be +mainly collected into masses, and brought to bear upon the Armies of the +Confederate States. Those Armies thoroughly defeated, the political +structure which they support would soon cease to exist, + +"In carrying out any system of policy which you may form, you will +require a Commander-in-chief of the Army, one who possesses your +confidence, understands your views, and who is competent to execute your +orders, by directing the Military Forces of the Nation to the +accomplishment of the objects by you proposed. I do not ask that place +for myself, I am willing to serve you in such position as you may assign +me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever subordinate served superior. + +"I may be on the brink of Eternity; and as I hope forgiveness from my +Maker, I have written this letter with sincerity towards you and from +love for my Country. + +"Very respectfully, your obedient servant, + +"GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, +"Major-General Commanding. + +"His Excellency A. LINCOLN, President." + + +July 12, 1862, Senators and Representatives of the Border Slave-holding +States, having been specially invited to the White House for the +purpose, were addressed by President Lincoln, as follows: + +"GENTLEMEN:--After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have +no opportunity of seeing you for several months. Believing that you of +the Border States hold more power for good than any other equal number +of members, I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive, to make +this appeal to you. + +"I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my +opinion, if you all had voted for the Resolution in the Gradual +Emancipation Message of last March, the War would now be substantially +ended. And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and +swift means of ending it. Let the States which are in Rebellion see +definitely and certainly that in no event will the States you represent +ever join their proposed Confederacy, and they cannot much longer +maintain the contest. + +"But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with +them so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the Institution +within your own States. Beat them at elections, as you have +overwhelmingly done, and nothing daunted, they still claim you as their +own. You and I know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever +before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever. + +"Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I +trust you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively your +own, when, for the sake of the whole Country, I ask, 'Can you, for your +States, do better than to take the course I urge?' Discarding punctilio +and maxims adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to the +unprecedentedly stern facts of our case, can you do better in any +possible event? + +"You prefer that the Constitutional relations of the States to the +Nation shall be practically restored without disturbance of the +Institution; and, if this were done, my whole duty, in this respect, +under the Constitution and my oath of office, would be performed. But +it is not done, and we are trying to accomplish it by War. + +"The incidents of the War cannot be avoided. If the War continues long, +as it must, if the object be not sooner attained, the Institution in +your States will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion--by the +mere incidents of the War. It will be gone, and you will have nothing +valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already. + +"How much better for you and for your people to take the step which at +once shortens the War and secures substantial compensation for that +which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event! How much better to +thus save the money which else we sink forever in the War! How: much +better to do it while we can, lest the War ere long render us +pecuniarily unable to do it! How much better for you, as seller, and +the Nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy out that without which the War +could never have been, than to sink both the thing to be sold and the +price of it in cutting one another's throats! + +"I do not speak of Emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to +Emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be +obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large +enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed people +will not be so reluctant to go. + +"I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned; one which threatens +division among those who, united, are none too strong. An instance of +it is known to you. General Hunter is an honest man. He was, and I +hope still is, my friend. I value him none the less for his agreeing +with me in the general wish that all men everywhere could be freed. He +proclaimed all men Free within certain States, and I repudiated the +proclamation. He expected more good and less harm from the measure than +I could believe would follow. + +"Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to many +whose support the Country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the +end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is +increasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much +more, can relieve the Country in this important point. + +"Upon these considerations I have again begged your attention to the +Message of March last. Before leaving the Capitol, consider and discuss +it among yourselves. You are Patriots and Statesmen, and as such I pray +you consider this proposition; and, at the least, commend it to the +consideration of your States and people. As you would perpetuate +popular Government for the best people in the World, I beseech you that +you do in nowise omit this. + +"Our common Country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views and +boldest action to bring a speedy relief. Once relieved, its form of +Government is saved to the World, its beloved history and cherished +memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully assured and rendered +inconceivable grand. To you, more than to any others, the privilege is +given to assure that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to link your +own names therewith forever." + +The gentlemen representing in Congress the Border-States, to whom this +address was made, subsequently met and discussed its subject matter, and +made written reply in the shape of majority and minority replies, as +follows: + +THE MAJORITY REPLY: + +"WASHINGTON, July 14, 1862. + +"TO THE PRESIDENT: + +"The undersigned, Representatives of Kentucky, Virginia, Missouri, and +Maryland, in the two Houses of Congress, have listened to your address +with the profound sensibility naturally inspired by the high source from +which it emanates, the earnestness which marked its delivery, and the +overwhelming importance of the subject of which it treats. We have +given it a most respectful consideration, and now lay before you our +response. We regret that want of time has not permitted us to make it +more perfect. + +"We have not been wanting, Mr. President, in respect to you, and in +devotion to the Constitution and the Union. We have not been +indifferent to the great difficulties surrounding you, compared with +which all former National troubles have been but as the summer cloud; +and we have freely given you our sympathy and support. Repudiating the +dangerous heresies of the Secessionists, we believed, with you, that the +War on their part is aggressive and wicked, and the objects for which it +was to be prosecuted on ours, defined by your Message at the opening of +the present Congress, to be such as all good men should approve. + +"We have not hesitated to vote all supplies necessary to carry it on +vigorously. We have voted all the men and money you have asked for, and +even more; we have imposed onerous taxes on our people, and they are +paying them with cheerfulness and alacrity; we have encouraged +enlistments, and sent to the field many of our best men; and some of our +number have offered their persons to the enemy as pledges of their +sincerity and devotion to the Country. + +"We have done all this under the most discouraging circumstances, and in +the face of measures most distasteful to us and injurious to the +interests we represent, and in the hearing of doctrines avowed by those +who claim to be your friends, must be abhorrent to us and our +constituents. + +"But, for all this, we have never faltered, nor shall we as long as we +have a Constitution to defend and a Government which protects us. And +we are ready for renewed efforts, and even greater sacrifices, yea, any +sacrifice, when we are satisfied it is required to preserve our +admirable form of Government and the priceless blessings of +Constitutional Liberty. + +"A few of our number voted for the Resolution recommended by your +Message of the 6th of March last, the greater portion of us did not, and +we will briefly state the prominent reasons which influenced our action. + +"In the first place, it proposed a radical change of our social system, +and was hurried through both Houses with undue haste, without reasonable +time for consideration and debate, and with no time at all for +consultation with our constituents, whose interests it deeply involved. +It seemed like an interference by this Government with a question which +peculiarly and exclusively belonged to our respective States, on which +they had not sought advice or solicited aid. + +"Many of us doubted the Constitutional power of this Government to make +appropriations of money for the object designated, and all of us thought +our finances were in no condition to bear the immense outlay which its +adoption and faithful execution would impose upon the National Treasury. +If we pause but a moment to think of the debt its acceptance would have +entailed, we are appalled by its magnitude. The proposition was +addressed to all the States, and embraced the whole number of Slaves. + +"According to the census of 1860 there were then nearly four million +Slaves in the Country; from natural increase they exceed that number +now. At even the low average of $300, the price fixed by the +Emancipation Act for the Slaves of this District, and greatly below +their real worth, their value runs up to the enormous sum of +$1,200,000,000; and if to that we add the cost of deportation and +colonization, at $100 each, which is but a fraction more than is +actually paid--by the Maryland Colonization Society, we have +$400,000,000 more. + +"We were not willing to impose a tax on our people sufficient to pay the +interest on that sum, in addition to the vast and daily increasing debt +already fixed upon them by exigencies of the War, and if we had been +willing, the Country could not bear it. Stated in this form the +proposition is nothing less than the deportation from the Country of +$1,600,000,000 worth of producing labor, and the substitution, in its +place, of an interest-bearing debt of the same amount. + +"But, if we are told that it was expected that only the States we +represent would accept the proposition, we respectfully submit that even +then it involves a sum too great for the financial ability of this +Government at this time. According to the census of 1860: + + Slaves + Kentucky had ........... 225,490 + Maryland ............... 87,188 + Virginia ............... 490,887 + Delaware ............... 1,798 + Missouri ............... 114,965 + Tennessee .............. 275,784 + + Making in the whole .. 1,196,112 + + At the same rate of valuation these would + amount to ......... $358,933,500 + + Add for deportation and colonization $100 + each ............... 118,244,533 + + And we have the + enormous sum of ... $478,038,133 + + +"We did not feel that we should be justified in voting for a measure +which, if carried out, would add this vast amount to our public debt at +a moment when the Treasury was reeling under the enormous expenditure of +the War. + +"Again, it seemed to us that this Resolution was but the annunciation of +a sentiment which could not or was not likely to be reduced to an actual +tangible proposition. No movement was then made to provide and +appropriate the funds required to carry it into effect; and we were not +encouraged to believe that funds would be provided. And our belief has +been fully justified by subsequent events. + +"Not to mention other circumstances, it is quite sufficient for our +purpose to bring to your notice the fact that, while this resolution was +under consideration in the Senate, our colleague, the Senator from +Kentucky, moved an amendment appropriating $500,000 to the object +therein designated, and it was voted down with great unanimity. + +"What confidence, then, could we reasonably feel that if we committed +ourselves to the policy it proposed, our constituents would reap the +fruits of the promise held out; and on what ground could we, as fair +men, approach them and challenge their support? + +"The right to hold Slaves, is a right appertaining to all the States of +this Union. They have the right to cherish or abolish the Institution, +as their tastes or their interests may prompt, and no one is authorized +to question the right or limit the enjoyment. And no one has more +clearly affirmed that right than you have. Your Inaugural Address does +you great honor in this respect, and inspired the Country with +confidence in your fairness and respect for the Law. Our States are in +the enjoyment of that right. + +"We do not feel called on to defend the Institution or to affirm it is +one which ought to be cherished; perhaps, if we were to make the +attempt, we might find that we differ even among ourselves. It is +enough for our purpose to know that it is a right; and, so knowing, we +did not see why we should now be expected to yield it. + +"We had contributed our full share to relieve the Country at this +terrible crisis; we had done as much as had been required of others in +like circumstances; and we did not see why sacrifices should be expected +of us from which others, no more loyal, were exempt. Nor could we see +what good the Nation would derive from it. + +"Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would not have strengthened the arm +of this Government or weakened that of the Enemy. It was not necessary +as a pledge of our Loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a +reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every place possible. There was +not the remotest probability that the States we represent would join in +the Rebellion, nor is there now, or of their electing to go with the +Southern Section in the event of a recognition of the Independence of +any part of the disaffected region. + +"Our States are fixed unalterably in their resolution to adhere to and +support the Union. They see no safety for themselves, and no hope for +Constitutional Liberty, but by its preservation. They will, under no +circumstances, consent to its dissolution; and we do them no more than +justice when we assure you that, while the War is conducted to prevent +that deplorable catastrophe, they will sustain it as long as they can +muster a man, or command a dollar. + +"Nor will they ever consent, in any event, to unite with the Southern +Confederacy. The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of that region +will forever prevent them from placing their security and happiness in +the custody of an association which has incorporated in its Organic Law +the seeds of its own destruction. + +"We cannot admit, Mr. President, that if we had voted for the Resolution +in the Emancipation Message of March last, the War would now be +substantially ended. We are unable to see how our action in this +particular has given, or could give, encouragement to the Rebellion. +The Resolution has passed; and if there be virtue in it, it will be +quite as efficacious as if we had voted for it. + +"We have no power to bind our States in this respect by our votes here; +and, whether we had voted the one way or the other, they are in the same +condition of freedom to accept or reject its provisions. + +"No, Sir, the War has not been prolonged or hindered by our action on +this or any other measure. We must look for other causes for that +lamented fact. We think there is not much difficulty, not much +uncertainty, in pointing out others far more probable and potent in +their agencies to that end. + +"The Rebellion derives its strength from the Union of all classes in the +Insurgent States; and while that Union lasts the War will never end +until they are utterly exhausted. We know that, at the inception of +these troubles, Southern society was divided, and that a large portion, +perhaps a majority, were opposed to Secession. Now the great mass of +Southern people are united. + +"To discover why they are so, we must glance at Southern society, and +notice the classes into which it has been divided, and which still +distinguish it. They are in arms, but not for the same objects; they +are moved to a common end, but by different and even inconsistent +reasons. + +"The leaders, which comprehend what was previously known as the State +Rights Party, and is much the lesser class, seek to break down National +Independence and set up State domination. With them it is a War against +Nationality. + +"The other class is fighting, as it supposes, to maintain and preserve +its rights of Property and domestic safety, which it has been made to +believe are assailed by this Government. This latter class are not +Disunionists per se; they are so only because they have been made to +believe that this Administration is inimical to their rights, and is +making War on their domestic Institutions. As long as these two classes +act together they will never assent to a Peace. + +"The policy, then, to be pursued, is obvious. The former class will +never be reconciled, but the latter may be. Remove their apprehensions; +satisfy them that no harm is intended to them and their Institutions; +that this Government is not making War on their rights of Property, but +is simply defending its legitimate authority, and they will gladly +return to their allegiance as soon as the pressure of Military dominion +imposed by the Confederate authority is removed from them. + +"Twelve months ago, both Houses of Congress, adopting the spirit of your +Message, then but recently sent in, declared with singular unanimity the +objects of the War, and the Country instantly bounded to your side to +assist you in carrying it on. If the spirit of that Resolution had been +adhered to, we are confident that we should before now have seen the end +of this deplorable conflict. But what have we seen? + +"In both Houses of Congress we have heard doctrines subversive of the +principles of the Constitution, and seen measure after measure, founded +in substance on those doctrines, proposed and carried through, which can +have no other effect than to distract and divide loyal men, and +exasperate and drive still further from us and their duty the people of +the rebellious States. + +"Military officers, following these bad examples, have stepped beyond +the just limits of their authority in the same direction, until in +several instances you have felt the necessity of interfering to arrest +them. And even the passage of the Resolution to which you refer has +been ostentatiously proclaimed as the triumph of a principle which the +people of the Southern States regard as ruinous to them. The effect of +these measures was foretold, and may now be seen in the indurated state +of Southern feeling. + +"To these causes, Mr. President, and not to our omission to vote for the +Resolution recommended by you, we solemnly believe we are to attribute +the terrible earnestness of those in arms against the Government, and +the continuance of the War. Nor do we (permit us to say, Mr. President, +with all respect to you) agree that the Institution of Slavery is 'the +lever of their power,' but we are of the opinion that 'the lever of +their power' is the apprehension that the powers of a common Government, +created for common and equal protection to the interests of all, will be +wielded against the Institutions of the Southern States. + +"There is one other idea in your address we feel called on to notice. +After stating the fact of your repudiation of General Hunter's +Proclamation, you add: + +"'Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to +many whose support the Country cannot afford to lose. And this is not +the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me and is +increasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much +more, can relieve the Country, in this important point,' + +"We have anxiously looked into this passage to discover its true import, +but we are yet in painful uncertainty. How can we, by conceding what +you now ask, relieve you and the Country from the increasing pressure to +which you refer? We will not allow ourselves to think that the +proposition is, that we consent to give up Slavery, to the end that the +Hunter proclamation may be let loose on the Southern people, for it is +too well known that we would not be parties to any such measure, and we +have too much respect for you to imagine you would propose it. + +"Can it mean that by sacrificing our interest in Slavery we appease the +spirit that controls that pressure, cause it to be withdrawn, and rid +the Country of the pestilent agitation of the Slavery question? We are +forbidden so to think, for that spirit would not be satisfied with the +liberation of 100,000 Slaves, and cease its agitation while 3,000,000 +remain in bondage. Can it mean that by abandoning Slavery in our States +we are removing the pressure from you and the Country, by preparing for +a separation on the line of the Cotton States? + +"We are forbidden so to think, because it is known that we are, and we +believe that you are, unalterably opposed to any division at all. We +would prefer to think that you desire this concession as a pledge of our +support, and thus enable you to withstand a pressure which weighs +heavily on you and the Country. + +"Mr. President, no such sacrifice is necessary to secure our support. +Confine yourself to your Constitutional authority; confine your +subordinates within the same limits; conduct this War solely for the +purpose of restoring the Constitution to its legitimate authority; +concede to each State and its loyal citizens their just rights, and we +are wedded to you by indissoluble ties. Do this, Mr. President, and you +touch the American heart, and invigorate it with new hope. You will, as +we solemnly believe, in due time restore Peace to your Country, lift it +from despondency to a future of glory, and preserve to your countrymen, +their posterity, and man, the inestimable treasure of a Constitutional +Government. + +"Mr. President, we have stated with frankness and candor the reasons on +which we forbore to vote for the Resolution you have mentioned; but you +have again presented this proposition, and appealed to us with an +earnestness and eloquence which have not failed to impress us, to +'consider it, and at the least to commend it to the consideration of our +States and people.' + +"Thus appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of our beloved Country, in the +hour of its greatest peril, we cannot wholly decline. We are willing to +trust every question relating to their interest and happiness to the +consideration and ultimate judgment of our own people. + +"While differing from you as to the necessity of Emancipating the Slaves +of our States as a means of putting down the Rebellion, and while +protesting against the propriety of any extra-territorial interference +to induce the people of our States to adopt any particular line of +policy on a subject which peculiarly and exclusively belongs to them, +yet, when you and our brethren of the Loyal States sincerely believe +that the retention of Slavery by us is an obstacle to Peace and National +harmony, and are willing to contribute pecuniary aid to compensate our +States and people for the inconveniences produced by such a change of +system, we are not unwilling that our people shall consider the +propriety of putting it aside. + +"But we have already said that we regard this Resolution as the +utterance of a sentiment, and we had no confidence that it would assume +the shape of a tangible practical proposition, which would yield the +fruits of the sacrifice it required. Our people are influenced by the +same want of confidence, and will not consider the proposition in its +present impalpable form. The interest they are asked to give up is, to +them, of immense importance, and they ought not to be expected even to +entertain the proposal until they are assured that when they accept it +their just expectations will not be frustrated. + +"We regard your plan as a proposition from the Nation to the States to +exercise an admitted Constitutional right in a particular manner, and +yield up a valuable interest. Before they ought to consider the +proposition, it should be presented in such a tangible, practical, +efficient shape, as to command their confidence that its fruits are +contingent only upon their acceptance. We cannot trust anything to the +contingencies of future legislation. + +"If Congress, by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide +sufficient funds and place them at your disposal to be applied by you to +the payment of any of our States, or the citizens thereof, who shall +adopt the Abolishment of Slavery, either gradual or immediate, as they +may determine, and the expense of deportation and colonization of the +liberated Slaves, then will our States and people take this proposition +into careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is +demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole +Country. We have the honor to be, with great respect, + +"C. A. WICKLIFFE, Ch'man, +CHAS. B. CALVERT, +GARRETT DAVIS, +C. L. L. LEARY, +R. WILSON, +EDWIN H. WEBSTER, +J. J. CRITTENDEN, +R. MALLORY, +JOHN S. CARLILE, +AARON HARDING, +J. W. CRISFIELD, +JAMES S. ROLLINS, +J. S. JACKSON, +J. W. MENZIES, +H. GRIDER, +THOMAS L. PRICE, +JOHN S. PHELPS, +G. W. DUNLAP, +FRANCIS THOMAS, +WILLIAM A. HALL." + + +THE MINORITY REPLY. + +"WASHINGTON, July 15, 1863. + +"MR. PRESIDENT:--The undersigned, members of Congress from the Border +States, in response to your address of Saturday last, beg leave to say +that they attended a meeting, on the same day the address was delivered, +for the purpose of considering the same. The meeting appointed a +Committee to report a response to your address. That report was made on +yesterday, and the action of the majority indicated clearly that the +response, or one in substance the same, would be adopted and presented +to you. + +"Inasmuch as we cannot, consistently with our own sense of duty to the +Country, under the existing perils which surround us, concur in that +response, we feel it to be due to you and to ourselves to make to you a +brief and candid answer over our own signatures. + +"We believe that the whole power of the Government, upheld and sustained +by all the influences and means of all loyal men in all Sections, and of +all Parties, is essentially necessary to put down the Rebellion and +preserve the Union and the Constitution. We understand your appeal to +us to have been made for the purpose of securing this result. + +"A very large portion of the People in the Northern States believe that +Slavery is the 'lever-power of the Rebellion.' It matters not whether +this belief be well-founded or not. The belief does exist, and we have +to deal with things as they are, and not as we would have them be. + +"In consequence of the existence of this belief, we understand that an +immense pressure is brought to bear for the purpose of striking down +this Institution through the exercise of Military authority. The +Government cannot maintain this great struggle if the support and +influence of the men who entertain these opinions be withdrawn. Neither +can the Government hope for early success if the support of that element +called "Conservative" be withdrawn. + +"Such being the condition of things, the President appeals to the +Border-State men to step forward and prove their patriotism by making +the first sacrifice. No doubt, like appeals have been made to extreme +men in the North to meet us half-way, in order that the whole moral, +political, pecuniary, and physical force of the Nation may be firmly and +earnestly united in one grand effort to save the Union and the +Constitution. + +"Believing that such were the motives that prompted your Address, and +such the results to which it looked, we cannot reconcile it to our sense +of duty, in this trying hour, to respond in a spirit of fault-finding or +querulousness over the things that are past. + +"We are not disposed to seek for the cause of present misfortunes in the +errors and wrongs of others who now propose to unite with us in a common +purpose. + +"But, on the other hand, we meet your address in the spirit in which it +was made, and, as loyal Americans, declare to you and to the World that +there is no sacrifice that we are not ready to make to save the +Government and institutions of our fathers. That we, few of us though +there may be, will permit no man, from the North or from the South, to +go further than we in the accomplishment of the great work before us. +That, in order to carry out these views, we will, so far as may be in +our power, ask the people of the Border States calmly, deliberately, and +fairly to consider your recommendations. + +"We are the more emboldened to assume this position from the fact, now +become history, that the leaders of the Southern Rebellion have offered +to abolish Slavery among them as a condition to foreign intervention in +favor of their Independence as a Nation. + +"If they can give up Slavery to destroy the Union, we can surely ask our +people to consider the question of Emancipation to save the Union. + +"With great respect, your obedient servants, + +"JOHN W. NOELL, +"SAMUEL L. CASEY, +"GEORGE P. FISHER, +"A. J. CLEMENTS, +"WILLIAM G. BROWN, +"JACOB B. BLAIR, +"W. T. WILLEY." + + + [The following separate replies, subsequently made, by + Representative Maynard of Tennessee, and Senator Henderson of + Missouri, are necessarily given to complete this part of the Border + State record.] + + MR. MAYNARD'S REPLY. + +"HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, July 16, 1862. + +"SIR:--The magnitude and gravity of the proposition submitted by you to +Representatives from the Slave States would naturally occasion +diversity, if not contrariety, of opinion. You will not, therefore, be +surprised that I have not been able to concur in view with the majority +of them. + +"This is attributable, possibly, to the fact that my State is not a +Border State, properly so called, and that my immediate constituents are +not yet disenthralled from the hostile arms of the Rebellion. This fact +is a physical obstacle in the way of my now submitting to their +consideration this, or any other proposition looking to political +action, especially such as, in this case, would require a change in the +Organic Law of the State. + +"But do not infer that I am insensible to your appeal. I am not; you +are surrounded with difficulties far greater than have embarrassed any +of your predecessors. You need the support of every American citizen, +and you ought to have it--active, zealous and honest. The union of all +Union men to aid you in preserving the Union, is the duty of the time. +Differences as to policy and methods must be subordinated to the common +purpose. + +"In looking for the cause of this Rebellion, it is natural that each +Section and each Party should ascribe as little blame as possible to +itself, and as much as possible to its opponent Section and Party. +Possibly you and I might not agree on a comparison of our views. That +there should be differences of opinion as to the best mode of conducting +our Military operations, and the best men to lead our Armies, is equally +natural. Contests on such questions weaken ourselves and strengthen our +enemies. They are unprofitable, and possibly unpatriotic. Somebody +must yield, or we waste our strength in a contemptible struggle among +ourselves. + +"You appeal to the loyal men of the Slave States to sacrifice something +of feeling and a great deal of interest. The sacrifices they have +already made and the sufferings they have endured give the best +assurance that the appeal will not have been made in vain. He who is +not ready to yield all his material interests, and to forego his most +cherished sentiments and opinions for the preservation of his Country, +although he may have periled his life on the battle-field in her +defense, is but half a Patriot. Among the loyal people that I +represent, there are no half-patriots. + +"Already the Rebellion has cost us much, even to our undoing; we are +content, if need be, to give up the rest, to suppress it. We have stood +by you from the beginning of this struggle, and we mean to stand by you, +God willing, till the end of it. + +"I did not vote for the Resolution to which you allude, solely for the +reason that I was absent at the Capital of my own State. It is right. + +"Should any of the Slave States think proper to terminate that +Institution, as several of them, I understand, or at least some of their +citizens propose, justice and a generous comity require that the Country +should interpose to aid in lessening the burden, public and private, +occasioned by so radical a change in its social and industrial +relations. + +"I will not now speculate upon the effect, at home or abroad, of the +adoption of your policy, nor inquire what action of the Rebel leaders +has rendered something of the kind important. Your whole administration +gives the highest assurancee that you are moved, not so much from a +desire to see all men everywhere made free, as from a higher desire to +preserve free institutions for the benefit of men already free; not to +make Slaves, Freemen, but to prevent Freemen from being made Slaves; not +to destroy an Institution, which a portion of us only consider bad, but +to save institutions which we all alike consider good. I am satisfied +you would not ask from any of your fellow-citizens a sacrifice not, in +your judgment, imperatively required by the safety of the Country. + +"This is the spirit of your appeal, and I respond to it in the same +spirit. + +"I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, + + "HORACE MAYNARD. + +"To the PRESIDENT." + + + + SENATOR HENDERSON'S REPLY. + +"WASHINGTON CITY, July 21, 1862. + +"MR. PRESIDENT:--The pressure of business in the Senate during the last +few days of the session prevented my attendance at the meeting of the +Border-State members, called to consider your proposition in reference +to gradual emancipation in our States. + +"It is for this reason only, and not because I fail to appreciate their +importance or properly respect your suggestions, that my name does not +appear to any of the several papers submitted in response. I may also +add that it was my intention, when the subject came up practically for +consideration in the Senate, to express fully my views in regard to it. +This of course would have rendered any other response unnecessary. But +the want of time to consider the matter deprived me of that opportunity, +and, lest now my silence be misconstrued, I deem it proper to say to you +that I am by no means indifferent to the great questions so earnestly, +and as I believe so honestly, urged by you upon our consideration. + +"The Border States, so far, are the chief sufferers by this War, and the +true Union men of those States have made the greatest sacrifices for the +preservation of the Government. This fact does not proceed from +mismanagement on the part of the Union authorities, or a want of regard +for our people, but it is the necessary result of the War that is upon +us. + +"Our States are the battle-fields. Our people, divided among +themselves, maddened by the struggle, and blinded by the smoke of +battle, invited upon our soil contending armies--the one to destroy the +Government, the other to maintain it. The consequence to us is plain. +The shock of the contest upturns Society and desolates the Land. We +have made sacrifices, but at last they were only the sacrifices demanded +by duty, and unless we are willing to make others, indeed any that the +good of the Country, involved in the overthrow of Treason, may expect at +our hands, our title to patriotism is not complete. + +"When you submitted your proposition to Congress, in March last, 'that +the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a +gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to +be used by such State in its discretion, to compensate for the +inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system,' +I gave it a most cheerful support, and I am satisfied it would have +received the approbation of a large majority of the Border States +delegations in both Branches of Congress, if, in the first place, they +had believed the War, with its continued evils--the most prominent of +which, in a material point of view, is its injurious effect on the +Institution of Slavery in our States--could possibly have been +protracted for another twelve months; and if, in the second place, they +had felt assured that the party having the majority in Congress would, +like yourself, be equally prompt in practical action as in the +expression of a sentiment. + +"While scarcely any one doubted your own sincerity in the premises, and +your earnest wish speedily to terminate the War, you can readily +conceive the grounds for difference of opinion where conclusions could +only be based on conjecture. + +"Believing, as I did, that the War was not so near its termination as +some supposed, and feeling disposed to accord to others the same +sincerity of purpose that I should claim for myself under similar +circumstances, I voted for the proposition. I will suppose that others +were actuated by no sinister motives. + +"In doing so, Mr. President, I desire to be distinctly understood by you +and by my constituents. I did not suppose at the time that I was +personally making any sacrifice by supporting the Resolution, nor that +the people of my State were called upon to make any sacrifices, either +in considering or accepting the proposition, if they saw fit. + +"I agreed with you in the remarks contained in the Message accompanying +the Resolution, that 'the Union must be preserved, and hence all +indispensable means must be employed. * * * War has been and continues +to be an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowledgment +of the National authority would render the War unnecessary, and it would +at once cease. If, however, resistance continues, the War must also +continue; and it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may +attend and all the ruin which may follow it.' + +"It is truly 'impossible' to foresee all the evils resulting from a War +so stupendous as the present. I shall be much rejoiced if something +more dreadful than the sale of Freedom to a few Slaves in the Border +States shall not result from it. + +"If it closes with the Government of our Fathers secure, and +Constitutional Liberty in all its purity guaranteed to the White man, +the result will be better than that having a place in the fears of many +good men at present, and much better than the past history of such +revolutions can justify us in expecting. + +"In this period of the Nation's distress, I know of no human institution +too sacred for discussion; no material interest belonging to the citizen +that he should not willingly place upon the altar of his Country, if +demanded by the public good. + +"The man who cannot now sacrifice Party and put aside selfish +considerations is more than half disloyal. Such a man does not deserve +the blessings of good government. Pride of opinion, based upon +Sectional jealousies, should not be permitted to control the decision of +any political question. These remarks are general, but apply with +peculiar force to the People of the Border States at present. + +"Let us look at our condition. A desolating War is upon us. We cannot +escape it if we would. If the Union Armies were to-day withdrawn from +the Border States without first crushing the Rebellion in the South, no +rational man can doubt for a moment that the adherents of the Union +Cause in those States would soon be driven in exile from their homes by +the exultant Rebels, who have so long hoped to return and take vengeance +upon us. + +"The People of the Border States understand very well the unfriendly and +selfish spirit exercised toward them by the leaders of this Cotton-State +Rebellion, beginning some time previous to its outbreak. They will not +fail to remember their insolent refusal to counsel with us, and their +haughty assumption of responsibility upon themselves for their misguided +action. + +"Our people will not soon forget that, while declaiming against +Coercion, they closed their doors against the exportation of Slaves from +the Border States into the South, with the avowed purpose of forcing us +into Rebellion through fears of losing that species of Property. They +knew very well the effect to be produced on Slavery by a Civil War, +especially in those States into which hostile Armies might penetrate, +and upon the soil of which the great contests for the success of +Republican Government were to be decided. + +"They wanted some intermediate ground for the conflict of arms-territory +where the population would be divided. They knew, also, that by keeping +Slavery in the Border States the mere 'friction and abrasion' to which +you so appropriately allude, would keep up a constant irritation, +resulting necessarily from the frequent losses to which the owners would +be subjected. + +"They also calculated largely, and not without reason, upon the +repugnance of Non-Slaveholders in those States to a Free Negro +population. In the meantime they intended persistently to charge the +overthrow of Slavery to be the object of the Government, and hostility +to this Institution the origin of the War. By this means the +unavoidable incidents of the strife might easily he charged as the +settled purposes of the Government. + +"Again, it was well understood, by these men, that exemplary conduct on +the part of every officer and soldier employed by the Government could +not in the nature of things be expected, and the hope was entertained, +upon the most reasonable grounds, that every commission of wrong and +every omission of duty would produce a new cause for excitement and a +new incentive to Rebellion. + +"By these means the War was to be kept in the Border States, regardless +of our interests, until an exhausted Treasury should render it necessary +to send the tax-gatherer among our people, to take the little that might +be left them from the devastations of War. + +"They then expected a clamor for Peace by us, resulting in the +interference of France and England, whose operatives in the meantime +would be driven to want, and whose aristocracy have ever been ready to +welcome a dissolution of the American Union. + +"This cunningly-devised plan for securing a Gulf-Confederacy, commanding +the mouths of the great Western rivers, the Gulf of Mexico, and the +Southern Atlantic ocean, with their own territory unscathed by the +horrors of war, and surrounded by the Border States, half of whose +population would be left in sympathy with them, for many years to come, +owing to the irritations to which I have alluded, has, so far, succeeded +too well. + +"In Missouri they have already caused us to lose a third or more of the +Slaves owned at the time of the last census. In addition to this, I can +make no estimate of the vast amount of property of every character that +has been destroyed by Military operations in the State. The loss from +general depreciation of values, and the utter prostration of every +business-interest of our people, is wholly beyond calculation. + +"The experience of Missouri is but the experience of other Sections of +the Country similarly situated. The question is therefore forced upon +us, 'How long is this War to continue; and, if continued, as it has +been, on our soil, aided by the Treason and folly of our own citizens, +acting in concert with the Confederates, how long can Slavery, or, if +you please, any other property-interest, survive in our States?' + +"As things now are, the people of the Border-States yet divided, we +cannot expect an immediate termination of the struggle, except upon +condition of Southern Independence, losing thereby control of the lower +Mississippi. For this, we in Missouri are not prepared, nor are we +prepared to become one of the Confederate States, should the terrible +calamity of Dissolution occur. + +"This, I presume, the Union men of Missouri would resist to the death. +And whether they should do so or not, I will not suppose for an instant, +that the Government of the United States would, upon any condition, +submit to the loss of territory so essential to its future commercial +greatness as is the State of Missouri. + +"But should all other reasons fail to prevent such a misfortune to our +people of Missouri, there is one that cannot fail. The Confederates +never wanted us, and would not have us. I assume, therefore, that the +War will not cease, but will be continued until the Rebellion shall be +overcome. It cannot and will not cease, so far as the people of +Missouri are concerned, except upon condition of our remaining in the +Union, and the whole West will demand the entire control of the +Mississippi river to the Gulf. + +"Our interest is therefore bound up with the interests of those States +maintaining the Union, and especially with the great States of the West +that must be consulted in regard to the terms of any Peace that may be +suggested, even by the Nations of Europe, should they at any time +unfortunately depart from their former pacific policy and determine to +intervene in our affairs. + +"The War, then, will have to be continued until the Union shall be +practically restored. In this alone consists the future safety of the +Border-States themselves. A separation of the Union is ruinous to them. +The preservation of the Union can only be secured by a continuation of +the War. The consequences of that continuation may be judged of by the +experience of the last twelve months. The people of my State are as +competent to pass judgment in the premises as I am. I have every +confidence in their intelligence, their honesty, and their patriotism. + +"In your own language, the proposition you make 'sets up no claim of a +right by Federal authority to interfere with Slavery within State +limits,' referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject in +each case to the State and its people immediately interested. It is +proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them. + +"In this view of the subject I can frankly say to you that, personally, +I never could appreciate the objections so frequently urged against the +proposition. If I understood you properly, it was your opinion, not +that Slavery should be removed in order to secure our loyalty to the +Government, for every personal act of your administration precludes such +an inference, but you believe that the peculiar species of Property was +in imminent danger from the War in which we were engaged, and that +common justice demanded remuneration for the loss of it. + +"You then believe, and again express the opinion, that the peculiar +nature of the contest is such that its loss is almost inevitable, and +lest any pretext for a charge of injustice against the Government be +given to its enemies, you propose to extend to the people of those +States standing by the Union, the choice of payment for their Slaves or +the responsibility of loss, should it occur, without complaint against +the Government. + +"Placing the matter in this light, (a mere remuneration for losses +rendered inevitable by the casualties of War), the objection of a +Constitutional character may be rendered much less formidable in the +minds of Northern Representatives whose constituents will have to share +in the payment of the money; and, so far as the Border States are +concerned, this objection should be most sparingly urged, for it being a +matter entirely of their 'own free choice,' in case of a desire to +accept, no serious argument will likely be urged against the receipt of +the money, or a fund for Colonization. + +"But, aside from the power derived from the operations of war, there may +be found numerous precedents in the legislation of the past, such as +grants of land and money to the several States for specified objects +deemed worthy by the Federal Congress. And in addition to this may be +cited a deliberate opinion of Mr. Webster upon this very subject, in one +of the ablest arguments of his life. + +"I allude to this question of power merely in vindication of the +position assumed by me in my vote for the Resolution of March last. + +"In your last communication to us, you beg of us 'to commend this +subject to the consideration of our States and people.' While I +entirely differ with you in the opinion expressed, that had the members +from the Border States approved of your Resolution of March last 'the +War would now be substantially ended,' and while I do not regard the +suggestion 'as one of the most potent and swift means of ending' the +War, I am yet free to say that I have the most unbounded confidence in +your sincerity of purpose in calling our attention to the dangers +surrounding us. + +"I am satisfied that you appreciate the troubles of the Border States, +and that your suggestions are intended for our good. I feel the force +of your urgent appeal, and the logic of surrounding circumstances brings +conviction even to an unwilling believer. + +"Having said that, in my judgment, you attached too much importance to +this measure as a means for suppressing the Rebellion, it is due to you +that I shall explain. + +"Whatever may be the status of the Border States in this respect, the +War cannot be ended until the power of the Government is made manifest +in the seceded States. They appealed to the sword; give them the sword. +They asked for War; let them see its evils on their own soil. + +"They have erected a Government, and they force obedience to its +behests. This structure must be destroyed; this image, before which an +unwilling People have been compelled to bow, must be broken. The +authority of the Federal Government must be felt in the heart of the +rebellious district. To do this, let armies be marched upon them at +once, and let them feel what they have inflicted on us in the Border. +Do not fear our States; we will stand by the Government in this work. + +"I ought not to disguise from you or the people of my State, that +personally I have fixed and unalterable opinions on the subject of your +communication. Those opinions I shall communicate to the people in that +spirit of frankness that should characterize the intercourse of the +Representative with his constituents. + +"If I were to-day the owner of the lands and Slaves of Missouri, your +proposition, so far as that State is concerned, would be immediately +accepted. Not a day would be lost. Aside from public considerations, +which you suppose to be involved in the proposition, and which no +Patriot, I agree, should disregard at present, my own personal interest +would prompt favorable and immediate action. + +"But having said this, it is proper that I say something more. The +Representative is the servant and not the master of the People. He has +no authority to bind them to any course of action, or even to indicate +what they will, or will not, do when the subject is exclusively theirs +and not his. + +"I shall take occasion, I hope honestly, to give my views of existing +troubles and impending dangers, and shall leave the rest to them, +disposed, as I am, rather to trust their judgment upon the case stated +than my own, and at the same time most cheerfully to acquiesce in their +decision. + +"For you, personally, Mr. President, I think I can pledge the kindest +considerations of the people of Missouri, and I shall not hesitate to +express the belief that your recommendation will be considered by them +in the same spirit of kindness manifested by you in its presentation to +us, and that their decision will be such as is demanded 'by their +interests, their honor, and their duty to the whole Country.' + +"I am very respectfully, your obedient servant, + + "J. B. HENDERSON. + +"To his Excellency, +"A. LINCOLN, PRESIDENT." + + + + + CHAPTER XVIII. + + FREEDOM PROCLAIMED TO ALL. + + +While mentally revolving the question of Emancipation--now, evidently +"coming to a head,"--no inconsiderable portion of Mr. Lincoln's thoughts +centered upon, and his perplexities grew out of, his assumption that the +"physical difference" between the Black and White--the African and +Caucasian races, precluded the idea of their living together in the one +land as Free men and equals. + +In his speeches during the great Lincoln-Douglas debate we have seen +this idea frequently advanced, and so, in his later public utterances as +President. + +As in his appeal to the Congressional delegations from the Border-States +on the 12th of July, 1862, he had held out to them the hope that "the +Freed people will not be so reluctant to go" to his projected colony in +South America, when their "numbers shall be large enough to be company +and encouragement for one another," so, at a later date--on the 14th of +August following--he appealed to the Colored Free men themselves to help +him found a proposed Negro colony in New Granada, and thus aid in the +solution of this part of the knotty problem, by the disenthrallment of +the new race from its unhappy environments here. + +The substance of the President's interesting address, at the White +House, to the delegation of Colored men, for whom he had sent, was thus +reported at the time: + +"Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary +observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by +Congress, and placed at his disposition, for the purpose of aiding the +colonization in some country of the people, or a portion of them, of +African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time +been his inclination, to favor that cause; and why, he asked, should the +people of your race be colonized, and where? + +"Why should they leave this Country? This is perhaps the first question +for proper consideration. You and we are different races. We have +between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two +races. Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss; but this +physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think. +Your race suffers very greatly, many of them by living among us, while +ours suffers from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If +this is admitted, it affords a reason, at least, why we should be +separated. You here are Freemen, I suppose? + +"A VOICE--Yes, Sir. + +"THE PRESIDENT--Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives. +Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on +any people. But even when you cease to be Slaves, you are yet far +removed from being placed on an equality with the White race. You are +cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoys. The +aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free; but on +this broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of +a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is +still upon you. I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it as +a fact, with which we have to deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It +is a fact about which we all think and feel alike, I and you. We look +to our condition. + +"Owing to the existence of the two races on this continent, I need not +recount to you the effects upon White men, growing out of the +institution of Slavery. I believe in its general evil effects on the +White race. See our present condition--the Country engaged in War! our +white men cutting one another's throats--none knowing how far it will +extend--and then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your +race among us there could not be War, although many men engaged on +either side do not care for you one way or the other. Nevertheless, I +repeat, without the institution of Slavery, and the Colored race as a +basis, the War could not have an existence. It is better for us both, +therefore, to be separated. + +"I know that there are Free men among you who, even if they could better +their condition, are not as much inclined to go out of the Country as +those who, being Slaves, could obtain their Freedom on this condition. +I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization +is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be +advanced by it. You may believe that you can live in Washington, or +elsewhere in the United States, the remainder of your life; perhaps more +so than you can in any foreign country, and hence you may come to the +conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a +foreign country. + +"This is, (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the +case. But you ought to do something to help those who are not so +fortunate as yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our +People, harsh as it may be, for you free Colored people to remain with +us. Now if you could give a start to the White people you would open a +wide door for many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not +free at the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by Slavery, we +have very poor material to start with. + +"If intelligent Colored men, such as are before me, could move in this +matter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that we +have men at the beginning capable of thinking as White men, and not +those who have been systematically oppressed. There is much to +encourage you. + +"For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your +present comfort for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the +White people. It is a cheering thought throughout life, that something +can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subject +to the hard usages of the World. It is difficult to make a man +miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred to +the great God who made him. + +"In the American Revolutionary War, sacrifices were made by men engaged +in it, but they were cheered by the future. General Washington himself +endured greater physical hardships than if he had remained a British +subject, yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in benefiting +his race, in doing something for the children of his neighbors, having +none of his own. + +"The Colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain +sense it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just +been with me the first time I ever saw him. He says they have, within +the bounds of that Colony, between three and four hundred thousand +people, or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island, or +Delaware, or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of our +larger ones. They are not all American colonists or their descendants. +Something less than 12,000 have been sent thither from this Country. +Many of the original settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere, +their offspring outnumber those deceased. + +"The question is, if the Colored people are persuaded to go anywhere, +why not there? One reason for unwillingness to do so is that some of +you would rather remain within reach of the country of your nativity. I +do not know how much attachment you may have toward our race. It does +not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them. But still +you are attached to them at all events. + +"The place I am thinking about having for a colony, is in Central +America. It is nearer to us than Liberia--not much more than one-fourth +as far as Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers. Unlike +Liberia, it is a great line of travel--it is a highway. The country is +a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural resources +and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of climate with +your native soil, thus being suited to your physical condition. + +"The particular place I have in view, is to be a great highway from the +Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and this particular +place has all the advantages for a colony. On both sides there are +harbors among the finest in the World. Again, there is evidence of very +rich coal mines. A certain amount of coal is valuable in any country. +Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford an +opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get +ready to settle permanently in their homes. + +"If you take colonists where there is no good landing, there is a bad +show; and so, where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which to make +a farm. But if something is started so that you can get your daily +bread as soon as you reach there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is +the best thing I know of, with which to commence an enterprise. + +"To return--you have been talked to upon this subject, and told that a +speculation is intended by gentlemen who have an interest in the +country, including the coal mines. We have been mistaken all our lives +if we do not know Whites, as well as Blacks, look to their self- +interest. Unless among those deficient of intellect, everybody you +trade with makes something. You meet with these things here and +everywhere. If such persons have what will be an advantage to them, the +question is, whether it cannot be made of advantage to you? + +"You are intelligent, and know that success does not as much depend on +external help, as on self-reliance. Much, therefore, depends upon +yourselves. As to the coal mines, I think I see the means available for +your self-reliance. I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you +engaged, have provision made that you shall not be wronged. If you will +engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the money intrusted to +me. I am not sure you will succeed. The Government may lose the money, +but we cannot succeed unless we try; but we think, with care, we can +succeed. + +"The political affairs in Central America are not in quite as +satisfactory condition as I wish. There are contending factions in that +quarter; but it is true, all the factions are agreed alike on the +subject of colonization, and want it; and are more generous than we are +here. To your Colored race they have no objection. Besides, I would +endeavor to have you made equals, and have the best assurance that you +should be the equals of the best. + +"The practical thing I want to ascertain is, whether I can get a number +of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to +go, when I present evidence of encouragement and protection. Could I +get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, +and able to 'cut their own fodder' so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I +could find twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and +children--good things in the family relation, I think I could make a +successful commencement. + +"I want you to let me know whether this can be done or not. This is the +practical part of my wish to see you. These are subjects of very great +importance--worthy of a month's study, of a speech delivered in an hour. +I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not as pertaining to yourselves +merely, nor for your race, and ours, for the present time, but as one of +the things, if successfully managed, for the good of mankind--not +confined to the present generation, but as: + + "From age to age descends the lay + To millions yet to be, + Till far its echoes roll away + Into eternity."' + +President Lincoln's well-meant colored colonization project, however, +fell through, owing partly to opposition to it in Central America, and +partly to the very natural and deeply-rooted disinclination of the +Colored free men to leave the land of their birth. + +Meanwhile, limited Military Emancipation of Slaves was announced and +regulated, on the 22d July, 1862, by the following Executive +Instructions, which were issued from the War Department by order of the +President--the issue of which was assigned by Jefferson Davis as one +reason for his Order of August 1, 1862, directing "that the commissioned +officers of Pope's and Steinwehr's commands be not entitled, when +captured, to be treated as soldiers and entitled to the benefit of the +cartel of exchange:" + + +"WAR DEPARTMENT, +"WASHINGTON, D.C., July 22, 1862. + +"First. Ordered that Military Commanders within the States of Virginia, +North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, +Texas, and Arkansas, in an orderly manner seize and use any property, +real or personal, which may be necessary or convenient for their several +commands, for supplies, or for other Military purposes; and that while +property may be destroyed for proper Military objects, none shall be +destroyed in wantonness or malice. + +"Second. That Military and Naval Commanders shall employ as laborers, +within and from said States, so many Persons of African descent as can +be advantageously used for Military or Naval purposes, giving them +reasonable wages for their labor. + +"Third. That, as to both property, and Persons of African descent, +accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show +quantities and amounts, and from whom both property and such Persons +shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation can be made in +proper cases; and the several departments of this Government shall +attend to and perform their appropriate parts towards the execution of +these orders. + +"By Order of the President: + + "EDWIN M. STANTON, + "Secretary of War." + + +On the 9th of August, 1862, Major General McClellan promulgated the +Executive Order of July 22, 1862, from his Headquarters at Harrison's +Landing, Va., with certain directions of his own, among which were the +following: + +"Inhabitants, especially women and children, remaining peaceably at +their homes, must not be molested; and wherever commanding officers find +families peculiarly exposed in their persons or property to marauding +from this Army, they will, as heretofore, so far as they can do with +safety and without detriment to the service, post guards for their +protection. + +"In protecting private property, no reference is intended to Persons +held to service or labor by reason of African Descent. Such Persons +will be regarded by this Army, as they heretofore have been, as +occupying simply a peculiar legal status under State laws, which +condition the Military authorities of the United States are not required +to regard at all in districts where Military operations are made +necessary by the rebellious action of the State governments. + +"Persons subject to suspicion of hostile purposes, residing or being +near our Forces, will be, as heretofore, subject to arrest and +detention, until the cause or necessity is removed. All such arrested +parties will be sent, as usual, to the Provost-Marshal General, with a +statement of the facts in each case. + +"The General Commanding takes this occasion to remind the officers and +soldiers of this Army that we are engaged in supporting the Constitution +and the Laws of the United States and suppressing Rebellion against +their authority; that we are not engaged in a War of rapine, revenge, or +subjugation; that this is not a contest against populations, but against +armed forces and political organizations; that it is a struggle carried +on with the United States, and should be conducted by us upon the +highest principles known to Christian civilization. + +"Since this Army commenced active operations, Persons of African +descent, including those held to service or labor under State laws, have +always been received, protected, and employed as laborers at wages. +Hereafter it shall be the duty of the Provost-Marshal General to cause +lists to be made of all persons of African descent employed in this Army +as laborers for Military purposes--such lists being made sufficiently +accurate and in detail to show from whom such persons shall have come. + +"Persons so subject and so employed have always understood that after +being received into the Military service of the United States, in any +capacity, they could never be reclaimed by their former holders. Except +upon such understanding on their part, the order of the President, as to +this class of Persons, would be inoperative. The General Commanding +therefore feels authorized to declare to all such employees, that they +will receive permanent Military protection against any compulsory return +to a condition of servitude." + +Public opinion was now rapidly advancing, under the pressure of Military +necessity, and the energetic efforts of the immediate Emancipationists, +to a belief that Emancipation by Presidential Proclamation would be wise +and efficacious as an instrumentality toward subduing the Rebellion; +that it must come, sooner or later--and the sooner, the better. + +Indeed, great fault was found, by some of these, with what they +characterized as President Lincoln's "obstinate slowness" to come up to +their advanced ideas on the subject. He was even accused of failing to +execute existing laws touching confiscation of Slaves of Rebels coming +within the lines of the Union Armies. On the 19th of August, 1862, a +letter was addressed to him by Horace Greeley which concluded thus: + +"On the face of this wide Earth, Mr. President, there is not one +disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union Cause who +does not feel that all attempts to put down the Rebellion, and at the +same time uphold its inciting cause, are preposterous and futile--that +the Rebellion, if crushed out to-morrow, would be renewed within a year +if Slavery were left in full vigor--that Army officers, who remain to +this day devoted to Slavery, can at best be but half-way loyal to the +Union--and that every hour of deference to Slavery is an hour of added +and deepened peril to the Union. + +"I appeal to the testimony of your embassadors in Europe. It is freely +at your service, not mine. Ask them to tell you candidly whether the +seeming subserviency of your policy to the Slaveholding, Slavery- +upholding interest, is not the perplexity, the despair, of Statesmen of +all parties; and be admonished by the general answer. + +"I close, as I began, with the statement that what an immense majority +of the loyal millions of your countrymen require of you, is a frank, +declared, unqualified, ungrudging execution of the Laws of the Land, +more especially of the Confiscation Act. That Act gives Freedom to the +Slaves of Rebels coming within our lines, or whom those lines may at any +time inclose. We ask you to render it due obedience by publicly +requiring all your subordinates to recognize and obey it. + +"The Rebels are everywhere using the late Anti-Negro riots in the North +--as they have long used your officers' treatment of Negroes in the +South--to convince the Slaves that they have nothing to hope from a +Union success--that we mean in that case to sell them into a bitter +Bondage to defray the cost of the War. + +"Let them impress this as a truth on the great mass of their ignorant +and credulous Bondmen, and the Union will never be restored--never. We +can not conquer ten millions of people united in solid phalanx against +us, powerfully aided by Northern sympathizers and European allies. + +"We must have scouts, guides, spies, cooks, teamsters, diggers, and +choppers, from the Blacks of the South--whether we allow them to fight +for us or not--or we shall be baffled and repelled. + +"As one of the Millions who would gladly have avoided this struggle, at +any sacrifice but that of principle and honor, but who now feel that the +triumph of the Union is indispensable not only to the existence of our +Country, but to the well-being of mankind, I entreat you to render a +hearty and unequivocal obedience to the Law of the Land. + "Yours, + "HORACE GREELEY." + + +To this letter, President Lincoln at once made the following memorable +reply: + + "EXECUTIVE MANSION, + "WASHINGTON, Friday, August 22, 1862. + +"HON. HORACE GREELEY + +"DEAR SIR:--I have just read yours of the 19th inst. addressed to myself +through the New York Tribune. + +"If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may +know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them. + +"If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I +do not now and here argue against them. + +"If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I +waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always +supposed to be right. + +"As to the policy I 'seem to be pursuing,' as you say, I have not meant +to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in +the shortest way under the Constitution. + +"The sooner the National authority can be restored, the nearer the Union +will be--the Union as it was. + +"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time save Slavery, I do not agree with them. + +"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree, with them. + +"My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or +destroy Slavery. + +"If I could save the Union without freeing any Slave, I would do it--and +if I could save it by freeing all the Slaves, I would do it--and if I +could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do +that. + +"What I do about Slavery and the Colored race, I do because I believe it +helps to save the Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not +believe it would help to save the Union. + +"I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the +cause, and shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the +cause. + +"I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall +adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. + +"I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, +and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all +men everywhere could be free. + "Yours, + "A. LINCOLN." + + +On the 13th of September, 1862, a deputation from all the religious +denominations of Chicago presented to President Lincoln a memorial for +the immediate issue of a Proclamation of Emancipation, to which, and the +Chairman's remarks, he thus replied: + +"The subject presented in the Memorial is one upon which I have thought +much for weeks past, and I may even say, for months. I am approached +with the most opposite opinions, and advice, and that by religious men, +who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure +that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and +perhaps, in some respects, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for +me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal His will to +others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed He +would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself +than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence +in this matter. And if I can learn what it is, I will do it! + +"These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be +granted that I am not to expect a direct Revelation; I must study the +plain physical aspects of the case, ascertain what is possible, and +learn what appears to be wise and right! + +"The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, the +other day, four gentlemen, of standing and intelligence, from New York, +called, as a delegation, on business connected with the War; but, before +leaving, two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general +Emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them. + +"You know also that the last Session of Congress had a decided majority +of Anti-Slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And the +same is true of the religious people; why the Rebel soldiers are praying +with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and +expecting God to favor their side; for one of our soldiers, who had been +taken prisoner, told Senator Wilson, a few days since, that he met +nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among, +in their prayers. But we will talk over the merits of the case. + +"What good would a Proclamation of Emancipation from me do, especially +as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the +whole World will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's +Bull against the Comet! Would my word free the Slaves, when I cannot +even enforce the Constitution in the Rebel States? Is there a single +Court or Magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there? +And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon +the Slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved and which +offers protection and Freedom to the Slaves of Rebel masters who came +within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single +Slave to come over to us. + +"And suppose they could be induced by a Proclamation of Freedom from me +to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them? How can we +feed and care for such a multitude? General Butler wrote me a few days +since that he was issuing more rations to the Slaves who have rushed to +him, than to all the White troops under his command. They eat, and that +is all; though it is true General Butler is feeding the Whites also, by +the thousand; for it nearly amounts to a famine there. + +"If, now, the pressure of the War should call off our forces from New +Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from +reducing the Blacks to Slavery again; for I am told that whenever the +Rebels take any Black prisoners, Free or Slave, they immediately auction +them off! They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground +in the Tennessee river a few days ago. + +"And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it! For instance, when, +after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from +Washington, under a flag of truce, to bury the dead and bring in the +wounded, and the Rebels seized the Blacks who went along to help, and +sent them into Slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the +Government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do? + +"Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would +follow the issuing of such a Proclamation as you desire? Understand, I +raise no objections against it on legal or Constitutional grounds, for, +as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, in time of War, I suppose I +have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the Enemy, nor do +I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of +insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a +practical War measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or +disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the Rebellion. + + * * * * * * * * * + +"I admit that Slavery is at the root of the Rebellion, or, at least, its +sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to +act, but they would have been impotent without Slavery as their +instrument. I will also concede that Emancipation would help us in +Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than +ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, +though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. + +"Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the War, +and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the Rebels by drawing off +their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we +could do much with the Blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear that in +a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the Rebels; and, indeed, +thus far, we have not had arms enough to equip our White troops. + +"I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and +contempt. There are 50,000 bayonets in the Union Army from the Border +Slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a +Proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the Rebels. I +do not think they all would--not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as +six months ago--not so many to-day, as yesterday. Every day increases +their Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and +want to beat the Rebels. + +"Let me say one thing more: I think you should admit that we already +have an important principle to rally and unite the People, in the fact +that Constitutional Government is at stake. This is a fundamental idea +going down about as deep as anything! + + * * * * * * * * * + +"Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. +They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in +some such way as you desire. + +"I have not decided against a Proclamation of Liberty to the Slaves, but +hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure you that the subject +is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall +appear to be God's will I will do. + +"I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I +have not in any respect injured your feelings." + + +On the 22d day of September, 1862, not only the Nation, but the whole +World, was electrified by the publication--close upon the heels of the +Union victory of Antietam--of the Proclamation of Emancipation--weighted +with consequences so wide and far-reaching that even at this late day +they cannot all be discerned. It was in these words: + + + +"I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and +Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and +declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the War will be prosecuted for +the object of practically restoring the Constitutional relation between +the United States and each of the States and the people thereof, in +which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed. + +"That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again +recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to +the free acceptance or rejection of all Slave States, so called, the +people whereof may not then be in Rebellion against the United States, +and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may +voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of Slavery within +their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize Persons of +African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere, +with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, +will be continued. + +"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand +eight hundred and sixty-three, all Persons held as Slaves within any +State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in +Rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and +forever Free; and the Executive Government of the United States, +including the Military and Naval authority thereof, will recognize and +maintain the Freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to +repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for +their actual Freedom. + +"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by +Proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which +the people thereof respectively, shall then be in Rebellion against the +United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall +on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United +States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the +qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the +absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive +evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not in Rebellion +against the United States. + +"That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled 'An Act +to make an additional Article of War,' approved March 31, 1862, and +which Act is in the words and figures following: + +"'Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following +shall be promulgated as an additional Article of War, for the government +of the Army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as +such. + +"ARTICLE--All officers or persons in the Military or Naval service of +the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under +their respective commands for the purpose of returning Fugitives from +service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such +service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be +found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be +dismissed from the service. + +"'SECTION 2.--And be it further enacted, That this Act shall take effect +from and after its passage.' + +"Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an Act entitled 'An Act to +suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and Rebellion, to seize and +confiscate property of Rebels, and for other purposes,' approved July +17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following: + +"'SEC. 9.--And be it further enacted, That all Slaves of persons who +shall hereafter be engaged in Rebellion against the Government of the +United States or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, +escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the +Army; and all Slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and +coming under the control of the Government of the United States; and all +Slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied by +Rebel forces and afterward occupied by the forces of the United States, +shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever Free of their +servitude, and not again held as Slaves. + +"'SEC. 10.--And be it further enacted, That no Slave escaping into any +State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, +shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, +except for crime, or some offense against the laws, unless the person +claiming said Fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the +labor or service of such Fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful +owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present +Rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person +engaged in the Military or Naval service of the United States shall, +under any pretense whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the +claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or +surrender up any such Person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed +from the service." + +"And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the +Military and Naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and +enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the Act and +sections above recited. + +"And the Executive will in due time recommend that all +citizens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto +throughout the Rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the +Constitutional relation between the United States and their respective +States and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or +disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, +including the loss of Slaves. + +"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +"Done at the city of Washington this twenty-second day of September, in +the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of +the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. + +"By the President: +"ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State." + + +This Proclamation, promising Freedom to an Enslaved race, was hailed +with acclamations everywhere save in the rebellious Southern-Slave +States, and in the Border-Slave States. + +At a meeting of Governors of Loyal States, held at Altoona, +Pennsylvania, to take measures for the more active support of the +Government, an Address was adopted, on the very day that the +Proclamation was promulgated, which well expressed the general feeling +prevailing throughout the Northern States, at this time. It was in +these patriotic words: + +"After nearly one year and a half spent in contest with an armed and +gigantic Rebellion against the National Government of the United States, +the duty and purpose of the Loyal States and people continue, and must +always remain as they were at its origin--namely to restore and +perpetuate the authority of this Government and the life of the Nation. +No matter what consequences are involved in our fidelity, this work of +restoring the Republic, preserving the institutions of democratic +Liberty, and justifying the hopes and toils of our Fathers, shall not +fail to be performed. + +"And we pledge, without hesitation, to the President of the United +States, the most loyal and cordial support, hereter as heretofore, in +the exercise of the functions of his great office. We recognize in him +the chief Executive magistrate of the Nation, the Commander-in-Chief of +the Army and Navy of the United States, their responsible and +constitutional head, whose rightful authority and power, as well as the +Constitutional powers of Congress, must be rigorously and religiously +guarded and preserved, as the condition on which alone our form of +Government and the constitutional rights and liberties of the People +themselves can be saved from the wreck of anarchy or from the gulf +'despotism. + +"In submission to the laws which may have been or which may be duly +enacted, and to the lawful orders of the President, cooperating always +in our own spheres with the National Government, we mean to continue in +the most rigorous exercise of all our lawful and proper powers, +contending against Treason, Rebellion, and the public Enemies, and, +whether in public life or in private station, supporting the arms of the +Union, until its Cause shall conquer, until final victory shall perch +upon its standard, or the Rebel foe will yield a dutiful, rightful, and +unconditional submission. And, impressed with the conviction that an +Army of reserve ought, until the War shall end, to be constantly kept on +foot, to be raised, armed, equipped, and trained at home, and ready for +emergencies, we respectfully ask the President to call such a force of +volunteers for one year's service, of not less than one hundred thousand +in the aggregate, the quota of each State to be raised after it shall +have led its quota of the requisitions already made, both for volunteers +and militia. We believe that this would be a Leasure of Military +prudence, while it would greatly promote the Military education of the +People. + +"We hail with heartfelt gratitude and encouraged hope the Proclamation +of the President, issued on the 22nd instant, declaring Emancipated from +their bondage all Persons held to Service or Labor as Slaves in the +Rebel States, whose Rebellion shall last until the first day of January +next ensuing. + +"The right of any person to retain authority to compel any portion of +the subjects of the National Government to rebel against it, or to +maintain its Enemies, implies in those who are allowed possession of +such authority the right to rebel themselves; and therefore, the right +to establish Martial Law or Military Government in a State or Territory +in Rebellion implies the right and the duty of the Government to +liberate the minds of all men living therein by appropriate +Proclamations and assurances of protection, in order that all who are +capable, intellectually and morally, of loyalty and obedience, may not +be forced into Treason as the unwilling tools of rebellious Traitors. + +"To have continued indefinitely the most efficient cause, support, and +stay of the Rebellion, would have been, in our judgment, unjust to the +Loyal people whose treasure and lives are made a willing sacrifice on +the altar of patriotism--would have discriminated against the wife who +is compelled to surrender her husband, against the parent who is to +surrender his child, to the hardships of the camp and the perils of +battle, in favor of Rebel masters permitted to retain their Slaves. It +would have been a final decision alike against humanity, justice, the +rights and dignity of the Government, and against sound and wise +National policy. + +"The decision of the President to strike at the root of the Rebellion +will lend new vigor to efforts, and new life and hope to the hearts of +the People. Cordially tendering to the President our respectful +assurances of personal and official confidence, we trust and believe +that the policy now inaugurated will be crowned with success, will give +speedy and triumphant victories over our enemies, and secure to this +Nation and this People the blessing and favor of Almighty God. + +"We believe that the blood of the heroes who have already fallen, and +those who may yet give their lives to their Country, will not have been +shed in vain. + +"The splendid valor of our soldiers, their patient endurance, their +manly patriotism, and their devotion to duty, demand from us and from +all their countrymen the homage of the sincerest gratitude and the +pledge of our constant reinforcement and support. A just regard for +these brave men, whom we have contributed to place in the field, and for +the importance of the duties which may lawfully pertain to us hereafter, +has called us into friendly conference. + +"And now, presenting to our National Chief Magistrate this conclusion of +our deliberations, we devote ourselves to our Country's service, and we +will surround the President with our constant support, trusting that the +fidelity and zeal of the Loyal States and People will always assure him +that he will be constantly maintained in pursuing, with the utmost +vigor, this War for the preservation of the National life and hope of +humanity. + +"A. G. CURTIN, +"JOHN A. ANDREW, +"RICHARD YATES, +"ISRAEL WASHBURNE, Jr., +"EDWARD SOLOMON, +"SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, +"O. P. MORTON,--By D. G. ROSE, his Representative, +"WM. SPRAGUE, +"F. H. PEIRPOINT, +"DAVID TOD, +"N. S. BERRY, +"AUSTIN BLAIR." + + +Some two months after the issue of his great Proclamation of Liberty, +President Lincoln (in his Second Annual Message to Congress, December 1, +1862), took occasion again to refer to compensated Emancipation, and, +indeed, to the entire matter of Slavery and Freedom, in most instructive +and convincing manner, as follows: + +"On the 22d day of September last, a Proclamation was issued by the +Executive, a copy of which is herewith submitted. + +"In accordance with the purpose in the second paragraph of that paper, I +now respectfully recall your attention to what may be called +'compensated Emancipation.' + +"A Nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its +laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability. +'One generation passeth away, and another generation cometh, but the +Earth abideth forever.' It is of the first importance to duly consider +and estimate this ever-enduring part. + +"That portion of the Earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the +People of the United States, is well adapted to be the home of one +National family; and it is not well adapted for two, or more. Its vast +extent, and its variety of climate and productions, are of advantage, in +this age, for one People, whatever they might have been in former ages. +Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence, have brought these to be an +advantageous combination for one united People. + +"In the Inaugural Address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of +Disunion, as a remedy for the differences between the people of the two +Sections. I did so in language which I cannot improve, and which, +therefore, I beg to repeat: + +"'One Section of our Country believes Slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The Fugitive Slave +clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the +foreign Slave Trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can +ever be in a community where the moral sense of the People imperfectly +supports the law itself. + +"The great body of the People abide by the dry legal obligation in both +cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly +cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the +Sections, than before. The foreign Slave Trade, now imperfectly +suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one +Section; while Fugitive Slaves, now only partially surrendered, would +not be surrendered at all by the other. + +"Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our +respective Sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall +between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and each go out of +the presence and beyond the reach of the other; but the different parts +of our Country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and +intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. + +"'Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or +more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make +treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more +faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? suppose +you go to War, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on +both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old +questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.' + +"There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a National boundary +upon which to divide. Trace through, from East to West, upon the line +between the Free and Slave Country, and we shall find a little more than +one third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, +or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while nearly all its +remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk +back and forth without any consciousness of their presence. + +"No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass, by writing +it down on paper or parchment as a National boundary. The fact of +separation, if it comes, gives up, on the part of the seceding Section, +the Fugitive Slave clause, along with all other Constitutional +obligations upon the Section seceded from, while I should expect no +treaty stipulations would ever be made to take its place. + +"But there is another difficulty. The great interior region, bounded +East by the Alleghanies, North by the British dominions, West by the +Rocky Mountains, and South by the line along which the culture of corn +and cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of +Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, +Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of +Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above ten million +people, and will have fifty millions within fifty years, if not +prevented by any political folly or mistake. + +"It contains more than one-third of the country owned by the United +States-certainly more than one million square miles. Once half as +populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more than seventy- +five million people. A glance at the map shows that, territorially +speaking, it is the great body of the Republic. The other parts are but +marginal borders to it, the magnificent region sloping West, from the +Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest and also the richest +in undeveloped resources. In the production of provisions, grains, +grasses, and all which proceed from them, this great interior region is +naturally one of the most important in the World. + +"Ascertain from the statistics the small proportion of the region which +has, as yet, been brought into cultivation, and also the large and +rapidly increasing amount of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed +with the magnitude of the prospect presented. And yet this region has +no sea coast, touches no ocean anywhere. As part of one Nation, its +people now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York, +to South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San +Francisco. + +"But separate our common Country into two nations, as designed by the +present Rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is +thereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets, not, perhaps, by +a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. + +"And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. +Place it between the now Free and Slave country, or place it South of +Kentucky, or North of Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none South +of it can trade to any port or place North of it, and none North of it +can trade to any port or place South of it except upon terms dictated by +a Government foreign to them. + +"These outlets, East, West, and South, are indispensable to the well- +being of the people inhabiting, and to inhabit, this vast interior +region. Which of the three may be the best, is no proper question. +All, are better than either; and all, of right belong to that People, +and to their successors forever. True to themselves, they will not ask +where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there +shall be no such line. + +"Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to +and through them, to the great outside World. They too, and each of +them, must have access to this Egypt of the West without paying toll at +the crossing of any National boundary. + +"Our National strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the +Land we inhabit; not from our National homestead. There is no possible +severing of this, but would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among us. +In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands Union, and abhors +separation. In fact it would, ere long, force reunion, however much of +blood and treasure the separation might have cost. + +"Our strife pertains to ourselves--to the passing generations of men; +and it can, without convulsion, be hushed forever--with the passing of +one generation. + +"In this view I recommend the adoption of the following Resolution and +Articles Amendatory of the Constitution of the United States. + +"'Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America, in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses +concurring). That the following Articles be proposed to the +Legislatures (or Conventions) of the several States, as Amendments to +the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which Articles when +ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures (or Conventions) to +be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, namely: + +"'ARTICLE--Every State wherein Slavery now exists, which shall abolish +the same therein, at any time, or times, before the first day of +January, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall +receive compensation from the United States, as follows, to wit; + +"'The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State, +bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of per cent. +per annum, to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of for each Slave +shown to have been therein by the eighth census of the United States, +said bonds to be delivered to such States by installments, or in one +parcel, at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same +shall have been gradual, or at one time, within such State; and interest +shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its +delivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, +and afterward reintroducing or tolerating Slavery therein, shall refund +to the United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and +all interest paid thereon. + +"'ARTICLE--All Slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the +chances of the War at any time before the end of the Rebellion, shall be +forever Free; but all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal, +shall be compensated for them, at the same rates as is provided for +States adopting abolishment of Slavery, but in such way that no Slave +shall be twice accounted for. + +"'ARTICLE--Congress may appropriate money, and otherwise provide for +colonizing Free Colored Persons, with their own consent, at any place or +places within the United States.' + + +"I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed Articles at some length. +Without Slavery the Rebellion could never have existed; without Slavery +it could not continue. + +"Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment +and of policy in regard to Slavery, and the African race among us. Some +would perpetuate Slavery; some would abolish it suddenly, without +compensation; some would abolish it gradually, and with compensation; +some would remove the Freed people from us; and some would retain them +with us; and there are yet other minor diversities. Because of these +diversities, we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves. + +"By mutual Concession we should harmonize and act together. This would +be Compromise; but it would be Compromise among the friends, and not +with the enemies of the Union. These Articles are intended to embody a +plan of such mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is +assumed that Emancipation will follow, at least, in several of the +States. + +"As to the first Article, the main points are: first, the Emancipation; +secondly, the length of time for consummating it--thirty-seven years; +and, thirdly, the compensation. + +"The Emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual +Slavery; but the length of time should greatly mitigate their +dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sudden +derangement--in fact from the necessity of any derangement--while most +of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the +measure will have passed away before its consummation. They will never +see it. + +"Another class will hail the prospect of Emancipation, but will +deprecate the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little +to the now living Slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves them +from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate +Emancipation in localities where their numbers are very great; and it +gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be Free +forever. + +"The plan leaves to each State, choosing to act under it, to abolish +Slavery now, or at the end of the century, or at any intermediate time, +or by degrees, extending over the whole or any part of the period; and +it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also provides for +compensation,--and generally, the mode of making it. This, it would +seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor +perpetual Slavery, and especially of those who are to receive the +compensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay, and not to +receive, will object. Yet the measure is both just and economical. + +"In a certain sense, the liberation of Slaves is the destruction of +Property--Property acquired by descent, or by purchase, the same as any +other property. It is no less true for having been often said, that the +people of the South are not more responsible for the original +introduction of this Property than are the people of the North; and when +it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar, and +share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say +that the South has been more responsible than the North for its +continuance. + +"If, then, for a common object, this Property is to be sacrificed, is it +not just that it be done at a common charge? + +"And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the +benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the War alone, is it +not also economical to do it? Let us consider it then. Let us +ascertain the sum we have expended in the War since compensated +Emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether, if that +measure had been promptly accepted, by even some of the Slave States, +the same sum would not have done more to close the War than has been +otherwise done. If so, the measure would save money, and, in that view, +would be a prudent and economical measure. + +"Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing; +but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. And +it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it +before we are able. The War requires large sums, and requires them at +once. + +"The aggregate sum necessary for compensated Emancipation of course +would be large. But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds, +even, any faster than the Emancipation progresses. This might not, and +probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven years. At +that time we shall probably have a hundred million people to share the +burden, instead of thirty-one millions, as now. And not only so, but +the increase of our population may be expected to continue, for a long +time after that period, as rapidly as before; because our territory will +not have become full. + +"I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase +which we have maintained, on an average, from our first National census +in 1790, until that of 1860, we should, in 1900, have a population of +103,208,415. And why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that +period? + +"Our abundant room--our broad National homestead--is our ample resource. +Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly +our population could not expand as stated. Instead of receiving the +foreign born, as now, we should be compelled to send part of the Native- +born away. + +"But such is not our condition. We have two million nine hundred and +sixty-three thousand square miles. Europe has three million and eight +hundred thousand, with a population averaging seventy-three and one- +third persons to the square mile. Why may not our Country at some time, +average as many? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste surface by +mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes? Is it inferior to +Europe in any natural advantage? + +"If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how soon? +As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present; as to +when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union. + +"Several of our States are already above the average of Europe--seventy- +three and a third to the square mile. Massachusetts has 157; Rhode +Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and New Jersey, each, 80. Also +two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the +former having 63, and the latter 59. The States already above the +European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio, +since passing that point, as ever before; while no one of them is equal +to some other parts of our Country in natural capacity for sustaining a +dense population. + +"Taking the Nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and +ratio of increase, for the several decennial periods, to be as follows: + +YEAR. POPULATION. RATIO OF INCREASE + +1790 3,929,827 + +1800 5,305,937 35.02 Per Cent. + +1810 7,239,814 36.45 + +1820 9,638,131 33.13 + +1830 12,866,020 33.49 + +1840 17,069,453 32.67 + +1850 23,191,876 35.87 + +1860 31,443,790 35.58 + +"This shows an average Decennial Increase of 34.69 per cent. in +population through the seventy years from our first to our last census +yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase, at no one of these +seven periods, is either two per cent. below or two per cent. above the +average; thus showing how inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable, +the law of Increase, in our case, is. + +"Assuming that it will continue, gives the following results: + +YEAR. POPULATION. + +1870 42,323,041 + +1880 56,967,216 + +1890 76,677,872 + +1900 103,208,415 + +1910 138,918,526 + +1920 186,984,335 + +1930 251,680,914 + +"These figures show that our Country may be as populous as Europe now is +at some point between 1920 and 1930--say about 1925--our territory, at +seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile, being of capacity +to contain 217,186,000. + +"And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the +chance by the folly and evils of Disunion or by long and exhausting War +springing from the only great element of National discord among us. +While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of +Secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population, +civilization and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it +would be very great and injurious. + +"The proposed Emancipation would shorten the War, perpetuate Peace, +insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of +the Country. With these, we should pay all the Emancipation would cost, +together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt +without it. + +"If we had allowed our old National debt to run at six per cent. per +annum, simple interest, from the end of our Revolutionary Struggle until +to-day, without paying anything on either principal or interest, each +man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it +then; and this because our increase of men through the whole period has +been greater than six per cent.; has run faster than the interest upon +the debt. Thus, time alone, relieves a debtor Nation, so long as its +population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its +debt. + +"This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly +due, but it shows the great importance of time in this connection--the +great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we +number a hundred millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to +pay now, when we number but thirty-one millions. In a word, it shows +that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the War, than will be a +dollar for Emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will +cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both. + +"As to the Second Article, I think it would be impracticable to return +to Bondage the class of Persons therein contemplated. Some of them, +doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners and hence +provision is made in this Article for compensating such. + +"The Third Article relates to the future of the Freed people. It does +not oblige, but merely authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such as +may consent. This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one +hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing, unless by the +mutual consent of the people to be deported, and the American voters, +through their Representatives in Congress. + +"I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly favor +colonization. And yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against +free Colored persons remaining in the Country which is largely +imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. + +"It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace White +labor and White laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere +catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present +men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be +responsible through Time and in Eternity. + +"Is it true, then, that Colored people can displace any more White labor +by being Free, than by remaining Slaves? If they stay in their old +places, they jostle no White laborers; if they leave their old places, +they leave them open to White laborers. Logically, there is neither +more nor less of it. + +"Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the +wages of White labor, and, very surely would not reduce them. Thus, the +customary amount of labor would still have to be performed; the freed +people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it and, +very probably, for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to +White laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and +consequently enhancing the wages of it. + +"With deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to White +labor is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity in +the market-increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it. +Reduce the supply of Black labor by colonizing the Black laborer out of +the Country, and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and +wages of White labor. + +"But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the +whole Land! Are they not already in the Land? Will liberation make +them any more numerous? Equally distributed among the Whites of the +whole Country, there would be but one Colored, in seven Whites. Could +the one, in any way, greatly disturb the seven? + +"There are many communities now, having more than one free Colored +person to seven Whites; and this, without any apparent consciousness of +evil from it. The District of Columbia, and the States of Maryland and +Delaware, are all in this condition. The District has more than one +free Colored to six Whites; and yet, in its frequent petitions to +Congress I believe it has never presented the presence of free Colored +persons as one of its grievances. + +"But why should Emancipation South, send the freed people North? people +of any color, seldom run, unless there be something to run from. +Heretofore, Colored people, to some extent, have fled North from +bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if +gradual Emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither +to flee from. + +"Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can +be procured; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly give their labor +for the wages, till new homes can be found for them, in congenial +climes, and with people of their own blood and race. + +"This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And, +in any event, cannot the North decide for itself, whether to receive +them? + +"Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case, has there been +any irruption of Colored people Northward because of the abolishment of +Slavery in this District last Spring? What I have said of the +proportion of free Colored persons to the Whites in the District is from +the census of 1860, having no reference to persons called Contrabands, +nor to those made free by the Act of Congress abolishing Slavery here. + +"The plan consisting of these Articles is recommended, not but that a +restoration of the National authority would be accepted without its +adoption. + +"Nor will the War, nor proceedings under the Proclamation of September +22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its +timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay +both. + +"And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress +provides by law for compensating any State which may adopt Emancipation +before this plan shall have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly +renewed. Such would be only an advance part of the plan, and the same +arguments apply to both. + +"This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but +additional to, all others, for restoring and preserving the National +authority throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in +its economical aspect. + +"The plan would, I am confident, secure Peace more speedily, and +maintain it more permanently, than can be done by force alone; while all +it would cost, considering amounts, and manner of payment, and times of +payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the +War, if we rely solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it would +cost no blood at all. + +"The plan is proposed as permanent Constitutional Law. It cannot become +such without the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and +afterward, three-fourths of the Slave States. The requisite three- +fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the Slave +States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their +severally adopting Emancipation at no very distant day upon the new +Constitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now and +save the Union forever. + +"I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed +to the Congress of the Nation by the Chief Magistrate of the Nation. +Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you +have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I +trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me, you will +perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may +seem to display. + +"Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten +the War, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? Is it +doubted that it would restore the National authority and National +prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we +here--Congress and Executive--can secure its adoption; will not the good +people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can +they, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital +objects; we can succeed only by concert. + +"It is not, 'Can any of us imagine better?' but,'Can we all do better?' +Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs, 'Can we do +better? The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy +present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise +with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act +anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our +Country. + +"Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We, of this Congress and +this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No +personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of +us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor +or dishonor, to the latest generation. + +"We say we are for the Union. The World will not forget that we say +this. We know how to save the Union. + +"The World knows we do know how to save it. We even we here--hold the +power, and bear the responsibility. + +"In giving Freedom to the Slave, we assure Freedom to the Free-Honorable +alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or +meanly lose, the last, best hope of Earth. Other means may succeed; +this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just--a way +which, if followed, the World would forever applaud, and God must +forever bless. + + "ABRAHAM LINCOLN." + + +The popular Branch of Congress responded with heartiness to what Mr. +Lincoln had done. On December 11, 1862, resolutions were offered by Mr. +Yeaman in the House of Representatives, as follows: + +"Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate Concurring), That +the Proclamation of the President of the United States, of date the 22d +of September, 1862, is not warranted by the Constitution. + +"Resolved, That the policy of Emancipation as indicated in that +Proclamation, is not calculated to hasten the restoration of Peace, was +not well chosen as a War measure, and is an assumption of power +dangerous to the rights of citizens and to the perpetuity of a Free +People." + +These resolutions were laid on the table by 95 yeas to 47 nays--the yeas +all Republicans, save three, and the nays all Democrats save five. + +On December 15, 1862, Mr. S. C. Fessenden, of Maine, offered resolutions +to the House, in these words: + +"Resolved, That the Proclamation of the President of the United States, +of the date of 22d September, 1862, is warranted by the Constitution. + +"Resolved, That the policy of Emancipation, as indicated in that +Proclamation, is well adapted to hasten the restoration of Peace, was +well chosen as a War measure, and is an exercise of power with proper +regard for the rights of the States, and the perpetuity of Free +Government." + +These resolutions were adopted by 78 yeas to 52 nays--the yeas all +Republicans, save two, and the nays all Democrats, save seven. + +The Proclamation of September 22d, 1862, was very generally endorsed and +upheld by the People at large; and, in accordance with its promise, it +was followed at the appointed time, January 1st, 1863, by the +supplemental Proclamation specifically Emancipating the Slaves in the +rebellious parts of the United States--in the following terms: + +"WHEREAS, On the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord +one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a Proclamation was issued by +the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the +following, to wit: + +"'That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand +eight hundred and sixty-three, all Persons held as Slaves within any +State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be +in Rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, +and forever Free; and the Executive Government of the United States, +including the Military and Naval Authority thereof, will recognize and +maintain the Freedom of such Persons, and will do no act or acts to +repress such Persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for +their actual Freedom. + +"'That the Executive will, on the First day of January aforesaid, by +Proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which +the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in Rebellion against the +United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall +on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United +States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the +qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the +absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive +evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in +Rebellion against the United States.' + +"Now, therefore, I ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, by +virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and +Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed Rebellion against the +authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and +necessary War measure for suppressing said Rebellion, do, on this First +day of January, in the Year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and +sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly +proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first +above mentioned, Order and designate as the States and parts of States +wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in Rebellion +against the United States, the following, to wit: + +"Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, +Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, +Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafouche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, +including the City of New Orleans,) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, +Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the +forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties +of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, +and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which +excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this +Proclamation were not issued. + +"And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do Order +and declare that all Persons held as Slaves within said designated +States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, Free; and +that the Executive Government of the United States, including the +Military and Naval authorities thereof; will recognize and maintain the +Freedom of said Persons. + +"And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be Free, to abstain +from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to +them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for +reasonable wages. + +"And I further declare and make known that such Persons, of suitable +condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States +to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man +vessels of all sorts in said service. + +"And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, +warranted by the Constitution upon Military necessity, I invoke the +considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God. + +"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed. + +"Done at the City of Washington, this First day of January, in the year +of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the +Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. + +"By the President: +"ABRAHAM LINCOLN. + +"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State." + + + + + CHAPTER XIX. + + HISTORICAL REVIEW. + + +Let us now refresh recollection by glancing backward over the history of +our Country, and we shall see, as recorded in these pages, that, from +the first, there existed in this Nation a class of individuals greedily +ambitious of power and determined to secure and maintain control of this +Government; that they left unturned no stone which would contribute to +the fostering and to the extension of African Slavery; that, hand in +hand with African Slavery--and as a natural corollary to it--they +advocated Free Trade as a means of degrading Free White labor to the +level of Black Slave labor, and thus increasing their own power; that +from the first, ever taking advantage of the general necessities of the +Union, they arrogantly demanded and received from a brow-beaten People, +concession after concession, and compromise after compromise; that every +possible pretext and occasion was seized by them to increase, +consolidate, and secure their power, and to extend the territorial +limits over which their peculiar Pro-Slavery and Pro-Free-Trade +doctrines prevailed; and that their nature was so exacting, and their +greed so rapacious, that it was impossible ever to satisfy them. + +Nor were they burdened with over-much of that high sense of honor--a +quality of which they often vaunted themselves--which impelled others to +stand by their agreements. It seemed as though they considered the most +sacred promises and covenants of no account, and made only to be +trampled upon, when in the way of their Moloch. + +We remember the bitter Slavery agitation in Congress over the admission +of the State of Missouri, and how it eventuated in the Missouri +Compromise. That compromise, we have seen, they afterward trod upon, +and broke, with as little compunction as they would have stepped upon +and crushed a toad. + +They felt their own growing power, and gloried in their strength and +arrogance; and Northern timidity became a scoff and by-word in their +mouths. + +The fact is, that from its very conception, as well as birth, they hated +and opposed the Union, because they disliked a Republican and preferred +a Monarchical form of Government. Their very inability to prevent the +consummation of that Union, imbittered them. Hence their determinaion +to seize every possible occasion and pretext afterward to destroy it, +believing, as they doubtless did, that upon the crumbled and mouldering +ruins of a dissevered Union and ruptured Republic, Monarchical ideas +might the more easily take root and grow. But experience had already +taught them that it would be long before their real object could even be +covertly hinted at, and that in the meantime it must be kept out of +sight by the agitation of other political issues. The formulation and +promulgation therefore, by Jefferson, in the Kentucky Resolutions of +1798, and by Madison, in the Virginia Resolutions of 1799, of the +doctrine of States Rights already referred to, was a perfect "God-send" +to these men. For it not only enabled them to keep from public view and +knowledge their ultimate aim and purpose, but constituted the whip which +they thenceforth everlastingly flourished and cracked over the shrinking +heads of other and more patriotic people--the whip with which, through +the litter of their broken promises, they ruthlessly rode into, and, for +so long a period of years held on to, supreme power and place in the +Land. + +Including within the scope of States Rights, the threats of +Nullification, Disunion and Secession--ideas abhorrent to the Patriot's +mind--small wonder is it that, in those days, every fresh demand made by +these political autocrats was tremblingly acceded to, until patience and +concession almost utterly exhausted themselves. + +Originally disturbing only South Carolina and Georgia to any extent, +these ambitious men, who believed in anything rather than a Republic, +and who were determined to destroy the Union, gradually spread the +spirit of jealousy and discontent into other States of the South; their +immediate object being to bring the Southern States into the closest +possible relations the one with the other; to inspire them all with +common sympathies and purposes; to compact and solidify them, so that in +all coming movements against the other States of the Union, they might +move with proportionately increased power, and force, and effect, +because of such unity of aim and strength. + +This spirit of Southern discontent, and jealousy of the Northern States, +was, as we have seen, artfully fanned by the Conspirators, in heated +discussions over the Tariff Acts of 1824, and 1828, and 1832, until, by +the latter date, the people of the Cotton-States were almost frantic, +and ready to fight over their imaginary grievances. Then it was that +the Conspirators thought the time had come, for which they had so long +and so earnestly prayed and worked, when the cotton Sampson should wind +his strong arms around the pillars of the Constitution and pull down the +great Temple of our Union--that they might rear upon its site another +and a stronger edifice, dedicated not to Freedom, but to Free-Trade and +to other false gods. + +South Carolina was to lead off, and the other Cotton States would +follow. South Carolina did lead off--but the other Cotton-States did +not follow. + +It has been shown in these pages how South Carolina declared the Tariff +Acts aforesaid, null and void, armed herself to resist force, and +declared that any attempt of the general Government to enforce those +Acts would cause her to withdraw from the Union. But Jackson as we know +throttled the treason with so firm a grip that Nullification and +Secession and Disunion were at once paralyzed. + +The concessions to the domineering South, in Clay's Compromise Tariff of +1833, let the Conspirators down easily, so to speak; and they pretended +to be satisfied. But they were satisfied only as are the thirsty sands +of Africa with the passing shower. + +The Conspirators had, however, after all, made substantial gains. They +had established a precedent for an attempt to secede. That was +something. They had demonstrated that a single Southern State could +stand up, armed and threatening, strutting, blustering, and bullying, +and at least make faces at the general Government without suffering any +very dreadful consequences. That was still more. + +They had also ascertained that, by adopting such a course, a single +Southern State could force concessions from the fears of the rest of the +United States. That was worth knowing, because the time might come, +when it might be desirable not only for one but for all the Southern +States to secede upon some other pretext, and when it would be awkward, +and would interfere with the Disunion programme, to have the other +States either offer or make concessions. + +They had also learned the valuable lesson that the single issue of Free- +Trade was not sufficiently strong of itself to unite all the Southern +States in a determination to secede, and thus dissolve the Union. They +saw they must agitate some other issue to unify the South more +thoroughly and justify Disunion. On looking over the whole field they +concluded that the Slavery question would best answer their purpose, and +they adopted it. + +It was doubtless a full knowledge of the fact that they had adopted it, +that led Jackson to make the declaration, heretofore in these pages +given, which has been termed "prophetic." At any rate, thenceforth the +programme of the Conspirators was to agitate the Slavery question in all +ways possible, so as to increase, extend and solidify the influence and +strength of the Slave power; strain the bonds uniting them with the Free +States; and weaken the Free States by dividing them upon the question. +At the same time the Free-Trade question was to be pressed forward to a +triumphal issue, so that the South might be enriched and strengthened, +and the North impoverished and weakened, by the result. + +That was their programme, in the rough, and it was relentlessly adhered +to. Free-Trade and Slavery by turns, if not together, from that time +onward, were ever at the front, agitating our People both North and +South, and not only consolidating the Southern States on those lines, as +the Conspirators designed, but also serving ultimately to consolidate, +to some extent--in a manner quite unlooked for by the Conspirators-- +Northern sentiment, on the opposite lines of Protection and Freedom. + +The Compromise Tariff Act of 1833--which Clay was weak enough to +concede, and even stout old Jackson to permit to become law without his +signature--gave to the Conspirators great joy for years afterward, as +they witnessed the distress and disaster brought by it to Northern homes +and incomes--not distress and disaster alone, but absolute and +apparently irreparable ruin. + +The reaction occasioned by this widespread ruin having brought the Whigs +into power, led to the enactment of the Protective-Tariff of 1842 and-- +to the chagrin of the Conspirators--industrial prosperity and plenty to +the Free North again ensued. + +Even as Cain hated his brother Abel because his sacrifices were +acceptable in the sight of God, while his own were not, so the Southern +Conspirators, and other Slave-owners also, had, by this time, come to +hate the Northern free-thinking, free-acting, freedom-loving mechanic +and laboring man, because the very fact and existence of his Godgiven +Freedom and higher-resulting civilization was a powerful and perpetual +protest against the--abounding iniquities and degradations of Slavery as +practiced by themselves. + +Hence, by trickery, by cajoling the People With his, and their own, +assurances that he was in favor of Protection--they secured the election +in 1844 of a Free-Trade President, the consequent repeal of the +Protective-Tariff of 1842--which had repaired the dreadful mischief +wrought by the Compromise Act of 1833--and the enactment of the infamous +Free-Trade Tariff of 1846, which blasted the manufacturing and farming +and trade industries of the Country again, as with fire. + +The discovery of the great gold fields of California, and the enormous +amount of the precious metal poured by her for many succeeding years +into the lap of the Nation, alone averted what otherwise would +inevitably have been total ruin. As it was, in 1860, the National +credit had sunk to a lower point than ever before in all its history. +It was confessedly bankrupt, and ruin stalked abroad throughout the +United States. + +But while, with rapid pen, the carrying out of that part of the Southern +Conspirators' Disunion programme which related to Free-Trade, is thus +brought again to mind, the other part of that programme, which related +to Slavery, must not be neglected or overlooked. On this question they +had determined, as we have seen, to agitate without ceasing--having in +view, primarily, as already hinted, the extension of Slave territory and +the resulting increase of Slave power in the Land; and, ulteriorly, the +solidifying of that power, and Disunion of the Republic, with a view to +its conversion into an Oligarchy, if not a Monarchy. + +The bitterness of the struggle over the admission of Missouri as a Slave +State in 1820, under the Missouri Compromise, was to be revived by the +Conspirators, at the earliest possible moment. + +Accordingly in 1836--only three years after the failure of Nullification +in South Carolina, the Territory, of Arkansas was forced in as a Slave +State, and simultaneously the Slave-owning henchmen of the Conspirators, +previously settled there for the purpose, proclaimed the secession from +Mexico, and independence, of Texas. This was quickly followed, in 1844, +by Calhoun's hastily negotiated treaty of annexation with Texas; its +miscarriage in the Senate; and the Act of March 2, 1845--with its sham +compromise--consenting to the admission of Texas to the Union of States. + +Then came the War with Mexico; the attempt by means of the Wilmot +proviso to check the growing territorial-greed and rapacity of the +Slave-power; and the acquisition by the United States, of California and +New Mexico, under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, which brought +Peace. + +Then occurred the agitation over the organization of Territorial +governments for Oregon, California, and New Mexico, and the strong +effort to extend to the Pacific Ocean the Missouri-Compromise line of +36 30', and to extend to all future Territorial organizations the +principles of that compromise. + +Then came the struggle in 1850, over the admission of California as a +State, and New Mexico and Utah to Territorial organization--ending in +the passage of Clay's Compromise measures of 1850. + +Yet still the Southern Conspirators--whose forces, both in Congress and +out, were now well-disciplined, compacted, solidified, experienced, and +bigotedly enthusiastic and overbearing--were not satisfied. It was not +their intention to be satisfied with anything less than the destruction +of the Union and of our Republican form of Government. The trouble was +only beginning, and, so far, almost everything had progressed to their +liking. The work must proceed. + +In 1852-3 they commenced the Kansas-Nebraska agitation; and, what with +their incessant political and colonizing movements in those Territories; +the frequent and dreadful atrocities committed by their tools, the +Border-ruffians; the incessant turmoil created by cruelties to their +Fugitive-slaves; their persistent efforts to change the Supreme Court to +their notions; these-with the decision and opinion of the Supreme Court +in the Dred Scott case--together worked the Slavery question up to a +dangerous degree of heat, by the year 1858. + +And, by 1860--when the people of the Free States, grown sick unto death +of the rule of the Slave-power in the General Government, arose in their +political might, and shook off this "Old Man of the Sea," electing, +beyond cavil and by the Constitutional mode, to the Presidential office, +a man who thoroughly represented in himself their conscience, on the one +hand, which instinctively revolted against human Slavery as a wrong +committed against the laws of God, and their sense of justice and equity +on the other, which would not lightly overlook, or interfere with vested +rights under the Constitution and the laws of man--the Conspirators had +reached the point at which they had been aiming ever since that failure +in 1832 of their first attempt at Disunion, in South Carolina. + +They had now succeeded in irritating both the Free and the Slave-holding +Sections of our Country against each other, to an almost unbearable +point; had solidified the Southern States on the Slavery and Free-Trade +questions; and at last--the machinations of these same Conspirators +having resulted in a split in the Democratic Party, and the election of +the Republican candidate to the Presidency, as the embodiment of the +preponderating National belief in Freedom and equality to all before the +Law, with Protection to both Labor and Capital--they also had the +pretext for which they had both been praying and scheming and preparing +all those long, long years--they, and some of their fathers before them. + +It cannot be too often repeated that to secure a Monarchy, or at least +an Oligarchy, over which the leading Conspirators should rule for life-- +whether that Monarchy or that Oligarchy should comprise the States of +the South by themselves, or all the States on a new basis of Union--was +the great ultimate aim of the Conspirators; and this could be secured +only by first disrupting the then existing Republican Union of +Republican States. + +The doctrine of the right of Secession had now long been taught, and had +become a part of the Southern Slave-holders' Democratic creed, as fully +as had the desirability of Slavery and Free-Trade--and even many of the +Northern Democrats, and some Republicans as well, were not much inclined +to dispute, although they cared not to canvass, the point. + +The programme of action was therefore much the same as had been laid +down in the first attempt in 1832:--first South Carolina would secede +and declare her independence; then the other Slave States in quick +succession would do likewise; then a new Constitution for a solid +Southern Union; then, if necessary, a brief War to cement it--which +would end, of course, in the independence of the South at least, but +more probably in the utter subjugation and humiliation of the Free +States. + +When the time should come, during, or after this War--as come, in their +belief, it would--for a change in the form of Government, then they +could seize the first favorable occasion and change it. At present, +however, the cry must be for "independence." That accomplished, the +rest would be easy. And until that independence was accomplished, no +terms of any sort, no settlement of any kind, were either to be proposed +or accepted by them. + +These were their dreams, their ambitions, their plans; and the tenacious +courage with which they stuck to them "through thick and thin," through +victory and disaster, were worthy of a better cause. + +While, therefore, the pretexts for Secession were "Slavery" and "Free- +Trade"--both of which were alleged to be jeopardized in the election and +inauguration of Abraham Lincoln--yet, no sooner had hostilities +commenced between the seceding States and the Union, than they declared +to the World that their fight was not for Slavery, but for Independence. + +They dared not acknowledge to the World that they fought for Slavery, +lest the sympathies of the World should be against them. But it was +well understood by the Southern masses, as well as the other people of +the Union, that both Slavery and Free-Trade were involved in the fight-- +as much as independence, and the consequent downfall of the Union. + +President Lincoln, however, had made up his mind to do all he properly +could to placate the South. None knew better than he, the history of +this Secession movement, as herein described. None knew better than he, +the fell purpose and spirit of the Conspirators. Yet still, his kindly +heart refused to believe that the madness of the Southern leaders was so +frenzied, and their hatred of Free men, Free labor, and Free +institutions, so implacable, that they would wilfully refuse to listen +to reason and ever insist on absolutely inadmissible terms of +reconcilation. + +From the very beginning of his Administration, he did all that was +possible to mollify their resentment and calm their real or pretended +fears. Nor was this from any dread or doubt as to what the outcome of +an armed Conflict would be; for, in his speech at Cincinnati, in the +Autumn of 1859, he had said, while addressing himself to Kentuckians and +other Southern men: "Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as +brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, man +for man, as any other people living; that you have shown yourselves +capable of this upon various occasions; but man for man, you are not +better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us. +You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in +numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal it +would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will +make nothing by attempting to master us." + +And early in 1860, in his famous New York Cooper Institute speech he had +said "Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let +us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it." He plainly +believed to the end, that "right makes might;" and he believed in the +power of numbers--as also did Napoleon, if we may judge from his famous +declaration that "The God of battles is always on the side of the +heaviest battalions." Yet, so believing, President Lincoln exerted +himself in all possible ways to mollify the South. His assurances, +however, were far from satisfying the Conspirators. They never had been +satisfied with anything in the shape of concession. They never would +be. They had been dissatisfied with and had broken all the compacts and +compromises, and had spit upon all the concessions, of the past; and +nothing would now satisfy them, short of the impossible. + +They were not satisfied now with Lincoln's promise that the Government +would not assail them--organized as, by this time, they were into a so- +called Southern "Confederacy" of States--and they proceeded accordingly +to assail that Government which would not assail them. They opened fire +on Fort Sumter. + +This was done, as has duly appeared, in the hope that the shedding of +blood would not only draw the States of the Southern Confederacy more +closely together in their common cause, and prevent the return of any of +them to their old allegiance, but also to so influence the wavering +allegiance to the Union, of the Border States, as to strengthen that +Confederacy and equivalently weaken that Union, by their Secession. + +Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, of the Border States +that were wavering, were thus gathered into the Confederate fold, by +this policy of blood-spilling--carried bodily thither, by a desperate +and frenzied minority, against the wishes of a patriotic majority. + +Virginia, especially, was a great accession to the Rebel cause. She +brought to it the prestige of her great name. To secure the active +cooperation of "staid old Virginia," "the Mother of Statesmen," in the +struggle, was, in the estimation of the Rebels, an assurance of victory +to their cause. And the Secession of Virginia for a time had a +depressing influence upon the friends of the Union everywhere. + +The refusal of West Virginia to go with the rest of the State into +Rebellion, was, to be sure, some consolation; and the checkmating of the +Conspirators' designs to secure to the Confederacy the States of +Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, helped the confidence of Union men. In +fact, as long as the National Capital was secure, it was felt that the +Union was still safe. + +But while the Confederacy, by the firing upon Fort Sumter, and thus +assailing that Government which Lincoln had promised would not assail +the Rebels, had gained much in securing the aid of the States mentioned, +yet the Union Cause, by that very act, had gained more. For the echoes +of the Rebel guns of Fort Moultrie were the signal for such an uprising +of the Patriots of the North and West and Middle States, as, for the +moment, struck awe to the hearts of Traitors and inspired with courage +and hopefulness the hearts of Union men throughout the Land. + +Moreover it put the Rebels in their proper attitude, in the eyes of the +World--as the first aggressors--and thus deprived them, to a certain +extent, of that moral support from the outside which flows from +sympathy. + +Those echoes were the signal, not only of that call to arms which led to +such an uprising, but for the simultaneous calling together of the +Thirty-seventh Congress of the United States in Extra Session--the +Congress whose measures ultimately enabled President Lincoln and the +Union Armies to subdue the Rebellion and save the Union--the Congress +whose wise and patriotic deliberations resulted in the raising of those +gigantic Armies and Navies, and in supplying the unlimited means, +through the Tariff and National Bank Systems and otherwise, by which +those tremendous Forces could be both created and effectively operated-- +the Congress which cooperated with President Lincoln and those Forces in +preparing the way for the destruction of the very corner-stone of the +Confederacy, Slavery itself. + + + + + CHAPTER XX. + + LINCOLN'S TROUBLES AND TEMPTATIONS. + +The Rebels themselves, as has already been noted, by the employment of +their Slaves in the construction of earthworks and other fortifications, +and even in battle, at Bull Run and elsewhere, against the Union Forces, +brought the Thirty-seventh Congress, as well as the Military Commanders, +and the President, to an early consideration of the Slavery question. +But it was none the less a question to be treated with the utmost +delicacy. + +The Union men, as well as the Secession-sympathizers, of Kentucky and +Tennessee and Missouri and Maryland, largely believed in Slavery, or at +least were averse to any interference with it. These, would not see +that the right to destroy that unholy Institution could pertain to any +authority, or be justified by any exigency; much less that, as held by +some authorities, its existence ceased at the moment when its hands, or +those of the State in which it had existed, were used to assail the +General Government. + +They looked with especial suspicion and distrust upon the guarded +utterances of the President upon all questions touching the future of +the Colored Race. + + [At Faneuil Hall, Edward Everett is reported to have said, in + October of 1864: + + "It is very doubtful whether any act of the Government of the + United States was necessary to liberate the Slaves in a State which + is in Rebellion. There is much reason for the opinion that, by the + simple act of levying War against the United States, the relation + of Slavery was terminated; certainly, so far as concerns the duty + of the United States to recognize it, or to refrain from + interfering with it. + + "Not being founded on the Law of Nature, and resting solely on + positive Local Law--and that, not of the United States--as soon as + it becomes either the motive or pretext of an unjust War against + the Union--an efficient instrument in the hands of the Rebels for + carrying on the War--source of Military strength to the Rebellion, + and of danger to the Government at home and abroad, with the + additional certainty that, in any event but its abandonment, it + will continue, in all future time to work these mischiefs, who can + suppose it is the duty of the United States to continue to + recognize it. + + "To maintain this would be a contradiction in terms. It would be + two recognize a right in a Rebel master to employ his Slave in acts + of Rebellion and Treason, and the duty of the Slave to aid and abet + his master in the commission of the greatest crime known to the + Law. No such absurdity can be admitted; and any citizen of the + United States, from thee President down, who should, by any overt + act, recognize the duty of a Slave to obey a Rebel master in a + hostile operation, would himself be giving aid and comfort to the + Enemy."] + +They believed that when Fremont issued the General Order-heretofore +given in full--in which that General declared that "The property, real +and personal, of all persons, in the State of Missouri, who shall take +up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to +have taken an active part with their enemies in the field, is declared +to be confiscated to the public use, and their Slaves, if any they have, +are hereby declared Free men," it must have been with the concurrence, +if not at the suggestion, of the President; and, when the President +subsequently, September 11,1861, made an open Order directing that this +clause of Fremont's General Order, or proclamation, should be "so +modified, held, and construed, as to conform to, and not to transcend, +the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress +entitled 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary +Purposes,' approved August 6, 1861," they still were not satisfied. + + [The sections of the above Act, bearing upon the matter, are the + first and fourth, which are in these words: + + "That if, during the present or any future insurrection against the + Government of the United States, after the President of the United + States shall have declared, by proclamation, that the laws of the + United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by + combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course + of judicial proceedings, or by the power vested in the marshals by + law, any person or persons, his, her, or their agent, attorney, or + employee, shall purchase or acquire, sell or give, any property of + whatsoever kind or description, with intent to use or employ the + same, or suffer the same to be used or employed, in aiding, + abetting, or promoting such insurrection or resistance to the laws, + or any persons engaged therein; or if any person or persons, being + the owner or owners of any such property, shall knowingly use or + employ, or consent to the use or employment of the same as + aforesaid, all such property is hereby declared to be lawful + subject of prize and capture wherever found; and it shall be the + duty of the President of the United States to cause the same to be + seized, confiscated and condemned." + + * * * * * * * * + + "SEC. 4. That whenever hereafter, during the present insurrection + against the Government of the United States, any person claimed to + be held to Labor or Service under the law of any State shall be + required or permitted by the person to whom such Labor or Service + is claimed to be due, or by the lawful agent of such person, to + take up arms against the United States; or shall be required or + permitted by the person to whom such Labor or Service is claimed to + be due, or his lawful agent, to work or to be employed in or upon + any fort, navy-yard, dock, armory, ship, entrenchment, or in any + Military or Naval service whatsoever, against the Government and + lawful authority of the United States, then, and in every such + case, the person to whom such Labor or Service is claimed to be + due, shall forfeit his claim to such Labor, any law of the State or + of the United States to the contrary notwithstanding. And whenever + thereafter the person claiming such Labor or Service shall seek to + enforce his claim, it shall be a full and sufficient answer to such + claim that the person whose Service or Labor is claimed had been + employed in hostile service against the Government of the United + States, contrary to the provisions of this act." + +It seemed as impossible to satisfy these Border-State men as it had been +to satisfy the Rebels themselves. + +The Act of Congress, to which President Lincoln referred +in his Order modifying Fremont's proclamation, had itself been opposed +by them, under the lead of their most influential Representative and +spokesman, Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, in its passage through that +Body. It did not satisfy them. + +Neither had they been satisfied, when, within one year and four days +after "Slavery opened its batteries of Treason, upon Fort Sumter," that +National curse and shame was banished from the Nation's Capital by +Congressional enactment. + +They were not satisfied even with Mr. Lincoln's conservative suggestions +embodied in the Supplemental Act. + +Nor were they satisfied with the General Instructions, of October 14, +1861, from the War Department to its Generals, touching the employment +of Fugitive Slaves within the Union Lines, and the assurance of just +compensation to loyal masters, therein contained, although all avoidable +interference with the Institution was therein reprobated. + +Nothing satisfied them. It was indeed one of the most curious of the +many phenomena of the War of the Rebellion, that when--as at the end of +1861--it had become evident, as Secretary Cameron held, that it "would +be National suicide" to leave the Rebels in "peaceful and secure +possession of Slave Property, more valuable and efficient to them for +War, than forage, cotton, and Military stores," and that the Slaves +coming within our lines could not "be held by the Government as Slaves," +and should not be held as prisoners of War--still the loyal people of +these Border-States, could not bring themselves to save that Union, +which they professed to love, by legislation on this tender subject. + +On the contrary, they opposed all legislation looking to any +interference with such Slave property. Nothing that was proposed by Mr. +Lincoln, or any other, on this subject, could satisfy them. + +Congress enacted a law, approved March 13, 1862, embracing an additional +Article of War, which prohibited all officers "from employing any of the +forces under their respective Commands for the purpose of returning +Fugitives from Service or Labor who may have escaped from +any persons to whom such Service or Labor is claimed to be due," and +prescribed that "Any officer who shall be found guilty by Court-Martial +of violating this Article shall be dismissed from the Service." In both +Houses, the loyal Border-State Representatives spoke and voted against +its passage. + +One week previously (March 6, 1862), President Lincoln, in an admirable +Message, hitherto herein given at length, found himself driven to broach +to Congress the subject of Emancipation. He had, in his First Annual +Message (December, 1861), declared that "the Union must be preserved; +and hence all indispensable means must be employed;" but now, as a part +of the War Policy, he proposed to Congress the adoption of a Joint +Resolution declaring "That the United States ought to cooperate with any +State which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such +State, pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to +compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such +change of System." + +It was high time, he thought, that the idea of a gradual, compensated +Emancipation, should begin to occupy the minds of those interested, "so +that," to use his own words, "they may begin to consider whether to +accept or reject it," should Congress approve the suggestion. + +Congress did approve, and adopt, the Joint-Resolution, as we know-- +despite the opposition from the loyal element of the Border States--an +opposition made in the teeth of their concession that Mr. Lincoln, in +recommending its adoption, was "solely moved by a high patriotism and +sincere devotion to the glory of his Country." + +But, consistently with their usual course, they went to the House of +Representatives, fresh from the Presidential presence, and, with their +ears still ringing with the common-sense utterances of the President, +half of them voted against the Resolution, while the other half +refrained from voting at all. And their opposition to this wise and +moderate proposition was mainly based upon the idea that it carried with +it a threat--a covert threat. + +It certainly was a warning, taking it in connection with the balance of +the Message, but a very wise and timely one. + +These loyal Border-State men, however, could not see its wisdom, and at +a full meeting held upon the subject decided to oppose it, as they +afterward did. Its conciliatory spirit they could not comprehend; the +kindly, temperate warning, they would not heed. The most moderate of +them all,--[Mr. Crittenden of Kentucky.]--in the most moderate of his +utterances, could not bring himself to the belief that this Resolution +was "a measure exactly suited to the times." + + [And such was the fatuity existing among the Slave-holders of the + Border States, that not one of those Slave States had wisdom enough + to take the liberal offer thus made by the General Government, of + compensation. They afterward found their Slaves freed without + compensation.] + +So, also, one month later, (April 11, 1862), when the Senate Bill +proposing Emancipation in the District of Columbia, was before the +House, the same spokesman and leader of the loyal Border-State men +opposed it strenuously as not being suited to the times. For, he +persuasively protested: "I do not say that you have not the power; but +would not that power be, at such a time as this, most unwisely and +indiscreetly exercised. That is the point. Of all the times when an +attempt was ever made to carry this measure, is not this the most +inauspicious? Is it not a time when the measure is most likely to +produce danger and mischief to the Country at large? So it seems to +me." + +It was not now, nor would it ever be, the time, to pass this, or any +other measure, touching the Institution of Slavery, likely to benefit +that Union to which these men professed such love and loyalty. + +Their opposition, however, to the march of events, was of little avail-- +even when backed, as was almost invariably the case, by the other +Democratic votes from the Free States. The opposition was obstructive, +but not effectual. For this reason it was perhaps the more irritating +to the Republicans, who were anxious to put Slavery where their great +leader, Mr. Lincoln, had long before said it should be placed--"in +course of ultimate extinction." + +This very irritation, however, only served to press such Anti-Slavery +Measures more rapidly forward. By the 19th of June, 1862, a Bill "to +secure Freedom to all persons within the Territories of the United +States"--after a more strenuous fight against it than ever, on the part +of Loyal and Copperhead Democrats, both from the Border and Free +States,--had passed Congress, and been approved by President Lincoln. +It provided, in just so many words, "That, from and after the passage of +this Act, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in +any of the Territories of the United States now existing, or which may +at any time hereafter be formed or acquired by the United States, +otherwise than in punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been +duly convicted." + +Here, then, at last, was the great end and aim, with which Mr. Lincoln +and the Republican Party started out, accomplished. To repeat his +phrase, Slavery was certainly now in course of ultimate extinction. + +But since that doctrine had been first enunciated by Mr. Lincoln, events +had changed the aspect of things. War had broken out, and the Slaves of +those engaged in armed Rebellion against the authority of the United +States Government, had been actually employed, as we have seen, on Rebel +works and fortifications whose guns were trailed upon the Armies of the +Union. + +And now, the question of Slavery had ceased to be simply whether it +should be put in course of ultimate extinction, but whether, as a War +Measure--as a means of weakening the Enemy and strengthening the Union-- +the time had not already come to extinguish it, so far, at least, as the +Slaves of those participating in the Rebellion, were concerned. + +Congress, as has been heretofore noted, had already long and heatedly +debated various propositions referring to Slavery and African +Colonization, and had enacted such of them as, in its wisdom, were +considered necessary; and was now entering a further stormy period of +contention upon various other projects touching the Abolition of the +Fugitive Slave Laws, the Confiscation of Rebel Property, and the +Emancipation of Slaves--all of which, of course, had been, and would be, +vehemently assailed by the loyal Border-States men and their Free-State +Democratic allies. + +This contention proceeded largely upon the lines of construction of that +clause in the Constitution of the United States and its Amendments, +which provides that no person shall be deprived of Life, Liberty, or +Property, without due process of Law, etc. The one side holding that, +since the beginning of our Government, Slaves had been, under this +clause, Unconstitutionally deprived of their Liberty; the other side +holding that Slaves being "property," it would be Unconstitutional under +the same clause, to deprive the Slave-owner of his Slave property. + +Mr. Crittenden, the leader of the loyal Border-States men in Congress, +was at this time especially eloquent on this latter view of the +Constitution. In his speech of April 23, 1862, in the House of +Representatives, he even undertook to defend American Slavery under the +shield of English Liberty! + +Said he: "It is necessary for the prosperity of any Government, for +peace and harmony, that every man who acquires property shall feel that +he shall be protected in the enjoyment of it, and in his right to hold +it. It elevates the man; it gives him a feeling of dignity. It is the +great old English doctrine of Liberty. Said Lord Mansfield, the rain +may beat against the cabin of an Englishman, the snow may penetrate it, +but the King dare not enter it without the consent of its owner. That +is the true English spirit. It is the source of England's power." + +And again: "The idea of property is deeply seated in our minds. By the +English Law and by the American Law you have the right to take the life +of any man who attempts, by violence, to take your property from you. +So far does the Spirit of these Laws go. Let us not break down this +idea of property. It is the animating spirit of the Country. Indeed it +is the Spirit of Liberty and Freedom." + +There was at this time, a growing belief in the minds of these loyal +Border-States men, that this question of Slavery-abolition was reaching +a crisis. They saw "the handwriting on the wall," but left no stone +unturned to prevent, or at least to avert for a time, the coming +catastrophe. They egged Congress, in the language of the distinguished +Kentuckian, to "Let these unnecessary measures alone, for the present;" +and, as to the President, they now, not only volunteered in his defense, +against the attacks of others, but strove also to capture him by their +arch flatteries. + +"Sir,"--said Mr. Crittenden, in one of his most eloquent bursts, in the +House of Representatives,--"it is not my duty, perhaps, to defend the +President of the United States. * * * I voted against Mr. Lincoln, and +opposed him honestly and sincerely; but Mr. Lincoln has won me to his +side. There is a niche in the Temple of Fame, a niche near to +Washington, which should be occupied by the statue of him who shall, +save this Country. Mr. Lincoln has a mighty destiny. It is for him, if +he will, to step into that niche. It is for him to be but President of +the People of the United States, and there will his statue be. But, if +he choose to be, in these times, a mere sectarian and a party man, that +niche will be reserved for some future and better Patriot. It is in his +power to occupy a place next Washington,--the Founder, and the +Preserver, side by side. Sir, Mr. Lincoln is no coward. His not doing +what the Constitution forbade him to do, is no proof of his cowardice." + +On the other hand, Owen Lovejoy, the fiery Abolitionist, the very next +day after the above remarks of Mr. Crittenden were delivered in the +House, made a great speech in reply, taking the position that "either +Slavery, or the Republic, must perish; and the question for us to decide +is, which shall it be?" + +He declared to the House: "You cannot put down the rebellion and restore +the Union, without destroying Slavery." He quoted the sublime language +of Curran touching the Spirit of the British Law, which consecrates the +soil of Britain to the genius of Universal Emancipation, + + [In these words: + + "I speak in the Spirit of the British law, which makes Liberty + commensurate with, and inseparable from, the British soil; which + proclaims even to the stranger and the sojourner the moment he sets + his foot upon British earth, that the ground on which he treads is + holy, and consecrated by the genius Of UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION. + + "No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no + matter what complexion incompatible with Freedom, an Indian or an + African sun may have burnt upon him; no matter in what disastrous + battle his Liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with what + solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of Slavery; the + first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and + the god sink together in the dust; his Soul walks abroad in her own + majesty; his Body swells beyond the measure of his chains, that + burst from around him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated, and + disenthralled by the irresistible genius of UNIVERSAL + EMANCIPATION."] + +And Cowper's verse, wherein the poet says: + + "Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs + Receive our air, that moment they are Free," + +--and, after expressing his solicitude to have this true of America, as +it already was true of the District of Columbia, he proceeded to say: + +"The gentleman from Kentucky says he has a niche for Abraham Lincoln. +Where is it? He pointed upward! But, Sir, should the President follow +the counsels of that gentleman, and become the defender and perpetuator +of human Slavery, he should point downward to some dungeon in the Temple +of Moloch, who feeds on human blood and is surrounded with fires, where +are forged manacles and chains for human limbs--in the crypts and +recesses of whose Temple, woman is scourged, and man tortured, and +outside whose walls are lying dogs, gorged with human flesh, as Byron +describes them stretched around Stamboul. That is a suitable place for +the statue of one who would defend and perpetuate human Slavery." + +And then--after saying that "the friends of American Slavery need not +beslime the President with their praise. He is an Anti-Slavery man. He +hates human Bondage "--the orator added these glowing words: + +"I, too, have a niche for Abraham Lincoln; but it is in Freedom's Holy +Fane, and not in the blood-besmeared Temple of human Bondage; not +surrounded by Slaves, fetters and chains, but with the symbols of +Freedom; not dark with Bondage, but radiant with the light of Liberty. +In that niche he shall stand proudly, nobly, gloriously, with shattered +fetters and broken chains and slave-whips beneath his feet. If Abraham +Lincoln pursues the path, evidently pointed out for him in the +providence of God, as I believe he will, then he will occupy the proud +position I have indicated. That is a fame worth living for; ay, more, +that is a fame worth dying for, though that death led through the blood +of Gethsemane and the agony of the Accursed Tree. That is a fame which +has glory and honor and immortality and Eternal Life. Let Abraham +Lincoln make himself, as I trust he will, the Emancipator, the +Liberator, as he has the opportunity of doing, and his name shall not +only be enrolled in this Earthly Temple, but it will be traced on the +living stones of that Temple which rears itself amid the Thrones and +Hierarchies of Heaven, whose top-stone is to be brought in with shouting +of 'Grace, grace unto it!'" + +We have seen how the loyal Border-State men, through their chosen +Representative--finding that their steady and unfaltering opposition to +all Mr. Lincoln's propositions, while quite ineffectual, did not serve +by any means to increase his respect for their peculiar kind of loyalty +--offered him posthumous honors and worship if he would but do as they +desired. Had they possessed the power, no doubt they would have taken +him up into an exceeding high mountain and have offered to him all the +Kingdoms of the Earth to do their bidding. But their temptations were +of no avail. + +President Lincoln's duty, and inclination alike--no less than the +earnest importunities of the Abolitionists--carried him in the opposite +direction; but carried him no farther than he thought it safe, and wise, +to go. For, in whatever he might do on this burning question of +Emancipation, he was determined to secure that adequate support from the +People without which even Presidential Proclamations are waste paper. + +But now, May 9, 1862, was suddenly issued by General Hunter, commanding +the "Department of the South," comprising Georgia, Florida and South +Carolina, his celebrated Order announcing Martial Law, in those States, +as a Military Necessity, and--as "Slavery and Martial Law in a Free +Country are altogether incompatible"--declaring all Slaves therein, +"forever Free." + +This second edition, as it were, of Fremont's performance, at once threw +the loyal Border-State men into a terrible ferment. Again, they, and +their Copperhead and other Democratic friends of the North, meanly +professed belief that this was but a part of Mr. Lincoln's programme, +and that his apparent backwardness was the cloak to hide his Anti- +Slavery aggressiveness and insincerity. + +How hurtful the insinuations, and even direct charges, of the day, made +by these men against President Lincoln, must have been to his honest, +sincere, and sensitive nature, can scarcely be conceived by those who +did not know him; while, on the other hand, the reckless impatience of +some of his friends for "immediate and universal Emancipation," and +their complaints at his slow progress toward that goal of their hopes, +must have been equally trying. + +True to himself, however, and to the wise conservative course which he +had marked out, and, thus far, followed, President Lincoln hastened to +disavow Hunter's action in the premises, by a Proclamation, heretofore +given, declaring that no person had been authorized by the United States +Government to declare the Slaves of any State, Free; that Hunter's +action in this respect was void; that, as Commander-in-chief he reserved +solely to himself, the questions, first, as to whether he had the power +to declare the Slaves of any State or States, Free, and, second, whether +the time and necessity for the exercise of such supposed power had +arrived. And then, as we may remember, he proceeded to cite the +adoption, by overwhelming majorities in Congress, of the Joint +Resolution offering pecuniary aid from the National Government to "any +State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery;" and to make a +most earnest appeal, for support, to the Border-States and to their +people, as being "the most interested in the subject matter." + +In his Special Message to Congress,--[Of March 6, 1862.]--recommending +the passage of that Joint Resolution, he had plainly and emphatically +declared himself against sudden Emancipation of Slaves. He had therein +distinctly said: "In my judgment, gradual, and not immediate, +Emancipation, is better for all." And now, in this second appeal of his +to the Border-States men, to patriotically close with the proposal +embraced in that. Resolution, he said: "The changes it contemplates +would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or wrecking +anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done, by +one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it is now +your high privilege to do! May the vast future not have to lament that +you have neglected it!" + + [The following letter, from Sumner, shows the impatience of some of + the President's friends, the confidence he inspired in others + nearer in his counsels, and how entirely, at this time, his mind + was absorbed in his project for gradual and compensated + Emancipation.] + + "SENATE CHAMBER, June 5, 1862. + + "MY DEAR SIR.--Your criticism of the President is hasty. I am + confident that, if you knew him as I do, you would not make it. Of + course the President cannot be held responsible for the + misfeasances of subordinates, unless adopted or at least tolerated + by him. And I am sure that nothing unjust or ungenerous will be + tolerated, much less adopted, by him. + + "I am happy to let you know that he has no sympathy with Stanly in + his absurd wickedness, closing the schools, nor again in his other + act of turning our camp into a hunting ground for Slaves. He + repudiates both--positively. The latter point has occupied much of + his thought; and the newspapers have not gone too far in recording + his repeated declarations, which I have often heard from his own + lips, that Slaves finding their way into the National lines are + never to be Re-enslaved--This is his conviction, expressed without + reserve. + + "Could you have seen the President--as it was my privilege often-- + while he was considering the great questions on which he has + already acted--the invitation to Emancipation in the States, + Emancipation in the District of Columbia, and the acknowledgment of + the Independence of Hayti and Liberia--even your zeal would have + been satisfied, for you would have felt the sincerity of his + purpose to do what he could to carry forward the principles of the + Declaration of Independence. + + "His whole soul was occupied, especially by the first proposition, + which was peculiarly his own. In familiar intercourse with him, I + remember nothing more touching than the earnestness and + completeness with which he embraced this idea. To his mind, it was + just and beneficent, while it promised the sure end of Slavery. Of + course, to me, who had already proposed a bridge of gold for the + retreating fiend, it was most welcome. Proceeding from the + President, it must take its place among the great events of + history. + + "If you are disposed to be impatient at any seeming + shortcomings, think, I pray you, of what has been done in a brief + period, and from the past discern the sure promise of the future. + Knowing something of my convictions and of the ardor with which I + maintain them, you may, perhaps, derive some assurance from my + confidence; I may say to you, therefore, stand by the + Administration. If need be, help it by word and act, but stand by + it and have faith in it. + + "I wish that you really knew the President, and had heard the + artless expression of his convictions on those questions which + concern you so deeply. You might, perhaps, wish that he were less + cautious, but you would be grateful that he is so true to all that + you have at heart. Believe me, therefore, you are wrong, and I + regret it the more because of my desire to see all our friends + stand firmly together. + + "If I write strongly it is because I feel strongly; for my constant + and intimate intercourse with the President, beginning with the 4th + of March, not only binds me peculiarly to his Administration, but + gives me a personal as well as a political interest in seeing that + justice is done him. + + "Believe me, my dear Sir, with much regard, ever faithfully yours, + "CHARLES SUMNER." + +But stones are not more deaf to entreaty than were the ears of the loyal +Border-State men and their allies to President Lincoln's renewed appeal. +"Ephraim" was "wedded to his idols." + +McClellan too--immediately after his retreat from the Chickahominy to +the James River--seized the opportunity afforded by the disasters to our +arms, for which he was responsible, to write to President Lincoln a +letter (dated July 7, 1862) in which he admonished him that owing to the +"critical" condition of the Army of the Potomac, and the danger of its +being "overwhelmed" by the Enemy in front, the President must now +substantially assume and exercise the powers of a Dictator, or all would +be lost; that "neither Confiscation of property * * * nor forcible +Abolition of Slavery, should be contemplated for a moment;" and that "A +declaration of Radical views, especially upon Slavery, will rapidly +disintegrate our present Armies." + +Harried, and worried, on all sides,--threatened even by the Commander of +the Army of the Potomac,--it is not surprising, in view of the +apparently irreconcilable attitude of the loyal Border-State men to +gradual and compensated Emancipation, that the tension of President +Lincoln's mind began to feel a measure of relief in contemplating +Military Emancipation in the teeth of all such threats. + +He had long since made up his mind that the existence of Slavery was not +compatible with the preservation of the Union. The only question now +was, how to get rid of it? If the worst should come to the worst-- +despite McClellan's threat--he would have to risk everything on the turn +of the die--would have to "play his last card;" and that "last card" was +Military Emancipation. Yet still he disliked to play it. The time and +necessity for it had not yet arrived--although he thought he saw them +coming. + + [In the course of an article in the New York Tribune, August, 1885, + Hon. George S. Boutwell tells of an interview in "July or early + in August" of 1862, with President Lincoln, at which the latter + read two letters: one from a Louisiana man "who claimed to be a + Union man," but sought to impress the President with "the dangers + and evils of Emancipation;" the other, Mr. Lincoln's reply to him, + in which, says Mr. B., "he used this expression: 'you must not + expect me to give up this Government without playing my last card.' + Emancipation was his last card."] + +Things were certainly, at this time, sufficiently unpromising to chill +the sturdiest Patriot's heart. It is true, we had scored some important +victories in the West; but in the East, our arms seemed fated to +disaster after disaster. Belmont, Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, and +Pittsburg Landing, were names whose mention made the blood of Patriots +to surge in their veins; and Corinth, too, had fallen. But in the East, +McClellan's profitless campaign against Richmond, and especially his +disastrous "change of base" by a "masterly" seven days' retreat, +involving as many bloody battles, had greatly dispirited all Union men, +and encouraged the Rebels and Rebel-sympathizers to renewed hopes and +efforts. + +And, as reverses came to the Union Arms, so seemed to grow +proportionately the efforts, on all sides, to force forward, or to stave +off, as the case might be, the great question of the liberation and +arming of the Slaves, as a War Measure, under the War powers of the +Constitution. It was about this time (July 12, 1862) that President +Lincoln determined to make a third, and last, attempt to avert the +necessity for thus emancipating and arming the Slaves. He invited all +the Senators and Representatives in Congress from the Border-States, to +an interview at the White House, and made to them the appeal, heretofore +in these pages given at length. + +It was an earnest, eloquent, wise, kindly, patriotic, fatherly appeal in +behalf of his old proposition, for a gradual, compensated Emancipation, +by the Slave States, aided by the resources of the National Government. + +At the very time of making it, he probably had, in his drawer, the rough +draft of the Proclamation which was soon to give Liberty to all the +Colored millions of the Land. + + [McPherson gives a letter, written from Washington, by Owen Lovejoy + (Feb. 22, 1864), to Wm. Lloyd Garrison, in which the following + passage occurs: + + "Recurring to the President, there are a great many reports + concerning him which seem to be reliable and authentic, which, + after all, are not so. It was currently reported among the Anti- + Slavery men of Illinois that the Emancipation Proclamation was + extorted from him by the outward pressure, and particularly by the + Delegation from the Christian Convention that met at Chicago. + + "Now, the fact is this, as I had it from his own lips: He had + written the Proclamation in the Summer, as early as June, I think-- + but will not be certain as to the precise time--and called his + Cabinet together, and informed them he had written it and meant to + make it, but wanted to read it to them for any criticism or remarks + as to its features or details. + + "After having done so, Mr. Seward suggested whether it would not be + well for him to withhold its publication until after we had gained + some substantial advantage in the Field, as at that time we had met + with many reverses, and it might be considered a cry of despair. + He told me he thought the suggestion a wise one, and so held on to + the Proclamation until after the Battle of Antietam.] + +Be that as it may, however, sufficient evidences exist, to prove that he +must have been fully aware, at the time of making that appeal to the +supposed patriotism of these Border-State men, how much, how very much, +depended on the manner of their reception of it. + +To him, that meeting was a very solemn and portentous one. He had +studied the question long and deeply--not from the standpoint of his own +mere individual feelings and judgment, but from that of fair +Constitutional construction, as interpreted by the light of Natural or +General Law and right reason. What he sought to impress upon them was, +that an immediate decision by the Border-States to adopt, and in due +time carry out, with the financial help of the General Government, a +policy of gradual Emancipation, would simultaneously solve the two +intimately-blended problems of Slavery-destruction and Union- +preservation, in the best possible manner for the pockets and feelings +of the Border-State Slave-holder, and for the other interests of both +Border-State Slave-holder and Slave. + +His great anxiety was to "perpetuate," as well as to save, to the People +of the World, the imperiled form of Popular Government, and assure to it +a happy and a grand future. + +He begged these Congressmen from the Border-States, to help him carry +out this, his beneficent plan, in the way that was best for all, and +thus at the same time utterly deprive the Rebel Confederacy of that +hope, which still possessed them, of ultimately gathering these States +into their rebellious fold. And he very plainly, at the same time, +confessed that he desired this relief from the Abolition pressure upon +him, which had been growing more intense ever since he had repudiated +the Hunter proclamation. + +But the President's earnest appeal to these loyal Representatives in +Congress from the Border-States, was, as we have seen, in vain. It +might as well have been made to actual Rebels, for all the good it did. +For, a few days afterward, they sent to him a reply signed by more than +two-thirds of those present, hitherto given at length in these pages, in +which-after loftily sneering at the proposition as "an interference by +this Government with a question which peculiarly and exclusively +belonged to" their "respective States, on which they had not sought +advice or solicited aid," throwing doubts upon the Constitutional power +of the General Government to give the financial aid, and undertaking by +statistics to prove that it would absolutely bankrupt the Government to +give such aid,--they insultingly declared, in substance, that they could +not "trust anything to the contingencies of future legislation," and +that Congress must "provide sufficient funds" and place those funds in +the President's hands for the purpose, before the Border-States and +their people would condescend even to "take this proposition into +careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is +demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole +Country." + +Very different in tone, to be sure, was the minority reply, which, after +stating that "the leaders of the Southern Rebellion have offered to +abolish Slavery among them as a condition to Foreign Intervention in +favor of their Independence as a Nation," concluded with the terse and +loyal deduction: "If they can give up Slavery to destroy the Union, we +can surely ask our people to consider the question of Emancipation to +save the Union." + +But those who signed this latter reply were few, among the many. +Practically, the Border-State men were a unit against Mr. Lincoln's +proposition, and against its fair consideration by their people. He +asked for meat, and they gave him a stone. + +Only a few days before this interview, President Lincoln--alarmed by the +report of McClellan, that the magnificent Army of the Potomac under his +command, which, only three months before, had boasted 161,000 men, had +dwindled down to not more than "50,000 men left with their colors"--had +been to the front, at Harrison's Landing, on the James river, and, +although he had not found things quite so disheartening as he had been +led to believe, yet they were bad enough, for only 86,000 men were found +by him on duty, while 75,000 were unaccounted for--of which number +34,4172 were afterward reported as "absent by authority." + +This condition of affairs, in connection with the fact that McClellan +was always calling for more troops, undoubtedly had its influence in +bringing Mr. Lincoln's mind to the conviction, hitherto mentioned, of +the fast-approaching Military necessity for Freeing and Arming the +Slaves. + +It was to ward this off, if possible, that he had met and appealed to +the Border-State Representatives. They had answered him with sneers and +insults; and nothing was left him but the extreme course of almost +immediate Emancipation. + +Long and anxiously he had thought over the matter, but the time for +action was at hand. + +And now, it cannot be better told, than in President Lincoln's own +words, as given to the portrait-painter Carpenter, and recorded in the +latter's, "Six months in the White House," what followed: + +"It had got to be," said he, "midsummer, 1862. Things had gone on from +bad to worse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on +the plan of operations we had been pursuing; that we had about played +our last card, and must change our tactics, or lose the game! + +"I now determined upon the adoption of the Emancipation Policy; and, +without consultation with, or the knowledge of, the Cabinet, I prepared +the original draft of the Proclamation, and, after much anxious thought, +called a Cabinet meeting upon the subject. This was the last of July, +or the first part of the month of August, 1862." (The exact date he did +not remember.) + +"This Cabinet meeting took place, I think, upon a Saturday. All were +present, excepting Mr. Blair, the Postmaster-General, who was absent at +the opening of the discussion, but came in subsequently. I said to the +Cabinet, that I had resolved upon this step, and had not called them +together to ask their advice, but to lay the subject-matter of a +Proclamation before them; suggestions as to which would be in order, +after they had heard it read. + +"Mr. Lovejoy was in error" when he stated "that it excited no comment, +excepting on the part of Secretary Seward. Various suggestions were +offered. Secretary Chase wished the language stronger, in reference to +the arming of the Blacks. Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the +policy, on the ground that it would cost the Administration the fall +elections. + +"Nothing, however, was offered, that I had not already +fully anticipated and settled in my own mind, until Secretary Seward +spoke. He said in substance: 'Mr. President, I approve of the +Proclamation, but I question the expediency of its issue at this +juncture. The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our +repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a +step. It may be viewed as the last Measure of an exhausted Government, +a cry for help, the Government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, +instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the Government.' + +"His idea," said the President "was that it would be considered our last +shriek, on the retreat." (This was his precise expression.) "' Now,' +continued Mr. Seward, 'while I approve the Measure, I suggest, Sir, that +you postpone its issue, until you can give it to the Country supported +by Military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now, +upon the greatest disasters of the War!'" + +Mr. Lincoln continued: "The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of +State, struck me with very great force. It was an aspect of the case +that, in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked. +The result was that I put the draft of the Proclamation aside, as you do +your sketch for a picture, waiting for a victory." + +It may not be amiss to interrupt the President's narration to Mr. +Carpenter, at this point, with a few words touching "the Military +Situation." + +After McClellan's inexplicable retreat from before the Rebel Capital-- +when, having gained a great victory at Malvern Hills, Richmond would +undoubtedly have been ours, had he but followed it up, instead of +ordering his victorious troops to retreat like "a whipped Army"--[See +General Hooker's testimony before the Committee on the Conduct of the +War.]--his recommendation, in the extraordinary letter (of July 7th) to +the President, for the creation of the office of General-in-Chief, was +adopted, and Halleck, then at Corinth, was ordered East, to fill it. + +Pope had previously been called from the West, to take +command of the troops covering Washington, comprising some 40,000 men, +known as the Army of Virginia; and, finding cordial cooperation with +McClellan impossible, had made a similar suggestion. + +Soon after Halleck's arrival, that General ordered the transfer of the +Army of the Potomac, from Harrison's Landing to Acquia creek--on the +Potomac--with a view to a new advance upon Richmond, from the +Rappahannock river. + +While this was being slowly accomplished, Lee, relieved from fears for +Richmond, decided to advance upon Washington, and speedily commenced the +movement. + +On the 8th of August, 1862, Stonewall Jackson, leading the Rebel +advance, had crossed the Rapidan; on the 9th the bloody Battle of Cedar +Mountain had been fought with part of Pope's Army; and on the 11th, +Jackson had retreated across the Rapidan again. + +Subsequently, Pope having retired across the Rappahannock, Lee's Forces, +by flanking Pope's Army, again resumed their Northern advance. August +28th and 29th witnessed the bloody Battles of Groveton and Gainesville, +Virginia; the 30th saw the defeat of Pope, by Lee, at the second great +Battle of Bull Run, and the falling back of Pope's Army toward +Washington; and the succeeding Battle of Chantilly took place September +1, 1862. + +It is not necessary at this time to even touch upon the causes and +agencies which brought such misfortune to the Union Arms, under Pope. +It is sufficient to say here, that the disaster of the second Bull Run +was a dreadful blow to the Union Cause, and correspondingly elated the +Rebels. + +Jefferson Davis, in transmitting to the Rebel Congress at Richmond, +Lee's victorious announcements, said, in his message: "From these +dispatches it will be seen that God has again extended His shield over +our patriotic Army, and has blessed the cause of the Confederacy with a +second signal victory, on the field already memorable by the gallant +achievement of our troops." + +Flushed with victory, but wisely avoiding the fortifications of the +National Capital, Lee's Forces now swept past Washington; crossed the +Potomac, near Point of Rocks, at its rear; and menaced both the National +Capital and Baltimore. + +Yielding to the apparent necessity of the moment, the President again +placed. McClellan in command of the Armies about Washington, to wit: +the Army of the Potomac; Burnside's troops that had come up from North +Carolina; what remained of Pope's Army of Virginia; and the large +reinforcements from fresh levies, constantly and rapidly pouring in. + + [This was probably about the time of the occurrence of an amusing + incident, touching Lincoln, McClellan, and the fortifications + around Washington, afterward told by General J. G. Barnard, then + Chief of Engineers on the staff of General George B. McClellan.-- + See New York Tribune, October 21, 1885. It seems that the + fortifications having been completed, McClellan invited Mr. Lincoln + and his Cabinet to inspect them. "On the day appointed," said + Barnard, "the Inspection commenced at Arlington, to the Southwest + of Washington, and in front of the Enemy. We followed the line of + the works southerly, and recrossed the Potomac to the easterly side + of the river, and continued along the line easterly of Washington + and into the heaviest of all the fortifications on the northerly + side of Washington. When we reached this point the President asked + General McClellan to explain the necessity of so strong a + fortification between Washington and the North. + + "General McClellan replied: 'Why, Mr. President, according to + Military Science it is our duty to guard against every possible or + supposable contingency that may arise. For example, if under any + circumstances, however fortuitous, the Enemy, by any chance or + freak, should, in a last resort, get in behind Washington, in his + efforts to capture the city, why, there the fort is to defend it.' + + "'Yes, that's so General,' said the President; 'the precaution is + doubtless a wise one, and I'm glad to get so clear an explanation, + for it reminds me of an interesting question once discussed for + several weeks in our Lyceum, or Moot Court, at Springfield, Ill., + soon after I began reading law.' + + "'Ah!' says General McClellan. 'What question was that, Mr. + President?' + + "'The question,' Mr. Lincoln replied, 'was, "Why does man have + breasts?"' and he added that after many evenings' debate, the + question was submitted to the presiding Judge, who wisely decided + 'That if under any circumstances, however fortuitous, or by any + chance or freak, no matter of what nature or by what cause, a man + should have a baby, there would be the breasts to nurse it.'"] + +Yet, it was not until the 17th of September that the Battle of Antietam +was fought, and Lee defeated--and then only to be allowed to slip back, +across the Potomac, on the 18th--McClellan leisurely following him, +across that river, on the 2nd of November! + + [Arnold, in his "Life of Abraham Lincoln," says that President + Lincoln said of him: "With all his failings as a soldier, McClellan + is a pleasant and scholarly gentleman. He is an admirable + Engineer, but" he added, "he seems to have a special talent for a + stationary Engine."] + +On the 5th, McClellan was relieved,--Burnside taking the command,--and +Union men breathed more freely again. + +But to return to the subject of Emancipation. President Lincoln's own +words have already been given--in conversation with Carpenter--down to +the reading of the Proclamation to his Cabinet, and Seward's suggestion +to "wait for a victory" before issuing it, and how, adopting that +advice, he laid the Proclamation aside, waiting for a victory. + +"From time to time," said Mr. Lincoln, continuing his narration, "I +added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously +waiting the progress of events. Well, the next news we had was of +Pope's disaster at Bull Run. Things looked darker than ever. Finally, +came the week of the Battle of Antietam. I determined to wait no +longer. + +"The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our +side. I was then staying at the Soldiers' Home (three miles out of +Washington.) Here I finished writing the second draft of the +preliminary Proclamation; came up on Saturday; called the Cabinet +together to hear it; and it was published the following Monday." + +It is not uninteresting to note, in this connection, upon the same +authority, that at the final meeting of the Cabinet prior to this issue +of the Proclamation, when the third paragraph was read, and the words of +the draft "will recognize the Freedom of such Persons," were reached, +Mr. Seward suggested the insertion of the words "and maintain" after the +word "recognize;" and upon his insistance, the President said, "the +words finally went in." + +At last, then, had gone forth the Fiat--telegraphed and read throughout +the Land, on that memorable 22d of September, 1862--which, with the +supplemental Proclamation of January 1, 1863, was to bring joy and +Freedom to the millions of Black Bondsmen of the South. + +Just one month before its issue, in answer to Horace Greeley's Open +letter berating him for "the seeming subserviency" of his "policy to the +Slave-holding, Slave up-holding interest," etc., President Lincoln had +written his famous "Union letter" in which he had conservatively said: +"My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or +destroy Slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any Slave, I +would do it--and if I could save it by freeing all the Slaves, I would +do it--and if I could save it by freeing some, and leaving others alone, +I would also do that." + +No one outside of his Cabinet dreamed, at the time he made that answer, +that the Proclamation of Emancipation was already written, and simply +awaited a turn in the tide of battle for its issue! + +Still less could it have been supposed, when, on the 13th of September-- +only two days before Stonewall Jackson had invested, attacked, and +captured Harper's Ferry with nearly 12,000 prisoners, 73 cannon, and +13,000 small arms, besides other spoils of War--Mr. Lincoln received the +deputation from the religious bodies of Chicago, bearing a Memorial for +the immediate issue of such a Proclamation. + +The very language of his reply,--where he said to them: "It is my +earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I +can learn what it is, I will do it! These are not, however, the days of +miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a +direct revelation. I must study the plain physical aspects of the case, +ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and +right"--when taken in connection with the very strong argument with +which he followed it up, against the policy of Emancipation advocated in +the Memorial, and his intimation that a Proclamation of Emancipation +issued by him "must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's Bull +against the Comet!"--would almost seem to have been adopted with the +very object of veiling his real purpose from the public eye, and leaving +the public mind in doubt. At all events, it had that effect. + +Arnold, in his "Life of Lincoln," says of this time, when General Lee +was marching Northward toward Pennsylvania, that "now, the President, +with that tinge of superstition which ran through his character, 'made,' +as he said, 'a solemn vow to God, that, if Lee was driven back, he would +issue the Proclamation;'" and, in the light of that statement, the +concluding words of Mr. Lincoln's reply to the deputation aforesaid:--"I +can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more +than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do,"-- +have a new meaning. + +The Emancipation Proclamation, when issued, was a great surprise, but +was none the less generally well-received by the Union Armies, and +throughout the Loyal States of the Union, while, in some of them, its +reception was most enthusiastic. + +It happened, too, as we have seen, that the Convention of the Governors +of the Loyal States met at Altoona, Penn., on the very day of its +promulgation, and in an address to the President adopted by these loyal +Governors, they publicly hailed it "with heartfelt gratitude and +encouraged hope," and declared that "the decision of the President to +strike at the root of the Rebellion will lend new vigor to efforts, and +new life and hope to the hearts, of the People." + +On the other hand, the loyal Border-States men were dreadfully exercised +on the subject; and those of them in the House of Representatives +emphasized their disapproval by their votes, when, on the 11th and 15th +of the following December, Resolutions, respectively denouncing, and +endorsing, "the policy of Emancipation, as indicated in that +Proclamation," of September 22, 1862, were offered and voted on. + +In spite of the loyal Border-States men's bitter opposition, however, +the Resolution endorsing that policy as a War Measure, and declaring the +Proclamation to be "an exercise of power with proper regard for the +rights of the States and the perpetuity of Free Government," as we have +seen, passed the House. + +Of course the Rebels themselves, against whom it was aimed, gnashed +their teeth in impotent rage over the Proclamation. But they lost no +time in declaring that it was only a proof of what they had always +announced: that the War was not for the preservation of the American +Union, but for the destruction of African Slavery, and the spoilation of +the Southern States. + +Through their friends and emissaries, in the Border and other Loyal +States of the Union,--the "Knights of the Golden Circle,"-- + + [The "Knights of the Golden Circle" was the most extensive of these + Rebel organizations. It was "an auxiliary force to the Rebel + Army." Its members took an obligation of the most binding + character, the violation of which was punishable by death, which + obligation, in the language of another, "pledged them to use every + possible means in their power to aid the Rebels to gain their + Independence; to aid and assist Rebel prisoners to escape; to vote + for no one for Office who was not opposed to the further + prosecution of the War; to encourage desertions from the Union + Army; to protect the Rebels in all things necessary to carry out + their designs, even to the burning and destroying of towns and + cities, if necessary to produce the desired result; to give such + information as they had, at all times, of the movements of our + Armies, and of the return of soldiers to their homes; and to try + and prevent their going back to their regiments at the front." + + In other words the duty of the Organization and of its members, was + to hamper, oppose, and prevent all things possible that were being + done at any time for the Union Cause, and to encourage, forward, + and help all things possible in behalf of the Rebel Cause. + + It was to be a flanking force of the Enemy--a reverse fire--a fire + in the rear of the Union Army, by Northern men; a powerful + cooperating force--all the more powerful because secret--operating + safely because secretly and in silence--and breeding discontent, + envy, hatred, and other ill feelings wherever possible, in and out + of Army circles, from the highest to the lowest, at all possible + times, and on all possible occasions.] + +--the "Order of American Knights" or "Sons of Liberty," and other +Copperhead organizations, tainted with more or less of Treason--they +stirred up all the old dregs of Pro-Slavery feeling that could possibly +he reached; but while the venomous acts and utterances of such +organizations, and the increased and vindictive energy of the armed +Rebels themselves, had a tendency to disquiet the public mind with +apprehensions as to the result of the Proclamation, and whether, indeed, +Mr. Lincoln himself would be able to resist the pressure, and stand up +to his promise of that Supplemental Proclamation which would give +definiteness and practical effect to the preliminary one, the masses of +the people of the Loyal States had faith in him. + +There was also another element, in chains, at the South, which at this +time must have been trembling with that mysterious hope of coming +Emancipation for their Race, conveyed so well in Whittier's lines, +commencing: "We pray de Lord; he gib us signs, dat some day we be Free" +--a hope which had long animated them, as of something almost too good +for them to live to enjoy, but which, as the War progressed, appeared to +grow nearer and nearer, until now they seemed to see the promised Land, +flowing with milk and honey, its beautiful hills and vales smiling under +the quickening beams of Freedom's glorious sun. But ah! should they +enter there?--or must they turn away again into the old wilderness of +their Slavery, and this blessed Liberty, almost within their grasp, +mockingly elude them? + +They had not long to wait for an answer. The 1st of January, 1863, +arrived, and with it--as a precious New Year's Gift--came the +Supplemental Proclamation, bearing the sacred boon of Liberty to the +Emancipated millions. + +At last, at last, no American need blush to stand up and proclaim his +land indeed, and in truth, "the Land of Freedom." + + + + + CHAPTER XXI. + + THE ARMED-NEGRO. + +Little over five months had passed, since the occurrence of the great +event in the history of the American Nation mentioned in the preceding +Chapter, before the Freed Negro, now bearing arms in defense of the +Union and of his own Freedom, demonstrated at the first attack on Port +Hudson the wisdom of emancipating and arming the Slave, as a War +measure. He seemed thoroughly to appreciate and enter into the spirit +of the words; "who would be Free, himself must strike the blow." + +At the attack (of May 27th, 1863), on Port Hudson, where it held the +right, the "Black Brigade" covered itself with glory. + + At Baton Rouge, before starting for Port Hudson, the color-guard of + the First Louisiana Regiment--of the Black Brigade--received the + Regimental flags from their white colonel, (Col. Stafford,) then + under arrest, in a speech which ended with the injunction: "Color- + guard, protect, defend, die for, but do not surrender these flags;" + to which Sergeant Planciancois replied: "Colonel, I will bring + these colors to you in honor, or report to God the reason why!" He + fell, mortally wounded, in one of the many desperate charges at + Port Hudson, with his face to the Enemy, and the colors in his + hand. + +Banks, in his Report, speaking of the Colored regiments, said: "Their +conduct was heroic. No troops could be more determined or more daring. +They made, during the day, three charges upon the batteries of the +Enemy, suffering very heavy losses, and holding their positions at +nightfall with the other troops on the right of our line. The highest +commendation is bestowed upon them by all the officers in command on the +right." + +The New York Times' correspondent said:--"The deeds of heroism performed +by these Colored men were such as the proudest White men might emulate. +Their colors are torn to pieces by shot, and literally bespattered by +blood and brains. The color-sergeant of the 1st Louisiana, on being +mortally wounded (the top of his head taken off by a sixpounder), hugged +the colors to his breast, when a struggle ensued between the two color- +corporals on each side of him, as to who should have the honor of +bearing the sacred standard, and during this generous contention one was +seriously wounded." + +So again, on Sunday the 6th of June following, at Milliken's Bend, where +an African brigade, with 160 men of the 23rd Iowa, although surprised in +camp by a largely superior force of the Enemy, repulsed him gallantly-- +of which action General Grant, in his official Report, said: "In this +battle, most of the troops engaged were Africans, who had but little +experience in the use of fire-arms. Their conduct is said, however, to +have been most gallant." + +So, also, in the bloody assault of July 18th, on Fort Wagner, which was +led by the 54th Massachusetts (Colored) Regiment with intrepidity, and +where they planted, and for some time maintained, their Country's flag +on the parapet, until they "melted away before the Enemy's fire, their +bodies falling down the slope and into the ditch." + +And from that time on, through the War--at Wilson's Wharf, in the many +bloody charges at Petersburg, at Deep Bottom, at Chapin's Farm, Fair +Oaks, and numerous other battle-fields, in Virginia and elsewhere, right +down to Appomattox--the African soldier fought courageously, fully +vindicating the War-wisdom of Abraham Lincoln in emancipating and arming +the Race. + +The promulgation of this New Year's Proclamation of Freedom +unquestionably had a wonderful effect in various ways, upon the outcome +of the War. + +It cleared away the cobwebs which the arguments of the loyal Border- +State men, and of the Northern Copperheads and other Disunion and Pro- +Slavery allies of the Rebels were forever weaving for the +discouragement, perplexity and ensnarement, of the thoroughly loyal out- +and-out Union men of the Land. It largely increased our strength in +fighting material. It brought to us the moral support of the World, +with the active sympathy of philanthropy's various forces. And besides, +it correspondingly weakened the Rebels. Every man thus freed from his +Bondage, and mustered into the Union Armies, was not only a gain of one +man on the Union side, but a loss of one man to the Enemy. It is not, +therefore, surprising that the Disunion Conspirators--whether at the +South or at the North--were furious. + +The Chief Conspirator, Jefferson Davis, had already, (December 23, +1862,) issued a proclamation of outlawry against General B. F. Butler, +for arming certain Slaves that had become Free upon entering his lines-- +the two last clauses of which provided: "That all Negro Slaves captured +in arms, be at once delivered over to the Executive authorities of the +respective States to which they belong, to be dealt with according to +the laws of said States," and "That the like orders be executed in all +cases with respect to all commissioned Officers of the United States, +when found serving in company with said Slaves in insurrection against +the authorities of the different States of this Confederacy." + +He now called the attention of the Rebel Congress to President Lincoln's +two Proclamations of Emancipation, early in January of 1863; and that +Body responded by adopting, on the 1st of May of that year, a +Resolution, the character of which was so cold-bloodedly atrocious, that +modern Civilization might well wonder and Christianity shudder at its +purport. + + [It was in these words: + + "Resolved, by the Congress of the Confederate States of America, In + response to the Message of the President, transmitted to Congress + at the commencement of the present session, That, in the opinion of + Congress, the commissioned officers of the Enemy ought not to be + delivered to the authorities of the respective States, as suggested + in the said Message, but all captives taken by the Confederate + forces ought to be dealt with and disposed of by the Confederate + Government. + + "SEC. 2.--That, in the judgment of Congress, the proclamations of + the President of the United States, dated respectively September + 22, 1862, and January 1, 1863, and the other measures of the + Government of the United States and of its authorities, commanders, + and forces, designed or tending to emancipate slaves in the + Confederate States, or to abduct such slaves, or to incite them to + insurrection, or to employ negroes in war against the Confederate + States, or to overthrow the institution of African Slavery, and + bring on a servile war in these States, would, if successful, + produce atrocious consequences, and they are inconsistent with the + spirit of those usages which, in modern warfare, prevail among + civilized nations; they may, therefore, be properly and lawfully + repressed by retaliation. + + "SEC. 3.--That in every case wherein, during the present war, any + violation of the laws or usages of war among civilized nations + shall be, or has been, done and perpetrated by those acting under + authority of the Government of the United States, on persons or + property of citizens of the Confederate States, or of those under + the protection or in the land or naval service of the Confederate + States, or of any State of the Confederacy, the President of the + Confederate States is hereby authorized to cause full and ample + retaliation to be made for every such violation, in such manner and + to such extent as he may think proper. + + "SEC. 4.--That every white person, being a commissioned officer, or + acting as such, who, during the present war, shall command negroes + or mulattoes in arms against the Confederate States, or who shall + arm, train, organize, or prepare negroes or mulattoes for military + service against the Confederate States, or who shall voluntarily + aid negroes or mulattoes in any military enterprise, attack, or + conflict in such service, shall be deemed as inciting servile + insurrection, and shall, if captured, be put to death, or be + otherwise punished at the discretion of the Court. + + "SEC. 5.--Every person, being a commissioned officer, or acting as + such in the service of the Enemy, who shall, during the present + war, excite, attempt to excite, or cause to be excited, a servile + insurrection, or who shall incite, or cause to be incited, a slave + to rebel, shall, if captured, be put to death, or be otherwise + punished at the discretion of the court. + + "SEC. 6.--Every person charged with an offense punishable under the + preceding resolutions shall, during the present war, be tried + before the military court attached to the army or corps by the + troops of which he shall have been captured, or by such other + military court as the President may direct, and in such manner and + under such regulations as the President shall prescribe; and, after + conviction, the President may commute the punishment in such manner + and on such terms as he may deem proper. + + "SEC. 7.--All negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged in war, or + be taken in arms against the Confederate States, or shall give aid + or comfort to the enemies of the Confederate States, shall, when + captured in the Confederate States, be delivered to the authorities + of the State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt + with according to the present or future laws of such State or + States."] + +But atrocious as were the provisions of the Resolution, or Act +aforesaid, in that they threatened death or Slavery to every Black man +taken with Union arms in his hand, and death to every White commissioned +officer commanding Black soldiers, yet the manner in which they were +executed was still more barbarous. + +At last it became necessary to adopt some measure by which captured +Colored Union soldiers might be protected equally with captured White +Union soldiers from the frequent Rebel violations of the Laws of War in +the cases of the former. + +President Lincoln, therefore, issued an Executive Order prescribing +retaliatory measures. + + [In the following words: + + "EXECUTIVE MANSION, + + "WASHINGTON, July 30, 1863. + + "It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its + citizens, of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to + those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. + The Law of Nations, and the usages and customs of War, as carried + on by civilized Powers, permit no distinction as to color in the + treatment of prisoners of War, as public enemies. + + "To sell or Enslave any captured person, on account of his Color, + and for no offense against the Laws of War, is a relapse into + barbarism, and a crime against the civilization of the age. + + "The Government of the United States will give the same protection + to all its soldiers, and if the Enemy shall sell or Enslave any one + because of his color, the offense shall be punished by Retaliation + upon the Enemy's prisoners in our possession. + + "It is therefore Ordered, that, for every soldier of the United + States killed in violation of the Laws of War, a Rebel soldier + shall be executed; and for every one Enslaved by the Enemy or sold + into Slavery, a Rebel soldier shall be placed at hard work on the + public works, and continued at such labor until the other shall be + released and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of War. + + "By order of the Secretary of War. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. E. D. + TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General."] + +It was hoped that the mere announcement of the decision of our +Government to retaliate, would put an instant stop to the barbarous +conduct of the Rebels toward the captured Colored Union troops, but the +hope was vain. The atrocities continued, and their climax was capped by +the cold-blooded massacres perpetrated by Forrest's 5,000 Cavalry, after +capturing Fort Pillow, a short distance above Memphis, on the +Mississippi river. + +The garrison of that Fort comprised less than 600 Union soldiers, about +one-half of whom were White, and the balance Black. These brave fellows +gallantly defended the Fort against eight times their number, from +before sunrise until the afternoon, when--having failed to win by fair +means, under the Laws of War,--the Enemy treacherously crept up the +ravines on either side of the Fort, under cover of flags of truce, and +then, with a sudden rush, carried it, butchering both Blacks and Whites +--who had thrown away their arms, and were striving to escape--until +night temporarily put an end to the sanguinary tragedy. + +On the following morning the massacre was completed by the butchery and +torture of wounded remnants of these brave Union defenders--some being +buried alive, and others nailed to boards, and burned to death. + + [For full account of these hideous atrocities, see testimony of + survivors before the Committee on Conduct and Expenditures of the + War. (H. R. Report, No. 65, 1st S. 38th Cong.)] + +And all this murderous malignity, for what?--Simply, and only, because +one-half of the Patriot victims had Black skins, while the other half +had dared to fight by the side of the Blacks! + +In the after-days of the War, the cry with which our Union Black +regiments went into battle:--"Remember Fort Pillow!"--inspired them to +deeds of valor, and struck with terror the hearts of the Enemy. On many +a bloody field, Fort Pillow was avenged. + +It is a common error to suppose that the first arming of the Black man +was on the Union side. The first Black volunteer company was a Rebel +one, raised early in May, 1861, in the city of Memphis, Tenn.; and at +Charleston, S. C., Lynchburg, Va., and Norfolk, Va., large bodies of +Free Negroes volunteered, and were engaged, earlier than that, to do +work on the Rebel batteries. + +On June 28th of the same year, the Rebel Legislature of Tennessee passed +an Act not only authorizing the Governor "to receive into the Military +service of the State all male Free persons of Color between the ages of +fifteen and fifty, or such number as may be necessary, who may be sound +in mind and body, and capable of actual service," but also prescribing +"That in the event a sufficient number of Free persons of Color to meet +the wants of the State shall not tender their services, the Governor is +empowered, through the Sheriffs of the different counties, to press such +persons until the requisite number is obtained." + +At a review of Rebel troops, at New Orleans, November 23, 1861, "One +regiment comprised 1,400 Free Colored men." Vast numbers of both Free +Negroes and Slaves were employed to construct Rebel fortifications +throughout the War, in all the Rebel States. And on the 17th of +February, 1864, the Rebel Congress passed an Act which provides in its +first section "That all male Free Negroes * * * resident in the +Confederate States, between the ages of eighteen and fifty years, shall +be held liable to perform such duties with the Army, or in connection +with the Military defenses of the Country, in the way of work upon the +fortifications, or in Government works for the production or preparation +of materials of War, or in Military hospitals, as the Secretary of War +or the Commanding General of the Trans-Mississippi Department may, from +time to time, prescribe:" while the third section provides that when the +Secretary of War shall "be unable to procure the service of Slaves in +any Military Department, then he is authorized to impress the services +of as many male Slaves, not to exceed twenty thousand, as may be +required, from time to time, to discharge the duties indicated in the +first section of the Act." + +And this Act of, the Rebel Congress was passed only forty days before +the fiendish massacre of the Union Whites and Blacks who together, at +Fort Pillow, were performing for the Union, "such duties with the Army," +and "in connection with the Military defenses of the Country," as had +been prescribed for them by their Commanding General! + +Under any circumstances--and especially under this state of facts-- +nothing could excuse or palliate that shocking and disgraceful and +barbarous crime against humanity; and the human mind is incapable of +understanding how such savagery can be accounted for, except upon the +theory that "He that nameth Rebellion nameth not a singular, or one only +sin, as is theft, robbery, murder, and such like; but he nameth the +whole puddle and sink of all sins against God and man; against his +country, his countrymen, his children, his kinsfolk, his friends, and +against all men universally; all sins against God and all men heaped +together, nameth he that nameth Rebellion." + +The inconsistency of the Rebels, in getting insanely and murderously +furious over the arming of Negroes for the defense of the imperiled +Union and the newly gained liberties of the Black Race, when they had +themselves already armed some of them and made them fight to uphold the +Slave-holders' Rebellion and the continued Enslavement of their race, is +already plain enough. + + [The writer is indebted to the courtesy of a prominent South + Carolinian, for calling his attention to the "Singular coincidence, + that a South Carolinian should have proposed in 1778, what was + executed in 1863-64--the arming of Negroes for achieving their + Freedom"--as shown in the following very curious and interesting + letters written by the brave and gifted Colonel John Laurens, of + Washington's staff, to his distinguished father: + + HEAD QUARTERS, 14th Jan., 1778. + + I barely hinted to you, my dearest father, my desire to augment the + Continental forces from an untried source. I wish I had any + foundation to ask for an extraordinary addition to those favours + which I have already received from you. I would solicit you to + cede me a number of your able bodied men slaves, instead of leaving + me a fortune. + + I would bring about a two-fold good; first I would advance those + who are unjustly deprived of the rights of mankind to a state which + would be a proper gradation between abject slavery and perfect + liberty, and besides I would reinforce the defenders of liberty + with a number of gallant soldiers. Men, who have the habit of + subordination almost indelibly impressed on them, would have one + very essential qualification of soldiers. I am persuaded that if I + could obtain authority for the purpose, I would have a corps of + such men trained, uniformly clad, equip'd and ready in every + respect to act at the opening of the next campaign. The ridicule + that may be thrown on the color, I despise, because I am sure of + rendering essential service to my country. + + I am tired of the languor with which so sacred a war as this is + carried on. My circumstances prevent me from writing so long a + letter as I expected and wish'd to have done on a subject which I + have much at heart. I entreat you to give a favorable answer to + Your most affectionate + JOHN LAURENS. + + The Honble Henry Laurens Esq. + President of Congress. + + + HEAD QUARTERS, 2nd Feb., 1778. + + My Dear Father: + + The more I reflect upon the difficulties and delays which are + likely to attend the completing our Continental regiments, the more + anxiously is my mind bent upon the scheme, which I lately + communicated to you. The obstacles to the execution of it had + presented themselves to me, but by no means appeared + insurmountable. I was aware of having that monstrous popular + prejudice, open-mouthed against me, of undertaking to transform + beings almost irrational, into well disciplined soldiers, of being + obliged to combat the arguments, and perhaps the intrigues, of + interested persons. But zeal for the public service, and an ardent + desire to assert the rights of humanity, determined me to engage in + this arduous business, with the sanction of your consent. My own + perseverance, aided by the countenance of a few virtuous men, will, + I hope, enable me to accomplish it. + + You seem to think, my dear father, that men reconciled by long + habit to the miseries of their condition, would prefer their + ignominious bonds to the untasted sweets of liberty, especially + when offer'd upon the terms which I propose. + + I confess, indeed, that the minds of this unhappy species must be + debased by a servitude, from which they can hope for no relief but + death, and that every motive to action but fear, must be nearly + extinguished in them. But do you think they are so perfectly + moulded to their state as to be insensible that a better exists? + Will the galling comparison between themselves and their masters + leave them unenlightened in this respect? Can their self love be + so totally annihilated as not frequently to induce ardent wishes + for a change? + + You will accuse me, perhaps, my dearest friend, of consulting my + own feelings too much; but I am tempted to believe that this + trampled people have so much human left in them, as to be capable + of aspiring to the rights of men by noble exertions, if some friend + to mankind would point the road, and give them a prospect of + success. If I am mistaken in this, I would avail myself, even of + their weakness, and, conquering one fear by another, produce equal + good to the public. You will ask in this view, how do you consult + the benefit of the slaves? I answer, that like other men, they are + creatures of habit. Their cowardly ideas will be gradually + effaced, and they will be modified anew. Their being rescued from + a state of perpetual humiliation, and being advanced as it were, in + the scale of being, will compensate the dangers incident to their + new state. + + The hope that will spring in each man's mind, respecting his own + escape, will prevent his being miserable. Those who fall in battle + will not lose much; those who survive will obtain their reward. + Habits of subordination, patience under fatigues, sufferings and + privations of every kind, are soldierly qualifications, which these + men possess in an eminent degree. + + Upon the whole, my dearest friend and father, I hope that my plan + for serving my country and the oppressed negro race will not appear + to you the chimera of a young mind, deceived by a false appearance + of moral beauty, but a laudable sacrifice of private interest, to + justice and the public good. + + You say, that my resources would be small, on account of the + proportion of women and children. I do not know whether I am + right, for I speak from impulse, and have not reasoned upon the + matter. I say, altho' my plan is at once to give freedom to the + negroes, and gain soldiers to the states; in case of concurrence, I + should sacrifice the former interest, and therefore we change the + women and children for able-bodied men. The more of these I could + obtain, the better; but forty might be a good foundation to begin + upon. + + It is a pity that some such plan as I propose could not be more + extensively executed by public authority. A well-chosen body of + 5,000 black men, properly officer'd, to act as light troops, in + addition to our present establishment, might give us decisive + success in the next campaign. + + I have long deplored the wretched state of these men, and + considered in their history, the bloody wars excited in Africa, to + furnish America with slaves--the groans of despairing multitudes, + toiling for the luxuries of merciless tyrants. + + I have had the pleasure of conversing with you, sometimes, upon the + means of restoring them to their rights. When can it be better + done, than when their enfranchisement may be made conducive to the + public good, and be modified, as not to overpower their weak minds? + + You ask, what is the general's opinion, upon this subject? He is + convinced, that the numerous tribes of blacks in the southern parts + of the continent, offer a resource to us that should not be + neglected. With respect to my particular plan, he only objects to + it, with the arguments of pity for a man who would be less rich + than he might be. + + I am obliged, my dearest friend and father, to take my leave for + the present; you will excuse whatever exceptionable may have + escaped in the course of my letter, and accept the assurance of + filial love, and respect of + Your + JOHN LAURENS] + +If, however, it be objected that the arming of Negroes by the Rebels was +exceptional and local, and, that otherwise, the Rebels always used their +volunteer or impressed Negro forces in work upon fortifications and +other unarmed Military Works, and never proposed using them in the clash +of arms, as armed soldiers against armed White men, the contrary is +easily proven. + +In a message to the Rebel Congress, November 7, 1864, Jefferson Davis +himself, while dissenting at that time from the policy, advanced by +many, of "a general levy and arming of the Slaves, for the duty of +soldiers," none the less declared that "should the alternative ever be +presented of subjugation, or of the employment of the Slave as a +soldier, there seems no reason to doubt what should then be our +decision." + +In the meantime, however, he recommended the employment of forty +thousand Slaves as pioneer and engineer laborers, on the ground that +"even this limited number, by their preparatory training in intermediate +duties Would form a more valuable reserve force in case of urgency, than +threefold their number suddenly called from field labor; while a fresh +levy could, to a certain extent, supply their places in the special +service" of pioneer and engineer work; and he undertook to justify the +inconsistency between his present recommendation, and his past attitude, +by declaring that "A broad, moral distinction exists between the use of +Slaves as soldiers in defense of their homes, and the incitement of the +same persons to insurrection against their masters, for," said he, "the +one is justifiable, if necessary; the other is iniquitous and unworthy +of a civilized people." + +So also, while a Bill for the arming of Slaves was pending before the +Rebel Congress early in 1865, General Robert E. Lee wrote, February +18th, from the Headquarters of the Rebel Armies, to Hon. E. Barksdale, +of the Rebel House of Representatives, a communication, in which, after +acknowledging the receipt of a letter from him of February 12th, "with +reference to the employment of Negroes as soldiers," he said: "I think +the Measure not only expedient but necessary * * * in my opinion, the +Negroes, under proper circumstances, will make efficient soldiers. * * +* I think those who are employed, should be freed. It would be neither +just nor wise, in my opinion, to require them to remain as Slaves"-- +thus, not only approving the employment of Black Slaves as soldiers, to +fight White Union men, but justifying their Emancipation as a reward for +Military service. And, a few days afterward, that Rebel Congress passed +a Bill authorizing Jefferson Davis to take into the Rebel Army as many +Negro Slaves "as he may deem expedient, for and during the War, to +perform Military service in whatever capacity he may direct," and at the +same time authorizing General Lee to organize them as other "troops" are +organized. + + [This Negro soldier Bill, according to McPherson's Appendix, p. + 611-612, passed both Houses, and was in these words: + + A Bill to increase the Military Forces of the Confederate States. + + "The Congress of the Confederate States of America do Enact, That + in order to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain + the rightful possession of the Confederate States, secure their + Independence and preserve their Institutions, the President be and + he is hereby authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of + Slaves the services of such number of able-bodied Negro men as he + may deem expedient for and during the War, to perform Military + service in whatever capacity he may direct. + + "SEC. 2.--That the General-in-Chief be authorized to organize the + said Slaves into companies, battalions, regiments, and brigades, + under such rules and regulations as the Secretary of War may + prescribe, and to be commanded by such officers as the President + may appoint. + + "SEC. 3.--That, while employed in the Service, the said troops + shall receive the same rations, clothing, and compensation as are + allowed to other troops in the same branch of the Service. + + "SEC. 4.--That if, under the previous sections of this Act, the + President shall not be able to raise a sufficient number of troops + to prosecute the War successfully and maintain the Sovereignty of + the States, and the Independence of the Confederate States, then he + is hereby authorized to call on each State, whenever he thinks it + expedient, for her quota of 300,000 troops, in addition to those + subject to Military service, under existing laws, or so many + thereof as the President may deem necessary, to be raised from such + classes of the population, irrespective of color, in each State, as + the proper authorities thereof may determine: Provided, that not + more than 25 per cent. of the male Slaves, between the ages of 18 + and 45, in any State, shall be called for under the provisions of + this Act. + + "SEC. 5.--That nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorize + a change in the relation of said Slaves."] + + + + + CHAPTER XXII. + + FREEDOM'S SUN STILL RISING. + +After President Lincoln had issued his Proclamation of Emancipation, the +friends of Freedom clearly perceived--and none of them more clearly than +himselfthat until the incorporation of that great Act into the +Constitution of the United States itself, there could be no real +assurance of safety to the liberties of the emancipated; that unless +this were done there would be left, even after the suppression of the +Rebellion, a living spark of dissension which might at any time again be +fanned into the flames of Civil War. + +Hence, at all proper times, Mr. Lincoln favored and even +urged Congressional action upon the subject. It was not, however, until +the following year that definite action may be said to have commenced in +Congress toward that end; and, as Congress was slow, he found it +necessary to say in his third Annual Message: "while I remain in my +present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the +Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to Slavery any person who +is Free by the terms of that Proclamation, or by any of the Acts of +Congress," + +Meantime, however, occurred the series of glorious +Union victories in the West, ending with the surrender to Grant's +triumphant Forces on the 4th of July, 1863, of Vicksburg--"the Gibraltar +of the West"--with its Garrison, Army, and enormous quantities of arms +and munitions of war; thus closing a brilliant and successful Campaign +with a blow which literally "broke the back" of the Rebellion; while, +almost simultaneously, July 1-3, the Union Forces of the East, under +Meade, gained the great victory of Gettysburg, and, driving the hosts of +Lee from Pennsylvania, put a second and final end to Rebel invasion of +Northern soil; gaining it, on ground dedicated by President Lincoln, +before that year had closed--as a place of sepulture for the Patriot- +soldiers who there had fallenin a brief, touching and immortal Address, +which every American child should learn by heart, and every American +adult ponder deeply, as embodying the very essence of true +Republicanism. + + [President Lincoln's Address, when the National Cemetery at + Gettysburg, Pa., was dedicated Nov. 19, 1863, was in these + memorable words: + + "Fourscore and seven years ago, our Fathers brought forth upon this + continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the + proposition that all men are created equal. + + "Now we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that + Nation, or any Nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long + endure. + + "We are met on a great battlefield of that War. We have come here + to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for + those who here gave their lives that that Nation might live. + + "It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. + + "But in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, + we can not hallow, this ground. The brave men, living and dead, + who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add + or detract. + + "The World will little note, nor long remember, what we say here; + but it can never forget what they did here. + + "It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the + unfinished work which they who fought here have, thus far, so nobly + advanced. + + "It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task + remaining before us; that from these honored dead we take increased + devotion to that Cause for which they gave the last full measure of + devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not + have died in vain; that this Nation, under God, shall have a new + birth of Freedom; and that Government of the People, by the People, + and for the People, shall not perish front the Earth."] + +That season of victory for the Union arms, coming, as it did, upon a +season of depression and doubtfulness, was doubly grateful to the loyal +heart of the Nation. Daylight seemed to be breaking at last. +Gettysburg had hurled back the Southern invader from our soil; and +Vicksburg, with the immediately resulting surrender of Port Hudson, had +opened the Mississippi river from Cairo to the Gulf, and split the +Confederacy in twain. + +But it happened just about this time that, the enrollment of the whole +Militia of the United States (under the Act of March, 1863), having been +completed, and a Draft for 300,000 men ordered to be made and executed, +if by a subsequent time the quotas of the various States should not be +filled by volunteering, certain malcontents and Copperheads, inspired by +agents and other friends of the Southern Conspirators, started and +fomented, in the city of New York, a spirit of unreasoning opposition +both to voluntary enlistment, and conscription under the Draft, that +finally culminated, July 13th, in a terrible Riot, lasting several days, +during which that great metropolis was in the hands, and completely at +the mercy, of a brutal mob of Secession sympathizers, who made day and +night hideous with their drunken bellowings, terrorized everybody even +suspected of love for the Union, plundered and burned dwellings, +including a Colored Orphan Asylum, and added to the crime of arson, that +of murdering the mob-chased, terror-stricken Negroes, by hanging them to +the lamp-posts. + +These Riots constituted a part of that "Fire in the Rear" with which the +Rebels and their Northern Democratic sympathizers had so frequently +menaced the Armies of the Union. + +Alluding to them, the N. Y. Tribune on July 15th, while its office was +invested and threatened with attack and demolition, bravely said: "They +are, in purpose and in essence, a Diversion in favor of Jefferson Davis +and Lee. Listen to the yells of the mob and the harangues of its +favorite orators, and you will find them surcharged with 'Nigger,' +'Abolition,' 'Black Republican,' denunciation of prominent Republicans, +The Tribune, etc. etc.--all very wide of the Draft and the exemption. +Had the Abolitionists, instead of the Slaveholders, revolted, and +undertaken to upset the Government and dissolve the Union, nine-tenths +of these rioters would have eagerly voluntered to put them down. It is +the fear, stimulated by the recent and glorious triumphs of the Union +Arms, that Slavery and the Rebellion must suffer, which is at the bottom +of all this arson, devastation, robbery, and murder." + +The Democratic Governor, Seymour, by promising to "have this Draft +suspended and stopped," did something toward quieting the Riots, but it +was not until the Army of the Potomac, now following Lee's retreat, was +weakened by the sending of several regiments to New York that the Draft- +rioting spirit, in that city, and to a less extent in other cities, was +thoroughly cowed. + + [In reply to Gov. Seymour's appeal for delay in the execution of + the Draft Law, in order to test its Constitutionality, Mr. Lincoln, + on the 7th of August, said he could not consent to lose the time + that would be involved in obtaining a decision from the U. S. + Supreme Court on that point, and proceeded: "We are contending with + an Enemy who, as I understand, drives every able-bodied man he can + reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a + slaughter-pen. No time is wasted, no argument is used. + + "This system produces an Army which will soon turn upon our now + victorious soldiers already in the field, if they shall not be + sustained by recruits as they should be. + + It produces an Army with a rapidity not to be matched on our side, + if we first waste time to re-experiment with the Volunteer system, + already deemed by Congress, and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted + as to be inadequate; and then more time to obtain a Court decision + as to whether a law is Constitutional which requires a part of + those not now in the Service to go to those who are already in it, + and still more time to determine with absolute certainty that we + get those who are to go, in the precisely legal proportion to those + who are not to go. + + "My purpose is to be in my action Just and Constitutional, and yet + Practical, in performing the important duty with which I am + charged, of maintaining the Unity and the Free principles of our + common Country."] + +Worried and weakened by this Democratic opposition to the Draft, and the +threatened consequent delays and dangers to the success of the Union +Cause, and depressed moreover by the defeat of the National forces under +Rosecrans at Chickamauga; yet, the favorable determination of the Fall +elections on the side of Union and Freedom, and the immense majorities +upholding those issues, together with Grant's great victory (November, +1863) of Chattanooga--where the three days of fighting in the +Chattanooga Valley and up among the clouds of Lookout Mountain and +Mission Ridge, not only effaced the memory of Rosecrans's previous +disaster, but brought fresh and imperishable laurels to the Union Arms-- +stiffened the President's backbone, and that of Union men everywhere. + +Not that Mr. Lincoln had shown any signs of weakness or wavering, or any +loss of hope in the ultimate result of this War for the preservation of +the Union--which now also involved Freedom to all beneath its banner. +On the contrary, a letter of his written late in August shows +conclusively enough that he even then began to see clearly the coming +final triumph--not perhaps as "speedy," as he would like, in its coming, +but none the less sure to come in God's "own good time," and furthermore +not appearing "to be so distant as it did" before Gettysburg, and +especially Vicksburg, was won; for, said he: "The signs look better. +The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the Sea". + + [This admirable letter, reviewing "the situation" and his policy, + was in these words + + EXECUTIVE MANSION, + WASHINGTON, August 26. 1863. + + HON. JAMES C. CONKLING + + MY DEAR SIR; Your letter inviting me to attend a Mass Meeting of + unconditional Union men to be held at the Capital of Illinois, on + the 3rd day of September, has been received. It would be very + agreeable for me thus to meet my old friends at my own home; but I + cannot just now be absent from here so long a time as a visit there + would require. + + The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional + devotion to the Union; and I am sure that my old political friends + will thank me for tendering, as I do, the Nation's gratitude to + those other noble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can + make false to the Nation's life. + + There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: + you desire Peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how + can we attain it? There are but three conceivable ways: First, to + suppress the Rebellion by force of Arms. This I am trying to do. + Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not + for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. + Are you for it? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you are + not for Force, nor yet for Dissolution, there only remains some + imaginable Compromise. + + I do not believe that any Compromise embracing the maintenance of + the Union is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly + opposite belief. The strength of the Rebellion is its Military, + its Army. That Army dominates all the Country, and all the people, + within its range. Any offer of terms made by any man or men within + that range, in opposition to that Army, is simply nothing for the + present: because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce + their side of a Compromise, if one were made with them. + + To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South, and Peace men of + the North, get together in Convention, and frame and proclaim a + Compromise embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can + that Compromise be used to keep Lee's Army out of Pennsylvania? + Meade's Army can keep Lee's Army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, + can ultimately drive it out of existence. But no paper Compromise + to which the controllers of Lee's Army are not agreed, can at all + affect that Army. In an effort at such Compromise we would waste + time, which the Enemy would improve to our disadvantage; and that + would be all. + + A Compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who + control the Rebel Army, or with the people, first liberated from + the domination of that Army, by the success of our own Army. Now, + allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from that Rebel + Army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any + Peace Compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. All + charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and + groundless. And I promise you that if any such proposition shall + hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from + you. I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the People, + according to the bond of service, the United States Constitution; + and that, as such, I am responsible to them. + + But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the Negro. + Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and + myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be + Free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor + proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your view, + provided that you are for the Union. I suggested compensated + Emancipation; to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to + buy Negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy Negroes, + except in such a way as to save you from greater taxation to save + the Union, exclusively by other means. + + You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have + it retracted. You say it is Unconstitutional. I think + differently. I think the Constitution invests the Commander-in- + Chief with the Law of War in Time of War. The most that can be + said, if so much, is, that Slaves are property. Is there, has + there ever been, any question that, by the Law of War, property, + both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it + not needed whenever it helps us and hurts the Enemy? Armies, the + World over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it; and + even destroy their own to keep it from the Enemy. Civilized + belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the + Enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among + the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non- + combatants, male and female. + + But the Proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If + it is not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid it cannot + be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some + of you profess to think its retraction would operate favorably for + the Union. Why better after the retraction than before the issue? + There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the + Rebellion before the Proclamation was issued, the last one hundred + days of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, + unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. + The War has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the + issue of the Proclamation as before. + + I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others that some of + the Commanders of our Armies in the field, who have given us our + most important victories, believe the Emancipation policy and the + use of Colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to + the Rebellion, and that at least one of those important successes + could not have been achieved when it was, but for the aid of Black + soldiers. + + Among the Commanders who hold these views are some who have never + had an affinity with what is called "Abolitionism," or with + "Republican party politics," but who hold them purely as Military + opinions. I submit their opinions as entitled to some weight + against the objections often urged that Emancipation and arming the + Blacks are unwise as Military measures, and were not adopted as + such, in good faith. + + You say that you will not fight to Free Negroes. Some of them seem + willing to fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then, + exclusively to save the Union. I issued the Proclamation on + purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have + conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to + continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare + you will not fight to Free Negroes. I thought that in your + struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the Negroes should cease + helping the Enemy, to that extent it weakened the Enemy in his + resistance to you. Do you think differently? I thought whatever + Negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for + White soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise + to you? But Negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why + should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them? If + they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the + strongest motives, even the promise of Freedom. And the promise, + being made, must be kept. + + The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to + the Sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it; nor yet wholly to + them. Three hundred miles up, they met New England, Empire, + Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The Sunny + South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a helping hand. On + the spot, their part of the history was jotted down in Black and + White. The job was a great National one, and let none be slighted + who bore an honorable part in it. And while those who have cleared + the Great River may well be proud, even that is not all. It is + hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than + at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less + note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the + watery margins they have been present, not only on the deep Sea, + the broad Bay, and the rapid River, but also up the narrow, muddy + Bayou, and wherever the ground was a little damp they had been, and + made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the Great Republic--for the + principle it lives by, and keeps alive--for Man's vast future-- + thanks to all. + + Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come + soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in + all future time. It will then have been proved that among Freemen + there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, + and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and + pay the cost. And there will be some Black men who can remember + that, with silent tongue, and clinched teeth, and steady eye, and + well poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great + consummation, while I fear there will be some White ones unable to + forget that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they have + striven to hinder it. + + Still, let us not be over sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let + us be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never + doubting that a just God, in his own good time, will give us the + rightful result. + + Yours very truly, + A. LINCOLN.] + + +But Chattanooga, and the grand majorities in all the Fall State- +elections, save that of New Jersey,--and especially the manner in which +loyal Ohio sat down upon the chief Copperhead-Democrat and Treason- +breeder of the North, Vallandigham--came most auspiciously to strengthen +the President's hands. + + [The head of the Knights of the Golden Circle, and the Democratic + candidate for Governor of Ohio] + +And now he saw, more clearly still, the approach of that time when the +solemn promise and declaration of Emancipation might be recorded upon +the sacred roll of the Constitution, and thus be made safe for all time. + +In his Annual Message of December, 1863, therefore, President Lincoln, +after adverting to the fact that "a year ago the War had already lasted +nearly twenty months," without much ground for hopefulness, proceeded to +say: + +"The preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, issued in September, was +running its assigned period to the beginning of the New Year. A month +later the final Proclamation came, including the announcement that +Colored men of suitable condition would be received into the War +service. The policy of Emancipation, and of employing Black soldiers, +gave to the future a new aspect, about which hope, and fear, and doubt, +contended in uncertain conflict. + +"According to our political system, as a matter of Civil Administration, +the General Government had no lawful power to effect Emancipation in any +State, and for a long time it had been hoped that the Rebellion could be +suppressed without resorting to it as a Military measure. It was all +the while deemed possible that the necessity for it might come, and that +if it should, the crisis of the contest would then be presented. It +came, and, as was anticipated, it was followed by dark and doubtful +days. + +"Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to take another view +* * * Of those who were Slaves at the beginning of the Rebellion, full +one hundred thousand are now in the United States Military service, +about one half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus +giving the double advantage of taking so much labor from the Insurgent +cause, and supplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so +many White men. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not +as good soldiers as any. + +"No servile insurrection, or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked +the measures of Emancipation and arming the Blacks. These measures have +been much discussed in Foreign Countries, and contemporary with such +discussion the tone of public sentiment there is much improved. At +home, the same measures have been fully discussed, supported, +criticised, and denounced, and the annual elections following are highly +encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the Country +through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. The crisis +which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past." + +After alluding to his Proclamation of Amnesty, issued simultaneously +with this Message, to all repentant Rebels who would take an oath +therein prescribed, and contending that such an oath should be (as he +had drawn it) to uphold not alone the Constitution and the Union, but +the Laws and Proclamations touching Slavery as well, President Lincoln +continued: + +"In my judgment they have aided and will further aid, the Cause for +which they were intended. To now abandon them, would be not only to +relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding +breach of faith." And, toward the close of the Message, he added: + +"The movements by State action, for Emancipation, in several of the +States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are matters of +profound gratulation. And while I do not repeat in detail what I have +heretofore so earnestly urged upon the subject, my general views remain +unchanged; and I trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of +AIDING THESE IMPORTANT STEPS TO A GREAT CONSUMMATION." + +Mr. Lincoln's patient but persistent solicitude, his earnest and +unintermitted efforts--exercised publicly through his Messages and +speeches, and privately upon Members of Congress who called upon, or +whose presence was requested by him at the White House--in behalf of +incorporating Emancipation in the Constitution, were now to give +promise, at least, of bearing good fruit. + +Measures looking to this end were submitted in both Houses of Congress +soon after its meeting, and were referred to the respective Judiciary +Committees of the same, and on the 10th of February, 1864, Mr. Trumbull +reported to the Senate, from the Senate Judiciary Committee, of which he +was Chairman, a substitute Joint Resolution providing for the submission +to the States of an Amendment to the United States Constitution in the +following words: + +"ART. XIII., SEC. I. Neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude, except +as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly +convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to +their jurisdiction. + +"SEC. II. Congress shall have power to enforce this Article by +appropriate legislation." + +This proposed Amendment came up for consideration in the Senate, on the +28th of March, and a notable debate ensued. + +On the same day, in the House of Representatives, Thaddeus Stevens--with +the object perhaps of ascertaining the strength, in that Body, of the +friends of out-and-out Emancipation--offered a Resolution proposing to +the States the following Amendments to the United States Constitution: + +"ART. I. Slavery and Involuntary Servitude, except for the punishment +of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, is forever +prohibited in the United States and all its Territories. + +"ART. II. So much of Article four, Section two, as refers to the +delivery up of Persons held to Service or Labor, escaping into another +State, is annulled." + +The test was made upon a motion to table the Resolution, which motion +was defeated by 38 yeas to 69 nays, and showed the necessity for +converting three members from the Opposition. Subsequently, at the +instance of Mr. Stevens himself, the second Article of the Resolution +was struck out by 72 yeas to 26 nays. + +The proceedings in both Houses of Congress upon these propositions to +engraft upon the National Constitution a provision guaranteeing Freedom +to all men upon our soil, were now interrupted by the death of one who +would almost have been willing to die twice over, if, by doing so, he +could have hastened their adoption. + +Owen Lovejoy, the life-long apostle of Abolitionism, the fervid +gospeller of Emancipation, was dead; and it seemed almost the irony of +Fate that, at such a time, when Emancipation most needed all its friends +to make it secure, its doughtiest champion should fall. + +But perhaps the eloquent tributes paid to his memory, in the Halls of +Congress, helped the Cause no less. They at least brought back to the +public mind the old and abhorrent tyrannies of the Southern Slave power; +how it had sought not not only to destroy freedom of Action, but freedom +of Speech, and hesitated not to destroy human Life with these; reminded +the Loyal People of the Union of much that was hateful, from which they +had escaped; and strengthened the purpose of Patriots to fix in the +chief corner-stone of the Constitution, imperishable muniments of human +Liberty. + +Lovejoy's brother had been murdered at Alton, Illinois, while +vindicating freedom of Speech and of the Press; and the blood of that +martyr truly became "the seed of the Church." Arnold--recalling a +speech of Owen Lovejoy's at Chicago, and a passage in it, descriptive of +the martyrdom,--said to the House, on this sad occasion: "I remember +that, after describing the scene of that death, in words--which stirred +every heart, he said he went a pilgrim to his brother's grave, and, +kneeling upon the sod beneath which sleeps that brother, he swore, by +the everlasting God, eternal hostility to African Slavery." And, +continued Arnold, "Well and nobly has he kept that oath." + +Washburne, too, reminded the House of the memorable episode in that very +Hall when, (April 5, 1860), the adherents of Slavery crowding around +Lovejoy with fierce imprecations and threats, seeking then and there to +prevent Free Speech, "he displayed that undaunted courage and matchless +bearing which extorted the admiration of even his most deadly foes." +"His"--continued the same speaker--"was the eloquence of Mirabeau, which +in the Tiers Etat and in the National Assembly made to totter the throne +of France; it was the eloquence of Danton, who made all France to +tremble from his tempestuous utterances in the National Convention. +Like those apostles of the French Revolution, his eloquence could stir +from the lowest depths all the passions of Man; but unlike them, he was +as good and as pure as he was eloquent and brave, a noble minded +Christian man, a lover of the whole human Race, and of universal Liberty +regulated by Law." + +Grinnell, in his turn, told also with real pathos, of his having +recently seen Lovejoy in the chamber of sickness. "When," said +Grinnell, "I expressed fears for his recovery, I saw the tears course +down his manly cheek, as he said 'Ah! God's will be done, but I have +been laboring, voting, and praying for twenty years that I might see the +great day of Freedom which is so near and which I hope God will let me +live to rejoice in. I want a vote on my Bill for the destruction of +Slavery, root and branch.'" + + + [Sumner, afterward speaking of Lovejoy and this Measure, said: "On + the 14th of December, 1863, he introduced a Bill, whose title + discloses its character: 'A Bill to give effect to the Declaration + of Independence, and also to certain Provisions of the Constitution + of the United States.' It proceeds to recite that All Men were + Created Equal, and were Endowed by the Creator with the Inalienable + Right to Life, Liberty and the Fruits of honest Toil; that the + Government of the United States was Instituted to Secure those + Rights; that the Constitution declares that No Person shall be + Deprived of Liberty without due Process of Law, and also provides-- + article five, clause two--that this Constitution, and the Laws of + the United States made in pursuance thereof, shall be the Supreme + Law of the Land, and the Judges in each State shall be bound + thereby, anything in the Constitution and Laws of any State to the + contrary notwithstanding; that it is now demonstrated by the + Rebellion that Slavery is absolutely incompatible with the Union, + Peace, and General Welfare for which Congress is to Provide; and it + therefore Enacts that All Persons heretofore held in Slavery in any + of the States or Territories of the United States are declared + Freedmen, and are Forever Released from Slavery or Involuntary + Servitude except as Punishment for Crime on due conviction. On the + same day he introduced another Bill to Protect Freedmen and to + Punish any one for Enslaving them. These were among his last + Public acts,"--Cong. Globe, 1st S., 38th C., Pt. 2, p. 1334] + +And staunch old Thaddeus Stevens said: "The change to him, is great +gain. The only regret we can feel is that he did not live to see the +salvation of his Country; to see Peace and Union restored, and universal +Emancipation given to his native land. But such are the ways of +Providence. Moses was not permitted to enter the Promised Land with +those he had led out of Bondage; he beheld it from afar off, and slept +with his fathers." "The deceased," he impressively added, "needs no +perishable monuments of brass or marble to perpetuate his name. So long +as the English language shall be spoken or deciphered, so long as +Liberty shall have a worshipper, his name will be known!" + +What influence the death of Owen Lovejoy may have had on the subsequent +proceedings touching Emancipation interrupted as we have seen by his +demise--cannot be known; but among all the eloquent tributes to his +memory called forth by the mournful incident, perhaps none, could he +have heard it, would have better pleased him than those two opening +sentences of Charles Summer's oration in the Senate--where he said of +Owen Lovejoy: "Could his wishes prevail, he would prefer much that +Senators should continue in their seats and help to enact into Law some +one of the several Measures now pending to secure the obliteration of +Slavery. Such an Act would be more acceptable to him than any personal +tribute,--" unless it might be these other words, which followed from +the same lips: "How his enfranchised Soul would be elevated even in +those Abodes to which he has been removed, to know that his voice was +still heard on Earth encouraging, exhorting, insisting that there should +be no hesitation anywhere in striking at Slavery; that this unpardonable +wrong, from which alone the Rebellion draws its wicked life, must be +blasted by Presidential proclamation, blasted by Act of Congress, +blasted by Constitutional prohibition, blasted in every possible way, by +every available agency, and at every occurring opportunity, so that no +trace of the outrage may continue in the institutions of the Land, and +especially that its accursed foot-prints may no longer defile the +National Statute-book. Sir, it will be in vain that you pass +Resolutions in tribute to him, if you neglect that Cause for which he +lived, and do not hearken to his voice!" + + + + + CHAPTER XXIII. + + "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" IN THE SENATE. + +During the great debate, which now opened in the Senate, upon the +Judiciary Committee's substitute resolution for the Amendment of the +Constitution, so as forever to prohibit Slavery within the United +States, and to empower Congress to pass such laws as would make that +prohibition effective--participated in by Messrs. Trumbull, Wilson, +Saulsbury, Davis, Harlan, Powell, Sherman, Clark, Hale, Hendricks, +Henderson, Sumner, McDougall and others--the whole history of Slavery +was enquired into and laid bare. + +Trumbull insisted that Slavery was at the bottom of all the internal +troubles with which the Nation had from its birth been afflicted, down +to this wicked Rebellion, with all the resulting "distress, desolation, +and death;" and that by 1860, it had grown to such power and arrogance +that "its advocates demanded the control of the Nation in +its interests, failing in which, they attempted its overthrow." He +reviewed, at some length, what had been done by our Government with +regard to Slavery, since the breaking out of hostilities against us in +that mad attempt against the National life; how, "in the earlier stages +of the War, there was an indisposition on the part of the Executive +Authority to interfere with Slavery at all;" how, for a long time, +Slaves, escaping to our lines, were driven back to their Rebel masters; +how the Act of Congress of July, 1861, which gave Freedom to all Slaves +allowed by their Rebel masters to assist in the erection of Rebel works +and fortifications, had "not been executed," and, said Mr. Trumbull, "so +far as I am advised, not a single Slave has been set at liberty under +it;" how, "it was more than a year after its enactment before any +considerable number of Persons of African descent were organized and +armed" under the subsequent law of December, 1861, which not only gave +Freedom to all Slaves entering our Military lines, or who, belonging to +Rebel masters, were deserted by them, or were found in regions once +occupied by Rebel forces and later by those of the Union, but also +empowered the President to organize and arm them to aid in the +suppression of the Rebellion; how, it was not until this law had been +enacted that Union officers ceased to expel Slaves coming within our +lines--and then only when dismissal from the public service was made the +penalty for such expulsion; how, by his Proclamations of Emancipation, +of September, 1862, and January, 1863, the President undertook to +supplement Congressional action--which had, theretofore, been confined +to freeing the Slaves of Rebels, and of such of these only as had come +within the lines of our Military power-by also declaring, Free, the +Slaves "who were in regions of country from which the authority of the +United States was expelled;" and how, the "force and effect" of these +Proclamations were variously understood by the enemies and friends of +those measures--it being insisted on the one side that Emancipation as a +War-stroke was within the Constitutional War-power of the President as +Commander-in-Chief, and that, by virtue of those Proclamations, "all +Slaves within the localities designated become ipso facto Free," and on +the other, that the Proclamations were "issued without competent +authority," and had not effected and could not effect, "the Emancipation +of a single Slave," nor indeed could at any time, without additional +legislation, go farther than to liberate Slaves coming within the Union +Army lines. + +After demonstrating that "any and all these laws and Proclamations, +giving to each the largest effect claimed by its friends, are +ineffectual to the destruction of Slavery," and protesting that some +more effectual method of getting rid of that Institution must be +adopted, he declared, as his judgment, that "the only effectual way of +ridding the Country of Slavery, so that it cannot be resuscitated, is by +an Amendment of the Constitution forever prohibiting it within the +jurisdiction of the United States." + +He then canvassed the chances of adoption of such an Amendment by an +affirmative vote of two thirds in each House of Congress, and of its +subsequent ratification by three-fourths of the States of the Union, and +declared that "it is reasonable to suppose that if this proposed +Amendment passes Congress, it will, within a year, receive the +ratification of the requisite number of States to make it a part of the +Constitution." His prediction proved correct--but only after a +protracted struggle. + +Henry Wilson also made a strong speech, but on different grounds. He +held that the Emancipation Proclamations formed, together, a "complete, +absolute, and final decree of Emancipation in Rebel States," and, being +"born of Military necessity" and "proclaimed by the Commander-in-Chief +of the Army and Navy, is the settled and irrepealable Law of the +Republic, to be observed, obeyed, and enforced, by Army and Navy, and is +the irreversible voice of the Nation." + +He also reviewed what had been done since the outbreak of the Rebellion, +by Congress and the President, by Laws and Proclamations; and, while +standing by the Emancipation Proclamations, declared that "the crowning +Act, in this series of Acts, for the restriction and extinction of +Slavery in America, is this proposed Amendment to the Constitution +prohibiting the existence of Slavery in the Republic of the United +States." + +The Emancipation Proclamation, according to his view, only needed +enforcement, to give "Peace and Order, Freedom and Unity, to a now +distracted Country;" but the "crowning act" of incorporating this +Amendment into the Constitution would do even more than all this, in +that it would "obliterate the last lingering vestiges of the Slave +System; its chattelizing, degrading, and bloody codes; its malignant, +barbarizing spirit; all it was, and is; everything connected with it or +pertaining to it, from the face of the Nation it has scarred with moral +desolation, from the bosom of the Country it has reddened with the blood +and strewn with the graves of patriotism." + +While the debate proceeded, President Lincoln watched it with careful +interest. Other matters, however, had, since the Battle of Chattanooga, +largely engrossed his attention. + +The right man had at last been found--it was believed--to control as +well as to lead our Armies. That man was Ulysses S. Grant. The grade +of Lieutenant General of the Army of the United States--in desuetude +since the days of Washington, except by brevet, in the case of Winfield +Scott,--having been especially revived by Congress for and filled by the +appointment and confirmation of Grant, March 2, 1864, that great soldier +immediately came on to Washington, received his commission at the hands +of President Lincoln, in the cabinet chamber of the White House, on the +9th, paid a flying visit to the Army of the Potomac, on the 10th, and at +once returned to Nashville to plan future movements. + +On the 12th, a General Order of the War Department (No. 98) was issued, +relieving Major-General Halleck, "at his own request," from duty as +"General-in-Chief" of the Army, and assigning Lieutenant-General U. S. +Grant to "the command of the Armies of the United States," "the +Headquarters of the Army" to be in Washington, and also with Lieutenant- +General Grant in the Field, Halleck being assigned to "duty, in +Washington, as Chief-of-staff of the Army, under the direction of the +Secretary of War and the Lieutenant-General commanding." + +By the same order, Sherman was assigned to the command of the "Military +Division of the Mississippi," composed of the Departments of the Ohio, +the Cumberland, the Tennessee, and the Arkansas; and McPherson to that +of the Department and Army of the Tennessee. + +On the 23rd of March, Grant was back again at Washington, and at once +proceeded to Culpepper Court-house, Virginia, where his Headquarters in +the field were, for a time, to be. + +Here he completed his plans, and reorganized his Forces, for the coming +conflicts, in the South-west and South-east, which were to result in a +full triumph to the Union Arms, and Peace to a preserved Union. + +It is evident, from the utterances of Mr. Lincoln when Vicksburg fell, +that he had then become pretty well satisfied that Grant was "the coming +man," to whom it would be safe to confide the management and chief +leadership of our Armies. Chattanooga merely confirmed that belief--as +indeed it did that of Union men generally. But the concurrent judgment +of Congress and the President had now, as we have seen, placed Grant in +that chief command; and the consequent relief to Mr. Lincoln, in thus +having the heavy responsibility of Army-control, long unwillingly +exercised by him, taken from his own shoulders and placed upon those of +the one great soldier in whom he had learned to have implicit faith,--a +faith earned by steady and unvaryingly successful achievements in the +Field--must have been most grateful. + +Other responsibilities would still press heavily enough upon the +President's time and attention. Questions touching the Military and +Civil government of regions of the Enemy's country, conquered by the +Union arms; of the rehabilitation or reconstruction of the Rebel States; +of a thousand and one other matters, of greater or lesser perplexity, +growing out of these and other questions; besides the ever pressing and +gigantic problems involved in the raising of enormous levies of troops, +and prodigious sums of money, needed in securing, moving, and supplying +them, and defraying the extraordinary expenses growing out of the +necessary blockade of thousands of miles of Southern Coast, and other +Naval movements; not to speak of those expenditures belonging to the +more ordinary business transactions of the Government. + +But chief of all things claiming his especial solicitude, as we have +seen, was this question of Emancipation by Constitutional enactment, the +debate upon which was now proceeding in the Senate. That solicitude was +necessarily increased by the bitter opposition to it of Northern +Copperheads, and by the attitude of the Border-State men, upon whose +final action, the triumph or defeat of this great measure must +ultimately depend. + +Many of the latter, were, as has already been shown in these pages, +loyal men; but the loyalty of some of these to their Country, was still +so questionably and so thoroughly tainted with their worshipful devotion +to Slavery--although they must have been blind indeed not to have +discovered, long ere this, that it was a "slowly-dying cause"--that they +were ever on the alert to delay, hamper, and defeat, any action, whether +Executive or Legislative, and however necessary for the preservation of +the Union and the overthrow of its mortal enemies, which, never so +lightly, impinged upon their "sacred Institution." + +This fact was well set forth, in this very debate, by a Senator from New +England--[Wilson of Massachusetts]--when, after adjuring the anti- +Slavery men of the age, not to forget the long list of Slavery's crimes, +he eloquently proceeded: + +"Let them remember, too, that hundreds of thousands of our countrymen in +Loyal States--since Slavery raised the banners of Insurrection, and sent +death, wounds, sickness, and sorrow, into the homes of the People--have +resisted, and still continue to resist, any measure for the defense of +the Nation, if that measure tended to impair the vital and animating +powers of Slavery. They resisted the Act making Free the Slaves used by +Rebels for Military purposes; the Confiscation of Rebel property and the +Freedom of the Slaves of Rebel masters; the Abolition of Slavery in the +Capital of the Nation, and the consecration of the Territories to Free +Labor and Free laboring men; the Proclamation of Emancipation; the +enlistment of Colored men to fight the battles of the Country; the +Freedom of the Black soldier, who is fighting, bleeding, dying for the +Country; and the Freedom of his wife and children. And now, when War +has for nearly three years menaced the life of the Nation, bathed the +Land in blood, and filled two hundred thousand graves with our slain +sons, these men of the Loyal States still cling to the falling fortunes +of the relentless and unappeasable Enemy of their Country and its +democratic institutions; they mourn, and will not be comforted, over the +expiring System, in the Border Slave-States; and, in tones of +indignation or of anguish, they utter lamentations over the Proclamation +of Emancipation, and the policy that is bringing Rebel States back again +radiant with Freedom." + +Among these "loyal" Democratic opponents of Emancipation, in any shape, +or any where, were not wanting men--whether from Loyal Northern or +Border States--who still openly avowed that Slavery was right; that +Rebellion, to preserve its continuance, was justifiable; and that there +was no Constitutional method of uprooting it. + +Saulsbury of Delaware, was representative and spokesman of this class, +and he took occasion during this very debate--[In the Senate, March 31, +1864.]--to defend Slavery as a Divine Institution, which had the +sanction both of the Mosaic and Christian Dispensations! + + [Said he: "Slavery had existed under some form or other from the + first period of recorded history. It dates back even beyond the + period of Abraham, the Father of the Faithful, in whose seed all + the Nations of the Earth were to be blessed. We find that, + immediately after the Flood, the Almighty, for purposes inscrutable + to us, condemned a whole race to Servitude: 'Vayomer Orur Knoan + Efet Afoatim Yeahio Le-echot:' 'And he said, Cursed be Canaan; + Slave of Slaves he shall be to his brethren.' It continued among + all people until the advent of the Christian era. It was + recognized in that New Dispensation, which was to supersede the + Old. It has the sanction of God's own Apostle; for when Paul sent + back Onesimus to Philemon, whom did he send? A Freeman? No, Sir. + He sent his (doulos,) a Slave, born as such, not even his + andrapodon, who was such by captivity in War. Among all people, + and in all ages, has this Institution, if such it is to be called, + existed, and had the countenance of wise and good men, and even of + the Christian Church itself, until these modern times, up at least + to the Nineteenth Century. It exists in this Country, and has + existed from the beginning." + + Mr. Harlan's reply to the position of Mr. Saulsbury that Slavery is + right, is a Divine Institution, etc., was very able and + interesting. He piled up authority after authority, English as + well as American, to show that there is no support of Slavery--and + especially of the title to services of the adult offspring of a + Slave--at Common Law; and, after also proving, by the mouth of a + favorite son of Virginia, that it has no legal existence by virtue + of any Municipal or Statutory Law, he declared that the only + remaining Law that can be cited for its support is the Levitical + Code"--as follows: + + "'Both thy Bondmen, and thy Bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall + be of the heathen that are round about you; of them shall ye buy + Bondmen and Bondmaids. + + "'Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among + you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, + which they begat in your land; and they shall be your possession. + + "'And ye shall take them as an Inheritance for your children after + you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your Bondmen + forever."' + + "I remark," said he, "in this connection, that the Levitical Code, + or the Hebrew Law, contains a provision for the Naturalization of + Foreigners, whether captives of War, or voluntary emigrants. By + compliance with the requirements of this law they became citizens, + entitled to all the rights and privileges and immunities of native + Hebrews. The Hebrew Slave Code, applicable to Enslaved Hebrews, is + in these words: + + "'And if thy brother, an Hebrew man, or an Hebrew woman, be sold + unto thee, and serve thee six years, then in the seventh year thou + shalt let him go Free from thee.' + + "Here I request the attention of those who claim compensation for + Emancipated Slaves to the text: + + "'And when thou sendest him out Free from thee, thou shalt not let + him go away empty: + + "'Thou shalt furnish him liberally out of thy floor'-- + + "Which means granaries-- + + "'and out of thy wine-press: of that wherewith the Lord thy God + hath blessed thee, thou shalt give unto him.' + + "'It shall not seem hard unto thee, when thou sendest him away Free + from thee, for he hath been worth a double-hired servant to thee, + in serving thee six years.' + + "These Hebrew Statutes provide that the heathen might be purchased + and held as Slaves, and their posterity after them; that under + their Naturalization Laws all strangers and sojourners, Bond and + Free, have the privilege of acquiring the rights of citizenship; + that all Hebrews, natives or naturalized, might assert and maintain + their right to Freedom. + + "At the end of six years a Hebrew Slave thus demanding his Liberty, + was not to be sent away empty; the owner, so far from claiming + compensation from his neighbors or from the Public Treasury for + setting him Free, was bound to divide with the Freedman, of his own + possessions: to give him of his flocks, of his herds, of his + granary, and of his winepress, of everything with which the Lord + Almighty had blessed the master during the years of his Servitude; + and then the owner was admonished that he was not to regard it as a + hardship to be required to Liberate the Slave, and to divide with + him of his substance. + + "The Almighty places the Liberated Slave's claim to a division of + his former master's property on the eternal principles of Justice, + the duty to render an equivalent for an equivalent. The Slave + having served six years must be paid for his Service, must be paid + liberally because he had been worth even more than a hired servant + during the period of his enslavement. + + "If, then," continued Mr. Harlan, "the justice of this claim cannot + be found either in Reason, Natural Justice, or the principles of + the Common Law, or in any positive Municipal or Statute regulation + of any State, or in the Hebrew Code written by the Finger of God + protruded from the flame of fire on the summit of Sinai, I ask + whence the origin of the title to the services of the adult + offspring of the Slave mother? or is it not manifest that there is + no just title? Is it not a mere usurpation without any known mode + of justification, under any existing Code of Laws, human or + Divine?"] + +He also undertook to justify Secession on the singular ground that "we +are sprung from a Race of Secessionists," the proof of which he held to +be in the fact that, while the preamble to, as well as the body of the +Convention of Ratification of, the old Articles of Confederation between +the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and +Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennslyvania, +Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and +Georgia, declared that Confederation to be a "Perpetual Union," yet, +within nine years thereafter, all the other States Seceded from New +York, Virginia, North Carolina, and Rhode Island by ratifying the new +Constitution for "a more perfect Union." + +He also endeavored to maintain the extraordinary proposition that "if +the Senate of the United States were to adopt this Joint-resolution, and +were to submit it to all the States of this Union, and if three-fourths +of the States should ratify the Amendment, it would not be binding on +any State whose interest was affected by it, if that State protested +against it!" And beyond all this, he re-echoed the old, old cry of the +Border-state men, that "the time is unpropitious for such a measure as +this." + +Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, however, by his great speech, of April +5th, in the Senate, did much to clear the tangle in the minds of some +faltering Union statesmen on this important subject. + +He reviewed the question of human Slavery from the time when the +Constitutional Convention was held; showed that at that period, as well +as at the time of the Declaration of our Independence "there was but one +sentiment upon the subject among enlightened Southern statesmen"--and +that was, that Slavery "is a great affliction to any Country where it +prevails;" and declared that "a prosperous and permanent Peace can never +be secured if the Institution is permitted to survive." + +He then traversed the various methods by which statesmen were seeking to +prevent that survival of Slavery, addressing himself by turns to the +arguments of those who, with John Sherman, "seemed," said he, "to +consider it as within the power of Congress by virtue of its Legislative +authority;" to those of the "many well-judging men, with the President +at their head, who," to again use his own words, "seem to suppose that +it is within the reach of the Executive;" and lastly, to those "who +express the opinion that it is not within the scope of either Executive +or Legislative authority, or of Constitutional Amendment;" and after +demolishing the arguments of those who held the two former of these +positions, he proceeded to rebut the assumption that Slavery could not +be abolished at all because it was not originally abolished by the +Constitution. + +Continuing, he said: "Remember, now, the question is, can that +Institution, which deals with Humanity as Property, which claims to +shackle the mind, the soul, and the body, which brings to the level of +the brute a portion of the race of Man, cease to be within the reach of +the political power of the People of the United States, not because it +was not at one time within their power, but because at that time they +did not exert the power? + +"What says the Preamble to the Constitution? How pregnant with a +conclusive answer is the Preamble, to the proposition that Slavery +cannot be abolished! What does that Preamble state to have been the +chief objects that the great and wise and good men had at heart, in +recommending the Constitution, with that Preamble, to the adoption of +the American People? That Justice might be established; that +Tranquillity might be preserved; that the common Defense and general +Welfare might be maintained; and, last and chief of all, that Liberty +might be secured. + +"Is there no Justice in putting an end to human Slavery? Is there no +danger to the Tranquillity of the Country in its existence? May it not +interfere with the common Defense and general Welfare? And, above all, +is it consistent with any notion, which the mind of man can conceive, of +human Liberty?" + +He held that the very Amendatory clause of the Constitution under which +it was proposed to make this Amendment, was probably inserted there from +a conviction of that coming time "when Justice would call so loudly for +the extinction of the Institution that her call could not be disobeyed," +and, when "the Peace and Tranquillity of the Land would demand, in +thunder tones," its destruction, "as inconsistent with such Peace and +Tranquillity." + +To the atrocious pretence that "there was a right to make a Slave of any +human being"--which he said would have shocked every one of the framers +of the Constitution had they heard it; and, what he termed, the nauseous +declaration that "Slavery of the Black race is of Divine origin," and +was intended to be perpetual; he said: + +"The Saviour of Mankind did not put an end to it by physical power, or +by the declaration of any existing illegality, in word. His mission +upon Earth was not to propagate His doctrines by force. He came to +save, not to conquer. His purpose was not to march armed legions +throughout the habitable Globe, securing the allegiance of those for +whose safety He was striving. He warred by other influences. He aimed +at the heart, principally. He inculcated his doctrines, more ennobling +than any that the World, enlightened as it was before His advent upon +Earth, had been able to discover. He taught to Man the obligation of +brotherhood. He announced that the true duty of Man was to do to others +as he would have others do to him--to all men, the World over; and +unless some convert to the modern doctrine that Slavery itself finds not +only a guarantee for its existence, but for its legal existence, in the +Scripture, excepts from the operation of the influences which His +morality brought to bear on the mind of the Christian world, the Black +man, and shows that it was not intended to apply to Black men, then it +is not true, it cannot be true, that He designed His doctrine not to be +equally applicable to the Black and to the White, to the Race of Man as +he then existed, or as he might exist in all after-time." + +To the assumption that the African Slaves were too utterly deficient and +degraded, mentally and morally, to appreciate the blessings of Freedom, +he opposed the eloquent fact that "wherever the flag of the United +States, the symbol of human Liberty, now goes; under it, from their +hereditary bondage, are to be found men and women and children +assembling and craving its protection 'fleeing from' the iron of +oppression that had pierced their souls, to the protection of that flag +where they are 'gladdened by the light of Liberty.'" + +"It is idle to deny," said he--"we feel it in our own persons--how, with +reference to that sentiment, all men are brethren. Look to the +illustrations which the times now afford, how, in the illustration of +that sentiment, do we differ from the Black man? He is willing to incur +every personal danger which promises to result in throwing down his +shackles, and making him tread the Earth, which God has created for all, +as a man, and not as a Slave." + +Said he: "It is an instinct of the Soul. Tyranny may oppress it for +ages and centuries; the pall of despotism may hang over it; but the +sentiment is ever there; it kindles into a flame in the very furnace of +affliction, and it avails itself of the first opportunity that offers, +promising the least chance of escape, and wades through blood and +slaughter to achieve it, and, whether it succeeds or fails, +demonstrates, vindicates in the very effort, the inextinguishable right +to Liberty." + +He thought that mischiefs might result from this measure, owing to the +uneducated condition of the Slave, but they would be but temporary. At +all events to "suffer those Africans," said he, "whom we are calling +around our standard, and asking to aid us in restoring the Constitution +and the power of the Government to its rightful authority, to be reduced +to bondage again," would be "a disgrace to the Nation." The +"Institution" must be terminated. + +"Terminate it," continued he, "and the wit of man will, as I think, be +unable to devise any other topic upon which we can be involved in a +fratricidal strife. God and nature, judging by the history of the past, +intend us to be one. Our unity is written in the mountains and the +rivers, in which we all have an interest. The very differences of +climate render each important to the other, and alike important. + +"That mighty horde which, from time to time, have gone from the +Atlantic, imbued with all the principles of human Freedom which animated +their fathers in running the perils of the mighty Deep and seeking +Liberty here, are now there; and as they have said, they will continue +to say, until time shall be no more: 'We mean that the Government in +future shall be, as it has been in the past--Once an exemplar of human +Freedom, for the light and example of the World; illustrating in the +blessings and the happiness it confers, the truth of the principles +incorporated into the Declaration of Independence, that Life and Liberty +are Man's inalienable right." + +Fortunately the Democratic opposition, in the Senate, to +this measure, was too small in numbers to beat the proposed Amendment, +but by offering amendments to it, its enemies succeeded in delaying its +adoption. + +However, on the 5th of April, an amendment, offered by Garrett Davis, +was acted upon. It was to strike out all after the preamble of the +XIIIth Article of Amendment to the Constitution, proposed by the +Judiciary Committee, and insert the words: + +"No Negro, or Person whose mother or grandmother is or was a Negro, +shall be a citizen of the United States and be eligible to any Civil or +Military office, or to any place of trust or profit under the United +States." + +Mr. Davis's amendment was rejected by a vote of 5 yeas to 32 nays; when +he immediately moved to amend, by adding precisely the same words at the +end of Section 1 of the proposed Article. It was again rejected. He +then moved to amend by adding to the said Section these words: + +"But no Slave shall be entitled to his or her Freedom under this +Amendment if resident at the time it takes effect in any State, the laws +of which forbid Free Negroes to reside therein, until removed from such +State by the Government of the United States." + +This also was rejected. Whereupon Mr. Powell moved to add, at the end +of the first Section, the words: + +"No Slave shall be Emancipated by this Article unless the owner thereof +shall be first paid the value of the Slave or Slaves so Emancipated." + +This likewise was rejected, on a yea and nay vote, by 2 yeas (Davis and +Powell) to 34 nays; when Mr. Davis moved another amendment, viz.: to add +at the end of Section 2 of the proposed Article, the following: + +"And when this Amendment of the Constitution shall have taken effect by +Freeing the Slaves, Congress shall provide for the distribution and +settlement of all the population of African descent in the United States +among the several States and Territories thereof, in proportion to the +White population of each State and Territory to the aggregate population +of those of African descent." + +This met a like fate; whereupon the Senate adjourned, but, on the +following day, the matter came up again for consideration: + +Hale, of New Hampshire, jubilantly declared that "this is a day that I +and many others have long wished for, long hoped for, long striven for. +* * * A day when the Nation is to commence its real life; or, if it is +not the day, it is the dawning of the day; the day is near at hand * * * +when the American People are to wake up to the meaning of the sublime +truths which their fathers uttered years ago, and which have slumbered, +dead-letters, upon the pages of our Constitution, of our Declaration of +Independence, and of our history." + +McDougall, of California, on the other hand,--utterly regardless of the +grandly patriotic resolutions of the Legislature of his State, which had +just been presented to the Senate by his colleague--lugubriously +declared: + +"In my judgment, it may well be said of us: + + 'Let the Heavens be hung in black + And let the Earth put mourning on,' + +for in the history of no Free People, since the time the Persians came +down upon Athens, have I known as melancholy a period as this day and +year of Our Lord in our history; and if we can, by the blessing of God +and by His favor, rise above it, it will be by His special providence, +and by no act of ours." + +The obstructive tactics were now resumed, Mr. Powell leading off by a +motion to amend, by adding to the Judiciary Committee's proposed +Thirteenth Article of the Constitution, the following: + +"ART. 14.--The President and Vice-President shall hold their Offices for +the term of four--[Which he subsequently modified to: 'six years']-- +years. The person who has filled the Office of President shall not be +reeligible." + +This amendment was rejected by 12 yeas to 32 nays; whereupon Mr. Powell +moved to add to the Committee's Proposition another new Article, as +follows: + +"ART. 14.--The principal Officer in each of the Executive Departments, +and all persons connected with the Diplomatic Service, may be removed +from office at the pleasure of the President. All other officers of the +Executive Departments may be removed at any time by the President or +other appointing power when their services are unnecessary, or for +dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty, +and when so removed, the removal shall be reported to the Senate, +together with the reasons therefor." + +This amendment also being rejected, Mr. Powell offered another, which +was to add a separate Article as follows: + +"ART. 14.--Every law, or Resolution having the force of law, shall +relate to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in its title." + +This also being rejected--the negative vote being, as in other cases, +without reference to the merits of the proposition--and Mr. Powell +having now apparently exhausted his obstructive amendatory talents, Mr. +Davis came to the aid of his Kentucky colleague by moving an amendment, +to come in as an additional Article, being a new plan of Presidential +election designed to do away with the quadrennial Presidential campaign +before the People by giving to each State the right to nominate one +candidate, and leaving it to a Convention of both Houses of Congress-- +and, in case of disagreement, to the Supreme Court of the United States +--to elect a President and a Vice-President. + +The rejection of this proposition apparently exhausted the stock of +possible amendments possessed by the Democratic opposition, and the +Joint Resolution, precisely as it came from the Judiciary Committee, +having been agreed to by that body, "as in Committee of the Whole," was +now, April 6th, reported to the Senate for its concurrence. + +On the following day, Mr. Hendricks uttered a lengthy jeremiad on the +War, and its lamentable results; intimated that along the Mississippi, +the Negroes, freed by the advance of our invading Armies and Navies, +instead of being happy and industrious, were without protection or +provision and almost without clothing, while at least 200,000 of them +had prematurely perished, and that such was the fate reserved for the +4,000,000 Negroes if liberated; and declared he would not vote for the +Resolution, "because," said he, "the times are not auspicious." + +Very different indeed was the attitude of Mr. Henderson, of Missouri, +Border-State man though he was. In the course of a speech, of much +power, which he opened with an allusion to the 115,000 Slaves owned in +his State in 1860--as showing how deeply interested Missouri "must be in +the pending proposition"--the Senator announced that: "Our great +interest, as lovers of the Union, is in the preservation and +perpetuation of the Union." He declared himself a Slaveholder, yet none +the less desired the adoption of this Thirteenth Article of Amendment, +for, said he: "We cannot save the Institution if we would. We ought not +if we could. * * * If it were a blessing, I, for one, would be +defending it to the last. It is a curse, and not a blessing. Therefore +let it go. * * * Let the iniquity be cast away!" + +It was about this time that a remarkable letter written by Mr. Lincoln +to a Kentuckian, on the subject of Emancipation, appeared in print. It +is interesting as being not alone the President's own statement of his +views, from the beginning, as to Slavery, and how he came to be "driven" +to issue the Proclamation of Emancipation, and as showing how the Union +Cause had gained by its issue, but also in disclosing, indirectly, how +incessantly the subject was revolved in his own mind, and urged by him +upon the minds of others. The publication of the letter, moreover, was +not without its effect on the ultimate action of the Congress and the +States in adopting the Thirteenth Amendment. It ran thus: + + + + "EXECUTIVE MANSION. + "WASHINGTON, April 4, 1864. + +"A. G. HODGES, Esq., Frankfort, Ky. + +"MY DEAR SIR: You ask me to put in writing the substance of--what I +verbally said the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and +Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: + +"I am naturally anti-Slavery. If Slavery is not wrong, nothing is +wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I +have never understood that the 'Presidency conferred upon me an +unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. + +"It was in the oath I took, that I would to the best of my ability +preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. I +could not take the Office without taking the oath. Nor was it my view +that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using the +power. + +"I understood, too, that in ordinary and Civil Administration this oath +even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on +the moral question of Slavery. I had publicly declared this many times, +and in many ways. + +"And I aver that, to this day, I have done no Official act in mere +deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on Slavery. + +"I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to +the best of my ability, imposed upon me the duty of preserving by every +indispensable means, that Government--that Nation, of which that +Constitution was the Organic Law. + +"Was it possible to lose the Nation and yet preserve the Constitution? + +"By General Law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must +be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a +limb. I felt that measures, otherwise Unconstitutional, might become +lawful, by becoming Indispensable to the Constitution through the +preservation of the Nation. + +"Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not +feel that, to the best of my ability, I have even tried to preserve the +Constitution, if, to save Slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit +the wreck of Government, Country, and Constitution, altogether. + +"When, early in the War, General Fremont attempted Military +Emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an +Indispensable Necessity. + +"When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested +the Arming of the Blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an +Indispensable Necessity. + +"When, still later, General Hunter attempted Military Emancipation, I +again forbade it, because I did not yet think the Indispensable +Necessity had come. + +"When in March, and May, and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive +appeals to the Border-States to favor compensated Emancipation, I +believed the Indispensable Necessity for Military Emancipation and +arming the Blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. + +"They declined the proposition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven +to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it, the +Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the Colored element. I +chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss, +but of this I was not entirely confident. + +"More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our Foreign +Relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white +Military force, no loss by it anyhow, or anywhere. On the contrary, it +shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, +and laborers. + +"These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no +cavilling. We have the men; and we could not have had them without the +measure. + +"And now let any Union man who complains of this measure, test himself +by writing down in one line, that he is for subduing the Rebellion by +force of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking one hundred and +thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they +would be best for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case +so stated, it is only because he cannot face the truth. + +"I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this +tale, I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have +controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. +Now at the end of three years' struggle, the Nation's condition is not +what either Party, or any man, devised or expected. God alone can claim +it. + +"Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a +great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the +South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial +history will find therein new causes to attest and revere the Justice +and goodness of God. + "Yours truly, + "A. LINCOLN." + + +The 8th of April (1864) turned out to be the decisive field-day in the +Senate. Sumner endeavored to close the debate on that day in a speech +remarkable no less for its power and eloquence of statement, its +strength of Constitutional exposition, and its abounding evidences of +extensive historical research and varied learning, than for its +patriotic fervor and devotion to human Freedom. + +Toward the end of that great speech, however, he somewhat weakened its +force by suggesting a change in the phraseology of the proposed +Thirteenth Amendment, so that, instead of almost precisely following the +language of the Jeffersonian Ordinance of 1787, as recommended by the +Judiciary Committee of the Senate, it should read thus: + +"All Persons are Equal before the Law, so that no person can hold +another as a Slave; and the Congress may make all laws necessary and +proper to carry this Article into effect everywhere within the United +States and the jurisdiction thereof." + +Mr. Sumner's idea in antagonizing the Judiciary Committee's proposition +with this, was to introduce into our Organic Act, distinctive words +asserting the "Equality before the Law" of all persons, as expressed in +the Constitutional Charters of Belgium, Italy and Greece, as well as in +the various Constitutions of France--beginning with that of September, +1791, which declared (Art. 1) that "Men are born and continue Free and +Equal in Rights;" continuing in that of June, 1793, which declares that +"All Men are Equal by Nature and before the Law:" in that of June, 1814, +which declares that "Frenchmen are Equal before the Law, whatever may be +otherwise their title and ranks;" and in the Constitutional Charter of +August, 1830 in similar terms to the last. + +"But," said he, "while desirous of seeing the great rule of Freedom +which we are about to ordain, embodied in a text which shall be like the +precious casket to the more precious treasure, yet * * * I am consoled +by the thought that the most homely text containing such a rule will be +more beautiful far than any words of poetry or eloquence, and that it +will endure to be read with gratitude when the rising dome of this +Capitol, with the Statue of Liberty which surmounts it, has crumbled to +dust." + +Mr. Sumner's great speech, however, by no means ended the debate. It +brought Mr. Powell to his feet with a long and elaborate contention +against the general proposition, in the course of which he took occasion +to sneer at Sumner's "most remarkable effort," as one of his "long +illogical rhapsodies on Slavery, like: + + '--a Tale + Told by an Idiot, full of sound and fury, + Signifying nothing.'" + +He professed that he wanted "the Union to be restored with the +Constitution as it is;" that he verily believed the passage of this +Amendment would be "the most effective Disunion measure that could be +passed by Congress"--and, said he, "As a lover of the Union I oppose +it." + + [This phrase slightly altered, in words, but not in meaning, to + "The Union as it was, and the Constitution as it is," afterward + became the Shibboleth under which the Democratic Party in the + Presidential Campaign of 1864, marched to defeat.] + +He endeavored to impute the blame for the War, to the northern +Abolitionists, for, said he: "Had there been no Abolitionists, North, +there never would have been a Fire-eater, South,"--apparently ignoring +the palpable fact that had there been no Slavery in the South, there +could have been no "Abolitionists, North." + +He heatedly denounced the "fanatical gentlemen" who desired the passage +of this measure; declared they intended by its passage "to destroy the +Institution of Slavery or to destroy the Union," and exclaimed: "Pass +this Amendment and you make an impassable chasm, as if you were to put a +lake of burning fire, between the adhering States and those who are out. +You will then have to make it a War of conquest and extermination before +you can ever bring them back under the flag of the Government. There is +no doubt about that proposition." + +Mr. Sumner, at this point, withdrew his proposed amendment, at the +suggestion of Mr. Howard, who expressed a preference "to dismiss all +reference to French Constitutions and French Codes, and go back to the +good old Anglo-Saxon language employed by our Fathers, in the Ordinance +of 1787, (in) an expression adjudicated upon repeatedly, which is +perfectly well understood both by the public and by Judicial Tribunals-- +a phrase, which is peculiarly near and dear to the people of the +Northwestern Territory, from whose soil Slavery was excluded by it." + + [The following is the language of "the Ordinance of 1787" thus + referred to: + + "ART. 6.--There shall be neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude + in the said Territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, + whereof the party shall have been duly convicted: * * *."] + +Mr. Davis thereupon made another opposition speech and, at its +conclusion, Mr. Saulsbury offered, as a substitute, an Article, +comprising no less than twenty sections--that, he said, "embodied in +them some things" which "did not meet his personal approbation," but he +had consented to offer them to the Senate as "a Compromise"--as "a Peace +offering." + +The Saulsbury substitute being voted down, the debate closed with a +speech by Mr. McDougall--an eloquent protest from his standpoint, in +which, after endorsing the wild statement of Mr. Hendricks that 250,000 +of the people of African descent had been prematurely destroyed on the +Mississippi, he continued. + +"This policy will ingulf them. It is as simple a truth as has ever been +taught by any history. The Slaves of ancient time were not the Slaves +of a different Race. The Romans compelled the Gaul and the Celt, +brought them to their own Country, and some of them became great poets, +and some eloquent orators, and some accomplished wits, and they became +citizens of the Republic of Greece, and of the Republic of Rome, and of +the Empire. + +"This is not the condition of these persons with whom we are now +associated, and about whose affairs we undertake to establish +administration. They can never commingle with us. It may not be within +the reading of some learned Senators, and yet it belongs to demonstrated +Science, that the African race and the European are different; and I +here now say it as a fact established by science, that the eighth +generation of the Mixed race formed by the union of the African and +European, cannot continue their species. Quadroons have few children; +with Octoroons reproduction is impossible. + +"It establishes as a law of nature that the African has no proper +relation to the European, Caucasian, blood. I would have them kindly +treated. * * * Against all such policy and all such conduct I shall +protest as a man, in the name of humanity, and of law, and of truth, and +of religion." + +The amendment made, as in Committee of the Whole, having been concurred +in, etc., the Joint Resolution, as originally reported by the Judiciary +Committee, was at last passed, (April 8th)--by a vote of 38 yeas to 6 +nays--Messrs. Hendricks and McDougall having the uneviable distinction +of being the only two Senators, (mis-)representing Free States, who +voted against this definitive Charter of American Liberty. + + [The full Senate vote, on passing the Thirteenth Amendment, was: + + YEAS-Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Conness, + Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, + Harding, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Johnson, Lane of + Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Ramsey, + Sherman, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade, + Wilkinson, Willey, and Wilson--38. + + NAYs--Messrs. Davis, Hendricks, McDougall, Powell, Riddle, and + Saulsbury.] + + + + + CHAPTER XXIV. + + TREASON IN THE NORTHERN CAMPS. + +The immortal Charter of Freedom had, as we have seen, with comparative +ease, after a ten days' debate, by the power of numbers, run the +gauntlet of the Senate; but now it was to be subjected to the much more +trying and doubtful ordeal of the House. What would be its fate there? +This was a question which gave to Mr. Lincoln, and the other friends of +Liberty and Union, great concern. + +It is true that various votes had recently been taken in that body, upon +propositions which had an indirect bearing upon the subject of +Emancipation, as, for instance, that of the 1st of February, 1864, when, +by a vote of 80 yeas to 46 nays, it had adopted a Resolution declaring +"That a more vigorous policy to enlist, at an early day, and in larger +numbers, in our Army, persons of African descent, would meet the +approbation of the House;" and that vote, although indirect, being so +very nearly a two-thirds vote, was most encouraging. But, on the other +hand, a subsequent Resolution, squarely testing the sense of the House +upon the subject, had been carried by much less than a two-thirds vote. + +This latter Resolution, offered by Mr. Arnold, after conference with Mr. +Lincoln, with the very purpose of making a test, was in these direct +terms: + +"Resolved, That the Constitution shall be so amended as to Abolish +Slavery in the United States wherever it now exists, and to prohibit its +existence in every part thereof forever." + +The vote, adopting it, was but 78 yeas to 62 nays. * This vote, +therefore, upon the Arnold Resolution, being nowhere near the two-thirds +affirmative vote necessary to secure the passage through the House of +the Senate Joint Resolution on this subject amendatory of the +Constitution, was most discouraging. + +It was definite enough, however, to show the necessity of a change from +the negative to the affirmative side of at least fifteen votes. While +therefore the outlook was discouraging it was far from hopeless. The +debate in the Senate had already had its effect upon the public mind. +That, and the utterances of Mr. Lincoln--and further discussion in the +House, it was thought, might produce such a pressure from the loyal +constituencies both in the Free and Border Slave-States as to compel +success. + +But from the very beginning of the year 1864, as if instinctively aware +that their Rebel friends were approaching the crisis of their fate, and +needed now all the help that their allies of the North could give them, +the Anti-War Democrats, in Congress, and out, had been stirring +themselves with unusual activity. + +In both Houses of Congress, upon all possible occasions, they had been +striving, as they still strove, with the venom of their widely- +circulated speeches, to poison the loyal Northern and Border-State mind, +in the hope that the renomination of Mr. Lincoln might be defeated, the +chance for Democratic success at the coming Presidential election be +thereby increased, and, if nothing else came of it, the Union Cause be +weakened and the Rebel Cause correspondingly strengthened. + +At the same time, evidently under secret instructions from their +friends, the Conspirators in arms, they endeavored to create heart- +burnings and jealousies and ill-feeling between the Eastern (especially +the New England) States and the Western States, and unceasingly attacked +the Protective-Tariff, Internal Revenue, the Greenback, the Draft, and +every other measure or thing upon which the life of the Union depended. + +Most of these Northern-Democratic agitators, "Stealing the livery of +Heaven to serve the Devil in," endeavored to conceal their treacherous +designs under a veneer of gushing lip-loyalty, but that disguise was +"too thin" to deceive either their contemporaries or those who come +after them. Some of their language too, as well as their blustering +manner, strangely brought back to recollection the old days of Slavery +when the plantation-whip was cracked in the House, and the air was blue +with execration of New England. + +Said Voorhees, of Indiana, (January 11, 1864) when the House was +considering a Bill "to increase the Internal Revenue and for other +purposes:" + +"I want to know whether the West has any friends upon the floor of this +House? We pay every dollar that is to be levied by this Tax Bill. * * +* The Manufacturing Interest pays not a dollar into the public Treasury +that stays there. And yet airs of patriotism are put on here by men +representing that interest. I visited New England last Summer, * * * +when I heard the swelling hum of her Manufactories, and saw those who +only a short time ago worked but a few hands, now working their +thousands, and rolling up their countless wealth, I felt that it was an +unhealthy prosperity. To my mind it presented a wealth wrung from the +labor, the sinews, the bone and muscle of the men who till the soil, +taxed to an illegitimate extent to foster and support that great System +of local wealth. * * * I do not intend to stand idly by and see one +portion of the Country robbed and oppressed for the benefit of another." + +And the same day, replying to Mr. Morrill of Vermont, he exclaimed: "Let +him show me that the plethoric, bloated Manufacturers of New England are +paying anything to support the Government, and I will recognize it." + +Washburne, of Illinois got back at this part of Mr. Voorhees's speech +rather neatly, by defending the North-west as being "not only willing to +stand taxation" which had been "already imposed, but * * * any +additional taxation which," said he, "may be necessary to crush out this +Rebellion, and to hang the Rebels in the South, and the Rebel +sympathizers in the North." And, he pointedly added: "Complaint has +been made against New England. I know that kind of talk. I have heard +too often that kind of slang about New England. I heard it here for ten +years, when your Barksdales, and your Keitts's, and your other Traitors, +now in arms against the Government, filled these Halls with their +pestilential assaults not only upon New England, but on the Free North +generally." + +Kelley of Pennsylvania, however, more fitly characterized the speech of +Voorhees, when he termed it "a pretty, indeed a somewhat striking, +paraphrase of the argument of Mr. Lamar, the Rebel Agent,--[in 1886, +Secretary of the Interior]--to his confreres in Treason, as we find it +in the recently published correspondence: 'Drive gold coin out of the +Country, and induce undue Importation of Foreign products so as to +strike down the Financial System. You can have no further hope for +Foreign recognition. It is evident the weight of arms is against us; +and it is clear that we can only succeed by striking down the Financial +System of the Country.' It was an admirable paraphrase of the +Instructions of Mr. Lamar to the Rebel Agents in the North." + +The impression was at this time abroad, and there were not wanting +elements of proof, that certain members of Congress were trusted +Lieutenants of the Arch-copperhead and Outlaw, Vallandigham. Certain it +is, that many of these leaders, six months before, attended and +addressed the great gathering from various parts of the Country, of +nearly one hundred thousand Vallandigham-Anti-War Peace-Democrats, at +Springfield, Illinois--the very home of Abraham Lincoln--which adopted, +during a lull, when they were not yelling themselves hoarse for +Vallandigham, a resolution declaring against "the further offensive +prosecution of the War" as being subversive of the Constitution and +Government, and proposing a National Peace Convention, and, as a +consequence, Peace, "the Union as it was," and, substantially such +Constitutional guarantees as the Rebels might choose to demand! And +this too, at a time (June 13, 1863), when Grant, after many recent +glorious victories, had been laying siege to Vicksburg, and its Rebel +Army of 37,000 men, for nearly a month, with every reason to hope for +its speedy fall. + +No wonder that under such circumstances, the news of such a gathering of +the Northern Democratic sympathizers with Treason, and of their adoption +of such treasonable Resolutions, should encourage the Rebels in the same +degree that Union men were disheartened! No wonder that Lee, elated by +this and other evidences of Northern sympathy with Rebellion, at once +determined to commence a second grand invasion of the North, and on the +very next day (June 14th,) moved Northward with all his Rebel hosts to +be welcomed, he fondly hoped, by his Northern friends of Maryland and +elsewhere! As we have seen, it took the bloody Battle of Gettysburg to +undeceive him as to the character of that welcome. + +Further than this, Mr. Cox had stumped Ohio, in the succeeding election, +in a desperate effort to make the banished Traitor, Vallandigham--the +Chief Northern commander of the "Knights of the Golden Circle" +(otherwise known as the "Order of the Sons of Liberty," and "O. A. K." +or "Order of American Knights")--Governor of that great State. + + [The Rebel General Sterling Price being the chief Southern + commander of this many-named treasonable organization, which in the + North alone numbered over 500,000 men. + + August, 1864.--See Report of Judge Advocate Holt on certain "Secret + Associations," in Appendix,] + +And it only lacked a few months of the time when quantities of copies of +the treasonable Ritual of the "Order of American Knights"--as well as +correspondence touching the purchase of thousands of Garibaldi rifles +for transportation to the West--were found in the offices of leading +Democrats then in Congress. + +When, therefore, it is said, and repeated, that there were not wanting +elements of proof, outside of Congressional utterances and actions, that +leading Democrats in Congress were trusted Lieutenants of the Supreme +Commander of over half a million of Northern Rebel-sympathizers bound +together, and to secrecy, by oaths, which were declared to be paramount +to all other oaths, the violation of which subjected the offender to a +shameful death somewhat like that, of being "hung, drawn, and +quartered," which was inflicted in the middle ages for the crime of +Treason to the Crown--it will be seen that the statement is supported by +circumstantial, if not by positive and direct, evidence. + +Whether the Coxes, the Garret Davises, the Saulsburys, the Fernando +Woods, the Alexander Longs, the Allens, the Holmans, and many other +prominent Congressmen of that sort,--were merely in close communion with +these banded "Knights," or were actual members of their secret +organizations, may be an open question. But it is very certain that if +they all were not oath-bound members, they generally pursued the precise +methods of those who were; and that, as a rule, while they often loudly +proclaimed loyalty and love for the Union, they were always ready to act +as if their loyalty and love were for the so-called Confederacy. + +Indeed, it was one of these other "loyal" Democrats, who even preceded +Voorhees, in raising the Sectional cry of: The West, against New +England. It was on this same Internal Revenue Bill, that Holman of +Indiana had, the day before Voorhees's attack, said: + +"If the Manufacture of the Northwest is to be taxed so heavily, a +corresponding rate of increase must be imposed on the Manufactures of +New England and Pennsylvania, or, will gentlemen tax us without limit +for the benefit of their own Section? * * * I protest against what I +believe is intended to be a discrimination against one Section of the +Country, by increasing the tax three-fold, without a corresponding +increase upon the burdens of other Sections." + +But these dreadfully "loyal" Democrats--who did the bidding of +traitorous masters in their Treason to the Union, and thus, while +posturing as "Patriots," "fired upon the rear" of our hard-pressed +Armies--were super-sensitive on this point. And, when they could get +hold of a quiet sort of a man, inclined to peaceful methods of +discussion, how they would, terrier-like, pounce upon him, and extract +from him, if they could, some sort of negative satisfaction! + +Thus, for instance, on the 22nd of January, when one of these quiet men +--Morris of New York--was in the midst of an inoffensive speech, Mr. Cox +"bristled up," and blusteringly asked whether he meant to say that he +(Cox) had "ever been the apologist or the defender of a Traitor?" + +And Morris not having said so, mildly replied that he did "not so +charge"--all of which little bit of by-play hugely pleased the touchy +Mr. Cox, and his clansmen. + +But on the day following, their smiles vanished under the words of +Spalding or Ohio, who, after referring to the crocodile-tears shed by +Democratic Congressmen over the Confiscation Resolution--on the pretense +that it would hunt down "innocent women and children" of the Rebels, +when they had never a word of sympathy for the widows and children of +the two hundred thousand dead soldiers of the Union-continued: + +"They can see our poor soldiers return, minus an arm, minus a leg, as +they pass through these lobbies, but their only care is to protect the +property of Rebels. And we are asked by one of my colleagues, (Mr. Cox) +does the gentleman from New York intend to call us Traitors? My friend, +Mr. Morris, modestly answered no! If he had asked that question of me, +he knows what my answer would have been! I have seen Rebel officers at +Johnson's Island, and I have taken them by the hand because they have +fought us fairly in the field and did not seek to break down the +Government while living under its protection. Yes, Sir, that gentleman +knows that I would have said to him that I have more respect for an open +and avowed Traitor in the field, than for a sympathizer in this Hall. +Four months have scarcely gone by since that gentleman and his political +friends were advocating the election of a man for the Gubernatorial +office in my State, who was an open and avowed advocate of Secession--AN +OUTLAW AT THAT!" + +And old Thaddeus Stevens--the clear-sighted and courageous "Old +Commoner"--followed up Spalding, and struck very close to the root and +animus of the Democratic opposition, when he exclaimed: + +"All this struggle by calm and dignified and moderate 'Patriots;' all +this clamor against 'Radicals;' all this cry of 'the Union as it Was, +and the Constitution as it Is;' is but a persistent effort to +reestablish Slavery, and to rivet anew and forever the chains of Bondage +on the limbs of Immortal beings. May the God of Justice thwart their +designs and paralyze their wicked efforts!" + + + + + CHAPTER XXV. + + "THE FIRE IN THE REAR." + +The treacherous purposes of professedly-loyal Copperheads being seen +through, and promptly and emphatically denounced to the Country by Union +statesmen, the Copperheads aforesaid concluded that the profuse +circulation of their own Treason-breeding speeches--through the medium +of the treasonable organizations before referred to, permeating the +Northern States,--would more than counteract all that Union men could +say or do. Besides, the fiat had gone forth, from their Rebel masters +at Richmond, to Agitate the North. + +Hence, day after day, Democrat after Democrat, in the one House or the +other, continued to air his disloyal opinions, and to utter more or less +virulent denunciations of the Government which guarded and protected +him. + +Thus, Brooks, of New York, on the 25th of January (1864), sneeringly +exclaimed: "Why, what absurdity it is to talk at this Capitol of +prosecuting the War by the liberation of Slaves, when from the dome of +this building there can be heard at this hour the booming of cannon in +the distance!" + +Thus, also, on the day following, Fernando Wood--the same man who, while +Mayor of New York at the outbreak of the Rebellion, had, under Rebel- +guidance, proposed the Secession from the Union, and the Independence, +of that great Metropolis,--declared to the House that: "No Government +has pursued a foe with such unrelenting, vindictive malignity as we are +now pursuing those who came into the Union with us, whose blood has been +freely shed on every battle-field of the Country until now, with our +own; who fought by our side in the American Revolution, and in the War +of 1812 with Great Britain; who bore our banners bravest and highest in +our victorious march from Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico, and who but +yesterday sat in these Halls contributing toward the maintenance of our +glorious institutions." + +Then he went on, in the spirit of prophecy, to declare that: "No purely +agricultural people, fighting for the protection of their own Domestic +Institutions upon their own soil, have ever yet been conquered. I say +further, that no revolted people have ever been subdued after they have +been able to maintain an Independent government for three years." And +then, warming up to an imperative mood, he made this explicit +announcement: "We are at War. * * * Whether it be a Civil War, +Rebellion, Revolution, or Foreign War, it matters little. IT MUST +CEASE; and I want this Administration to tell the American People WHEN +it will cease!" Again, only two days afterward, he took occasion to +characterize a Bill, amendatory of the enrollment Act, as "this +infamous, Unconstitutional conscription Act!" + +C. A. White, of Ohio, was another of the malcontents who undertook, with +others of the same Copperhead faith, to "maintain, that," as he +expressed it, "the War in which we are at present engaged is wrong in +itself; that the policy adopted by the Party in power for its +prosecution is wrong; that the Union cannot be restored, or, if +restored, maintained, by the exercise of the coercive power of the +Government, by War; that the War is opposed to the restoration of the +Union, destructive of the rights of the States and the liberties of the +People. It ought, therefore, to be brought to a speedy and immediate +close." + +It was about this time also that, emboldened by immunity from punishment +for these utterances in the interest of armed Rebels, Edgerton of +Indiana, was put forward to offer resolutions "for Peace, upon the basis +of a restoration of the Federal Union under the Constitution as it is," +etc. + +Thereafter, in both Senate and House, such speeches by Rebel- +sympathizers, the aiders and abettors of Treason, grew more frequent and +more virulent than ever. As was well said to the House, by one of the +Union members from Ohio (Mr. Eckley): + +"A stranger, if he listened to the debates here, would think himself in +the Confederate Congress. I do not believe that if these Halls were +occupied to-day by Davis, Toombs, Wigfall, Rhett, and Pryor, they could +add anything to the violence of assault, the falsity of accusation, or +the malignity of attack, with which the Government has been assailed, +and the able, patriotic, and devoted men who are charged with its +Administration have been maligned, in both ends of the Capitol. The +closing scenes of the Thirty-Sixth Congress, the treasonable +declarations there made, contain nothing that we cannot hear, in the +freedom of debate, without going to Richmond or to the camps of Treason, +where most of the actors in those scenes are now in arms against us." + +With such a condition of things in Congress, it is not surprising that +the Richmond Enquirer announced that the North was "distracted, +exhausted, and impoverished," and would, "through the agency of a strong +conservative element in the Free States," soon treat with the Rebels "on +acceptable terms." + +Things indeed had reached such a pass, in the House of Representatives +especially, that it was felt they could not much longer go on in this +manner; that an example must be made of some one or other of these +Copperheads. But the very knowledge of the existence of such a feeling +of just and patriotic irritation against the continued free utterance of +such sentiments in the Halls of Congress, seemed only to make some of +them still more defiant. And, when the 8th of April dawned, it was +known among all the Democrats in Congress, that Alexander Long proposed +that day to make a speech which would "go a bow-shot beyond them all" in +uttered Treason. He would speak right out, what the other Conspirators +thought and meant, but dared not utter, before the World. + +A crowded floor, and packed galleries, were on hand to listen to the +written, deliberate Treason, as it fell from his lips in the House. His +speech began with an arraignment of the Government for treachery, +incompetence, failure, tyranny, and all sorts of barbarous actions and +harsh intentions, toward the Rebels--which led him to the indignant +exclamation: + +"Will they throw down their arms and submit to the terms? Who shall +believe that the free, proud American blood, which courses with as quick +pulsation through their veins as our own, will not be spilled to the +last drop in resistance?" + +Warming up, he proceeded to say: "Can the Union be restored by War? I +answer most unhesitatingly and deliberately, No, never; 'War is final, +eternal separation.'" + +He claimed that the War was "wrong;" that it was waged "in violation of +the Constitution," and would "if continued, result speedily in the +destruction of the Government and the loss of Civil Liberty, and ought +therefore, to immediately cease." + +He held also "that the Confederate States are out of the Union, +occupying the position of an Independent Power de facto; have been +acknowledged as a belligerent both by Foreign Nations and our own +Government; maintained their Declaration of Independence, for three +years, by force of arms; and the War has cut asunder all the obligations +that bound them under the Constitution." + +"Much better," said he, "would it have been for us in the beginning, +much better would it be for us now, to consent to a division of our +magnificent Empire, and cultivate amicable relations with our estranged +brethren, than to seek to hold them to us by the power of the sword. * +* * I am reluctantly and despondingly forced to the conclusion that the +Union is lost, never to be restored. * * * I see neither North nor +South, any sentiment on which it is possible to build a Union. * * * in +attempting to preserve our Jurisdiction over the Southern States we have +lost our Constitutional Form of Government over the Northern. * * * The +very idea upon which this War is founded, coercion of States, leads to +despotism. * * * I now believe that there are but two alternatives, and +they are either an acknowledgment of the Independence of the South as an +independent Nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a +People; and of these alternatives I prefer the former." + +As Long took his seat, amid the congratulations of his Democratic +friends, Garfield arose, and, to compliments upon the former's peculiar +candor and honesty, added denunciation for his Treason. After drawing +an effective parallel between Lord Fairfax and Robert E. Lee, both of +whom had cast their lots unwillingly with the enemies of this Land, when +the Wars of the Revolution and of the Rebellion respectively opened, +Garfield proceeded: + +"But now, when hundreds of thousands of brave souls have gone up to God +under the shadow of the Flag, and when thousands more, maimed and +shattered in the Contest, are sadly awaiting the deliverance of death; +now, when three years of terrific warfare have raged over us, when our +Armies have pushed the Rebellion back over mountains and rivers and +crowded it back into narrow limits, until a wall of fire girds it; now, +when the uplifted hand of a majestic People is about to let fall the +lightning of its conquering power upon the Rebellion; now, in the quiet +of this Hall, hatched in the lowest depths of a similar dark Treason, +there rises a Benedict Arnold and proposes to surrender us all up, body +and spirit, the Nation and the Flag, its genius and its honor, now and +forever, to the accursed Traitors to our Country. And that proposition +comes--God forgive and pity my beloved State!--it comes from a citizen +of the honored and loyal Commonwealth of Ohio! I implore you, brethren +in this House, not to believe that many such births ever gave pangs to +my mother-State such as she suffered when that Traitor was born!" + +As he uttered these sturdy words, the House and galleries were agitated +with that peculiar rustling movement and low murmuring sound known as a +"sensation," while the Republican side with difficulty restrained the +applause they felt like giving, until he sadly proceeded: + +"I beg you not to believe that on the soil of that State another such +growth has ever deformed the face of Nature and darkened the light of +God's day." + +The hush that followed was broken by the suggestive whisper: +"Vallandigham!" + +"But, ah," continued the Speaker--as his voice grew sadder still--"I am +reminded that there are other such. My zeal and love for Ohio have +carried me too far. I retract. I remember that only a few days since, +a political Convention met at the Capital of my State, and almost +decided, to select from just such material, a representative for the +Democratic Party in the coming contest; and today, what claims to be a +majority of the Democracy of that State say that they have been cheated +or they would have made that choice!" + + [This refers to Horatio Seymour, the Democratic Governor of New + York.] + +After referring to the "insidious work" of the "Knights of the Golden +Circle" in seeking "to corrupt the Army and destroy its efficiency;" the +"riots and murders which," said he, "their agents are committing +throughout the Loyal North, under the lead and guidance of the Party +whose Representatives sit yonder across the aisle;" he continued: "and +now, just as the time is coming on when we are to select a President for +the next four years, one rises among them and fires the Beacon, throws +up the blue-light--which will be seen, and rejoiced over, at the Rebel +Capital in Richmond--as the signal that the Traitors in our camp are +organized and ready for their hellish work! I believe the utterance of +to-day is the uplifted banner of revolt. I ask you to mark the signal +that blazes here, and see if there will not soon appear the answering +signals of Traitors all over the Land. * * * If these men do mean to +light the torch of War in all our homes; if they have resolved to begin +the fearful work which will redden our streets, and this Capitol, with +blood, the American People should know it at once, and prepare to meet +it." + +At the close of Mr. Garfield's patriotic and eloquent remarks, Mr. Long +again got the floor, declared that what he had said, he believed to be +right, and he would "stand by it," though he had to "stand solitary and +alone," and "even if it were necessary to brave bayonets, and prisons, +and all the tyranny which may be imposed by the whole power and force of +the Administration." + +Said he: "I have deliberately uttered my sentiments in that speech, and +I will not retract one syllable of it." And, to "rub it in" a little +stronger, he exclaimed, as he took his seat, just before adjournment: +"Give me Liberty, even if confined to an Island of Greece, or a Canton +of Switzerland, rather than an Empire and a Despotism as we have here +to-day!" + +This treasonable speech naturally created much excitement throughout the +Country. + +On the following day (Saturday, April 9, 1864), immediately after +prayer, the reading of the Journal being dispensed with, the Speaker of +the House (Colfax) came down from the Speaker's Chair, and, from the +floor, offered a Preamble and Resolution, which ended thus: + +"Resolved, That Alexander Long, a Representative from the second +district of Ohio, having, on the 8th day of April, 1864, declared +himself in favor of recognizing the Independence and Nationality of the +so-called Confederacy now in arms against the Union, and thereby 'given +aid, Countenance and encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility +to the United States,' is hereby expelled." + +The debate which ensued consumed nearly a week, and every member of +prominence, on both the Republican and Democratic sides, took part in +it--the Democrats almost invariably being careful to protest their own +loyalty, and yet attempting to justify the braver and more candid +utterances of the accused member. + +Mr. Cox led off, April 9th, in the defense, by counterattack. He quoted +remarks made to the House (March 18, 1864) by Mr. Julian, of Indiana, to +the effect that "Our Country, united and Free, must be saved, at +whatever hazard or cost; and nothing, not even the Constitution, must be +allowed to hold back the uplifted arm of the Government in blasting the +power of the Rebels forever;"--and upon this, adopting the language of +another--[Judge Thomas, of Massachusetts.]--Mr. Cox declared that "to +make this a War, with the sword in one hand to defend the Constitution, +and a hammer in the other to break it to pieces, is no less treasonable +than Secession itself; and that, outside the pale of the Constitution, +the whole struggle is revolutionary." + +He thought, for such words as he had just quoted, Julian ought to have +been expelled, if those of Long justified expulsion! + +Finally, being pressed by Julian to define his own position, as between +the Life of the Nation, and the Infraction of the United States +Constitution, Mr. Cox said: "I will say this, that UNDER NO +CIRCUMSTANCES CONCEIVABLE BY THE HUMAN MIND WOULD I EVER VIOLATE THAT +CONSTITUTION FOR ANY PURPOSE!" + +This sentiment was loudly applauded, and received with cries of "THAT IS +IT!" "THAT'S IT!" by the Democratic side of the House, apparently in +utter contempt for the express and emphatic declaration of Jefferson +that: "A strict observance of the written laws is doubtless one of the +highest duties of a good citizen, but it is not the highest. The laws +of Necessity, of Self-preservation, of SAVING OUR COUNTRY WHEN IN +DANGER, are of higher obligation. To LOSE OUR COUNTRY by a scrupulous +adherence to written law WOULD BE TO LOSE THE LAW ITSELF, with Life, +Liberty, Property, and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus +absolutely SACRIFICING THE END TO THE MEANS." + + [In a letter to J. B. Colvin, Sept. 20, 1810, quoted at the time + for their information, and which may be found at page 542 of vol. + v., of Jefferson's Works.] + +Indeed these extreme sticklers for the letter of the Constitution, who +would have sacrificed Country, kindred, friends, honesty, truth, and all +ambitions on Earth and hopes for Heaven, rather than violate it--for +that is what Mr. Cox's announcement and the Democratic endorsement of it +meant, if they meant anything--were of the same stripe as those +querulous Ancients, for the benefit of whom the Apostle wrote: "For THE +LETTER KILLETH, but the Spirit giveth life." + +And now, inspired apparently by the reckless utterances +of Long, if not by the more cautious diatribe of Cox, Harris of +Maryland, determining if possible to outdo them all, not only declared +that he was willing to go with his friend Long wherever the House chose +to send him, but added: "I am a peace man, a radical peace man; and I am +for Peace by the recognition of the South, for the recognition of the +Southern Confederacy; and I am for acquiescence in the doctrine of +Secession." And, said he, in the midst of the laughter which followed +the sensation his treasonable words occasioned, "Laugh as you may, you +have got to come to it!" And then, with that singular obfuscation of +ideas engendered, in the heads of their followers, by the astute Rebel- +sympathizing leaders, he went on: + +"I am for Peace, and I am for Union too. I am as good a Union man as +any of you. [Laughter.] I am a better Union man than any of you! +[Great Laughter.] * * * I look upon War as Disunion." + +After declaring that, if the principle of the expulsion Resolution was +to be carried out, his "friend," Mr. Long, "would be a martyr in a +glorious cause"--he proceeded to announce his own candidacy for +expulsion, in the following terms: + +"Mr. Speaker, in the early part of this Secession movement, there was a +Resolution offered, pledging men and money to carry on the War. My +principles were then, and are now, against the War. I stood, solitary +and alone, in voting against that Resolution, and whenever a similar +proposition is brought here it will meet with my opposition. Not one +dollar, nor one man, I swear, by the Eternal, will I vote for this +infernal, this stupendous folly, more stupendous than ever disgraced any +civilized People on the face of God's Earth. If that be Treason, make +the most of it! + +"The South asked you to let them go in peace. But no, you said you +would bring them into subjugation. That is not done yet, and God +Almighty grant that it never may be. I hope that you will never +subjugate the South. If she is to be ever again in the Union, I hope it +will be with her own consent; and I hope that that consent will be +obtained by some other mode than by the sword. 'If this be Treason, +make the most of it!'" + +An extraordinary scene at once occurred--Mr. Tracy desiring "to know +whether, in these Halls, the gentleman from Maryland invoked Almighty +God that the American Arms should not prevail?" "Whether such language +is not Treason?" and "whether it is in order to talk Treason in this +Hall?"--his patriotic queries being almost drowned in the incessant +cries of "Order!" "Order!" and great disorder, and confusion, on the +Democratic side of the House. + +Finally the treasonable language was taken down by the Clerk, and, while +a Resolution for the expulsion of Mr. Harris was being written out, Mr. +Fernando Wood--coming, as he said, from a bed of "severe sickness," +quoted the language used by Mr. Long, to wit: + +"I now believe there are but two alternatives, and they are either the +acknowledgment of the Independence of the South as an independent +Nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a People; and +of these alternatives I prefer the former"--and declared that "if he is +to be expelled for the utterance of that sentiment, you may include me +in it, because I concur fully in that sentiment." + + [He afterwards (April 11,) said he did not agree with Mr. Long's + opinions.] + +Every effort was unavailingly made by the Democrats, under the lead of +Messrs. Cox--[In 1886 American Minister at Constantinople.]--and +Pendleton,--[In 1886 American Minister at Berlin.]--to prevent action +upon the new Resolution of expulsion, which was in these words: + +"Whereas, Hon. Benjamin G. Harris, a member of the House of +Representatives of the United States from the State of Maryland, has on +this day used the following language, to wit: 'The South asked you to +let them go in peace. But no; you said you would bring them into +subjection. That is not done yet, and God Almighty grant that it never +may be. I hope that you will never subjugate the South.' And whereas, +such language is treasonable, and is a gross disrespect of this House: +Therefore, "Be it Resolved, That the said Benjamin G. Harris be expelled +from this House." + +Upon reaching a vote, however, the Resolution was lost, there being only +81 yeas, to 58 (Democratic) nays--two-thirds not having voted +affirmatively. Subsequently, despite Democratic efforts to obstruct, a +Resolution, declaring Harris to be "an unworthy Member" of the House, +and "severely" censuring him, was adopted. + +The debate upon the Long-expulsion Resolution now proceeded, and its +mover, in view of the hopelessness of securing a two-thirds affirmative +vote, having accepted an amendment comprising other two Resolutions and +a Preamble, the question upon adopting these was submitted on the 14th +of April. They were in the words following: + +"Whereas, ALEXANDER LONG, a Representative from the second district of +Ohio, by his open declarations in the National Capitol, and publications +in the City of New York, has shown himself to be in favor of a +recognition of the so-called Confederacy now trying to establish itself +upon the ruins of our Country, thereby giving aid and comfort to the +Enemy in that destructive purpose--aid to avowed Traitors, in creating +an illegal Government within our borders, comfort to them by assurances +of their success and affirmations of the justice of their Cause; and +whereas, such conduct is at the same time evidence of disloyalty, and +inconsistent with his oath of office, and his duty as a Member of this +Body: Therefore, + +"Resolved, That the said Alexander Long, a Representative from the +second district of Ohio, be, and he is hereby declared to be an unworthy +Member of the House of Representatives. + +"Resolved, That the Speaker shall read these Resolutions to the said +Alexander Long during the session of the House." + +The first of these Resolutions was adopted, by 80 yeas to 69 nays; the +second was tabled, by 71 yeas to 69 nays; and the Preamble was agreed +to, by 78 yeas to 63 nays. + +And, among the 63 Democrats, who were not only unwilling to declare +Alexander Long "an unworthy Member," or to have the Speaker read such a +declaration to him in a session of the House, but also refused by their +votes even to intimate that his conduct evidenced disloyalty, or gave +aid and comfort to the Enemy, were the names of such democrats as Cox, +Eldridge, Holman, Kernan, Morrisson, Pendleton, Samuel J. Randall, +Voorhees, and Fernando Wood. + +Hence Mr. Long not only escaped expulsion for his treasonable +utterances, but did not even receive the "severe censure" which, in +addition to being declared (like himself) "an unworthy Member," had been +voted to Mr. Harris for recklessly rushing into the breach to help him! + + [The Northern Democracy comprised two well-recognized classes: The + Anti-War (or Peace) Democrats, commonly called "Copperheads," who + sympathized with the Rebellion, and opposed the War for the Union; + and the War (or Union) Democrats, who favored a vigorous + prosecution of the War for the preservation of the Union.] + + + + + CHAPTER XXVI. + + "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE. + +The debate in the House of Representatives, upon the Thirteenth +Amendment to the Constitution--interrupted by the treasonable episode +referred to in the last Chapter--was subsequently resumed. + +Meanwhile, however, Fort Pillow had been stormed, and its garrison of +Whites and Blacks, massacred. + +And now commenced the beginning of the end-so far as the Military aspect +of the Rebellion was concerned. Early in May, Sherman's Atlanta +Campaign commenced, and, simultaneously, General Grant began his +movement toward Richmond. In quick succession came the news of the +bloody battles of the Wilderness, and those around Spottsylvania, Va.; +at Buzzard Roost Gap, Snake Creek Gap, and Dalton, Ga.; Drury's Bluff, +Va.; Resaca, Ga.; the battles of the North Anna, Va.; those around +Dallas, and New Hope church, Ga; the crossing of Grant's forces to the +South side of the James and the assault on Petersburg. While the Union +Armies were thus valiantly attacking and beating those of the Rebels, on +many a sanguinary field the loyal men of the North, both in and out of +Congress, pressed for favorable action upon the Thirteenth Amendment. +"Friends of the wounded in Fredericksburg from the Battle of the +Wilderness"--exclaimed Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, of May +31st,--"friends and relatives of the soldiers of Grant's Army beyond the +Wilderness, let us all join hands and swear upon our Country's altar +that we will never cease this War until African Slavery in the United +States is dead forever, and forever buried!" + +Peace Democrats, however, were deaf to all such entreaties. On the very +same day, Mr. Holman, in the House, objected even to the second reading +of the Joint Resolution Amendatory of the Constitution, and there were +so many "Peace Democrats" to back him, that the vote was: 55 yeas to 76 +nays, on the question "shall the Joint Resolution be rejected!" + +The old cry, that had been repeated by Hendricks and others, in the +Senate and House, time and again, was still used--threadbare though it +was--"this is not the right time for it!" On this very day, for +instance, Mr. Herrick said: "I ask if this is the proper time for our +People to consider so grave a measure as the Amendment of the +Constitution in so vital a point? * * * this is no fitting time for +such work." + +Very different was the attitude of Kellogg, of New York, and well did he +show up the depths to which the Democracy--the Peace Democracy--had now +fallen. "We are told," said he, "of a War Democracy, and such there +are--their name is legion--good men and true; they are found in the +Union ranks bearing arms in support of the Government and the +Administration that wields it. At the ballot-box, whether at home or in +the camp, they are Union men, and vote as they fight, and hold little in +common with the political leaders of the Democratic Party in or out of +this Hall--the Seymours, the Woods, the Vallandighams, the Woodwards, +and their indorsers, who hold and control the Democratic Party here, and +taint it with Treason, till it is a stench in the nostrils of all +patriotic men." + +After referring to the fact that the leaders of the Rebellion had from +the start relied confidently upon assistance from the Northern +Democracy, he proceeded: + +"The Peace Democracy, and mere Party-hacks in the North, are fulfilling +their masters' expectations industriously, unceasingly, and as far as in +them lies. Not even the shouts for victory, in these Halls, can divert +their Southern allies here. A sullen gloom at the defeat and +discomfiture of their Southern brethren settles down on their disastrous +countenances, from which no ray of joy can be reflected. * * * They +even vote solid against a law to punish guerrillas. + +"Sir," continued he, "in my judgment, many of those who withhold from +their Country the support they would otherwise give, find allegiance to +Party too strong for their patriotism. * * * Rejecting the example and +counsels of Stanton and Dickinson and Butler and Douglas and Dix and +Holt and Andrew Johnson and Logan and Rosecrans and Grant and a host of +others, all Democrats of the straightest sect, to forget all other ties, +and cleave only to their Country for their Country's sake, and rejecting +the overtures and example of the Republican Party to drop and forget +their Party name, that all might unite and band together for their +Country's salvation as Union men, they turn a deaf ear and cold +shoulder, and sullenly pass by on the other side, thanking God they are +not as other men are, and lend, if at all, a calculating, qualified, and +conditional and halting support, under protest, to their Country's +cause; thus justifying the only hope of the Rebellion to-day, that Party +spirit at the North will distract its counsels, divide and discourage +and palsy its efforts, and ultimately make way for the Traitor and the +parricide to do their worst." + +Besides the set speeches made against the proposed +Constitutional amendment in the House, Peace-Democrats of the Senate +continued to keep up a running fire at it in that Chamber, on every +possible occasion. Garrett Davis was especially garrulous on the +subject, and also launched the thunders of his wrath at the President +quite frequently and even vindictively. For instance, speaking in the +Senate--[May 31,1864,]--of the right of Property in Slaves; said he: + +"This new-born heresy 'Military Necessity,' as President Lincoln claims, +and exercises it, is the sum of all political and Military villanies * * +* and it is no less absurd than it is villanous. * * * The man has +never spoken or lived who can prove by any provision of the +Constitution, or by any principle, or by any argument to be deduced +logically and fairly from it, that he has any such power as this vast, +gigantic, all-conquering and all-crushing power of Military Necessity +which he has the audacity to claim. + +"This modern Emperor, this Tiberius, a sort of a Tiberius, and his +Sejanus, a sort of a Sejanus, the head of the War Department, are +organizing daily their Military Courts to try civilians. * * * + +"Sir, I want one labor of love before I die. I want the President of +the United States, I want his Secretary of War, I want some of his high +officers in Military command to bring a civilian to a Military +execution, and me to have the proud privilege of prosecuting them for +murder. * * * I want the law and its just retribution to be visited +upon these great delinquents. + +"I would sooner, if I had the power, bring about such an atonement as +that, than I would even put down the Rebellion. It would be a greater +victory in favor of Freedom and Constitutional Liberty, a thousand-fold, +of all the People of America besides, than the subjugation of the Rebel +States could possibly be." + +But there seemed to be no end to the' attacks upon the Administration, +made, in both Houses, by these peculiar Peace-Democrats. Union blood +might flow in torrents on the fields of the rebellious South, atrocities +innumerable might be committed by the Rebels, cold-blooded massacres of +Blacks and Whites, as at Fort Pillow, might occur without rebuke from +them; but let the Administration even dare to sneeze, and--woe to the +Administration. + +It was not the Thirteenth Amendment only, that they assailed, but +everything else which the Administration thought might help it in its +effort to put down the Rebellion. Nor was it so much their malignant +activity in opposition to any one measure intended to strengthen the +hands of the Union, but to all such measures; and superadded to this was +the incessant bringing forward, in both Houses of Congress, by these +restless Rebel-sympathizers, of Peace-Resolutions, the mere presentation +of which would be, and were, construed by the Rebel authorities at +Richmond, as evidences of a weakening. + +Even some of the best of the Peace-Democrats, like S. S. Cox, for +instance, not only assailed the Tariff--under which the Union Republican +Party sought to protect and build up American Industry, as well as to +raise as much revenue as possible to help meet the enormous current +expenditures of the Government--but also denounced our great paper-money +system, which alone enabled us to secure means to meet all deficiencies +in the revenues otherwise obtained, and thus to ultimately conquer the +hosts of Rebellion. + +He declared (June 2, 1864) that "The People are the victims of the +joint-robbery of a system of bounties under the guise of duties, and of +an inconvertible and depreciated paper currency under the guise of +money," and added: "No man is now so wise and gifted that he can save +this Nation from bankruptcy. * * * No borrowing system can save us. +The scheme of making greenbacks a legal tender, which enabled the debtor +to cheat his creditor, thereby playing the old game of kingcraft, to +debase the currency in order to aid the designs of despotism, may float +us for a while amidst the fluctuations and bubbles of the day; but as no +one possesses the power to repeal the Law of the Almighty, which decrees +(and as our Constitution has established) that gold and silver shall be +the standard of value in the World, so they will ever thus remain, +notwithstanding the legislation of Congress." + +Not satisfied with this sort of "fire in the rear," it was attempted by +means of Democratic Free-Trade and antipaper-currency sophistries, to +arouse jealousies, heart-burnings and resentful feelings in the breasts +of those living in different parts of the Union--to implant bitter +Sectional antagonisms and implacable resentments between the Eastern +States, on the one hand, and the Western States, on the other--and thus, +by dividing, to weaken the Loyal Union States. + +That this was the cold-blooded purpose of all who pursued this course, +would no doubt be warmly denied by some of them; but the fact remains no +less clear, that the effect of that course, whether so intended or not, +was to give aid and comfort to the Enemy at that critical time when the +Nation most needed all the men, money, and moral as well as material +support, it was possible to get, to put an end to the bloody Rebellion, +now--under the continuous poundings of Grant's Army upon that of Lee in +Virginia, and the advance of Sherman's Army upon that of Johnston in +Georgia--tottering to its overthrow. Thus this same speaker (S. S. Cox), +in his untimely speech, undertook to divide the Union-loving States +"into two great classes: the Protected States and the Unprotected +States;" and--having declared that "The Manufacturing States, mainly the +New England States and Pennsylvania, are the Protected States," and "The +Agricultural States," mainly the eleven Western States, which he named, +"are the Unprotected States"--proceeded to intemperately and violently +arraign New England, and especially Massachusetts, in the same way that +had years before been adopted by the old Conspirators of the South when +they sought--alas, too successfully!--to inflame the minds of Southern +citizens to a condition of unreasoning frenzy which made attempted +Nullification and subsequent armed Rebellion and Secession possible. + +Well might the thoroughly loyal Grinnell, of Iowa--after exposing what +he termed the "sophistry of figures" by which Mr. Cox had seen fit "to +misrepresent and traduce" the Western States-exclaim: "Sir, I have no +words which I can use to execrate sufficiently such language, in +arraying the Sections in opposition during a time of War; as if we were +not one People, descended from one stock, having one interest, and bound +up in one destiny!" + +The damage that might have been done to the Union Cause by such +malignant Democratic attacks upon the National unity and strength, may +be imagined when we reflect that at this very time the annual expenses +of our Government were over $600,000,000, and growing still larger; and +that $1.90 in legal tender notes of the United States was worth but +$1.00 in gold, with a downward tendency. Said stern old Thaddeus +Stevens, alluding on this occasion, to Statesmanship of the peculiar +stamp of the Coxes and Fernando Woods: "He who in this time will pursue +such a course of argument for the mere sake of party, can never hope to +be ranked among Statesmen; nay, Sir, he will not even rise to the +dignity of a respectable Demagogue!" + +Within a week after this, (June 9, 1864), we find in the Senate also, +similarly insidious attacks upon the strength of the Government, made by +certain Northern Democrats, who never tired of undermining Loyalty, and +creating and spreading discontent among the People. The Bill then up, +for consideration, was one "to prohibit the discharge of persons from +liability to Military duty, by reason of the payment of money." + +In the terribly bloody Campaign that had now been entered upon by Grant +--in the West, under Sherman, and in the East, under his own personal +eye--it was essential to send to the front, every man possible. Hence +the necessity for a Bill of this sort, which moreover provided, in order +as far as possible to popularize conscription, that all calls for drafts +theretofore made under the Enrolling Act of March 3, 1863, should be for +not over one year's service, etc. + +This furnished the occasion for Mr. Hendricks, among other Peace +Democrats, to make opposing speeches. He, it seems, had all along been +opposed to drafting Union soldiers; and because, during the previous +Winter, the Senate had been unwilling to abolish the clause permitting a +drafted man to pay a commutation of $300 (with which money a substitute +could be procured) instead of himself going, at a time when men were not +quite so badly needed as now, therefore Mr. Hendricks pretended to think +it very strange and unjustifiable that now, when everything depended on +getting every possible man in the field, the Senate should think of +"abandoning that which it thought right last Winter!" + +He opposed drafting; but if drafting must be resorted to, then he +thought that what he termed "the Horror of the Draft" should be felt by +as many of the Union people as possible!--or, in his own words: "the +Horror of the Draft ought to be divided among the People." As if this +were not sufficient to conjure dreadful imaginings, he added: "if one +set of men are drafted this year to serve twelve months, and they have +to go because the power of the Government makes them go, whether they +can go well or not, then at the end of the year their neighbors should +be subjected to the same Horror, and let this dreadful demand upon the +service, upon the blood, and upon the life of the People be distributed +upon all." + +And, in order apparently to still further intensify public feeling +against all drafting, and sow the seeds of dissatisfaction in the hearts +of those drafted at this critical time, when the fate of the Union and +of Republican Government palpably depended upon conscription, he added: +"It is not so right to say to twenty men in a neighborhood: 'You shall +go; you shall leave your families whether you can or not; you shall go +without the privilege of commutation whether you leave starving wives +and children behind you or not,' and then say to every other man of the +neighborhood: 'Because we have taken these twenty men for three years, +you shall remain with your wives and children safely and comfortably at +home for these three years.' I like this feature of the amendment, +because it distributes the Horror of the Draft more equally and justly +over the whole People." + +Not satisfied with rolling the "Horror of the Draft" so often and +trippingly over his tongue, he also essayed the role of Prophet in the +interest of the tottering god of Slavery. "The People," said he, +"expect great results from this Campaign; and when another year comes +rolling around, and it is found that this War is not closed, and that +there is no reasonable probability of its early close, my colleague +(Lane) and other Senators who agree with him will find that the People +will say that this effusion of blood must stop; that THERE MUST BE SOME +ADJUSTMENT. I PROPHESY THIS." + +And, as a further declaration likely to give aid and comfort to the +Rebel leaders, he said: "I do not believe many men are going to be +obtained by a draft; I do not believe a very good Army will be got by a +draft; I do not believe an Army will be put in the field, by a draft, +that will whip General Lee." + +But while all such statements were, no doubt, intended to help the foes +of the Union, and dishearten or dismay its friends, the really loyal +People, understanding their fell object, paid little heed to them. The +predictions of these Prophets of evil fell flat upon the ears of lovers +of their Country. Conspirators, however much they might masquerade in +the raiment of Loyalty, could not wholly conceal the ear-marks of +Treason. The hand might be the hand of Esau, but the voice was the +voice of Jacob. + +On the 8th of June--after a month of terrific and bloody fighting +between the immediate forces of Grant and Lee--a dispatch from Sherman, +just received at Washington, was read to the House of Representatives, +which said: "The Enemy is not in our immediate front, but his signals +are seen at Lost Mountain, and Kenesaw." So, at the same time, at the +National Capital, while the friends of the Union there, were not +immediately confronted with an armed Enemy, yet the signals of his +Allies could be seen, and their fire upon our rear could be heard, daily +and almost hourly, both in the Senate and the House of Representatives. + +The fight in the House, upon the Thirteenth Amendment, now seemed +indeed, to be reaching a climax. During the whole of June 14th, until +midnight, speech after speech on the subject, followed each other in +rapid succession. Among the opposition speeches, perhaps those of +Fernando Wood and Holman were most notable for extravagant and +unreasoning denunciation of the Administration and Party in power--whose +every effort was put forth, and strained at this very time to the +utmost, to save the Union. + +Holman, for instance, declared that, "Of all the measures of this +disastrous Administration, each in its turn producing new calamities, +this attempt to tamper with the Constitution threatens the most +permanent injury." He enumerated the chief measures of the +Administration during its three and a half years of power-among them the +Emancipation Proclamation, the arming of the Blacks, and what he +sneeringly termed "their pet system of finance" which was to "sustain +the public credit for infinite years," but which "even now," said he, +"totters to its fall!" And then, having succeeded in convincing himself +of Republican failure, he exultingly exclaimed: "But why enumerate? +What measure of this Administration has failed to be fatal! Every step +in your progress has been a mistake. I use the mildest terms of +censure!" + +Fernando Wood, in his turn also, "mildly" remarked upon Republican +policy as "the bloody and brutal policy of the Administration Party." +He considered this "the crisis of the fate of the Union;" declared that +Slavery was "the best possible condition to insure the happiness of the +Negro race"--a position which, on the following day, he "reaffirmed"-- +and characterized those members of the Democratic Party who saw Treason +in the ways and methods and expressions of Peace Democrats of his own +stamp, as a "pack of political jackals known as War Democrats." + +On the 15th of June, Farnsworth made a reply to Ross--who had claimed to +be friendly to the Union soldier--in which the former handled the +Democratic Party without gloves. "What," said he, referring to Mr. +Ross, "has been the course of that gentleman and his Party on this floor +in regard to voting supplies to the Army? What has been their course in +regard to raising money to pay the Army? His vote will be found +recorded in almost every instance against the Appropriation Bills, +against ways and means for raising money to pay the Army. It is only a +week ago last Monday, that a Bill was introduced here to punish +guerrillas * * * and how did my colleague vote? Against the Bill.* * * +On the subject of arming Slaves, of putting Negroes into the Army, how +has my colleague and his Party voted? Universally against it. They +would strip from the backs of these Black soldiers, now in the service +of the Country, their uniforms, and would send them back to Slavery with +chains and manacles. And yet they are the friends of the soldier!"* * * +"On the vote to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law, how did that (Democratic) +side of the House vote? Does not the Fugitive Slave Law affect the +Black soldier in the Army who was a Slave? That side of the House are +in favor of continuing the Fugitive Slave Law, and of disbanding Colored +troops. How did that side of the House vote on the question of arming +Slaves and paying them as soldiers? They voted against it. They are in +favor of disbanding the Colored regiments, and, armed with the Fugitive +Slave Law, sending them back to their masters!" + +He took occasion also to meet various Democratic arguments against the +Resolution,--among them, one, hinging on the alleged right of Property +in Slaves. This was a favorite idea with the Border-State men +especially, that Slaves were Property--mere chattels as it were,--and, +only the day before, a Northern man, Coffroth of Pennsylvania, had said: + +"Sir, we should pause before proceeding any further in this +Unconstitutional and censurable legislation. The mere abolition of +Slavery is not my cause of complaint. I care not whether Slavery is +retained or abolished by the people of the States in which it exists-- +the only rightful authority. The question to me is, has Congress a +right to take from the people of the South their Property; or, in other +words, having no pecuniary interest therein, are we justified in freeing +the Slave-property of others? Can we Abolish Slavery in the Loyal State +of Kentucky against her will? If this Resolution should pass, and be +ratified by three-fourths of the States--States already Free--and +Kentucky refuses to ratify it, upon what principle of right or law would +we be justified in taking this Slave-property of the people of Kentucky? +Would it be less than stealing?" + +And Farnsworth met this idea--which had also been advanced by Messrs. +Ross, Fernando Wood, and Pruyn--by saying: "What constitutes property? +I know it is said by some gentlemen on the other side, that what the +statute makes property, is property. I deny it. What 'vested right' +has any man or State in Property in Man? We of the North hold property, +not by virtue of statute law, not by virtue of enactments. Our property +consists in lands, in chattels, in things. Our property was made +property by Jehovah when He gave Man dominion over it. But nowhere did +He give dominion of Man over Man. Our title extends back to the +foundation of the World. That constitutes property. There is where we +get our title. There is where we get our 'vested rights' to property." + +Touching the ethics of Slavery, Mr. Arnold's speech on the same occasion +was also able, and in parts eloquent, as where he said: 'Slavery is to- +day an open enemy striking at the heart of the Republic. It is the soul +and body, the spirit and motive of the Rebellion. It is Slavery which +marshals yonder Rebel hosts, which confront the patriot Armies of Grant +and Sherman. It is the savage spirit of this barbarous Institution +which starves the Union prisoners at Richmond, which assassinates them +at Fort Pillow, which murders the wounded on the field of battle, and +which fills up the catalogue of wrong and outrage which mark the conduct +of the Rebels during all this War. + +"In view of all the long catalogue of wrongs which Slavery has inflicted +upon the Country, I demand to-day, of the Congress of the United States, +the death of African Slavery. We can have no permanent Peace, while +Slavery lives. It now reels and staggers toward its last deathstruggle. +Let us strike the monster this last decisive blow." + +And, after appealing to both Border-State men, and Democrats of the Free +States, not to stay the passage of this Resolution which "will strike +the Rebellion at the heart," he continued: "Gentlemen may flatter +themselves with a restoration of the Slave-power in this Country. 'The +Union as it was!' It is a dream, never again to be realized. The +America of the past, has gone forever. A new Nation is to be born from +the agony through which the People are now passing. This new Nation is +to be wholly Free. Liberty, Equality before the Law, is to be the great +Corner-stone." + +So, too, Mr. Ingersoll eloquently said--among many other good things:-- +"It is well to eradicate an evil. That Slavery is an evil, no sane, +honest man will deny. It has been the great curse of this Country from +its infancy to the present hour, And now that the States in Rebellion +have given the Loyal States the opportunity to take off that curse, to +wipe away the foul stain, I say let it be done. We owe it to ourselves; +we owe it to posterity; we owe it to the Slaves themselves to +exterminate Slavery forever by the adoption of the proposed Amendment to +the Constitution. * * * I believe Slavery is the mother of this +Rebellion, that this Rebellion can be attributed to no other cause but +Slavery; from that it derived its life, and gathers its strength to-day. +Destroy the mother, and the child dies. Destroy the cause, and the +effect will disappear. + +"Slavery has ever been the enemy of liberal principles. It has ever +been the friend of ignorance, prejudice, and all the unlawful, savage, +and detestable passions which proceed therefrom. It has ever been +domineering, arrogant, exacting, and overbearing. It has claimed to be +a polished aristocrat, when in reality it has only been a coarse, +swaggering, and brutal boor. It has ever claimed to be a gentleman, +when in reality it has ever been a villain. I think it is high time to +clip its overgrown pretensions, strip it of its mask, and expose it, in +all its hideous deformity, to the detestation of all honest and +patriotic men." + +After Mr. Samuel J. Randall had, at a somewhat later hour, pathetically +and poetically invoked the House, in its collective unity, as a +"Woodman," to "spare that tree" of the Constitution, and to "touch not a +single bough," because, among other reasons, "in youth it sheltered" +him; and furthermore, because "the time" was "most inopportune;" and, +after Mr. Rollins, of Missouri, had made a speech, which he afterward +suppressed; Mr. Pendleton closed the debate in an able effort, from his +point of view, in which he objected to the passage of the Joint +Resolution because "the time is not auspicious;" because, said he, "it +is impossible that the Amendment proposed, should be ratified without a +fraudulent use of the power to admit new States, or a fraudulent use of +the Military power of the Federal Government in the Seceded States,"-- +and, said he, "if you should attempt to amend the Constitution by such +means, what binding obligation would it have?" + +He objected, also, because "the States cannot, under the pretense of +amending the Constitution, subvert the structure, spirit, and theory of +this Government." "But," said he, "if this Amendment were within the +Constitutional power of amendment; if this were a proper time to +consider it; if three-fourths of the States were willing to ratify it; +and if it did not require the fraudulent use of power, either in this +House or in the Executive Department, to secure its adoption, I would +still resist the passage of this Resolution. It is another step toward +consolidation, and consolidation is Despotism; confederation is +Liberty." + +It was about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of June 15th, that the House +came to a vote, on the passage of the Joint Resolution. At first the +strain of anxiety on both sides was great, but, as the roll proceeded, +it soon became evident that the Resolution was doomed to defeat. And so +it transpired. The vote stood 93 yeas, to 65 nays--Mr. Ashley having +changed his vote, from the affirmative to the negative, for the purpose +of submitting, at the proper time, a motion to reconsider. + +That same evening, Mr. Ashley made the motion to reconsider the vote by +which the proposed Constitutional Amendment was rejected; and the motion +was duly entered in the Journal, despite the persistent efforts of +Messrs. Cox, Holman, and others, to prevent it. + +On the 28th of June, just prior to the Congressional Recess, Mr. Ashley +announced that he had been disappointed in the hope of securing enough +votes from the Democratic side of the House to carry the Amendment. +"Those," said he, "who ought to have been the champions of this great +proposition are unfortunately its strongest opponents. They have +permitted the golden opportunity to pass. The record is made up, and we +must go to the Country on this issue thus presented." And then he gave +notice that he would call the matter up, at the earliest possible moment +after the opening of the December Session of Congress. + + + + + CHAPTER XXVII. + + SLAVERY DOOMED AT THE POLLS. + +The record was indeed made up, and the issue thus made, between Slavery +and Freedom, would be the chief one before the People. Already the +Republican National Convention, which met at Baltimore, June 7, 1864, +had not only with "enthusiastic unanimity," renominated Mr. Lincoln for +the Presidency, but amid "tremendous applause," the delegates rising and +waving their hats--had adopted a platform which declared, in behalf of +that great Party: "That, as Slavery was the cause, and now constitutes +the strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be, always and +everywhere, hostile to the principles of Republican government, Justice +and the National safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from +the soil of the Republic; and that while we uphold and maintain the Acts +and Proclamations by which the Government, in its own defense, has aimed +a death-blow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of +such an Amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the People in +conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit +the existence of Slavery within the limits or the jurisdiction of the +United States." + +So, too, with vociferous plaudits, had they received and adopted another +Resolution, wherein they declared "That we approve and applaud the +practical wisdom, the unselfish patriotism and the unswerving fidelity +to the Constitution and the principles of American Liberty, with which +Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled +difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential +Office; that we approve and endorse, as demanded by the emergency, and +essential to the preservation of the Nation, and as within the +provisions of the Constitution; the Measures and Acts which he has +adopted to defend the Nation against its open and secret foes; that we +approve, especially, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the +employment, as Union soldiers, of men heretofore held in Slavery; and +that we have full confidence in his determination to carry these and all +other Constitutional Measures essential to the salvation of the Country, +into full and complete effect." + +Thus heartily, thoroughly and unreservedly, endorsed in all the great +acts of his Administration--and even more emphatically, if possible, in +his Emancipation policy--by the unanimous vote of his Party, Mr. +Lincoln, although necessarily "chagrined and disappointed" by the House- +vote which had defeated the Thirteenth Amendment, might well feel +undismayed. He always had implicit faith in the People; he felt sure +that they would sustain him; and this done, why could not the votes of a +dozen, out of the seventy Congressional Representatives opposing that +Amendment, be changed? Even failing in this, it must be but a question +of time. He thought he could afford to bide that time. + +On the 29th of August, the Democratic National Convention met at +Chicago. Horatio Seymour was its permanent President; that same +Governor of New York whom the 4th of July, 1863, almost at the moment +when Vicksburg and Gettysburg had brought great encouragement to the +Union cause, and when public necessity demanded the enforcement of the +Draft in order to drive the Rebel invader from Northern soil and bring +the Rebellion speedily to an end--had threateningly said to the +Republicans, in the course of a public speech, during the Draft-riots at +New York City: "Remember this, that the bloody, and treasonable, and +revolutionary doctrine of public necessity can be proclaimed by a mob as +well as by a Government. * * * When men accept despotism, they may have +a choice as to who the despot shall be!" + +In his speech to this Democratic-Copperhead National Convention, +therefore, it is not surprising that he should, at this time, declare +that "this Administration cannot now save this Union, if it would." +That the body which elected such a presiding officer,--after the bloody +series of glorious Union victories about Atlanta, Ga., then fast leading +up to the fall of that great Rebel stronghold, (which event actually +occurred long before most of these Democratic delegates, on their +return, could even reach their homes)--should adopt a Resolution +declaring that the War was a "failure," was not surprising either. + +That Resolution--"the material resolution of the Chicago platform," as +Vallandigham afterward characters it, was written and "carried through +both the Subcommittee and the General Committee" by that Arch-Copperhead +and Conspirator himself.--[See his letter of October 22, 1864, to the +editor of the New York News,] + +It was in these words: "Resolved, That this Convention does explicitly +declare as the sense of the American People, that after four years of +failure to restore the Union by the experiment of War, during which, +under the pretense of a military necessity, or War-power higher than the +Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every +part, and public Liberty and private right alike trodden down and the +material prosperity of the Country essentially impaired--Justice, +Humanity, Liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts +be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate +Convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that at +the earliest practicable moment Peace may be restored on the basis of +the Federal Union of the States." + +With a Copperhead platform, this Democratic Convention thought it +politic to have a Union candidate for the Presidency. Hence, the +nomination of General McClellan; but to propitiate the out-and-out +Vallandigham Peace men, Mr. Pendleton was nominated to the second place +on the ticket. + +This combination was almost as great a blunder as was the platform--than +which nothing could have been worse. Farragut's Naval victory at +Mobile, and Sherman's capture of Atlanta, followed so closely upon the +adjournment of the Convention as to make its platform and candidates the +laughing stock of the Nation; and all the efforts of Democratic orators, +and of McClellan himself, in his letter of acceptance, could not prevent +the rise of that great tidalwave of Unionism which was soon to engulf +the hosts of Copperhead-Democracy. + +The Thanksgiving-services in the churches, and the thundering salutes of +100 guns from every Military and Naval post in the United States, which +--during the week succeeding that Convention's sitting--betokened the +Nation's especial joy and gratitude to the victorious Union Forces of +Sherman and Farragut for their fortuitously-timed demonstration that the +"experiment of War" for the restoration of the Union was anything but a +"Failure" all helped to add to the proportions of that rapidly-swelling +volume of loyal public feeling. + +The withdrawal from the canvass, of General Fremont, nominated for the +Presidency by the "radical men of the Nation," at Cleveland, also +contributed to it. In his letter of withdrawal, September 17th, he +said: + +"The Presidential contest has, in effect, been entered upon in such a +way that the union of the Republican Party has become a paramount +necessity. The policy of the Democratic Party signifies either +separation, or reestablishment with Slavery. The Chicago platform is +simply separation. General McClellan's letter of acceptance is +reestablishment, with Slavery. The Republican candidate is, on the +contrary, pledged to the reestablishment of the Union without Slavery; +and, however hesitating his policy may be, the pressure of his Party +will, we may hope, force him to it. Between these issues, I think no +man of the Liberal Party can remain in doubt." + +And now, following the fall of Atlanta before Sherman's Forces, Grant +had stormed "Fort Hell," in front of Petersburg; Sheridan had routed the +Rebels, under Early, at Winchester, and had again defeated Early at +Fisher's Hill; Lee had been repulsed in his attack on Grant's works at +Petersburg; and Allatoona had been made famous, by Corse and his 2,000 +Union men gallantly repulsing the 5,000 men of Hood's Rebel Army, who +had completely surrounded and attacked them in front, flank, and rear. + +All these Military successes for the Union Cause helped the Union +political campaign considerably, and, when supplemented by the +remarkable results of the October elections in Pennsylvania, Indiana, +and Maryland, made the election of Lincoln and Johnson a foregone +conclusion. + +The sudden death of Chief-Justice Taney, too, happening, by a strange +coincidence, simultaneously with the triumph of the Union Party of +Maryland in carrying the new Constitution of that State, which +prohibited Slavery within her borders, seemed to have a significance* +not without its effect upon the public mind, now fast settling down to +the belief that Slavery everywhere upon the soil of the United States +must die. + + [Greeley well said of it: "His death, at this moment, seemed to + mark the transition from the Era of Slavery to that of Universal + Freedom."] + +Then came, October 19th, the Battle of Cedar Creek, Va. where the Rebel +General Early, during Sheridan's absence, surprised and defeated the +latter's forces, until Sheridan, riding down from Winchester, turned +defeat into victory for the Union Arms, and chased the armed Rebels out +of the Shenandoah Valley forever; and the fights of October 27th and +28th, to the left of Grant's position, at Petersburg, by which the +railroad communications of Lee's Army at Richmond were broken up. + +At last, November 8, 1864, dawned the eventful day of election. By +midnight of that date it was generally believed, all over the Union, +that Lincoln and Johnson were overwhelmingly elected, and that the Life +as well as Freedom of the Nation had thus been saved by the People. + +Late that very night, President Lincoln was serenaded by a Pennsylvania +political club, and, in responding to the compliment, modestly said: + +"I earnestly believe that the consequences of this day's work (if it be +as you assure, and as now seems probable) will be to the lasting +advantage, if not to the very salvation, of the Country. I cannot at +this hour say what has been the result of the election. But whatever it +may be, I have no desire to modify this opinion, that all who have +labored to-day in behalf of the Union organization have wrought for the +best interests of their Country and the World, not only for the present +but for all future ages. + +"I am thankful to God," continued he, "for this approval of the People; +but, while deeply gratified for this mark of their confidence in me, if +I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal +triumph. I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me. It is +no pleasure to me to triumph over any one; but I give thanks to the +Almighty for this evidence of the People's resolution to stand by Free +Government and the rights of Humanity." + +On the 10th of November, in response to another serenade given at the +White House, in the presence of an immense and jubilantly enthusiastic +gathering of Union men, by the Republican clubs of the District of +Columbia, Mr. Lincoln said: + +"It has long been a grave question whether any Government, not too +strong for the Liberties of its People, can be strong enough to maintain +its existence in great emergencies. On this point the present +Rebellion. has brought our Republic to a severe test, and a +Presidential election, occurring in regular course during the Rebellion, +has added not a little to the strain. * * * But the election, along +with its incidental and undesired strife, has done good, too. It has +demonstrated that a People's Government can sustain a National election +in the midst of a great Civil War, until now it has not been known to +the World that this was a possibility. It shows, also, how sound and +how strong we still are. + +"But," said he, "the Rebellion continues; and now that the election is +over, may not all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to +save our common Country? + +"For my own part," continued he--as the cheering, elicited by this +forcible appeal, ceased--"I have striven, and shall strive, to avoid +placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here I have not +willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am deeply +sensible to the high compliment of a reelection, and duly grateful, as I +trust, to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right +conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my +satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by the +result." + +And, as the renewed cheering evoked by this kindly, Christian utterance +died away again, he impressively added: "May I ask those who have not +differed with me, to join with me in this same spirit, towards those who +have?" + +So, too, on the 17th of November, in his response to the complimentary +address of a delegation of Union men from Maryland. + + [W. H. Purnell, Esq., in behalf of the Committee, delivered an + address, in which he said they rejoiced that the People, by such an + overwhelming and unprecedented majority, had again reelected Mr. + Lincoln to the Presidency and endorsed his course--elevating him to + the proudest and most honorable position on Earth. They felt under + deep obligation to him because he had appreciated their condition + as a Slave-State. It was not too much to say that by the exercise + of rare discretion on his part, Maryland to-day occupies her + position in favor of Freedom. Slavery has been abolished therefrom + by the Sovereign Decree of the People. With deep and lasting + gratitude they desired that his Administration, as it had been + approved in the past, might also be successful in the future, and + result in the Restoration of the Union, with Freedom as its + immutable basis. They trusted that, on retiring from his high and + honorable position, the universal verdict might be that he deserved + well of mankind, and that favoring Heaven might 'Crown his days + with loving kindness and tender mercies.'] + +The same kindly anxiety to soften and dispel the feeling of bitterness +that had been engendered in the malignant bosoms of the Copperhead- +Democracy by their defeat, was apparent when he said with emphasis and +feeling: + +"I have said before, and now repeat, that I indulge in no feeling of +triumph over any man who has thought or acted differently from myself. +I have no such feeling toward any living man;" and again, after +complimenting Maryland for doing "more than double her share" in the +elections, in that she had not only carried the Republican ticket, but +also the Free Constitution, he added: "Those who have differed with us +and opposed us will yet see that the result of the Presidential election +is better for their own good than if they had been successful." + +The victory of the Union-Republican Party at this election was an +amazing one, and in the words of General Grant's dispatch of +congratulation to the President, the fact of its "having passed off +quietly" was, in itself, "a victory worth more to the Country than a +battle won,"--for the Copperheads had left no stone unturned in their +efforts to create the utmost possible rancor, in the minds of their +partisans, against the Administration and its Party. + +Of twenty-five States voting, Lincoln and Johnson had carried the +electoral votes of twenty-two of them, viz.: Maine, New Hampshire, +Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, +Pennsylvania, Maryland, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Michigan, +Iowa, Wisconsin, Minnesota, California, Oregon, Kansas, West Virginia, +and Nevada; while McClellan and Pendleton had carried the twenty-one +electoral votes of the remaining three, viz.: New Jersey, Delaware, and +Kentucky--the popular vote reaching the enormous number of 2,216,067 for +Lincoln, to 1,808,725 for McClellan--making Lincoln's popular majority +407,342, and his electoral majority 191! + +But if the figures upon the Presidential candidacy were so gratifying +and surprising to all who held the cause of Union above all others, no +less gratifying and surprising were those of the Congressional +elections, which indicated an entire revulsion of popular feeling on the +subject of the Administration's policy. For, while in the current +Congress (the 38th), there were only 106 Republican-Union to 77 +Democratic Representatives, in that for which the elections had just +been held, (the 39th), there would be 143 Republican-Union to 41 +Democratic Representatives. + +It was at once seen, therefore, that, should the existing House of +Representatives fail to adopt the Thirteenth Amendment to the +Constitution, there would be much more than the requisite two-thirds +majority for such a Measure in both Houses of the succeeding Congress; +and moreover that in the event of its failure at the coming Session, it +was more than probable that President Lincoln would consider himself +justified in calling an Extra Session of the Thirty-ninth Congress for +the especial purpose of taking such action. So far then, as the +prospects of the Thirteenth Amendment were concerned, they looked +decidedly more encouraging. + + + + + CHAPTER XXVIII. + + FREEDOM AT LAST ASSURED. + +As to the Military situation, a few words are, at this time, necessary: +Hood had now marched Northward, with some 50,000 men, toward Nashville, +Tenn., while Sherman, leaving Thomas and some 35,000 men behind, to +thwart him, had abandoned his base, and was marching Southward from +Atlanta, through Georgia, toward the Sea. + +On the 30th of November, 1864, General Schofield, in command of the 4th +and 23rd Corps of Thomas's Army, decided to make a stand against Hood's +Army, at Franklin, in the angle of the Harpeth river, in order to give +time for the Union supply-trains to cross the river. Here, with less +than 20,000 Union troops, behind some hastily constructed works, he had +received the impetuous and overwhelming assault of the Enemy--at first +so successful as to threaten a bloody and disastrous rout to the Union +troops--and, by a brilliant counter-charge, and subsequent obstinate +defensive-fighting, had repulsed the Rebel forces, with nearly three +times the Union losses, and withdrew the next day in safety to the +defenses of Nashville. + +A few days later, Hood, with his diminished Rebel Army, sat down before +the lines of Thomas's somewhat augmented Army, which stretched from bank +to bank of the bight of the Cumberland river upon which Nashville is +situated. + +And now a season of intense cold set in, lasting a week or ten days. +During this period of apparent inaction on both sides--which aroused +public apprehension in the North, and greatly disturbed General Grant--I +was ordered to City Point, by the General-in-Chief, with a view to his +detailing me to Thomas's Command, at Nashville. + +On the way, I called on President Lincoln, at the White House. I found +him not very well, and with his feet considerably swollen. He was +sitting on a chair, with his feet resting on a table, while a barber was +shaving him. Shaking him by the hand, and asking after his health, he +answered, with a humorous twinkle of the eye, that he would illustrate +his condition by telling me a story. Said he: "Two of my neighbors, on +a certain occasion, swapped horses. One of these horses was large, but +quite thin. A few days after, on inquiry being made of the man who had +the big boney horse, how the animal was getting along?--whether +improving or not?--the owner said he was doing finely; that he had +fattened almost up to the knees already!" + +Afterward--when, the process of shaving had been completed, we passed to +another room--our conversation naturally turned upon the War; and his +ideas upon all subjects connected with it were as clear as those of any +other person with whom I ever talked. He had an absolute conviction as +to the ultimate outcome of the War--the final triumph of the Union Arms; +and I well remember, with what an air of complete relief and perfect +satisfaction he said to me, referring to Grant--"We have now at the head +of the Armies, a man in whom all the People can have confidence." + +But to return to Military operations: On December 10th? Sherman reached +the sea-board and commenced the siege of Savannah, Georgia; on the 13th, +Fort McAllister was stormed and Sherman's communications opened with the +Sea; on the 15th and 16th, the great Battle of Nashville was fought, +between the Armies of Thomas and Hood, and a glorious victory gained by +the Union Arms--Hood's Rebel forces being routed, pursued for days, and +practically dispersed; and, before the year ended, Savannah surrendered, +and was presented to the Nation, as "a Christmas gift," by Sherman. + +And now the last Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress having commenced, +the Thirteenth Amendment might at any time come up again in the House. +In his fourth and last Annual Message, just sent in to that Body, +President Lincoln had said: + +"At the last Session of Congress a proposed Amendment of the +Constitution abolishing Slavery throughout the United States, passed the +Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the +House of Representatives. Although the present is the same Congress, +and nearly the same members, and without questioning the wisdom or +patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the +reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present Session. Of +course the abstract question is not changed; but an intervening election +shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress will pass the measure if +this does not. Hence there is only a question of time as to when the +proposed Amendment will go to, the States for their action. And as it +is to so go, at all, events, may we not agree that the sooner the +better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on +members to change their views or their votes, any farther than, as an +additional element to be considered, their judgment may be affected by +it. It is the voice of the People now, for the first time, heard upon +the question. In a great National crisis like ours, unanimity of action +among those seeking a common end is very desirable--almost +indispensable. And yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable +unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority simply +because it is the will of the majority. In this case the common end is +the maintenance of the Union; and, among the means to secure that end, +such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of +such Constitutional Amendment." + +After affirming that, on the subject of the preservation of the Union, +the recent elections had shown the existence of "no diversity among the +People;" that "we have more men now than we had when the War began;" +that "we are gaining strength" in all ways; and that, after the +evidences given by Jefferson Davis of his unchangeable opposition to +accept anything short of severance from the Union, "no attempt at +negotiation with the Insurgent leader could result in any good," he +appealed to the other Insurgents to come back to the fold--the door of +amnesty and pardon, being still "open to all." But, he continued: + +"In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the National +Authority, on the part of the Insurgents, as the only indispensable +condition to ending the War, on the part of the Government, I retract +nothing heretofore said as to Slavery. I repeat the declaration made a +year ago, that 'while I remain in my present position I shall not +attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I +return to Slavery any Person who is Free by the terms of that +Proclamation, or by any of the Acts of Congress.' If the People should, +by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty to Reenslave such +Persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it. In +stating a single condition of Peace I mean simply to say that the War +will cease on the part of the Government, whenever it shall have ceased +on the part of those who began it." + +On the 22d of December, 1864, in accordance with the terms of a +Concurrent Resolution that had passed both Houses, Congress adjourned +until January 5, 1865. During the Congressional Recess, however, Mr. +Lincoln, anxious for the fate of the Thirteenth Amendment, exerted +himself, as it afterward appeared, to some purpose, in its behalf, by +inviting private conferences with him, at the White House, of such of +the Border-State and other War-Democratic Representatives as had before +voted against the measure, but whose general character gave him ground +for hoping that they might not be altogether deaf to the voice of reason +and patriotism. + + [Among those for whom he sent was Mr. Rollins, of + Missouri, who afterward gave the following interesting account of + the interview: + + "The President had several times in my presence expressed his deep + anxiety in favor of the passage of this great measure. He and + others had repeatedly counted votes in order to ascertain, as far + as they could, the strength of the measure upon a second trial in + the House. He was doubtful about its passage, and some ten days or + two weeks before it came up for consideration in the House, I + received a note from him, written in pencil on a card, while + sitting at my desk in the House, stating that he wished to see me, + and asking that I call on him at the White House. I responded that + I would be there the next morning at nine o'clock. + + "I was prompt in calling upon him and found him alone in his + office. He received me in the most cordial manner, and said in his + usual familiar way: 'Rollins, I have been wanting to talk to you + for some time about the Thirteenth Amendment proposed to the + Constitution of the United States, which will have to be voted on + now, before a great while.' + + "I said: 'Well, I am here, and ready to talk upon that subject. + + "He said: 'You and I were old Whigs, both of us followers of that + great statesman, Henry Clay, and I tell you I never had an opinion + upon the subject of Slavery in my life that I did not get from him. + I am very anxious that the War should be brought to a close at the + earliest possible date, and I don't believe this can be + accomplished as long as those fellows down South can rely upon the + Border-States to help them; but if the Members from the Border- + States would unite, at least enough of them to pass the Thirteenth + Amendment to the Constitution, they would soon see that they could + not expect much help from that quarter, and be willing to give up + their opposition and quit their War upon the Government; that is my + chief hope and main reliance to bring the War to a speedy close, + and I have sent for you as an old Whig friend to come and see me, + that I might make an appeal to you to vote for this Amendment. It + is going to be very close; a few votes one way or the other will + decide it.' + + "To this, I responded: 'Mr. President, so far as I am concerned, + you need not have sent for me to ascertain my views on this + subject, for although I represent perhaps the strongest Slave- + district in Missouri, and have the misfortune to be one of the + largest Slave-owners in the country where I reside, I had already + determined to vote for the Amendment. + + "He arose from his chair, and grasping me by the hand, gave it a + hearty shake, and said: 'I am most delighted to hear that.' + + "He asked me how many more of the Missouri delegates in the House + would vote for it. + + "I said I could not tell; the Republicans of course would; General + Loan, Mr. Blow, Mr. Boyd, and Colonel McClurg. + + "He said, 'Won't General Price vote for it? He is a good Union + man.' I said I could not answer. + + "'Well, what about General King?' + + "I told him I did not know. + + "He then asked about Judges Hall and Norton. + + "I said they would both vote against it, I thought. + + "'Well,' he said, 'are you on good terms with Price and King?' + + "I responded in the affirmative, and that I was on easy terms with + the entire delegation. + + "He then asked me if I would not talk with those who might be + persuaded to vote for the amendment, and report to him as soon as I + could find out what the prospect was.' + + "I answered that I would do so with pleasure, and remarked at the + same time, that when I was a young man, in 1848, I was the Whig + competitor of King for Governor of Missouri, and, as he beat me + very badly, I thought now he should pay me back by voting as I + desired him on this important question. + + "I promised the President I would talk to this gentleman upon the + subject. + + "He said: 'I would like you to talk to all the Border-State men + whom you can approach properly, and tell them of my anxiety to have + the measure pass; and let me know the prospect of the Border-State + vote,' which I promised to do. + + "He again said: 'The passage of this Amendment will clinch the + whole subject; it will bring the War, I have no doubt, rapidly to a + close.'"--Arnold's Life of Lincoln, pp. 358-359,] + +On the 5th of January, 1865, the Christmas Recess having expired, +Congress re-assembled. The motion to reconsider the vote-by which the +Joint Resolution, to amend the Constitution by the abolition of Slavery, +had been defeated--was not called up, on that day, as its friends had +not all returned; but the time was mainly consumed in able speeches, by +Mr. Creswell of Maryland, and Stevens of Pennsylvania, in which the +former declared that "whether we would or not, we must establish Freedom +if we would exterminate Treason. Events have left us no choice. The +People have learned their duty and have instructed us accordingly." And +Mr. Thaddeus Stevens solemnly said: "We are about to ascertain the +National will, by another vote to amend the Constitution. If gentlemen +opposite will yield to the voice of God and Humanity, and vote for it, I +verily believe the sword of the Destroying Angel will be stayed, and +this People be reunited. If we still harden our hearts, and blood must +still flow, may the ghosts of the slaughtered victims sit heavily upon +the souls of those who cause it!" + +On the 6th of January, Mr. Ashley called up his motion to reconsider the +vote defeating the Thirteenth Amendment, and opened the debate with a +lengthy and able speech in favor of that measure, in concluding which he +said: + +"The genius of history, with iron pen, is waiting to record our verdict +where it will remain forever for all the coming generations of men to +approve or condemn. God grant that this verdict may be one over which +the friends of Liberty, impartial and universal, in this Country and +Europe, and in every Land beneath the sun, may rejoice; a verdict which +shall declare that America is Free; a verdict which shall add another +day of jubilee, and the brightest of all, to our National calendar." + +The debate was participated in by nearly all the prominent men, on both +sides of the House--the speeches of Messrs. Cox, Brooks, Voorhees, +Mallory, Holman, Woods and Pendleton being the most notable, in +opposition to, and those of Scofield, Rollins, Garfield and Stevens, in +favor of, the Amendment. That of Scofield probably stirred up "the +adversary" more thoroughly than any other; that of Rollins was more +calculated to conciliate and capture the votes of hesitating, or Border- +State men; that of Garfield was perhaps the most scholarly and eloquent; +while that of Stevens was remarkable for its sledge-hammer pungency and +characteristic brevity. + +Mr. Pendleton, toward the end of his speech, had said of Mr. Stevens: +"Let him be careful, lest when the passions of these times be passed +away, and the historian shall go back to discover where was the original +infraction of the Constitution, he may find that sin lies at the door of +others than the people now in arms." And it was this that brought the +sterling old Patriot again to his feet, in vindication of the acts of +his liberty-inspired life, and in defense of the power to amend the +Constitution, which had been assailed. + +The personal antithesis with which he concluded his remarks was in +itself most dramatically effective, Said he: + +"So far as the appeals of the learned gentleman (Mr. Pendleton) are +concerned, in his pathetic winding up, I will be willing to take my +chance, when we all moulder in the dust. He may have his epitaph +written, if it be truly written, 'Here rests the ablest and most +pertinacious defender of Slavery, and opponent of Liberty;' and I will +be satisfied if my epitaph shall be written thus: 'Here lies one who +never rose to any eminence, and who only courted the low ambition to +have it said that he had striven to ameliorate the condition of the +poor, the lowly, the downtrodden, of every race, and language, and +color." + +As he said these words, the crowded floors and galleries broke out into +involuntary applause for the grand "Old Commoner"--who only awaited its +cessation, to caustically add: "I shall be content, with such a eulogy +on his lofty tomb and such an inscription on my humble grave, to trust +our memories to the judgment of after ages." + +The debate, frequently interrupted by Appropriation Bills, and other +important and importunate measures, lasted until the 31st of January, +when Mr. Ashley called the previous question on his motion to +reconsider. + +Mr. Stiles at once moved to table the motion to reconsider. Mr. +Stiles's motion was lost by 57 yeas to 111 nays. This was in the nature +of a test-vote, and the result, when announced, was listened to, with +breathless attention, by the crowded House and galleries. It was too +close for either side to be satisfied; but it showed a gain to the +friends of the Amendment; that was something. How the final vote would +be, none could tell. Meanwhile it was known, from the announcements on +the floor, that Rogers was absent through his own illness and Voorhees +through illness in his family. + +The previous question being seconded and the main question ordered, the +yeas and nays were called on the motion to reconsider--and the intense +silence succeeding the monotonous calling of the names was broken by the +voice of the Speaker declaring the motion to reconsider, carried, by 112 +yeas to 57 nays. + +This vote created a slight sensation. There was a gain of one, +(English), at any rate, from among those not voting on the previous +motion. Now, if there should be but the change of a single vote, from +the nays to the yeas, the Amendment would be carried! + +The most intensely anxious solicitude was on nearly every face, as Mr. +Mallory, at this critical moment, made the point of order that "a vote +to reconsider the vote by which the subject now before the House was +disposed of, in June last, requires two-thirds of this Body," and +emphatically added: "that two-thirds vote has not been obtained." + +A sigh of relief swept across the galleries, as the Speaker overruled +the point of order. Other attempted interruptions being resolutely met +and defeated by Mr. Ashley, in charge of the Resolution, the "previous +question" was demanded, seconded, and the main question ordered--which +was on the passage of the Resolution. + +And now, amid the hush of a breathless and intent anxiety--so absolute +that the scratch of the recording pencil could be heard--the Clerk +commenced to call the roll! + +So consuming was the solicitude, on all sides, for the fate of this +portentous measure, that fully one-half the Representatives kept tally +at their desks as the vote proceeded, while the heads of the gathered +thousands of both sexes, in the galleries, craned forward, as though +fearing to lose the startlingly clear responses, while the roll-call +progressed. + +When it reached the name of English--Governor English, a Connecticut +Democrat, who had not voted on the first motion, to table the motion to +reconsider, but had voted "yea" on the motion to reconsider,--and he +responded with a clear-cut "aye" on the passage of the Resolution--it +looked as though light were coming at last, and applause involuntarily +broke forth from the Republican side of the floor, spreading instantly +to the galleries, despite the efforts of the Speaker to preserve order. + +So, when Ganson of New York, and other Democrats, voted "aye," the +applause was renewed again and again, and still louder again, when, with +smiling face--which corroborated the thrilling, fast-spreading, whisper, +that "the Amendment is safe!"--Speaker Colfax directed the Clerk to call +his name, as a member of the House, and, in response to that call, voted +"aye!" + +Then came dead silence, as the Clerk passed the result to the Speaker- +during which a pin might have been heard to drop,--broken at last by the +Speaker's ringing voice: "The Constitutional majority of two-thirds +having voted in the affirmative, the Joint Resolution is passed." + + [The enrolled Resolution received the approval and signature of the + President, Feb. 1, 1865,] + +The words had scarcely left the Speaker's lips, when House and galleries +sprang to their feet, clapping their hands, stamping their feet, waving +hats and handkerchiefs, and cheering so loudly and so long that it +seemed as if this great outburst of enthusiasm--indulged in, in defiance +of all parliamentary rules--would never cease! + +In his efforts to control it, Speaker Colfax hammered the desk until he +nearly broke his mallet. Finally, by 4 o'clock, P.M., after several +minutes of useless effort--during which the pounding of the mallet was +utterly lost in the noisy enthusiasm and excitement, in which both the +Freedom-loving men and women of the Land, there present, participated-- +the Speaker at last succeeded in securing a lull. + +Advantage was instantly taken of it, by the successor of the dead Owen +Lovejoy, Mr. Ingersoll of Illinois, his young face flushing with the +glow of patriotism, as he cried: "Mr. Speaker! In honor of this +Immortal and Sublime Event I move that the House do now adjourn." The +Speaker declared the motion carried, amid renewed demonstrations of +enthusiasm. + +During all these uncontrollable ebullitions of popular feeling in behalf +of personal Liberty and National Freedom and strength, the Democratic +members of the House had sat, many of them moving uneasily in their +seats, with chagrin painted in deep lines upon their faces, while others +were bolt upright, as if riveted to their chairs, looking straight +before them at the Speaker, in a vain attempt, belied by the pallid +anger of their set countenances, to appear unconscious of the storm of +popular feeling breaking around them, which they now doggedly perceived +might be but a forecast of the joyful enthusiasm which on that day, and +on the morrow, would spread from one end of the Land to the other. + +Harris, of Maryland, made a sort of "Last Ditch" protest against +adjournment, by demanding the "yeas and nays" on the motion to adjourn. +The motion was, however, carried, by 121 yeas to 24 nays; and, as the +members left their places in the Hall--many of them to hurry with their +hearty congratulations to President Lincoln at the White House--the +triumph, in the Halls of our National Congress, of Freedom and Justice +and Civilization, over Slavery and Tyranny and Barbarism, was already +being saluted by the booming of one hundred guns on Capitol Hill. + +How large a share was Mr. Lincoln's, in that triumph, these pages have +already sufficiently indicated. Sweet indeed must have been the joy +that thrilled his whole being, when, sitting in the White House, he +heard the bellowing artillery attest the success of his labors in behalf +of Emancipation. Proud indeed must he have felt when, the following +night, in response to the loud and jubilant cries of "Lincoln!" +"Lincoln!" "Abe Lincoln!" "Uncle Abe!" and other affectionate calls, +from a great concourse of people who, with music, had assembled outside +the White House to give him a grand serenade and popular ovation, he +appeared at an open window, bowed to the tumult of their acclamations, +and declared that "The great Job is ended!"--adding, among other things, +that the occasion was one fit for congratulation, and, said he, "I +cannot but congratulate all present--myself, the Country, and the whole +World--upon this great moral victory. * * * This ends the Job!" + +Substantially the job was ended. There was little doubt, after such a +send off, by the President and by Congress, in view of the character of +the State Legislatures, as well as the temper of the People, that the +requisite number of States would be secured to ratify the Thirteenth +Amendment. Already, on the 1st of February, that is to say, on the very +day of this popular demonstration at the Executive Mansion, the +President's own State, Illinois, had ratified it--and this circumstance +added to the satisfaction and happiness which beamed from, and almost +made beautiful, his homely face. + +Other States quickly followed; Maryland, on February 1st and 3rd; Rhode +Island and Michigan, on February 2nd; New York, February 2nd and 3rd; +West Virginia, February 3rd; Maine and Kansas, February 7th; +Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, February 8th; Virginia, February 9th; +Ohio and Missouri, February 10th; Nevada and Indiana, February 16th; +Louisiana, February 17th; Minnesota, February 8th and 23rd; Wisconsin, +March 1st; Vermont, March 9th; Tennessee, April 5th and 7th; Arkansas, +April 20th; Connecticut, May 5th; New Hampshire, July 1st; South +Carolina, November 13th; Alabama, December 2nd; North Carolina, December +4th; Georgia, December 9th; Oregon, December 11th; California, December +20th; and Florida, December 28th;--all in 1865; with New Jersey, closely +following, on January 23rd; and Iowa, January 24th;--in 1866. + +Long ere this last date, however, the Secretary of State (Mr. Seward) +had been able to, and did, announce (November 18, 1865) the ratification +of the Amendment by the requisite number of States, and certified that +the same had "become, to all intents and purposes, valid as a part of +the Constitution of the United States." + +Not until then, was "the job" absolutely ended; but, as has been already +mentioned, it was, at the time Mr. Lincoln spoke, as good as ended. It +was a foregone conclusion, that the great end for which he, and so many +other great and good men of the Republic had for so many years been +earnestly striving, would be an accomplished fact. They had not failed; +they had stood firm; the victory which he had predicted six years before +had come! + + [He had said in his Springfield speech, of 1858: "We + shall not fail; if we stand firm we shall not fail; wise counsels + may accelerate, or mistakes delay, but sooner or later the Victory + is sure to come."] + + + + + CHAPTER XXIX. + + LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURATION. + +While the death of Slavery in America was decreed, as we have seen; yet, +the sanguine anticipations of Mr. Lincoln, and other friends of Freedom, +that such a decree, imperishably grafted into the Constitution, must at +once end the Rebellion, and bring Peace with a restored Union, were not +realized. The War went on. Grant was still holding Lee, at Petersburg, +near Richmond, while Sherman's victorious Army was about entering upon a +campaign from Savannah, up through the Carolinas. + +During the previous Summer, efforts had been made, by Horace Greeley, +and certain parties supposed to represent the Rebel authorities, to lay +the ground-work for an early Peace and adjustment of the differences +between the Government of the United States and the Rebels, but they +miscarried. They led, however, to the publication of the following +important conciliatory Presidential announcement: + + "EXECUTIVE MANSION, + "WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864. + +"To whom it may concern: + +"Any proposition which embraces the restoration of Peace, the integrity +of the whole Union, and the abandonment of Slavery, and which comes by +and with an authority that can control the Armies now at War against the +United States, will be received and considered by the Executive +Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on +substantial and collateral points; and the bearer or bearers thereof +shall have safe conduct both ways. + +"(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN." + + +About the same time, other efforts were being made, with a similar +object in view, but which came to naught. The visit of Messrs. Jacques +and Gilmore to the Rebel Capital on an informal Peace-errand was, at +least, valuable in this, that it secured from the head and front of the +armed Conspiracy, Jefferson Davis himself, the following definite +statement: + +"I desire Peace as much as you do; I deplore bloodshed as much as you +do; but I feel that not one drop of the blood shed in this War is on my +hands. I can look up to my God and say this. I tried all in my power +to avert this War. I saw it coming, and for twelve years I worked night +and day to prevent it; but I could not. The North was mad and blind; it +would not let us govern ourselves; and so the War came: and now it must +go on till the last man of this generation falls in his tracks, and his +children seize his musket and fight our battle, unless you acknowledge +our right to self-government. We are not fighting for Slavery. We are +fighting for INDEPENDENCE; and that, or EXTERMINATION, we WILL have." + + [The Nation, July 2, 1885, contained the following + remarks, which may be pertinently quoted in support of this + authoritative statement that the South was "not fighting for + Slavery," but for Independence--that is to say: for Power, and what + would flow from it.] + + ["The Charleston News and Courier a fortnight ago remarked that + 'not more than one Southern soldier in ten or fifteen was a + Slaveholder, or had any interest in Slave Property.' The + Laurensville Herald disputed the statement, and declared that 'the + Southern Army was really an Army of Slaveholders and the sons of + Slaveholders.' The Charleston paper stands by its original + position, and cites figures which are conclusive. The Military + population of the eleven States which seceded, according to the + census of 1860, was 1,064,193. The entire number of Slaveholders + in the Country at the same time was 383,637, but of these 77,335 + lived in the Border States, so that the number in the Seceding + States was only 306,302. Most of the small Slaveholders, however, + were not Slave-owners, but Slave hirers, and Mr. De Bow, the + statistician who supervised the census of 1850, estimated that but + little over half the holders were actually owners. The proportion + of owners diminished between 1850 and 1860, and the News and + Courier thinks that there were not more than 150,000 Slave-owners + in the Confederate States when the War broke out. This would be + one owner to every seven White males between eighteen and forty- + five; but as many of the owners were women, and many of the men + were relieved from Military service, the Charleston paper is + confirmed in its original opinion that there were ten men in the + Southern Army who were not Slave-owners for every soldier who had + Slaves of his own."] + +And when these self-constituted Peace-delegates had fulfilled the duty +which their zeal had impelled them to perform, and were taking their +leave of the Rebel chieftain, Jefferson Davis added: + +"Say to Mr. Lincoln, from me, that I shall at any time be pleased to +receive proposals for PEACE on the basis of our INDEPENDENCE. It will +be useless to approach me with any other." + +Thus the lines had been definitely and distinctly drawn, on both sides. +The issue of Slavery became admittedly, as between the Government and +the Rebels, a dead one. The great cardinal issue was now clearly seen +and authoritatively admitted to be, "the integrity of the whole Union" +on the one side, and on the other, "Independence of a part of it." +These precise declarations did great good to the Union Cause in the +North, and not only helped the triumphant re-election of Mr. Lincoln, +but also contributed to weaken the position of the Northern advocates of +Slavery, and to bring about, as we have seen, the extinction of that +inherited National curse, by Constitutional Amendment. + +During January, of 1865, Francis P. Blair having been permitted to pass +both the Union and Rebel Army lines, showed to Mr. Lincoln a letter, +written to the former, by Jefferson Davis--and which the latter had +authorized him to read to the President--stating that he had always +been, and was still, ready to send or to receive Commissioners "to enter +into a Conference, with a view to secure Peace to the two Countries." +On the 18th of that month, purposing to having it shown to Jefferson +Davis, Mr. Lincoln wrote to Mr. Blair a letter in which, after referring +to Mr. Davis, he said: "You may say to him that I have constantly been, +am now, and shall continue, ready to receive any agent whom he, or any +other influential person now resisting the National Authority, may +informally send to me, with the view of securing Peace to the People of +our common Country." On the 21st of January, Mr. Blair was again in +Richmond; and Mr. Davis had read and retained Mr. Lincoln's letter to +Blair, who specifically drew the Rebel chieftain's attention to the fact +that "the part about 'our common Country' related to the part of Mr. +Davis's letter about 'the two Countries,' to which Mr. Davis replied +that he so understood it." Yet subsequently, he sent Messrs. Alexander +H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter, and John A. Campbell as Commissioners, +with instructions, (January 28, 1865,) which, after setting forth the +language of Mr. Lincoln's letter, proceeded strangely enough to say: "In +conformity with the letter of Mr. Lincoln, of which the foregoing is a +copy, you are to proceed to Washington city for informal Conference with +him upon the issues involved in the existing War, and for the purpose of +securing Peace to the two Countries!" The Commissioners themselves +stated in writing that "The substantial object to be obtained by the +informal Conference is, to ascertain upon what terms the existing War +can be terminated honorably. * * * Our earnest desire is, that a just +and honorable Peace may be agreed upon, and we are prepared to receive +or to submit propositions which may, possibly, lead to the attainment of +that end." In consequence of this peculiarly "mixed" overture, the +President sent Secretary Seward to Fortress Monroe, to informally confer +with the parties, specifically instructing him to "make known to them +that three things are indispensable, to wit: + +"1. The restoration of the National Authority throughout all the +States. + +"2. No receding, by the Executive of the United States, on the Slavery +question, from the position assumed thereon in the late Annual Message +to Congress, and in preceding documents. + +"3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the War and the +disbanding of all forces hostile to the Government." + +Mr. Lincoln also instructed the Secretary to "inform them that all +propositions of theirs, not inconsistent with the above, will be +considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberality;" to "hear +all they may choose to say, and report it" to him, and not to "assume to +definitely consummate anything." Subsequently, the President, in +consequence of a dispatch from General Grant to Secretary Stanton, +decided to go himself to Fortress Monroe. + + Following is the dispatch: + + [In Cipher] + + OFFICE UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH. WAR DEPARTMENT. + + "The following telegram received at Washington, 4.35 A.M., February + 2, 1865. From City Point, Va., February 1, 10.30 P.M., 1865 + + "Now that the interview between Major Eckert, under his written + instructions, and Mr. Stephens and party has ended, I will state + confidentially, but not officially, to become a matter of record, + that I am convinced, upon conversation with Messrs. Stephens and + Hunter, that their intentions are good and their desire sincere to + restore Peace and Union. I have not felt myself at liberty to + express, even, views of my own, or to account for my reticency. + This has placed me in an awkward position, which I could have + avoided by not seeing them in the first instance. I fear now their + going back without any expression from any one in authority will + have a bad influence. At the same time I recognize the + difficulties in the way of receiving these informal Commissioners + at this time, and do not know what to recommend. I am sorry, + however, that Mr. Lincoln cannot have an interview with the two + named in this dispatch, if not all three now within our lines. + Their letter to me was all that the President's instructions + contemplated to secure their safe conduct, if they had used the + same language to Major Eckert. + + "U. S. GRANT, + "Lieutenant General. + + "Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, + "Secretary of War." + + Mr. Stephens is stated by a Georgia paper to have repeated the + following characteristic anecdote of what occurred during the + interview. "The three Southern gentlemen met Mr. Lincoln and Mr. + Seward, and after some preliminary remarks, the subject of Peace + was opened. Mr. Stephens, well aware that one who asks much may + get more than he who confesses to humble wishes at the outset, + urged the claims of his Section with that skill and address for + which the Northern papers have given him credit. Mr. Lincoln, + holding the vantage ground of conscious power, was, however, + perfectly frank, and submitted his views almost in the form of an + argument. * * * Davis had, on this occasion, as on that of Mr. + Stephens's visit to Washington, made it a condition that no + Conference should be had unless his rank as Commander or President + should first be recognized. Mr. Lincoln declared that the only + ground on which he could rest the justice of War--either with his + own people, or with foreign powers--was that it was not a War for + conquest, for that the States had never been separated from the + Union. Consequently, he could not recognize another Government + inside of the one of which he alone was President; nor admit the + separate Independence of States that were yet a part of the Union. + 'That' said he 'would be doing what you have so long asked Europe + to do in vain, and be resigning the only thing the Armies of the + Union have been fighting for.' Mr. Hunter made a long reply to + this, insisting that the recognition of Davis's power to make a + Treaty was the first and indispensable step to Peace, and referred + to the correspondence between King Charles I., and his Parliament, + as a trustworthy precedent of a Constitutional ruler treating with + Rebels. Mr. Lincoln's face then wore that indescribable expression + which generally preceded his hardest hits, and he remarked: 'Upon + questions of history I must refer you to Mr. Seward, for he is + posted in such things, and I don't pretend to be bright. My only + distinct recollection of the matter is that Charles lost his head,' + That settled Mr. Hunter for a while." Arnold's Lincoln, p. 400. + +On the night of February 2nd, Mr. Lincoln reached Hampton Roads, and +joined Secretary Seward on board a steamer anchored off the shore. The +next morning, from another steamer, similarly anchored, Messrs. +Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell were brought aboard the President's +steamer and a Conference with the President and Secretary of several +hours' duration was the result. Mr. Lincoln's own statement of what +transpired was in these words: + +"No question of preliminaries to the meeting was then and there made or +mentioned. No other person was present; no papers were exchanged or +produced; and it was, in advance, agreed that the conversation was to be +informal and verbal merely. On our part, the whole substance of the +instructions to the Secretary of State, hereinbefore recited, was stated +and insisted upon, and nothing was said inconsistent therewith; while, +by the other party, it was not said that in any event or on any +condition, they ever would consent to Re-union; and yet they equally +omitted to declare that they never would so consent. They seemed to +desire a postponement of that question, and the adoption of some other +course first, which, as some of them seemed to argue, might or might not +lead to Reunion; but which course, we thought, would amount to an +indefinite postponement. The Conference ended without result." + +In his communication to the Rebel Congress at Richmond, February 6. +1865, Jefferson Davis, after mentioning his appointment of Messrs. +Stephens, Hunter and Campbell, for the purpose stated, proceeded to say: + +"I herewith transmit, for the information of Congress, the report of the +eminent citizens above named, showing that the Enemy refused to enter +into negotiations with the Confederate States, or any one of them +separately, or to give to our people any other terms or guarantees than +those which the conqueror may grant, or to permit us to have Peace on +any other basis than our unconditional submission to their rule, coupled +with the acceptance of their recent legislation on the subject of the +relations between the White and Black population of each State." + +On the 5th and 9th of February, public meetings were held at Richmond, +in connection with these Peace negotiations. At the first, Jefferson +Davis made a speech in which the Richmond Dispatch reported him as +emphatically asserting that no conditions of Peace "save the +Independence of the Confederacy could ever receive his sanction. He +doubted not that victory would yet crown our labors, * * * and sooner +than we should ever be united again he would be willing to yield up +everything he had on Earth, and if it were possible would sacrifice a +thousand lives before he would succumb." Thereupon the meeting of +Rebels passed resolutions "spurning" Mr. Lincoln's terms "with the +indignation due to so gross an insult;" declared that the circumstances +connected with his offer could only "add to the outrage and stamp it as +a designed and premeditated indignity" offered to them; and invoking +"the aid of Almighty God" to carry out their "resolve to maintain" their +"Liberties and Independence"--to which, said they, "we mutually pledge +our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor." So too, at the second +of these meetings, presided over by R. M. T. Hunter, and addressed by +the Rebel Secretary Judah P. Benjamin, resolutions were adopted amid +"wild and long continued cheering," one of which stated that they would +"never lay down" their "arms until" their "Independence" had "been won," +while another declared a full confidence in the sufficiency of their +resources to "conduct the War successfully and to that issue," and +invoked "the People, in the name of the holiest of all causes, to spare +neither their blood nor their treasure in its maintenance and support." + +As during these Peace negotiations, General Grant, by express direction +of President Lincoln, had not changed, hindered, nor delayed, any of his +"Military movements or plans," so, now that the negotiations had failed, +those Military movements were pressed more strenuously than ever. + + [The main object of this Conference on the part of the Rebels was + to secure an immediate truce, or breathing spell, during which they + could get themselves in better condition for continuing the War. + Indeed a portion of Mr. Seward's letter of Feb. 7, 1865, to Mr. + Adams, our Minister at the Court of St. James, giving him an + account of the Conference with the party of Insurgent + Commissioners, would not alone indicate this, but also that it was + proposed by that "Insurgent party," that both sides, during the + time they would thus cease to fight one another, might profitably + combine their forces to drive the French invaders out of Mexico and + annex that valuable country. At least, the following passage in + that letter will bear that construction: + + "What the Insurgent party seemed chiefly to favor was a + postponement of the question of separation, upon which the War is + waged, and a mutual direction of efforts of the Government, as well + as those of the Insurgents, to some extrinsic policy or scheme for + a season, during which passions might be expected to subside, and + the Armies be reduced, and trade and intercourse between the People + of both Sections resumed. It was suggested by them that through + such postponements we might now have immediate Peace, with some not + very certain prospect of an ultimate satisfactory adjustment of + political relations between this Government, and the States, + Section, or People, now engaged in conflict with it." + + For the whole of this letter see McPherson's History of the + Rebellion, p. 570.] + +Fort Fisher, North Carolina, had already been captured by a combined +Military and Naval attack of the Union forces under General Terry and +Admiral Porter; and Sherman's Army was now victoriously advancing from +Savannah, Georgia, Northwardly through South Carolina. On the 17th of +February, Columbia, the capital of the latter State, surrendered, and, +the day following, Charleston was evacuated, and its defenses, including +historic Fort Sumter, were once more under that glorious old flag of the +Union which four years before had been driven away, by shot and shell +and flame, amid the frantic exultations of the temporarily successful +armed Conspirators of South Carolina. On the 22nd of February, General +Schofield, who had been sent by Grant with his 23rd Corps, by water, to +form a junction with Terry's troops about Fort Fisher, and capture +Wilmington, North Carolina, had also accomplished his purpose +successfully. + +The Rebel Cause now began to look pretty desperate, even to Rebel eyes. + + [Hundreds of Rebels were now deserting from Lee's Armies about + Richmond, every night, owing partly to despondency. "These + desertions," wrote Lee, on the 24th February, "have a very bad + effect upon the troops who remain, and give rise to painful + apprehensions." Another cause was the lack of food and clothing. + Says Badeau (Military History of Ulysses S. Grant, vol. iii., p. + 399): "On the 8th of January, Lee wrote to the Rebel Government + that the entire Right Wing of his Army had been in line for three + days and nights, in the most inclement weather of the season. + 'Under these circumstances,' he said, 'heightened by assaults and + fire of the Enemy, some of the men had been without meat for three + days, and all were suffering from reduced rations and scant + clothing. Colonel Cole, chief commissary, reports that he has not + a pound of meat at his disposal. If some change is not made, and + the commissary department reorganized, I apprehend dire results. + The physical strength of the men, if their courage survives, must + fail under this treatment. Our Cavalry has to be dispersed for + want of forage. Fitz Lee's and Lomax's Divisions are scattered + because supplies cannot be transported where their services are + required. I had to bring Fitz Lee's Division sixty miles Sunday + night, to get them in position. Taking these facts in connection + with the paucity of our numbers, you must not be surprised if + calamity befalls us.'" Badeau's (Grant, vol. iii., p. 401,)] + +Toward the end of February, the Rebel General Longstreet having +requested an interview with General Ord "to arrange for the exchange of +citizen prisoners, and prisoners of war, improperly captured," General +Grant authorized General Ord to hold such interview t and "to arrange +definitely for such as were confined in his department, arrangements for +all others to be submitted for approval." In the course of that +interview "a general conversation ensued on the subject of the War," +when it would seem that Longstreet suggested the idea of a composition +of the questions at issue, and Peace between the United States and the +Rebels, by means of a Military Convention. It is quite probable that +this idea originated with Jefferson Davis, as a /dernier ressort/; for +Longstreet appears to have communicated directly with Davis concerning +his interview or "interviews" with Ord. On the 28th of February, 1865 +the Rebel Chief wrote to Lee, as follows: + + "RICHMOND, VA., February 28. + +"Gen. R. E. LEE, Commanding, etc., + +"GENERAL: You will learn by the letter of General Longstreet the result +of his second interview with General Ord. The points as to whether +yourself or General Grant should invite the other to a Conference is not +worth discussing. If you think the statements of General Ord render it +probably useful that the Conference suggested should be had, you will +proceed as you may prefer, and are clothed with all the supplemental +authority you may need in the consideration of any proposition for a +Military Convention, or the appointment of a Commissioner to enter into +such an arrangement as will cause at least temporary suspension of +hostilities. + "Very truly yours + "JEFFERSON DAVIS." + + +Thereupon General Lee wrote, and sent to General Grant, the following +communication: + + "HEADQUARTERS C. S. ARMIES, March 2, 1865. +"Lieut. Gen. U. S. GRANT, +"Commanding United States Armies: + +"GENERAL: Lieut.-Gen. Longstreet has informed me that, in a recent +conversation between himself and Maj.-Gen. Ord, as to the possibility of +arriving at a satisfactory adjustment of the present unhappy +difficulties by means of a Military Convention, General Ord stated that +if I desired to have an interview with you on the subject, you would not +decline, provided I had authority to act. Sincerely desirous to leave +nothing untried which may put an end to the calamities of War, I propose +to meet you at such convenient time and place as you may designate, with +the hope that, upon an interchange of views, it may be found practicable +to submit the subjects of controversy between the belligerents to a +Convention of the kind mentioned. + +"In such event, I am authorized to do whatever the result of the +proposed interview may render necessary or advisable. Should you accede +to this proposition, I would suggest that, if agreeable to you, we meet +at the place selected by Generals Ord and Longstreet, for the interview, +at 11 A.M., on Monday next. + + "Very respectfully your obedient servant, + "R. E. LEE, General." + + +Upon receipt of this letter, General Grant sent a telegraphic dispatch +to Secretary Stanton, informing him of Lee's proposition. It reached +the Secretary of War just before midnight of March 3rd. He, and the +other members of the Cabinet were with the President, in the latter's +room at the Capitol, whither they had gone on this, the last, night of +the last Session of the Thirty-Eighth Congress, the Cabinet to advise, +and the President to act, upon bills submitted to him for approval. The +Secretary, after reading the dispatch, handed it to Mr. Lincoln. The +latter read and thought over it briefly, and then himself wrote the +following reply: + +"WASHINGTON, March, 3, 1865, 12 P.M. + +"LIEUTENANT GENERAL GRANT: The President directs me to say to you that +he wishes you to have no Conference with General Lee, unless it be for +the capitulation of General Lee's Army, or on some other minor and +purely Military matter. He instructs me to say to you that you are not +to decide, discuss, or confer upon any political question. Such +questions the President holds in his own hands, and will submit them to +no Military Conferences or Conventions. Meanwhile you are to press to +the utmost your Military advantages. + "EDWIN M. STANTON, + "Secretary of War." + + +General Grant received this dispatch, on the day following, and at once +wrote and sent to General Lee a communication in which, after referring +to the subject of the exchange of prisoners, he said: "In regard to +meeting you on the 6th inst., I would state that--I have no authority to +accede to your proposition for a Conference on the subject proposed. +Such authority is vested in the President of the United States alone. +General Ord could only have meant that I would not refuse an interview +on any subject on which I have a right to act; which, of course, would +be such as are purely of a Military character, and on the subject of +exchange, which has been entrusted to me." + +Thus perished the last reasonable hope entertained by the Rebel +Chieftains to ward off the inevitable and mortal blow that was about to +smite their Cause. + +The 4th of March, 1865, had come. The Thirty-Eighth Congress was no +more. Mr. Lincoln was about to be inaugurated, for a second term, as +President of the United States. The previous night had been vexed with +a stormy snow-fall. The morning had also been stormy and rainy. By +mid-day, however, as if to mark the event auspiciously, the skies +cleared and the sun shone gloriously upon the thousands and tens of +thousands who had come to Washington, to witness the second Inauguration +of him whom the people had now, long since, learned to affectionately +term "Father Abraham"--of him who had become the veritable Father of his +People. As the President left the White House, to join the grand +procession to the Capitol, a brilliant meteor shot athwart the heavens, +above his head. At the time, the superstitious thought it an Omen of +triumph--of coming Peace--but in the sad after-days when armed Rebellion +had ceased and Peace had come, it was remembered, with a shudder, as a +portent of ill. When, at last, Mr. Lincoln stood, with bared head, upon +the platform at the eastern portico of the Capitol, where four years +before, he had made his vows before the People, under such very +different circumstances and surroundings, the contrast between that time +and this--and all the terrible and eventful history of the interim-- +could not fail to present itself to every mind of all those congregated, +whether upon the platform among the gorgeously costumed foreign +diplomats, the full-uniformed Military and Naval officers of the United +States, and the more soberly-clad statesmen and Civic and Judicial +functionaries of the Land, or in the vast and indiscriminate mass of the +enthusiastic people in front and on both sides of it. As Chief Justice +Chase administered the oath, and Abraham Lincoln, in view of all the +people, reverently bowed his head and kissed the open Bible, at a +passage in Isaiah (27th and 28th verses of the 5th Chapter) which it was +thought "admonished him to be on his guard, and not to relax at all, in +his efforts," the people, whose first cheers of welcome had been stayed +by the President's uplifted hand, broke forth in a tumult of cheering, +until again hushed by the clear, strong, even voice of the President, as +he delivered that second Inaugural Address, whose touching tenderness, +religious resignation, and Christian charity, were clad in these +imperishable words: + +"FELLOW COUNTRYMEN: At this second appearing to take the Oath of the +Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than +there was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a +course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration +of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly +called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still +absorbs the attention and engrosses the energy of the Nation, little +that is new could be presented. The progress of our Arms, upon which +all else depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it +is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high +hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. + +"On the occasion corresponding to this, four years ago, all thoughts +were anxiously directed to an impending Civil War. All dreaded it--all +sought to avert it. While the Inaugural Address was being delivered +from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without War, +Insurgent agents were in the city, seeking to destroy it without War-- +seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide the effects, by negotiation. +Both parties deprecated War; but one of them would make War rather than +let the Nation survive; and the other would accept War rather than let +it perish--and the War came. + +"One-eighth of the whole population were colored Slaves, not distributed +generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. +These Slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew +that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the War. To strengthen, +perpetuate and extend this interest was the object for which the +Insurgents would rend the Union, even by War; while the Government +claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement +of it. Neither Party expected for the War the magnitude or the duration +which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of +the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself +should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less +fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the +same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem +strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in +wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us +judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be +answered--that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His +own purposes. 'Woe unto the World because of offences! for it must +needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence +cometh.' If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those +offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, +having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and +that He gives to both North and South this terrible War, as the woe due +to those by Whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any +departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living +God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray-- +that this mighty scourge of War may speedily pass away. Yet, if God +wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two +hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until +every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn +with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must +be said, 'The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' + +"With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the +right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the +work we are in; to bind up the Nation's wounds, to care for him who +shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan--to do +all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting Peace among +ourselves, and with all Nations." + +With utterances so just and fair, so firm and hopeful, so penitent and +humble, so benignant and charitable, so mournfully tender and sweetly +solemn, so full of the fervor of true piety and the very pathos of +patriotism, small wonder is it that among those numberless thousands +who, on this memorable occasion, gazed upon the tall, gaunt form of +Abraham Lincoln, and heard his clear, sad voice, were some who almost +imagined they saw the form and heard the voice of one of the great +prophets and leaders of Israel; while others were more reminded of one +of the Holy Apostles of the later Dispensation who preached the glorious +Gospel "On Earth, Peace, good will toward Men," and received in the end +the crown of Christian martyrdom. But not one soul of those present-- +unless his own felt such presentiment--dreamed for a moment that, all +too soon, the light of those brave and kindly eyes was fated to go out +in darkness, that sad voice to be hushed forever, that form to lie +bleeding and dead, a martyred sacrifice indeed, upon the altar of his +Country! + + + + + CHAPTER XXX. + + COLLAPSE OF THE ARMED CONSPIRACY. + +Meantime, Sherman's Armies were pressing along upward, toward Raleigh, +from Columbia, marching through swamps and over quicksands and across +swollen streams--cold, wet, hungry, tired--often up to their armpits in +water, yet keeping their powder dry, and silencing opposing batteries or +driving the Enemy, who doggedly retired before them, through the +drenching rains which poured down unceasingly for days, and even weeks, +at a time. On the 16th of March, 1865, a part of Sherman's Forces met +the Enemy, under General Joe Johnston, at Averysboro, N. C., and forced +him to retire. On the 19th and 20th of March, occurred the series of +engagements, about Mill Creek and the Bentonville and Smithfield cross- +roads, which culminated in the attack upon the Enemy, of the 21st of +March, and his evacuation, that night, of his entire line of works, and +retreat upon Smithfield. This was known as the Battle of Bentonville, +and was the last battle fought between the rival Forces under Sherman +and Johnston. The Armies of Sherman, now swollen by having formed a +junction with the troops under Schofield and Terry, which had come from +Newbern and Wilmington, went into camp at Goldsboro, North Carolina, to +await the rebuilding of the railroads from those two points on the +coast, and the arrival of badly needed clothing, provision, and other +supplies, after which the march would be resumed to Burksville, +Virginia. By the 25th of March, the railroad from Newbern was in +running order, and General Sherman, leaving General Schofield in command +of his eighty thousand troops, went to Newbern and Morehead City, and +thence by steamer to City Point, for a personal interview with General +Grant. On the same day, Lee made a desperate but useless assault, with +twenty thousand (of his seventy thousand) men upon Fort Stedman--a +portion of Grant's works in front of Petersburg. On the 27th, President +Lincoln reached City Point, on the James River, in the steamer "Ocean +Queen." Sherman reached City Point the same day, and, after meeting the +General-in-Chief, Grant took him on board the "Ocean Queen" to see the +President. Together they explained to Mr. Lincoln the Military +situation, during the "hour or more" they were with him. Of this +interview with Mr. Lincoln, General Sherman afterwards wrote: "General +Grant and I explained to him that my next move from Goldsboro would +bring my Army, increased to eighty thousand men by Schofield's and +Terry's reinforcements, in close communication with General Grant's +Army, then investing Lee in Richmond, and that unless Lee could effect +his escape, and make junction with Johnston in North Carolina, he would +soon be shut up in Richmond with no possibility of supplies, and would +have to surrender. Mr. Lincoln was extremely interested in this view of +the case, and when we explained that Lee's only chance was to escape, +join Johnston, and, being then between me in North Carolina, and Grant +in Virginia, could choose which to fight. Mr. Lincoln seemed unusually +impressed with this; but General Grant explained that, at the very +moment of our conversation, General Sheridan was passing his Cavalry +across James River, from the North to the South; that he would, with +this Cavalry, so extend his left below Petersburg as to meet the South +Shore Road; and that if Lee should 'let go' his fortified lines, he +(Grant) would follow him so close that he could not possibly fall on me +alone in North Carolina. I, in like manner, expressed the fullest +confidence that my Army in North Carolina was willing to cope with Lee +and Johnston combined, till Grant could come up. But we both agreed +that one more bloody battle was likely to occur before the close of the +War. Mr. Lincoln * * * more than once exclaimed: 'Must more blood be +shed? Cannot this last bloody battle be avoided?' We explained that we +had to presume that General Lee was a real general; that he must see +that Johnston alone was no barrier to my progress; and that if my Army +of eighty thousand veterans should reach Burksville, he was lost in +Richmond; and that we were forced to believe he would not await that +inevitable conclusion, but make one more desperate effort." + +President Lincoln's intense anxiety caused him to remain at City Point, +from this time forth, almost until the end--receiving from General +Grant, when absent, at the immediate front, frequent dispatches, which, +as fast as received and read, he transmitted to the Secretary of War, at +Washington. Grant had already given general instructions to Major- +Generals Meade, Ord, and Sheridan, for the closing movements of his +immediate Forces, against Lee and his lines of supply and possible +retreat. He saw that the time had come for which he had so long waited, +and he now felt "like ending the matter." On the morning of the 29th of +March--preliminary dispositions having been executed--the movements +began. That night, Grant wrote to Sheridan, who was at Dinwiddie Court +House, with his ten thousand Cavalry: "Our line is now unbroken from the +Appomattox to Dinwiddie. * * * I feel now like ending the matter, if +it is possible to do so, before going back. * * * In the morning, push +around the Enemy, if you can, and get on his right rear. * * * We will +all act together as one Army, until it is seen what can be done with the +Enemy." The rain fell all that night in torrents. The face of the +country, where forests, swamps, and quicksands alternated in presenting +apparently insuperable obstacles to immediate advance, was very +discouraging next morning, but Sheridan's heart was gladdened by orders +to seize Five Forks. + +On the 31st, the Battle of Dinwiddie Court House occurred--the Enemy +attacking Sheridan and Warren with a largely superior force. During the +night, Sheridan was reinforced with the Fifth Corps, and other troops. +On April 1st, Sheridan fought, and won, the glorious Battle of Five +Forks, against this detached Rebel force, and, besides capturing 6,000 +prisoners and six pieces of artillery, dispersed the rest to the North +and West, away from the balance of Lee's Army. That night, after Grant +received the news of this victory, he went into his tent, wrote a +dispatch, sent it by an orderly, and returning to the fire outside his +tent, calmly said: "I have ordered an immediate assault along the +lines." This was afterward modified to an attack at three points, on +the Petersburg works, at 4 o'clock in the morning--a terrific +bombardment, however, to be kept up all night. Grant also sent more +reinforcements to Sheridan. On the morning of April 2nd, the assault +was made, and the Enemy's works were gallantly carried, while Sheridan +was coming up to the West of Petersburg. + +The Rebel Chieftain Lee, when his works were stormed and carried, is +said to have exclaimed: "It has happened as I thought; the lines have +been stretched until they broke." At 10.30 A. M. he telegraphed to +Jefferson Davis: "My lines are broken in three places. Richmond must be +evacuated this evening." This dispatch of Parke, Ord on Wright's left, +Humphreys on Ord's left and Warren on Humphrey's left-Sheridan being to +the rear and left of Warren, reached Davis, while at church. All +present felt, as he retired, that the end of the Rebellion had come. At +10.40 A. M. Lee reported further: "I see no prospect of doing more than +holding our position here till night. I am not certain that I can do +that. If I can, I shall withdraw tonight, North of the Appomattox, and +if possible, it will be better to withdraw the whole line to-night from +James river. * * * Our only chance of concentrating our Forces is to +do so near Danville railroad, which I shall endeavor to do at once. I +advise that all preparations be made for leaving Richmond to-night. I +will advise you later, according to circumstances. "At 7 o'clock P. M. +Lee again communicated to the Rebel Secretary of War this information: +"It is absolutely necessary that we should abandon our position to- +night, or run the risk of being cut off in the morning. I have given +all the orders to officers on both sides of the river, and have taken +every precaution that I can to make the movement successful. It will be +a difficult operation, but I hope not impracticable. Please give all +orders that you find necessary, in and about Richmond. The troops will +all be directed to Amelia Court House." This was the last dispatch sent +by Lee to the Rebel Government. + +On the 3rd of April, Petersburg and Richmond were evacuated, and again +under the Union flag, while Grant's immediate Forces were pressing +forward to cut off the retreat of Lee, upon Amelia Court House and +Danville, in an effort to form a junction with Johnston. On the 6th, +the important Battle of Sailor's Creek, Va., was fought and won by +Sheridan. On the evening of the 7th, at the Farmville hotel, where Lee +had slept the night before, Grant, after sending dispatches to Sheridan +at Prospect Station, Ord at Prince Edward's Court House, and Mead at +Rice Station, wrote the following letter to Lee: + + "FARMVILLE, April 7th, 1865. + +"GENERAL: The results of the last week must convince you of the +hopelessness of further resistance, on the part of the Army of Northern +Virginia, in this struggle. I feel that it is so, and regard it as my +duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any further effusion of +blood, by asking of you the surrender of that portion of the Confederate +States' army known as the Army of Northern Virginia. + +"U. S. GRANT, +"Lieutenant-General." + + +Lee, however, in replying to this demand, and in subsequent +correspondence, seemed to be unable to see "the hopelessness of further +resistance." He thought "the emergency had not yet come." Hence, Grant +decided to so press and harass him, as to bring the emergency along +quickly. Accordingly, by the night of the 8th of April, Sheridan with +his Cavalry had completely headed Lee off, at Appomattox Court House. +By morning, Ord's forces had reached Sheridan, and were in line behind +him. Two Corps of the Army of the Potomac, under Meade, were also, by +this time, close on the Enemy's rear. And now the harassed Enemy, +conscious that his rear was threatened, and seeing only Cavalry in his +front, through which to fight his way, advanced to the attack. The +dismounted Cavalry of Sheridan contested the advance, in order to give +Ord and Griffin as much time as possible to form, then, mounting and +moving rapidly aside, they suddenly uncovered, to the charging Rebels, +Ord's impenetrable barrier of Infantry, advancing upon them at a double- +quick! At the same time that this appalling sight staggered them, and +rolled them back in despair, they became aware that Sheridan's impetuous +Cavalry, now mounted, were hovering on their left flank, evidently about +to charge! + +Lee at once concluded that the emergency "had now come," and sent, both +to Sheridan and Meade, a flag of truce, asking that hostilities cease, +pending negotiations for a surrender--having also requested of Grant an +audience with a view to such surrender. That afternoon the two great +rival Military Chieftains met by appointment in the plain little farm- +house of one McLean--Lee dressed in his best full-dress uniform and +sword, Grant in a uniform soiled and dusty, and without any sword--and, +after a few preliminary words, as to the terms proposed by Grant, the +latter sat down to the table, and wrote the following: + + "APPOMATTOX COURT HOUSE, + "VIRGINIA, April 9, 1865. + +"GENERAL: In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the +8th instant, I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern +Virginia on the following terms, to wit: Rolls of all the officers and +men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer to be +designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers +as you may designate. The officers to give their individual paroles not +to take up arms against the Government of the United States, until +properly exchanged; and each company or regimental commander to sign a +like parole for the men of their commands. The arms, artillery, and +public property to be parked and stacked, and turned over to the +officers appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the +side-arms of the officers nor their private horses or baggage. This +done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to +be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observe their +paroles and the laws in force where they may reside. + + "U. S. GRANT, + "Lieutenant-General. + +"General R. E. LEE." + +After some further conversation, in which Grant intimated that his +officers receiving paroles would be instructed to "allow the Cavalry and +Artillery men to retain their horses, and take them home to work their +little farms"--a kindness which Lee said, would "have the best possible +effect," the latter wrote his surrender in the following words: + + "HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA, + April 9, 1865. + +"GENERAL: I received your letter of this date containing the terms of +the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, as proposed by you. As +they are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of the +8th instant, they are accepted. I will proceed to designate the proper +officers to carry the stipulations into effect. + "R. E. LEE, General. + +"Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT." + + +Before parting, Lee told Grant that his men were starving; and Grant at +once ordered 25,000 rations to be issued to the surrendered Rebels--and +then the Rebel Chieftain, shaking hands with the Victor, rode away to +his conquered legions. It was 4.30 P.M. when Grant, on his way to his +own headquarters, now with Sheridan's command, dismounted from his +horse, and sitting on a stone by the roadside, wrote the following +dispatch: + + "Hon. E. M. STANTON, + Secretary of War, Washington. + +"General Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia this afternoon on +terms proposed by myself. The accompanying additional correspondence +will show the conditions fully. + "U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General." + + +Meanwhile on the 5th of April, Grant, who had kept Sherman, as well as +Sheridan, advised of his main movements, had also ordered the former to +press Johnston's Army as he was pressing Lee, so as, between them, they +might "push on, and finish the job." In accordance with this order, +Sherman's Forces advanced toward Smithfield, and, Johnston having +rapidly retreated before them, entered Raleigh, North Carolina, on the +13th. The 14th of April, brought the news of the surrender of Lee to +Grant, and the same day a correspondence was opened between Sherman and +Johnston, looking to the surrender of the latter's Army--terms for which +were actually agreed upon, subject, however, to approval of Sherman's +superiors. Those terms, however, being considered unsatisfactory, were +promptly disapproved, and similar terms to those allowed to Lee's Army, +were substituted, and agreed to, the actual surrender taking place April +26th, near Durham, North Carolina. On the 21st, Macon, Georgia, with +12,000 Rebel Militia, and sixty guns, was surrendered to Wilson's +Cavalry-command, by General Howell Cobb. On the 4th of May, General +Richard Taylor surrendered all the armed Rebel troops, East of the +Mississippi river; and on the 26th of May, General Kirby Smith +surrendered all of them, West of that river. + +On that day, organized, armed Rebellion against the United States +ceased, and became a thing of the past. It had been conquered, stamped +out, and extinguished, while its civic head, Jefferson Davis, captured +May 11th, at Irwinsville, Georgia, while attempting to escape, was, with +other leading Rebels, a prisoner in a Union fort. Four years of armed +Rebellion had been enough for them. They were absolutely sick of it. +And the magnanimity of the terms given them by Grant, completed their +subjugation. "The wisdom of his course," says Badeau, "was proved by +the haste which the Rebels made to yield everything they had fought for. +They were ready not only to give up their arms, but literally to implore +forgiveness of the Government. They acquiesced in the abolition of +Slavery. They abandoned the heresy of Secession, and waited to learn +what else their conquerors would dictate. They dreamed not of political +power. They only asked to be let live quietly under the flag they had +outraged, and attempt in some degree to rebuild their shattered +fortunes. The greatest General of the Rebellion asked for pardon." + + + + + CHAPTER XXXI. + + ASSASSINATION! + +But while some of the great Military events alluded to in the preceding +Chapter, had been transpiring at the theatre of War, something else had +happened at the National Capital, so momentous, so atrocious, so +execrable, that it was with difficulty the victorious soldiers of the +Union, when they first heard the news, could be restrained from turning +upon the then remaining armed Rebels, and annihilating them in their +righteous fury. + +Let us go back, for a moment, to President Lincoln, whom we left on +board the Ocean Queen, at City Point, toward the end of March and the +beginning of April, receiving dispatches from Grant, who was +victoriously engaged at the front. On the very day that Richmond fell-- +April 4th--President Lincoln, with his little son "Tad," Admiral Porter, +and others, visited the burning city, and held a reception in the +parlors of the Mansion which had now, for so many years, been occupied +by the Chief Conspirator, Jefferson Davis, and which had been +precipitately abandoned when the flight of that Arch-Rebel and his +"Cabinet" commenced. On the 6th, the President, accompanied by his +wife, Vice-President Johnson, and others from Washington, again visited +Richmond, and received distinguished Virginians, to whom he addressed +words of wisdom and patriotism. + + ["On this occasion," says Arnold, "he was called upon by several + prominent citizens of Virginia, anxious to learn what the policy of + the Government towards them would be. Without committing himself + to specific details, he satisfied them that his policy would be + magnanimous, forgiving, and generous. He told these Virginians + they must learn loyalty and devotion to the Nation. They need not + love Virginia less, but they must love the Republic more."] + +On the 9th of April, he returned to Washington, and the same day--his +last Sunday on Earth--came the grand and glorious news of Lee's +surrender. + +On the Wednesday evening following, he made a lengthy speech, at the +White House, to the great crowd that had assembled about it, to +congratulate him, and the Nation, upon the downfall of Rebellion. His +first thought in that speech, was of gratitude to God. His second, to +put himself in the background, and to give all the credit of Union +Military success, to those who, under God, had achieved it. Said he: +"We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart. The +evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the +principal Insurgent Army, give hope of a righteous and speedy Peace, +whose joyous expression cannot be restrained. In the midst of this, +however, He from whom all blessings flow, must not be forgotten. A Call +for a National Thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly +promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of +rejoicing, be overlooked. Their honors must not be parcelled out with +others. I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of +transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honor, for +plan or execution, is mine. To General Grant, his skilful officers and +brave men, all belongs." + +This speech was almost entirely devoted to the subject of reconstruction +of the States lately in Rebellion, and to an argument in favor of the +Reconstruction policy, under which a new and loyal government had been +formed for the State of Louisiana. "Some twelve thousand voters in the +heretofore Slave State of Louisiana," said he, "have sworn allegiance to +the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held +elections, organized a State government, adopted a Free State +Constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to Black and +White, and empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise +upon the colored man. Their Legislature has already voted to ratify the +Constitutional Amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing Slavery +throughout the Nation. These twelve thousand persons are thus fully +committed to the Union, and to perpetual Freedom in the State; committed +to the very things, and nearly all the things, the Nation wants; and +they ask the Nation's recognition and its assistance to make good that +committal. Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to +disorganize and disperse them. We, in effect, say to the White men, +'You are worthless, or worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by +you.' To the Blacks we say, 'This cup of Liberty which these, your old +masters, hold to your lips, we will dash from you and leave you to the +chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague +and undefined when, where, and how.' If this course, discouraging and +paralyzing both White and Black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana +into proper practical relations with the Union, I have, so far, been +unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain +the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true." + +While, however, Mr. Lincoln thus upheld and defended this Louisiana plan +of reconstruction, yet he conceded that in applying it to other States, +with their varying conditions, "no exclusive and inflexible plan can +safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals." The entire speech +shows the greatest solicitude to make no mistake necessitating backward +steps, and consequent delay in reconstructing the Rebel States into +Loyal ones; and especially anxious was he, in this, his last public +utterance, touching the outcome of his great life-work, Emancipation. +"If," said he, "we reject Louisiana, we also reject one vote in favor of +the proposed Amendment to the National Constitution. To meet this +proposition it has been argued that no more than threefourths of those +States which have not attempted Secession are necessary to validly +ratify the Amendment. I do not commit myself against this further than +to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be +persistently questioned; whilst a ratification by three-fourths of all +the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable." + +On Thursday, by the President's direction, a War Department Order was +drawn up and issued, putting an end to drafting and recruiting, and the +purchase of Military supplies, and removing all restrictions which +Military necessity had imposed upon the trade and commerce and +intercourse of any one part of the Union with the other. On Friday, the +14th of April, there was a meeting of the Cabinet at noon, to receive a +report from General Grant, in person--he having just arrived from the +scene of Lee's surrender. Later, the President rode out with Mrs. +Lincoln, and talked of the hard time they had had since coming to +Washington; "but," continued he, "the War is over, and, with God's +blessing, we may hope for four years of Peace and happiness, and then we +will go back to Illinois, and pass the rest of our lives in quiet." At +Ford's Theatre, that evening, was played "The American Cousin," and it +had been announced that both the President and General Grant would be +present. Grant, however, was prevented from attending. President +Lincoln attended with reluctance--possibly because of a presentiment +which he had that day had, that "something serious is going to happen," +of which he made mention at the Cabinet meeting aforesaid. + +It was about 9 o-clock P.M., that the President, with Mrs. Lincoln, +Major Rathbone, and Miss Harris, entered the Theatre, and, after +acknowledging with a bow the patriotic acclamations with which the +audience saluted him, entered the door of the private box, reserved for +his party, which was draped with the folds of the American flag. At +half past 10 o'clock, while all were absorbed in the play, a pistol-shot +was heard, and a man, brandishing a bloody dagger, was seen to leap to +the stage from the President's box, crying "Sic Semper Tyrannis!" His +spuired boot, catching in the bunting, tripped him, so that he half fell +and injured one leg, but instantly recovered himself, and, shouting "The +South is avenged!" rushed across the stage, and disappeared. It was an +actor, John Wilkes Booth by name, who--inspired with all the mad, +unreasoning, malignant hatred of everything representing Freedom and +Union, which was purposely instilled into the minds and hearts of their +followers and sympathizers by the Rebel leaders and their chief +accomplices in the North--had basely skulked into the box, behind Mr. +Lincoln, mortally wounded him with a pistol-bullet, and escaped--after +stabbing Major Rathbone for vainly striving to arrest the vile +assassin's flight. + +Thus this great and good Ruler of our reunited People was foully +stricken down in the very moment of his triumph; when the Union troops +were everywhere victorious; when Lee had surrendered the chief Army of +the downfallen Confederacy; when Johnston was on the point of +surrendering the only remaining Rebel force which could be termed an +Army; on the self-same day too, which saw the identical flag of the +Union, that four years before had been sadly hauled down from the +flagstaff of Fort Sumter, triumphantly raised again over that historic +fort; when, the War being at an end, everything in the future looked +hopeful; at the very time when his merciful and kindly mind was +doubtless far away from the mimic scenes upon which he looked, revolving +beneficent plans for reconstructing and rebuilding the waste and +desolate places in the South which War had made; at this time, of all +times, when his clear and just perceptions and firm patriotism were most +needed, + + [For his last public words, two nights before, had been: "In the + present 'situation,' as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make + some new announcement to the people of the South. I am + CONSIDERING, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action + will be proper."] + +alike by conquerors and conquered, to guide and aid the Nation in the +difficult task of reconstruction, and of the new departure, looming up +before it, with newer and broader and better political issues upon which +all Patriot might safely divide, while all the old issues of States- +rights, Secession, Free-Trade, and Slavery, and all the mental and moral +leprosy growing out of them, should lie buried far out of sight as dead- +and-gone relics of the cruel and devastating War which they alone had +brought on! Abraham Lincoln never spoke again. The early beams of the +tomorrow's sun touched, but failed to warm, the lifeless remain of the +great War-President and Liberator, as they were borne, in mournful +silence, back to the White House, mute and ghastly witness of the sheer +desperation of those who, although armed Rebellion, in the open field, +by the fair and legitimate modes of Military warfare, had ceased, were +determined still to keep up that cowardly "fire in the rear" which had +been promised to the Rebel leaders by their Northern henchmen and +sympathizers. + +The assassination of President Lincoln was but a part of the plot of +Booth and his murderous Rebel-sympathizing fellow conspirators. It was +their purpose also to kill Grant, and Seward, and other prominent +members of the Cabinet, simultaneously, in the wild hope that anarchy +might follow, and Treason find its opportunity. In this they almost +miraculously failed, although Seward was badly wounded by one of the +assassins. + +That the Rebel authorities were cognizant of, and encouraged, this +dastardly plot, cannot be distinctly proven. But, while they naturally +would be likely, especially in the face of the storm of public +exasperation which it raised throughout the Union, to disavow all +knowledge of, or complicity in, the vengeful murder of President +Lincoln, and to destroy all evidences possible of any such guilty +knowledge or complicity, yet there will ever be a strong suspicion that +they were not innocent. From the time when it was first known that Mr. +Lincoln had been elected President, the air was full of threats that he +should not live to be inaugurated. + +That the assassination, consummated in April, 1865, would +have taken place in February of 1861, had it not been for the timely +efforts of Lieutenant-General Scott, Brigadier-General Stone, Hon. +William H. Seward, Frederick W. Seward, Esq., and David S. Bookstaver of +the Metropolitan Police of New York--is abundantly shown by +Superintendent John A. Kennedy, in a letter of August 13, 1866, to be +found in vol. ii., of Lossing's "Civil War in America," pages 147-149, +containing also an extract from a letter of General Stone, in which the +latter--after mentioning that General Scott and himself considered it +"almost a certainty that Mr. Lincoln could not pass Baltimore alive by +the train on the day fixed"--proceeds to say: "I recommended that Mr. +Lincoln should be officially warned; and suggested that it would be +altogether best that he should take the train of that evening from +Philadelphia, and so reach Washington early the next day." * * * +General Scott, after asking me how the details could be arranged in so +short a time, and receiving my suggestion that Mr. Lincoln should be +advised quietly to take the evening train, and that it would do him no +harm to have the telegraph wires cut for a few hours, he directed me to +seek Mr. W. H. Seward, to whom he wrote a few lines, which he handed to +me. It was already ten o'clock, and when I reached Mr. Seward's house +he had left; I followed him to the Capitol, but did not succeed in +finding him until after 12 M. I handed him the General's note; he +listened attentively to what I said, and asked me to write down my +information and suggestions, and then, taking the paper I had written, +he hastily left. The note I wrote was what Mr. Frederick Seward carried +to Mr. Lincoln in Philadelphia. Mr. Lincoln has stated that it was this +note which induced him to change his journey as he did. The stories of +disguise are all nonsense; Mr. Lincoln merely took the sleeping-car in +the night train. + +Equally certain also, is it, that the Rebel authorities were utterly +indifferent to the means that might be availed of to secure success to +Rebellion. Riots and arson, were among the mildest methods proposed to +be used in the Northern cities, to make the War for the Union a +"failure"--as their Northern Democratic allies termed it--while, among +other more devilish projects, was that of introducing cholera and yellow +fever into the North, by importing infected rags! Another much-talked- +of scheme throughout the War, was that of kidnapping President Lincoln, +and other high officials of the Union Government. There is also +evidence, that the Rebel chiefs not only received, but considered, the +plans of deperadoes and cut-throats looking to the success of the +Rebellion by means of assassination. Thus, in a footnote to page 448, +vol. ii., of his "Civil War in America," Lossing does not hesitate to +characterize Jefferson Davis as "the crafty and malignant Chief +Conspirator, who seems to have been ready at all times to entertain +propositions to assassinate, by the hand of secret murder, the officers +of the Government at Washington;" and, after fortifying that statement +by a reference to page 523 of the first volume of his work, proceeds to +say: "About the time (July, 1862) we are now considering, a Georgian, +named Burnham, wrote to Jefferson Davis, proposing to organize a corps +of five hundred assassins, to be distributed over the North, and sworn +to murder President Lincoln, members of his Cabinet, and leading +Republican Senators, and other supporters of the Government. This +proposition was made in writing, and was regularly filed in the +'Confederate War Department,' indorsed 'Respectfully referred to the +Secretary of War, by order of the President,' and signed 'J. C Ives.' +Other communications of similar tenor, 'respectfully referred' by +Jefferson Davis, were placed on file in that 'War Department.'" All the +denials, therefore, of the Rebel chieftains, as to their complicity in +the various attempts to assassinate Abraham Lincoln, ending with his +dastardly murder in April, 1865, will not clear their skirts of the +odium of that unparalleled infamy. It will cling to them, living or +dead, until that great Day of Judgment when the exact truth shall be +made known, and "their sin shall find them out." + + [The New York Tribune, August 16, 1885, under the heading "A NARROW + ESCAPE OF LINCOLN," quotes an interesting "Omaha Letter, to the St. + Paul Pioneer Press," as follows: + + "That more than one attempt was made to assassinate Abraham Lincoln + is a fact known to John W. Nichols, ex-president of the Omaha Fire + Department. Mr. Nichols was one of the body-guard of President + Lincoln from the Summer of 1862 until 1865. The following + narrative, related to your correspondent by Mr. Nichols, is + strictly true, and the incident is not generally known: + + One night about the middle of August, 1864, I was + doing sentinel duty at the large gate through which entrance was + had to the grounds of the Soldiers' Home. The grounds are situated + about a quarter of a mile off the Bladensburg road, and are reached + by devious driveways. About 11 o'clock I heard a rifle shot in the + direction of the city, and shortly afterwards I heard approaching + hoof-beats. In two or three minutes a horse came dashing-up, and I + recognized the belated President. The horse was very spirited, and + belonged to Mr. Lamon, marshal of the District of Columbia. This + horse was Mr. Lincoln's favorite, and when he was in the White + House stables he always chose him. As horse and rider approached + the gate, I noticed that the President was bareheaded. After + assisting him in checking his steed, the President said to me: 'He + came pretty near getting away with me, didn't he? He got the bit + in his teeth before I could draw the rein.' I then asked him where + his hat was, and he replied that somebody had fired a gun off down + at the foot of the hill, and that his horse had become scared and + jerked his hat off. I led the animal to the Executive Cottage, and + the President dismounted and entered. Thinking the affair rather + strange, a corporal and myself started in the direction of the + place from where the sound of the rifle report had proceeded, to + investigate the occurrence. When we reached the spot where the + driveway intersects with the main road we found the President's + hat--a plain silk hat-and upon examining it we discovered a bullet + hole through the crown. The shot had been fired upwards, and it + was evident that the person who fired the shot had secreted himself + close to the roadside. We listened and searched the locality + thoroughly, but to no avail. The next day I gave Mr. Lincoln his + hat and called his attention to the bullet hole. He rather + unconcernedly remarked that it was put there by some foolish + gunner, and was not intended for him. He said, however, that he + wanted the matter kept quiet, and admonished us to say nothing + about it. We all felt confident that it was an attempt to kill + him, and a well-nigh successful one, too. The affair was kept + quiet, in accordance with his request. After that, the President + never rode alone."'] + +That this dark and wicked and bloody Rebellion, waged by the upholders +and advocates of Slavery, Free Trade, and Secession, had descended so +low as to culminate in murder--deliberate, cold-blooded, cowardly +murder--at a time when the Southern Conspirators would apparently be the +least benefitted by it, was regarded at first as evidencing their mad +fatuity; and the public mind was dreadfully incensed. + +The successor of the murdered President-Andrew Johnson-lost little time +in offering (May the 2d) rewards, ranging from $25,000 to $100,000, for +the arrest of Jefferson Davis, Jacob Thompson, + + [The same individual at whose death, in 1885, the Secretary of the + Interior, ordered the National flag of the Union--which he had + swindled, betrayed, fought, spit upon, and conspired against--to be + lowered at halfmast over the Interior Departmental Building, at + Washington, D. C.] + +Clement C. Clay, Beverly Tucker, George N. Sanders, and W. C. Cleary, +in a Proclamation which directly charged that they, "and other Rebels +and Traitors against the Government of the United States, harbored in +Canada," had "incited, concerted, and procured" the perpetration of the +appalling crime. + +On the 10th of May, one of them, Jacob Thompson, from his place of +security, in Canada, published a letter claiming to be innocent; +characterized himself as "a persecuted man;" arrayed certain suspicious +facts in support of an intimation that Johnson himself was the only one +man in the Republic who would be benefited by President Lincoln's death; +and, as he was found "asleep" at the "unusual hour" of nine o'clock +P.M., of the 14th of April, and had made haste to take the oath of +office as President of the United States as soon as the breath had left +the body of his predecessor, insinuated that he (Johnson) might with +more reason be suspected of "complicity" in "the foul work" than the +"Rebels and Traitors" charged with it, in his Proclamation; so charged, +for the very purpose--Thompson insinuated--of shielding himself from +discovery, and conviction! + +But while, for a moment, perhaps, there flitted across the public mind a +half suspicion of the possibility of what this Rebel intimated as true, +yet another moment saw it dissipated. For the People remembered that +between "Andrew Johnson," one of the "poor white trash" of Tennessee, +and the "aristocratic Slave-owners" of the South, who headed the +Rebellion, there could be neither sympathy nor cooperation--nothing, but +hatred; and that this same Andrew Johnson, who, by power of an +indomitable will, self-education, and natural ability, had, despite the +efforts of that "aristocracy," forced himself upward, step by step, from +the tailor's bench, to the successful honors of alderman and Mayor, and +then still upward through both branches of his State Legislature, into +the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States--and, +in the latter Body, had so gallantly met, and worsted in debate, the +chosen representatives of that class upon whose treasonable heads he +poured forth in invective, the gathered hatred of a life-time--would +probably be the very last man whom these same "aristocratic" +Conspirators, "Rebels, and Traitors," would prefer as arbiter of their +fate. + +The popular feeling responded heartily, at this time, to the +denunciations which, in his righteous indignation, he had, in the +Senate, and since, heaped upon Rebellion, and especially his declaration +that "Treason must be made odious!"--utterances now substantially +reiterated by him more vehemently than ever, and multiplied in posters +and transparencies and newspapers all over the Land. Thus the public +mind rapidly grew to believe it impossible that the Rebel leaders could +gain, by the substitution, in the Executive chair, of this harsh, +determined, despotic nature, for the mild, kindly, merciful, even- +tempered, Abraham Lincoln. With Andrew Johnson for President, the +People felt that justice would fall upon the heads of the guilty, and +that the Country was safe. And so it happened that, while the mere +instruments of the assassination conspiracy were hurried to an +ignominious death, in the lull that followed, Jefferson Davis and others +of the Rebel chiefs, who had been captured and imprisoned, were allowed +to go "Scott-free, without even the semblance of a trial for their +Treason!" + +It is not the purpose of this work to deal with the history of the +Reconstruction or rehabilitation of the Rebel States; to look too +closely into the devious ways and subtle methods through and by which +the Rebel leaders succeeded in flattering the vanity, and worming +themselves into the confidence and control, of Andrew Johnson--by +pretending to believe that his occupation of the Presidential Office had +now, at last, brought him to their "aristocratic" altitude, and to a +hearty recognition by them of his "social equality;" or to follow, +either in or out of Congress, the great political conflict, between +their unsuspecting Presidential dupe and the Congress, which led to the +impeachment trial of President Andrew Johnson, for high crimes and +misdemeanors in office, his narrow escape from conviction and +deposition, and to much consequent excitement and turmoil among the +People, which, but for wise counsels and prudent forethought of the +Republican leaders, in both Civil and Military life, might have +eventuated in the outbreak of serious civil commotions. Suffice it to +say, that in due time; long after the Thirteenth Amendment to the United +States Constitution had been ratified by three-fourths of all the +States; after Johnson had vexed the White House, with his noisy +presence, for the nearly four years succeeding the death of the great +and good Lincoln; and after the People, with almost unexampled +unanimity, had called their great Military hero, Grant, to the helm of +State; the difficult and perplexing problems involved in the +Reconstruction of the Union were, at last, successfully solved by the +Republican Party, and every State that had been in armed Rebellion +against that Union, was not only back again, with a Loyal State +Constitution, but was represented in both branches of Congress, and in +other Departments of the National Government. + + + + + CHAPTER XXXII. + + TURNING BACK THE HANDS! + + +And now, the War having ended in the defeat, conquest, and capture, of +those who, inspired by the false teachings of Southern leaders, had +arrayed themselves in arms beneath the standard of Rebellion, and fought +for Sectional Independence against National Union, for Slavery against +Freedom, and for Free Trade against a benignant Tariff protective alike +to manufacturer, mechanic, and laborer, it might naturally be supposed +that, with the collapse of this Rebellion, all the issues which made up +"the Cause"--the "Lost Cause," as those leaders well termed it--would be +lost with it, and disappear from political sight; that we would never +again hear of a Section of the Nation, and last of all the Southern +Section, organized, banded together, solidified in the line of its own +Sectional ideas as against the National ideas prevailing elsewhere +through the Union; that Free Trade, conscious of the ruin and desolation +which it had often wrought, and of the awful sacrifices, in blood and +treasure, that had been made in its behalf by the conquered South, would +slink from sight and hide its famine-breeding front forever; and that +Slavery, in all its various disguises, was banished, never more to +obtrude its hateful form upon our Liberty-loving Land. That was indeed +the supposition and belief which everywhere pervaded the Nation, when +Rebellion was conquered by the legions of the Union--and which +especially pervaded the South. Never were Rebels more thoroughly +exhausted and sick of Rebellion and of everything that led to it, than +these. As Badeau said, they made haste "to yield everything they had +fought for," and "dreamed not of political power." They had been +brought to their knees, suing for forgiveness, and thankful that their +forfeit lives were spared. + +For awhile, with chastened spirit, the reconstructed South seemed to +reconcile itself in good faith to the legitimate results of the War, and +all went well. But Time and Peace soon obliterate the lessons and the +memories of War. And it was not very long after the Rebellion had +ceased, and the old issues upon which it was fought had disappeared from +the arena of National politics, when its old leaders and their +successors began slowly, carefully, and systematically, to relay the +tumbled-down, ruined foundations and walls of the Lost Cause--a work in +which, unfortunately, they were too well aided by the mistaken clemency +and magnanimity of the Republican Party, in hastily removing the +political disabilities of those leaders. + +Before proceeding farther, it is necessary to remark here, that, after +the suppression of the Rebellion and adoption of the Thirteenth +Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which prohibits +Slavery and Involuntary Servitude within the United States, it soon +became apparent that it was necessary to the protection of the Freedmen, +in the civil and political rights and privileges which it was considered +desirable to secure to them, as well as to the creation and fostering of +a wholesome loyal sentiment in, and real reconstruction of, the States +then lately insurgent, and for certain other reasons, that other +safeguards, in the shape of further Amendments to the Constitution, +should be adopted. + +Accordingly the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments were, on the 16th of +June, 1866, and 27th of February, 1869, respectively, proposed by +Congress to the Legislatures of the several States, and were declared +duly ratified, and a part of the Constitution, respectively on the 28th +of July, 1868, and March 30, 1870. Those Amendments were in these +words: + + + "ARTICLE XIV. + +"SECTION 1.--All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and +subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States +and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce +any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of +the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, +liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person +within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. + +"SECTION 2.--Representatives shall be apportioned among the several +States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number +of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the +right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President +and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, +the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the +Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such +State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, +or in any way abridged, except for participation in Rebellion, or other +crime, the basis of Representation therein shall be reduced in the +proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the +whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. + +"SECTION 3.--No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, +or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or +military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having +previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of +the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an +executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution +of the United States, shall have engaged in Insurrection or Rebellion +against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But +Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such +disability. + +"SECTION 4.--The validity of the public debt of the United States, +authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and +bounties for services in suppressing Insurrection or Rebellion, shall +not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall +assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of Insurrection or +Rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or +Emancipation of any Slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims +shall be held illegal and void. + +"SECTION 5.--The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate +legislation, the provisions of this article." + + + "ARTICLE XV. + +"SECTION 1.--The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall +not be denied or abridged by, the United States or by any State on +account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. + +"SECTION 2.--The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by +appropriate legislation." + + +It would seem, then, from the provisions of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, +and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, and the Congressional +legislation subsequently enacted for the purpose of enforcing them, that +not only the absolute personal Freedom of every man, woman, and child in +the United States was thus irrevocably decreed; that United States +citizenship was clearly defined; that the life, liberty, property, +privileges and immunities of all were secured by throwing around them +the "equal protection of the laws;" that the right of the United States +citizen to vote, was placed beyond denial or abridgment, on "account of +race, color, or previous condition of servitude;" but, to make this more +certain, the basis of Congressional Representative-apportionment was +changed from its former mixed relation, comprehending both persons and +"property," so-called, to one of personal numbers--the Black man now +counting quite as much as the White man, instead of only three-fifths as +much; and it was decreed, that, except for crime, any denial to United +States citizens, whether Black or White, of the right to vote at any +election of Presidential electors, Congressional Representatives, State +Governors, Judges, or Legislative members, "shall" work a reduction, +proportioned to the extent of such denial, in the Congressional +Representation of the State, or States, guilty of it. As a further +safeguard, in the process of reconstruction, none of the insurgent +States were rehabilitated in the Union except upon acceptance of those +three Amendments as an integral part of the United States Constitution, +to be binding upon it; and it was this Constitution as it is, and not +the Constitution as it was, that all the Representatives, in both Houses +of Congress, from those insurgent States--as well as all their State +officers--swore to obey as the supreme law of the Land, when taking +their respective oaths of office. + +Biding their time, and pretending to act in good faith, as the years +rolled by, the distrust and suspicion with which the old Rebel- +conspirators had naturally been regarded, gradually lessened in the +public mind. With a glad heart, the Congress, year after year, removed +the political disabilities from class after class of those who had +incurred them, until at last all, so desiring, had been reinstated in +the full privileges of citizenship, save the very few unrepentant +instigators and leaders of the Rebellion, who, in the depths of that +oblivion to which they seemingly had been consigned, continued to nurse +the bitterness of their downfall into an implacable hatred of that +Republic which had paralyzed the bloody hands of Rebellion, and +shattered all their ambitious dreams of Oligarchic rule, if not of +Empire. + +But, while the chieftains of the great Conspiracy--and of the armed +Rebellion itself--remained at their homes unpunished, through the +clemency of the American People; the active and malignant minds of some +of them were plotting a future triumph for the "Lost Cause," in the +overthrow, in consecutive detail, of the Loyal governments of the +Southern States, by any and all means which might be by them considered +most desirable, judicious, expedient, and effectual; the solidifying of +these Southern States into a new Confederation, or league, in fact--with +an unwritten but well understood Constitution of its own--to be known +under the apparently harmless title of the "Solid South," whose mission +it would be to build up, and strengthen, and populate, and enrich itself +within the Union, for a time, greater or less, according to +circumstances, and in the meanwhile to work up, with untiring devotion +and energy, not only to this practical autonomy and Sectional +Independence within the Union, but also to a practical re-enslavement of +the Blacks, and to the vigorous reassertion and triumph, by the aid of +British gold, of those pernicious doctrines of Free-Trade which, while +beneficial to the Cotton-lords of the South, would again check and drag +down the robust expansion of manufactures and commerce in all other +parts of the Land, and destroy the glorious prosperity of farmers, +mechanics, and laborers, while at the same time crippling Capital, in +the North and West. + +In order to accomplish these results--after whatever of suspicion and +distrust that might have still remained in Northern minds had been +removed by the public declaration in 1874, by one of the ablest and most +persuasively eloquent of Southern statesmen, that "The South--prostrate, +exhausted, drained of her life-blood as well as of her material +resources, yet still honorable and true--accepts the bitter award of the +bloody arbitrament without reservation, resolutely determined to abide +the result with chivalrous fidelity"--these old Rebel leaders commenced +in good earnest to carry out their well organized programme, which they +had already experimentally tested, to their own satisfaction, in certain +localities. + +The plan was this: By the use of shot-guns and rifles, and cavalcades of +armed white Democrats, in red shirts, riding around the country at dead +of night, whipping prominent Republican Whites and Negroes to death, or +shooting or hanging them if thought advisable, such terror would fall +upon the colored Republican voters that they would keep away from the +polls, and consequently the white Democrats, undeterred by such +influences, and on the contrary, eager to take advantage of them, would +poll not only a full vote, but a majority vote, on all questions, +whether involving the mere election of Democratic officials, or +otherwise; and where intimidation of this, or any other kind, should +fail, then a resort to be had to whatever devices might be found +necessary to make a fraudulent count and return, and thus secure +Democratic triumph; and furthermore, when evidences of these +intimidations and frauds should be presented to those people of the +Union who believe in every citizen of this free Republic having one free +vote, and that vote fairly counted, then to laugh the complainants out +of Court with the cry that such stories are not true; are "campaign +lies" devised solely for political effect; and are merely the product of +Republican "outrage mills," ground out, to order. + +This plan was first thoroughly tried in Mississippi, and has hence been +called the "Mississippi plan." So magically effectual was it, that, +with variations adapted to locality and circumstances, this "Mississippi +plan" soon enveloped the entire South in its mesh-work of fraud, +barbarity, and blood. The massacres, and other outrages, while +methodical, were remittent, wave-like, sometimes in one Southern State, +sometimes another, and occurring only in years of hot political +conflict, until one after another of those States had, by these crimes, +been again brought under the absolute control of the old Rebel leaders. +By 1876, they had almost succeeded in their entire programme. They had +captured all, save three, of the Southern States, and strained every +nerve and every resource of unprincipled ingenuity, of bribery and +perjury, after the Presidential election of that year had taken place, +in the effort to defeat the will of the People and "count in," the +Presidential candidate of the Democratic Party. + + [The shameful history of the "Tilden barrel" and the "Cipher + Dispatches" is too fresh in the public mind to be entirely + forgotten,] + +Failing in this effort, the very failure became a grievance. On the +principle of a fleeing thief diverting pursuit by shouting "Stop thief," +the cry of "fraud" was raised by the Democratic leaders, North and +South, against the Republican Party, and was iterated and reiterated so +long and loudly, that soon they actually began, themselves, to believe, +that President Hayes had been "counted in," by improper methods! At all +events, under cover of the hue and cry thus raised, the Southern leaders +hurried up their work of Southern solidification, by multiplied outrages +on the "Mississippi plan," so that, by 1880, they were ready to dictate, +and did dictate, the Democratic Presidential nominations. + + [Senator Wallace, of Pennsylvania, telegraphed from Cincinnati his + congratulations to General Hancock, and added: "General Buell tells + me that Murat Halsted says Hancock's nomination by the Confederate + Brigadiers sets the old Rebel yell to the music of the Union." In + the Convention which nominated Hancock, Wade Hampton made a speech, + saying; "On behalf of the 'Solid South,' that South which once was + arrayed against the great soldier of Pennsylvania, I stand here to + pledge you its solid vote. [cheers] * * * There is no name which + is held in higher respect among the people of the South, than that + of the man you have given to us as our standard-bearer." And + afterward, in a speech at Staunton, Virginia, the same Southern + leader, in referring to the action of the Democratic Convention at + Cincinnati, said: "There was but one feeling among the Southern + delegates. That feeling was expressed when we said to our Northern + Democratic brethren 'Give us an available man.' They gave us that + man."] + +While these old Rebel leaders of the South had insisted upon, and had +succeeded in, nominating a man whose record as a Union soldier would +make him popular in the North and West, and while their knowledge of his +availability for Southern purposes would help them in their work of +absolutely solidifying the South, they took very good care also to press +forward their pet Free-Trade issue--that principle so dear to the hearts +of the Rebel Cotton-lords that, as has already been hinted, they +incorporated it into their Constitution of Confederation in these words: + +"SEC. 8.--Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, +imposts and excises for revenue necessary to pay the debts, provide for +the common defense, and carry on the Government of the Confederate +States; but no bounty shall be granted from the Treasury, nor shall any +duty or tax on importation from Foreign Nations be laid to promote or +foster any branch of industry." + +It may also be remarked that, under the inspiration of those Southern +leaders who afterward rebelled, it had been laid down as Democratic +doctrine, in the National Democratic platform of 1856--and "reaffirmed" +as such, in 1860--that "The time has come for the People of the United +States to declare themselves in favor of * * * progressive Free-Trade. +* * * That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to +foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another." But, by +1864, the Republican Protective-Tariff of 1860, had so abundantly +demonstrated, to all our people engaged in industrial occupations, the +beneficence of the great principle of home industrial Protection, that +Tariff-agitation actually ceased, and the National Democratic platform +of that year had nothing to say in behalf of Free-Trade! + +After the close of the War, however, at the very first National +Democratic Convention, in 1868, at which there were delegations from the +lately rebellious States, the question was at once brought to the front, +and, under the inspiration of the old Rebel leaders aforesaid, the +Democratic platform again raised the banner of Free-Trade by declaring +for a Tariff for revenue. But the mass of the People, at that time +still freshly remembered the terrible commercial disasters and +industrial depressions which had befallen the Land, through the +practical operation of that baleful Democratic Free-Trade doctrine, +before the Rebellion broke out, and sharply contrasted the misery and +poverty and despair of those dark days of ruin and desolation, with the +comfort and prosperity and hopefulness which had since come to them +through the Republican Protective-Tariff Accordingly, the Republican +Presidential candidate, representing the great principle of Protection +to American Industries, was elected over the Democratic Free-Trade +candidate, by 214 to 71 electoral votes-or nearly three to one! + +Taught, by this lesson, that the People were not yet sufficiently +prepared for a successful appeal in behalf of anything like Free-Trade, +the next National Democratic Convention, (that of 1872), under the same +Southern inspiration, more cautiously declared, in its platform, that +"Recognizing that there are in our midst, honest but irreconcilable +differences of opinion, with regard to the respective systems of +Protection and Free-Trade, we remit the discussion of the subject to the +People in their Congressional districts, and to the decision of the +Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or dictation." +The People, however, rebuked the moral cowardice thus exhibited by the +Democracy--in avoiding a direct issue on the doctrine which Democracy +itself had galvanized at least into simulated life,--by giving 286 +electoral votes to the Republican candidate, to 63 for the Democratic,-- +or in the proportion of nearly five to one. + +Warned, by this overwhelming defeat, not to flinch from, or avoid, or +try to convert the great National question of Tariff, into a merely +local one, the National Democratic platform of 1876, at the instigation +of the old Rebel leaders of the now fast solidifying South, came out +flat-footedly again with the "demand that all Custom-house taxation +shall be only for revenue." This time, the electoral vote stood almost +evenly divided, viz.: for the Republican candidate, 185; for the +Democratic candidate, 184;--a result so extremely close, as to lead to +the attempted perpetration of great frauds against the successful +candidate; the necessary settlement of the questions growing out of +them, by an Electoral commission--created by Congress at the instance of +the Democratic Party; great irritation, among the defeated Democracy, +over the just findings of that august Tribunal; and to the birth of the +alleged Democratic "grievance," aforesaid. + +The closeness of this vote--their almost triumph, in 1876,--encouraged +the Solid South to press upon the National Democratic Convention of +1880, the expediency of adopting a Free-Trade "plank" similar to that +with which, in 1876, they had so nearly succeeded. Hence the Democratic +platform of 1880, also declared decidedly for "A Tariff for revenue +only." + +The old Rebel leaders, at last in full control of the entire Democratic +Party, had now got things pretty much as they wanted them. They had +created that close corporation within the Union--that /imperium in +imperio/ that oligarchically--governed league of States (within the +Republic of the United States) which they termed the "Solid South," and +which would vote as a unit, on all questions, as they directed; they had +dictated the nomination, by the Democratic Party, of a Presidential +candidate who would not dare to act counter to their wishes; and their +pet doctrine of Free-Trade was held up, to the whole Democratic front, +under the attractive disguise of a Tariff for revenue only. + + [As Ex-Senator Toombs, of Georgia, wrote: "The old boys of the + South will see that 'Hancock' does the fair thing by them. In + other words, he will run the machine to suit them, or they will run + the thing themselves. They are not going to be played with any + longer."] + +In other words, they had already secured a "Solid South," an "available" +candidate, and an "expedient" Free-Trade platform. All that remained +for them, at this stage, to do, was to elect the candidate, and enact +their Free-Trade doctrine into legislation. This was their current +work, so to speak--to be first attended to--but not all their work; for +one of the most brilliant and candid of their coadjutors had said, only +a few months before: "We do not intend to stop until we have stricken +the last vestige of your War measures from the Statute-book." + +Unfortunately, however, for their plans, an attempt made by them, under +the lead of Mr. Morrison of Illinois, in 1876, to meddle with the +Republican Protective-Tariff, had caused considerable public alarm, and +had been credited with having much to do with a succeeding monetary +panic, and industrial depression. Another and more determined effort, +made by them in 1878, under the lead of their old Copperhead ally, +Fernando Wood, to cut down the wise Protective duties imposed by the +Tariff Act, about 15 per cent.,--together with the cold-blooded Free- +Trade declaration of Mr. Wood, touching his ruinous Bill, that "Its +reductions are trifling as compared with what they should be. * * * If +I had the power to commence de novo, I should reduce the duties 50 per +cent., instead of less than 15 per cent., upon an average +as now proposed,"--an effort which was narrowly, and with great +difficulty, defeated by the Republicans, aided by a mere handful of +others,--had also occasioned great excitement throughout the Country, +the suspension and failure of thousands of business firms, the +destruction of confidence in the stability and profitableness of +American industries, and great consequent suffering, and enforced +idleness, to the working men and working women of the Land. + +The sad recollection of these facts--made more poignant by the airy +declaration of the Democratic Presidential candidate, that the great +National question of the Tariff is a mere "local issue,"--was largely +instrumental, in connection with the insolent aggressiveness of the +Southern leaders, in Congress, in occasioning their defeat in the +Presidential contest of 1880, the Republican candidate receiving 214 +electoral votes, while the Democratic candidate received but 155 +electoral votes. + +In 1882, the House of Representatives was under Republican control, and, +despite determined Democratic resistance, created a Tariff-commission, +whose duty it was "to take into consideration, and to thoroughly +investigate, all the various questions relating to the agricultural, +commercial, mercantile, manufacturing, mining, and (other) industrial +interests of the United States, so far as the same may be necessary to +the establishment of a judicious Tariff, or a revision of the existing +Tariff, upon a scale of justice to all interests." + +That same year, in the face of most protracted and persistent opposition +by the great bulk of Democratic members, both of the Senate and House of +Representatives, and an effort to substitute for it the utterly ruinous +Democratic Free-Trade Tariff of 1846, the Bill recommended by this +Republican Tariff-commission, was enacted; and, in 1883, a modified +Tariff-measure, comprehending a large annual reduction of import duties, +while also carefully preserving the great Republican American principle +of Protection, was placed by the Republicans on the Statute-book, +despite the renewed and bitter opposition of the Democrats, who, as +usual, fought it desperately in both branches of Congress. But +Republican efforts failed in 1884, in the interest of the wool-growers +of the country, to restore the Protective-duties on wool, which had been +sacrificed, in 1883, to an exigency created by Democratic opposition to +them. + +Another Democratic effort, in the direction of Free-Trade, known as "the +Morrison Tariff-Bill of 1884," was made in the latter year, which, +besides increasing the free-list, by adding to it salt, coal, timber, +and wood unmanufactured, as well as many manufactures thereof, decreased +the import duties "horizontally" on everything else to the extent of +twenty per cent. The Republicans, aided by a few Democrats, killed this +undigested and indigestible Democratic Bill, by striking out its +enacting clause. + +By this time, however, by dint of the incessant special-pleading in +behalf of the obnoxious and un-American doctrine of Free-Trade,--or the +nearest possible approach to it, consistent with the absolutely +essential collection of revenues for the mere support of the Government +--indulged in (by some of the professors) in our colleges of learning; +through a portion of the press; upon the stump; and in Congress; +together with the liberal use of British gold in the wide distribution +of printed British arguments in its favor,--this pernicious but favorite +idea of the Solid South had taken such firm root in the minds of the +greater part of the Democratic Party in the North and West, as well as +the South, that a declaration in the National Democratic platform in its +favor was now looked for, as a matter of course. The "little leaven" of +this monstrous un-American heresy seemed likely to leaven "the whole +mass" of the Democracy. + +But, as in spite of the tremendous advantage given to that Party by the +united vote of the Solid South, the Presidential contest of 1884 was +likely to be so close that, to give Democracy any chance to win, the few +Democrats opposed to Free-Trade must be quieted, the utterances of the +Democratic National Platform of that year, on the subject, were so +wonderfully pieced, and ludicrously intermixed, that they could be +construed to mean "all things to all men." + +At last, after an exciting campaign, the Presidential election of 1884 +was held, and for the first time since 1856, the old Free-Trade +Democracy of the South could rejoice over the triumph of their +Presidential candidate. + +Great was the joy of the Solid South! At last, its numberless crimes +against personal Freedom, and political Liberty, would reap a generous +harvest. At last, participation in Rebellion would no more be regarded +as a blot upon the political escutcheon. At last, commensurate rewards +for all the long years of disconsolate waiting, and of hard work in +night ridings, and house-burnings, and "nigger"-whippings, and "nigger"- +shootings, and "nigger"-hangings, and ballot-box stuffings, and all the +other dreadful doings to which these old leaders were impelled by a +sense of Solid-Southern patriotism, and pride of race, and lust for +power, would come, and come in profusion. + +Grand places in the Cabinet, and foreign Missions, for the old Rebels of +distinction, now Chiefs of the "Solid-Southern" Conspiracy, and for +those other able Northern Democrats who had helped them, during or since +the Rebellion; fat consulates abroad, for others of less degree; post- +offices, without stint, for the lesser lights; all this, and more, must +now come. The long-hidden light of a glorious day was about to break. +The "restoration of the Governnnent to the principles and practices of +the earlier period," predicted by the unreconstructed "Rebel chieftains" +those "same principles for which they fought for four years" the +principles of Southern Independence, Slavery, Free Trade and Oligarchic +rule--were now plainly in sight, and within reach! + +The triumph of the Free-Trade Democracy, if continued to another +Presidential election, would make Free-Trade a certainty. The old forms +of Slavery, to be sure, were dead beyond reanimation--perhaps; but, in +their place, were other forms of Slavery, which attracted less attention +and reprobation from the World at large, and yet were quite as effectual +for all Southern purposes. The system of Peonage and contracted +convict-labor, growing out of the codes of Black laws, were all- +sufficient to keep the bulk of the Negro race in practical subjection +and bondage. The solidifying of the South had already made the South +not only practically independent within the Union, but the overshadowing +power, potential enough to make, and unmake, the rulers and policies of +the Democratic Party, and of that Union. + +This, indeed, was a grand outcome for the tireless efforts of the once +defeated Conspirators! And as to Oligarchal rule--the rule of the few +(and those the Southern chiefs) over the many,--was not that already +accomplished? For these old Rebel leaders and oligarchs who had secured +the supreme rule over the Solid South, had also, through their ability +to wield the power of that Solid South within the Union, actually +secured the power of practically governing the entire Union! + +That Union, then, which we have been wont to look upon as the grandest, +noblest, freest, greatest Republic upon Earth,--is it really such, in +all respects, at the present? Does the Free Republic of the United +States exist, in fact, to-day? + + + + + CHAPTER XXXIII. + + WHAT NEXT? + +And what next? Aye, what next? Do the patriotic, innocent-minded +lovers of a Republican form of Government imagine, for an instant, that +all danger to its continued existence and well-being has ceased to +threaten?--that all the crises perilous to that beneficent popular +governmental form have vanished?--that the climacteric came, and went, +with the breaking out, and suppression, of the Rebellion?--and that +there is nothing alarming in the outlook? Quite likely. The public +mind has not yet been aroused to a sense of the actual revolution +against Republican form of government that has already taken place in +many of the Southern States, much less as to the likelihood of things to +come. The people of any one of the Western, or Northern States,--take +New York, for example,--feel prosperous and happy under the beneficent +workings of the Republican Protective-Tariff system. Business, of all +sorts, recovering from the numerous attacks made upon that prime bulwark +of our American industries, if only let alone, will fairly hum, and look +bright, so far as "the Almighty dollar" is concerned. They know they +have their primaries and conventions, in their wards and counties +throughout their State, and their State Conventions, and their +elections. They know that the voice of the majority of their own +people, uttered through the sacred ballot-box, is practically the Vox +Dei--and that all bow to it. They know also, that this State government +of theirs, with all its ramifications--whether as to its Executive, its +Legislative, its Judicial, and other officials, either elective or +appointed--is a Republican form of government, in the American sense--in +the sense contemplated by the Fathers, when they incorporated into the +revered Constitution of our Country the vital words: "The United States +shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of +government." But they do not realize the vastly different condition of +things in many States of the Solid South, nor how it affects themselves. + +And what is this "republican" form of government, thus pledged? It is +true that there are not wanting respectable authorities whose +definitions of the words "republic," and "republican," are strongly +inharmonious with their true meaning, as correctly understood by the +great bulk of Americans. Thus, Brande asserts that "A republic may be +either a democracy or an aristocracy!"--and proceeds to say: "In the +former, the supreme power is vested in the whole body of the people, or +in representatives elected by the people; in the latter, it is vested in +a nobility, or a privileged class of comparatively a small number of +persons." John Adams also wrote: "The customary meanings of the words +republic and commonwealth have been infinite. They have been applied to +every Government under heaven; that of Turkey and that of Spain, as well +as that of Athens and of Rome, of Geneva and San Marino." But the true +meaning of the word "republican" as applied to a "form of government," +and as commonly and almost invariably understood by those who, above all +others in the wide World, should best understand and appreciate its +blessings--to wit: the American People has none of the looseness and +indefiniteness which these authorities throw about it. + +The prevailing and correct American idea is that "Republican" means: of, +or pertaining to, a Republic; that "Republic" means a thing, affair, or +matter, closely related to, and touching the "public;" and that the +"public" are the "people"--not a small proportion of them, but "the +people at large," the whole community, the Nation, the commonalty, the +generality. Hence, "a Republican form of government" is, in their +opinion, plainly that form which is most closely identified with, and +representative of, the generality or majority of the people; or, in the +language of Dr. J. E. Worcester, it is "That form of government or of a +State, in which the supreme power is vested in the people, or in +representatives elected by the people." + +It is obvious that there can be no such thing as "a republic," which is, +at the same time, "an aristocracy;" for the moment that which was "a +republic" becomes "an aristocracy," that moment it ceases to be "a +republic." So also can there be no such thing as "a republic" which is +"an oligarchy," for, as "a republic" is a government of the many, or, as +President Lincoln well termed it, "a government of the people, by the +people, for the people"--so it must cease to be "a republic," when the +supreme power is in the hands of the oligarchic few. + +There can be but two kinds of republics proper--one a democratic +republic, which is impossible for a great and populous Nation like ours, +but which may have answered for some of the small republics of ancient +Greece; the other, a representative republic, such as is boasted by the +United States. And this is the kind palpably meant by the Fathers, +when, for the very purpose of nipping in the bud any anti-republican +Conspiracy likely to germinate from Slavery, they inserted in the Great +Charter of American Liberties the solemn and irrevocable mandate: "The +United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican +Form of Government." That they meant this majority rule--this +government by the many, instead of the few--this rule of the People, as +against any possible minority rule, by, or through, oligarchs or +aristocrats, is susceptible of proof in other ways. + +It is a safe guide, in attempting to correctly expound the Constitution +of the United States, to be careful that the construction insisted on, +is compatible and harmonious with the spirit of that great instrument; +so that--as was said by an eloquent and distinguished Massachusetts +statesman of twenty years ago, in discussing this very point--"the +guarantee of a Republican form of government must have a meaning +congenial with the purposes of the Constitution." Those purposes, of +course, are expressed in its preamble, or in the body of the instrument, +or in both. The preamble itself, in this case, is sufficient to show +them. It commences with the significant words: "We THE PEOPLE of the +United States"--words, instinct with the very consciousness of the +possession of that supreme power by the People or public, which made +this not only a Nation, but a Republic; and, after stating the purposes +or objects sought by the People in thus instituting this Republic, +proceeds to use that supreme political power vested in them, by +ordaining and establishing "this CONSTITUTION for the United States of +America." And, from the very first article, down to the last, of that +"Constitution," or "structure," or "frame," or "form" of government, +already self-evidently and self-consciously and avowedly Republican, +that form is fashioned into a distinctively representative Republican +government. + +The purposes themselves, as declared in the preamble, for which the +People of the United States thus spake this representative Republic into +being, are also full of light. Those purposes were "to form a more +perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity, provide +for the common defense, promote the General Welfare, and secure the +Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity." + +How is it possible, for instance, that "the Blessings +of Liberty" are to be secured to "ourselves and our Posterity," if +citizens of the United States, despite the XVth Amendment of that +Constitution, find-through the machinations of political organizations-- +their right to vote, both abridged and denied, in many of the States, +"on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude?" How, +if, in such States, "the right of the people to be secure in their +persons, houses, and effects, against unreasonable searches and +seizures," is habitually violated, despite the IVth Amendment of that +Constitution? How, if, in such States, persons are notoriously and +frequently "deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process +of law," in violation of the Vth Amendment of that Constitution? Yet +such is the state of affairs generally prevalent in many States of the +Solid South. + +These provisions in the Constitution were, with others, placed there for +the very purpose of securing "the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and +our Posterity," of promoting the "General Welfare," of establishing +"Justice," of insuring "domestic Tranquillity" and making "a more +perfect Union"--and the violation of those provisions, or any one of +them, in any part of our Land, by any part of our People, in any one of +the States, is not only subversive of the Constitution, and +revolutionary, but constitutes a demand, in itself, upon the National +Government, to obey that imperative mandate of the Constitution (Sec. 4, +article IV.) comprehended in the words: "The United States SHALL +guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government." + + [The meaning of these words is correctly given in an opinion of + Justice Bronson of New York (4 Hill's Reports, 146) in these words: + + "The meaning of the section then seems to be, that no member of the + State shall be disfranchised or deprived of any of his rights or + privileges unless the matter shall be adjudged against him upon + trial had according to the course of common law. The words 'due + process of law' cannot mean less than a prosecution or suit + instituted and conducted according to the prescribed forms and + solemnities for ascertaining guilt or determining the title to + property."] + +It is well that the truth should be spoken out, and known of all men. +The blame for this condition of things belongs partly to the Republican +Party. The question is sometimes asked: "If these outrages against +citizenship, against the purity of the ballot, against humanity, against +both the letter and spirit of the Constitution of our Republic, are +perpetrated, why is it that the Republican Party--so long in power +during their alleged perpetration--did not put a stop to them?" The +answer is: that while there are remedial measures, and measures of +prevention, fully warranted by the Constitution--while there are +Constitutional ways and means for the suppression of such outrages--yet, +out of exceeding tenderness of heart, which prompted the hope and belief +that the folly of continuing them must ere long come home to the +Southern mind and conscience, the Republican Party has been loath to put +them in force. The--best remedy of all, and the best manner of +administering it, lies with the people themselves, of those States where +these outrages are perpetrated. Let them stop it. The People of the +United States may be long-suffering, and slow to wrath; but they will +not permit such things to continue forever. + +When the Rebellion was quelled, the evil spirit which brought it about +should have been utterly crushed out, and none of the questions involved +in it should have been permitted to be raised again. But the Republican +Party acted from its heart, instead of its head. It was merciful, +forgiving, and magnanimous. In the magnificent sweep of its generosity +to the erring son, it perhaps failed to insure the exact justice to the +other sons which was their right. For, as has already been shown in +these pages, Free-Trade, imbedded in the Rebel Constitution, as well as +Slavery, entered into and became a part, and an essential part, of the +Rebellion against the Union--to triumph with Slavery, if the Rebellion +succeeded--to fall with Slavery, if the Rebellion failed. And, while +Slavery and Free-Trade, were two leading ideas inspiring the Southern +Conspirators and leaders in their Rebellion; Freedom to Man, and +Protection to Labor, were the nobler ideas inspiring those who fought +for the Union. + +The Morrill-Tariff of 1860, with modifications to it subsequently made +by its Republican friends, secured to the Nation, through the triumph of +the Union arms, great and manifold blessings and abundant prosperity +flowing from the American Protective policy; while the Emancipation +proclamations, together with the Constitutional amendments, and +Congressional legislation, through the same triumph, and the acceptance +of the legitimate results of the War, gave Freedom to all within the +Nation's bound aries. This, at least, was the logical outcome of the +failure of the Rebellion. Such was the general understanding, on all +sides, at the conclusion of the War. Yet the Republican Party, in +failing to stigmatize the heresy of Free Trade--which had so large an +agency in bringing about the equally heretical doctrines of State +Sovereignty and the right of Secession, and Rebellion itself,--as an +issue or question settled by the War, as a part and parcel of the +Rebellion, was guilty of a grave fault of omission, some of the ill- +effects of which have already been felt, while others are yet to come. +For, quickly after the War of the Rebellion closed,--as has been already +mentioned--the defeated Rebel leaders, casting in their lot with their +Democratic friends and allies, openly and without special rebuke, +prevailed upon the National Democracy to adopt the Rebel Free-Trade +Shibboleth of "a Tariff for revenue;" and that same Democracy, obtaining +power and place, through violence and fraud and falsehood at the so- +called "elections" in the Solid Southern States, now threatens the +Country once more with iniquitous Free-Trade legislation, and all its +attendant train of commercial disasters and general industrial ruin. + +Were Abraham Lincoln able bodily to revisit the United States to-day, +how his keen gray eyes would open in amazement, to find that many +legitimate fruits of our Union victories had been filched from us; that +--save the honorable few, who, accepting the legitimate results of the +War, were still honestly striving for the success of principles +harmonizing with such results, and inuring to the general welfare--they +who strove with all their might to wreck the Government,--were now,-- +through the fraudulent and forcible restriction of voters in their right +to vote--at the helm of State; that these, who sought to ruin the +Nation, had thus wrongfully usurped its rule; that Free-Trade--after +"running-a-muck" of panic and disaster, from the birth of the Republic, +to the outbreak of the Rebellion, with whose failure it should naturally +have expired--was now reanimated, and stood, defiantly threatening all +the great industries of our Land; that all his own painstaking efforts, +and those of the band of devoted Patriots who stood by him to free the +Southern Slaves, had mainly resulted in hiding from sight the repulsive +chains of enforced servitude, under the outward garb of Freedom; that +the old Black codes had simply been replaced by enactments adapted to +the new conditions; that the old system of African Slavery had merely +been succeeded by the heartless and galling system of African Peonage; +that the sacrifices made by him--including that of his martyrdom--had, +to a certain extent, been made in vain; that all the sacrifices, the +sorrows, the sufferings, of this Nation, made in blood, in tears, and in +vast expenditures of time and treasure, had, in some degree, and in a +certain sense, been useless; that the Union, to be sure, was saved--but +saved to be measurably perverted from its grand purpose; that the power +which animated Rebellion and which was supposed to have expired in the +"last ditch" with the "Lost Cause" had, by political legerdemain and +jugglery and violence, been regained; that the time had actually come +for Patriots to take back seats, while unrepentant Rebels came to the +front; that the Republic still lived, but only by sufferance, with the +hands of Southern oligarchs about its palpitating throat--a Republic, +not such as he expected, where all men are equal before the law, and +protected in their rights, but where the rights of a certain class are +persistently trampled under foot; that the people of the Northern, +Middle, and Western States, observing nothing beyond their own vicinage, +so to speak, and finding that each of their own States is still +Republican in its form of government, persistently, and perversely, shut +their eyes to the election terrorism practiced in the Solid South by, +which the 16 solid, Southern States were, and are, solidified by these +conspiring oligarchs into one compact, and powerful, political mass, +ever ready to be hurled, in and out of Congress, against the best +interests of the Nation--16 States, not all "Republican" in form, but +many of them Despotisms, in substance,--16 States, misnamed +"Democratic," many of them ruled not by a majority, but by an Oligarch- +ridden minority--16 States, leagued, banded, bound solidly together, as +one great controlling Oligarchy, to hold, in its merciless and selfish +hands, the balance of power within this Republican Union; and that these +confederated Southern States are now actually able to dictate to all the +other States of the Union, the particular man, or men, to whose rule the +Nation must submit, and the particular policy, or policies, which the +Nation must adopt and follow: + +"What next?"--you ask--"What next?" Alas, it is not difficult to +predict! Power, lawlessly gained, is always mercilessly used. Power, +usurped, is never tamely surrendered. The old French proverb, that +"revolutions never go backward," is as true to-day, as when it was +written. Already we see the signs of great preparations throughout the +Solid South. Already we hear the shout of partisan hosts marshalled +behind the leaders of the disarmed Rebellion, in order that the same old +political organization which brought distress upon this Land shall again +control the Government. Already the spirit of the former aggressiveness +is defiantly bestirring itself. The old chieftains intend to take no +more chances. They feel that their Great Conspiracy is now assured of +success, inside the Union. They hesitate not to declare that the power +once held by them, and temporarily lost, is regained. Like the Old Man +of the Sea, they are now on top, and they: + + MEAN TO KEEP THERE--IF THEY CAN. + + + + +BIOGRAPHICAL ADDENDUM: As few readers 150 years later know of John Logan +it seemed appropriate to the eBook editor to append this short biography +taken from the Encyclopedia Britanica of 1911: + + +LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER (1826-1886), +American soldier and political leader, was born in what is now +Murphysborough, Jackson county, Illinois, on the 9th of February 1826. +He had no schooling until he was fourteen; he then studied for three +years in Shiloh College, served in the Mexican War as a lieutenant of +volunteers, studied law in the office of an uncle, graduated from the +Law Department of Louisville University in 1851, and practised law with +success. He entered politics as a Douglas Democrat, was elected county +clerk in 1849, served in the State House of Representatives in 1853-1854 +and in 1857, and for a time, during the interval, was prosecuting +attorney of the Third Judicial District of Illinois. In 1858 and 1860 +he was elected as a Democrat to the National House of Representatives. +Though unattached and unenlisted, he fought at Bull Run, and then +returned to Washington, resigned his seat, and entered the Union army as +colonel of the 31st Illinois Volunteers, which he organized. He was +regarded as one of the ablest officers who entered the army from civil +life. In Grant's campaigns terminating in the capture of Vicksburg, +which city Logan's division was the first to enter and of which he was +military governor, he rose to the rank of major-general of volunteers; +in November 1863 he succeeded Sherman in command of the XV. Army Corps; +and after the death of McPherson he was in command of the Army of the +Tennessee at the battle of Atlanta. When the war closed, Logan resumed +his political career as a Republican, and was a member of the National +House of Representatives from 1867 to 1871, and of the United States +Senate from 1871 until 1877 and again from 1879 until his death, which +took place at Washington, D.C., on the 26th of December 1886. In 1868 +he was one of the managers in the impeachment of President Johnson. His +war record and his great personal following, especially in the Grand +Army of the Republic, contributed to his nomination for Vice-President +in 1884 on the ticket with James G. Blaine, but he was not elected. His +impetuous oratory was popular on the platform. He was commander-in- +chief of the Grand Army of the Republic from 1868 to 1871, and in this +position successfully urged the observance of Memorial or Decoration +Day, an idea which probably originated with him. He was the author of +The Great Conspiracy: Its Origin and History (1886), an account of the +Civil War, and of The Volunteer Soldier of America (1887). There is a +fine statue of him by St. Gaudens in Chicago. + +The best biography is that by George F. Dawson, The Life and Services +of Gen. John A. Logan, as Soldier and Statesman (Chicago and New York, +1887). + + + + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREAT CONSPIRACY, COMPLETE *** + +******* This file should be named jl08w10.txt or jl08w10.zip ******** + +Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, jl08w11.txt +VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, jl08w10a.txt + +This eBook was produced by David Widger, widger@cecomet.net + +Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US +unless a copyright notice is included. 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FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN EBOOKS*Ver.02/11/02*END* + + diff --git a/old/jl08w10.zip b/old/jl08w10.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..740a679 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/jl08w10.zip diff --git a/old/jl08w10h.zip b/old/jl08w10h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..9413605 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/jl08w10h.zip diff --git a/old/orig7140-h.zip b/old/orig7140-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..16369e3 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/orig7140-h.zip diff --git a/old/orig7140-h/7140-h.htm b/old/orig7140-h/7140-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1a7da66 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/orig7140-h/7140-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,723 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> +<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Complete By John Logan</title> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> +<link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg"> + + +<style type="text/css"> + <!-- + body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify} + P { + text-indent: 1em; + margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; } + HR { width: 33%; text-align: center; } + blockquote {font-size: 95% } + .figleft {float: left;} + .figright {float: right;} + .toc { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;} + CENTER { padding: 10px;} + // --> +</style> + + + +</head> +<body> + + +<h2><a href="#contents">THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Complete</a></h2> +<pre> + +Project Gutenberg's The Great Conspiracy, Complete, by John Alexander Logan + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net + + +Title: The Great Conspiracy, Complete + +Author: John Alexander Logan + +Release Date: August 16, 2006 [EBook #7140] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, COMPLETE *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +</pre> + + + + + + +<a name="contents"></a> +<br><br> + + +<h3>CONTENTS</h3> + + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> + +<tr><td><a href="p1.htm"><b>Part 1.</b></a> </td><td> Chapter </td><td> I. </td><td> to </td><td> V.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p2.htm"><b>Part 2.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> VI.</td><td> to </td><td> X.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p3.htm"><b>Part 3.</b></a></td><td> Chapter</td><td> XI. </td><td>to </td><td> XIII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p4.htm"><b>Part 4.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XIV. </td><td> to </td><td> XVII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p5.htm"><b>Part 5.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XVIII.</td><td> to </td><td> XXI.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p6.htm"><b>Part 6.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XXII.</td><td> to </td><td> XXVII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p7.htm"><b>Part 7.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XXVIII. </td><td> to </td><td> XXXIII.</td></tr> + + +</table> +</center> + + + +<br><br> +<br><br> + +<h1> +<br> + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br> +<br> + Its Origin and History<br> +<br> + Complete<br> +<br></h1> +<br><br> +<center> +<img alt="bookcover.jpg (102K)" src="images/bookcover.jpg" height="915" width="824"> +<br><br><br><br> +<img alt="dedication.jpg (30K)" src="images/dedication.jpg" height="343" width="826"> +<br><br><br><br> +<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665"> +<br><br><br><br> +<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692"> +<br><br><br><br> +</center> + +<br> +<br> +<h2>CHAPTERS</h2> + +<br> + +<center> +<table summary=""> + + +<tr><td>I. </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch1">A Preliminary Retrospect,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>II. </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch2">Protection, and Free Trade,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>III. </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch3">Growth of the Slavery Question,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>IV. </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch4">Popular Sovereignty,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>V. </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch5">Presidential Contest of 1860,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>VI. </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch6">The Great Conspiracy Maturing,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>VII. </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch7">Secession" Arming,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>VIII. </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch8">The Rejected Olive Branch,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>IX. </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch9">Slavery's Setting Sun,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>X. </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch10">The War Drum—"On to Washington,"</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XI. </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch11">Causes of Secession</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XII. </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch12">Copperheadism vs. Union-Democracy,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XIII. </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch13">The Storm of Battle,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XIV. </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch14">The Colored Contraband,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XV. </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch15">Freedom's Early Dawn,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XVI. </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch16">Compensated, Gradual, Emancipation,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XVII. </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch17">Border-State Opposition,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XVIII. </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch18">Freedom Proclaimed to All,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XIX. </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch19">Historical Review,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XX. </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch20">Lincoln's Troubles and Temptations,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXI. </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch21">The Armed Negro</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXII. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch22">Freedom's Sun still Rising,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXIII. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch23">Thirteenth Amendment Passes the Senate</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXIV. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch24">Treason in the Northern Camp,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXV. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch25">The "Fire in the Rear,"</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXVI. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch26">Thirteenth Amendment Defeated in House,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXVII. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch27">Slavery Doomed at the Polls,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXVIII. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch28">Freedom at last Assured,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXIX. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch29">Lincoln's Second Inauguration,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXX. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch30">Collapse of Armed Conspiracy,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXXI. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch31">Assassination!</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXXII. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch32">Turning Back the Hands,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXXIII. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch33">What Next?</a></td></tr> + + +</table> +</center> + + + + +<br> +<br><br> + +<h2>MAPS and PORTRAITS</h2> +<br> +<br> + +<h4><a href="p1.htm">Part One.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +DANIEL WEBSTER,<br> +STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS,<br> +THOMAS JEFFERSON,<br> +ABRAHAM LINCOLN,<br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + +<br><br> + +<h4><a href="p2.htm">Part Two.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +ISAAC W. HAYNE,<br> +WM. H. SEWARD,<br> +HENRY CLAY,<br> +JEFFERSON DAVIS,<br> +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br> +<h4><a href="p3.htm">Part Three.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +JOHN C. CALHOUN,<br> +SEAT OF WAR IN VIRGINIA. (Map)<br> +FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD. (Map)<br> +FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD, (Map)<br> +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br> +<h4><a href="p4.htm">Part Four.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +J. J. CRITTENDEN,<br> +LOUIS T. WIGFALL.<br> +DAVID HUNTER,<br> +PATRICK HENRY,<br> +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br> +<h4><a href="p5.htm">Part Five.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> +EDWARD D. BAKER,<br> +JOHN C. FREMONT,<br> +SIMON CAMERON,<br> +H. W. HALLECK,<br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br> +<h4><a href="p6.htm">Part Six.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> +BENJ. F. BUTLER,<br> +LYMAN TRUMBULL,<br> +BENJ. F. WADE,<br> +GEO. B. MCCLELLAN,<br> +ELECTION RESULTS<br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br> +<h4><a href="p7.htm">Part Seven.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +THAD. STEVENS,<br> +HENRY WINTER DAVIS,<br> +J. C. BRECKINRIDGE,<br> + + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + +<br><br><hr><br><br> + + +<h3>CONTENTS</h3> + + + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> + +<tr><td><a href="p1.htm"><b>Part 1.</b></a> </td><td> Chapter </td><td> I. </td><td> to </td><td> V.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p2.htm"><b>Part 2.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> VI.</td><td> to </td><td> X.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p3.htm"><b>Part 3.</b></a></td><td> Chapter</td><td> XI. </td><td>to </td><td> XIII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p4.htm"><b>Part 4.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XIV. </td><td> to </td><td> XVII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p5.htm"><b>Part 5.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XVIII.</td><td> to </td><td> XXI.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p6.htm"><b>Part 6.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XXII.</td><td> to </td><td> XXVII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p7.htm"><b>Part 7.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XXVIII. </td><td> to </td><td> XXXIII.</td></tr> + + +</table> +</center> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Great Conspiracy, Complete +by John Alexander Logan + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, COMPLETE *** + +***** This file should be named 7140-h.htm or 7140-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.net/7/1/4/7140/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> +<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Complete By John Logan</title> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> +<link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg"> + + +<style type="text/css"> + <!-- + body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify} + P { + text-indent: 1em; + margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; } + HR { width: 33%; text-align: center; } + blockquote {font-size: 95% } + .figleft {float: left;} + .figright {float: right;} + .toc { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;} + CENTER { padding: 10px;} + // --> +</style> + + + +</head> +<body> + + +<h2><a href="#contents">THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Complete</a></h2> +<pre> + +Project Gutenberg's The Great Conspiracy, Complete, by John Alexander Logan + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net + + +Title: The Great Conspiracy, Complete + +Author: John Alexander Logan + +Release Date: August 16, 2006 [EBook #7140] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, COMPLETE *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +</pre> + + + + + + +<a name="contents"></a> +<br><br> + + +<h3>CONTENTS</h3> + + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> + +<tr><td><a href="p1.htm"><b>Part 1.</b></a> </td><td> Chapter </td><td> I. </td><td> to </td><td> V.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p2.htm"><b>Part 2.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> VI.</td><td> to </td><td> X.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p3.htm"><b>Part 3.</b></a></td><td> Chapter</td><td> XI. </td><td>to </td><td> XIII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p4.htm"><b>Part 4.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XIV. </td><td> to </td><td> XVII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p5.htm"><b>Part 5.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XVIII.</td><td> to </td><td> XXI.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p6.htm"><b>Part 6.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XXII.</td><td> to </td><td> XXVII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p7.htm"><b>Part 7.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XXVIII. </td><td> to </td><td> XXXIII.</td></tr> + + +</table> +</center> + + + +<br><br> +<br><br> + +<h1> +<br> + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br> +<br> + Its Origin and History<br> +<br> + Complete<br> +<br></h1> +<br><br> +<center> +<img alt="bookcover.jpg (102K)" src="images/bookcover.jpg" height="915" width="824"> +<br><br><br><br> +<img alt="dedication.jpg (30K)" src="images/dedication.jpg" height="343" width="826"> +<br><br><br><br> +<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665"> +<br><br><br><br> +<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692"> +<br><br><br><br> +</center> + +<br> +<br> +<h2>CHAPTERS</h2> + +<br> + +<center> +<table summary=""> + + +<tr><td>I. </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch1">A Preliminary Retrospect,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>II. </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch2">Protection, and Free Trade,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>III. </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch3">Growth of the Slavery Question,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>IV. </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch4">Popular Sovereignty,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>V. </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch5">Presidential Contest of 1860,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>VI. </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch6">The Great Conspiracy Maturing,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>VII. </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch7">Secession" Arming,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>VIII. </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch8">The Rejected Olive Branch,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>IX. </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch9">Slavery's Setting Sun,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>X. </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch10">The War Drum—"On to Washington,"</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XI. </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch11">Causes of Secession</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XII. </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch12">Copperheadism vs. Union-Democracy,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XIII. </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch13">The Storm of Battle,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XIV. </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch14">The Colored Contraband,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XV. </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch15">Freedom's Early Dawn,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XVI. </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch16">Compensated, Gradual, Emancipation,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XVII. </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch17">Border-State Opposition,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XVIII. </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch18">Freedom Proclaimed to All,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XIX. </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch19">Historical Review,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XX. </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch20">Lincoln's Troubles and Temptations,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXI. </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch21">The Armed Negro</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXII. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch22">Freedom's Sun still Rising,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXIII. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch23">Thirteenth Amendment Passes the Senate</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXIV. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch24">Treason in the Northern Camp,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXV. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch25">The "Fire in the Rear,"</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXVI. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch26">Thirteenth Amendment Defeated in House,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXVII. </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch27">Slavery Doomed at the Polls,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXVIII. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch28">Freedom at last Assured,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXIX. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch29">Lincoln's Second Inauguration,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXX. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch30">Collapse of Armed Conspiracy,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXXI. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch31">Assassination!</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXXII. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch32">Turning Back the Hands,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>XXXIII. </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch33">What Next?</a></td></tr> + + +</table> +</center> + + + + +<br> +<br><br> + +<h2>MAPS and PORTRAITS</h2> +<br> +<br> + +<h4><a href="p1.htm">Part One.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +DANIEL WEBSTER,<br> +STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS,<br> +THOMAS JEFFERSON,<br> +ABRAHAM LINCOLN,<br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + +<br><br> + +<h4><a href="p2.htm">Part Two.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +ISAAC W. HAYNE,<br> +WM. H. SEWARD,<br> +HENRY CLAY,<br> +JEFFERSON DAVIS,<br> +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br> +<h4><a href="p3.htm">Part Three.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +JOHN C. CALHOUN,<br> +SEAT OF WAR IN VIRGINIA. (Map)<br> +FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD. (Map)<br> +FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD, (Map)<br> +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br> +<h4><a href="p4.htm">Part Four.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +J. J. CRITTENDEN,<br> +LOUIS T. WIGFALL.<br> +DAVID HUNTER,<br> +PATRICK HENRY,<br> +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br> +<h4><a href="p5.htm">Part Five.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> +EDWARD D. BAKER,<br> +JOHN C. FREMONT,<br> +SIMON CAMERON,<br> +H. W. HALLECK,<br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br> +<h4><a href="p6.htm">Part Six.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> +BENJ. F. BUTLER,<br> +LYMAN TRUMBULL,<br> +BENJ. F. WADE,<br> +GEO. B. MCCLELLAN,<br> +ELECTION RESULTS<br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br> +<h4><a href="p7.htm">Part Seven.</a></h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +THAD. STEVENS,<br> +HENRY WINTER DAVIS,<br> +J. C. BRECKINRIDGE,<br> + + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + +<br><br><hr><br><br> + + +<h3>CONTENTS</h3> + + + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> + +<tr><td><a href="p1.htm"><b>Part 1.</b></a> </td><td> Chapter </td><td> I. </td><td> to </td><td> V.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p2.htm"><b>Part 2.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> VI.</td><td> to </td><td> X.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p3.htm"><b>Part 3.</b></a></td><td> Chapter</td><td> XI. </td><td>to </td><td> XIII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p4.htm"><b>Part 4.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XIV. </td><td> to </td><td> XVII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p5.htm"><b>Part 5.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XVIII.</td><td> to </td><td> XXI.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p6.htm"><b>Part 6.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XXII.</td><td> to </td><td> XXVII.</td></tr> +<tr><td><a href="p7.htm"><b>Part 7.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td> XXVIII. </td><td> to </td><td> XXXIII.</td></tr> + + +</table> +</center> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Great Conspiracy, Complete +by John Alexander Logan + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, COMPLETE *** + +***** This file should be named 7140-h.htm or 7140-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.net/7/1/4/7140/ + +Produced by David Widger + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + http://www.gutenberg.net + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + + +</pre> + +</body> +</html> + + diff --git a/old/orig7140-h/p1.htm b/old/orig7140-h/p1.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c5f3fc8 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/orig7140-h/p1.htm @@ -0,0 +1,3719 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> +<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part. 1. By John Logan</title> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> + + + +<style type="text/css"> + <!-- + body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify} + P { + text-indent: 1em; + margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; } + HR { width: 33%; text-align: center; } + blockquote {font-size: 95% } + .figleft {float: left;} + .figright {float: right;} + .toc { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;} + CENTER { padding: 10px;} + // --> +</style> + + + +</head> +<body> + +<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part. 1</h2> + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p2.htm">Next Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br><br><br><br><br> + + + + + + +<center><h1> +<br> + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br> +<br> + Its Origin and History<br> +<br> + Part 1.<br> +<br></h1> +<br><br> + +<img alt="bookcover.jpg (102K)" src="images/bookcover.jpg" height="915" width="824"> +<br><br><br><br> +<img alt="dedication.jpg (30K)" src="images/dedication.jpg" height="343" width="826"> +<br><br><br><br> +<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665"> +<br><br><br><br> +<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692"> +<br><br><br><br> + + +<h2><br> +<br><br><br> +PREFACE. +</h2> +</center> + +<p>In the preparation of this work it has been the writer's aim to present +in it, with historical accuracy, authentic facts; to be fair and +impartial in grouping them; and to be true and just in the conclusions +necessarily drawn from them. While thus striving to be accurate, fair, +and just, he has not thought it his duty to mince words, nor to refrain +from "calling things by their right names;" neither has he sought to +curry favor, in any quarter, by fulsome adulation on the one side, nor +undue denunciation on the other, either of the living, or of the dead. +But, while tracing the history of the Great Conspiracy, from its obscure +birth in the brooding brains of a few ambitious men of the earliest days +of our Republic, through the subsequent years of its devolution, down to +the evil days of Nullification, and to the bitter and bloody period of +armed Rebellion, or contemplating it in its still more recent and, +perhaps, more sinister development, of to-day, he has conscientiously +dealt with it, throughout, in the clear and penetrating light of the +voluminous records so readily accessible at the seat of our National +Government. So far as was practicable, he has endeavored to allow the +chief characters in that Conspiracy—as well as the Union leaders, who, +whether in Executive, Legislative, or Military service, devoted their +best abilities and energies to its suppression—to speak for themselves, +and thus while securing their own proper places in history, by a process +of self-adjustment as it were, themselves to write down that history in +their own language. If then there be found within these covers aught +which may seem harsh to those directly or indirectly, nearly or +remotely, connected with that Conspiracy, he may not unfairly exclaim: +"Thou canst not say I did it." If he knows his own heart, the writer +can truly declare, with his hand upon it, that it bears neither hatred, +malice, nor uncharitableness, to those who, misled by the cunning +secrecy of the Conspirators, and without an inkling or even a suspicion +of their fell purposes, went manfully into the field, with a courage +worthy of a better cause, and for four years of bloody conflict, +believing that their cause was just, fought the armies of the Union, in +a mad effort to destroy the best government yet devised by man upon this +planet. And, perhaps, none can better understand than he, how hard, how +very hard, it must be for men of strong nature and intense feeling, +after taking a mistaken stand, and especially after carrying their +conviction to the cannon's mouth, to acknowledge their error before the +world. Hence, while he has endeavored truly to depict—or to let those +who made history at the time help him to depict—the enormity of the +offence of the armed Rebellion and of the heresies and plottings of +certain Southern leaders precipitating it, yet not one word will be +found, herein, condemnatory of those who, with manly candor, soldierly +courage, and true patriotism, acknowledged that error when the ultimate +arbitrament of the sword had decided against them. On the contrary, to +all such as accept, in good faith, the results of the war of the +Rebellion, the writer heartily holds out the hand of forgiveness for the +past, and good fellowship for the future.</p> +<br> +<p>WASHINGTON, D. C.</p> +<br> +<p>April 15, 1886.</p> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + +<br> + +<center> +<table summary=""> + + +<tr><td>I. </td><td><a href="#ch1">A Preliminary Retrospect,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>II. </td><td><a href="#ch2">Protection, and Free Trade,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>III. </td><td><a href="#ch3">Growth of the Slavery Question,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>IV. </td><td><a href="#ch4">Popular Sovereignty,</a></td></tr> + +<tr><td>V. </td><td><a href="#ch5">Presidential Contest of 1860,</a></td></tr> + + + + +</table> +</center> + +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch1">CHAPTER I.</a><br> + A PRELIMINARY RETROSPECT.<br></h2> +<br> +AFRICAN SLAVERY IN AMERICA IN 1620—CONTROVERSY BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND +ENGLAND IN 1699—GEORGIAN ABHORRENCE OF SLAVERY IN 1775—JEFFERSON AND +THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE—SLAVERY A SOURCE OF WEAKNESS IN THE +REVOLUTIONARY WAR—THE SESSION BY VIRGINIA OF THE GREAT +NORTH-WEST—THEORDINANCE OF 1784 AND ITS FAILURE—THE ORDINANCE OF 1787 AND ITS +ADOPTION—THE GERM OF SLAVERY AGITATION PLANTED—THE QUESTION IN THE +CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION—SUBTERFUGES OF THE OLD CONSTITUTION—THE +BULLDOZING OF THE FATHERS—THE FIRST FEDERAL CONGRESS, 1789—CONDITIONS +OF TERRITORIAL CESSIONS FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA, 1789-1802—THE +"COLONY OF LOUISIANA" (MISSISSIPPI VALLEY) PURCHASE OF 1803—THE +TREATY—CONDITIONS TOUCHING SLAVERY—THE COTTON INDUSTRY REVOLUTIONIZED—RAPID +POPULATING OF THE GREAT VALLEY, BY SLAVEHOLDERS AND SLAVES—JEFFERSON'S +APPARENT INCONSISTENCY EXPLAINED—THE AFRICAN SLAVE +TRADE—MULTIPLICATION OF SLAVES—LOUISIANA ADMITTED, 1812, AS A +STATE—THE TERRITORY OF MISSOURI—THE MISSOURI STRUGGLE (1818-1820) +IN A NUTSHELL— THE "MISSOURI COMPROMISE"<br> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch2">CHAPTER II.</a><br> + PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE.<br></h2> +<br> +CHIEF CAUSE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION—OUR INDEPENDENCE, INDUSTRIAL AS +WELL AS POLITICAL—FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERATION DUE TO LACK OF +INDUSTRIAL PROTECTION—MADISON'S TARIFF ACT OF 1789—HAMILTON'S TARIFF +OF 1790—SOUTHERN STATESMEN AND SOUTHERN VOTES FOR EARLY +TARIFFS—WASHINGTON AND JEFFERSON ON "PROTECTION "—EMBARGO OF 1807-8—WAR OF +1812-15—CONSEQUENT INCREASE OF AMERICAN MANUFACTURES—BROUGHAM'S +PLAN—RUIN THREATENED BY GLUT OF BRITISH GOODS—TARIFF ACT OF 1816—CALHOUN'S +DEFENSE OF "PROTECTION"—NEW ENGLAND AGAINST THAT ACT—THE SOUTH SECURES +ITS PASSAGE—THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF ACTS OF 1824 AND 1828—SUBSEQUENT +PROSPERITY IN FREE STATES—THE BLIGHT OF SLAVERY—BIRTH OF THE FREE +TRADE HERESY IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1797—SIMULTANEOUS BIRTH OF THE +HERESY OF STATE RIGHTS—KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS OF 1798—VIRGINIA +RESOLUTIONS OF 1799—JEFFERSON'S REAL PURPOSE IN FORMULATING +THEM—ACTIVITY OF THE FEW SOUTHERN FREE TRADERS—PLAUSIBLE ARGUMENTS AGAINST +"PROTECTION"—INGENIOUS METHODS OF "FIRING THE SOUTHERN HEART"—SOUTHERN +DISCONTENT WITH TARIFF OF 1824—INFLAMMATORY UTTERANCES—ARMED +RESISTANCE URGED TO TARIFF OF 1828—WALTERBOROUGH ANTI-PROTECTIVE TARIFF +ADDRESS—FREE TRADE AND NULLIFICATION ADVOCACY APPEARS IN CONGRESS—THE +HAYNE-WEBSTER DEBATE—MODIFIED PROTECTIVE TARIFF OF 1832—SOUTH +CAROLINA'S NULLIFICATION ORDINANCE—HAYNE ELECTED GOVERNOR OF SOUTH +CAROLINA—HERESY OF "PARAMOUNT ALLEGIANCE TO THE STATE"—SOUTH CAROLINA +ARMS HERSELF—PRESIDENT JACKSON STAMPS OUT SOUTHERN TREASON—CLAY'S +COMPROMISE TARIFF OF 1833—CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL'S SOLEMN +WARNING—JACKSON'S FORECAST<br> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch3">CHAPTER III.</a><br> + GROWTH OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION.<br></h2> +<br> +"EMANCIPATION" IN NORTHERN AND MIDDLE STATES—VIRGINIA'S UNSUCCESSFUL +EFFORT—CESSION OF THE FLORIDAS, 1819—BALANCE OF POWER—ADMISSION OF +ARKANSAS,1836—SOUTHERN SLAVE HOLDERS' COLONIZATION OF TEXAS—TEXAN +INDEPENDENCE, 1837—CALHOUN'S SECOND AND GREAT CONSPIRACY—DETERMINATION +BEFORE 1839 TO SECEDE—PROTECTIVE TARIFF FEATURES AGAIN THE +PRETEXT—CALHOUN, IN 1841, ASKING THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT FOR AID—NORTHERN +OPPOSITION TO ACQUISITION OF TEXAS—RATIONALE OF THE LOUISIANA AND +FLORIDA ACQUISITIONS—PROPOSED EXTENSION OF SLAVERY LIMITS—WEBSTER +WARNS THE SOUTH—DISASTERS FOLLOWING COMPROMISE TARIFF OF +1833—INDUSTRIAL RUIN OF 1840—ELECTION AND DEATH OF HARRISON—PROTECTIVE +TARIFF OF 1842—POLK'S CAMPAIGN OF 1844—CLAY'S BLUNDER AND POLK'S +CRIME—SOUTHERN TREACHERY—THE NORTH HOODWINKED—POLK ELECTED BY +ABOLITION VOTE—SLAVE-HOLDING TEXAS UNDER A SHAM "COMPROMISE"—WAR WITH +MEXICO—FREE-TRADE TARIFF OF 1846—WILMOT PROVISO—TREATY OF +GUADALUPE—HIDALGO—SLAVERY CONTEST IN CONGRESS STILL GROWING—COMPROMISE +OF 1850—A LULL—FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW—NEBRASKA BILL OF 1852-3—KANSAS-NEBRASKA +BILL, 1853-4, REPORTED—PARLIAMENTARY "JUGGLERY"—THE TRIUMPH OF +SLAVERY, IN CONGRESS—BLEEDING KANSAS—TOPEKA CONSTITUTION, 1855—KANSAS +LEGISLATURE DISPERSED, 1856, BY UNITED STATES TROOPS—LECOMPTON +CONSTITUTION OF 1857—FRAUDULENT TRIUMPH OF SLAVERY CONSTITUTION—ITS +SUBSEQUENT DEFEAT—ELECTION OF BUCHANAN, 1856—KANSAS ADMITTED—MISERY +AND RUIN CAUSED BY FREE-TRADE TARIFF OF 1846—FILLMORE AND BUCHANAN +TESTIFY<br> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch4">CHAPTER IV.</a><br> + "POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY."<br></h2> +<br> +DOUGLAS'S THEORY OF POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY—ILLINOIS LEGISLATIVE +ENDORSEMENT OF IT, 1851—DOUGLAS'S POSITION ON KANSAS—NEBRASKA BILL, +1854—DRED SCOTT DECISION—SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, REPUBLICAN CONVENTION +OF 1858—LINCOLN'S REMARKABLE SPEECH TO THE CONVENTION—PIERCE AND +BUCHANAN, TANEY AND DOUGLAS, CHARGED WITH PRO-SLAVERY +CONSPIRACY—DOUGLAS'S GREAT SPEECH (JULY 9TH, 1858) AT CHICAGO, IN REPLY—LINCOLN'S +POWERFUL REJOINDER, AT CHICAGO, (JULY 10TH)—THE ADMIXTURE OF RACES—THE +VOTING "UP OR DOWN" OF SLAVERY—THE "ARGUMENTS OF KINGS"—TRUTHS OF THE +DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE—DOUGLAS'S BLOOMINGTON SPEECH (JULY 16TH), +OF VINDICATION AND ATTACK—HISTORY OF THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA STRUGGLE—THE +UNHOLY ALLIANCE—THE TWO POINTS AT ISSUE—THE "WHITE MAN'S" +COUNTRY—DOUGLAS'S PLEDGES TO WEBSTER AND CLAY—DOUGLAS'S SPRINGFIELD SPEECH, +JULY 17TH—THE IRRECONCILABLE PRINCIPLES AT ISSUE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND +HIMSELF—LINCOLN'S GREAT SPEECH, AT SPRINGFIELD, THE SAME +EVENING—DOUGLAS'S TRIUMPHANT MARCHES AND ENTRIES—THE "OFFICES SEEN IN HIS +ROUND, JOLLY, FRUITFUL FACE"—LINCOLN'S LEAN-FACED FIGHT, FOR PRINCIPLE +ALONE—DOUGLAS'S VARIOUS SPEECHES REVIEWED—THE REAL QUESTION BETWEEN +REPUBLICANS AND DOUGLAS MEN AND THE BUCHANAN MEN—JACKSON'S VETO OF THE +NATIONAL BANK CHARTER—DEMOCRATIC REVOLT AGAINST THE SUPREME COURT +DECISION—VINDICATION OF CLAY—"NEGRO EQUALITY"—MR. LINCOLN'S CHARGE, +OF "CONSPIRACY AND DECEPTION" TO "NATIONALIZE SLAVERY," RENEWED—GREAT +JOINT DEBATE OF 1858, BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS, ARRANGED +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch5">CHAPTER V</a>.<br> + THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST OF 1860—<br> + THE CRISIS APPROACHING.<br></h2> +<br> +<br> +HOW THE GREAT JOINT DEBATE OF 1858 RESULTED—THE "LITTLE GIANT" CAPTURES +THE SENATORSHIP—THE "BIG GIANT" CAPTURES THE PEOPLE—THE RISING +DEMOCRATIC STAR OF 1860—DOUGLAS'S GRAND TRIUMPHAL "PROGRESS" THROUGH +THE LAND—A POPULAR DEMOCRATIC IDOL—FRESH AGGRESSIONS OF THE SLAVE +POWER—NEW MEXICO'S SLAVE CODE OF 1859—HELPER'S "IMPENDING +CRISIS"—JOHN BROWN AND HARPER'S FERRY—THE MEETING OF CONGRESS, +DECEMBER, 1859—FORTY-FOUR BALLOTS FOR SPEAKER—DANGEROUSLY HEATED CONGRESSIONAL DEBATES +ON SLAVERY—THE DEMOCRATIC SPLIT—JEFFERSON DAVIS'S ARROGANT +DOUBLE-EDGED PRO-SLAVERY' RESOLUTIONS—DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION, +CHARLESTON, S. C., 1860—DECLARATIONS OF THE MAJORITY AND MINORITY +REPORTS AND BUTLER'S RECOMMENDATION, WITH VOTES THEREON—ADOPTION OF THE +MINORITY (DOUGLAS) PLATFORM—SOUTHERN DELEGATES PROTEST AND "BOLT "—THE +BOLTING CONVENTION ADJOURNS TILL JUNE AT RICHMOND—THE REGULAR +CONVENTION BALLOTS AND ADJOURNS TO BALTIMORE—THE BALTIMORE +CONVENTION—"THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADER A TRUE MISSIONARY"—MORE BOLTING—DOUGLAS'S +NOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY—THE BOLTING CONVENTION NOMINATES +BRECKINRIDGE—THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION AND PLATFORM—NOMINATIONS OF +LINCOLN, AND BELL—COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE FOUR RIVAL PARTY +PLATFORMS—THE OCTOBER ELECTIONS—THE SOUTH PREPARING GLEEFULLY FOR +SECESSION—GOVERNOR GIST'S TREASONABLE MESSAGE TO S. C. LEGISLATURE, +NOV. 5—OTHER SIMILAR UTTERANCES<br> +<br> +<br> + + + +<br> +<br> +<br><br> + +<h2>IMAGES</h2> +<br> +<br> + +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +<a href="#webster">DANIEL WEBSTER,</a><br> +<a href="#douglas">STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS,</a><br> +<a href="#jefferson">THOMAS JEFFERSON,</a><br> +<a href="#lincoln">ABRAHAM LINCOLN,</a><br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + +<br><br> + + +<br> +<br><br><br> +<br><br> +<a name="webster"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p024-webster.jpg (88K)" src="images/p024-webster.jpg" height="856" width="591"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch1"></a> +<br><br> + +<center><h2> + PART ONE.<br><br> + CHAPTER I.<br><br> + + A PRELIMINARY RETROSPECT. +</h2></center><br> +<p> +To properly understand the condition of things preceding the great war +of the Rebellion, and the causes underlying that condition and the war +itself, we must glance backward through the history of the Country to, +and even beyond, that memorable 30th of November, 1782, when the +Independence of the United States of America was at last conceded by +Great Britain. At that time the population of the United States was +about 2,500,000 free whites and some 500,000 black slaves. We had +gained our Independence of the Mother Country, but she had left fastened +upon us the curse of Slavery. Indeed African Slavery had already in +1620 been implanted on the soil of Virginia before Plymouth Rock was +pressed by the feet of the Pilgrim Fathers, and had spread, prior to the +Revolution, with greater or less rapidity, according to the surrounding +adaptations of soil, production and climate, to every one of the +thirteen Colonies.</p> + +<p>But while it had thus spread more or less throughout all the original +Colonies, and was, as it were, recognized and acquiesced in by all, as +an existing and established institution, yet there were many, both in +the South and North, who looked upon it as an evil—an inherited +evil—and were anxious to prevent the increase of that evil. Hence it was +that even as far back as 1699, a controversy sprang up between the +Colonies and the Home Government, upon the African Slavery question—a +controversy continuing with more or less vehemence down to the +Declaration of Independence itself.</p> + +<p>It was this conviction that it was not alone an evil but a dangerous +evil, that induced Jefferson to embody in his original draft of that +Declaration a clause strongly condemnatory of the African Slave Trade—a +clause afterward omitted from it solely, he tells us, "in complaisance +to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never* attempted to restrain the +importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to +continue it," as well as in deference to the sensitiveness of Northern +people, who, though having few slaves themselves, "had been pretty +considerable carriers of them to others" a clause of the great +indictment of King George III., which, since it was not omitted for any +other reason than that just given, shows pretty conclusively that where +the fathers in that Declaration affirmed that "all men are created +equal," they included in the term "men," black as well as white, bond as +well as free; for the clause ran thus: "Determined to keep open a market +where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for +suppressing every Legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this +execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of horrors might want no +fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people to rise +in arms among us, and purchase that liberty of which he has deprived +them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them; thus paying +of former crimes committed against the LIBERTIES of our people with +crimes which he urges them to commit against the LIVES of another."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Prior to 1752, when Georgia surrendered her charter and became a + Royal Colony, the holding of slaves within its limits was expressly + prohibited by law; and the Darien (Ga.) resolutions of 1775 + declared not only a "disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural + practice of Slavery in America" as "a practice founded in injustice + and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our Liberties (as well as + lives) but a determination to use our utmost efforts for the + manumission of our slaves in this colony upon the most safe and + equitable footing for the masters and themselves."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p> +During the war of the Revolution following the Declaration of +Independence, the half a million of slaves, nearly all of them in the +Southern States, were found to be not only a source of weakness, but, +through the incitements of British emissaries, a standing menace of +peril to the Slaveholders. Thus it was that the South was overrun by +hostile British armies, while in the North—comparatively free of this +element of weakness—disaster after disaster met them. At last, +however, in 1782, came the recognition of our Independence, and peace, +followed by the evacuation of New York at the close of 1783.</p> + +<p>The lessons of the war, touching Slavery, had not been lost upon our +statesmen. Early in 1784 Virginia ceded to the United States her claims +of jurisdiction and otherwise over the vast territory north-west of the +Ohio; and upon its acceptance, Jefferson, as chairman of a Select +Committee appointed at his instance to consider a plan of government +therefor, reported to the ninth Continental Congress an Ordinance to +govern the territory ceded already, or to be ceded, by individual States +to the United States, extending from the 31st to the 47th degree of +north latitude, which provided as "fundamental conditions between the +thirteen original States and those newly described" as embryo States +thereafter—to be carved out of such territory ceded or to be ceded to +the United States, not only that "they shall forever remain a part of +the United States of America," but also that "after the year 1800 of the +Christian era, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude +in any of the said States"—and that those fundamental conditions were +"unalterable but by the joint consent of the United States in Congress +assembled, and of the particular State within which such alteration +is proposed to be made."</p> + +<p>But now a signal misfortune befell. Upon a motion to strike out the +clause prohibiting Slavery, six States: New Hampshire, Massachusetts, +Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York and Pennsylvania, voted to retain +the prohibitive clause, while three States, Maryland, Virginia and South +Carolina, voted not to retain it. The vote of North Carolina was +equally divided; and while one of the Delegates from New Jersey voted to +retain it, yet as there was no other delegate present from that State, +and the Articles of Confederation required the presence of "two or more" +delegates to cast the vote of a State, the vote of New Jersey was lost; +and, as the same Articles required an affirmative vote of a majority of +all the States—and not simply of those present—the retention of the +clause prohibiting Slavery was also lost. Thus was lost the great +opportunity of restricting Slavery to the then existing Slave States, +and of settling the question peaceably for all time. Three years +afterward a similar Ordinance, since become famous as "the Ordinance of +'87," for the government of the North-west Territory (from which the +Free States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin have +since been carved and admitted to the Union) was adopted in Congress by +the unanimous vote of all the eight States present. And the sixth +article of this Ordinance, or "Articles of Compact," which it was +stipulated should "forever remain unalterable, unless by common +consent," was in these words:</p> + +<p>"Art. 6. There shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in +the said Territory, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the +party shall have been duly convicted; provided always that any person +escaping into the same from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in +any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, +and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor, or service, as +aforesaid."</p> + +<p>But this Ordinance of '87, adopted almost simultaneously with the +framing of our present Federal Constitution, was essentially different +from the Ordinance of three years previous, in this: that while the +latter included the territory south of the Ohio River as well as that +north-west of it, this did not; and as a direct consequence of this +failure to include in it the territory south of that river, the States +of Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi, which were taken out of it, were +subsequently admitted to the Union as Slave States, and thus greatly +augmented their political power. And at a later period it was this +increased political power that secured the admission of still other +Slave States—as Florida, Louisiana and Texas—which enabled the Slave +States to hold the balance of such power as against the original States +that had become Free, and the new Free States of the North-west.</p> + +<p>Hence, while in a measure quieting the great question of Slavery for the +time being, the Ordinance of '87 in reality laid the ground-work for the +long series of irritations and agitations touching its restrictions and +extension, which eventually culminated in the clash of arms that shook +the Union from its centre to its circumference. Meanwhile, as we have +seen—while the Ordinance of 1787 was being enacted in the last Congress +of the old Confederation at New York—the Convention to frame the +present Constitution was sitting at Philadelphia under the Presidency of +George Washington himself. The old Confederation had proved itself to +be "a rope of sand." A new and stronger form of government had become a +necessity for National existence.</p> + +<p>To create it out of the discordant elements whose harmony was essential +to success, was an herculean task, requiring the utmost forbearance, +unselfishness, and wisdom. And of all the great questions, dividing the +framers of that Constitution, perhaps none of them required a higher +degree of self abnegation and patriotism than those touching human +Slavery.</p> + +<p>The situation was one of extreme delicacy. The necessity for a closer +and stronger Union of all the States was apparently absolute, yet this +very necessity seemed to place a whip in the hands of a few States, with +which to coerce the greater number of States to do their bidding. It +seemed that the majority must yield to a small minority on even vital +questions, or lose everything.</p> + +<p>Thus it was, that instead of an immediate interdiction of the African +Slave Trade, Congress was empowered to prohibit it after the lapse of +twenty years; that instead of the basis of Congressional Representation +being the total population of each State, and that of direct taxation +the total property of each State, a middle ground was conceded, which +regarded the Slaves as both persons and property, and the basis both of +Representation and of Direct Taxation was fixed as being the total Free +population "plus three-fifths of all other persons" in each State; and +that there was inserted in the Constitution a similar clause to that +which we have seen was almost simultaneously incorporated in the +Ordinance of '87, touching the reclamation and return to their owners of +Fugitive Slaves from the Free States into which they may have escaped.</p> + +<p>The fact of the matter is, that the Convention that framed our +Constitution lacked the courage of its convictions, and was "bulldozed" +by the few extreme Southern Slave-holding States—South Carolina and +Georgia especially. It actually paltered with those convictions and +with the truth itself. Its convictions—those at least of a great +majority of its delegates—were against not only the spread, but the +very existence of Slavery; yet we have seen what they unwillingly agreed +to in spite of those convictions; and they were guilty moreover of the +subterfuge of using the terms "persons" and "service or labor" when they +really meant "Slaves" and "Slavery." "They did this latter," Mr. +Madison says, "because they did not choose to admit the right of +property in man," and yet in fixing the basis of Direct Taxation as well +as Congressional Representation at the total Free population of each +State with "three-fifths of all other persons," they did admit the right +of property in man! As was stated by Mr. Iredell to the North Carolina +Ratification Convention, when explaining the Fugitive Slave clause: +"Though the word 'Slave' is not mentioned, this is the meaning of it." +And he added: "The Northern delegates, owing to their peculiar scruples +on the subject of Slavery, did not choose the word 'Slave' to be +mentioned."</p> + +<p>In March, 1789, the first Federal Congress met at New York. It at once +enacted a law in accordance with the terms of the Ordinance +of '87—adapting it to the changed order of things under the new Federal +Constitution—prohibiting Slavery in the Territories of the North-west; +and the succeeding Congress enacted a Fugitive-Slave law.</p> + +<p>In the same year (1789) North Carolina ceded her western territory (now +Tennessee) south of the Ohio, to the United States, providing as one of +the conditions of that cession, "that no regulation made, or to be made, +by Congress, shall tend to emancipate Slaves." Georgia, also, in 1802, +ceded her superfluous territorial domain (south of the Ohio, and now +known as Alabama and Mississippi), making as a condition of its +acceptance that the Ordinance of '87 "shall, in all its parts, extend to +the territory contained in the present act of cession, the article only +excepted which forbids Slavery."</p> + +<p>Thus while the road was open and had been taken advantage of, at the +earliest moment, by the Federal Congress to prohibit Slavery in all the +territory north-west of the Ohio River by Congressional enactment, +Congress considered itself barred by the very conditions of cession from +inhibiting Slavery in the territory lying south of that river. Hence it +was that while the spread of Slavery was prevented in the one Section of +our outlying territories by Congressional legislation, it was stimulated +in the other Section by the enforced absence of such legislation. As a +necessary sequence, out of the Territories of the one Section grew more +Free States and out of the other more Slave States, and this condition +of things had a tendency to array the Free and the Slave States in +opposition to each other and to Sectionalize the flames of that Slavery +agitation which were thus continually fed.</p> + +<p>Upon the admission of Ohio to Statehood in 1803, the remainder of the +North-west territory became the Territory of Indiana. The inhabitants +of this Territory (now known as the States of Indiana, Illinois, +Michigan and Wisconsin), consisting largely of settlers from the Slave +States, but chiefly from Virginia and Kentucky, very persistently (in +1803, 1806 and 1807) petitioned Congress for permission to employ Slave +Labor, but—although their petitions were favorably reported in most +cases by the Committees to which they were referred—without avail, +Congress evidently being of opinion that a temporary suspension in this +respect of the sixth article of the Ordinance of '87 was "not +expedient." These frequent rebuffs by Congress, together with the +constantly increasing emigration from the Free States, prevented the +taking of any further steps to implant Slavery on the soil of that +Territory.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the vast territory included within the Valley of the +Mississippi and known at that day as the "Colony of Louisiana," was, in +1803, acquired to the United States by purchase from the French—to whom +it had but lately been retroceded by Spain. Both under Spanish and +French rule, Slavery had existed throughout this vast yet sparsely +populated region. When we acquired it by purchase, it was already +there, as an established "institution;" and the Treaty of acquisition +not only provided that it should be "incorporated into the Union of the +United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the +principles of the Federal Constitution," but that its inhabitants in the +meantime "should be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of +their liberty, property, and the religion which they professed"—and, +as "the right of property in man" had really been admitted in practice, +if not in theory, by the framers of that Constitution itself—that +institution was allowed to remain there. Indeed the sparseness of its +population at the time of purchase and the amazing fertility of its soil +and adaptability of its climate to Slave Labor, together with the then +recent invention by Eli Whitney, of Massachusetts, of that wonderful +improvement in the separation of cotton-fibre from its seed, known as +the "cotton-gin"—which with the almost simultaneous inventions of +Hargreaves, and Arkwright's cotton-spinning machines, and Watt's +application of his steam engine, etc., to them, marvelously increased +both the cotton supply and demand and completely revolutionized the +cotton industry—contributed to rapidly and thickly populate the whole +region with white Slave-holders and black Slaves, and to greatly enrich +and increase the power of the former.</p> + +<p>When Jefferson succeeded in negotiating the cession of that vast and +rich domain to the United States, it is not to be supposed that either +the allurements of territorial aggrandizement on the one hand, or the +impending danger to the continued ascendency of the political party +which had elevated him to the Presidency, threatening it from all the +irritations with republican France likely to grow out of such near +proximity to her Colony, on the other, could have blinded his eyes to +the fact that its acquisition must inevitably tend to the spread of that +very evil, the contemplation of which, at a later day, wrung from his +lips the prophetic words, "I tremble for my Country when I reflect that +God is just." It is more reasonable to suppose that, as he believed the +ascendency of the Republican party of that day essential to the +perpetuity of the Republic itself, and revolted against being driven +into an armed alliance with Monarchical England against what he termed +"our natural friend," Republican France, he reached the conclusion that +the preservation of his Republican principles was of more immediate +moment than the question of the perpetuation and increase of human +Slavery. Be that as it may, it none the less remains a curious fact +that it was to Jefferson, the far-seeing statesman and hater of African +Slavery and the author of the Ordinance of 1784—which sought to exclude +Slavery from all the Territories of the United States south of, as well +as north-west of the Ohio River—that we also owe the acquisition of the +vast territory of the Mississippi Valley burdened with Slavery in such +shape that only a War, which nearly wrecked our Republic, could get rid +of!</p> + +<p>Out of that vast and fertile, but Slave-ridden old French Colony of +"Louisiana" were developed in due time the rich and flourishing Slave +States of Louisiana, Missouri and Arkansas.</p> + +<p>It will have been observed that this acquisition of the Colony of +Louisiana and the contemporaneous inventions of the cotton-gin, improved +cotton-spinning machinery, and the application to it of steam power, had +already completely neutralized the wisdom of the Fathers in securing, as +they thought, the gradual but certain extinction of Slavery in the +United States, by that provision in the Constitution which enabled +Congress, after an interval of twenty years, to prohibit the African +Slave Trade; and which led the Congress, on March 22, 1794, to pass an +Act prohibiting it; to supplement it in 1800 with another Act in the +same direction; and on March 2, 1807, to pass another supplemental +Act—to take effect January 1, 1808—still more stringent, and covering any +such illicit traffic, whether to the United States or with other +countries. Never was the adage that, "The best laid schemes o' mice an' +men gang aft agley," more painfully apparent. Slaves increased and +multiplied within the land, and enriched their white owners to such a +degree that, as the years rolled by, instead of compunctions of +conscience on the subject of African Slavery in America, the Southern +leaders ultimately persuaded themselves to the belief that it was not +only moral, and sanctioned by Divine Law, but that to perpetuate it was +a philanthropic duty, beneficial to both races! In fact one of them +declared it to be "the highest type of civilization."</p> + +<p>In 1812, the State of Louisiana, organized from the purchased Colony of +the same name, was admitted to the Union, and the balance of the +Louisiana purchase was thereafter known as the Territory of Missouri.</p> + +<p>In 1818 commenced the heated and protracted struggle in Congress over +the admission of the State of Missouri—created from the Territory of +that name—as a Slave State, which finally culminated in 1820 in the +settlement known thereafter as the "Missouri Compromise."</p> + +<p>Briefly stated, that struggle may be said to have consisted in the +efforts of the House on the one side, to restrict Slavery in the State +of Missouri, and the efforts of the Senate on the other, to give it free +rein. The House insisted on a clause in the Act of admission providing, +"That the introduction of Slavery or involuntary servitude be +prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party has +been duly convicted; and that all children born within the said State, +after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be declared Free at +the age of twenty-five years." The Senate resisted it—and the Bill +fell. In the meantime, however, a Bill passed both Houses forming the +Territory of Arkansas out of that portion of the Territory of Missouri +not included in the proposed State of Missouri, without any such +restriction upon Slavery. Subsequently, the House having passed a Bill +to admit the State of Maine to the Union, the Senate amended it by +tacking on a provision authorizing the people of Missouri to organize a +State Government, without restriction as to Slavery. The House +decidedly refused to accede to the Senate proposition, and the result of +the disagreement was a Committee of Conference between the two Houses, +and the celebrated "Missouri Compromise," which, in the language of +another—[Hon. John Holmes of Massachusetts, of said Committee on +Conference, March 2, 1820.]—, was: "that the Senate should give up its +combination of Missouri with Maine; that the House should abandon its +attempt to restrict Slavery in Missouri; and that both Houses should +concur in passing the Bill to admit Missouri as a State, with" a +"restriction or proviso, excluding Slavery from all territory north and +west of the new State"—that "restriction or proviso" being in these +words: "That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States +under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees, +thirty minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof as is +included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, +Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of +crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is +hereby forever prohibited; Provided always, that any person escaping +into the same, from whom labor and service is lawfully claimed in any +State or Territory of the United States, such Fugitive may be lawfully +reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or +service, as aforesaid." At a subsequent session of Congress, at which +Missouri asked admission as a State with a Constitution prohibiting her +Legislature from passing emancipation laws, or such as would prevent the +immigration of Slaves, while requiring it to enact such as would +absolutely prevent the immigration of Free Negroes or Mulattoes, a +further Compromise was agreed to by Congress under the inspiration of +Mr. Clay, by which it was laid down as a condition precedent to her +admission as a State—a condition subsequently complied with—that +Missouri must pledge herself that her Legislature should pass no act "by +which any of the citizens of either of the States should be excluded +from the enjoyment of the privileges and immunities to which they are +entitled under the Constitution of the United States."</p> + +<p>This, in a nut-shell, was the memorable Missouri Struggle, and the +"Compromise" or Compromises which settled and ended it. But during that +struggle—as during the formation of the Federal Constitution and at +various times in the interval when exciting questions had arisen—the +bands of National Union were more than once rudely strained, and this +time to such a degree as even to shake the faith of some of the firmest +believers in the perpetuity of that Union. It was during this bitter +struggle that John Adams wrote to Jefferson: "I am sometimes Cassandra +enough to dream that another Hamilton, another Burr, may rend this +mighty fabric in twain, or perhaps into a leash, and a few more choice +spirits of the same stamp might produce as many Nations in North America +as there are in Europe."</p> + +<p>It is true that we had "sown the wind," but we had not yet "reaped the +whirlwind."</p> + +<br><br><br> + +<br><br> +<a name="douglas"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p052-douglas.jpg (82K)" src="images/p052-douglas.jpg" height="869" width="586"> +</center> + +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch2"></a> +<br><br> + + +<center><h2> + + CHAPTER II.<br><br> + + PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE. +</h2></center><br> +<p>We have seen that the first Federal Congress met at New York in March, +1789. It organized April 6th. None knew better than its members that +the war of the Americana Revolution chiefly grew out of the efforts of +Great Britain to cripple and destroy our Colonial industries to the +benefit of the British trader, and that the Independence conquered, was +an Industrial as well as Political Independence; and none knew better +than they, that the failure of the subsequent political Confederation of +States was due mainly to its failure to encourage and protect the +budding domestic manufactures of those States. Hence they hastened, +under the leadership of James Madison, to pass "An Act laying a duty on +goods, wares and merchandize imported into the United States," with a +preamble, declaring it to be "necessary" for the "discharge of the debt +of the United States and the encouragement and protection of +manufactures." It was approved by President Washington July 4, 1789—a +date not without its significance—and levied imports both specific and +ad valorem. It was not only our first Tariff Act, but, next to that +prescribing the oath used in organizing the Government, the first Act of +the first Federal Congress; and was passed in pursuance of the +declaration of President Washington in his first Message, that "The +safety and interest of the People" required it. Under the inspiration +of Alexander Hamilton the Tariff of 1790 was enacted at the second +session of the same Congress, confirming the previous Act and increasing +some of the protective duties thereby imposed.</p> + +<p>An analysis of the vote in the House of Representatives on this Tariff +Bill discloses the fact that of the 39 votes for it, 21 were from +Southern States, 13 from the Middle States, and 5 from New England +States; while of the 13 votes against it, 9 were from New England +States, 3 from Southern States, and 1 from Middle States. In other +words, while the Southern States were for the Bill in the proportion of +21 to 3, and the Middle States by 13 to 1, New England was against it by +9 to 5; or again, while 10 of the 13 votes against it were from the New +England and Middle States, 21 (or more than half) of the 39 votes for it +were from Southern States.</p> + +<p>It will thus be seen—singularly enough in view of subsequent +events—that we not only mainly owe our first steps in Protective Tariff +legislation to the almost solid Southern vote, but that it was thus +secured for us despite the opposition of New England. Nor did our +indebtedness to Southern statesmen and Southern votes for the +institution of the now fully established American System of Protection +cease here, as we shall presently see.</p> + +<p>That Jefferson, as well as Washington and Madison, agreed with the views +of Alexander Hamilton on Protection to our domestic manufactures as +against those of foreign Nations, is evident in his Annual Message of +December 14, 1806, wherein—discussing an anticipated surplus of Federal +revenue above the expenditures, and enumerating the purposes of +education and internal improvement to which he thinks the "whole surplus +of impost" should during times of peace be applied; by which application +of such surplus he prognosticates that "new channels of communication +will be opened between the States; the lines of separation will +disappear; their interests will be identified, and their Union cemented +by new and indissoluble ties"—he says: "Shall we suppress the impost +and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures. On a few +articles of more general and necessary use, the suppression in due +season, will doubtless be right; but the great mass of the articles on +which impost is paid is foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who +are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them." But his embargo +and other retaliatory measures, put in force in 1807 and 1808, and the +War of 1812-15 with Great Britain, which closely followed, furnished +Protection in another manner, by shutting the door to foreign imports +and throwing our people upon their own resources, and contributed +greatly to the encouragement and increase of our home +manufactures—especially those of wool, cotton, and hemp.</p> + +<p>At the close of that War the traders of Great Britain determined, even +at a temporary loss to themselves, to glut our market with their goods +and thus break down forever, as they hoped, our infant manufactures. +Their purpose and object were boldly announced in the House of Commons +by Mr. Brougham, when he said: "Is it worth while to incur a loss upon +the first importation, in order by the glut to stifle in the cradle +those rising manufactures in the United States which the War had forced +into existence contrary to the natural course of things." Against this +threatened ruin, our manufacturers all over the United States—the sugar +planters of Louisiana among them—clamored for Protection, and Congress +at once responded with the Tariff Act of 1816.</p> + +<p>This law greatly extended and increased specific duties on, and +diminished the application of the ad valorem principle to, foreign +imports; and it has been well described as "the practical foundation of +the American policy of encouragement of home manufactures—the practical +establishment of the great industrial system upon which rests our +present National wealth, and the power and the prosperity and happiness +of our whole people." While Henry Clay of Kentucky, William Loundes of +South Carolina, and Henry St. George Tucker of Virginia supported the +Bill most effectively, no man labored harder and did more effective +service in securing its passage than John C. Calhoun of South Carolina. +The contention on their part was not for a mere "incidental protection" +—much less a "Tariff for revenue only"—but for "Protection" in its +broadest sense, and especially the protection of their cotton +manufactures. Indeed Calhoun's defense of Protection, from the assaults +of those from New England and elsewhere who assailed it on the narrow +ground that it was inimical to commerce and navigation, was a notable +one. He declared that:</p> + +<p>"It (the encouragement of manufactures) produced a system strictly +American, as much so as agriculture, in which it had the decided +advantage of commerce and navigation. The country will from this derive +much advantage. Again it is calculated to bind together more closely +our wide-spread Republic. It will greatly increase our mutual +dependence and intercourse, and will, as a necessary consequence, excite +an increased attention to internal improvements—a subject every way so +intimately connected with the ultimate attainment of national strength +and the perfection of our political institutions."</p> + +<p>He regarded the fact that it would make the parts adhere more closely; +that it would form a new and most powerful cement far outweighing any +political objections that might be urged against the system. In his +opinion "the liberty and the union of the country were inseparably +united; that as the destruction of the latter would most certainly +involve the former, so its maintenance will with equal certainty +preserve it;" and he closed with an impressive warning to the Nation of +a "new and terrible danger" which threatened it, to wit: "disunion." +Nobly as he stood up then—during the last term of his service in the +House of Representatives—for the great principles of, the American +System of Protection to manufactures, for the perpetuity of the Union, +and for the increase of "National strength," it seems like the very +irony of fate that a few years later should find him battling against +Protection as "unconstitutional," upholding Nullification as a "reserved +right" of his State, and championing at the risk of his neck that very +"danger" to the "liberties" and life of his Country against which his +prophetic words had already given solemn warning.</p> + +<p>Strange was it also, in view of the subsequent attitudes of the South +and New England, that this essentially Protective Tariff Act of 1816 +should have been vigorously protested and voted against by New England, +while it was ably advocated and voted for by the South—the 25 votes of +the latter which secured its passage being more than sufficient to have +secured its defeat had they been so inclined.</p> + +<p>The Tariff Acts of 1824 and 1828 followed the great American principle +of Protection laid down and supported by the South in the Act of 1816, +while widening, increasing, and strengthening it. Under their +operation—especially under that of 1828, with its high duties on wool, +hemp, iron, lead, and other staples—great prosperity smiled upon the +land, and particularly upon the Free States.</p> + +<p>In the cotton-growing belt of the South, however, where the prosperity +was relatively less, owing to the blight of Slavery, the very contrast +bred discontent; and, instead of attributing it to the real cause, the +advocates of Free Trade within that region insisted that the Protective +Tariff was responsible for the condition of things existing there.</p> + +<p>A few restless and discontented spirits in the South had indeed agitated +the subject of Free Trade as against Protected manufactures as early as +1797, and, hand in hand with it, the doctrine of States Rights. And +Jefferson himself, although, as we have already seen, attached to the +American System of Protection and believing in its Constitutionality, +unwittingly played into the hands of these Free Traders by drawing up +the famous Kentucky Resolutions of '98 touching States Rights, which +were closely followed by the Virginia Resolutions of 1799 in the same +vein by Madison, also an out-and-out Protectionist. It was mainly in +condemnation of the Alien and Sedition Laws, then so unpopular +everywhere, that these resolutions were professedly fulminated, but they +gave to the agitating Free Traders a States-Rights-Secession-weapon of +which they quickly availed themselves.</p> + +<p>Their drift may be gathered from the first of the Kentucky Resolutions +of '98, which was in these words: "Resolved, That the several States +composing the United States of America are not united on the principle +of unlimited submission to their General Government, but that, by a +compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United +States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government +for special purposes—delegated to that Government certain definite +powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to +their own self-government; and that whensoever the General Government +assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of +no force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and as an +integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party; +that the Government created by this compact was not made the exclusive +or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since +that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the +measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among +powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge +for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of +redress."</p> + +<p>The Resolutions, after enumerating the Alien and Sedition and certain +other laws as in point, conclude by calling upon the other States to +join Kentucky in her opposition to such Federal usurpations of power as +thus embodied, and express confidence: "That they will concur with this +Commonwealth in considering the said Acts as so palpably against the +Constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration that that +compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General +Government, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States, +of all powers whatsoever; that they will view this as seizing the rights +of the States, and consolidating them in the hands of the General +Government, with the power assumed to bind the States (not merely as to +the cases made federal (casus foederis) but) in all cases whatsoever, by +laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent; +that this would be to surrender the form of government we have chosen, +and live under one deriving its powers from its own will, and not from +our authority; and that the co-States, returning to their natural rights +in cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these Acts void and +of no force, and will each take measures of its own in providing that +neither these Acts, nor any others of the General Government, not +plainly and intentionally authorized by the Constitution, shall be +exercised within their respective territories."</p> + +<p>The doctrine of States Rights as formulated in these Resolutions, +including the assumed right of a State to nullify laws of the General +Government, naturally led up, as we shall see, not only to threats of +disunion, but ultimately to a dreadful sectional War waged in the effort +to secure it. That Jefferson, when he penned them, foresaw the terrible +results to flow from these specious and pernicious doctrines, is not to +be supposed for an instant; but that his conscience troubled him may be +fairly inferred from the fact that he withheld from the World for twenty +years afterward the knowledge that he was their author. It is probable +that in this case, as in others, he was a victim of that casuistry which +teaches that "the end justifies the means;" that he hoped and believed +that the assertion of these baleful doctrines would act solely as a +check upon any tendency to further centralization of power in the +General Government and insure that strict construction of the +Constitution.</p> + +<p>Though afterward violated by himself at the same time that he for the +moment threw aside his scruples touching African slavery, when he added +to our domain the great French Slave Colony of Louisiana—was none the +less the great aim of his commanding intellect; and that he fortuitously +believed in the "saving common sense" of his race and country as capable +of correcting an existing evil when it shall have developed into ill +effects.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Mr. Jefferson takes this very ground, in almost the same words, in + his letter, 1803, to Wilson C. Nichols in the Louisiana Colony + purchase case, when, after proving by his own strict construction + of the Constitution that there was no power in that instrument to + make such purchase, and confessing the importance in that very case + of setting "an example against broad construction," he concludes: + "If, however, our friends shall think differently, certainly I + shall acquiesce with satisfaction; confiding that the good sense of + the country will correct the evil of construction when it shall + produce ill ejects."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Be that as it may, however, the fact remains that the seeds thus sown by +the hands of Jefferson on the "sacred soil" of Virginia and Kentucky, +were dragon's teeth, destined in after years to spring up as legions of +armed men battling for the subversion of that Constitution and the +destruction of that Union which he so reverenced, and which he was so +largely instrumental in founding—and which even came back in his own +life to plague him and Madison during his embargo, and Madison's war of +1812-15, in the utterances and attitude of some of the New England +Federalists.</p> + +<p>The few Free Traders of the South—the Giles's and John Taylor's and men +of that ilk—made up for their paucity in numbers by their unscrupulous +ingenuity and active zeal. They put forth the idea that the American +Protective Policy was a policy of fostering combinations by Federal +laws, the effect of which was to transfer a considerable portion of the +profits of slave labor from the Slave States to other parts of the Union +where it was massed in the hands of a few individuals, and thus created +a moneyed interest which avariciously influenced the General Government +to the detriment of the entire community of people, who, made restive by +the exactions of this power working through the Federal Government, were +as a consequence driven to consider a possible dissolution of the Union, +and make "estimates of resources and means of defense." As a means also +of inflaming both the poor whites and Southern slave-holders by arousing +the apprehensions of the latter concerning the "peculiar institution" of +Slavery, they craftily declared that "If the maxim advanced by the +advocates of the protecting duty system will justify Congress in +assuming, or rather in empowering a few capitalists to assume, the +direction of manufacturing labor, it also invests that body with a power +of legislating for the direction of every other species of labor and +assigning all occupations whatsoever to the care of the intelligence of +mercenary combinations"—and hence untold misery to labor.</p> + +<p>They charged as a further means of firing the Southern heart, that this +moneyed power, born of Protection, "works upon the passion of the States +it has been able to delude by computations of their physical strength +and their naval superiority; and by boasting of an ability to use the +weakening circumstance of negro slavery to coerce the defrauded and +discontented States into submission." And they declared as fundamental +truths upon which they rested that "The Federal is not a National +Government; it is a league between nations. By this league, a limited +power only over persons and property was given to the representatives of +the united nations. This power cannot be further extended, under the +pretext of national good, because the league does not create a national +government."</p> + +<p>It was the passage of the Tariff of 1824 that gave these crafty Free +Traders their first great success in spreading their doctrine of Free +Trade by coupling it with questions of slave labor, States Rights, and +nullification, as laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions. +These arguments created great excitement throughout the +South—especially in South Carolina and Georgia—which was still further +increased by the passage of the Tariff of 1828, since declared by +eminent authority to have been "the highest and most protective ever +adopted in this country."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Mr. Greeley, in his "History of the American Conflict," 1864.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Prior to the passage of this Tariff Act, excited assemblages met in some +of the Southern States, and protested against it as an outrage upon +their rights—arraying the South in seditious and treasonable attitude +against not only the North but the Union, with threats of Secession. At +one of these meetings in South Carolina, in 1827, one of their +leaders—[Dr. Thomas Cooper, President of South Carolina College.]—declared that +"a drilled and managed majority" in the House of Representatives had +determined "at all hazards to support the claims of the Northern +manufacturers, and to offer up the planting interest on the altar of +monopoly." He denounced the American system of Protection exemplified +in that Tariff measure as "a system by which the earnings of the South +are to be transferred to the North—by which the many are to be +sacrificed to the few—under which powers are usurped that were never +conceded—by which inequality of rights, inequality of burthens, +inequality of protection, unequal laws, and unequal taxes are to be +enacted and rendered permanent—that the planter and the farmer under +this system are to be considered as inferior beings to the spinner, the +bleacher, and the dyer—that we of the South hold our plantations under +this system, as the serfs and operatives of the North, subject to the +orders and laboring for the benefit of the master-minds of +Massachusetts, the lords of the spinning jenny and peers of the +power-loom, who have a right to tax our earnings for their emolument, and to +burthen our poverty and to swell their riches;" and after characterizing +Protection as "a system of fraud, robbery and usurpation," he continued +"I have said that we shall ere long be compelled to calculate the value +of our Union; and to enquire of what use to us is this most unequal +alliance, by which the South has always been the loser and the North +always the gainer. Is it worth our while to continue this union of +States, where the North demands to be our masters and we are required to +be their tributaries? who with the most insulting mockery call the yoke +they put upon our necks the 'American system!' The question, however, +is fast approaching the alternative of submission or separation."</p> + +<p>Only a few days after this inflammatory speech at Columbus, S. C., +inciting South Carolinians to resist the pending Protective Tariff even +to the lengths of Secession, during a grand banquet at Richmond, Va., +William B. Giles—another Free Trade leader—proposed, and those present +drank a toast to the "Tariff Schemer" in which was embodied a +declaration that "The Southerners will not long pay tribute." Despite +these turbulent and treasonable mutterings, however, the "Jacksonian +Congress" passed the Act—a majority of members from the Cotton and New +England States voting against, while the vote of the Middle and Western +Free States was almost solidly for, it.</p> + +<p>At a meeting held soon after the enactment of the Tariff of 1828, at +Walterborough Court House, S. C., an address was adopted and issued +which, after reciting the steps that had been taken by South Carolina +during the previous year to oppose it, by memorials and otherwise, and +stating that, despite their "remonstrances and implorations," a Tariff +Bill had passed, not indeed, such as they apprehended, but "ten-fold +worse in all its oppressive features," proceeded thus:</p> + +<p>"From the rapid step of usurpation, whether we now act or not, the day +of open opposition to the pretended powers of the Constitution cannot be +far off, and it is that it may not go down in blood that we now call +upon you to resist. We feel ourselves standing underneath its mighty +protection, and declaring forth its free and recorded spirit, when we +say we must resist. By all the great principles of liberty—by the +glorious achievements of our fathers in defending them—by their noble +blood poured forth like water in maintaining them—by their lives in +suffering, and their death in honor and in glory;—our countrymen! we +must resist. Not secretly, as timid thieves or skulking smugglers—not +in companies and associations, like money chafferers or stock +jobbers—not separately and individually, as if this was ours and not our +country's cause—but openly, fairly, fearlessly, and unitedly, as +becomes a free, sovereign and independent people. Does timidity ask +WHEN? We answer NOW!"</p> + +<p>These inflammatory utterances, in South Carolina especially, stirred the +Southern heart more or less throughout the whole cotton belt; and the +pernicious principles which they embodied found ardent advocates even in +the Halls of Congress. In the Senate, Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, was +their chief and most vehement spokesman, and in 1830 occurred that +memorable debate between him and Daniel Webster, which forever put an +end to all reasonable justification of the doctrine of Nullification, +and which furnished the ground upon which President Jackson afterward +stood in denouncing and crushing it out with the strong arm of the +Government.</p> + +<p>In that great debate Mr. Hayne's propositions were that the Constitution +is a "compact between the States," that "in case of a plain, palpable +violation of the Constitution by the General Government, a State may +interpose; and that this interposition is constitutional"—a proposition +with which Mr. Webster took direct issue, in these words: "I say, the +right of a State to annul a law of Congress cannot be maintained, but on +the ground of the inalienable right of man to resist oppression; that is +to say, upon the ground of revolution. I admit that there is an +ultimate violent remedy, above the Constitution and in defiance of the +Constitution, which may be resorted to when a revolution is to be +justified. But I do not admit that, under the Constitution, and in +conformity with it, there is any mode in which a State Government, as a +member of the Union, can interfere and stop the progress of the general +movement by force of her own laws under any circumstances whatever." +Mr. Webster insisted that "one of two things is true: either the laws of +the Union are beyond the discretion and beyond the control of the +States, or else we have no Constitution of General Government, and are +thrust back again to the days of the Confederation;" and, in concluding +his powerful argument, he declared that "even supposing the Constitution +to be a compact between the States," Mr. Hayne's doctrine was "not +maintainable, because, first, the General Government is not a party to +the compact, but a Government established by it, and vested by it with +the powers of trying and deciding doubtful questions; and secondly, +because, if the Constitution be regarded as a compact, not one State +only, but all the States are parties to that compact, and one can have +no right to fix upon it her own peculiar construction."</p> + +<p>While the comparatively miserable condition of the cotton-growing States +of the South was attributed by most of the Southern Free Traders solely +to the Protective Tariff of 1828, yet there were some Southerners +willing to concede—as did Mr. Hayne, in the Senate (1832)—that there +were "other causes besides the Tariff" underlying that condition, and to +admit that "Slaves are too improvident, too incapable of that minute, +constant, delicate attention, and that persevering industry which are +essential to manufacturing establishments," the existence of which would +have made those States prosperous. But such admissions were unwilling +ones, and the Cotton-lords held only with the more tenacity to the view +that the Tariff was the chief cause of their condition.</p> + +<p>The Tariff Act of 1832, essentially modifying that of 1828, was passed +with a view, in part, to quiet Southern clamor. But the Southern Cotton +States refused to be mollified. On the contrary, the Free Traders of +South Carolina proceeded to extreme measures, putting in action that +which they had before but threatened. On November 19, 1832, the leading +men of South Carolina met in Convention, and a few days +thereafter—[November 24,1882]—unanimously passed an Ordinance of Nullification +which declared the Tariff Acts of 1828 and 1832 "Unauthorized by the +Constitution," and "null, void, and no law, nor binding on this State, +its officers, or citizens." The people of the State were forbidden by +it to pay, after the ensuing February 1st, the import-duties therein +imposed. Under the provisions of the Ordinance, the State Legislature +was to pass an act nullifying these Tariff laws, and any appeal to the +United States Supreme Court against the validity of such nullifying act +was prohibited. Furthermore, in the event of the Federal Government +attempting to enforce these Tariff laws, the people of South Carolina +would thenceforth consider themselves out of the Union, and will +"forthwith proceed to organize a separate Government, and do all other +acts and things which sovereign and independent States may of right do."</p> + +<p>At the subsequent meeting of the Legislature, Mr. Hayne, who had been a +member of the Convention, having resigned his seat in the United States +Senate, was elected Governor of the State. He declared in his message +that he recognized "No allegiance as paramount to that which the +citizens of South Carolina owe to the State of their birth or their +adoption"—that doctrine of "paramount allegiance to the State" which in +after-years gave so much trouble to the Union and to Union-loving +Southerners—and declared that he held himself "bound by the highest of +all obligations to carry into effect, not only the Ordinance of the +Convention, but every act of the Legislature, and every judgment of our +own Courts, the enforcement of which may devolve upon the Executive," +and "if," continued he, "the sacred soil of Carolina should be polluted +by the footsteps of an invader, or be stained with the blood of her +citizens, shed in her defense, I trust in Almighty God * * * even should +she stand alone in this great struggle for constitutional liberty, +encompassed by her enemies, that there will not be found, in the wide +limits of the State, one recreant son who will not fly to the rescue, +and be ready to lay down his life in her defense." In support of the +contemplated treason, he even went to the length of calling for an +enrolling of volunteer forces and of holding them ready for service.</p> + +<p>But while South Carolina stood in this treasonable and defiant attitude, +arming for war against the Union, there happened to be in the +Presidential chair one of her own sons—General Jackson. Foreseeing +what was coming, he had, prior to the meeting of the Convention that +framed the Nullification Ordinance, ordered General Scott to Charleston +to look after "the safety of the ports of the United States" +thereabouts, and had sent to the Collector of that port precise +instructions as to his duty to resist in all ways any and all attempts +made under such Ordinance to defeat the operation of the Tariff laws +aforesaid. Having thus quietly prepared the arm of the General +Government for the exercise of its power, he issued in December a +Proclamation declaring his unalterable resolution to treat Nullification +as Treason—and to crush it.</p> + +<p>In that famous document President Jackson said of Nullification: "If +this doctrine had been established at an earlier day, the Union would +have been dissolved in its infancy. The Excise law in Pennsylvania, the +Embargo and Non-intercourse law in the Eastern States, the Carriage-tax +in Virginia, were all deemed unconstitutional, and were more unequal in +their operation than any of the laws now complained of; but fortunately, +none of those States discovered that they had the right now claimed by +South Carolina. * * * The discovery of this important feature in our +Constitution was reserved for the present day. To the statesmen of +South Carolina belongs the invention, and upon the citizens of that +State will unfortunately fall the evils of reducing it to practice. * * +* I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States, +assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence of the Union, +contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized +by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which it was founded +and destructive of the great object for which it was formed. * * * To +say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that +the United States are not a Nation, because it would be a solecism to +contend that any part of a Nation might dissolve its connection with the +other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing any, offense."</p> + +<p>Farther on, in his moving appeal to the South Carolinians, he bids them +beware of their leaders: "Their object is disunion; be not deceived by +names. Disunion, by armed force, is Treason." And then, reminding them +of the deeds of their fathers in the Revolution, he proceeds: "I adjure +you, as you honor their memory, as you love the cause of freedom to +which they dedicated their lives, as you prize the peace of your +country, the lives of its best citizens, and your own fair fame, to +retrace your steps. Snatch from the archives of your State the +disorganizing edict of its Convention—bid its members to reassemble and +promulgate the decided expression of your will to remain in the path +which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity, and honor—tell them +that, compared to disunion, all other evils are light, because that +brings with it an accumulation of all—declare that you will never take +the field unless the Star-spangled banner of your country shall float +over you—that you will not be stigmatized when dead, and dishonored and +scorned while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the +Constitution of your country! Its destroyers you cannot be."</p> + +<p>After asserting his firm "determination to execute the laws—to preserve +the Union by all constitutional means"—he concludes with the prayer, +"May the great Ruler of Nations grant, that the signal blessings with +which He has favored, ours may not, by the madness of party, or personal +ambition be disregarded and lost; and may His wise providence bring +those who have produced this crisis to see the folly before they feel +the misery, of civil strife; and inspire a returning veneration for that +Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs, He has chosen as +the only means of attaining the high destinies to which we may +reasonably aspire."</p> + +<p>The firm attitude of General Jackson, together with the wise +precautionary measures he had already taken, and the practical unanimity +with which his declaration to crush out the Treason was hailed in most +of the Southern as well as the Northern States, almost at once broke the +back of Nullification.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> + [In this connection the following letter, written at that time by + the great Chief Justice Marshall, to a cousin of his, on the + subject of State Sovereignty, is of interest, as showing how + clearly his penetrating intellect perceived the dangers to the + Union hidden in the plausible doctrine of State Rights:</p> + +<p> RICHMOND, May 7, 1833.</p> + +<p> "MY DEAR SIR:</p> + +<p> "I am much indebted to you for your pamphlet on Federal Relations, + which I have read with much satisfaction. No subject, as it seems + to me, is more misunderstood or more perverted. You have brought + into view numerous important historical facts which, in my + judgment, remove the foundation on which the Nullifiers and + Seceders have erected that superstructure which overshadows our + Union. You have, I think, shown satisfactorily that we never have + been perfectly distinct, independent societies, sovereign in the + sense in which the Nullifiers use the term. When colonies we + certainly were not. We were parts of the British empire, and + although not directly connected with each other so far as respected + government, we were connected in many respects, and were united to + the same stock. The steps we took to effect separation were, as + you have fully shown, not only revolutionary in their nature, but + they were taken conjointly. Then, as now, we acted in many + respects as one people. The representatives of each colony acted + for all. Their resolutions proceeded from a common source, and + operated on the whole mass. The army was a continental army + commanded by a continental general, and supported from a + continental treasury. The Declaration of Independence was made by + a common government, and was made for all the States.</p> + +<p> "Everything has been mixed. Treaties made by Congress have been + considered as binding all the States. Some powers have been + exercised by Congress, some by the States separately. The lines + were not strictly drawn. The inability of Congress to carry its + legitimate powers into execution has gradually annulled those + powers practically, but they always existed in theory. + Independence was declared `in the name and by the authority of the + good people of these colonies.' In fact we have always been united + in some respects, separate in others. We have acted as one people + for some purposes, as distinct societies for others. I think you + have shown this clearly, and in so doing have demonstrated the + fallacy of the principle on which either nullification or the right + of peaceful, constitutional secession is asserted.</p> + +<p> "The time is arrived when these truths must be more generally + spoken, or our Union is at an end. The idea of complete + sovereignty of the State converts our government into a league, + and, if carried into practice, dissolves the Union.</p> + +<p> "I am, dear sir,</p> + +<p> "Yours affectionately,</p> + +<p> "J. MARSHALL.</p> + +<p> "HUMPHREY MARSHALL, ESQ.,</p> + +<p> "FRANKFORT, KY."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p> +The Nullifiers hailed with pretended satisfaction the report from the +House Committee on Ways and Means of a Bill making great reductions and +equalizations of Tariff duties, as a measure complying with their +demands, and postponed the execution of the Ordinance of Nullification +until the adjournment of Congress; and almost immediately afterward Mr. +Clay's Compromise Tariff Act of 1833 "whereby one tenth of the excess +over twenty per cent. of each and every existing impost was to be taken +off at the close of that year; another tenth two years thereafter; so +proceeding until the 30th of June, 1842, when all duties should be +reduced to a maximum of twenty per cent."—[Says Mr. Greeley, in his +History aforesaid.]—agreed to by Calhoun and other Nullifiers, was +passed, became a law without the signature of President Jackson, and +South Carolina once more became to all appearances a contented, +law-abiding State of the Union.</p> + +<p>But after-events proved conclusively that the enactment of this +Compromise Tariff was a terrible blunder, if not a crime. Jackson had +fully intended to hang Calhoun and his nullifying coadjutors if they +persisted in their Treason. He knew that they had only seized upon the +Tariff laws as a pretext with which to justify Disunion, and prophesied +that "the next will be the Slavery or Negro question." Jackson's +forecast was correct. Free Trade, Slavery and Secession were from that +time forward sworn allies; and the ruin wrought to our industries by the +disasters of 1840, plainly traceable to that Compromise Tariff measure +of 1833, was only to be supplemented by much greater ruin and disasters +caused by the Free Trade Tariff of 1846—and to be followed by the armed +Rebellion of the Free Trade and Pro-Slavery States of the South in 1861, +in a mad attempt to destroy the Union.</p> + +<br><br><br> + +<br><br> +<a name="jefferson"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p078-jefferson.jpg (77K)" src="images/p078-jefferson.jpg" height="842" width="576"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch3"></a> +<br><br> + +<center><h2> + + CHAPTER III.<br><br> + + GROWTH OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION. +</h2></center><br> +<p> +It will be remembered that during the period of the Missouri Struggle, +1818-1820, the Territory of Arkansas was formed by an Act of Congress +out of that part of the Missouri Territory not included in the proposed +State of Missouri, and that the Act so creating the Territory of +Arkansas contained no provision restricting Slavery. Early in 1836, the +people of Arkansas Territory met in Convention and formed a Constitution +under which, "and by virtue of the treaty of cession by France to the +United States, of the Province of Louisiana," they asked admission to +the Union as a State. Among other provisions of that Constitution was a +section rendering the State Legislature powerless to pass laws for the +emancipation of slaves without the consent of the owners, or to prevent +emigrants to that State from bringing with them slaves. On June 15th of +the same year, Arkansas was, under that Constitution, admitted to the +Union as a Slave State, with the sole reservation, that nothing in the +Act of admission should be construed as an assent by Congress to all or +any of the propositions contained" in the said Constitution.</p> + +<p>Long ere this, all the Northern and Middle States had made provision for +the emancipation of such slaves as remained within their borders, and +only a few years previous (in 1829 and 1831-32) Virginia had made strong +but insufficient efforts toward the same end. The failure to free +Virginia of Slavery—the effort to accomplish which had been made by +some of the greatest of her statesmen—only served to rivet the chains +of human bondage more securely throughout all the Slave States, and from +that time on, no serious agitation occurred in any one of them, looking +toward even the most gradual emancipation. On the other hand, the +advocates of the extension of the Slave-Power by the expansion of +Slave-territory, were ever on the alert, they considered it of the last +importance to maintain the balance of power between the Slave States and +the Free States. Hence, while they had secured in 1819 the cession from +Spain to the United States of the Slave-holding Floridas, and the +organization of the Slave Territory of Florida in 1822—which +subsequently came in as a Slave State under the same Act (1845) that +admitted the Free State of Iowa—their greedy eyes were now cast upon +the adjoining rich territories of Mexico.</p> + +<p>Efforts had (in 1827-1829) been made to purchase from Mexico the domain +which was known as Texas. They had failed. But already a part of Texas +had been settled by adventurous Americans under Mexican grants and +otherwise; and General Sam Houston, an adherent of the Slave Power, +having become a leading spirit among them, fomented a revolution. In +March, 1836, Texas, under his guidance, proclaimed herself a Republic +independent of Mexico.</p> + +<p>The War that ensued between Texas and Mexico ended in the flight of the +Mexican Army and the capture of Santa Anna at San Jacinto, and a treaty +recognizing Texan independence. In October, 1836, General Houston was +inaugurated President of the Republic of Texas. Close upon this +followed (in August, 1837) a proposition to our Government from the +Texan envoy for the annexation of Texas to the United States. President +Van Buren declined the offer. The Northern friends of Freedom were as +much opposed to this annexation project as the advocates of Slavery were +anxious for it. Even such conservative Northern Statesmen as Daniel +Webster strongly opposed the project. In a speech delivered in New York +[1837], after showing that the chief aim of our Government in the +acquisition of the Territory of Louisiana was to gain command of the +mouths of the great rivers to the sea, and that in the acquisition of +the Floridas our policy was based on similar considerations, Mr. Webster +declared that "no such necessity, no such policy, requires the +annexation of Texas," and that we ought "for numerous and powerful +reasons to be content with our present boundaries." He recognized that +Slavery already existed under the guarantees of the Constitution and +those guarantees must be fulfilled; that "Slavery, as it exists in the +States, is beyond the power of Congress. It is a concern of the States +themselves," but "when we come to speak of admitting new States, the +subject assumes an entirely different aspect. Our rights and our duties +are then both different. The Free States, and all the States, are then +at liberty to accept or to reject;" and he added, "In my opinion the +people of the United States will not consent to bring into the Union a +new, vastly extensive and Slaveholding country, large enough for a half +a dozen or a dozen States. In my opinion, they ought not to consent to +it."</p> + +<p>Farther on, in the same speech—after alluding to the strong feeling in +the Northern States against the extension of Slavery, not only as a +question of politics, but of conscience and religious conviction as +wellhe deems him a rash man indeed "who supposes that a feeling of this +kind is to be trifled with or despised." Said he: "It will assuredly +cause itself to be respected. It may be reasoned with; it may be made +willing—I believe it is entirely willing—to fulfill all existing +engagements and all existing duties—to uphold and defend the +Constitution as it is established, with whatever regrets about some +provisions which it does actually contain. But to coerce it into +silence, to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to +compress and confine it, warm as it is, and more heated as such +endeavors would inevitably render it,—should this be attempted, I know +nothing, even in the Constitution or in the Union itself, which would +not be endangered by the explosion which might follow."</p> + +<p>In 1840, General Harrison, the Whig candidate, was elected to the +Presidency, but died within a few weeks after his inauguration in 1841, +and was succeeded by John Tyler. The latter favored the Slave Power; +and on April 12th, 1844, John C. Calhoun, his Secretary of State, +concluded with Texas a treaty of annexation—which was, however, +rejected by the Senate. Meanwhile the public mind was greatly agitated +over the annexation and other, questions.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In the London Index, a journal established there by Jefferson + Davis's agents to support the cause of the rebellious States, a + communication appeared during the early part of the war, Dec. 4, + 1861, supposed to have been written by Mr. Mason, of Virginia, in + which he said: "To tell the Norths, the Butes, the Wedderburns of + the present day, that previous to the year 1839 the sovereign + States of the South had unalterably resolved on the specific ground + of the violation of the Federal Constitution by the tariff of + spoliation which the New England States had imposed upon them—to + secede from the Union; to tell them that in that year the leader of + the South, Calhoun, urged an English gentleman, to whom he had + fully explained the position of the South, and the intolerable + tyranny which the North inflicted upon it, to be the bearer of + credentials from the chief persons of the South, in order to invite + the attention of the British Government to the coming event; that + on his death-bed (Washington, March 31, 1850), he called around him + his political friends—one of whom is now in England—warned them + that in no event could the Union survive the Presidential election + of 1860, though it might possibly break up before that urged them + to be prepared; leaving with his dying words the sacred cause of + Southern secession a solemn legacy in their hands—to have told + this to the Norths and Dartmouths of the present day, with more and + even stronger evidence of the coming events of November, 1860, + would have been like speaking to the stones of the street. In + November, 1860, they were thoroughly ignorant of all the momentous + antecedents of secession—of their nature, their character, their + bearing, import, and consequences."</p> + +<p> In the same correspondence the distinguished Rebel emissary + substantially let out the fact that Calhoun was indirectly, through + himself (Mason), in secret communication with the British + Government as far back as 1841, with a view to securing its + powerful aid in his aforesaid unalterable resolve to Secede from + the Union; and then Mr. Mason pleads—but pleads in vain—for the + armed intervention of England at this later day. Said he:</p> + +<p> "In the year 1841 the late Sir William Napier sent in two plans for + subduing the Union, to the War Office, in the first of which the + South was to be treated as an enemy, in the second as a friend and + ally. I was much consulted by him as to the second plan and was + referred to by name in it, as he showed by the acknowledgment of + this in Lord Fitzroy Somerset's letter of reply. This plan fully + provided for the contingency of an invasion of Canada, and its + application would, in eighteen or twenty months, have reduced the + North to a much more impotent condition than it exhibits at + present. At this very moment the most difficult portion of that + plan has been perfectly accomplished by the South itself; and the + North, in accordance with Sir William Napier's expectations, now + lies helpless before England, and at our absolute mercy. Nor is + there any doubt of this, and if Lord Palmerston is not aware of it + Mr. Seward certainly is. We have nothing remaining to do but to + stretch out our arm in the way Sir William Napier proposed, and the + Northern power—power as we ignorantly call it—must come to an + end. Sir William knew and well estimated the elements of which + that quasi power consisted; and he knew how to apply the + substantive power of England to dissolve it. In the best interest + of humanity, I venture to say that it is the duty of England to + apply this power without further delay—its duty to itself, to its + starving operatives, to France, to Europe, and to humanity. And in + the discharge of this great duty to the world at large there will + not even be the dignity of sacrifice or danger."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Threats and counter-threats of Disunion were made on either hand by the +opponents and advocates of Slavery-extension through annexation; nor was +it less agitated on the subject of a Protective Tariff.</p> + +<p>The Compromise Tariff of 1833, together with President Jackson's +upheaval of our financial system, produced, as has already been hinted, +terrible commercial disasters. "In 1840," says competent authority, "all +prices had ruinously fallen; production had greatly diminished, and in +many departments of industry had practically ceased; thousands of +working men were idle, with no hope of employment, and their families +suffering from want. Our farmers were without markets, their products +rotted in their barns, and their lands, teeming with rich harvests, were +sold by the sheriff for debts and taxes. The Tariff, which robbed our +industries of Protection failed to supply Government with its necessary +revenues. The National Treasury in consequence was bankrupt, and the +credit of the Nation had sunk very low."</p> + +<p>Mr. Clay himself stated "the average depression in the value of property +under that state of things which existed before the Tariff of 1842 came +to the rescue of the country, at fifty per cent." And hence it was that +Protection was made the chief issue of the Presidential campaign of +1840, which eventuated in the election of Harrison and Tyler, and in the +Tariff Act of August 30, 1842, which revived our trade and industries, +and brought back to the land a full measure of prosperity. With those +disasters fresh in the minds of the people, Protection continued to be a +leading issue in the succeeding Presidential campaign of 1844—but +coupled with the Texas-annexation issue. In that campaign Henry Clay +was the candidate of the Whig party and James K. Polk of the Democratic +party. Polk was an ardent believer in the annexation policy and stood +upon a platform declaring for the "re-occupation of Oregon and the +re-annexation of Texas at the earliest practicable moment"—as if the +prefix "re" legitimatized the claim in either case; Clay, on the other +hand, held that we had "fairly alienated our title to Texas by solemn +National compacts, to the fulfilment of which we stand bound by good +faith and National honor;" that "Annexation and War with Mexico are +identical," and that he was "not willing to involve this country in a +foreign War for the object of acquiring Texas."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In his letter of April 17, 1844, published in the National + Intelligencer.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>As to the Tariff issue also, Clay was the acknowledged champion of the +American system of Protection, while Polk was opposed to it, and was +supported by the entire Free-trade sentiment, whether North or South.</p> + +<p>As the campaign progressed, it became evident that Clay would be +elected. Then occurred some of those fatalities which have more than +once, in the history of Presidential campaigns, overturned the most +reasonable expectations and defeated the popular will. Mr. Clay +committed a blunder and Mr. Polk an equivocation—to use the mildest +possible term. Mr. Clay was induced by Southern friends to write a +letter—[Published in the North Alabamian, Aug. 16, 1844.]—in which, +after stating that "far from having any personal objection to the +annexation of Texas, I should be glad to see it—without dishonor, +without War, with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and +fair terms," he added: "I do not think that the subject of Slavery ought +to affect the question, one way or the other." Mr. Polk, on the other +hand, wrote a letter in which he declared it to be "the duty of the +Government to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do so, by its +revenue laws and all other means within its power, fair and just +Protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, embracing +Agriculture, Manufactures, the Mechanic Arts, Commerce and Navigation." +This was supplemented by a letter (August 8, 1844) from Judge Wilson +McCandless of Pennsylvania, strongly upholding the Protective principle, +claiming that Clay in his Compromise Tariff Bill had abandoned it, and +that Polk and Dallas had "at heart the true interests of Pennsylvania." +Clay, thus betrayed by the treachery of Southern friends, was greatly +weakened, while Polk, by his beguiling letter, backed by the false +interpretation put upon it by powerful friends in the North, made the +North believe him a better Protectionist than Clay.</p> + +<p>Polk was elected, and rewarded the misplaced confidence by making Robert +J. Walker his Secretary of the Treasury, and, largely through that +great Free Trader's exertions, secured a repeal by Congress of the +Protective Tariff of 1842 and the enactment of the ruinous Free Trade +Tariff of 1846. Had Clay carried New York, his election was secure. As +it happened, Polk had a plurality in New York of but 5,106 in an immense +vote, and that slim plurality was given to him by the Abolitionists +throwing away some 15,000 on Birney. And thus also it curiously +happened that it was the Abolition vote which secured the election of +the candidate who favored immediate annexation and the extension of the +Slave Power!</p> + +<p>Emboldened and apparently sustained by the result of the election, the +Slave Power could not await the inauguration of Mr. Polk, but proceeded +at once, under whip and spur, to drive the Texas annexation scheme +through Congress; and two days before the 4th of March, 1845, an Act +consenting to the admission of the Republic of Texas as a State of the +Union was approved by President Tyler.</p> + +<p>In that Act it was provided that "New States of convenient size, not +exceeding four in number, in addition to the said State of Texas, and +having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said +State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled +to admission under the provisions of the Federal Constitution; and such +States as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying +south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly +known as the Missouri Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union +with or without Slavery, as the people of each State asking admission +may desire. And in such State or States as shall be formed out of said +territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, Slavery or involuntary +servitude (except for crime) shall be prohibited." As has been lucidly +stated by another,—[Greeley's History]—"while seeming to curtail and +circumscribe Slavery north of the above parallel (that of 36 30' north +latitude), this measure really extended it northward to that parallel, +which it had not yet approached, under the flag of Texas, within +hundreds of miles. But the chief end of this sham Compromise was the +involving of Congress in an indirect indorsement of the claim of Texas +to the entire left bank of the Rio Grande, from its mouth to its source; +and this was effected."</p> + +<p>Texas quickly consented to the Act of annexation, and in December, 1845, +a Joint Resolution formally admitting her as a State of the Union, +reported by Stephen A. Douglas, was duly passed.</p> + +<p>In May, 1846, the American forces under General Taylor, which had been +dispatched to protect Texas from threatened assault, were attacked by +the Mexican army, which at Palo Alto was badly defeated and at Resaca de +la Palma driven back across the Rio Grande.</p> + +<p>Congress immediately declared that by this invasion a state of War +existed between Mexico and the United States. Thus commenced the War +with Mexico—destined to end in the triumph of the American Army, and +the acquisition of large areas of territory to the United States. In +anticipation of such triumph, President Polk lost little time in asking +an appropriation of over two million dollars by Congress to facilitate +negotiations for peace with, and territorial cession from, Mexico. And +a Bill making such appropriation was quickly passed by the House of +Representatives—but with the following significant proviso attached, +which had been offered by Mr. Wilmot: "Provided. That as an express and +fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the +Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty that +may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the +moneys herein appropriated, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude +shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime, +whereof the party shall first be duly convicted."</p> + +<p>The debate in the Senate upon the Wilmot proviso, which immediately +ensued, was cut short by the expiration of the Session of Congress—and +the Bill accordingly failed of passage.</p> + +<p>In February, 1848, the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was made between +Mexico and the United States, and Peace reigned once more. About the +same time a Bill was passed by the Senate providing Territorial +Governments for Oregon, California and New Mexico, which provided for +the reference of all questions touching Slavery in such Territories to +the United States Supreme Court, for arbitration. The Bill, however, +failed in the House. The ensuing Presidential campaign resulted in the +election of General Taylor, the Whig candidate, who was succeeded upon +his death, July 10, 1850, by Fillmore. Meanwhile, on the Oregon +Territory Bill, in 1848, a strong effort had been made by Mr. Douglas +and others to incorporate a provision extending to the Pacific Ocean the +Missouri Compromise line of 36 30' of north latitude and extending to +all future organizations of Territories of the United States the +principles of said Compromise. This provision was adopted by the +Senate, but the House struck it from the Bill; the Senate receded, and +Oregon was admitted as a Free Territory. But the conflict in Congress +between those who would extend and those who would restrict Slavery +still continued, and indeed gathered vehemence with time. In 1850, +California was clamoring for admission as a Free State to the Union, and +New Mexico and Utah sought to be organized under Territorial +Governments.</p> + +<p>In the heated discussions upon questions growing out of bills for these +purposes, and to rectify the boundaries of Texas, it was no easy matter +to reach an agreement of any sort. Finally, however, the Compromise of +1850, offered by Mr. Clay, was practically agreed to and carried out, +and under it: California was admitted as a Free State; New Mexico and +Utah were admitted to Territorial organization without a word pro or con +on the subject of Slavery; the State of Texas was awarded a pecuniary +compensation for the rectification of her boundaries; the Slave Trade in +the District of Columbia was abolished; and a more effectual Fugitive +Slave Act passed.</p> + +<p>By both North and South, this Compromise of 1850, and the measures +growing out of it, were very generally acquiesced in, and for a while it +seemed as though a permanent settlement of the Slavery question had been +reached. But in the Fugitive Slave law, thus hastily enacted, lay +embedded the seed for further differences and excitements, speedily to +germinate. In its operation it proved not only unnecessarily cruel and +harsh, in the manner of the return to bondage of escaped slaves, but +also afforded a shield and support to the kidnapping of Free Negroes +from Northern States. The frequency of arrests in the Northern States, +and the accompanying circumstances of cruelty and brutality in the +execution of the law, soon made it especially odious throughout the +North, and created an active feeling of commiseration for the unhappy +victims of the Slave Power, which greatly intensified and increased the +growing Anti-Slavery sentiment in the Free States.</p> + +<p>In 1852-53, an attempt was made in Congress to organize into the +Territory of Nebraska, the region of country lying west of Iowa and +Missouri. Owing to the opposition of the South the Bill was defeated. +In 1853-4 a similar Bill was reported to the Senate by Mr. Douglas, but +afterward at his own instance recommitted to the Committee on +Territories, and reported back by him again in such shape as to create, +instead of one, two Territories, that portion directly west of Missouri +to be called Kansas, and the balance to be known as Nebraska—one of the +sections of the Bill enacting:</p> + +<p>"That in order to avoid all misconstruction it is hereby declared to be +the true intent and meaning of this Act, so far as the question of +Slavery is concerned, to carry into practical operation the following +propositions and principles, established by the Compromise measures of +1850, to wit:</p> + +<p>"First, That all questions pertaining to Slavery in the Territories, and +the new States to be formed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of +the people residing therein through their appropriate representatives.</p> + +<p>"Second, That 'all cases involving title to slaves,' and 'questions of +personal freedom,' are referred to the adjudication of the local +tribunals with the right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United +States.</p> + +<p>"Third, That the provisions of the Constitution and laws of the United +States, in respect to fugitives from service, are to be carried into +faithful execution in all the `organized Territories,' the same as in +the States."</p> + +<p>The sections authorizing Kansas and Nebraska to elect and send delegates +to Congress also prescribed:</p> + +<p>"That the Constitution, and all laws of the United States which are not +locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the +said Territory, as elsewhere in the United States, except the section of +the Act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, +approved March 6th, 1820, which was superseded by the principles of the +Legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures, and is +declared inoperative."</p> + +<p>And when "explaining this Kansas-Nebraska Bill" Mr. Douglas announced +that, in reporting it, "The object of the Committee was neither to +legislate Slavery in or out of the Territories; neither to introduce nor +exclude it; but to remove whatever obstacle Congress had put there, and +apply the doctrine of Congressional Non-intervention in accordance with +the principles of the Compromise Measures of 1850, and allow the people +to do as they pleased upon this as well as all other matters affecting +their interests."</p> + +<p>A vigorous and able debate ensued. A motion by Mr. Chase to strike out +the words "which was superseded by the principles of the legislation of +1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures," was defeated decisively. +Subsequently Mr. Douglas moved to strike out the same words and insert +in place of them, these: "which being inconsistent with the principles +of Non-intervention by Congress with Slavery in the States and +Territories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850 (commonly called +the Compromise Measures), is hereby declared inoperative and void; it +being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate Slavery +into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave +the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic +institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the +United States"—and the motion was agreed to by a vote of 35 yeas to 10 +nays. Mr. Chase immediately moved to add to the amendment just adopted +these words: "Under which, the people of the Territory, through their +appropriate representatives, may, if they see fit, prohibit the +existence of Slavery therein;" but this motion was voted down by 36 nays +to 10 yeas. This developed the rat in the meal-tub. The people were to +be "perfectly free" to act either way on the subject of Slavery, so long +as they did not prohibit Slavery! In this shape the Bill passed the +Senate.</p> + +<p>Public sentiment in the North was greatly stirred by this direct attempt +to repeal the Missouri Compromise. But by the superior parliamentary +tactics of Southern Representatives in the House, whereby the radical +friends of Freedom were shut out from the opportunity of amendment, a +House Bill essentially the same as the Senate Bill was subsequently +passed by the House, under the previous question, and afterward rapidly +passed the Senate, and was approved by the President. At once commenced +that long and terrible struggle between the friends of Free-Soil and the +friends of Slavery, for the possession of Kansas, which convulsed the +whole Country for years, and moistened the soil of that Territory with +streams of blood, shed in numerous "border-ruffian" conflicts.</p> + +<p>The Territorial Government of Kansas was organized late in 1854, and an +"election" for Delegate held, at which the Pro-Slavery candidate +(Whitfield) was fraudulently elected. On March 30, 1855, a Territorial +Legislature was similarly chosen by Pro-Slavery voters "colonized" from +Missouri. That Legislature, upon its meeting, proceeded at once to +enact most outrageous Pro-Slavery laws, which being vetoed by the +Free-Soil Governor (Reeder), were passed over the veto, and the Free-Soil +Governor had to give place to one who favored Slavery in Kansas. But +the Free-Soil settlers of Kansas, in Mass Convention at Big Springs, +utterly repudiated the bogus Legislature and all its acts, to which they +refused submission.</p> + +<p>In consequence of these radical differences, two separate elections for +Delegate in Congress were held by the opposing factions, at one of which +was elected the Pro-Slavery Whitfield, and at the other the Free-Soiler +Reeder. Furthermore, under a call issued by the Big Springs Convention, +a Free-State Constitutional Convention was held in October, 1855, at +Topeka, which framed a Free-State Constitution, and asked admission +under it to the Union.</p> + +<p>In 1856, the House of Representatives—which, after a protracted +struggle, had elected N. P. Banks Speaker—passed a Bill, by a bare +majority, admitting Kansas under her Topeka Constitution; but the Senate +defeated it. July 4, 1856, by order of President Pierce, the Free-State +Legislature, chosen under the Topeka Constitution to meet at Topeka, was +dispersed by United States Troops. Yet, despite all oppositions, +discouragements, and outrages, the Free-State population of +Kansas continued to increase from immigration.</p> + +<p>In 1857, the Pro-Slavery Legislature elected by the Pro-Slavery voters +at their own special election—the Free-State voters declining to +participate—called a Constitutional Convention at Lecompton, which +formed a Pro-Slavery Constitution. This was submitted to the people in +such dexterous manner that they could only vote "For the Constitution +with Slavery" or "For the Constitution without Slavery"—and, as the +Constitution prescribed that "the rights of property in Slaves now in +the Territory, shall in no manner be interfered with," to vote "for the +Constitution Without Slavery" was an absurdity only paralleled by the +course of the United States Senate in refusing to permit the people of +Kansas "to prohibit Slavery" while at the same time declaring them +"perfectly free to act" as they chose in the matter.</p> + +<p>The Constitution, with Slavery, was thus adopted by a vote of over +6,000. But in the meanwhile, at another general election held for the +purpose, and despite all the frauds perpetrated by the Pro-Slavery men, +a Free-State Legislature, and Free-State Delegate to Congress had been +elected; and this Legislature submitted the Lecompton Pro-Slavery +Constitution to the people, January 4, 1858, so that they could vote: +"For the Lecompton Constitution with Slavery," "For the Lecompton +Constitution without Slavery," or "Against the Lecompton Constitution." +The consequence was that the Lecompton Constitution was defeated by a +majority of over 10,000 votes—the Missouri Pro-Slavery colonists +declining to recognize the validity of any further election on the +subject.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, in part upon the issues growing out of this Kansas conflict, +the political parties of the Nation had passed through another +Presidential campaign (1856), in which the Democratic candidate Buchanan +had been elected over Fremont the "Republican," and Fillmore the +"American," candidates. Both Houses of Congress being now Democratic, +Mr. Buchanan recommended them to accept and ratify the Lecompton +Pro-Slavery Constitution.</p> + +<p>In March, 1858, the Senate passed a Bill—against the efforts of Stephen +A. Douglas—accepting it. In the House, however, a substitute offered +by Mr. Montgomery (Douglas Democrat) known as the Crittenden-Montgomery +Compromise, was adopted. The Senate refused to concur, and the report +of a Committee of Conference—providing for submitting to the Kansas +people a proposition placing limitations upon certain public land +advantages stipulated for in the Lecompton Constitution, and in case +they rejected the proposition that another Constitutional Convention +should be held—was adopted by both Houses; and the proposition being +rejected by the people of Kansas, the Pro-Slavery Lecompton Constitution +fell with it.</p> + +<p>In 1859 a Convention, called by the Territorial Legislature for the +purpose, met at Wyandot, and framed a Free State Constitution which was +adopted by the people in October of that year, and at the ensuing State +election in December the State went Republican. In April, 1860, the +House of Representatives passed a Bill admitting Kansas as a State under +that Constitution, but the Democratic Senate adjourned without action on +the Bill; and it was not until early in 1861 that Kansas was at last +admitted.</p> + +<p>In the meantime, the Free Trade Tariff of 1846 had produced the train of +business and financial disasters that its opponents predicted. Instead +of prosperity everywhere in the land, there was misery and ruin. Even +the discovery and working of the rich placer mines of California and the +consequent flow, in enormous volume, of her golden treasure into the +Eastern States, could not stay the wide-spread flood of disaster. +President Fillmore, who had succeeded General Taylor on the latter's +death, frequently called the attention of Congress to the evils produced +by this Free Trade, and to the necessity of protecting our manufactures +"from ruinous competition from abroad." So also with his successor, +President Buchanan, who, in his Message of 1857, declared that "In the +midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions and in all the +elements of national wealth, we find our manufactures suspended, our +public works retarded, our private enterprises of different kinds +abandoned, and thousands of useful laborers thrown out of employment and +reduced to want." Further than this, the financial credit of the Nation +was at zero. It was financially bankrupt before the close of Buchanan's +Presidential term.</p> + +<br><br><br> + +<br><br> +<a name="lincoln"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p098-lincoln.jpg (86K)" src="images/p098-lincoln.jpg" height="874" width="590"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch4"></a> +<br><br> + + +<center><h2> + + CHAPTER IV.<br><br> + + POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY. +</h2></center><br> +<p>But now occurred the great Presidential struggle of 1860—which +involved not alone the principles of Protection, but those of human +Freedom, and the preservation of the Union itself—between Abraham +Lincoln of Illinois, the candidate of the Republican party, as against +Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, the National or Douglas—Democratic +candidate, John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, the Administration or +Breckinridge—Democratic candidate, and John Bell of Tennessee, the +candidate of the Bell-Union party. The great preliminary struggle which +largely influenced the determination of the Presidential political +conflict of 1860, had, however, taken place in the State of Illinois, +two years previously. To that preliminary political contest of 1858, +therefore, we will now turn our eyes—and, in order to fully understand +it, it may be well to glance back over a few years. In 1851 the +Legislature of Illinois had adopted—[The vote in the House being 65 +yeas to 4 nays.]—the following resolution: "Resolved, That our Liberty +and Independence are based upon the right of the people to form for +themselves such a government as they may choose; that this great +principle, the birthright of freemen, the gift of Heaven, secured to us +by the blood of our ancestors, ought to be secured to future +generations, and no limitation ought to be applied to this power in the +organization of any Territory of the United States, of either +Territorial Government or State Constitution, provided the government so +established shall be Republican and in conformity with the Constitution +of the United States." This resolution was a practical endorsement of +the course of Stephen A. Douglas in supporting the Compromise measures +of 1850, which he had defended as being "all founded upon the great +principle that every people ought to possess the right to form and +regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way," and that +"the same principle" should be "extended to all of the Territories of +the United States."</p> + +<p>In accordance with his views and the resolution aforesaid, Mr. Douglas +in 1854, as we have already seen, incorporated in the Kansas-Nebraska +Bill a clause declaring it to be "the true intent and meaning of the Act +not to legislate Slavery into any State or Territory, or to exclude it +therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and +regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to +the Constitution of the United States."</p> + +<p>His position, as stated by himself, was, substantially that the +Lecompton Pro-Slavery Constitution was a fraud upon the people of +Kansas, in that it did not embody the will of that people; and he denied +the right of Congress to force a Constitution upon an unwilling +people—without regard, on his part, to whether that Constitution allowed or +prohibited Slavery or any other thing, whether good or bad. He held +that the people themselves were the sole judges of whether it is good or +bad, and whether desirable or not.</p> + +<p>The Supreme Court of the United States had in the meantime made a +decision in a case afterward known as the "Dred Scott case," which was +held back until after the Presidential election of 1856 had taken place, +and added fuel to the political fire already raging. Dred Scott was a +Negro Slave. His owner voluntarily took him first into a Free State, +and afterward into a Territory which came within the Congressional +prohibitive legislation aforesaid. That decision in brief was +substantially that no Negro Slave imported from Africa, nor his +descendant, can be a citizen of any State within the meaning of the +Constitution; that neither the Congress nor any Territorial Legislature +has under the Constitution of the United States, the power to exclude +Slavery from any Territory of the United States; and that it is for the +State Courts of the Slave State, into which the negro has been conveyed +by his master, and not for the United States Courts, to decide whether +that Negro, having been held to actual Slavery in a Free State, has, by +virtue of residence in such State, himself become Free.</p> + +<p>Now it was, that the meaning of the words, "subject only to the +Constitution," as used in the Kansas-Nebraska Act, began to be +discerned. For if the people of a Territory were to be "perfectly +free," to deal with Slavery as they chose, "subject only to the +Constitution" they were by this Judicial interpretation of that +instrument "perfectly free" to deal with Slavery in any way so long as +they did not attempt "to exclude" it! The thing was all one-sided. Mr. +Douglas's attitude in inventing the peculiar phraseology in the +Kansas-Nebraska Act—which to some seemed as if expressly "made to order" for +the Dred Scott decision—was criticized with asperity; the popularity, +however, of his courageous stand against President Buchanan on the +Lecompton fraud, seemed to make it certain that, his term in the United +States Senate being about to expire, he would be overwhelmingly +re-elected to that body.</p> + +<p>But at this juncture occurred something, which for a long time held the +result in doubt, and drew the excited attention of the whole Nation to +Illinois as the great battle-ground. In 1858 a Republican State +Convention was held at Springfield, Ill., which nominated Abraham +Lincoln as the Republican candidate for United States Senator to succeed +Senator Douglas in the National Legislature. On June 16th—after such +nomination—Mr. Lincoln made to the Convention a speech—in which, with +great and incisive power, he assailed Mr. Douglas's position as well as +that of the whole Democratic Pro-Slavery Party, and announced in compact +and cogent phrase, from his own point of view, the attitude, upon the +Slavery question, of the Republican Party.</p> + +<p>In that remarkable speech—which at once attracted the attention of the +Country—Mr. Lincoln said: "We are now far into the fifth year, since a +policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of +putting an end to Slavery agitation. Under the operation of that +policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly +augmented. In my opinion it will not cease, until a crisis shall have +been reached and passed. 'A House divided against itself cannot stand.' +I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half Slave and half +Free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the +House to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will +become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of Slavery +will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind +shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate +extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become +alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as +South."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Governor Seward's announcement of an "irrepressible conflict" was + made four months later.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>He then proceeded to lay bare and closely analyze the history of all +that had been done, during the four years preceding, to produce the +prevailing condition of things touching human Slavery; describing it as +resulting from that, "now almost complete legal combination-piece of +machinery, so to speak—compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the Dred +Scott decision." After stating the several points of that decision, and +that the doctrine of the "Sacred right of self-government" had been +perverted by the Nebraska "Squatter Sovereignty," argument to mean that, +"if any one man chose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed +to object," he proceeded to show the grounds upon which he charged +"pre-concert" among the builders of that machinery. Said he: "The people +were to be left perfectly free, 'subject only to the Constitution.' +What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders could not see. +Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche for the Dred Scott +decision to afterward come in and declare the perfect freedom of the +people to be just no freedom at all. Why was the amendment, expressly +declaring the right of the people, voted down? Plainly enough now, the +adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision. +Why was the Court decision held up? Why even a Senator's individual +opinion withheld, till after the Presidential election? Plainly enough +now: the speaking out then would have damaged the 'perfectly free' +argument upon which the election was to be carried. Why the outgoing +President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the delay of a +re-argument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation in favor of +the decision? These things look like the cautious patting and petting +of a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when it is dreaded +that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty after-indorsement +of the decision, by the President and others? We cannot absolutely know +that all these exact adaptations are the result of pre-concert. But +when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know +have been gotten out at different times and places and by different +workmen—Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James—[Douglas, Pierce, Taney +and Buchanan.]—for instance—and when we see these timbers joined +together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all +the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths and +proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective +places, and not a piece too many or too few—not omitting even the +scaffolding, or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the +frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in—in such a +case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and +Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all +worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was +struck."</p> + +<p>He drew attention also to the fact that by the Nebraska Bill the people +of a State, as well as a Territory, were to be left "perfectly free," +"subject only to the Constitution," and that the object of lugging a +"State" into this merely Territorial law was to enable the United States +Supreme Court in some subsequent decision to declare, when the public +mind had been sufficiently imbued with Judge Douglas's notion of not +caring "whether Slavery be voted up or voted down," that "the +Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude +Slavery from its limits"—which would make Slavery "alike lawful in all +the States." That, he declared to be Judge Douglas's present +mission:—"His avowed mission is impressing the 'public heart' to care nothing +about it." Hence Mr. Lincoln urged Republicans to stand by their cause, +which must be placed in the hands of its friends, "Whose hands are free, +whose hearts are in the work—who do care for the result;" for he held +that "a living dog is better than a dead lion."</p> + +<p>On the evening of July 9, 1858, at Chicago, Mr. Douglas (Mr. Lincoln +being present) spoke to an enthusiastic assemblage, which he fitly +described as a "vast sea of human faces," and, after stating that he +regarded "the Lecompton battle as having been fought and the victory +won, because the arrogant demand for the admission of Kansas under the +Lecompton Constitution unconditionally, whether her people wanted it or +not, has been abandoned, and the principle which recognizes the right of +the people to decide for themselves has been submitted in its place," he +proceeded to vindicate his position throughout; declared that he opposed +"the Lecompton monstrosity solely on the ground than it was a violation +of the fundamental principles of free government; on the ground that it +was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas; that it did not embody +their will; that they were averse to it;" and hence he "denied the right +of Congress to force it upon them, either as a Free State or a Slave +State."</p> + +<p>Said he: "I deny the right of Congress to force a Slaveholding State +upon an unwilling people. I deny their right to force a Free State upon +an unwilling people. I deny their right to force a good thing upon a +people who are unwilling to receive it. The great principle is the +right of every community to judge and decide for itself, whether a thing +is right or wrong, whether it would be good or evil for them to adopt +it; and the right of free action, the right of free thought, the right +of free judgment upon the question is dearer to every true American than +any other under a free Government. * * * It is no answer to this +argument to say that Slavery is an evil, and hence should not be +tolerated. You must allow the people to decide for themselves whether +it is good or evil." He then adverted to the arraignment of himself by +Mr. Lincoln, and took direct issue with that gentleman on his +proposition that, as to Freedom and Slavery, "the Union will become all +one thing or all the other;" and maintained on the contrary, that "it is +neither desirable nor possible that there should be uniformity in the +local institutions and domestic regulations of the different States of +this Union."</p> + +<p>Upon the further proposition of Mr. Lincoln, which Mr. Douglas described +as "a crusade against the Supreme Court of the United States on account +of the Dred Scott decision," and as "an appeal from the decision" of +that Court "upon this high Constitutional question to a Republican +caucus sitting in the country," he also took "direct and distinct issue +with him." To "the reason assigned by Mr. Lincoln for resisting the +decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case * * * because it +deprives the Negro of the privileges, immunities and rights of +citizenship which pertain, according to that decision, only to the White +man," Mr. Douglas also took exception thus: "I am free to say to you +that in my opinion this Government of ours is founded on the White +basis. It was made by the White man for the benefit of the White man, +to be administered by White men, in such manner as they should +determine. It is also true that a Negro, an Indian, or any other man of +inferior race to a White man, should be permitted to enjoy, and humanity +requires that he should have, all the rights, privileges, and immunities +which he is capable of exercising consistent with the safety of society. +* * * But you may ask me what are these rights and these privileges? +My answer is, that each State must decide for itself the nature and +extent of these rights. * * * Without indorsing the wisdom of that +decision, I assert that Virginia has the same power by virtue of her +sovereignty to protect Slavery within her limits, as Illinois has to +banish it forever from our own borders. I assert the right of each +State to decide for itself on all these questions, and I do not +subscribe to the doctrine of my friend, Mr. Lincoln, that uniformity is +either desirable or possible. I do not acknowledge that the States must +all be Free or must all be Slave. I do not acknowledge that the Negro +must have civil and political rights everywhere or nowhere. * * * I do +not acknowledge any of these doctrines of uniformity in the local and +domestic regulations in the different States. * * * Mr. Lincoln goes +for a warfare upon the Supreme Court of the United States because of +their judicial decision in the Dred Scott case. I yield obedience to +the decisions in that Court—to the final determination of the highest +judicial tribunal known to our Constitution. He objects to the Dred +Scott decision because it does not put the Negro in the possession of +the rights of citizenship on an equality with the White man. I am +opposed to Negro equality. * * * I would extend to the Negro, and the +Indian, and to all dependent races every right, every privilege, and +every immunity consistent with the safety and welfare of the White +races; but equality they never should have, either political or social, +or in any other respect whatever. * * * My friends, you see that the +issues are distinctly drawn."</p> + +<p>On the following evening (July 10th) at Chicago, Mr. Lincoln addressed +another enthusiastic assemblage, in reply to Mr. Douglas; and, after +protesting against a charge that had been made the previous night by the +latter, of an "unnatural and unholy" alliance between Administration +Democrats and Republicans to defeat him, as being beyond his own +knowledge and belief, proceeded: "Popular Sovereignty! Everlasting +Popular Sovereignty! Let us for a moment inquire into this vast matter +of Popular Sovereignty. What is Popular Sovereignty? We recollect at +an early period in the history of this struggle there was another name +for the same thing—Squatter Sovereignty. It was not exactly Popular +Sovereignty, but Squatter Sovereignty. What do those terms mean? What +do those terms mean when used now? And vast credit is taken by our +friend, the Judge, in regard to his support of it, when he declares the +last years of his life have been, and all the future years of his life +shall be, devoted to this matter of Popular Sovereignty. What is it? +Why it is the Sovereignty of the People! What was Squatter Sovereignty? +I suppose if it had any significance at all, it was the right of the +people to govern themselves, to be sovereign in their own affairs while +they were squatted down in a country not their own—while they had +squatted on a territory that did not belong to them in the sense that a +State belongs to the people who inhabit it—when it belonged to the +Nation—such right to govern themselves was called 'Squatter +Sovereignty.'</p> + +<p>"Now I wish you to mark. What has become of that Squatter Sovereignty? +What has become of it? Can you get anybody to tell you now that the +people of a Territory have any authority to govern themselves, in regard +to this mooted question of Slavery, before they form a State +Constitution? No such thing at all, although there is a general running +fire and although there has been a hurrah made in every speech on that +side, assuming that that policy had given the people of a Territory the +right to govern themselves upon this question; yet the point is dodged. +To-day it has been decided—no more than a year ago it was decided by +the Supreme Court of the United States, and is insisted upon to-day, +that the people of a Territory have no right to exclude Slavery from a +Territory, that if any one man chooses to take Slaves into a Territory, +all the rest of the people have no right to keep them out. This being +so, and this decision being made one of the points that the Judge +(Douglas) approved, * * * he says he is in favor of it, and sticks to +it, and expects to win his battle on that decision, which says there is +no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty; but that any man may take Slaves +into a Territory and all the other men in the Territory may be opposed +to it, and yet by reason of the Constitution they cannot prohibit it; +when that is so, how much is left of this vast matter of Squatter +Sovereignty, I should like to know? Again, when we get to the question +of the right of the people to form a State Constitution as they please, +to form it with Slavery or without Slavery—if that is anything new, I +confess I don't know it * * *.</p> + +<p>"We do not remember that, in that old Declaration of Independence, it is +said that 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are +created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain +inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit +of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted +among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.' +There, is the origin of Popular Sovereignty. Who, then, shall come in +at this day and claim that he invented it? The Lecompton Constitution +connects itself with this question, for it is in this matter of the +Lecompton Constitution that our friend, Judge Douglas, claims such vast +credit. I agree that in opposing the Lecompton Constitution, so far as +I can perceive, he was right. * * * All the Republicans in the Nation +opposed it, and they would have opposed it just as much without Judge +Douglas's aid as with it. They had all taken ground against it long +before he did. Why, the reason that he urges against that Constitution, +I urged against him a year before. I have the printed speech in my hand +now. The argument that he makes, why that Constitution should not be +adopted, that the people were not fairly represented nor allowed to +vote, I pointed out in a speech a year ago which I hold in my hand now, +that no fair chance was to be given to the people. * * * The Lecompton +Constitution, as the Judge tells us, was defeated. The defeat of it was +a good thing or it was not. He thinks the defeat of it was a good +thing, and so do I, and we agree in that. Who defeated it? +[A voice—'Judge Douglas.'] Yes, he furnished himself, and if you suppose he +controlled the other Democrats that went with him, he furnished three +votes, while the Republicans furnished twenty. That is what he did to +defeat it. In the House of Representatives he and his friends furnished +some twenty votes, and the Republicans furnished ninety odd. Now, who +was it that did the work? * * * Ground was taken against it by the +Republicans long before Douglas did it. The proportion of opposition to +that measure is about five to one."</p> + +<p>Mr. Lincoln then proceeded to take up the issues which Mr. Douglas had +joined with him the previous evening. He denied that he had said, or +that it could be fairly inferred from what he had said, in his +Springfield speech, that he was in favor of making War by the North upon +the South for the extinction of Slavery, "or, in favor of inviting the +South to a War upon the North, for the purpose of nationalizing +Slavery." Said he: "I did not even say that I desired that Slavery +should be put in course of ultimate extinction. I do say so now, +however; so there need be no longer any difficulty about that. * * * I +am tolerably well acquainted with the history of the Country and I know +that it has endured eighty-two years half Slave and half Free. I +believe—and that is what I meant to allude to there—I believe it has +endured, because during all that time, until the introduction of the +Nebraska Bill, the public mind did rest all the, time in the belief that +Slavery was in course of ultimate extinction. That was what gave us the +rest that we had through that period of eighty-two years; at least, so I +believe.</p> + +<p>"I have always hated Slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist—I +have been an Old Line Whig—I have always hated it, but I have always +been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the +Nebraska Bill began. I always believed that everybody was against it, +and that it was in course of ultimate extinction. * * * The great mass +of the Nation have rested in the belief that Slavery was in course of +ultimate extinction. They had reason so to believe. The adoption of +the Constitution and its attendant history led the People to believe so, +and that such was the belief of the framers of the Constitution itself. +Why did those old men about the time of the adoption of the Constitution +decree that Slavery should not go into the new territory, where it had +not already gone? Why declare that within twenty years the African +Slave Trade, by which Slaves are supplied, might be cut off by Congress? +Why were all these acts? I might enumerate more of these acts—but +enough. What were they but a clear indication that the framers of the +Constitution intended and expected the ultimate extinction of that +institution?</p> + +<p>"And now, when I say, as I said in my speech that Judge Douglas has +quoted from, when I say that I think the opponents of Slavery will +resist the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind +shall rest with the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction, +I only mean to say, that they will place it where the founders of this +Government originally placed it. I have said a hundred times, and I +have now no inclination to take it back, that I believe there is no +right, and ought to be no inclination in the people of the Free States, +to enter into the Slave States, and interfere with the question of +Slavery at all. I have said that always; Judge Douglas has heard me say +it—if not quite a hundred times, at least as good as a hundred times; +and when it is said that I am in favor of interfering with Slavery where +it exists, I know that it is unwarranted by anything I have ever +intended, and as I believe, by anything I have ever said. If, by any +means, I have ever used language which could fairly be so construe (as, +however, I believe I never have) I now correct it. So much, then, for +the inference that Judge Douglas draws, that I am in favor of setting +the Sections at War with one another.</p> + +<p>"Now in relation to his inference that I am in favor of a general +consolidation of all the local institutions of the various States * * * +I have said, very many times in Judge Douglas's hearing, that no man +believed more than I in the principle of self-government from beginning +to end. I have denied that his use of that term applies properly. But +for the thing itself, I deny that any man has ever gone ahead of me in +his devotion to the principle, whatever he may have done in efficiency +in advocating it. I think that I have said it in your hearing—that I +believe each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with +himself and the fruit of his labor, so far as it in no wise interferes +with any other man's rights—that each community, as a State, has a +right to do exactly as it pleases with all the concerns within that +State that interfere with the rights of no other State, and that the +General Government, upon principle, has no right to interfere with +anything other than that general class of things that does concern the +whole. I have said that at all times.</p> + +<p>"I have said, as illustrations, that I do not believe in the right of +Illinois to interfere with the cranberry laws of Indiana, the oyster +laws of Virginia, or the liquor laws of Maine. I have said these things +over and over again, and I repeat them here as my sentiments. * * * +What can authorize him to draw any such inference? I suppose there +might be one thing that at least enabled him to draw such an inference +that would not be true with me or many others, that is, because he looks +upon all this matter of Slavery as an exceedingly little thing—this +matter of keeping one-sixth of the population of the whole Nation in a +state of oppression and tyranny unequaled in the World.</p> + +<p>"He looks upon it as being an exceedingly little thing only equal to the +cranberry laws of Indiana—as something having no moral question in +it—as something on a par with the question of whether a man shall pasture +his land with cattle, or plant it with tobacco—so little and so small a +thing, that he concludes, if I could desire that anything should be done +to bring about the ultimate extinction of that little thing, I must be +in favor of bringing about an amalgamation of all the other little +things in the Union.</p> + +<p>"Now it so happens—and there, I presume, is the foundation of this +mistake—that the Judge thinks thus; and it so happens that there is a +vast portion of the American People that do not look upon that matter as +being this very little thing. They look upon it as a vast moral evil; +they can prove it as such by the writings of those who gave us the +blessings of Liberty which we enjoy, and that they so looked upon it, +and not as an evil merely confining itself to the States where it is +situated; while we agree that, by the Constitution we assented to, in +the States where it exists we have no right to interfere with it, +because it is in the Constitution; and we are by both duty and +inclination to stick by that Constitution in all its letter and spirit, +from beginning to end. * * * The Judge can have no issue with me on a +question of establishing uniformity in the domestic regulations of the +States. * * *</p> + +<p>"Another of the issues he says that is to be made with me, is upon his +devotion to the Dred Scott decision, and my opposition to it. I have +expressed heretofore, and I now repeat, my opposition to the Dred Scott +decision; but I should be allowed to state the nature of that +opposition. * * * What is fairly implied by the term Judge Douglas has +used, 'resistance to the decision?' I do not resist it. If I wanted to +take Dred Scott from his master, I would be interfering with property +and that terrible difficulty that Judge Douglas speaks of, of +interfering with property, would arise. But I am doing no such thing as +that, but all that I am doing is refusing to obey it, as a political +rule. If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on a question +whether Slavery should be prohibited in a new Territory, in spite of the +Dred Scott decision, I would vote that it should. That is what I would +do.</p> + +<p>"Judge Douglas said last night, that before the decision he might +advance his opinion, and it might be contrary to the decision when it +was made; but after it was made, he would abide by it until it was +reversed. Just so! We let this property abide by the decision, but we +will try to reverse that decision. We will try to put it where Judge +Douglas would not object, for he says he will obey it until it is +reversed. Somebody has to reverse that decision, since it is made, and +we mean to reverse it, and we mean to do it peaceably.</p> + +<p>"What are the uses of decisions of Courts? They have two uses. As +rules of property they have two uses. First, they decide upon the +question before the Court. They decide in this case that Dred Scott is +a Slave. Nobody resists that. Not only that, but they say to everybody +else, that persons standing just as Dred Scott stands, are as he is. +That is, they say that when a question comes up upon another person, it +will be so decided again, unless the Court decides in another +way—unless the Court overrules its decision.—Well, we mean to do what we +can to have the Court decide the other way. That is one thing we mean +to try to do.</p> + +<p>"The sacredness that Judge Douglas throws around this decision is a +degree of sacredness that has never before been thrown around any other +decision. I have never heard of such a thing. Why, decisions +apparently contrary to that decision, or that good lawyers thought were +contrary to that decision, have been made by that very Court before. It +is the first of its kind; it is an astonisher in legal history. It is a +new wonder of the world. It is based upon falsehood in the main as to +the facts—allegations of facts upon which it stands are not facts at +all in many instances; and no decision made on any question—the first +instance of a decision made under so many unfavorable +circumstances—thus placed, has ever been held by the profession as law, and it has +always needed confirmation before the lawyers regarded it as settled +law. But Judge Douglas will have it that all hands must take this +extraordinary decision, made under these extraordinary circumstances, +and give their vote in Congress in accordance with it, yield to it and +obey it in every possible sense.</p> + +<p>"Circumstances alter cases. Do not gentlemen remember the case of that +same Supreme Court, some twenty-five or thirty years ago, deciding that +a National Bank was Constitutional? * * * The Bank charter ran out, +and a recharter was granted by Congress. That re-charter was laid +before General Jackson. It was urged upon him, when he denied the +Constitutionality of the Bank, that the Supreme Court had decided that +it was Constitutional; and General Jackson then said that the Supreme +Court had no right to lay down a rule to govern a co-ordinate branch of +the Government, the members of which had sworn to support the +Constitution—that each member had sworn to support that Constitution as +he understood it. I will venture here to say, that I have heard Judge +Douglas say that he approved of General Jackson for that act. What has +now become of all his tirade about 'resistance to the Supreme Court?'"</p> + +<p>After adverting to Judge Douglas's warfare on "the leaders" of the +Republican party, and his desire to have "it understood that the mass of +the Republican party are really his friends," Mr. Lincoln said: "If you +indorse him, you tell him you do not care whether Slavery be voted up or +down, and he will close, or try to close, your mouths with his +declaration repeated by the day, the week, the month, and the year. Is +that what you mean? * * * Now I could ask the Republican party, after +all the hard names that Judge Douglas has called them by, all his +repeated charges of their inclination to marry with and hug negroes—all +his declarations of Black Republicanism—by the way, we are improving, +the black has got rubbed off—but with all that, if he be indorsed by +Republican votes, where do you stand? Plainly, you stand ready saddled, +bridled, and harnessed, and waiting to be driven over to the +Slavery-extension camp of the Nation—just ready to be driven over, tied +together in a lot—to be driven over, every man with a rope around his +neck, that halter being held by Judge Douglas. That is the question. +If Republican men have been in earnest in what they have done, I think +that they has better not do it. * * *</p> + +<p>"We were often—more than once at least—in the course of Judge +Douglas's speech last night, reminded that this Government was made for +White men—that he believed it was made for White men. Well, that is +putting it in a shape in which no one wants to deny it; but the Judge +then goes into his passion for drawing inferences that are not +warranted. I protest, now and forever, against that counterfeit logic +which presumes that because I do not want a Negro woman for a Slave I do +necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I need not +have her for either; but, as God has made us separate, we can leave one +another alone, and do one another much good thereby. There are White +men enough to marry all the White women, and enough Black men to marry +all the Black women, and in God's name let them be so married. The +Judge regales us with the terrible enormities that take place by the +mixture of races; that the inferior race bears the superior down. Why, +Judge, if we do not let them get together in the Territories, they won't +mix there.</p> + +<p>" * * * Those arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be +treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that as +much is to be done for them as their condition will allow—what are +these arguments? They are the arguments that Kings have made for +enslaving the People in all ages of the World. You will find that all +the arguments in favor of king-craft were of this class; they always +bestrode the necks of the People, not that they wanted to do it, but +because the People were better off for being ridden! That is their +argument, and this argument of the Judge is the same old Serpent that +says: you work, and I eat; you toil, and I will enjoy the fruits of it.</p> + +<p>"Turn it whatever way you will—whether it come from the mouth of a +King, an excuse for enslaving the People of his Country, or from the +mouth of men of one race as a reason for enslaving the men of another +race, it is all the same old Serpent; and I hold, if that course of +argumentation that is made for the purpose of convincing the public mind +that we should not care about this, should be granted, it does not stop +with the Negro.</p> + +<p>"I should like to know, taking this old Declaration of Independence, +which declares that all men are equal upon principle, and making +exceptions to it, where will it stop? If one man says it does not mean +a Negro, why not say it does not mean some other man? If that +Declaration is not the truth, let us get the Statute Book, in which we +find it, and tear it out! Who is so bold as to do it? If it is not +true, let us tear it out!" [Cries of "No, no."] "Let us stick to it +then; let us stand firmly by it, then. * * *</p> + +<p>" * * * The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any human creature +could be perfect as the Father in Heaven; but He said, 'As your Father +in Heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect.' He set that up as a +standard, and he who did most toward reaching that standard, attained +the highest degree of moral perfection. So I say, in relation to the +principle that all men are created equal—let it be as nearly reached as +we can. If we cannot give Freedom to every creature, let us do nothing +that will impose Slavery upon any other creature. Let us then turn this +Government back into the channel in which the framers of the +Constitution originally placed it. Let us stand firmly by each other. +* * * Let us discard all this quibbling * * * and unite as one People +throughout this Land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that +all men are created equal."</p> + +<p>At Bloomington, July 16th (Mr. Lincoln being present), Judge Douglas +made another great speech of vindication and attack. After sketching +the history of the Kansas-Nebraska struggle, from the introduction by +himself of the Nebraska Bill in the United States Senate, in 1854, down +to the passage of the "English" Bill—which prescribed substantially +that if the people of Kansas would come in as a Slave-holding State, +they should be admitted with but 35,000 inhabitants; but if they would +come in as a Free State, they must have 93,420 inhabitants; which unfair +restriction was opposed by Judge Douglas, but to which after it became +law he "bowed in deference," because whatever decision the people of +Kansas might make on the coming third of August would be "final and +conclusive of the whole question"—he proceeded to compliment the +Republicans in Congress, for supporting the Crittenden-Montgomery +Bill—for coming "to the Douglas platform, abandoning their own, believing (in +the language of the New York Tribune), that under the peculiar +circumstances they would in that mode best subserve the interests of the +Country;" and then again attacked Mr. Lincoln for his "unholy and +unnatural alliance" with the Lecompton-Democrats to defeat him, because +of which, said he: "You will find he does not say a word against the +Lecompton Constitution or its supporters. He is as silent as the grave +upon that subject. Behold Mr. Lincoln courting Lecompton votes, in +order that he may go to the Senate as the representative of Republican +principles! You know that the alliance exists. I think you will find +that it will ooze out before the contest is over." Then with many +handsome compliments to the personal character of Mr. Lincoln, and +declaring that the question for decision was "whether his principles are +more in accordance with the genius of our free institutions, the peace +and harmony of the Republic" than those advocated by himself, Judge +Douglas proceeded to discuss what he described as "the two points at +issue between Mr. Lincoln and myself."</p> + +<p>Said he: "Although the Republic has existed from 1789 to this day, +divided into Free States and Slave States, yet we are told that in the +future it cannot endure unless they shall become all Free or all Slave. +* * * He wishes to go to the Senate of the United States in order to +carry out that line of public policy which will compel all the States in +the South to become Free. How is he going to do it? Has Congress any +power over the subject of Slavery in Kentucky or Virginia or any other +State of this Union? How, then, is Mr. Lincoln going to carry out that +principle which he says is essential to the existence of this Union, to +wit: That Slavery must be abolished in all the States of the Union or +must be established in them all? You convince the South that they must +either establish Slavery in Illinois and in every other Free State, or +submit to its abolition in every Southern State and you invite them to +make a warfare upon the Northern States in order to establish Slavery +for the sake of perpetuating it at home. Thus, Mr. Lincoln invites, by +his proposition, a War of Sections, a War between Illinois and Kentucky, +a War between the Free States and the Slave States, a War between the +North and South, for the purpose of either exterminating Slavery in +every Southern State or planting it in every Northern State. He tells +you that the safety of the Republic, that the existence of this Union, +depends upon that warfare being carried on until one Section or the +other shall be entirely subdued. The States must all be Free or Slave, +for a house divided against itself cannot stand. That is Mr. Lincoln's +argument upon that question. My friends, is it possible to preserve +Peace between the North and the South if such a doctrine shall prevail +in either Section of the Union?</p> + +<p>"Will you ever submit to a warfare waged by the Southern States to +establish Slavery in Illinois? What man in Illinois would not lose the +last drop of his heart's blood before lie would submit to the +institution of Slavery being forced upon us by the other States against +our will? And if that be true of us, what Southern man would not shed +the last drop of his heart's blood to prevent Illinois, or any other +Northern State, from interfering to abolish Slavery in his State? Each +of these States is sovereign under the Constitution; and if we wish to +preserve our liberties, the reserved rights and sovereignty of each and +every State must be maintained. * * * The difference between Mr. +Lincoln and myself upon this point is, that he goes for a combination of +the Northern States, or the organization of a sectional political party +in the Free States, to make War on the domestic institutions of the +Southern States, and to prosecute that War until they all shall be +subdued, and made to conform to such rules as the North shall dictate to +them.</p> + +<p>"I am aware that Mr. Lincoln, on Saturday night last, made a speech at +Chicago for the purpose, as he said, of explaining his position on this +question. * * * His answer to this point which I have been arguing, +is, that he never did mean, and that I ought to know that he never +intended to convey the idea, that he wished the people of +the Free States to enter into the Southern States and interfere with +Slavery. Well, I never did suppose that he ever dreamed of entering +into Kentucky, to make War upon her institutions, nor will any +Abolitionist ever enter into Kentucky to wage such War. Their mode of +making War is not to enter into those States where Slavery exists, and +there interfere, and render themselves responsible for the consequences. +Oh, no! They stand on this side of the Ohio River and shoot across. +They stand in Bloomington and shake their fists at the people of +Lexington; they threaten South Carolina from Chicago. And they call +that bravery! But they are very particular, as Mr. Lincoln says, not to +enter into those States for the purpose of interfering with the +institution of Slavery there. I am not only opposed to entering into +the Slave States, for the purpose of interfering with their +institutions, but I am opposed to a sectional agitation to control the +institutions of other States. I am opposed to organizing a sectional +party, which appeals to Northern pride, and Northern passion and +prejudice, against Southern institutions, thus stirring up ill feeling +and hot blood between brethren of the same Republic. I am opposed to +that whole system of sectional agitation, which can produce nothing but +strife, but discord, but hostility, and finally disunion. * * *</p> + +<p>"I ask Mr. Lincoln how it is that he purposes ultimately to bring about +this uniformity in each and all the States of the Union? There is but +one possible mode which I can see, and perhaps Mr. Lincoln intends to +pursue it; that is, to introduce a proposition into the Senate to change +the Constitution of the United States in order that all the State +Legislatures may be abolished, State Sovereignty blotted out, and the +power conferred upon Congress to make local laws and establish the +domestic institutions and police regulations uniformly throughout the +United States.</p> + +<p>"Are you prepared for such a change in the institutions of your country? +Whenever you shall have blotted out the State Sovereignties, abolished +the State Legislatures, and consolidated all the power in the Federal +Government, you will have established a Consolidated Empire as +destructive to the Liberties of the People and the Rights of the Citizen +as that of Austria, or Russia, or any other despotism that rests upon +the neck of the People. * * * There is but one possible way in which +Slavery can be abolished, and that is by leaving a State, according to +the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, perfectly free to form and +regulate its institutions in its own way. That was the principle upon +which this Republic was founded, and it is under the operation of that +principle that we have been able to preserve the Union thus far under +its operation. Slavery disappeared from New Hampshire, from Rhode +Island, from Connecticut, from New York, from New Jersey, from +Pennsylvania, from six of the twelve original Slave-holding States; and +this gradual system of emancipation went on quietly, peacefully, and +steadily, so long as we in the Free States minded our own business, and +left our neighbors alone.</p> + +<p>"But the moment the Abolition Societies were organized throughout the +North, preaching a violent crusade against Slavery in the Southern +States, this combination necessarily caused a counter-combination in the +South, and a sectional line was drawn which was a barrier to any further +emancipation. Bear in mind that emancipation has not taken place in any +one State since the Free Soil Party was organized as a political party +in this country. Emancipation went on gradually, in State after State, +so long as the Free States were content with managing their own affairs +and leaving the South perfectly free to do as they pleased; but the +moment the North said we are powerful enough to control you of the +South, the moment the North proclaimed itself the determined master of +the South, that moment the South combined to resist the attack, and thus +sectional parties were formed and gradual emancipation ceased in all the +Slave-holding States.</p> + +<p>"And yet Mr. Lincoln, in view of these historical facts, proposes to +keep up this sectional agitation, band all the Northern States together +in one political Party, elect a President by Northern votes alone, and +then, of course, make a Cabinet composed of Northern men, and administer +the Government by Northern men only, denying all the Southern States of +this Union any participation in the administration of affairs +whatsoever. I submit to you, my fellow-citizens, whether such a line of +policy is consistent with the peace and harmony of the Country? Can the +Union endure under such a system of policy? He has taken his position +in favor of sectional agitation and sectional warfare. I have taken +mine in favor of securing peace, harmony, and good-will among all the +States, by permitting each to mind its own business, and +discountenancing any attempt at interference on the part of one State +with the domestic concerns of the others. * * *</p> + +<p>"Mr. Lincoln tells you that he is opposed to the decision of the Supreme +Court in the Dred Scott case. Well, suppose he is; what is he going to +do about it? * * * Why, he says he is going to appeal to Congress. Let +us see how he will appeal to Congress. He tells us that on the 8th of +March, 1820, Congress passed a law called the Missouri Compromise, +prohibiting Slavery forever in all the territory west of the Mississippi +and north of the Missouri line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes; +that Dred Scott, a slave in Missouri, was taken by his master to Fort +Snelling, in the present State of Minnesota, situated on the west branch +of the Mississippi River, and consequently in the Territory where +Slavery was prohibited by the Act of 1820; and that when Dred Scott +appealed for his Freedom in consequence of having been taken into that +Territory, the Supreme Court of the United States decided that Dred +Scott did not become Free by being taken into that Territory, but that +having been carried back to Missouri, was yet a Slave.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Lincoln is going to appeal from that decision and reverse it. He +does not intend to reverse it as to Dred Scott. Oh, no! But he will +reverse it so that it shall not stand as a rule in the future. How will +he do it? He says that if he is elected to the Senate he will introduce +and pass a law just like the Missouri Compromise, prohibiting Slavery +again in all the Territories. Suppose he does re-enact the same law +which the Court has pronounced unconstitutional, will that make it +Constitutional? * * * Will it be any more valid? Will he be able to +convince the Court that the second Act is valid, when the first is +invalid and void? What good does it do to pass a second Act? Why, it +will have the effect to arraign the Supreme Court before the People, and +to bring them into all the political discussions of the Country. Will +that do any good? * * *</p> + +<p>"The functions of Congress are to enact the Statutes, the province of +the Court is to pronounce upon their validity, and the duty of the +Executive is to carry the decision into effect when rendered by the +Court. And yet, notwithstanding the Constitution makes the decision of +the Court final in regard to the validity of an Act of Congress, Mr. +Lincoln is going to reverse that decision by passing another Act of +Congress. When he has become convinced of the Folly of the proposition, +perhaps he will resort to the same subterfuge that I have found others +of his Party resort to, which is to agitate and agitate until he can +change the Supreme Court and put other men in the places of the present +incumbents."</p> + +<p>After ridiculing this proposition at some length, he proceeded:</p> + +<p>"Mr. Lincoln is alarmed for fear that, under the Dred Scott decision, +Slavery will go into all the Territories of the United States. All I +have to say is that, with or without this decision, Slavery will go just +where the People want it, and not an inch further. * * * Hence, if the +People of a Territory want Slavery, they will encourage it by passing +affirmatory laws, and the necessary police regulations, patrol laws and +Slave Code; if they do not want it, they will withhold that legislation, +and, by withholding it, Slavery is as dead as if it was prohibited by a +Constitutional prohibition, especially if, in addition, their +legislation is unfriendly, as it would be if they were opposed to it."</p> + +<p>Then, taking up what he said was "Mr. Lincoln's main objection to the +Dred Scott decision," to wit: "that that decision deprives the Negro of +the benefits of that clause of the Constitution of the United States +which entitles the citizens of each State to all the privileges and +immunities of citizens of the several States," and admitting that such +would be its effect, Mr. Douglas contended at some length that this +Government was "founded on the White basis" for the benefit of the +Whites and their posterity. He did "not believe that it was the design +or intention of the signers of the Declaration of Independence or the +frames of the Constitution to include Negroes, Indians, or other +inferior races, with White men as citizens;" nor that the former "had +any reference to Negroes, when they used the expression that all men +were created equal," nor to "any other inferior race." He held that, +"They were speaking only of the White race, and never dreamed that their +language would be construed to apply to the Negro;" and after ridiculing +the contrary view, insisted that, "The history of the Country shows that +neither the signers of the Declaration, nor the Framers of the +Constitution, ever supposed it possible that their language would be +used in an attempt to make this Nation a mixed Nation of Indians, +Negroes, Whites, and Mongrels."</p> + +<p>The "Fathers proceeded on the White basis, making the White people the +governing race, but conceding to the Indian and Negro, and all inferior +races, all the rights and all the privileges they could enjoy consistent +with the safety of the society in which they lived. That," said he, "is +my opinion now. I told you that humanity, philanthropy, justice, and +sound policy required that we should give the Negro every right, every +privilege, every immunity consistent with the safety and welfare of the +State. The question, then, naturally arises, what are those rights and +privileges, and what is the nature and extent of them? My answer is, +that that is a question which each State and each Territory must decide +for itself. * * * I am content with that position. My friend Lincoln +is not. * * * He thinks that the Almighty made the Negro his equal and +his brother. For my part I do not consider the Negro any kin to me, nor +to any other White man; but I would still carry my humanity and my +philanthropy to the extent of giving him every privilege and every +immunity that he could enjoy, consistent with our own good."</p> + +<p>After again referring to the principles connected with non-interference +in the domestic institutions of the States and Territories, and to the +devotion of all his energies to them "since 1850, when," said he, "I +acted side by side with the immortal Clay and the god-like Webster, in +that memorable struggle in which Whigs and Democrats united upon a +common platform of patriotism and the Constitution, throwing aside +partisan feelings in order to restore peace and harmony to a distracted +Country"—he alluded to the death-bed of Clay, and the pledges made by +himself to both Clay and Webster to devote his own life to the +vindication of the principles of that Compromise of 1850 as a means of +preserving the Union; and concluded with this appeal: "This Union can +only be preserved by maintaining the fraternal feeling between the North +and the South, the East and the West. If that good feeling can be +preserved, the Union will be as perpetual as the fame of its great +founders. It can be maintained by preserving the sovereignty of the +States, the right of each State and each Territory to settle its +domestic concerns for itself, and the duty of each to refrain from +interfering with the other in any of its local or domestic institutions. +Let that be done, and the Union will be perpetual; let that be done, and +this Republic, which began with thirteen States and which now numbers +thirty-two, which when it began, only extended from the Atlantic to the +Mississippi, but now reaches to the Pacific, may yet expand, North and +South, until it covers the whole Continent, and becomes one vast +ocean-bound Confederacy. Then, my friends, the path of duty, of honor, of +patriotism, is plain. There are a few simple principles to be +preserved. Bear in mind the dividing line between State rights and +Federal authority; let us maintain the great principles of Popular +Sovereignty, of State rights and of the Federal Union as the +Constitution has made it, and this Republic will endure forever."</p> + +<p>On the next evening, July 17th, at Springfield, both Douglas and Lincoln +addressed separate meetings.</p> + +<p>After covering much the same ground with regard to the history of the +Kansas-Nebraska struggle and his own attitude upon it, as he did in his +previous speech, Mr. Douglas declined to comment upon Mr. Lincoln's +intimation of a Conspiracy between Douglas, Pierce, Buchanan, and Taney +for the passage of the Nebraska Bill, the rendition of the Dred Scott +decision, and the extension of Slavery, but proceeded to dilate on the +"uniformity" issue between himself and Mr. Lincoln, in much the same +strain as before, tersely summing up with the statement that "there is a +distinct issue of principles—principles irreconcilable—between Mr. +Lincoln and myself. He goes for consolidation and uniformity in our +Government. I go for maintaining the Confederation of the Sovereign +States under the Constitution, as our fathers made it, leaving each +State at liberty to manage its own affairs and own internal +institutions."</p> + +<p>He then ridiculed, at considerable length, Mr. Lincoln's proposed +methods of securing a reversal by the United States Supreme Court of the +Dred Scott decision—especially that of an "appeal to the People to +elect a President who will appoint judges who will reverse the Dred +Scott decision," which he characterized as "a proposition to make that +Court the corrupt, unscrupulous tool of a political party," and asked, +"when we refuse to abide by Judicial decisions, what protection is there +left for life and property? To whom shall you appeal? To mob law, to +partisan caucuses, to town meetings, to revolution? Where is the remedy +when you refuse obedience to the constituted authorities?" In other +respects the speech was largely a repetition of his Bloomington speech.</p> + +<p>Mr. Lincoln in his speech, the same night, at Springfield, opened by +contrasting the disadvantages under which, by reason of an unfair +apportionment of State Legislative representation and otherwise, the +Republicans of Illinois labored in this fight. Among other +disadvantages—whereby he said the Republicans were forced "to fight +this battle upon principle and upon principle alone"—were those which +he said arose "out of the relative positions of the two persons who +stand before the State as candidates for the Senate."</p> + +<p>Said he: "Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown. All the anxious +politicians of his Party, or who have been of his Party for years past, +have been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be the +President of the United States. They have seen in his round, jolly, +fruitful face, Post-offices, Land-offices, Marshalships, and Cabinet +appointments, Chargeships and Foreign Missions, bursting and sprouting +out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy +hands. And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so +long, they cannot, in the little distraction that has taken place in the +party, bring themselves to give up the charming hope; but with greedier +anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, and give him marches, +triumphal entries, and receptions, beyond what even in the days of his +highest prosperity they could have brought about in his favor. On the +contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be President. In my poor, +lean, lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting +out."</p> + +<p>Then he described the main points of Senator Douglas's plan of campaign +as being not very numerous. "The first," he said, "is Popular +Sovereignty. The second and third are attacks upon my speech made on +the 16th of June. Out of these three points—drawing within the range of +Popular Sovereignty the question of the Lecompton Constitution—he makes +his principal assault. Upon these his successive speeches are +substantially one and the same." Touching the first point, "Popular +Sovereignty"—"the great staple" of Mr. Douglas's campaign—Mr. Lincoln +affirmed that it was "the most arrant Quixotism that was ever enacted +before a community."</p> + +<p>He said that everybody understood that "we have not been in a +controversy about the right of a People to govern themselves in the +ordinary matters of domestic concern in the States and Territories;" +that, "in this controversy, whatever has been said has had reference to +the question of Negro Slavery;" and "hence," said he, "when hereafter I +speak of Popular Sovereignty, I wish to be understood as applying what I +say to the question of Slavery only; not to other minor domestic matters +of a Territory or a State."</p> + +<p>Having cleared away the cobwebs, Mr. Lincoln proceeded:</p> + +<p>"Does Judge Douglas, when he says that several of the past years of his +life have been devoted to the question of 'Popular Sovereignty' * * * +mean to say that he has been devoting his life to securing the People of +the Territories the right to exclude Slavery from the Territories? If +he means so to say, he means to deceive; because he and every one knows +that the decision of the Supreme Court, which he approves, and makes +special ground of attack upon me for disapproving, forbids the People of +a Territory to exclude Slavery.</p> + +<p>"This covers the whole ground from the settlement of a Territory till it +reaches the degree of maturity entitling it to form a State +Constitution. * * * This being so, the period of time from the first +settlement of a Territory till it reaches the point of forming a State +Constitution, is not the thing that the Judge has fought for, or is +fighting for; but, on the contrary, he has fought for, and is fighting +for, the thing that annihilates and crushes out that same Popular +Sovereignty. Well, so much being disposed of, what is left? Why, he is +contending for the right of the People, when they come to make a State +Constitution, to make it for themselves, and precisely as best suits +themselves. I say again, that is Quixotic. I defy contradiction when I +declare that the Judge can find no one to oppose him on that +proposition. I repeat, there is nobody opposing that proposition on +principle. * * * Nobody is opposing, or has opposed, the right of the +People when they form a State Constitution, to form it for themselves. +Mr. Buchanan and his friends have not done it; they, too, as well as the +Republicans and the Anti-Lecompton Democrats, have not done it; but on +the contrary, they together have insisted on the right of the People to +form a Constitution for themselves. The difference between the Buchanan +men, on the one hand, and the Douglas men and the Republicans, on the +other, has not been on a question of principle, but on a question of +fact * * * whether the Lecompton Constitution had been fairly formed by +the People or not. * * * As to the principle, all were agreed.</p> + +<p>"Judge Douglas voted with the Republicans upon that matter of fact. He +and they, by their voices and votes, denied that it was a fair emanation +of the People. The Administration affirmed that it was. * * * This +being so, what is Judge Douglas going to spend his life for? Is he +going to spend his life in maintaining a principle that no body on earth +opposes? Does he expect to stand up in majestic dignity and go through +his apotheosis and become a god, in the maintaining of a principle which +neither man nor mouse in all God's creation is opposing?"</p> + +<p>After ridiculing the assumption that Judge Douglas was entitled to all +the credit for the defeat of the Lecompton Constitution in the House of +Representatives—when the defeating vote numbered 120, of which 6 were +Americans, 20 Douglas (or Anti-Lecompton) Democrats, and 94 Republicans +—and hinting that perhaps he placed "his superior claim to credit, on +the ground that he performed a good act which was never expected of +him," or "upon the ground of the parable of the lost sheep," of which it +had been said, "that there was more rejoicing over the one sheep that +was lost and had been found, than over the ninety and nine in the +fold—" he added: "The application is made by the Saviour in this parable, +thus: 'Verily, I say unto you, there is more rejoicing in Heaven over +one sinner that repenteth, than over ninety and nine just persons that +need no repentance.' And now if the Judge claims the benefit of this +parable, let him repent. Let him not come up here and say: 'I am the +only just person; and you are the ninety-nine sinners!' Repentance +before forgiveness is a provision of the Christian system, and on that +condition alone will the Republicans grant his forgiveness."</p> + +<p>After complaining that Judge Douglas misrepresented his attitude as +indicated in his 16th of June speech at Springfield, in charging that he +invited "a War of Sections;"—that he proposed that "all the local +institutions of the different States shall become consolidated and +uniform," Mr. Lincoln denied that that speech could fairly bear such +construction.</p> + +<p>In that speech he (Mr. L.) had simply expressed an expectation that +"either the opponents of Slavery will arrest the further spread of it, +and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is +in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it +forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well +as new, North as well as South." Since then, at Chicago, he had also +expressed a "wish to see the spread of Slavery arrested, and to see it +placed where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the +course of ultimate extinction"—and, said he: "I said that, because I +supposed, when the public mind shall rest in that belief, we shall have +Peace on the Slavery question. I have believed—and now believe—the +public mind did rest on that belief up to the introduction of the +Nebraska Bill. Although I have ever been opposed to Slavery, so far I +rested in the hope and belief that it was in the course of ultimate +extinction. For that reason, it had been a minor question with me. I +might have been mistaken; but I had believed, and now believe, that the +whole public mind, that is, the mind of the great majority, had rested +in that belief up to the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. But upon +that event, I became convinced that either I had been resting in a +delusion, or the institution was being placed on a new basis—a basis +for making it Perpetual, National, and Universal. Subsequent events +have greatly confirmed me in that belief.</p> + +<p>"I believe that Bill to be the beginning of a Conspiracy for that +purpose. So believing, I have since then considered that question a +paramount one. So believing, I thought the public mind would never rest +till the power of Congress to restrict the spread of it shall again be +acknowledged and exercised on the one hand, or, on the other, all +resistance be entirely crushed out. I have expressed that opinion and I +entertain it to-night."</p> + +<p>Having given some pieces of evidence in proof of the "tendency," he had +discovered, to the Nationalization of Slavery in these States, Mr. +Lincoln continued: "And now, as to the Judge's inference, that because I +wish to see Slavery placed in the course of ultimate extinction—placed +where our fathers originally placed it—I wish to annihilate the State +Legislatures—to force cotton to grow upon the tops of the Green +Mountains—to freeze ice in Florida—to cut lumber on the broad Illinois +prairies—that I am in favor of all these ridiculous and impossible +things! It seems to me it is a complete answer to all this, to ask if, +when Congress did have the fashion of restricting Slavery from Free +Territory; when Courts did have the fashion of deciding that taking a +Slave into a Free, Country made him Free—I say it is a sufficient +answer to ask, if any of this ridiculous nonsense, about consolidation +and uniformity, did actually follow? Who heard of any such thing, +because of the Ordinance of '87? because of the Missouri Restriction +because of the numerous Court decisions of that character?</p> + +<p>"Now, as to the Dred Scott decision; for upon that he makes his last +point at me. He boldly takes ground in favor of that decision. This is +one-half the onslaught and one-third of the entire plan of the campaign. +I am opposed to that decision in a certain sense, but not in the sense +which he puts on it. I say that in so far as it decided in favor of +Dred Scott's master, and against Dred Scott and his family, I do not +propose to disturb or resist the decision. I never have proposed to do +any such thing. I think, that in respect for judicial authority, my +humble history would not suffer in comparison with that of Judge +Douglas. He would have the citizen conform his vote to that decision; +the member of Congress, his; the President, his use of the veto power. +He would make it a rule of political action for the People and all the +departments of the Government. I would not. By resisting it as a +political rule, I disturb no right of property, create no disorder, +excite no mobs."</p> + +<p>After quoting from a letter of Mr. Jefferson (vol. vii., p. 177, of his +Correspondence,) in which he held that "to consider the judges as the +ultimate arbiters of all Constitutional questions," is "a very dangerous +doctrine indeed; and one which would place us under the despotism of an +Oligarchy," Mr. Lincoln continued: "Let us go a little further. You +remember we once had a National Bank. Some one owed the Bank a debt; he +was sued, and sought to avoid payment on the ground that the Bank was +unconstitutional. The case went to the Supreme Court, and therein it +was decided that the Bank was Constitutional. The whole Democratic +party revolted against that decision. General Jackson himself asserted +that he, as President, would not be bound to hold a National Bank to be +Constitutional, even though the Court had decided it to be so. He fell +in, precisely, with the view of Mr. Jefferson, and acted upon it under +his official oath, in vetoing a charter for a National Bank.</p> + +<p>"The declaration that Congress does not possess this Constitutional +power to charter a Bank, has gone into the Democratic platform, at their +National Conventions, and was brought forward and reaffirmed in their +last Convention at Cincinnati. They have contended for that +declaration, in the very teeth of the Supreme Court, for more than a +quarter of a century. In fact, they have reduced the decision to an +absolute nullity. That decision, I repeat, is repudiated in the +Cincinnati platform; and still, as if to show that effrontery can go no +further, Judge Douglas vaunts in the very speeches in which he denounces +me for opposing the Dred Scott decision, that he stands on the +Cincinnati platform.</p> + +<p>"Now, I wish to know what the Judge can charge upon me, with respect to +decisions of the Supreme Court, which does not lie in all its length, +breadth, and proportions, at his own door? The plain truth is simply +this: Judge Douglas is for Supreme Court decisions when he likes, and +against them when he does not like them. He is for the Dred Scott +decision because it tends to Nationalize Slavery—because it is a part +of the original combination for that object. It so happens, singularly +enough, that I never stood opposed to a decision of the Supreme Court +till this. On the contrary, I have no recollection that he was ever +particularly in favor of one till this. He never was in favor of any, +nor (I) opposed to any, till the present one, which helps to Nationalize +Slavery. Free men of Sangamon—Free men of Illinois, Free men +everywhere—judge ye between him and me, upon this issue!</p> + +<p>"He says this Dred Scott case is a very small matter at +most—that it has no practical effect; that at best, or rather I suppose +at worst, it is but an abstraction. * * * How has the planting of +Slavery in new countries always been effected? It has now been decided +that Slavery cannot be kept out of our new Territories by any legal +means. In what do our new Territories now differ in this respect from +the old Colonies when Slavery was first planted within them?</p> + +<p>"It was planted, as Mr. Clay once declared, and as history proves true, +by individual men in spite of the wishes of the people; the +Mother-Government refusing to prohibit it, and withholding from the People of +the Colonies the authority to prohibit it for themselves. Mr. Clay says +this was one of the great and just causes of complaint against Great +Britain by the Colonies, and the best apology we can now make for having +the institution amongst us. In that precise condition our Nebraska +politicians have at last succeeded in placing our own new Territories; +the Government will not prohibit Slavery within them, nor allow the +People to prohibit it."</p> + +<p>Alluding to that part of Mr. Douglas's speech the previous night +touching the death-bed scene of Mr. Clay, with Mr. Douglas's promise to +devote the remainder of his life to "Popular Sovereignty"—and to his +relations with Mr. Webster—Mr. Lincoln said: "It would be amusing, if +it were not disgusting, to see how quick these Compromise breakers +administer on the political effects of their dead adversaries. If I +should be found dead to-morrow morning, nothing but my insignificance +could prevent a speech being made on my authority, before the end of +next week. It so happens that in that 'Popular Sovereignty' with which +Mr. Clay was identified, the Missouri Compromise was expressly reserved; +and it was a little singular if Mr. Clay cast his mantle upon Judge +Douglas on purpose to have that Compromise repealed. Again, the Judge +did not keep faith with Mr. Clay when he first brought in the Nebraska +Bill. He left the Missouri Compromise unrepealed, and in his report +accompanying the Bill, he told the World he did it on purpose. The +manes of Mr. Clay must have been in great agony, till thirty days later, +when 'Popular Sovereignty' stood forth in all its glory."</p> + +<p>Touching Mr. Douglas's allegations of Mr. Lincoln's disposition to make +Negroes equal with the Whites, socially and politically, the latter +said: "My declarations upon this subject of Negro Slavery may be +misrepresented, but cannot be misunderstood. I have said that I do not +understand the Declaration (of Independence) to mean that all men were +created equal in all respects. They are not equal in color; but I +suppose that it does mean to declare that all men are equal in some +respects; they are equal in their right to 'Life, Liberty, and the +pursuit of Happiness.' Certainly the Negro is not our equal in +color—perhaps not in many other respects; still, in the right to put into his +mouth the bread that his own hands have earned, he is the equal of every +other man, White or Black. In pointing out that more has been given +you, you cannot be justified in taking away the little which has been +given him. All I ask for the Negro is that if you do not like him, let +him alone. If God gave him but little, that little let him enjoy.</p> + +<p>"The framers of the Constitution," continued Mr. Lincoln, "found the +institution of Slavery amongst their other institutions at the time. +They found that by an effort to eradicate it, they might lose much of +what they had already gained. They were obliged to bow to the +necessity. They gave Congress power to abolish the Slave Trade at the +end of twenty years. They also prohibited it in the Territories where +it did not exist. They did what they could, and yielded to the +necessity for the rest. I also yield to all which follows from that +necessity. What I would most desire would be the separation of the +White and Black races."</p> + +<p>Mr. Lincoln closed his speech by referring to the "New Departure" of +the Democracy—to the charge he had made, in his 16th of June speech, +touching "the existence of a Conspiracy to Perpetuate and Nationalize +Slavery"—which Mr. Douglas had not contradicted—and, said he, "on his +own tacit admission I renew that charge. I charge him with having been +a party to that Conspiracy, and to that deception, for the sole purpose +of Nationalizing Slavery."</p> + +<p>This closed the series of preliminary speeches in the canvass. But they +only served to whet the moral and intellectual and political appetite of +the public for more. It was generally conceded that, at last, in the +person of Mr. Lincoln, the "Little Giant" had met his match.</p> + +<p>On July 24, Mr. Lincoln opened a correspondence with Mr. Douglas, which +eventuated in an agreement between them, July 31st, for +joint-discussions, to take place at Ottawa, Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston, +Galesburgh, Quincy, and Alton, on fixed dates in August, September and +October—at Ottawa, Mr. Douglas to open and speak one hour, Mr. Lincoln +to have an hour and a half in reply, and Mr. Douglas to close in a half +hour's speech; at Freeport, Mr. Lincoln to open and speak for one hour, +Mr. Douglas to take the next hour and a half in reply, and Mr. Lincoln +to have the next half hour to close; and so on, alternating at each +successive place, making twenty-one hours of joint political debate.</p> + +<p>To these absorbingly interesting discussions, vast assemblages listened +with breathless attention; and to the credit of all parties be it said, +with unparalleled decorum. The People evidently felt that the greatest +of all political principles—that of Human Liberty—was hanging on the +issue of this great political contest between intellectual giants, thus +openly waged before the World—and they accordingly rose to the dignity +and solemnity of the occasion, vindicating by their very example the +sacredness with which the Right of Free Speech should be regarded at all +times and everywhere.</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<center> +<img alt="p098-lincoln.jpg (86K)" src="images/p098-lincoln.jpg" height="874" width="590"> +</center> +<br><br><br> + +<a name="ch5"></a> +<br><br> +<center><h2> + + CHAPTER V.<br><br> + + THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST OF 1860—<br> + THE CRISIS APPROACHING. +</h2></center><br> +<p>The immediate outcome of the remarkable joint-debate between the two +intellectual giants of Illinois was, that while the popular vote stood +124,698 for Lincoln, to 121,130 for Douglas—showing a victory for +Lincoln among the People—yet, enough Douglas-Democrats were elected to +the Legislature, when added to those of his friends in the Illinois +Senate, who had been elected two years before, and "held over," to give +him, in all, 54 members of both branches of the Legislature on joint +ballot, against 46 for Mr. Lincoln. Lincoln had carried the people, but +Douglas had secured the Senatorial prize for which they had striven—and +by that Legislative vote was elected to succeed himself in the United +States Senate. This result was trumpeted throughout the Union as a +great Douglas victory.</p> + +<p>During the canvass of Illinois, Douglas's friends had seen to it that +nothing on their part should be wanting to secure success. What with +special car trains, and weighty deputations, and imposing processions, +and flag raisings, the inspiration of music, the booming of cannon, and +the eager shouts of an enthusiastic populace, his political journey +through Illinois had been more like a Royal Progress than anything the +Country had yet seen; and now that his reelection was accomplished, they +proposed to make the most of it—to extend, as it were, the sphere of +his triumph, or vindication, so that it would include not the State +alone, but the Nation—and thus so accentuate and enhance his +availability as a candidate for the Democratic Presidential nomination +of 1860, as to make his nomination and election to the Presidency of the +United States an almost foregone conclusion.</p> + +<p>The programme was to raise so great a popular tidal-wave in his +interest, as would bear him irresistibly upon its crest to the White +House. Accordingly, as the idol of the Democratic popular heart, +Douglas, upon his return to the National Capital, was triumphantly +received by the chief cities of the Mississippi and the Atlantic +sea-board. Hailed as victor in the great political contest in Illinois—upon +the extended newspaper reports of which, the absorbed eyes of the entire +nation, for months, had greedily fed—Douglas was received with much +ostentation and immense enthusiasm at St. Louis, Memphis, New Orleans, +New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington. Like the "Triumphs" +decreed by Rome, in her grandest days, to the greatest of her victorious +heroes, Douglas's return was a series of magnificent popular ovations,</p> + +<p>In a speech made two years before this period, Mr. Lincoln, while +contrasting his own political career with that of Douglas, and modestly +describing his own as "a flat failure" had said: "With him it has been +one of splendid success. His name fills the Nation, and is not unknown +even in foreign lands. I affect no contempt for the high eminence he +has reached. So reached, that the oppressed of my species might have +shared with me in the elevation, I would rather stand on that eminence +than wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow." And +now the star of Douglas had reached a higher altitude, nearing its +meridian splendor. He had become the popular idol of the day.</p> + +<p>But Douglas's partial victory—if such it was—so far from settling the +public mind and public conscience, had the contrary effect. It added to +the ferment which the Pro-Slavery Oligarchists of the South—and +especially those of South Carolina—were intent upon increasing, until +so grave and serious a crisis should arrive as would, in their opinion, +furnish a justifiable pretext in the eyes of the World for the +contemplated Secession of the Slave States from the Union.</p> + +<p>Under the inspiration of the Slave Power, and in the direct line of the +Dred Scott decision, and of the "victorious" doctrine of Senator +Douglas, which he held not inconsistent therewith, that the people of +any Territory of the United States could do as they pleased as to the +institution of Slavery within their own limits, and if they desired the +institution, they had the right by local legislation to "protect and +encourage it," the Legislature of the Territory of New Mexico at once +(1859) proceeded to enact a law "for the protection of property in +Slaves," and other measures similar to the prevailing Slave Codes in the +Southern States.</p> + +<p>The aggressive attitude of the South—as thus evidenced anew—naturally +stirred, to their very core, the Abolition elements of the North; on the +other hand, the publication of Hinton Rowan Helper's "Impending Crisis," +which handled the Slavery question without gloves, and supported its +views with statistics which startled the Northern mind, together with +its alleged indorsement by the leading Republicans of the North, +exasperated the fiery Southrons to an intense degree. Nor was the +capture, in October, 1859, of Harper's Ferry, Virginia, by John Brown +and his handful of Northern Abolitionist followers, and his subsequent +execution in Virginia, calculated to allay the rapidly intensifying +feeling between the Freedom-loving North and the Slaveholding South. +When, therefore, the Congress met, in December, 1859, the sectional +wrath of the Country was reflected in the proceedings of both branches +of that body, and these again reacted upon the People of both the +Northern and Southern States, until the fires of Slavery Agitation were +stirred to a white heat.</p> + +<p>The bitterness of feeling in the House at this time, was shown, in part, +by the fact that not until the 1st of February, 1860, was it able, upon +a forty-fourth ballot, to organize by the election of a Speaker, and +that from the day of its meeting on the 5th of December, 1859, up to +such organization, it was involved in an incessant and stormy wrangle +upon the Slavery question.</p> + +<p>So also in the Democratic Senate, the split in the Democratic Party, +between the Lecompton and Anti-Lecompton Democracy, was widened, at the +same time that the Republicans of the North were further irritated, by +the significantly decisive passage of a series of resolutions proposed +by Jefferson Davis, which, on the one hand, purposely and deliberately +knifed Douglas's "Popular Sovereignty" doctrine and read out of the +Party all who believed in it, by declaring "That neither Congress nor a +Territorial Legislature, whether by direct legislation, or legislation +of an indirect and unfriendly character, possesses power to annul or +impair the Constitutional right of any citizen of the United States to +take his Slave-property into the common Territories, and there hold and +enjoy the same while the Territorial condition remains," and, on the +other, purposely and deliberately slapped in the face the Republicans of +the North, by declaring—among other things "That in the adoption of the +Federal Constitution, the States adopting the same, acted severally as +Free and Independent sovereignties, delegating a portion of their powers +to be exercised by the Federal Government for the increased security of +each against dangers, domestic as well as foreign; and that any +intermeddling by any one or more States or by a combination of their +citizens, with the domestic institutions of the others, on any pretext +whatever, political, moral, or religious, with a view to their +disturbance or subversion, is in violation of the Constitution, +insulting to the States so interfered with, endangers their domestic +peace and tranquillity—objects for which the Constitution was +formed—and, by necessary consequence, tends to weaken and destroy the Union +itself."</p> + +<p>Another of these resolutions declared Negro Slavery to be recognized in +the Constitution, and that all "open or covert attacks thereon with a +view to its overthrow," made either by the Non-Slave-holding States or +their citizens, violated the pledges of the Constitution, "are a +manifest breach of faith, and a violation of the most solemn +obligations."</p> + +<p>This last was intended as a blow at the Freedom of Speech and of the +Press in the North; and only served, as was doubtless intended, to still +more inflame Northern public feeling, while at the same time endeavoring +to place the arrogant and aggressive Slave Power in an attitude of +injured innocence. In short, the time of both Houses of Congress was +almost entirely consumed during the Session of 1859-60 in the heated, +and sometimes even furious, discussion of the Slavery question; and +everywhere, North and South, the public mind was not alone deeply +agitated, but apprehensive that the Union was founded not upon a rock, +but upon the crater of a volcano, whose long-smouldering energies might +at any moment burst their confines, and reduce it to ruin and +desolation.</p> + +<p>On the 23rd of April, 1860, the Democratic National Convention met at +Charleston, South Carolina. It was several days after the permanent +organization of the Convention before the Committee on Resolutions +reported to the main body, and not until the 30th of April did it reach +a vote upon the various reports, which had in the meantime been +modified. The propositions voted upon were three:</p> + +<p>First, The Majority Report of the Committee, which reaffirmed the +Cincinnati platform of 1856—with certain "explanatory" resolutions +added, which boldly proclaimed: "That the Government of a Territory +organized by an Act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and, +during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal +right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their +rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by +Congressional or Territorial Legislation;" that "it is the duty of the +Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, +the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else +its Constitutional authority extends;" that "when the settlers in a +Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the +right of Sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into +the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other +States, and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the +Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the +institution of Slavery;" and that "the enactments of State Legislatures +to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile +in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in +effect." The resolutions also included a declaration in favor of the +acquisition of Cuba, and other comparatively minor matters.</p> + +<p>Second, The Minority Report of the Committee, which, after re-affirming +the Cincinnati platform, declared that "Inasmuch as differences of +opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the +powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of +Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the +institution of Slavery within the Territories * * * the Democratic Party +will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on +the questions of Constitutional law."</p> + +<p>Third, The recommendation of Benjamin F. Butler, that the platform +should consist simply of a re-affirmation of the Cincinnati platform, +and not another word.</p> + +<p>The last proposition was first voted on, and lost, by 105 yeas to 198 +nays. The Minority platform was then adopted by 165 yeas to 138 nays.</p> + +<p>The aggressive Slave-holders (Majority) platform, and the Butler +Compromise do-nothing proposition, being both defeated, and the Douglas +(Minority) platform adopted, the Alabama delegation, under instructions +from their State Convention to withdraw in case the National Convention +refused to adopt radical Territorial Pro-Slavery resolutions, at once +presented a written protest and withdrew from the Convention, and were +followed, in rapid succession, by; the delegates from Mississippi, +Louisiana (all but two), South Carolina, Florida, Texas, Arkansas (in +part), Delaware (mostly), and Georgia (mostly)—the seceding delegates +afterwards organizing in another Hall, adopting the above Majority +platform, and after a four days' sitting, adjourning to meet at +Richmond, Virginia, on the 11th of June.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, the Regular Democratic National Convention had proceeded to +ballot for President—after adopting the two-thirds rule. Thirty-seven +ballots having been cast, that for Stephen A. Douglas being, on the +thirty-seventh, 151, the Convention, on the 3d of May, adjourned to meet +again at Baltimore, June 18th.</p> + +<p>After re-assembling, and settling contested election cases, the +delegates (in whole or in part) from Virginia, North Carolina, +Tennessee, California, Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland and Massachusetts, +withdrew from the Convention, the latter upon the ground mainly that +there had been "a withdrawal, in part, of a majority of the States," +while Butler, who had voted steadily for Jefferson Davis throughout all +the balloting at Charleston, gave as an additional ground personal to +himself, that "I will not sit in a convention where the African Slave +Trade—which is piracy by the laws of my Country—is approvingly +advocated"—referring thereby to a speech, that had been much applauded +by the Convention at Charleston, made by a Georgia delegate (Gaulden), +in which that delegate had said: "I would ask my friends of the South to +come up in a proper spirit; ask our Northern friends to give us all our +rights, and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply +of Slaves from foreign lands. * * * I tell you, fellow Democrats, that +the African Slave Trader is the true Union man (cheers and laughter). I +tell you that the Slave Trading of Virginia is more immoral, more +unchristian in every possible point of view, than that African Slave +Trade which goes to Africa and brings a heathen and worthless man here, +makes him a useful man, Christianizes him, and sends him and his +posterity down the stream of Time, to enjoy the blessings of +civilization. (Cheers and laughter.) * * * I come from the first +Congressional District of Georgia. I represent the African Slave Trade +interest of that Section. (Applause.) I am proud of the position I +occupy in that respect. I believe that the African Slave Trader is a +true missionary, and a true Christian. (Applause.) * * * Are you +prepared to go back to first principles, and take off your +unconstitutional restrictions, and leave this question to be settled by +each State? Now, do this, fellow citizens, and you will have Peace in +the Country. * * * I advocate the repeal of the laws prohibiting the +African Slave Trade, because I believe it to be the true Union movement. +* * * I believe that by re-opening this Trade and giving us Negroes to +populate the Territories, the equilibrium of the two Sections will be +maintained."</p> + +<p>After the withdrawal of the bolting delegates at Baltimore, the +Convention proceeded to ballot for President, and at the end of the +second ballot, Mr. Douglas having received "two-thirds of all votes +given in the Convention" (183) was declared the "regular nominee of the +Democratic Party, for the office of President of the United States."</p> + +<p>An additional resolution was subsequently adopted as a part of the +platform, declaring that "it is in accordance with the true +interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of +the Territorial Governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may +be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial +Legislatures over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has +been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of +the United States, should be respected by all good citizens, and +enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General +Government."</p> + +<p>On the 11th of June, pursuant to adjournment, the Democratic Bolters' +Convention met at Richmond, and, after adjourning to meet at Baltimore, +finally met there on the 28th of that month—twenty-one States being, in +whole or in part, represented. This Convention unanimously readopted +the Southern-wing platform it had previously adopted at Charleston, and, +upon the first ballot, chose, without dissent, John C. Breckinridge of +Kentucky, as its candidate for the Presidential office.</p> + +<p>In the meantime, however, the National Conventions of other Parties had +been held, viz.: that of the Republican Party at Chicago, which, with a +session of three days, May 16-18, had nominated Abraham Lincoln of +Illinois and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, for President and Vice-President +respectively; and that of the "Constitutional Union" (or Native +American) Party which had severally nominated (May 19) for such +positions, John Bell of Tennessee, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts.</p> + +<p>The material portion of the Republican National platform, adopted with +entire unanimity by their Convention, was, so far as the Slavery and +Disunion questions were concerned, comprised in these declarations:</p> + +<p>First, That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has +fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and +perpetuation of the Republican Party; and that the causes which called +it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever +before, demand its peaceful and Constitutional triumph.</p> + +<p>Second, That the maintenance of the principle, promulgated in the +Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, +"that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator +with certain inalienable rights; that among these are Life, Liberty and +the pursuit of Happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are +instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the +governed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican +institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the +States, and the Union of the States must and shall be preserved.</p> + +<p>Third, That to the Union of the States, this Nation owes its +unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of +material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at +home, and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for +Disunion, come from whatever source they may: And we congratulate the +Country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or +countenanced the threats of Disunion, so often made by Democratic +members, without rebuke, and with applause, from their political +associates; and we denounce those threats of Disunion, in case of a +popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles +of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated Treason, which it +is the imperative duty of an indignant People, sternly to rebuke and +forever silence.</p> + +<p>Fourth, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and +especially the right of each State, to order and control its own +domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is +essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and +endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless +invasion, by armed force, of any State or Territory, no matter under +what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.</p> + +<p>Fifth, That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded our +worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of +a Sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions +to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people +of Kansas; in construing the personal relation between master and +servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted +enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of +Congress and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a +purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the +power intrusted to it by a confiding People.</p> + +<p>* * * * * * *</p> + +<p>Seventh, That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, +carries Slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, +is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit +provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, +and with legislation and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its +tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony of the Country.</p> + +<p>Eighth, That the normal condition of all the territory of the United +States is that of Freedom; that as our Republican fathers, when they had +abolished Slavery in all our National Territory, ordained that "No +person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due +process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such +legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution +against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of +Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give +legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of the United States.</p> + +<p>Ninth, That we brand the recent re-opening of the African Slave-trade +under the cover of our National flag, aided by perversions of judicial +power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our Country +and Age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures +for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.</p> + +<p>Tenth, That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal Governors, of the +acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting Slavery in +those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted +Democratic principle of Non-Intervention and Popular Sovereignty +embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and a demonstration of the +deception and fraud involved therein.</p> + +<p>Eleventh, That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a +State, under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by the House +of Representatives.</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p>The National platform of the "Constitutional Union" Party, was adopted, +unanimously, in these words:</p> + +<p>"Whereas, experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the +partisan Conventions of the Country have had the effect to mislead and +deceive the People, and at the same time to widen the political +divisions of the Country, by the creation and encouragement of +geographical and Sectional parties; therefore,</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of +duty to recognize no political principle other than the Constitution of +the Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws, +and that, as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the +Country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to +maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great +principles of public liberty and national safety, against all enemies, +at home and abroad; believing that thereby peace may once more be +restored to the Country, the rights of the people and of the States +re-established, and the Government again placed in that condition of +justice, fraternity, and equality which, under the example and +Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the +United States to maintain a more perfect Union, establish justice, +insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote +the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves +and our posterity."</p> + +<p>Thus, by the last of June, 1860, the four National Parties with their +platforms and candidates were all in the political field prepared for +the onset.</p> + +<p>Briefly, the attitude of the standard-bearers representing the +platform-principles of their several Parties, was this:</p> + +<p>Lincoln, representing the Republicans, held that Slavery is a wrong, to +be tolerated in the States where it exists, but which must be excluded +from the Territories, which are all normally Free and must be kept Free +by Congressional legislation, if necessary; and that neither Congress, +nor the Territorial Legislature, nor any individual, has power to give +to it legal existence in such Territories.</p> + +<p>Breckinridge, representing the Pro-Slavery wing of the Democracy, held +that Slavery is a right, which, when transplanted from the Slave-States +into the Territories, neither Congressional nor Territorial legislation +can destroy or impair, but which, on the contrary, must, when necessary, +be protected everywhere by Congress and all other departments of the +Government.</p> + +<p>Douglas, representing the Anti-Lecompton wing of Democracy, held that +whether Slavery be right or wrong, the white inhabitants of the +Territories have the sole right to determine whether it shall or shall +not exist within their respective limits, subject to the Constitution +and Supreme Court decisions thereon; and that neither Congress nor any +State, nor any outside persons, must interfere with that right.</p> + +<p>Bell, representing the remaining political elements, held that it was +all wrong to have any principles at all, except "the Constitution of the +Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws"—a +platform which Horace Greeley well described as "meaning anything in +general, and nothing in particular."</p> + +<p>The canvass that ensued was terribly exciting—Douglas alone, of all the +Presidential candidates, bravely taking the field, both North and South, +in person, in the hope that the magnetism of his personal presence and +powerful intellect might win what, from the start—owing to the adverse +machinations, in the Northern States, of the Administration or +Breckinridge-Democratic wing—seemed an almost hopeless fight. In the +South, the Democracy was almost a unit in opposition to Douglas, +holding, as they did, that "Douglas Free-Soilism" was "far more +dangerous to the South than the election of Lincoln; because it seeks to +create a Free-Soil Party there; while, if Lincoln triumphs, the result +cannot fail to be a South united in her own defense;" while the old Whig +element of the South was as unitedly for Bell. In the North, the +Democracy were split in twain, three-fourths of them upholding Douglas, +and the balance, powerful beyond their numbers in the possession of +Federal Offices, bitterly hostile to him, and anxious to beat him, even +at the expense of securing the election of Lincoln.</p> + +<p>Douglas's fight was that the candidacy and platform of Bell were +meaningless, those of both Lincoln and Breckinridge, Sectional, and that +he alone bore aloft the standard of the entire Union; while, on the +other hand, the supporters of Lincoln, his chief antagonist, claimed +that—as the burden of the song from the lips of Douglas men, Bell men, +and Breckinridge men alike, was the expression of a "fear that," in the +language of Mr. Seward, "if the people elected Mr. Lincoln to the +Presidency, they would wake up and find that they had no Country for him +to preside over"—"therefore, all three of the parties opposing Mr. +Lincoln were in the same boat, and hence the only true Union party, was +the party which made no threats of Disunion, to wit, the Republican +party."</p> + +<p>The October elections of 1860 made it plain that Mr. Lincoln would be +elected. South Carolina began to "feel good" over the almost certainty +that the pretext for Secession for which her leaders had been hoping in +vain for thirty years, was at hand. On the 25th of October, at Augusta, +South Carolina, the Governor, the Congressional delegation, and other +leading South Carolinians, met, and decided that in the event of Mr. +Lincoln's election, that State would secede. Similar meetings, to the +same end, were also held about the same time, in others of the Southern +States. On the 5th of November—the day before the Presidential +election—the Legislature of South Carolina met at the special call of +Governor Gist, and, having organized, received a Message from the +Governor, in which, after stating that he had convened that Body in +order that they might on the morrow "appoint the number of electors of +President and Vice-President to which this State is entitled," he +proceeded to suggest "that the Legislature remain in session, and take +such action as will prepare the State for any emergency that may arise." +He went on to "earnestly recommend that, in the event of Abraham +Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a Convention of the people of this +State be immediately called, to consider and determine for themselves +the mode and measure of redress," and, he continued: "I am constrained +to say that the only alternative left, in my judgment, is the Secession +of South Carolina from the Federal Union. The indications from many of +the Southern States justify the conclusion that the Secession of South +Carolina will be immediately followed, if not adopted simultaneously, by +them, and ultimately by the entire South. The long-desired cooperation +of the other States having similar institutions, for which so many of +our citizens have been waiting, seems to be near at hand; and, if we are +true to ourselves, will soon be realized. The State has, with great +unanimity declared that she has the right peaceably to Secede, and no +power on earth can rightfully prevent it."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Referring to the Ordinance of Nullification adopted by the people + of South Carolina, November 24, 1832, growing out of the Tariff Act + of 1832—wherein it was declared that, in the event of the Federal + Government undertaking to enforce the provisions of that Act: "The + people of this State will thenceforth hold themselves absolved from + all further obligation to maintain or preserve their political + connection with the people of the other States, and will forthwith + proceed to organize a separate government, and do all other acts + and things which Sovereign and independent States may of right + do."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>He proceeded to say that "If, in the exercise of arbitrary power, and +forgetful of the lessons of history, the Government of the United States +should attempt coercion, it will become our solemn duty to meet force by +force"—and promised that the decision of the aforesaid Convention +"representing the Sovereignty of the State, and amenable to no earthly +tribunal," should be, by him, "carried out to the letter." He +recommended the thorough reorganization of the Militia; the arming of +every man in the State between the ages of eighteen and forty-five; and +the immediate enrollment of ten thousand volunteers officered by +themselves; and concluded with a confident "appeal to the Disposer of +all human events," in whose keeping the "Cause" was to be entrusted.</p> + +<p>That same evening (November 5), being the eve of the election, at +Augusta, South Carolina, in response to a serenade, United States +Senator Chestnut made a speech of like import, in which, after +predicting the election of Mr. Lincoln, he said: "Would the South submit +to a Black Republican President, and a Black Republican Congress, which +will claim the right to construe the Constitution of the Country, and +administer the Government in their own hands, not by the law of the +instrument itself, nor by that of the fathers of the Country, nor by the +practices of those who administered seventy years ago, but by rules +drawn from their own blind consciences and crazy brains? * * * The +People now must choose whether they would be governed by enemies, or +govern themselves."</p> + +<p>He declared that the Secession of South Carolina was an "undoubted +right," a "duty," and their "only safety" and as to himself, he would +"unfurl the Palmetto flag, fling it to the breeze, and, with the spirit +of a brave man, live and die as became" his "glorious ancestors, and +ring the clarion notes of defiance in the ears of an insolent foe!"</p> + +<p>So also, in Columbia, South Carolina, Representative Boyce of that +State, and other prominent politicians, harangued an enthusiastic crowd +that night—Mr. Boyce declaring: "I think the only policy for us is to +arm, as soon as we receive authentic intelligence of the election of +Lincoln. It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by the +most direct means, to withdraw from the Union. Then we will not submit, +whether the other Southern States will act with us or with our enemies. +They cannot take sides with our enemies; they must take sides with us. +When an ancient philosopher wished to inaugurate a great revolution, his +motto was to dare! to dare!"</p> + +<br><br> + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p2.htm">Next Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + +</body> +</html> + diff --git a/old/orig7140-h/p2.htm b/old/orig7140-h/p2.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..45f68fd --- /dev/null +++ b/old/orig7140-h/p2.htm @@ -0,0 +1,4622 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> +<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 2</title> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> + + +<style type="text/css"> + <!-- + body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify} + P { + text-indent: 1em; + margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; } + HR { width: 33%; text-align: center; } + blockquote {font-size: 95% } + .figleft {float: left;} + .figright {float: right;} + .toc { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;} + CENTER { padding: 10px;} + // --> +</style> + + +</head> +<body> + +<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 2</h2> + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p1.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p3.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br><br><br><br><br> + + + +<h1> THE GREAT CONSPIRACY</h1> +<br> + <h2>Its Origin and History</h2> + <br> + <h3>By</h3> + <br> + <h1>John Logan</h1> +<br><br> + <h2> Part 2.</h2> +<br> +<br> + +<br><br><br><br> +<center> +<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692"> +<br><br><br><br> +<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665"> +</center> + +<br><br><br><br> + +<h2> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> + CONTENTS</h2> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch6">CHAPTER VI.</a><br> + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY MATURING.</h2> +<br> +LINCOLN'S ELECTION ASSURED—SOUTHERN EXULTATION—NORTHERN GLOOM—"FIRING +THE SOUTHERN HEART"—RESIGNATIONS OF FEDERAL OFFICERS AND SENATORS OF +SOUTH CAROLINA—GOVERNOR BROWN, OF GEORGIA, DEFIES "FEDERAL +COERCION"—ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS'S ARGUMENT AGAINST SECESSION—SOUTH CAROLINA +CALLS AN "UNCONDITIONAL SECESSION CONVENTION"—THE CALL SETS THE SOUTH +ABLAZE—PROCLAMATIONS OF THE GOVERNORS OF THE SOUTHERN STATES, FAVORING +REVOLT—LOYAL ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN OF KENTUCKY—THE CLAMOR OF +REVOLT SILENCES APPEALS FOR UNION—PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S PITIFUL +WEAKNESS—CONSPIRATORS IN HIS CABINET—IMBECILITY OF HIS LAST ANNUAL +MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DEC., 1860—ATTORNEY-GENERAL JEREMIAH BLACK'S +OPINION AGAINST COERCION—CONTRAST AFFORDED BY GENERAL JACKSON'S LOYAL +LOGIC—ENSUING DEBATES IN CONGRESS—SETTLED PURPOSE OF THE CONSPIRATORS +TO RESIST PLACATION—FUTILE LABORS OF UNION MEN IN CONGRESS FOR A +PEACEFUL SOLUTION—ABSURD DEMANDS OF THE IMPLACABLES—THE COMMERCIAL +NORTH ON ITS KNEES TO THE SOUTH—CONCILIATION ABJECTLY BEGGED +FOR—BRUTAL SNEERS AT THE NORTH, AND THREATS OF CLINGMAN, IVERSON, AND OTHER +SOUTHERN FIREEATERS, IN THE U. S. SENATE—THEIR BLUSTER MET BY STURDY +REPUBLICANS—BEN WADE GALLANTLY STANDS BY THE "VERDICT OF THE +PEOPLE"—PEACEFUL-SETTLEMENT PROPOSITIONS IN THE HOUSE—ADRIAN'S RESOLUTION, AND +VOTE—LOVEJOY'S COUNTER-RESOLUTION, AND VOTE—ADOPTION OF MORRIS'S UNION +RESOLUTION IN HOUSE<br> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch7">CHAPTER VII.</a><br> + SECESSION ARMING.<br></h2> +<br> +THE SOUTH CAROLINA SECESSION CONVENTION MEETS—SPEECHES AT "SECESSION +HALL" OF PARKER, KEITT, INGLIS, BARNWELL, RHETT, AND GREGG, THE FIRST +ORDINANCE OF SECESSION—ITS JUBILANT ADOPTION AND +RATIFICATION—SECESSION STAMPEDE—A SOUTHERN CONGRESS PROPOSED—PICKENS'S PROCLAMATION +OF SOVEREIGN INDEPENDENCE—SOUTH CAROLINA CONGRESSMEN +WITHDRAW—DISSENSIONS IN BUCHANAN'S CABINET—COBB FLOYD, AND THOMPSON, +DEMAND WITHDRAWAL OF FEDERAL TROOPS—BUCHANAN'S +REPLY—SEIZURE OF FORTS, ETC.—THE "STAR OF THE WEST" FIRED ON—THE MAD +RUSH OF REBELLIOUS EVENTS—SOUTH CAROLINA DEMANDS THE SURRENDER OF FORT +SUMTER AND THE DEMAND REFUSED—SECRETARY HOLT'S LETTER TO CONSPIRING +SENATORS AND REBEL AGENT—TROOP'S AT THE NATIONAL CAPITAL—HOLT'S +REASONS THEREFOR—THE REVOLUTIONARY PROGRAMME—"ARMED OCCUPATION OF +WASHINGTON CITY"—LINCOLN'S INAUGURATION TO BE PREVENTED—THE CRUMBLING +AND DISSOLVING UNION—THE NORTH STANDS AGHAST—GREAT DEBATE IN CONGRESS, +1860-1861—CLINGMAN ON THE SOUTHERN TARIFF-GRIEVANCE—DEFIANCE OF BROWN +OF MISSISSIPPI—IVERSON'S BLOODY THREAT—WIGFALL'S UNSCRUPULOUS +ADVICE—HIS INSULTING DEMANDS—BAKER'S GLORIOUSLY ELOQUENT RESPONSE—ANDY JOHNSON +THREATENED WITH BULLETS—THE NORTH BULLIED—INSOLENT, IMPOSSIBLE TERMS OF +PEACE—LINCOLN'S SPEECHES EN ROUTE FOR WASHINGTON—SAVE ARRIVAL—"I'LL +TRY TO STEER HER THROUGH!"—THE SOUTH TAUNTS HIM—WIGFALL'S CHALLENGE +TO THE BLOODY ISSUE OF ARMS!<br> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch8">CHAPTER VIII.</a><br> + THE REJECTED OLIVE BRANCH.</h2> +<br> +THE VARIOUS COMPROMISES OFFERED BY THE NORTH—"THE CRITTENDEN +COMPROMISE"—THE PEACE CONFERENCE—COMPROMISE PROPOSITIONS OF THE +SOUTHERN CONSPIRATORS—IRRECONCILABLE ATTITUDE OF THE PLOTTERS—HISTORY +OF THE COMPROMISE MEASURES IN CONGRESS—CLARK'S SUBSTITUTE TO CRITTENDEN +RESOLUTIONS IN THE SENATE—ANTHONY'S MORE THAN EQUITABLE +PROPOSITIONS—HIS AFFECTING APPEAL TO STONY HEARTS—THE CONSPIRACY DEVELOPING—SIX +SOUTHERN SENATORS REFUSE TO VOTE AGAINST THE CLARK SUBSTITUTE—ITS +CONSEQUENT ADOPTION, AND DEFEAT OF THE CRITTENDEN RESOLUTIONS—LYING +TELEGRAMS FROM CONSPIRING SENATORS TO FURTHER INFLAME +REBELLION—SAULSBURY'S AFTERSTATEMENT (1862) AS TO CAUSES OF FAILURE OF +CRITTENDEN'S COMPROMISE—LATHAM'S GRAPHIC PROOF OF THE CONSPIRATORS' +"DELIBERATE, WILFUL DESIGN" TO KILL COMPROMISE—ANDREW JOHNSON'S +EVIDENCE AS TO THEIR ULTIMATE OBJECT "PLACE AND EMOLUMENT FOR +THEMSELVES"—"THE POWERS OF GOVERNMENT IN THE HANDS OF THE FEW"—THE +CORWIN COMPROMISE RESOLUTION IN THE HOUSE—THE BURCH +AMENDMENT—KELLOGG'S PROPOSITION—THE CLEMENS SUBSTITUTE—PASSAGE BY THE HOUSE OF +CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PROHIBITING CONGRESSIONAL INTERFERENCE WITH +SLAVERY WHERE IT EXISTS—ITS ADOPTION BY THE SENATE—THE CLARK +SUBSTITUTE RECONSIDERED AND DEFEATED—PROPOSITIONS OF THE PEACE CONGRESS +LOST—REJECTION OF THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE<br> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch9">CHAPTER IX.</a><br> + SLAVERY'S SETTING AND FREEDOM'S DAWN.<br></h2> +<br> +THE LAST NIGHT OF THE 36TH CONGRESS—MR. CRITTENDEN'S PATRIOTIC +APPEAL—"THE SADDEST SPECTACLE EVER SEEN"—IMPOTENCY OF THE BETRAYED AND FALLING +STATE—DOUGLAS'S POWERFUL PLEA—PATRIOTISM OF HIMSELF AND +SUPPORTERS—LOGAN SUMMARIZES THE COMPROMISES, AND APPEALS TO PATRIOTISM ABOVE +PARTY—STATESMANLIKE BREADTH OF DOUGLAS, BAKER AND SEWARD—HENRY WINTER DAVIS +ELOQUENTLY CONDENSES "THE SITUATION" IN A NUTSHELL—"THE FIRST FRUITS OF +RECONCILIATION" OFFERED BY THE NORTH, SCORNED BY THE +CONSPIRATORS—WIGFALL AGAIN SPEAKS AS THE MOUTHPIECE OF THE SOUTH—HE RAVES VIOLENTLY +AT THE NORTH—THE SOUTH REJECTS PEACE "EITHER IN THE UNION, OR OUT OF +IT"—THE DAWN OF FREEDOM APPEARS (MARCH 4TH, 1861)—INAUGURATION OF +PRESIDENT LINCOLN—LINCOLN'S FIRST INAUGURAL—GRANDEUR AND PATHOS OF HIS +PATRIOTIC UTTERANCES—HIS FIRST SLEEPLESS AND PRAYERFUL NIGHT AT THE +WHITE HOUSE—THE MORROW, AND ITS BITTER DISAPPOINTMENT—THE MESSAGE OF +"PEACE AND GOOD WILL" REGARDED AS A "CHALLENGE TO WAR"—PRESIDENT +LINCOLN'S CABINET<br> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch10">CHAPTER X.</a><br> + THE WAR-DRUM—"ON TO WASHINGTON!"<br></h2> +<br> +REBEL COMMISSIONERS AT WASHINGTON ON A "MISSION"—SEWARD "SITS DOWN" ON +THEM—HE REFUSES TO RECOGNIZE "CONFEDERATE STATES"—THE REBEL +COMMISSIONERS "ACCEPT THE GAGE OF BATTLE THUS THROWN DOWN TO +THEM"—ATTEMPT TO PROVISION FORT SUMTER—THE REBELS NOTIFIED—THE FORT AND ITS +SURROUNDINGS—THE FIRST GUN OF SLAVERY FIRED—TERRIFIC BOMBARDMENT OF +THE FORT—THE GARRISON, STARVED AND BURNED OUT, EVACUATES, WITH ALL THE +HONORS OF WAR—THE SOUTH CRAZY WITH EXULTATION—TE DEUMS SUNG, SALUTES +FIRED, AND THE REBEL GOVERNMENT SERENADED—"ON TO WASHINGTON!" THE +REBEL CRY—"GRAY JACKETS OVER THE BORDER"—PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S FIRST +PROCLAMATION AND CALL FOR TROOPS—INSULTING RESPONSES OF GOVERNORS +BURTON, HICKS, LETCHER, ELLIS, MAGOFFIN, HARRIS, JACKSON AND +RECTOR—LOYAL RESPONSES FROM GOVERNORS OF THE FREE STATES—MAGICAL EFFECT OF THE +CALL UPON THE LOYAL NORTH—FEELING IN THE BORDER-STATES—PRESIDENT +LINCOLN'S CLEAR SUMMARY OF THE SITUATION AND ITS PHILOSOPHY—HIS PLAIN +DUTY—THE WAR POWER—THE NATIONAL CAPITAL CUT OFF—EVACUATION OF +HARPER'S FERRY—LOYAL TROOPS TO THE RESCUE—FIGHTING THEIR WAY THROUGH +BALTIMORE—REBEL THREATS—"SCOTT THE ARCH—TRAITOR, AND LINCOLN THE +BEAST"—BUTLER RELIEVES WASHINGTON—THE SECESSION OF VIRGINIA AND NORTH +CAROLINA—SHAMEFUL EVACUATION OF NORFOLK NAVY YARD—SEIZURE OF MINTS AND +ARSENALS—UNION AND REBEL FORCES CONCENTRATING—THE NATIONAL CAPITAL +FORTIFIED—BLOCKADE OF SOUTHERN PORTS—DEATH OF ELLSWORTH—BUTLER +CONFISCATES NEGRO PROPERTY AS "CONTRABAND OF WAR"—A REBEL YARN +<br> +<br> +<br><br> + +<h3>PORTRAITS</h3> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +<a href="#hayne">ISAAC W. HAYNE,</a><br> +<a href="#seward">WM. H. SEWARD,</a><br> +<a href="#clay">HENRY CLAY,</a><br> +<a href="#davis">JEFFERSON DAVIS,</a><br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="hayne"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p120-hayne.jpg (73K)" src="images/p120-hayne.jpg" height="849" width="577"> +</center> +<br><br><br> + +<a name="ch6"></a> +<br><br> + + + +<center> +<h2> CHAPTER VI.<br> +<br> + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY MATURING.<br></h2> +</center> +<p>The 6th of November, 1860, came and passed; on the 7th, the prevailing +conviction that Lincoln would be elected had become a certainty, and +before the close of that day, the fact had been heralded throughout the +length and breadth of the Republic. The excitement of the People was +unparalleled. The Republicans of the North rejoiced that at last the +great wrong of Slavery was to be placed "where the People could rest in +the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction!" The +Douglas Democracy, naturally chagrined at the defeat of their great +leader, were filled with gloomy forebodings touching the future of their +Country; and the Southern Democracy, or at least a large portion of it, +openly exulted that at last the long-wished-for opportunity for a revolt +of the Slave Power, and a separation of the Slave from the Free States, +was at hand. Especially in South Carolina were the "Fire-eating" +Southrons jubilant over the event.</p> + +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> ["South Carolina rejoiced over the election of Lincoln, with + bonfires and processions." p. 172, Arnold's "Life of Abraham + Lincoln."</p> + +<p> "There was great joy in Charleston, and wherever 'Fire Eaters' most + did congregate, on the morning of November 7th. Men rushed to + shake hands and congratulate each other on the glad tidings of + Lincoln's election. * * * Men thronged the streets, talking, + laughing, cheering, like mariners long becalmed on a hateful, + treacherous sea, whom a sudden breeze had swiftly wafted within + sight of their longed-for haven." p. 332, vol. i., Greeley's + American Conflict.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Meanwhile any number of joint resolutions looking to the calling of a +Secession Convention, were introduced in the South Carolina Legislature, +sitting at Columbia, having in view Secession contingent upon the +"cooperation" of the other Slave States, or looking to immediate and +"unconditional" Secession.</p> + +<p>On the evening of November 7th, Edmund Ruffin of Virginia—a Secession +fanatic who had come from thence in hot haste—in response to a +serenade, declared to the people of Columbia that: "The defense of the +South, he verily believed, was only to be secured through the lead of +South Carolina;" that, "old as he was, he had come here to join them in +that lead;" and that "every day delayed, was a day lost to the Cause." +He acknowledged that Virginia was "not as ready as South Carolina;" but +declared that "The first drop of blood spilled on the soil of South +Carolina would bring Virginia, and every Southern State, with them." He +thought "it was perhaps better that Virginia, and all other border +States, remain quiescent for a time, to serve as a guard against the +North. * * * By remaining in the Union for a time, she would not only +prevent coercive legislation in Congress, but any attempt for our +subjugation."</p> + +<p>That same evening came news that, at Charleston, the Grand Jury of the +United States District Court had refused to make any presentments, +because of the Presidential vote just cast, which, they said, had "swept +away the last hope for the permanence, for the stability, of the Federal +Government of these Sovereign States;" and that United States District +Judge Magrath had resigned his office, saying to the Grand Jury, as he +did so: "In the political history of the United States, an event has +happened of ominous import to fifteen Slave-holding States. The State +of which we are citizens has been always understood to have deliberately +fixed its purpose whenever that event should happen. Feeling an +assurance of what will be the action of the State, I consider it my +duty, without delay, to prepare to obey its wishes. That preparation is +made by the resignation of the office I have held."</p> + +<p>The news of the resignations of the Federal Collector and District +Attorney at Charleston, followed, with an intimation that that of the +Sub-Treasurer would soon be forthcoming. On November 9th, a joint +resolution calling an unconditional Secession Convention to meet at +Columbia December 17th, was passed by the Senate, and on the 12th of +November went through the House; and both of the United States Senators +from South Carolina had now resigned their seats in the United States +Senate.</p> + +<p>Besides all these and many other incitements to Secession was the fact +that at Milledgeville, Georgia, Governor Brown had, November 12th, +addressed a Georgian Military Convention, affirming "the right of +Secession, and the duty of other Southern States to sustain South +Carolina in the step she was then taking," and declaring that he "would +like to see Federal troops dare attempt the coercion of a seceding +Southern State! For every Georgian who fell in a conflict thus incited, +the lives of two Federal Soldiers should expiate the outrage on State +Sovereignty"—and that the Convention aforesaid had most decisively +given its voice for Secession.</p> + +<p>It was about this time, however, that Alexander H. Stephens vainly +sought to stem the tide of Secession in his own State, in a speech +(November 14) before the Georgia Legislature, in which he declared that +Mr. Lincoln "can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. +The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him. In +the Senate he will also be powerless. There will be a majority of four +against him." He also cogently said: "Many of us have sworn to support +it (the Constitution). Can we, therefore, for the mere election of a +man to the Presidency—and that too, in accordance with the prescribed +forms of the Constitution—make a point of resistance to the Government, +and, without becoming the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves, +withdraw ourselves from it? Would we not be in the wrong?"</p> + +<p>But the occasional words of wisdom that fell from the lips of the few +far-seeing statesmen of the South, were as chaff before the storm of +Disunion raised by the turbulent Fire-eaters, and were blown far from +the South, where they might have done some good for the Union cause, +away up to the North, where they contributed to aid the success of the +contemplated Treason and Rebellion, by lulling many of the people there, +into a false sense of security. Unfortunately, also, even the ablest of +the Southern Union men were so tainted with the heretical doctrine of +States-Rights, which taught the "paramount allegiance" of the citizen to +the State, that their otherwise powerful appeals for the preservation of +the Union were almost invariably handicapped by the added protestation +that in any event—and however they might deplore the necessity—they +would, if need be, go with their State, against their own convictions of +duty to the National Union.</p> + +<p>Hence in this same speech we find that Mr. Stephens destroyed the whole +effect of his weighty and logical appeal against Secession from the +Union, by adding to it, that, "Should Georgia determine to go out of the +Union I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause is my cause, +and their destiny is my destiny; and I trust this will be the ultimate +course of all."—and by further advising the calling of a Convention of +the people to decide the matter; thus, in advance, as it were, binding +himself hand and foot, despite his previous Union utterances, to do the +fell bidding of the most rampant Disunionists. And thus, in due time, +it befell, as we shall see, that this "saving clause" in his "Union +speech," brought him at the end, not to that posture of patriotic +heroism to which he aspired when he adjured his Georgian auditors to +"let us be found to the last moment standing on the deck (of the +Republic), with the Constitution of the United States waving over our +heads," but to that of an imprisoned traitor and defeated rebel against +the very Republic and Constitution which he had sworn to uphold and +defend!</p> + +<p>The action of the South Carolina Legislature in calling an Unconditional +Secession Convention, acted among the Southern States like a spark in a +train of gunpowder. Long accustomed to incendiary resolutions of +Pro-Slavery political platforms, as embodying the creed of Southern men; +committed by those declarations to the most extreme action when, in +their judgment, the necessity should arise; and worked up during the +Presidential campaign by swarming Federal officials inspired by the +fanatical Secession leaders; the entire South only needed the spark from +the treasonable torch of South Carolina, to find itself ablaze, almost +from one end to the other, with the flames of revolt.</p> + +<p>Governor after Governor, in State after State, issued proclamation after +proclamation, calling together their respective Legislatures, to +consider the situation and whether their respective States should join +South Carolina in seceding from the Union. Kentucky alone, of them all, +seemed for a time to keep cool, and look calmly and reasonably through +the Southern ferment to the horrors beyond. In an address issued by +Governor Magoffin of that State, to the people, he said:</p> + +<p>"To South Carolina and such other States as may wish to secede from the +Union, I would say: The geography of this Country will not admit of a +division; the mouth and sources of the Mississippi River cannot be +separated without the horrors of Civil War. We cannot sustain you in +this movement merely on account of the election of Mr. Lincoln. Do not +precipitate by premature action into a revolution or Civil War, the +consequences of which will be most frightful to all of us. It may yet +be avoided. There is still hope, faint though it be. Kentucky is a +Border State, and has suffered more than all of you. * * * She has a +right to claim that her voice, and the voice of reason, and moderation +and patriotism shall be heard and heeded by you. If you secede, your +representatives will go out of Congress and leave us at the mercy of a +Black Republican Government. Mr. Lincoln will have no check. He can +appoint his Cabinet, and have it confirmed. The Congress will then be +Republican, and he will be able to pass such laws as he may suggest. +The Supreme Court will be powerless to protect us. We implore you to +stand by us, and by our friends in the Free States; and let us all, the +bold, the true, and just men in the Free and Slave States, with a united +front, stand by each other, by our principles, by our rights, our +equality, our honor, and by the Union under the Constitution. I believe +this is the only way to save it; and we can do it."</p> + +<p>But this "still small voice" of conscience and of reason, heard like a +whisper from the mouths of Stephens in Georgia, and Magoffin in +Kentucky, was drowned in the clamor and tumult of impassioned harangues +and addresses, and the drumming and tramp of the "minute men" of South +Carolina, and other military organizations, as they excitedly prepared +throughout the South for the dread conflict at arms which they +recklessly invited, and savagely welcomed.</p> + +<p>We have seen how President Andrew Jackson some thirty years before, had +stamped out Nullification and Disunion in South Carolina, with an iron +heel.</p> + +<p>But a weak and feeble old man—still suffering from the effects of the +mysterious National Hotel poisoning—was now in the Executive Chair at +the White House. Well-meaning, doubtless, and a Union man at heart, his +enfeebled intellect was unable to see, and hold firm to, the only true +course. He lacked clearness of perception, decision of character, and +nerve. He knew Secession was wrong, but allowed himself to be persuaded +that he had no Constitutional power to prevent it. He had surrounded +himself in the Cabinet with such unbending adherents and tools of the +Slave-Power, as Howell Cobb of Georgia, his Secretary of the Treasury, +John B. Floyd of Virginia, as Secretary of War, Jacob Thompson of +Mississippi, as Secretary of the Interior, and Isaac Toucy of +Connecticut, as Secretary of the Navy, before whose malign influence the +councils of Lewis Cass of Michigan, the Secretary of State, and other +Union men, in and out of the Cabinet, were quite powerless.</p> + +<p>When, therefore, the Congress met (December 3, 1860) and he transmitted +to it his last Annual Message, it was found that, instead of treating +Secession from the Jacksonian standpoint, President Buchanan feebly +wailed over the threatened destruction of the Union, weakly apologized +for the contemplated Treason, garrulously scolded the North as being to +blame for it, and, while praying to God to "preserve the Constitution +and the Union throughout all generations," wrung his nerveless hands in +despair over his own powerlessness—as he construed the Constitution—to +prevent Secession! Before writing his pitifully imbecile Message, +President Buchanan had secured from his Attorney-General (Jeremiah S. +Black of Pennsylvania) an opinion, in which the latter, after touching +upon certain cases in which he believed the President would be justified +in using force to sustain the Federal Laws, supposed the case of a State +where all the Federal Officers had resigned and where there were neither +Federal Courts to issue, nor officers to execute judicial process, and +continued: "In that event, troops would certainly be out of place, and +their use wholly illegal. If they are sent to aid the Courts and +Marshals there must be Courts and Marshals to be aided. Without the +exercise of these functions, which belong exclusively to the civil +service, the laws cannot be executed in any event, no matter what may be +the physical strength which the Government has at its command. Under +such circumstances, to send a military force into any State, with orders +to act against the people, would be simply making War upon them."</p> + +<p>Resting upon that opinion of Attorney-General Black, President Buchanan, +in his Message, after referring to the solemn oath taken by the +Executive "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," and +stating that there were now no longer any Federal Officers in South +Carolina, through whose agency he could keep that oath, took up the laws +of February 28, 1795, and March 3, 1807, as "the only Acts of Congress +on the Statute-book bearing upon the subject," which "authorize the +President, after he shall have ascertained that the Marshal, with his +posse comitatus, is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any +particular case, to call out the Militia and employ the Army and Navy to +aid him in performing this service, having first, by Proclamation, +commanded the insurgents to 'disperse and retire peaceably to their +respective abodes, within a limited time'"—and thereupon held that +"This duty cannot, by possibility, be performed in a State where no +judicial authority exists to issue process, and where there is no +Marshal to execute it; and where even if there were such an officer, the +entire population would constitute one solid combination to resist him." +And, not satisfied with attempting to show as clearly as he seemed to +know how, his own inability under the laws to stamp out Treason, he +proceeded to consider what he thought Congress also could not do under +the Constitution. Said he: "The question fairly stated, is: Has the +Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce into submission a +State which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from +the Confederacy? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the +principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and +make War against a State. After much serious reflection, I have arrived +at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress or +to any other department of the Federal Government." And further: +"Congress possesses many means of preserving it (the Union) by +conciliation; but the sword was not placed in their hands to preserve it +by force."</p> + +<p>Thus, in President Buchanan's judgment, while, in another part of his +Message, he had declared that no State had any right, Constitutional or +otherwise, to Secede from that Union, which was designed for all +time—yet, if any State concluded thus wrongfully to Secede, there existed no +power in the Union, by the exercise of force, to preserve itself from +instant dissolution! How imbecile the reasoning, how impotent the +conclusion, compared with that of President Jackson, thirty years +before, in his Proclamation against Nullification and Secession, wherein +that sturdy patriot declared to the South Carolinians that "compared +to Disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an +accumulation of all;" that "Disunion by armed force, is Treason;" and +that he was determined "to execute the Laws," and "to preserve the +Union!"</p> + +<p>President Buchanan's extraordinary Message—or so much of it as related +to the perilous condition of the Union—was referred, in the House of +Representatives, to a Select Committee of Thirty-three, comprising one +member from each State, in which there was a very large preponderance of +such as favored Conciliation without dishonor. But the debates in both +Houses, in which the most violent language was indulged by the Southern +Fire-eaters, as well as other events, soon proved that there was a +settled purpose on the part of the Slave-Power and its adherents to +resist and spit upon all attempts at placation.</p> + +<p>In the Senate also (December 5), a Select Committee of Thirteen was +appointed, to consider the impending dangers to the Union, comprising +Senators Powell of Kentucky, Hunter of Virginia, Crittenden of Kentucky, +Seward of New York, Toombs of Georgia, Douglas of Illinois, Collamer of +Vermont, Davis of Mississippi, Wade of Ohio, Bigler of Pennsylvania, +Rice of Minnesota, Doolittle of Wisconsin, and Grimes of Iowa. Their +labors were alike without practical result, owing to the irreconcilable +attitude of the Southrons, who would accept nothing less than a total +repudiation by the Republicans of the very principles upon which the +recent Presidential contest had by them been fought and won. Nor would +they even accept such a repudiation unless carried by vote of the +majority of the Republicans. The dose that they insisted upon the +Republican Party swallowing must not only be as noxious as possible, but +must absolutely be mixed by that Party itself, and in addition, that +Party must also go down on its knees, and beg the privilege of so mixing +and swallowing the dose! That was the impossible attitude into which, +by their bullying and threats, the Slave Power hoped to force the +Republican Party—either that or "War."</p> + +<p>Project after project in both Houses of Congress looking to Conciliation +was introduced, referred, reported, discussed, and voted on or not, as +the case might be, in vain. And in the meantime, in New York, in +Philadelphia, and elsewhere in the North, the timidity of Capital showed +itself in great Conciliation meetings, where speeches were applauded and +resolutions adopted of the most abject character, in behalf of "Peace, +at any price," regardless of the sacrifice of honor and principles and +even decency. In fact the Commercial North, with supplicating hands and +beseeching face, sank on its knees in a vain attempt to propitiate its +furious creditor, the South, by asking it not only to pull its nose, but +to spit in its face, both of which it humbly and even anxiously offered +for the purpose!*</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Thus, in Philadelphia, December 13, 1860, at a great meeting held + at the call of the Mayor, in Independence Square, Mayor Henry led + off the speaking—which was nearly all in the same line—by saying: + "I tell you that if in any portion of our Confederacy, sentiments + have been entertained and cherished which are inimical to the civil + rights and social institutions of any other portion, those + sentiments should be relinquished." Another speaker, Judge George + W. Woodward, sneeringly asked: "Whence came these excessive + sensibilities that cannot bear a few slaves in a remote Territory + until the white people establish a Constitution?" Another, Mr. + Charles E. Lex (a Republican), speaking of the Southern People, + said: "What, then, can we say to them? what more than we have + expressed in the resolutions we have offered? If they are really + aggrieved by any laws upon our Statute-books opposed to their + rights—if upon examination any such are found to be in conflict + with the Constitution of these United States—nay, further, if they + but serve to irritate our brethren of the South, whether + Constitutional or not, I, for one, have no objection that they + should instantly be repealed." Another said, "Let us repeal our + obnoxious Personal Liberty bills * * *; let us receive our brother + of the South, if he will come among us for a little time, attended + by his servant, and permit him thus to come." And the resolutions + adopted were even still more abject in tone than the speeches.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>But the South at present was too busy in perfecting its long-cherished +plans for the disruption of the Union, to more than grimly smile at this +evidence of what it chose to consider "a divided sentiment" in the +North. While it weakened the North, it strengthened the South, and +instead of mollifying the Conspirators against the Union, it inspired +them with fresh energy in their fell purpose to destroy it.</p> + +<p>The tone of the Republican press, too, while more dignified, was +thoroughly conciliatory. The Albany Evening Journal,—[November 30, +1860]—the organ of Governor Seward, recognizing that the South, blinded +by passion, was in dead earnest, but also recognizing the existence of +"a Union sentiment there, worth cherishing," suggested "a Convention of +the People, consisting of delegates appointed by the States, in which it +would not be found unprofitable for the North and South, bringing their +respective griefs, claims, and proposed reforms, to a common +arbitrament, to meet, discuss, and determine upon a future"—before a +final appeal to arms. So, too, Horace Greeley, in the New York +Tribune,—[November 9, 1860.]—after weakly conceding, on his own part, +the right of peaceable Secession, said: "But while we thus uphold the +practical liberty, if not the abstract right, of Secession, we must +insist that the step be taken, if it ever shall be, with the +deliberation and gravity befitting so momentous an issue. Let ample +time be given for reflection; let the subject be fully canvassed before +the People; and let a popular vote be taken in every case, before +Secession is decreed." Other leading papers of the Northern press, took +similar ground for free discussion and conciliatory action.</p> + +<p>In the Senate, as well as the House of Representatives—as also was +shown by the appointment, heretofore mentioned, of Select Committees to +consider the gravity of the situation, and suggest a remedy—the same +spirit of Conciliation and Concession, and desire for free and frank +discussion, was apparent among most of the Northern and Border-State +members of those Bodies. But these were only met by sneers and threats +on the part of the Fire-eating Secession members of the South. In the +Senate, Senator Clingman of North Carolina, sneeringly said: "They want +to get up a free debate, as the Senator (Mr. Seward) from New York +expressed it, in one of his speeches. But a Senator from Texas told me +the other day that a great many of these free debaters were hanging from +the trees of that country;" and Senator Iverson, of Georgia, said: +"Gentlemen speak of Concession, of the repeal of the Personal Liberty +bills. Repeal them all to-morrow, and you cannot stop this revolution." +After declaring his belief that "Before the 4th of March, five States +will have declared their independence" and that "three other States will +follow as soon as the action of the people can be had;" he proceeded to +allude to the refusal of Governor Houston of Texas to call together the +Texas Legislature for action in accord with the Secession sentiment, and +declared that "if he will not yield to that public sentiment, some Texan +Brutus will arise to rid his country of this hoary-headed incubus that +stands between the people and their sovereign will!" Then, sneering at +the presumed cowardice of the North, he continued: "Men talk about their +eighteen millions (of Northern population); but we hear a few days +afterwards of these same men being switched in the face, and they +tremble like sheep-stealing dogs! There will be no War. The North, +governed by such far-seeing Statesmen as the Senator (Mr. Seward) from +New York, will see the futility of this. In less than twelve months, a +Southern Confederacy will be formed; and it will be the most successful +Government on Earth. The Southern States, thus banded together, will be +able to resist any force in the World. We do not expect War; but we +will be prepared for it—and we are not a feeble race of Mexicans +either."</p> + +<p>On the other hand, there were Republicans in that Body who sturdily met +the bluster of the Southern Fire-eaters with frank and courageous words +expressing their full convictions on the situation and their belief that +Concessions could not be made and that Compromises were mere waste +paper. Thus, Senator Ben Wade of Ohio, among the bravest and manliest +of them all, in a speech in the Senate, December 17, the very day on +which the South Carolina Secession Convention was to assemble, said to +the Fire-eaters: "I tell you frankly that we did lay down the principle +in our platform, that we would prohibit, if we had the power, Slavery +from invading another inch of the Free Soil of this Government. I stand +to that principle to-day. I have argued it to half a million of people, +and they stand by it; they have commissioned me to stand by it; and, so +help me God, I will! * * * On the other hand, our platform repudiates +the idea that we have any right, or harbor any ultimate intention to +invade or interfere with your institutions in your own States. * * * +It is not, by your own confessions, that Mr. Lincoln is expected to +commit any overt act by which you may be injured. You will not even +wait for any, you say; but, by anticipating that the Government may do +you an injury, you will put an end to it—which means, simply and +squarely, that you intend to rule or ruin this Government. * * * As to +Compromises, I supposed that we had agreed that the Day of Compromises +was at an end. The most solemn we have made have been violated, and are +no more. * * * We beat you on the plainest and most palpable issue +ever presented to the American people, and one which every man +understood; and now, when we come to the Capital, we tell you that our +candidates must and shall be inaugurated—must and shall administer this +Government precisely as the Constitution prescribes. * * * I tell you +that, with that verdict of the people in my pocket, and standing on the +platform on which these candidates were elected, I would suffer anything +before I would Compromise in any way."</p> + +<p>In the House of Representatives, on December 10, 1860, a number of +propositions looking to a peaceful settlement of the threatened danger, +were offered and referred to the Select Committee of Thirty-three. On +the following Monday, December 17, by 154 yeas to 14 nays, the House +adopted a resolution, offered by Mr. Adrian of New Jersey, in these +words:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the +Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly recommend the +repeal of all Statutes by the State Legislatures in conflict with, and +in violation of, that sacred instrument, and the laws of Congress passed +in pursuance thereof."</p> + +<p>On the same day, the House adopted, by 135 yeas to no nays, a resolution +offered by Mr. Lovejoy of Illinois, in these words:</p> + +<p>"Whereas, The Constitution of the United States is the Supreme law of +the Land, and ready and faithful obedience to it a duty of all good and +law-abiding citizens; Therefore:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the +Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly recommend the +repeal of all Nullification laws; and that it is the duty of the +President of the United States to protect and defend the property of the +United States."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [This resolution, before adoption, was modified by declaring it to + be the duty of all citizens, whether "good and law abiding" or not, + to yield obedience to the Constitution, as will be seen by + referring to the proceedings in the Globe of that date, where the + following appears:</p> + +<p> "Mr. LOGAN. I hope there will be no objection on this side of the + House to the introduction of the [Lovejoy] resolution. I can see + no difference myself, between this resolution and the one + [Adrian's] just passed, except in regard to verbiage. I can find + but one objection to the resolution, and that is in the use of the + words declaring that all' law abiding' citizens should obey the + Constitution. I think that all men should do so.</p> + +<p> "Mr. LOVEJOY. I accept the amendment suggested by my Colleague.</p> + +<p> "Mr. LOGAN. It certainly should include members of Congress; but + if it is allowed to remain all 'good and law abiding' citizens, I + do not think it will include them. [Laughter.]</p> + +<p> "The resolution was modified by the omission of those words."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>It also adopted, by 115 yeas to 44 nays, a resolution offered by Mr. +Morris of Illinois, as follows:</p> + +<p>"Resolved by the House of Representatives: That we properly estimate the +immense value of our National Union to our collective and individual +happiness; that we cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment +to it; that we will speak of it as the palladium of our political safety +and prosperity; that we will watch its preservation with jealous +anxiety; that we will discountenance whatever may suggest even a +suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned, and indignantly frown +upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our +Country from the rest, or enfeeble the sacred ties which now link +together the various parts; that we regard it as a main pillar in the +edifice of our real independence, the support of tranquillity at home, +our peace abroad, our safety, our prosperity, and that very liberty +which we so highly prize; that we have seen nothing in the past, nor do +we see anything in the present, either in the election of Abraham +Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States, or from any other +existing cause, to justify its dissolution; that we regard its +perpetuity as of more value than the temporary triumph of any Party or +any man; that whatever evils or abuses exist under it ought to be +corrected within the Union, in a peaceful and Constitutional way; that +we believe it has sufficient power to redress every wrong and enforce +every right growing out of its organization, or pertaining to its proper +functions; and that it is a patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in +Peace and our defense in War."</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="seward"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p128-seward.jpg (74K)" src="images/p128-seward.jpg" height="847" width="590"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch7"></a> +<br><br> + +<center><h2> + CHAPTER VII.<br><br> + + SECESSION ARMING.</h2></center><br> + +<p>While Congress was encouraging devotion to the Union, and its Committees +striving for some mode by which the impending perils might be averted +without a wholesale surrender of all just principles, the South Carolina +Convention met (December 17, 1860) at Columbia, and after listening to +inflammatory addresses by commissioners from the States of Alabama and +Mississippi, urging immediate and unconditional Secession, unanimously +and with "tremendous cheering" adopted a resolution: "That it is the +opinion of the Convention that the State of South Carolina should +forthwith Secede from the Federal Union, known as the United States of +America,"—and then adjourned to meet at Charleston, South Carolina.</p> + +<p>The next day, and following days, it met there, at "Secession Hall," +listening to stimulating addresses, while a committee of seven worked +upon the Ordinance of Secession. Among the statements made by orators, +were several clear admissions that the rebellious Conspiracy had existed +for very many years, and that Mr. Lincoln's election was simply the +long-sought-for pretext for Rebellion. Mr. Parker said: "It is no +spasmodic effort that has come suddenly upon us; it has been gradually +culminating for a long period of thirty years. At last it has come to +that point where we may say, the matter is entirely right." Mr. Inglis +said: "Most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last +twenty years; and I presume that we have by this time arrived at a +decision upon the subject." Mr. Keitt said: "I have been engaged in +this movement ever since I entered political life; * * * we have +carried the body of this Union to its last resting place, and now we +will drop the flag over its grave." Mr. Barnwell Rhett said: "The +Secession of South Carolina is not an event of a day. It is not +anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of +the Fugitive Slave Law. It has been a matter which has been gathering +head for thirty years." Mr. Gregg said: "If we undertake to set forth +all the causes, do we not dishonor the memory of all the statesmen of +South Carolina, now departed, who commenced forty years ago a war +against the tariff and against internal improvement, saying nothing of +the United States Bank, and other measures which may now be regarded as +obsolete."</p> + +<p>On the 20th of December, 1860—the fourth day of the sittings—the +Ordinance of Secession was reported by the Committee, and was at once +unanimously passed, as also was a resolution that "the passage of the +Ordinance be proclaimed by the firing of artillery and ringing of the +bells of the city, and such other demonstrations as the people may deem +appropriate on the passage of the great Act of Deliverance and Liberty;" +after which the Convention jubilantly adjourned to meet, and ratify, +that evening. At the evening session of this memorable Convention, the +Governor and Legislature attending, the famous Ordinance was read as +engrossed, signed by all the delegates, and, after announcement by the +President that "the State of South Carolina is now and henceforth a Free +and Independent Commonwealth;" amid tremendous cheering, the Convention +adjourned. This, the first Ordinance of Secession passed by any of the +Revolting States, was in these words:</p> + +<p>"An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina +and other States united with her, under the compact entitled the +'Constitution of the United States of America.'</p> + +<p>"We the people of the State of South Carolina in Convention assembled, +do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the +Ordinance adopted by us in Convention on the 23rd day of May, in the +year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of +America was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General +Assembly of this State ratifying the amendments of the said +Constitution, are hereby repealed; and that the Union now subsisting +between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United +States of America, is hereby dissolved."</p> + +<p>Thus, and in these words, was joyously adopted and ratified, that solemn +Act of Separation which was doomed to draw in its fateful train so many +other Southern States, in the end only to be blotted out with the blood +of hundreds of thousands of their own brave sons, and their equally +courageous Northern brothers.</p> + +<p>State after State followed South Carolina in the mad course of Secession +from the Union. Mississippi passed a Secession Ordinance, January 9, +1861. Florida followed, January 10th; Alabama, January 11th; Georgia, +January 18th; Louisiana, January 26th; and Texas, February 1st; +Arkansas, North Carolina, and Virginia held back until a later period; +while Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, Maryland, and Delaware, abstained +altogether from taking the fatal step, despite all attempts to bring +them to it.</p> + +<p>In the meantime, however, South Carolina had put on all the dignity of +a Sovereign and Independent State. Her Governor had a "cabinet" +comprising Secretaries of State, War, Treasury, the Interior, and a +Postmaster General. She had appointed Commissioners, to proceed to the +other Slave-holding States, through whom a Southern Congress was +proposed, to meet at Montgomery, Alabama; and had appointed seven +delegates to meet the delegates from such other States in that proposed +Southern Congress. On the 21st of December, 1860, three Commissioners +(Messrs. Barnwell, Adams, and Orr) were also appointed to proceed to +Washington, and treat for the cession by the United States to South +Carolina, of all Federal property within the limits of the latter. On +the 24th, Governor Pickens issued a Proclamation announcing the adoption +of the Ordinance of Secession, declaring "that the State of South +Carolina is, as she has a right to be, a separate sovereign, free and +independent State, and as such, has a right to levy war, conclude peace, +negotiate treaties, leagues or covenants, and to do all acts whatsoever +that rightfully appertain to a free and independent State;" the which +proclamation was announced as "Done in the eighty-fifth year of the +Sovereignty and Independence of South Carolina." On the same day (the +Senators from that State in the United States Senate having long since, +as we have seen, withdrawn from that body) the Representatives of South +Carolina in the United States House of Representatives withdrew.</p> + +<p>Serious dissensions in the Cabinet of President Buchanan, were now +rapidly disintegrating the "official family" of the President. Lewis +Cass, the Secretary of State, disgusted with the President's cowardice +and weakness, and declining to be held responsible for Mr. Buchanan's +promise not to reinforce the garrisons of the National Forts, under +Major Anderson, in Charleston harbor, retired from the Cabinet December +12th—Howell Cobb having already, "because his duty to Georgia required +it," resigned the Secretaryship of the Treasury, and left it bankrupt +and the credit of the Nation almost utterly destroyed.</p> + +<p>On the 26th of December, Major Anderson evacuated Fort Moultrie, +removing all his troops and munitions of war to Fort Sumter—whereupon a +cry went up from Charleston that this was in violation of the +President's promise to take no step looking to hostilities, provided the +Secessionists committed no overt act of Rebellion, up to the close of +his fast expiring Administration. On the 29th, John B. Floyd, Secretary +of War, having failed to secure the consent of the Administration to an +entire withdrawal of the Federal garrison from the harbor of Charleston, +also resigned, and the next day—he having in the meantime escaped in +safety to Virginia—was indicted by the Grand Jury at Washington, for +malfeasance and conspiracy to defraud the Government in the theft of +$870,000 of Indian Trust Bonds from the Interior Department, and the +substitution therefor of Floyd's acceptances of worthless +army-transportation drafts on the Treasury Department.</p> + +<p>Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, also resigned, January 8th, +1861, on the pretext that "additional troops, he had heard, have been +ordered to Charleston" in the "Star of the West."—[McPherson's History +of the Rebellion, p. 28.]</p> + +<p>Several changes were thus necessitated in Mr. Buchanan's cabinet, by +these and other resignations, so that by the 18th of January, 1861, +Jeremiah S. Black was Secretary of State; General John A. Dix, Secretary +of the Treasury; Joseph Holt, Secretary of War; Edwin M. Stanton, +Attorney General; and Horatio King, Postmaster General. But before +leaving the Cabinet, the conspiring Southern members of it, and their +friends, had managed to hamstring the National Government, by scattering +the Navy in other quarters of the World; by sending the few troops of +the United States to remote points; by robbing the arsenals in the +Northern States of arms and munitions of war, so as to abundantly supply +the Southern States at the critical moment; by bankrupting the Treasury +and shattering the public credit of the Nation; and by other means no +less nefarious. Thus swindled, betrayed, and ruined, by its degenerate +and perfidious sons, the imbecile Administration stood with dejected +mien and folded hands helplessly awaiting the coming catastrophe.</p> + +<p>On December 28th, 1860, the three Commissioners of South Carolina having +reached Washington, addressed to the President a communication, in +which—after reciting their powers and duties, under the Ordinance of +Secession, and stating that they had hoped to have been ready to proceed +to negotiate amicably and without "hostile collision," but that "the +events—[The removal, to Fort Sumter, of Major Anderson's command, and +what followed.]—of the last twenty-four hours render such an assurance +impossible"—they declared that the troops must be withdrawn from +Charleston harbor, as "they are a standing menace which render +negotiation impossible," threatening speedily to bring the questions +involved, to "a bloody issue."</p> + +<p>To this communication Mr. Buchanan replied at considerable length, +December 30th, in an apologetic, self-defensive strain, declaring that +the removal by Major Anderson of the Federal troops under his command, +from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter was done "upon his own responsibility, +and without authority," and that he (the President) "had intended to +command him to return to his former position," but that events had so +rapidly transpired as to preclude the giving of any such command;</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The seizure by the Secessionists, under the Palmetto Flag, of + Castle Pinckney and Fort Moultrie; the simultaneous raising of that + flag over the Federal Custom House and Post Office at Charleston; + the resignation of the Federal Collector, Naval Officer and + Surveyor of that Port—all of which occurred December 27th; and the + seizure "by force of arms," December 30th, of the United States + Arsenal at that point.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>and concluding, with a very slight stiffening of backbone, by saying: +"After this information, I have only to add that, whilst it is my duty +to defend Fort Sumter as a portion of the public property of the United +States against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by +such means as I may possess for this purpose, I do not perceive how such +a defense can be construed into a menace against the city of +Charleston." To this reply of the President, the Commissioners made +rejoinder on the 1st of January, 1861; but the President "declined to +receive" the communication.</p> + +<p>From this time on, until the end of President Buchanan's term of office, +and the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln as President, March 4th, 1861, +events crowded each other so hurriedly, that the flames of Rebellion in +the South were continually fanned, while the public mind in the North +was staggered and bewildered, by them.</p> + +<p>On January 2nd, prior to the Secession of Georgia, Forts Pulaski and +Jackson, commanding Savannah, and the Federal Arsenal at Augusta, +Georgia, with two 12 pound howitzers, two cannon, 22,000 muskets and +rifles, and ammunition in quantity, were seized by Rebel militia. About +the same date, although North Carolina had not seceded, her Governor +(Ellis) seized the Federal Arsenal at Fayetteville, Fort Macon, and +other fortifications in that State, "to preserve them" from mob-seizure.</p> + +<p>January 4th, anticipating Secession, Alabama State troops seized Fort +Morgan, with 5,000 shot and shell, and Mount Vernon Arsenal at Mobile, +with 2,000 stand of arms, 150, 000 pounds of powder, some pieces of +cannon, and a large quantity of other munitions of war. The United +States Revenue cutter, "Lewis Cass," was also surrendered to Alabama.</p> + +<p>On the 5th, the Federal steamer "Star of the West," with reinforcements +and supplies for Fort Sumter, left New York in the night—and Secretary +Jacob Thompson notified the South Carolina Rebels of the fact.</p> + +<p>On the 9th, the "Star of the West" appeared off Charleston bar, and +while steaming toward Fort Sumter, was fired upon by Rebel batteries at +Fort Moultrie and Morris Island, and struck by a shot, whereupon she +returned to New York without accomplishing her mission. That day the +State of Mississippi seceded from the Union.</p> + +<p>On the 10th, the Federal storeship "Texas," with Federal guns and +stores, was seized by Texans. On the same day Florida seceded.</p> + +<p>On the 11th, Forts Jackson and St. Philip, commanding the mouth of the +Mississippi River, and Fort Pike, dominating Lake Pontchartrain, were +seized by Louisiana troops; also the Federal Arsenal at Baton Rouge, +with 50,000 small arms, 4 howitzers, 20 heavy pieces of ordnance, 2 +batteries, 300 barrels of powder, and other stores. The State of +Alabama also seceded the same day.</p> + +<p>On the 12th—Fort Marion, the coast surveying schooner "Dana," the +Arsenal at St. Augustine, and that on the Chattahoochee, with 500,000 +musket cartridges, 300,000 rifle cartridges and 50,000 pounds of powder, +having previously been seized—Forts Barrancas and McRae, and the Navy +Yard at Pensacola, were taken by Rebel troops of Florida, Alabama and +Mississippi. On the same day, Colonel Hayne, of South Carolina, arrived +at Washington as Agent or Commissioner to the National Government from +Governor Pickens of that State.</p> + +<p>On the 14th, the South Carolina Legislature resolved "that any attempt +by the Federal Government to reinforce Fort Sumter will be regarded as +an act of open hostility, and a Declaration of War."</p> + +<p>On the 16th, Colonel Hayne, of South Carolina, developed his mission, +which was to demand of the President the surrender of Fort Sumter to the +South Carolina authorities—a demand that had already been made upon, +and refused by, Major Anderson.</p> + +<p>The correspondence concerning this demand, between Colonel Hayne and ten +Southern United States Senators;—[Senators Wigfall, Hemphill, Yulee, +Mallory, Jeff. Davis, C. C. Clay, Fitzgerald, Iverson, Slidell, and +Benjamin.]—the reply of the President, by Secretary Holt, to those +Senators; Governor Pickens's review of the same; and the final demand; +consumed the balance of the month of January; and ended, February 6th, +in a further reply, through the Secretary of War, from the President, +asserting the title of the United States to that Fort, and declining the +demand, as "he has no Constitutional power to cede or surrender it." +Secretary Holt's letter concluded by saying: "If, with all the +multiplied proofs which exist of the President's anxiety for Peace, and +of the earnestness with which he has pursued it, the authorities of that +State shall assault Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the handful of +brave and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our Common +Country into the horrors of Civil War, then upon them and those they +represent, must rest the responsibility."</p> + +<p>But to return from this momentary diversion: On the 18th of January, +Georgia seceded; and on the 20th, the Federal Fort at Ship Island, +Mississippi, and the United States Hospital on the Mississippi River +were seized by Mississippi troops.</p> + +<p>On the 26th, Louisiana seceded. On the 28th, Louisiana troops seized +all the quartermaster's and commissary stores held by Federal officials; +and the United States Revenue cutter "McClelland" surrendered to the +Rebels.</p> + +<p>On February 1st, the Louisiana Rebels seized the National Mint and +Custom House at New Orleans, with $599,303 in gold and silver. On the +same day the State of Texas seceded.</p> + +<p>On February 8th, the National Arsenal at Little Rock, Arkansas, with +9,000 small arms, 40 cannon, and quantities of ammunition, was seized; +and the same day the Governor of Georgia ordered the National Collector +of the Port of Savannah to retain all collections and make no further +payments to the United States Government.*</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> + [It was during this eventful month that, certain United States + troops having assembled at the National Capital, and the House of + Representatives having asked the reason therefor, reply was made by + the Secretary of War as follows:</p> + +<p> "WAR DEPARTMENT, February 18, 1861. + [Congressional Globe, August 8, 1861, pp. 457,458] + "SIR: On the 11th February, the House of Representatives adopted a + resolution requesting the President, if not incompatible with the + public interests, to communicate 'the reasons that had induced him + to assemble so large a number of troops in this city, and why they + are kept here; and whether he has any information of a Conspiracy + upon the part of any portion of the citizens of this Country to + seize upon the Capital and prevent the Inauguration of the + President elect.'</p> + +<p> "This resolution having been submitted to this Department for + consideration and report, I have the honor to state, that the body + of troops temporarily transferred to this city is not as large as + is assumed by the resolution, though it is a well-appointed corps + and admirably adapted for the preservation of the public peace. + The reasons which led to their being assembled here will now be + briefly stated.</p> + +<p> "I shall make no comment upon the origin of the Revolution which, + for the last three months, has been in progress in several of the + Southern States, nor shall I enumerate the causes which have + hastened its advancement or exasperated its temper. The scope of + the questions submitted by the House will be sufficiently met by + dealing with the facts as they exist, irrespective of the cause + from which they have proceeded. That Revolution has been + distinguished by a boldness and completeness of success rarely + equaled in the history of Civil Commotions. Its overthrow of the + Federal authority has not only been sudden and wide-spread, but has + been marked by excesses which have alarmed all and been sources of + profound humiliation to a large portion of the American People. + Its history is a history of surprises and treacheries and ruthless + spoliations. The Forts of the United States have been captured and + garrisoned, and hostile flags unfurled upon their ramparts. Its + arsenals have been seized, and the vast amount of public arms they + contained appropriated to the use of the captors; while more than + half a million dollars, found in the Mint at New Orleans, has been + unscrupulously applied to replenish the coffers of Louisiana. + Officers in command of revenue cutters of the United States have + been prevailed on to violate their trusts and surrender the + property in their charge; and instead of being branded for their + crimes, they, and the vessels they betrayed, have been cordially + received into the service of the Seceded States. These movements + were attended by yet more discouraging indications of immorality. + It was generally believed that this Revolution was guided and urged + on by men occupying the highest positions in the public service, + and who, with the responsibilities of an oath to support the + Constitution still resting upon their consciences, did not hesitate + secretly to plan and openly to labor for, the dismemberment of the + Republic whose honors they enjoyed and upon whose Treasury they + were living. As examples of evil are always more potent than those + of good, this spectacle of demoralization on the part of States and + statesmen could not fail to produce the most deplorable + consequences. The discontented and the disloyal everywhere took + courage. In other States, adjacent to and supposed to sympathize + in sense of political wrong with those referred to, Revolutionary + schemes were set on foot, and Forts and arms of the United States + seized. The unchecked prevalence of the Revolution, and the + intoxication which its triumphs inspired, naturally suggested + wilder and yet more desperate enterprises than the conquest of + ungarrisoned Forts, or the plunder of an unguarded Mint. At what + time the armed occupation of Washington City became a part of the + Revolutionary Programme, is not certainly known. More than six + weeks ago, the impression had already extensively obtained that a + Conspiracy for the accomplishment of this guilty purpose was in + process of formation, if not fully matured. The earnest endeavors + made by men known to be devoted to the Revolution, to hurry + Virginia and Maryland out of the Union, were regarded as + preparatory steps for the subjugation of Washington. This plan was + in entire harmony with the aim and spirit of those seeking the + subversion of the Government, since no more fatal blow at its + existence could be struck than the permanent and hostile possession + of the seat of its power. It was in harmony, too, with the avowed + designs of the Revolutionists, which looked to the formation of a + Confederacy of all the Slave States, and necessarily to the + Conquest of the Capital within their limits. It seemed not very + indistinctly prefigured in a Proclamation made upon the floor of + the Senate, without qualification, if not exultingly, that the + Union was already dissolved—a Proclamation which, however + intended, was certainly calculated to invite, on the part of men of + desperate fortunes or of Revolutionary States, a raid upon the + Capital. In view of the violence and turbulent disorders already + exhibited in the South, the public mind could not reject such a + scheme as at all improbable. That a belief in its existence was + entertained by multitudes, there can be no doubt, and this belief I + fully shared. My conviction rested not only on the facts already + alluded to, but upon information, some of which was of a most + conclusive character, that reached the Government from many parts + of the Country, not merely expressing the prevalence of the opinion + that such an organization had been formed, but also often + furnishing the plausible grounds on which the opinion was based. + Superadded to these proofs, were the oft-repeated declarations of + men in high political positions here, and who were known to have + intimate affiliations with the Revolution—if indeed they did not + hold its reins in their hands—to the effect that Mr. Lincoln would + not, or should not be inaugurated at Washington. Such + declarations, from such men, could not be treated as empty bluster. + They were the solemn utterances of those who well understood the + import of their words, and who, in the exultation of the temporary + victories gained over their Country's flag in the South, felt + assured that events would soon give them the power to verify their + predictions. Simultaneously with these prophetic warnings, a + Southern journal of large circulation and influence, and which is + published near the city of Washington, advocated its seizure as a + possible political necessity.</p> + +<p> "The nature and power of the testimony thus accumulated may be best + estimated by the effect produced upon the popular mind. + Apprehensions for the safety of the Capital were communicated from + points near and remote, by men unquestionably reliable and loyal. + The resident population became disquieted, and the repose of many + families in the city was known to be disturbed by painful + anxieties. Members of Congress, too—men of calm and comprehensive + views, and of undoubted fidelity to their Country—frankly + expressed their solicitude to the President and to this Department, + and formally insisted that the defenses of the Capital should be + strengthened. With such warnings, it could not be forgotten that, + had the late Secretary of War heeded the anonymous letter which he + received, the tragedy at Harper's Ferry would have been avoided; + nor could I fail to remember that, had the early admonitions which + reached here in regard to the designs of lawless men upon the Forts + of Charleston Harbor been acted on by sending forward adequate + reinforcements before the Revolution began, the disastrous + political complications that ensued might not have occurred.</p> + +<p> "Impressed by these circumstances and considerations, I earnestly + besought you to allow the concentration, at this city, of a + sufficient military force to preserve the public peace from all the + dangers that seemed to threaten it. An open manifestation, on the + part of the Administration, of a determination, as well as of the + ability, to maintain the laws, would, I was convinced, prove the + surest, as also the most pacific, means of baffling and dissolving + any Conspiracy that might have been organized. It was believed too + that the highest and most solemn responsibility resting upon a + President withdrawing from the Government, was to secure to his + successor a peaceful Inauguration. So deeply, in my judgment, did + this duty concern the whole Country and the fair fame of our + Institutions, that, to guarantee its faithful discharge, I was + persuaded no preparation could be too determined or too complete. + The presence of the troops alluded to in the resolution is the + result of the conclusion arrived at by yourself and Cabinet, on the + proposition submitted to you by this Department. Already this + display of life and loyalty on the part of your Administration, has + produced the happiest effects. Public confidence has been + restored, and the feverish apprehension which it was so mortifying + to contemplate has been banished. Whatever may have been the + machinations of deluded, lawless men, the execution of their + purpose has been suspended, if not altogether abandoned in view of + preparations which announce more impressively than words that this + Administration is alike able and resolved to transfer in peace, to + the President elect, the authority that, under the Constitution, + belongs to him. To those, if such there be, who desire the + destruction of the Republic, the presence of these troops is + necessarily offensive; but those who sincerely love our + Institutions cannot fail to rejoice that, by this timely precaution + they have possibly escaped the deep dishonor which they must have + suffered had the Capital, like the Forts and Arsenals of the South, + fallen into the hands of the Revolutionists, who have found this + great Government weak only because, in the exhaustless beneficence + of its spirit, it has refused to strike, even in its own defense, + lest it should wound the aggressor.</p> + +<p> "I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p> + +<p> "J. HOLT. + "Secretary of War,</p> + +<p> "THE PRESIDENT."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p> +On February 20th, Forts Chadbourne and Belknap were seized by the Texan +Rebels; and on the 22nd, the Federal General Twiggs basely surrendered +to them all the fortifications under his control, his little Army, and +all the Government stores in his possession—comprising $55,000 in +specie, 35,000 stand of arms, 26 pieces of mounted artillery, 44 +dismounted guns, and ammunition, horses, wagons, forage, etc., valued at +nearly $2,000,000.</p> + +<p>On the 2nd of March, the Texan Rebels seized the United States Revenue +cutter "Dodge" at Galveston; and on the 6th, Fort Brown was surrendered +to them.</p> + +<p>Thus, with surrender after surrender, and seizure after +seizure, of its revenue vessels and fortifications and troops and arms +and munitions of war in the Southern States—with Fort Sumter invested +and at the mercy of any attack, and Fortress Monroe alone of all the +National strongholds yet safe—with State after State seceding—what +wonder that, while these events gave all encouragement to the Southern +Rebels, the Patriots of the North stood aghast at the appalling +spectacle of a crumbling and dissolving Union!</p> + +<p>During this period of National peril, the debates in both branches of +Congress upon propositions for adjustment of the unfortunate differences +between the Southern Seceders and the Union, as has been already hinted, +contributed still further to agitate the public mind. Speech after +speech by the ablest and most brilliant Americans in public life, for or +against such propositions, and discussing the rightfulness or +wrongfulness of Secession, were made in Congress day after day, and, by +means of the telegraph and the press, alternately swayed the Northern +heart with feelings of hope, chagrin, elation or despair.</p> + +<p>The Great Debate was opened in the Senate on almost the very first day +of its session (December 4th, 1860), by Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, +who, referring to South Carolina, declared that "Instead of being +precipitate, she and the whole South have been wonderfully patient." A +portion of that speech is interesting even at this time, as showing how +certain phases of the Tariff and Internal Improvement questions entered +into the consideration of some of the Southern Secession leaders. Said +he, "I know there are intimations that suffering will fall upon us of +the South, if we secede. My people are not terrified by any such +considerations. * * * They have no fears of the future if driven to +rely on themselves. The Southern States have more territory than all +the Colonies had when they Seceded from Great Britain, and a better +territory. Taking its position, climate, and fertility into +consideration, there is not upon Earth a body of territory superior to +it. * * * The Southern States have, too, at this day, four times the +population the Colonies had when they Seceded from Great Britain. Their +exports to the North and to Foreign Countries were, last year, more than +$300,000,000; and a duty of ten per cent. upon the same amount of +imports would give $30,000,000 of revenue—twice as much as General +Jackson's administration spent in its first year. Everybody can see, +too, how the bringing in of $300,000,000 of imports into Southern ports +would enliven business in our seaboard towns. I have seen with some +satisfaction, also, Mr. President, that the war made upon us has +benefitted certain branches of industry in my State. There are +manufacturing establishments in North Carolina, the proprietors of which +tell me that they are making fifty per cent. annually on their whole +capital, and yet cannot supply one tenth of the demand for their +production. The result of only ten per cent. duties in excluding +products from abroad, would give life and impetus to mechanical and +manufacturing industry, throughout the entire South. Our people +understand these things, and they are not afraid of results, if forced +to declare Independence. Indeed I do not see why Northern Republicans +should wish to continue a connection with us upon any terms. * * * +They want High Tariff likewise. They may put on five hundred per cent. +if they choose, upon their own imports, and nobody on our side will +complain. They may spend all the money they raise on railroads, or +opening harbors, or anything on earth they desire, without interference +from us; and it does seem to me that if they are sincere in their views +they ought to welcome a separation."</p> + +<p>From the very commencement of this long three-months debate, it was the +policy of the Southern leaders to make it appear that the Southern +States were in an attitude of injured innocence and defensiveness +against Northern aggression. Hence, it was that, as early as December +5th, on the floor of the Senate, through Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, they +declared: "All we ask is to be allowed to depart in Peace. Submit we +will not; and if, because we will not submit to your domination, you +choose to make War upon us, let God defend the Right!"</p> + +<p>At the same time it was esteemed necessary to try and frighten the North +into acquiescence with this demand to be "let alone." Hence such +utterances as those of Clingman and Iverson, to which reference has +already been made, and the especially defiant close of the latter's +speech, when—replying to the temperate but firm Union utterances of Mr. +Hale—the Georgia Senator said: "Sir, I do not believe there will be any +War; but if War is to come, let it come; we will meet the Senator from +New Hampshire and all the myrmidons of Abolitionism and Black +Republicanism everywhere upon our own soil; and, in the language of a +distinguished member from Ohio in relation to the Mexican War, we will +'welcome you with bloody hands to hospitable graves.'"</p> + +<p>On the other hand, in order to encourage the revolting States to the +speedy commission of overt acts of Rebellion and violence, that would +precipitate War without a peradventure, utterances fell from Southern +lips, in the National Senate Chamber, like those of Mr. Wigfall, when he +said, during this first day of the debate: "Frederick the Great, on one +occasion, when he had trumped up an old title to some of the adjacent +territory, quietly put himself in possession and then offered to treat. +Were I a South Carolinian, as I am a Texan, and I knew that my State was +going out of the Union, and that this Government would attempt to use +force, I would, at the first moment that that fact became manifest, +seize upon the Forts and the arms and the munitions of war, and raise +the cry 'To your tents, O Israel, and to the God of battles be this +issue!"</p> + +<p>And, as we have already seen, the Rebels of the South were not slow in +following the baleful advice to the letter. But it was not many days +after this utterance when the Conspirators against the Union evidently +began to fear that the ground for Rebellion, upon which they had planted +themselves, would be taken from under their feet by the impulse of +Compromise and Concession which stirred so strongly the fraternal spirit +of the North. That peaceful impulse must be checked and exasperated by +sneers and impossible demands. Hence, on December 12th we find one of +the most active and favorite mouthpieces of Treason, Mr. Wigfall, +putting forth such demands, in his most offensive manner.</p> + +<p>Said he: "If the two Senators from New York (Seward and King), the +Senator from Ohio (Wade), the two Senators from Illinois (Douglas and +Trumbull), the Senator from New Hampshire (Hale), the Senator from +Maine, and others who are regarded as representative men, who have +denied that by the Constitution of the United States, Slaves are +recognized as Property; who have urged and advocated those acts which we +regard as aggressive on the part of the People—if they will rise here, +and say in their places, that they desire to propose amendments to the +Constitution, and beg that we will vote for them; that they will, in +good faith, go to their respective constituencies and urge the +ratification; that they believe, if these Gulf States will suspend their +action, that those amendments will be ratified and carried out in good +faith; that they will cease preaching this 'irrepressible conflict'; and +if, in those amendments, it is declared that Slaves are Property, that +they shall be delivered up upon demand; and that they will assure us +that Abolition societies shall be abolished; that Abolition speeches +shall no longer be made; that we shall have peace and quiet; that we +shall not be called cut-throats and pirates and murderers; that our +women shall not be slandered—these things being said in good faith, the +Senators begging that we will stay our hand until an honest effort can +be made, I believe that there is a prospect of giving them a fair +consideration!"</p> + +<p>Small wonder is it, that this labored and ridiculous piece of +impertinence was received with ironical laughter on the Republican side +of the Senate Chamber. And it was in reference to these threats, and +these preposterous demands—including the suppression of the right of +Free Discussion and Liberty of the Press—that, in the same chamber +(January 7, 1861) the gallant and eloquent Baker said:</p> + +<p>"Your Fathers had fought for that right, and more than that, they had +declared that the violation of that right was one of the great causes +which impelled them to the Separation. * * * Sir, the Liberty of the +Press is the highest safeguard to all Free Government. Ours could not +exist without it. It is with us, nay, with all men, like a great +exulting and abounding river, It is fed by the dews of Heaven, which +distil their sweetest drops to form it. It gushes from the rill, as it +breaks from the deep caverns of the Earth. It is fed by a thousand +affluents, that dash from the mountaintop to separate again into a +thousand bounteous and irrigating rills around. On its broad bosom it +bears a thousand barks. There, Genius spreads its purpling sail. +There, Poetry dips its silver oar. There, Art, Invention, Discovery, +Science, Morality, Religion, may safely and securely float. It wanders +through every land. It is a genial, cordial source of thought and +inspiration, wherever it touches, whatever it surrounds. Sir, upon its +borders, there grows every flower of Grace and every fruit of Truth. I +am not here to deny that that Stream sometimes becomes a dangerous +Torrent, and destroys towns and cities upon its bank; but I am here to +say that without it, Civilization, Humanity, Government, all that makes +Society itself, would disappear, and the World would return to its +ancient Barbarism.</p> + +<p>"Sir, if that were to be possible, or so thought for a moment, the fine +conception of the great Poet would be realized. If that were to be +possible, though but for a moment, Civilization itself would roll the +wheels of its car backward for two thousand years. Sir, if that were +so, it would be true that:</p> + +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + + 'As one by one in dread Medea's train,<br /> + Star after Star fades off th' ethereal plain,<br /> + Thus at her fell approach and secret might,<br /> + Art after art goes out, and all is night.<br /> + Philosophy, that leaned on Heaven before,<br /> + Sinks to her second cause, and is no more.<br /> + Religion, blushing, veils her sacred fires,<br /> + And, unawares, Morality expires.'<br /> + + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + + +<p>"Sir, we will not risk these consequences, even for Slavery; we will not +risk these consequences even for Union; we will not risk these +consequences to avoid that Civil War with which you threaten us; that +War which, you announce so deadly, and which you declare to be +inevitable. * * * I will never yield to the idea that the great +Government of this Country shall protect Slavery in any Territory now +ours, or hereafter to be acquired. It is, in my opinion, a great +principle of Free Government, not, to be surrendered.</p> + +<p>"It is in my judgment, the object of the great battle which we have +fought, and which we have won. It is, in my poor opinion, the point +upon which there is concord and agreement between the great masses of +the North, who may agree in no other political opinion whatever. Be he +Republican, or Democrat, or Douglas man, or Lincoln man; be he from the +North, or the West, from Oregon, or from Maine, in my judgment +nine-tenths of the entire population of the North and West are devoted, in +the very depths of their hearts, to the great Constitutional idea that +Freedom is the rule, that Slavery is the exception, that it ought not to +be extended by virtue of the powers of the Government of the United +States; and, come weal, come woe, it never shall be.</p> + +<p>"But, sir, I add one other thing. When you talk to me about Compromise +or Concession, I am not sure that I always understand you. Do you mean +that I am to give up my convictions of right? Armies cannot compel that +in the breast of a Free People. Do you mean that I am to concede the +benefits of the political struggle through which we have passed, +considered politically, only? You are too just and too generous to ask +that. Do you mean that we are to deny the great principle upon which +our political action has been based? You know we cannot. But if you +mean by Compromise and Concession to ask us to see whether we have not +been hasty, angry, passionate, excited, and in many respects violated +your feelings, your character, your right of property, we will look; +and, as I said yesterday, if we have, we will undo it. Allow me to say +again, if there be any lawyer or any Court that will advise us that our +laws are unconstitutional, we will repeal them.</p> + +<p>"Now as to territory. I will not yield one inch to Secession; but there +are things that I will yield, and there are things to which I will +yield. It is somewhere told that when Harold of England received a +messenger from a brother with whom he was at variance, to inquire on +what terms reconciliation and peace could be effected between brothers, +he replied in a gallant and generous spirit in a few words, 'the terms +I offer are the affection of a brother; and the Earldom of +Northumberland.' And, said the Envoy, as he marched up the Hall amid +the warriors that graced the state of the King, 'if Tosti, thy brother, +agree to this, what terms will you allow to his ally and friend, +Hadrada, the giant.' 'We will allow,' said Harold, 'to Hadrada, the +giant, seven feet of English ground, and if he be, as they say, a giant, +some few inches more!' and, as he spake, the Hall rang with acclamation.</p> + +<p>"Sir, in that spirit I speak. I follow, at a humble distance, the ideas +and the words of Clay, illustrious, to be venerated, and honored, and +remembered, forever. * * * He said—I say: that I will yield no inch, +no word, to the threat of Secession, unconstitutional, revolutionary, +dangerous, unwise, at variance with the heart and the hope of all +mankind save themselves. To that I yield nothing; but if States loyal +to the Constitution, if people magnanimous and just, desiring a return +of fraternal feeling, shall come to us and ask for Peace, for permanent, +enduring peace and affection, and say, 'What will you grant? I say to +them, 'Ask all that a gentleman ought to propose, and I will yield all +that a gentleman ought to offer.' Nay, more: if you are galled because +we claim the right to prohibit Slavery in territory now Free, or in any +Territory which acknowledges our jurisdiction, we will evade—I speak +but for myself—I will aid in evading that question; I will agree to +make it all States, and let the People decide at once. I will agree to +place them in that condition where the prohibition of Slavery will never +be necessary to justify ourselves to our consciences or to our +constituents. I will agree to anything which is not to force upon me +the necessity of protecting Slavery in the name of Freedom. To that I +never can and never will yield."</p> + +<p>The speeches of Seward, of Douglas, of Crittenden, of Andrew Johnson, of +Baker, and others, in behalf of the Union, and those of Benjamin, Davis, +Wigfall, Lane, and others, in behalf of Secession, did much toward +fixing the responsibility for the approaching bloody conflict where it +belonged. The speeches of Andrew Johnson of Tennessee—who, if he at a +subsequent period of the Nation's history, proved himself not the +worthiest son of the Republic, at this critical time, at all events, did +grand service in the National Senate—especially had great and good +effect on the public mind in the Northern and Border States. They were, +therefore, gall and wormwood to the Secession leaders, who hoped to drag +the Border States into the great Southern Confederacy of States already +in process of formation.</p> + +<p>Their irritation was shown in threats of personal violence to Mr. +Johnson, as when Wigfall—replying February 7th, 1861, to the latter's +speech, said, "Now if the Senator wishes to denounce Secession and +Nullification eo nomine, let him go back and denounce Jefferson; let him +denounce Jackson, if he dare, and go back and look that Tennessee +Democracy in the face, and see whether they will content themselves with +riddling his effigy!"</p> + +<p>It would seem also, from another part of Wigfall's reply, that the +speeches of Union Senators had been so effective that a necessity was +felt on the part of the Southern Conspirators to still further attempt +to justify Secession by shifting the blame to Northern shoulders, for, +while referring to the Presidential canvass of 1860—and the attitude of +the Southern Secession leaders during that exciting period—he said: +"We (Breckinridge-Democrats) gave notice, both North and South, that if +Abraham Lincoln was elected, this Union was dissolved. I never made a +speech during the canvass without asserting that fact. * * * Then, I +say, that our purpose was not to dissolve the Union; but the dire +necessity has been put upon us. The question is, whether we shall live +longer in a Union in which a Party, hostile to us in every respect, has +the power in Congress, in the Executive department, and in the Electoral +Colleges—a Party who will have the power even in the Judiciary. We +think it is not safe. We say that each State has the clear indisputable +right to withdraw if she sees fit; and six of the States have already +withdrawn, and one other State is upon the eve of withdrawing, if she +has not already done so. How far this will spread no man can tell!"</p> + +<p>As tending to show the peculiar mixture of brag, cajolery, and threats, +involved in the attitude of the South, as expressed by the same favorite +Southern mouthpiece, toward the Border-States on the one hand, and the +Middle and New England States on the other, a further extract from this +(February 7th) speech of the Texan Senator may be of interest. Said he:</p> + +<p>"With exports to the amount of hundreds of millions of dollars, our +imports must be the same. With a lighter Tariff than any people ever +undertook to live under, we could have larger revenue. We would be able +to stand Direct Taxation to a greater extent than any people ever could +before, since the creation of the World. We feel perfectly competent to +meet all issues that may be presented, either by hostility from abroad +or treason at home. So far as the Border-States are concerned, it is a +matter that concerns them alone. Should they confederate with us, +beyond all doubt New England machinery will be worked with the water +power of Tennessee, of Kentucky, of Virginia and of Maryland; the Tariff +laws that now give New England the monopoly in the thirty-three States, +will give to these Border States a monopoly in the Slave-holding States. +Should the non-Slave-holding States choose to side against us in +organizing their Governments, and cling to their New England brethren, +the only result will be, that the meat, the horses, the hemp, and the +grain, which we now buy in Pennsylvania, in Ohio, in Indiana and +Illinois, will be purchased in Kentucky and in Western Virginia and in +Missouri. Should Pennsylvania stand out, the only result will be, that +the iron which is now dug in Pennsylvania, will be dug in the mountains +of Tennessee and of Virginia and of Kentucky and of North Carolina. +These things we know.</p> + +<p>"We feel no anxiety at all, so far as money or men are concerned. We +desire War with nobody; we intend to make no War; but we intend to live +under just such a Government as we see fit. Six States have left this +Union, and others are going to leave it simply because they choose to do +it; that is all. We do not ask your consent; we do not wish it. We +have revoked our ratification of the Treaty commonly known as the +Constitution of the United States; a treaty for common defense and +general welfare; and we shall be perfectly willing to enter into another +Treaty with you, of peace and amity. Reject the olive branch and offer +us the sword, and we accept it; we have not the slightest objection. +Upon that subject we feel as the great William Lowndes felt upon another +important subject, the Presidency, which he said was neither to be +sought nor declined. When you invade our soil, look to your own +borders. You say that you have too many people, too many towns, too +dense a population, for us to invade you. I say to you Senators, that +there is nothing that ever stops the march of an invading force, except +a desert. The more populous a country, the more easy it is to subsist +an army."</p> + +<p>After declaring that—"Not only are our non-Slaveholders loyal, but even +our Negroes are. We have no apprehensions whatever of insurrection—not +the slightest. We can arm our negroes, and leave them at home, when we +are temporarily absent"—Mr. Wigfall proceeded to say: "We may as well +talk plainly about this matter. This is probably the last time I shall +have an opportunity of addressing you. There is another thing that an +invading army cannot do. It cannot burn up plantations. You can pull +down fences, but the Negroes will put them up the next morning. The +worst fuel that ever a man undertook to make fire with, is dirt; it will +not burn. Now I have told you what an invading army cannot do. Suppose +I reverse the picture and tell you what it can do. An invading army in +an enemy's country, where there is a dense population, can subsist +itself at a very little cost; it does not always pay for what it gets. +An invading army can burn down towns; an invading army can burn down +manufactories; and it can starve operatives. It can do all these +things. But an Invading army, and an army to defend a Country, both +require a military chest. You may bankrupt every man south of North +Carolina, so that his credit is reduced to such a point that he could +not discount a note for thirty dollars, at thirty days; but the next +autumn those Cotton States will have just as much money and as much +credit as they had before. They pick money off the cotton plant. Every +time that a Negro touches a cotton-pod with his hand, he pulls a piece +of silver out of it, and he drops it into the basket in which it is +carried to the gin-house. It is carried to the packing screw. A bale +of cotton rolls out—in other words, five ten-dollar pieces roll +out—covered with canvas. We shall never again make less than five million +bales of cotton. * * * We can produce five million bales of cotton, +every bale worth fifty dollars, which is the lowest market price it has +been for years past. We shall import a bale of something else, for +every bale of cotton that we export, and that bale will be worth fifty +dollars. We shall find no difficulty under a War-Tariff in raising an +abundance of money. We have been at Peace for a very long time, We are +very prosperous. Our planters use their cotton, not to buy the +necessaries of life, but for the superfluities, which they can do +without. The States themselves have a mine of wealth in the loyalty and +the wealth of their citizens. Georgia, Mississippi, any one of those +States can issue its six per cent. bonds tomorrow, and receive cotton in +payment to the extent almost of the entire crop. They can first borrow +from their own citizens; they can tax them to an almost unlimited +extent; and they can raise revenue from a Tariff to an almost unlimited +extent.</p> + +<p>"How will it be with New England? where will their revenue come from? +From your Custom-houses? what do you export? You have been telling us +here for the last quarter of a century, that you cannot manufacture, +even for the home market, under the Tariffs which we have given you. +When this Tariff ceases to operate in your favor, and you have to pay +for coming into our markets, what will you export? When your machinery +ceases to move, and your operatives are turned out, will you tax your +broken capitalist or your starving operative? When the navigation laws +cease to operate, what will become of your shipping interest? You are +going to blockade our ports, you say. That is a very innocent game; and +you suppose we shall sit quietly down and submit to a blockade. I speak +not of foreign interference, for we look not for it. We are just as +competent to take Queen Victoria and Louis Napoleon under our +protection, as they are to take us; and they are a great deal more +interested to-day in receiving cotton from our ports than we are in +shipping it. You may lock up every bale of cotton within the limits of +the eight Cotton States, and not allow us to export one for three years, +and we shall not feel it further than our military resources are +concerned. Exhaust the supply of cotton in Europe for one week, and all +Europe is in revolution.</p> + +<p>"These are facts. You will blockade us! Do you suppose we shall do +nothing, even upon the sea? How many letters of marque and reprisal +would it take to put the whole of your ships up at your wharves to rot? +Will any merchant at Havre, or Liverpool, or any other portion of the +habitable globe, ship a cargo upon a New England, or New York, or +Philadelphia clipper, or other ship, when he knows that the seas are +swarming with letters of marque and reprisal? Why the mere apprehension +of such a thing will cut you out of the Carrying Trade of the civilized +World. * * * I speak not of the absurdity of the position that you can +blockade our ports, admitting at the same time that we are in the Union. +Blockade is a remedy, as all writers on International law say, against a +Foreign Power with whom you are at War. You cannot use a blockade +against your own people. An embargo even, you cannot use. That is a +remedy against a Foreign Nation with whom you expect to be at War. You +must treat us as in the Union, or out of it. We have gone out. We are +willing to live at peace with you; but, as sure as fate, whenever any +flag comes into one of our ports, that has thirty-three stars upon it, +that flag will be fired at. Displaying a flag with stars which we have +plucked from that bright galaxy, is an insult to the State within whose +waters that flag is displayed. You cannot enforce the laws without +Coercion, and you cannot Coerce without War.</p> + +<p>"These matters, then, can be settled. How? By withdrawing your troops; +admitting our right to Self-government clearly, unqualifiedly. Do this, +and there is no difficulty about it. You say that you will not do it. +Very well; we have no objection—none whatever. That is Coercion. When +you have attempted it, you will find that you have made War. These, +Senators, are facts. I come here to plead for Peace; but I have seen so +much and felt so much, that I am becoming at last, to tell the plain +truth of the matter, rather indifferent as to which way the thing turns. +If you want War, you can have it. If you want Peace, you can get it; +but I plead not for Peace."</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Seceding States of the South were strengthening their +attitude by Confederation. On February 4, 1861, the Convention of +Seceding States, called by the South Carolina Convention at the time of +her Secession, met, in pursuance of that call, at Montgomery, Alabama, +and on the 9th adopted a Provisional Constitution and organized a +Provisional Government by the election of Jefferson Davis of +Mississippi, as President, and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, as +Vice-President; to serve until a Presidential election could be held by +the people of the Confederacy.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [At a later day, March 11, 1861, a permanent Constitution for the + "Confederate States" was adopted, and, in the Fall of the same + year, Messrs. Davis and Stephens were elected by popular vote, for + the term of six years ensuing, as President and Vice-President, + respectively, of the Confederacy.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Mr. Davis almost at once left Jackson, Mississippi, for Montgomery, +where he arrived and delivered his Inaugural, February 17, having +received on his road thither a succession of ovations from the +enthusiastic Rebels, to which he had responded with no less than +twenty-five speeches, very similar in tone to those made in the United States +Senate by Mr. Wigfall and others of that ilk—breathing at once defiance +and hopefulness, while admitting the difficulties in the way of the new +Confederacy.</p> + +<p>"It may be," said he, at Jackson, "that we will be confronted by War; +that the attempt will be made to blockade our ports, to starve us out; +but they (the Union men of the North) know little of the Southern heart, +of Southern endurance. No amount of privation could force us to remain +in a Union on unequal terms. England and France would not allow our +great staple to be dammed up within our present limits; the starving +thousands in their midst would not allow it. We have nothing to +apprehend from Blockade. But if they attempt invasion by land, we must +take the War out of our territory. If War must come, it must be upon +Northern, and not upon Southern soil. In the meantime, if they were +prepared to grant us Peace, to recognize our equality, all is well."</p> + +<p>And, in his speech at Stevenson, Alabama, said he "Your Border States +will gladly come into the Southern Confederacy within sixty days, as we +will be their only friends. England will recognize us, and a glorious +future is before us. The grass will grow in the Northern cities, where +the pavements have been worn off by the tread of Commerce. We will +carry War where it is easy to advance—where food for the sword and +torch await our Armies in the densely populated cities; and though they +may come and spoil our crops, we can raise them as before; while they +cannot rear the cities which took years of industry and millions of +money to build."</p> + +<p>Very different in tone to these, were the kindly and sensible utterances +of Mr. Lincoln on his journey from Springfield to Washington, about the +same time, for Inauguration as President of the United States. Leaving +Springfield, Illinois, February 11th, he had pathetically said:</p> + +<p>"My friends: No one, not in my position, can realize the sadness I feel +at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived +more than a quarter of a century. Here my children were born, and here +one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you again. I +go to assume a task more difficult than that which has devolved upon any +other man since the days of Washington. He never would have succeeded +except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times +relied. I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine blessing +which sustained him; and on the same Almighty Being I place my reliance +for support. And I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may +receive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with +which success is certain. Again I bid you an affectionate farewell."</p> + +<p>At Indianapolis, that evening, the eve of his birthday anniversary, +after thanking the assembled thousands for their "magnificent welcome," +and defining the words "Coercion" and "Invasion"—at that time so +loosely used—he continued: "But if the United States should merely hold +and retake her own Forts and other property, and collect the duties on +foreign importation, or even withhold the mails from places where they +were habitually violated, would any or all of these things be 'Invasion' +or 'Coercion'? Do our professed lovers of the Union, who spitefully +resolve that they will resist Coercion and Invasion, understand that +such things as these on the part of the United States would be +'Coercion' or 'Invasion' of a State? If so, their idea of means to +preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be +exceedingly thin and airy."</p> + +<p>At Columbus, Ohio, he spoke in a like calm, conservative, reasoning way +—with the evident purpose of throwing oil on the troubled waters—when +he said: "I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. +It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety; for there is +nothing going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that, when we look +out, there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different +views upon political questions; but nobody is suffering anything. This +is a consoling circumstance; and from it we may conclude that all we +want is time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never +forsaken this People."</p> + +<p>So, too, at Pittsburg, Pa., February 15th, he said, of "our friends," as +he termed them, the Secessionists: "Take even their own views of the +questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the course they are +pursuing. I repeat, then, there is no crisis, except such an one as may +be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by designing +politicians. My advice to them, under the circumstances, is to keep +cool. If the great American People only keep their temper both sides of +the line, the trouble will come to an end, and the question which now +distracts the Country be settled, just as surely as all other +difficulties, of a like character, which have been originated in this +Government, have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their +self-possession, and, just as other clouds have cleared away in due +time, so will this great Nation continue to prosper as heretofore."</p> + +<p>And toward the end of that journey, on the 22nd of +February—Washington's Birthday—in the Independence Hall at Philadelphia, after +eloquently affirming his belief that "the great principle or idea that +kept this Confederacy so long together was * * * that sentiment in the +Declaration of Independence which gave Liberty not alone to the People +of this Country, but" he hoped "to the World, for all future time * * * +which gave promise that, in due time, the weight would be lifted from +the shoulders of all men"—he added, in the same firm, yet temperate and +reassuring vein: "Now, my friends, can this Country be saved on that +basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the +world, if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved on that basis, +it will be truly awful. But, if this Country cannot be saved without +giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be +assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now in my view of the +present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or War. There is +no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say, +in advance, that there will be no bloodshed, unless it be forced upon +the Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defense. * +* * I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be +the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by."</p> + +<p>Thus, as he progressed on that memorable journey from his home in +Illinois, through Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Columbus, Pittsburgh, +Cleveland, Erie, Buffalo, Albany, New York, Trenton, Newark, +Philadelphia, and Harrisburg—amid the prayers and blessings and +acclamations of an enthusiastic and patriotic people—he uttered words +of wise conciliation and firm moderation such as beseemed the high +functions and tremendous responsibilities to which the voice of that +liberty—and union-loving people had called him, and this too, with a +full knowledge, when he made the Philadelphia speech, that the enemies +of the Republic had already planned to assassinate him before he could +reach Washington.</p> + +<p>The prudence of his immediate friends, fortunately defeated the +murderous purpose—and by the simple device of taking the regular night +express from Philadelphia instead of a special train next day—to +Washington, he reached the National Capital without molestation early on +the morning of the 23rd of February.</p> + +<p>That morning, after Mr. Lincoln's arrival, in company with Mr. Lovejoy, +the writer visited him at Willard's Hotel. During the interview both +urged him to "Go right along, protect the property of the Country, and +put down the Rebellion, no matter at what cost in men and money." He +listened with grave attention, and said little, but very clearly +indicated his approval of all the sentiments thus expressed—and then, +with the same firm and manly and cheerful faith in the outcome, he +added: "As the Country has placed me at the helm of the Ship, I'll try +to steer her through."</p> + +<p>The spirit in which he proposed to accomplish this superhuman task, was +shown when he told the Southern people through the Civic authorities of +Washington on the 27th of February—When the latter called upon +him—that he had no desire or intention to interfere with any of their +Constitutional rights—that they should have all their rights under the +Constitution, "not grudgingly, but fully and fairly." And what was the +response of the South to this generous and conciliatory message? +Personal sneers—imputations of Northern cowardice—boasts of Southern +prowess—scornful rejection of all compromise—and an insolent challenge +to the bloody issue of arms!</p> + +<p>Said Mr. Wigfall, in the United States Senate, on March 2d, alluding to +Mr. Lincoln, "I do not think that a man who disguises himself in a +soldier's cloak and a Scotch cap (a more thorough disguise could not be +assumed by such a man) and makes his entry between day and day, into the +Capital of the Country that he is to govern—I hardly think that he is +going to look War sternly in the face.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Had Mr. Wigfall been able at this time to look four years into the + future and behold the downfall of the Southern Rebellion, the + flight of its Chieftains, and the capture of Jefferson Davis while + endeavoring to escape, with his body enclosed in a wrapper and a + woman's shawl over his head, as stated by Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart + of Jefferson Davis's Staff, p. 756, vol. ii., Greeley's American + Conflict—he would hardly have retailed this slander.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"I look for nothing else than that the Commissioners from the +Confederated States will be received here and recognized by Abraham +Lincoln. I will now predict that this Republican Party that is going to +enforce the Laws, preserve the Union, and collect Revenue, will never +attempt anything so silly; and that instead of taking Forts, the troops +will be withdrawn from those which we now have. See if this does not +turn out to be so, in less than a week or ten days."</p> + +<p>In the same insulting diatribe, he said: "It is very easy for men to +bluster who know there is going to be no danger. Four or five million +people living in a territory that extends from North Carolina down to +the Rio Grande, who have exports to above three hundred million dollars, +whose ports cannot be blockaded, but who can issue letters of marque and +reprisal, and sweep your commerce from the seas, and who will do it, are +not going to be trifled with by that sensible Yankee nation. Mark my +words. I did think, at one time, there was going to be War; I do not +think so now. * * * The Star of the West swaggered into Charleston +harbor, received a blow planted full in the face, and staggered out. +Your flag has been insulted; redress it if you dare! You have submitted +to it for two months, and you will submit to it for ever. * * * We +have dissolved the Union; mend it if you can; cement it with blood; try +the experiment! we do not desire War; we wish to avoid it. * * * This +we say; and if you choose to settle this question by the Sword, we feel, +we know, that we have the Right. We interfere with you in no way. We +ask simply that you will not interfere with us. * * * You tell us you +will keep us in the Union. Try the experiment!"</p> + +<p>And then, with brutal frankness, he continued: "Now, whether what are +called The Crittenden Resolutions will produce satisfaction in some of +these Border States, or not, I am unaware; but I feel perfectly sure +they would not be entertained upon the Gulf. As to the Resolutions +which the Peace Congress has offered us, we might as well make a clean +breast of it. If those Resolutions were adopted, and ratified by three +fourths of the States of this Union, and no other cause ever existed, I +make the assertion that the seven States now out of the Union, would go +out upon that."</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="clay"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p132-clay.jpg (78K)" src="images/p132-clay.jpg" height="809" width="585"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch8"></a> +<br><br> +<center><h2> + CHAPTER VIII.<br><br> + + THE REJECTED OLIVE BRANCH.</h2></center><br> + + +<p>While instructive, it will also not be devoid of interest, to pause +here, and examine the nature of the Crittenden Resolutions, and also the +Resolutions of the Peace Congress, which, we have seen, were spurned by +the Secession leaders, through their chief mouthpiece in the United +States Senate.</p> + +<p>The Crittenden Compromise Resolutions * were in these words:</p> + +<p>"A Joint Resolution proposing certain Amendments to the Constitution of +the United States:</p> + +<p>"Whereas, serious and alarming dissensions have arisen between the +Northern and the Southern States, concerning the Rights and security of +the Rights of the Slaveholding States, and especially their Rights in +the common territory of the United States; and whereas, it is eminently +desirable and proper that these dissensions, which now threaten the very +existence of this Union, should be permanently quieted and settled by +Constitutional provisions which shall do equal justice to all Sections, +and thereby restore to the People that peace and good-will which ought +to prevail between all the citizens of the United States; Therefore:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America, in Congress assembled, (two thirds of both Houses +concurring), the following articles be, and are hereby proposed and +submitted as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which +shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of said +Constitution, when ratified by Conventions of three-fourths of the +several States:</p> + +<p>"Article I. In all the territory of the United States now held, or +hereafter to be acquired, situate north of latitude 36 30', Slavery or +involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is prohibited, +while such territory shall remain under Territorial government. In all +the territory south of said line of latitude, Slavery of the African +race is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with +by Congress, but shall be protected as Property by all the departments +of the Territorial government during its continuance. And when any +Territory, north or south of said line, within such boundaries as +Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population requisite for a +member of Congress, according to the then Federal ratio of +representation of the People of the United States, it shall, if its own +form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union, on an +equal footing with the original States; with or without Slavery, as the +Constitution of such new State may provide.</p> + +<p>"Article II. Congress shall have no power to abolish Slavery in places +under its exclusive jurisdiction, and situate within the limits of +States that permit the holding of Slaves.</p> + +<p>"Article III. Congress shall have no power to abolish Slavery within +the District of Columbia; so long as it exists in the adjoining States +of Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor without the consent of the +inhabitants, nor without just compensation first made to such owners of +Slaves as do not consent to such abolishment. Nor shall Congress, at +any time, prohibit officers of the Federal government, or members of +Congress whose duties require them to be in said District, from bringing +with them their Slaves, and holding them as such during the time their +duties may require them to remain there, and afterward taking them from +the District.</p> + +<p>"Article IV. Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder the +Transportation of Slaves from one State to another, or to a Territory in +which Slaves are, by law, permitted to be held, whether that +transportation be by land, navigable rivers, or by the sea.</p> + +<p>"Article V. That in addition to the provisions of the third paragraph +of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the +United States, Congress shall have power to provide by law, and it shall +be its duty to provide, that the United States shall pay to the owner +who shall apply for it, the full value of his Fugitive Slaves in all +cases where the Marshal, or other officer whose duty it was to arrest +said Fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation, +or where, after arrest, said Fugitive was rescued by force, and the +owner thereby prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for +the recovery of his Fugitive Slave under the said clause of the +Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> ["No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws + thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any Law or + Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but + shall be delivered up on claim of the Party to whom such Service or + Labour may be due."—Art. IV., Sec. 2, P 3, U. S. Constitution.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"And in all such cases, when the United States shall pay for such +Fugitive, they shall have the Right, in their own name, to sue the +county in which said violence, intimidation, or rescue, was committed, +and recover from it, with interest and damages, the amount paid by them +for said Fugitive Slave. And the said county, after it has paid said +amount to the United States, may, for its indemnity, sue and recover +from the wrong-doers or rescuers by whom the owner was prevented from +the recovery of his Fugitive Slave, in like manner as the owner himself +might have sued and recovered.</p> + +<p>"Article VI. No future amendment of the Constitution shall affect the +five preceding articles; nor the third paragraph of the second section +of the first article of the Constitution, nor the third paragraph of +the second section of the fourth article of said Constitution; and no +amendment shall be made to the Constitution which shall authorize or +give to Congress any power to abolish or interfere with Slavery in any +of the States by whose laws it is or may be, allowed or permitted.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> ["Representatives and Direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the + several States which may be included within this Union, according + to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to + the whole Number of Free Persons, including those bound to Service + for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not Taxed, three-fifths + of all Other Persons," etc.—Art. 1., Sec. 2, P 3, U. S. + Constitution.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"And whereas, also, besides those causes of dissension embraced in the +foregoing amendments proposed to the Constitution of the United States, +there are others which come within the jurisdiction of Congress, and may +be remedied by its legislative power; And whereas it is the desire of +Congress, as far as its power will extend, to remove all just cause for +the popular discontent and agitation which now disturb the peace of the +Country and threaten the stability of its Institutions; Therefore:</p> + +<p>"1. Resolved by the Senate and house of Representatives in Congress +assembled, that the laws now in force for the recovery of Fugitive +Slaves are in strict pursuance of the plain and mandatory provisions of +the Constitution, and have been sanctioned as valid and Constitutional +by the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States; that the +Slaveholding States are entitled to the faithful observance and +execution of those laws; and that they ought not to be repealed, or so +modified or changed as to impair their efficiency; and that laws ought +to be made for the punishment of those who attempt, by rescue of the +Slave, or other illegal means, to hinder or defeat the due execution of +said laws.</p> + +<p>"2. That all State laws which conflict with the Fugitive Slave Acts of +Congress, or any other Constitutional Acts of Congress, or which, in +their operation, impede, hinder, or delay, the free course and due +execution of any of said Acts, are null and void by the plain provisions +of the Constitution of the United States; yet those State laws, void as +they are, have given color to practices, and led to consequences, which +have obstructed the due administration and execution of Acts of +Congress, and especially the Acts for the delivery of Fugitive Slaves; +and have thereby contributed much to the discord and commotion now +prevailing. Congress, therefore, in the present perilous juncture, does +not deem it improper, respectfully and earnestly, to recommend the +repeal of those laws to the several States which have enacted them, or +such legislative corrections or explanations of them as may prevent +their being used or perverted to such mischievous purposes.</p> + +<p>"3. That the Act of the 18th of September, 1850, commonly called the +Fugitive Slave Law, ought to be so amended as to make the fee of the +Commissioner, mentioned in the eighth section of the Act, equal in +amount in the cases decided by him, whether his decision be in favor of, +or against the claimant. And, to avoid misconstruction, the last clause +of the fifth section of said Act, which authorizes the person holding a +warrant for the arrest or detention of a Fugitive Slave to summon to his +aid the posse comitatus, and which declares it to be the duty of all +good citizens to assist him in its execution, ought to be so amended as +to expressly limit the authority and duty to cases in which there shall +be resistance, or danger of resistance or rescue.</p> + +<p>"4. That the laws for the suppression of the African Slave Trade, and +especially those prohibiting the importation of Slaves into the United +States, ought to be more effectual, and ought to be thoroughly executed; +and all further enactments necessary to those ends ought to be promptly +made."</p> + +<p> +The Peace Conference, or "Congress," it may here be mentioned, was +called, by action of the Legislature of Virginia, to meet at Washington, +February 4, 1861. The invitation was extended to all of such "States of +this Confederacy * * * whether Slaveholding or Non-Slaveholding, as are +willing to unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the +present unhappy controversies in the spirit in which the Constitution +was originally formed, and consistently with its principles, so as to +afford to the people of the Slaveholding States adequate guarantees for +the security of their rights"—such States to be represented by +Commissioners "to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon some +suitable adjustment."</p> + +<p>The Conference, or "Congress," duly convened, at that place and time, +and organized by electing ex-President John Tyler, of Virginia, its +President. This Peace Congress—which comprised 133 Commissioners, +representing the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, +Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, +Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, +Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin and Kansas—remained in session until +February 27, 1861—and then submitted the result of its labors to +Congress, with the request that Congress "will submit it to Conventions +in the States, as Article Thirteen of the Amendments to the Constitution +of the United States, in the following shape:</p> + +<p>"Section 1. In all the present territory of the United States, north of +the parallel of 36 30' of north latitude, Involuntary Servitude, except +in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory +south of that line, the status of Persons held to Involuntary Service or +Labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed; nor shall any law be +passed by Congress or the Territorial Legislature to hinder or prevent +the taking of such Persons from any of the States of this Union to said +Territory, nor to impair the Rights arising from said relation; but the +same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal Courts, +according to the course of the common law. When any Territory north or +south of said line, within such boundary as Congress may prescribe, +shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of +Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted +into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or +without Involuntary Servitude, as the Constitution of such State may +provide.</p> + +<p>"Section 2. No territory shall be acquired by the United States, except +by discovery and for naval and commercial stations, depots, and transit +routes, without the concurrence of a majority of all the Senators from +States which allow Involuntary Servitude, and a majority of all the +Senators from States which prohibit that relation; nor shall Territory +be acquired by treaty, unless the votes of a majority of the Senators +from each class of States hereinbefore mentioned be cast as a part of +the two-thirds majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty.</p> + +<p>"Section 3. Neither the Constitution, nor any amendment thereof, shall +be construed to give Congress power to regulate, abolish, or control, +within any State, the relation established or recognized by the laws +thereof touching Persons held to Labor or Involuntary Service therein, +nor to interfere with or abolish Involuntary Service in the District of +Columbia without the consent of Maryland, and without the consent of the +owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation; nor +the power to interfere with or prohibit Representatives and others from +bringing with them to the District of Columbia, retaining, and taking +away, Persons so held to Labor or Service; nor the power to interfere +with or abolish Involuntary Service in places under the exclusive +jurisdiction of the United States within those States and Territories +where the same is established or recognized; nor the power to prohibit +the removal or transportation of Persons held to Labor or Involuntary +Service in any State or Territory of the United States to any other +State or Territory thereof where it is established or recognized by law +or usage; and the right during transportation, by sea or river, of +touching at ports, shores, and landings, and of landing in case of +distress, shall exist; but not the right of transit in or through any +State or Territory, or of sale or traffic, against the laws thereof. +Nor shall Congress have power to authorize any higher rate of taxation +on Persons held to Labor or Service than on land. The bringing into the +District of Columbia of Persons held to Labor or Service, for sale, or +placing them in depots to be afterwards transferred to other places for +sale as merchandize, is prohibited.</p> + +<p>"Section 4. The third paragraph of the second section of the fourth +article of the Constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of the +States, by appropriate legislation, and through the action of their +judicial and ministerial officers, from enforcing the delivery of +Fugitives from Labor to the person to whom such Service or Labor is due.</p> + +<p>"Section 5. The Foreign Slave Trade is hereby forever prohibited; and +it shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importation +of Slaves, Coolies, or Persons held to Service or Labor, into the United +States and the Territories from places beyond the limits thereof.</p> + +<p>"Section 6. The first, third, and fifth sections, together with this +section of these amendments, and the third paragraph of the second +section of the first article of the Constitution, and the third +paragraph of the second section of the fourth article thereof, shall not +be amended or abolished without the consent of all the States.</p> + +<p>"Section 7. Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall +pay to the owner the full value of the Fugitive from Labor, in all cases +where the Marshal, or other officer, whose duty it was to arrest such +Fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation from +mobs or riotous assemblages, or when, after arrest, such Fugitive was +rescued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby deprived +of the same; and the acceptance of such payment shall preclude the owner +from further claim to such Fugitive. Congress shall provide by law for +securing to the citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of +citizens in the several States."</p> + +<p> +To spurn such propositions as these—with all the concessions to the +Slave Power therein contained—was equivalent to spurning any and all +propositions that could possibly be made; and by doing this, the +Seceding States placed themselves—as they perhaps desired—in an +utterly irreconcilable attitude, and hence, to a certain extent, which +had not entered into their calculations, weakened their "Cause" in the +eyes of many of their friends in the North, in the Border States, and in +the World. They had become Implacables. Practically considered, this +was their great mistake. The Crittenden Compromise Resolutions covered +and yielded to the Slaveholders of the South all and even more than they +had ever dared seriously to ask or hope for, and had they been open to +Conciliation, they could have undoubtedly carried that measure through +both Houses of Congress and three-fourths of the States.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> ["Its advocates, with good reason, claimed a large majority of the + People in its favor, and clamored for its submission to a direct + popular vote. Had such a submission been accorded, it is very + likely that the greater number of those who voted at all would have + voted to ratify it. * * * The 'Conservatives,' so called, were + still able to establish this Crittenden Compromise by their own + proper strength, had they been disposed so to do. The President + was theirs; the Senate strongly theirs; in the House, they had a + small majority, as was evidenced in their defeat of John Sherman + for Speaker. Had they now come forward and said, with authority: + 'Enable us to pass the Crittenden Compromise, and all shall be + peace and harmony,' they would have succeeded without difficulty. + It was only through the withdrawal of pro-slavery members that the + Republicans had achieved an unexpected majority in either House. + Had those members chosen to return to the seats still awaiting + them, and to support Mr. Crittenden's proposition, they could have + carried it without difficulty."—Vol. 360, Greeley's Am. Conflict.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>But no, they wilfully withdrew their Congressional membership, State by +State, as each Seceded, and refused all terms save those which involved +an absolute surrender to them on all points, including the impossible +claim of the "Right of Secession."</p> + +<p>Let us now briefly trace the history of the Compromise measures in the +two Houses of Congress.</p> + +<p>The Crittenden-Compromise Joint-Resolution had been introduced in the +Senate at the opening of its session and referred to a Select Committee +of Thirteen, and subsequently, January 16th, 1861, having been reported +back, came up in that body for action. On that day it was amended by +inserting the words "now held or hereafter to be acquired" after the +words "In all the territory of the United States," in the first line of +Article I., so that it would read as given above. This amendment—by +which not only in all territory then belonging to the United States, but +also by implication in all that might thereafter be acquired, Slavery +South of 36 30' was to be recognized—was agreed to by 29 yeas to 21 +nays, as follows:</p> + +<p>YEAS.—Messrs. Baker, Bayard, Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, +Clingman, Crittenden, Douglas, Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hemphill, Hunter, +Iverson, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, +Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury, Sebastian, Slidell and Wigfall—29.</p> + +<p>NAYS.—Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, +Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, +King, Latham, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade and +Wilson—24.</p> + +<p>The question now recurred upon an amendment, in the nature of a +substitute, offered by Mr. Clark, to strike out the preamble of the +Crittenden proposition and all of the resolutions after the word +"resolved," and insert:</p> + +<p>"That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the preservation +of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests of the +Country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that an +extrication from our present dangers is to be looked for in strenuous +efforts to preserve the peace, protect the public property, and enforce +the laws, rather than in new Guarantees for particular interests, +Compromises for particular difficulties, or Concessions to unreasonable +demands.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That all attempts to dissolve the present Union, or overthrow +or abandon the present Constitution, with the hope or expectation of +constructing a new one, are dangerous, illusory, and destructive; that +in the opinion of the Senate of the United States no such Reconstruction +is practicable; and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union +and Constitution should be directed all the energies of all the +departments of the Government, and the efforts of all good citizens."</p> + +<p> +Before reaching a vote on this amendment, Mr. Anthony, (January 16th) +made a most conciliatory speech, pointing out such practical objections +to the Crittenden proposition as occurred to his mind, and then, +continuing, said: "I believe, Mr. President, that if the danger which +menaces us is to be avoided at all, it must be by Legislation; which is +more ready, more certain, and more likely to be satisfactory, than +Constitutional Amendment. The main difficulty is the Territorial +question. The demand of the Senators on the other side of the Chamber, +and of those whom they represent, is that the territory south of the +line of the Missouri Compromise shall be open to their peculiar +Property. All this territory, except the Indian Reservation, is within +the limits of New Mexico; which, for a part of its northern boundary, +runs up two degrees above that line. This is now a Slave Territory; +made so by Territorial Legislation; and Slavery exists there, recognized +and protected. Now, I am willing, as soon as Kansas can be admitted, to +vote for the admission of New Mexico as a State, with such Constitution +as the People may adopt. This disposes of all the territory that is +adapted to Slave Labor or that is claimed by the South. It ought to +settle the whole question. Surely if we can dispose of all the +territory that we have, we ought not to quarrel over that which we have +not, and which we have no very honest way of acquiring. Let us settle +the difficulties that threaten us now, and not anticipate those which +may never come. Let the public mind have time to cool * * *. In +offering to settle this question by the admission of New Mexico, we of +the North who assent to it propose a great Sacrifice, and offer a large +Concession.</p> + +<p>"* * * But we make the offer in a spirit of Compromise and good +feeling, which we hope will be reciprocated. * * * I appeal to +Senators on the other side, when we thus offer to bridge over full +seven-eighths of the frightful chasm that separates us, will you not +build the other eighth? When, with outstretched arms, we approach you +so near that, by reaching out your hands you can clasp ours in the +fraternal grasp from which they should never be separated, will you, +with folded arms and closed eyes, stand upon extreme demands which you +know we cannot accept, and for which, if we did, we could not carry our +constituents? * * * Together our Fathers achieved the Independence of +their Country; together they laid the foundations of its greatness and +its glory; together they constructed this beautiful system under which +it is our privilege to live, which it is our duty to preserve and to +transmit. Together we enjoy that privilege; together we must perform +that duty. I will not believe that, in the madness of popular folly and +delusion, the most benignant Government that ever blessed humanity is to +be broken up. I will not believe that this great Power which is +marching with giant steps toward the first place among the Nations of +the Earth, is to be turned 'backward on its mighty track.' There are no +grievances, fancied or real, that cannot be redressed within the Union +and under the Constitution. There are no differences between us that +may not be settled if we will take them up in the spirit of those to +whose places we have succeeded, and the fruits of whose labors we have +inherited."</p> + +<p>And to this more than fair proposition to the Southerners—to this +touching appeal in behalf of Peace—what was the response? Not a word! +It seemed but to harden their hearts.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Immediately after Mr. Anthony's appeal to the Southern Senators, a + motion was made by Mr. Collamer to postpone the Crittenden + Resolutions and take up the Kansas Admission Bill. Here was the + chance at once offered to them to respond to that appeal—to make a + first step, as it were. They would not make it. The motion was + defeated by 25 yeas to 30 nays—Messrs. Benjamin and Slidell of + Louisiana, Hemphill and Wigfall of Texas, Iverson of Georgia, and + Johnson of Arkansas, voting "nay." The question at once recurred + on the amendment of Mr. Clark—being a substitute for the + Crittenden Resolutions, declaring in effect all Compromise + unnecessary. To let that substitute be adopted, was to insure the + failure of the Crittenden proposition. Yet these same six Southern + Senators though present, refused to vote, and permitted the + substitute to be adopted by 25 yeas to 23 nays. The vote of Mr. + Douglas, who had been "called out for an instant into the + ante-room, and deprived of the opportunity of voting "—as he afterwards + stated when vainly asking unanimous consent to have his vote + recorded among the nays—would have made it 25 yeas to 24 nays, had + he been present and voting, while the votes of the six Southern + Senators aforesaid, had they voted, would have defeated the + substitute by 25 yeas to 30 nays. Then upon a direct vote on the + Crittenden Compromise there would not only have been the 30 in its + favor, but the vote of at least one Republican (Baker) in addition, + to carry it, and, although that would not have given the necessary + two-thirds, yet it would have been a majority handsome enough to + have ultimately turned the scales, in both Houses, for a peaceful + adjustment of the trouble, and have avoided all the sad + consequences which so speedily befell the Nation. But this would + not have suited the Treasonable purposes of the Conspirators. Ten + days before this they had probably arranged the Programme in this, + as well as other matters. Very certain it is that no time was lost + by them and their friends in making the best use for their Cause of + this vote, in the doubtful States of Missouri and North Carolina + especially. In the St. Louis journals a Washington dispatch, + purporting (untruly however) to come from Senators Polk and Green, + was published to this effect.</p> + +<p> "The Crittenden Resolutions were lost by a vote of 25 to 23. A + motion of Mr. Cameron to reconsider was lost; and thus ends all + hope of reconciliation. Civil War is now considered inevitable, + and late accounts declare that Fort Sumter will be attacked without + delay. The Missouri delegation recommend immediate Secession."</p> + +<p> This is but a sample of other similar dispatches sent elsewhere. + And the following dispatch, signed by Mr. Crittenden, and published + in the Raleigh, N. C., Register, to quiet the excitement raised by + the telegrams of the Conspirators, serves also to indicate that the + friends of Compromise were not disheartened by their defeat:</p> + +<p> "WASHINGTON, Jan. 17th, 9 P. M.</p> + +<p> "In reply the vote against my resolutions will be reconsidered. + Their failure was the result of the refusal of six Southern + Senators to vote. There is yet good hope of success.</p> + +<p> "JOHN J. CRITTENDEN."</p> + +<p> + There is instruction also to be drawn from the speeches of Senators + Saulsbury, and Johnson of Tennessee, made fully a year afterward + (Jan. 29-31, 1862) in the Senate, touching the defeat of the + Crittenden Compromise by the Clark substitute at this time. + Speaking of the second session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, Mr. + Saulsbury said:</p> + +<p> "At that session, while vainly striving with others for the + adoption of those measures, I remarked in my place in the Senate + that—</p> + +<p> "'If any Gibbon should hereafter write the Decline and Fall of the + American Republic, he would date its fall from the rejection by the + Senate of the propositions submitted by the Senator from Kentucky.'</p> + +<p> "I believed so then, and I believe so now. I never shall forget, + Mr. President, how my heart bounded for joy when I thought I saw a + ray of hope for their adoption in the fact that a Republican + Senator now on this floor came to me and requested that I should + inquire of Mr. Toombs, who was on the eve of his departure for + Georgia to take a seat in the Convention of that State which was to + determine the momentous question whether she should continue a + member of the Union or withdraw from it, whether, if the Crittenden + propositions were adopted, Georgia would remain in the Union.</p> + +<p> "Said Mr. Toombs:</p> + +<p> "'Tell him frankly for me that if those resolutions are adopted by + the vote of any respectable number of Republican Senators, + evidencing their good faith to advocate their ratification by their + people, Georgia will not Secede. This is the position I assumed + before the people of Georgia. I told them that if the party in + power gave evidence of an intention to preserve our rights in the + Union, we were bound to wait until their people could act.'</p> + +<p> "I communicated the answer. The Substitute of the Senator from New + Hampshire [Mr. Clark] was subsequently adopted, and from that day + to this the darkness and the tempest and the storm have thickened, + until thousands like myself, as good and as true Union men as you, + Sir, though you may question our motives, have not only despaired + but are without hope in the future."</p> + +<p> To this speech, Mr. Johnson of Tennessee subsequently replied as + follows in the United States Senate (Jan. 31, 1862)</p> + +<p> "Sir, it has been said by the distinguished Senator from Delaware + [Mr. Saulsbury] that the questions of controversy might all have + been settled by Compromise. He dealt rather extensively in the + Party aspect of the case, and seemingly desired to throw the onus + of the present condition of affairs entirely on one side. He told + us that, if so and so had been done, these questions could have + been settled, and that now there would have been no War. He + referred particularly to the resolution offered during the last + Congress by the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Clark], and upon + the vote on that he based his argument. * * * The Senator told us + that the adoption of the Clark amendment to the Crittenden + Resolutions defeated the settlement of the questions of + controversy; and that, but for that vote, all could have been peace + and prosperity now. We were told that the Clark amendment defeated + the Crittenden Compromise, and prevented a settlement of the + controversy. On this point I will read a portion of the speech of + my worthy and talented friend from California [Mr. Latham]; and + when I speak of him thus, I do it in no unmeaning sense I intend + that he, not I, shall answer the Senator from Delaware. * * * As + I have said, the Senator from Delaware told us that the Clark + amendment was the turning point in the whole matter; that from it + had flowed Rebellion, Revolution, War, the shooting and + imprisonment of people in different States—perhaps he meant to + include my own. This was the Pandora's box that has been opened, + out of which all the evils that now afflict the Land have flown. * + * * My worthy friend from California [Mr. Latham], during the last + session of Congress, made one of the best speeches he ever made. * + * * In the course of that speech, upon this very point he made use + of these remarks:</p> + +<p> "'Mr. President, being last winter a careful eye-witness of all + that occurred, I soon became satisfied that it was a deliberate, + wilful design, on the part of some representatives of Southern + States, to seize upon the election of Mr. Lincoln merely as an + excuse to precipitate this revolution upon the Country. One + evidence, to my mind, is the fact that South Carolina never sent + her Senators here.'</p> + +<p> "Then they certainly were not influenced by the Clark amendment.</p> + +<p> "'An additional evidence is, that when gentlemen on this floor, by + their votes, could have controlled legislation, they refused to + cast them for fear that the very Propositions submitted to this + body might have an influence in changing the opinions of their + constituencies. Why, Sir, when the resolutions submitted by the + Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Clark], were offered as an + amendment to the Crittenden Propositions, for the manifest purpose + of embarrassing the latter, and the vote taken on the 16th of + January, 1861, I ask, what did we see? There were fifty-five + Senators at that time upon this floor, in person. The Globe of the + second Session, Thirty-Sixth Congress, Part I., page 409, shows + that upon the call of the yeas and nays immediately preceding the + vote on the substituting of Mr. Clark's amendment, there were + fifty-five votes cast. I will read the vote from the Globe:</p> + +<p> "'YEAS—Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, + Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, + Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, + Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson—25.</p> + +<p> "NAYS—Messrs. Bayard, Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, + Crittenden, Douglas, Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hemphill, Hunter, Iverson, + Johnson of Arkansas, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, + Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury, + Sebastian, Slidell and Wigfall—30.</p> + +<p> "The vote being taken immediately after, on the Clark Proposition, + was as follows:</p> + +<p> "YEAS—Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, + Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, + Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, + Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson and Wilson—25.</p> + +<p> "NAYS—Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, Crittenden, + Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennefly, Lane, + Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, + Saulsbury and Sebastian—23.</p> + +<p> "'Six senators retained their seats and refused to vote, thus + themselves allowing the Clark Proposition to supplant the + Crittenden Resolution by a vote of twenty-five to twenty-three. + Mr. Benjamin of Louisiana, Mr. Hemphill and Mr. Wigfall of Texas, + Mr. Iverson of Georgia, Mr. Johnson of Arkansas, and Mr. Slidell of + Louisiana, were in their seats, but refused to cast their votes.'</p> + +<p> "I sat right behind Mr. Benjamin, and I am not sure that my worthy + friend was not close by, when he refused to vote, and I said to + him, 'Mr. Benjamin, why do you not vote? Why not save this + Proposition, and see if we cannot bring the Country to it?' He + gave me rather an abrupt answer, and said he would control his own + action without consulting me or anybody else. Said I: 'Vote, and + show yourself an honest man.' As soon as the vote was taken, he + and others telegraphed South, 'We cannot get any Compromise.' Here + were six Southern men refusing to vote, when the amendment would + have been rejected by four majority if they had voted. Who, then, + has brought these evils on the Country? Was it Mr. Clark? He was + acting out his own policy; but with the help we had from the other + side of the chamber, if all those on this side had been true to the + Constitution and faithful to their constituents, and had acted with + fidelity to the Country, the amendment of the Senator from New + Hampshire could have been voted down, the defeat of which the + Senator from Delaware says would have saved the Country. Whose + fault was it? Who is responsible for it? * * * Who did it? + SOUTHERN TRAITORS, as was said in the speech of the Senator from + California. They did it. They wanted no Compromise. They + accomplished their object by withholding their votes; and hence the + Country has been involved in the present difficulty. Let me read + another extract from this speech of the Senator from California</p> + +<p> "'I recollect full well the joy that pervaded the faces of some of + those gentlemen at the result, and the sorrow manifested by the + venerable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Crittenden]. The record shows + that Mr. Pugh, from Ohio, despairing of any Compromise between the + extremes of ultra Republicanism and Disunionists, working + manifestly for the same end, moved, immediately after the vote was + announced, to lay the whole subject on the table. If you will turn + to page 443, same volume, you will find, when, at a late period, + Mr. Cameron, from Pennsylvania, moved to reconsider the vote, + appeals having been made to sustain those who were struggling to + preserve the Peace of the Country, that the vote was reconsidered; + and when, at last, the Crittenden Propositions were submitted on + the 2d day of March, these Southern States having 'nearly all + Seceded, they were then lost but by one vote. Here is the vote:</p> + +<p> "YEAS—Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bright, Crittenden, Douglas, Gwin, + Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, + Nicholson, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Thomson and Wigfall—19.</p> + +<p> "'NAYS—Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, Chandler, Clark, Dixon, + Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, King, + Morrill, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson and + Wilson—20.</p> + +<p> "'If these Seceding Southern senators had remained, there would + have passed, by a large vote (as it did without them), an + amendment, by a two-third vote, forbidding Congress ever + interfering with Slavery in the States. The Crittenden Proposition + would have been indorsed by a majority vote, the subject finally + going before the People, who have never yet, after consideration, + refused Justice, for any length of time, to any portion of the + Country.</p> + +<p> "'I believe more, Mr. President, that these gentlemen were acting + in pursuance of a settled and fixed plan to break up and destroy + this Government.'</p> + +<p> "When we had it in our power to vote down the amendment of the + Senator from New Hampshire, and adopt the Crittenden Resolutions, + certain Southern Senators prevented it; and yet, even at a late day + of the session, after they had Seceded, the Crittenden Proposition + was only lost by one vote. If Rebellion and bloodshed and murder + have followed, to whose skirts does the responsibility attach?</p> + +<p> "What else was done at the very same session? The House of + Representatives passed, and sent to this body, a Proposition to + amend the Constitution of the United States, so as to prohibit + Congress from ever hereafter interfering with the Institution of + Slavery in the States, making that restriction a part of the + Organic law of the Land. That Constitutional Amendment came here + after the Senators from seven States had Seceded; and yet it was + passed by a two-third vote in the Senate. Have you ever heard of + any one of the States which had then Seceded, or which has since + Seceded, taking up that Amendment to the Constitution, and saying + they would ratify it, and make it a part of that instrument? No. + Does not the whole history of this Rebellion tell you that it was + Revolution that the Leaders wanted, that they started for, that + they intended to have? The facts to which I have referred show how + the Crittenden Proposition might have been carried; and when the + Senators from the Slave States were reduced to one-fourth of the + members of this body, the two Houses passed a Proposition to Amend + the Constitution, so as to guarantee to the States perfect security + in regard to the Institution of Slavery in all future time, and + prohibiting Congress from legislating on the subject.</p> + +<p> "But what more was done? After Southern Senators had treacherously + abandoned the Constitution and deserted their posts here, Congress + passed Bills for the Organization of three new Territories: Dakota, + Nevada, and Colorado; and in the sixth section of each of those + Bills, after conferring, affirmatively, power on the Territorial + Legislature, it went on to exclude certain powers by using a + negative form of expression; and it provided, among other things, + that the Legislature should have no power to legislate so as to + impair the right to private property; that it should lay no tax + discriminating against one description of Property in favor of + another; leaving the power on all these questions, not in the + Territorial Legislature, but in the People when they should come to + form a State Constitution.</p> + +<p> "Now, I ask, taking the Amendment to the Constitution, and taking + the three Territorial Bills, embracing every square inch of + territory in the possession of the United States, how much of the + Slavery question was left? What better Compromise could have been + made? Still we are told that matters might have been Compromised, + and that if we had agreed to Compromise, bloody Rebellion would not + now be abroad in the Land. Sir, Southern Senators are responsible + for it. They stood here with power to accomplish the result, and + yet treacherously, and, I may say, tauntingly they left this + chamber, and announced that they had dissolved their connection + with the Government. Then, when we were left in the hands of those + whom we had been taught to believe would encroach upon our Rights, + they gave us, in the Constitutional Amendment and in the three + Territorial Bills, all that had ever been asked; and yet gentlemen + talked Compromise!</p> + +<p> "Why was not this taken and accepted? No; it was not Compromise + that the Leaders wanted; they wanted Power; they wanted to Destroy + this Government, so that they might have place and emolument for + themselves. They had lost confidence in the intelligence and + virtue and integrity of the People, and their capacity to govern + themselves; and they intended to separate and form a government, + the chief corner-stone of which should be Slavery, disfranchising + the great mass of the People, of which we have seen constant + evidence, and merging the Powers of Government in the hands of the + Few. I know what I say. I know their feelings and their + sentiments. I served in the Senate here with them. I know they + were a Close Corporation, that had no more confidence in or respect + for the People than has the Dey of Algiers. I fought that Close + Corporation here. I knew that they were no friends of the People. + I knew that Slidell and Mason and Benjamin and Iverson and Toombs + were the enemies of Free Government, and I know so now. I + commenced the war upon them before a State Seceded; and I intend to + keep on fighting this great battle before the Country, for the + perpetuity of Free Government. They seek to overthrow it, and to + establish a Despotism in its place. That is the great battle which + is upon our hands. * * * Now, the Senator from Delaware tells us + that if that (Crittenden) Compromise had been made, all these + consequences would have been avoided. It is a mere pretense; it is + false. Their object was to overturn the Government. If they could + not get the Control of this Government, they were willing to divide + the Country and govern part of it."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p> +The Clark substitute was then agreed to, by 25 (Republican) yeas to 23 +Democratic and Conservative (Bell-Everett) nays—6 Pro-Slavery Senators +not voting, although present; and then, without division, the Crittenden +Resolutions were tabled—Mr. Cameron, however, entering a motion to +reconsider. Subsequently the action of the Senate, both on the +Resolutions and Substitute, was reconsidered, and March 2d the matter +came up again, as will hereafter appear.</p> + +<p>Two days prior to this action in the Senate, Mr. Corwin, Chairman of the +Select Committee of Thirty-three, reported to the House (January 14th), +from a majority of that Committee, the following Joint Resolution:</p> + +<p>"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America in Congress assembled, That all attempts on the parts +of the Legislatures of any of the States to obstruct or hinder the +recovery and surrender of Fugitives from Service or Labor, are in +derogation of the Constitution of the United States, inconsistent with +the comity and good neighborhood that should prevail among the several +States, and dangerous to the Peace of the Union.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the several States be respectfully requested to cause +their Statutes to be revised, with a view to ascertain if any of them +are in conflict with or tend to embarrass or hinder the execution of the +Laws of the United States, made in pursuance of the second section of +the Fourth Article of the Constitution of the United States for the +delivery up of Persons held to Labor by the laws of any State and +escaping therefrom; and the Senate and House of Representatives +earnestly request that all enactments having such tendency be forthwith +repealed, as required by a just sense of Constitutional obligations, and +by a due regard for the Peace of the Republic; and the President of the +United States is requested to communicate these resolutions to the +Governors of the several States, with a request that they will lay the +same before the Legislatures thereof respectively.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That we recognize Slavery as now existing in fifteen of the +United States by the usages and laws of those States; and we recognize +no authority, legally or otherwise, outside of a State where it so +exists, to interfere with Slaves or Slavery in such States, in disregard +of the Rights of their owners or the Peace of society.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That we recognize the justice and propriety of a faithful +execution of the Constitution, and laws made in pursuance thereof, on +the subject of Fugitive Slaves, or Fugitives from Service or Labor, and +discountenance all mobs or hindrances to the execution of such laws, and +that citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and +immunities of citizens in the several States.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That we recognize no such conflicting elements in its +composition, or sufficient cause from any source, for a dissolution of +this Government; that we were not sent here to destroy, but to sustain +and harmonize the Institutions of the Country, and to see that equal +justice is done to all parts of the same; and finally, to perpetuate its +existence on terms of equality and justice to all the States.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That a faithful observance, on the part of all the States, of +all their Constitutional obligations to each other and to the Federal +Government, is essential to the Peace of the Country.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal Government to enforce the +Federal Laws, protect the Federal property, and preserve the Union of +these States.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That each State be requested to revise its Statutes, and, if +necessary, so to amend the same as to secure, without Legislation by +Congress, to citizens of other States traveling therein, the same +protection as citizens of such States enjoy; and also to protect the +citizens of other States traveling or sojourning therein against popular +violence or illegal summary punishment, without trial in due form of +law, for imputed crimes.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That each State be also respectfully requested to enact such +laws as will prevent and punish any attempt whatever in such State to +recognize or set on foot the lawless invasion of any other State or +Territory.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the President be requested to transmit copies of the +foregoing resolutions to the Governors of the several States, with a +request that they be communicated to their respective Legislatures."</p> + +<p> +This Joint Resolution, with amendments proposed to the same, came up in +the House for action, on the 27th of February, 1861—the same day upon +which the Peace Congress or Conference concluded its labors at +Washington.</p> + +<p>The Proposition of Mr. Burch, of California, was the first acted upon. +It was to amend the Select Committee's resolutions, as above given, by +adding to them another resolution at the end thereof, as follows:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, etc., That it be, and is hereby, recommended to the several +States of the Union that they, through their respective Legislatures, +request the Congress of the United States to call a Convention of all +the States, in accordance with Article Fifth of the Constitution, for +the purpose of amending said Constitution in such manner and with regard +to such subjects as will more adequately respond to the wants, and +afford more sufficient Guarantees to the diversified and growing +Interests of the Government and of the People composing the same."</p> + +<p>This (Burch) amendment, however, was defeated by 14 yeas to 109 nays.</p> + +<p>A Proposition of Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois, came up next for action. It +was a motion to strike out all after the first word "That" in the +Crittenden Proposition—which had been offered by Mr. Clemens as a +substitute for the Committee Resolutions—and insert the following:</p> + +<p>"The following articles be, and are hereby, proposed and submitted as +Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which shall be +valid, to all intents and purposes as part of said Constitution, when +ratified by Conventions of three-fourths of the several States.</p> + +<p>"Article XIII. That in all the territory now held by the United States +situate north of latitude 36 30' Involuntary Servitude, except in the +punishment for crime, is prohibited while such territory shall remain +under a Territorial government; that in all the territory now held south +of said line, neither Congress nor any Territorial Legislature shall +hinder or prevent the emigration to said territory of Persons; held to +Service from any State of this Union, when that relation exists by +virtue of any law or usage of such State, while it shall remain in a +Territorial condition; and when any Territory north or south of said +line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain +the population requisite for a member of Congress, according to the then +Federal ratio of representation of the People of the United States, it +may, if its form of government be Republican, be admitted into the Union +on an equal footing with the original States, with or without the +relation of Persons held to Service and Labor, as the Constitution of +such new State may provide.</p> + +<p>"Article XIV. That nothing in the Constitution of the United States, or +any amendment thereto, shall be so construed as to authorize any +Department of the Government to in any manner interfere with the +relation of Persons held to Service in any State where that relation +exists, nor in any manner to establish or sustain that relation in any +State where it is prohibited by the Laws or Constitution of such State. +And that this Article shall not be altered or amended without the +consent of every State in the Union.</p> + +<p>"Article XV. The third paragraph of the second section of the Fourth +Article of the Constitution shall be taken and construed to authorize +and empower Congress to pass laws necessary to secure the return of +Persons held to Service or Labor under the laws of any State, who may +have escaped therefrom, to the party to whom such Service or Labor may +be due.</p> + +<p>"Article XVI. The migration or importation of Persons held to Service +or Involuntary Servitude, into any State, Territory, or place within the +United States, from any place or country beyond the limits of the United +States or Territories thereof, is forever prohibited.</p> + +<p>"Article XVII. No territory beyond the present limits of the United +States and the Territories thereof, shall be annexed to or be acquired +by the United States, unless by treaty, which treaty shall be ratified +by a vote of two-thirds of the Senate."</p> + +<p>The Kellogg Proposition was defeated by 33 yeas to 158 +nays.</p> + +<p>The Clemens Substitute was next voted on. This embraced the whole of +the Crittenden Compromise Proposition, as amended in the Senate by +inserting the provision as to all territory "hereafter acquired," with +the addition of another proposed Article of Amendment to the +Constitution, as follows:</p> + +<p>"Article VII. Section I. The elective franchise and the Right to hold +office, whether Federal, State, Territorial, or Municipal, shall not be +exercised by Persons who are, in whole or in part, of the African Race.</p> + +<p>"Section II. The United States shall have power to acquire from time to +time districts of country in Africa and South America, for the +colonization, at expense of the Federal Treasury, of such Free Negroes +and Mulattoes as the several States may wish to have removed from their +limits, and from the District of Columbia, and such other places as may +be under the jurisdiction of Congress."</p> + +<p>The Clemens Substitute (or Crittenden Measure, with the addition of said +proposed Article VII.), was defeated by 80 yeas to 113 nays, and then +the Joint Resolution of the Select Committee as heretofore given—after +a vain attempt to table it—was passed by 136 yeas to 53 nays.</p> + +<p>Immediately after this action, a Joint Resolution to amend the +Constitution of the United States, which had also been previously +reported by the Select Committee of Thirty-three, came before the House, +as follows:</p> + +<p>"Be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses +concurring), That the following Article be proposed to the Legislatures +of the several States as an Amendment to the Constitution of the United +States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, +shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said +Constitution, namely:</p> + +<p>"Article XII. No amendment of this Constitution having for its object +any interference within the States with the relation between their +citizens and those described in Section II. of the First Article of the +Constitution as 'all other persons,' shall originate with any State that +does not recognize that relation within its own limits, or shall be +valid without the assent of every one of the States composing the +Union."</p> + +<p>Mr. Corwin submitted an Amendment striking out all the words after +"namely;" and inserting the following:</p> + +<p>"Article XII. No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will +authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within +any State, with the Domestic Institutions thereof, including that of +Persons held to Labor or Service by the laws of said State."</p> + +<p>Amid scenes of great disorder, the Corwin Amendment was adopted by 120 +yeas to 61 nays, and then the Joint Resolution as amended, was defeated +(two-thirds not voting in the affirmative) by 123 yeas to 71 nays. On +the following day (February 28th), amid still greater confusion and +disorder, which the Speaker, despite frequent efforts, was unable to +quell, that vote was reconsidered, and the Joint Resolution passed by +133 yeas to 65 nays—a result which, when announced was received with +"loud and prolonged applause, both on the floor, and in the galleries."</p> + +<p>On the 2d of March, the House Joint Resolution just given, proposing an +Amendment to the Constitution, prohibiting Congress from touching +Slavery within any State where it exists, came up in the Senate for +action.</p> + +<p>Mr. Pugh moved to substitute for it the Crittenden Proposition.</p> + +<p>Mr. Doolittle moved to amend the proposed substitute (the Crittenden +Proposition), by the insertion of the following, as an additional +Article:</p> + +<p>"Under this Constitution, as originally adopted, and as it now exists, +no State has power to withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United +States; but this Constitution, and all laws passed in pursuance of its +delegated powers, are the Supreme Law of the Land, anything contained in +any Constitution, Ordinance, or Act of any State, to the contrary +notwithstanding."</p> + +<p>Mr. Doolittle's amendment was lost by 18 yeas to 28 nays.</p> + +<p>Mr. Pugh's substitute (the Crittenden Proposition), was lost by 14 yeas +to 25 nays.</p> + +<p>Mr. Bingham moved to amend the House Joint Resolution, by striking out +all after the word "resolved," and inserting the words of the Clark +Proposition as heretofore given, but the amendment was rejected by 13 +yeas to 25 nays.</p> + +<p>Mr. Grimes moved to strike out all after the word "whereas" in the +preamble of the House Joint Resolution, and insert the following:</p> + +<p>"The Legislatures of the States of Kentucky, New Jersey, and Illinois +have applied to Congress to call a Convention for proposing Amendments +to the Constitution of the United States: Therefore,</p> + +<p>"Be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America in Congress assembled, That the Legislatures of the +other States be invited to take the subject of such a Convention into +consideration, and to express their will on that subject to Congress, in +pursuance of the Fifth Article of the Constitution."</p> + +<p>This amendment was also rejected, by 14 yeas to 25 nays.</p> + +<p>Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, offered, as an amendment to the House Joint +Resolution, the propositions submitted by the Peace Congress or +Conference, but the amendment was disagreed to by 3 yeas to 34 nays.</p> + +<p>The House Joint Resolution was then adopted by 24 yeas to 12 nays.</p> + +<p>Subsequently the Crittenden Proposition came up again as a separate +order, with the Clark substitute to it (once carried, but reconsidered), +pending. The Clark substitute was then rejected by 14 yeas to 22 nays.</p> + +<p>Mr. Crittenden then offered the Propositions of the Peace +Congress, as a substitute for his own—and they were rejected by 7 yeas +to 28 nays.</p> + +<p>The Crittenden Proposition itself was then rejected, by +19 yeas to 20 nays.</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="davis"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p138-davis.jpg (85K)" src="images/p138-davis.jpg" height="886" width="587"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch9"></a> +<br><br> + +<center><h2> + CHAPTER IX.<br><br> + + SLAVERY'S SETTING, AND FREEDOM'S DAWN.</h2></center><br> + +<p>On that long last night of the 36th Congress—and of the Democratic +Administration—to the proceedings of which reference was made in the +preceding Chapter, several notable speeches were made, but there was +substantially nothing done, in the line of Compromise. The only thing +that had been accomplished was the passage, as we have seen, by +two-thirds majority in both Houses, of the Joint Resolution proposing a +Constitutional Amendment prohibiting Congress from meddling with Slavery +in Slave States. There was no Concession nor Compromise in this, +because Republicans, as well as Democrats, had always held that Congress +had no such power. It is true that the Pro-slavery men had charged the +Republicans with ultimate designs, through Congress, upon Slavery in the +Slave States; and Mr. Crittenden pleaded for its passage as exhibiting a +spirit, on their part, of reconciliation; that was all.</p> + +<p>In his speech that night—that memorable and anxious night preceding the +Inauguration of President Lincoln—the venerable Mr. Crittenden, +speaking before the Resolution was agreed to, well sketched the +situation when he said in the Senate: "It is an admitted fact that our +Union, to some extent, has already been dismembered; and that further +dismemberment is impending and threatened. It is a fact that the +Country is in danger. This is admitted on all hands. It is our duty, +if we can, to provide a remedy for this. We are, under the Constitution +and by the election of the People, the great guardians, as well as the +administrators of this Government. To our wisdom they have trusted this +great chart. Remedies have been proposed; resolutions have been +offered, proposing for adoption measures which it was thought would +satisfy the Country, and preserve as much of the Union as remained to us +at least, if they were not enough at once to recall the Seceding States +to the Union. We have passed none of these measures. The differences +of opinion among Senators have been such that we have not been able to +concur in any of the measures which have been proposed, even by bare +majorities, much less by that two-thirds majority which is necessary to +carry into effect some of the pacific measures which have been proposed. +We are about to adjourn. We have done nothing. Even the Senate of the +United States, beholding this great ruin around them, beholding +Dismemberment and Revolution going on, and Civil War threatened as the +result, have been able to do nothing; we have absolutely done nothing. +Sir, is not this a remarkable spectacle? * * * How does it happen that +not even a bare majority here, when the Country trusted to our hands is +going to ruin, have been competent to devise any measure of public +safety? How does it happen that we have not had unanimity enough to +agree on any measure of that kind? Can we account for it to ourselves, +gentlemen? We see the danger; we acknowledge our duty, and yet, with +all this before us, we are acknowledging before the world that we can do +nothing; acknowledging before the world, or appearing to all the world, +as men who do nothing! Sir, this will make a strange record in the +history of Governments and in the history of the world. Some are for +Coercion; yet no army has been raised, no navy has been equipped. Some +are for pacification; yet they have been able to do nothing; the dissent +of their colleagues prevents them; and here we are in the midst of a +falling Country, in the midst of a falling State, presenting to the eyes +of the World the saddest spectacle it has ever seen. Cato is +represented by Addison as a worthy spectacle, 'a great man falling with +a falling State,' but he fell struggling. We fall with the ignominy on +our heads of doing nothing, like the man who stands by and sees his +house in flames, and says to himself, 'perhaps the fire will stop before +it consumes all.'"</p> + +<p>One of the strong pleas made in the Senate that night, was by Mr. +Douglas, when he said: "The great issue with the South has been that +they would not submit to the Wilmot proviso. The Republican Party +affirmed the doctrine that Congress must and could prohibit Slavery in +the Territories. The issue for ten years was between Non-intervention +on the part of Congress, and prohibition by Congress. Up to two years +ago, neither the Senator (Mason) from Virginia, nor any other Southern +Senator, desired affirmative legislation to protect Slavery. Even up to +this day, not one of them has proposed affirmative legislation to +protect it. Whenever the question has come up, they have decided that +affirmative legislation to protect it was unnecessary; and hence, all +that the South required on the Territorial question was 'hands off; +Slavery shall not be prohibited by Act of Congress.' Now, what do we +find? This very session, in view of the perils which surround the +Country, the Republican Party, in both Houses of Congress, by a +unanimous vote, have backed down from their platform and abandoned the +doctrine of Congressional prohibition. This very week three Territorial +Bills have been passed through both Houses of Congress without the +Wilmot proviso, and no man proposed to enact it; not even one man on the +other side of the Chamber would rise and propose the Wilmot proviso."</p> + +<p>"In organizing three Territories," continued he, "two of them South of +the very line where they imposed the Wilmot proviso twelve years ago, no +one on the other side of the Chamber proposed it. They have abandoned +the doctrine of the President-elect upon that point. He said, and it is +on record, that he had voted for the Wilmot proviso forty-two times, and +would do it forty-two times more if he ever had a chance. Not one of +his followers this year voted for it once. The Senator from New York +(Mr. Seward) the embodiment of the Party, sat quietly and did not +propose it. What more? Last year we were told that the Slave Code of +New Mexico was to be repealed. I denounced the attempted interference. +The House of Representatives passed the Bill, but the Bill remains on +your table; no one Republican member has proposed to take it up and pass +it. Practically, therefore, the Chicago platform is abandoned; the +Philadelphia platform is abandoned; the whole doctrine for which the +Republican Party contended, as to the Territories, is abandoned, +surrendered, given up. Non-intervention is substituted in its place. +Then, when we find that, on the Territorial question, the Republican +Party, by a unanimous vote, have surrendered to the South all they ask, +the Territorial question ought to be considered pretty well settled. +The only question left was that of the States; and after having +abandoned their aggressive policy as to the Territories, a portion of +them are willing to unite with us, and deprive themselves of the power +to do it in the States."</p> + +<p>"I submit," said he, "that these two great facts—these startling, +tremendous facts—that they have abandoned their aggressive policy in +the Territories, and are willing to give guarantees in the States, ought +to be accepted as an evidence of a salutary change in Public Opinion at +the North. All I would ask now of the Republican Party is, that they +would insert in the Constitution the same principle that they have +carried out practically in the Territorial Bills for Colorado, Dakota, +and Nevada, by depriving Congress of the power hereafter to do what +there cannot be a man of them found willing to do this year; but we +cannot ask them to back down too much. I think they have done quite as +much within one year, within three months after they have elected a +President, as could be expected."</p> + +<p>That Douglas and his followers were also patriotically willing to +sacrifice a favorite theory in the face of a National peril, was brought +out, at the same time, by Mr. Baker, when he said to Mr. Douglas: "I +desire to suggest (and being a little of a Popular Sovereignty man, it +comes gracefully from me) that others of us have backed down too, from +the idea that Congress has not the power to prohibit Slavery in the +Territories; and we are proposing some of us in the Crittenden +proposition, and some in the Amendment now before the Senate—to +prohibit Slavery by the Constitution itself, in the Territories;"—and +by Mr. Douglas, when he replied: "I think as circumstances change, the +action of public men ought to change in a corresponding degree. * * * I +am willing to depart from my cherished theory, by an Amendment to the +Constitution by which we shall settle this question on the principles +prescribed in the Resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky."</p> + +<p> In the House, Mr. Logan, had, on the 5th of February, 1861, said:</p> + +<p> "Men, Sir, North and South, who love themselves far better than + their Country, have brought us to this unhappy condition. * * * + Let me say to gentlemen, that I will go as far as any man in the + performance of a Constitutional duty to put down Rebellion, to + suppress Insurrection, and to enforce the laws; but when we + undertake the performance of these duties, let us act in such a + manner as will be best calculated to preserve and not destroy the + Government, and keep ourselves within the bounds of the + Constitution. * * * Sir, I have always denied, and do yet deny, + the Right of Secession. There is no warrant for it in the + Constitution. It is wrong, it is unlawful, unconstitutional, and + should be called by the right name, Revolution. No good, Sir, can + result from it, but much mischief may. It is no remedy for any + grievance.</p> + +<p> "I hold that all grievances can be much easier redressed inside the + Union than out of it. * * * If a collision must ensue between + this Government and any of our own people, let it come when every + other means of settlement has been tried and exhausted; and not + then, except when the Government shall be compelled to repel + assaults for the protection of its property, flag, and the honor of + the Country. * * *</p> + +<p> "I have been taught to believe that the preservation of this + glorious Union, with its broad flag waving over us, as the shield + for our protection on land and on sea, is paramount to all the + Parties and platforms that ever have existed, or ever can exist. I + would, to-day, if I had the power, sink my own Party, and every + other one, with all their platforms, into the vortex of ruin, + without heaving a sigh or shedding a tear, to save the Union, or + even stop the Revolution where it is."</p> + +<p> After enumerating the various propositions for adjustment, then + pending in the House, to wit: that of Senator Crittenden; that of + Senator Douglas; that of the Committee of Thirty-three; that of the + Border States; and those of Representatives McClernand, Kellogg, + and Morris, of Illinois, Mr. Logan took occasion to declare that + "in a crisis like this" he was "willing to give his support to any + of them," but his preference was for that of Mr. Morris.</p> + +<p> Said he: "He (Morris) proposes that neither Congress nor a + Territorial Legislature shall interfere with Slavery in the + Territories at all; but leaves the people, when they come to form + their State Constitution, to determine the question for themselves. + I think this is the best proposition, because it is a fair + concession on all sides. The Republicans give up their + Congressional intervention; those who are styled 'Squatter + Sovereigns' give up their Territorial legislative policy; and the + Southern (Slave) protectionists give up their + protection-intervention policy; thus every Party yields something. With this + proposition as an Article in the Constitution, it would satisfy + every conservative man in this Union, both North and South, I do + seriously and honestly believe.</p> + +<p> "Having indicated my preference of these propositions, and my + reasons for that preference, I have said all I desire to say on the + point, except to repeat again, that I will willingly vote for any + of them, or make any other sacrifice necessary to save the Union. + It makes no kind of difference to me what the sacrifice; if it will + save my Country, I am ready to make it." * * *</p> + +<p> "There are some in this Hall," said he, "that are almost ready to + strike the Party fetters from their limbs, and assist in measures + of Peace. Halt not; take the step; be independent and free at + once! Let us overcome Party passion and error; allow virtue and + good sense in this fateful hour to be triumphant; let us invoke + Deity to interpose and prepare the way for our Country's escape + from the perils by which we are now surrounded; and in view of our + present greatness and future prospects, our magnificent and growing + cities, our many institutions of learning, our once happy and + prosperous People, our fruitful fields and golden forests, our + enjoyment of all civil and religious blessings—let Parties die + that these be preserved. Such noble acts of patriotism and + concession, on your part, would cause posterity to render them + illustrious, and pause to contemplate the magnitude of the events + with which they were connected. * * * In the name of the patriotic + sires who breasted the storms and vicissitudes of the Revolution; + by all the kindred ties of this Country; in the name of the many + battles fought for your Freedom; in behalf of the young and the + old; in behalf of the Arts and Sciences, Civilization, Peace, + Order, Christianity, and Humanity, I appeal to you to strike from + your limbs the chains that bind them! Come forth from that + loathsome prison, Party Caucus; and in this hour—the most gloomy + and disheartening to the lovers of Free Institutions that has ever + existed during our Country's history—arouse the drooping spirits + of our countrymen, by putting forth your good strong arms to assist + in steadying the rocking pillars of the mightiest Republic that has + ever had an existence."</p> + +<p> "Mr. Speaker," continued he, "a word or two more, and I am done. + Revolution stalks over the Land. States have rebelled against the + constituted authorities of the Union, and now stand, sword in hand, + prepared to vindicate their new nationality. Others are preparing + to take a similar position. Rapidly transpiring events are + crowding on us with fearful velocity. Soon, circumstances may + force us into an unnatural strife, in which the hand of brother + shall be uplifted against brother, and father against son. My God, + what a spectacle! If all the evils and calamities that have ever + happened since the World began, could be gathered in one great + Catastrophe, its horrors could not eclipse, in their frightful + proportions, the Drama that impends over us. Whether this black + cloud that drapes in mourning the whole political heavens, shall + break forth in all the frightful intensity of War, and make + Christendom weep at the terrible atrocities that will be + enacted—or, whether it will disappear, and the sky resume its wonted + serenity, and the whole Earth be irradiated by the genial sunshine + of Peace once more—are the alternatives which this Congress, in my + judgment, has the power to select between."</p> + +<p>In this same broad spirit, Mr. Seward, in his great speech of January +12th, had said: "Republicanism is subordinate to Union, as everything +else is and ought to be—Republicanism, Democracy, every other political +name and thing; all are subordinate—and they ought to disappear in the +presence of the great question of Union." In another part of it, he had +even more emphatically said: "I therefore * * * avow my adherence to the +Union in its integrity and with all its parts, with my friends, with my +Party, with my State, with my Country, or without either, as they may +determine, in every event, whether of Peace or War, with every +consequence of honor or dishonor, of life or death. Although I lament +the occasion, I hail with cheerfulness the duty of lifting up my voice +among distracted debates, for my whole Country and its inestimable +Union." And as showing still more clearly the kindly and conciliatory +attitude of the great Republican leader, when speaking of those others +who seemed to be about to invoke revolutionary action to oppose—and +overthrow the Government—he said: "In such a case I can afford to meet +prejudice with Conciliation, exaction with Concession which surrenders +no principle, and violence with the right hand of Peace."</p> + +<p>In the House of Representatives, too, the voice of patriotism was often +heard through the loud clamor and disorder of that most disorderly and +Treason-uttering session—was heard from the lips of statesmen, who rose +high above Party, in their devotion to the Union. The calm, +dispassionate recital by Henry Winter Davis (of Maryland), of the +successive steps by which the Southern leaders had themselves created +that very "North" of whose antagonism they complained, was one of the +best of these, in some respects. He was one of the great Select +Committee of Thirty-three, and it was (February 5th) after the +Resolutions, heretofore quoted, had been reported by it, that he +condensed the history of the situation into a nutshell, as follows:</p> + +<p>"We are at the end of the insane revel of partisan license which, for +thirty years, has, in the United States, worn the mask of Government. +We are about to close the masquerade by the dance of death. The Nations +of the World look anxiously to see if the People, ere they tread that +measure, will come to themselves.</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p>"Southern politicians have created a North. Let us trace the process +and draw the moral.</p> + +<p>"The laws of 1850 calmed and closed the Slavery agitation; and President +Pierce, elected by the almost unanimous voice of the States, did not +mention Slavery in his first two Messages. In 1854, the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise, at the instance of the South, reopened the +agitation.</p> + +<p>"Northern men, deserted by Southern Whigs, were left to unite for +self-defense.</p> + +<p>"The invasion of Kansas, in 1855 and 1856, from Missouri; the making a +Legislature and laws for that Territory, by the invaders; still further +united the Northern people. The election of 1856 measured its extent.</p> + +<p>"The election of Mr. Buchanan and his opening policy in Kansas, soothed +the irritation, and was rapidly demoralizing the new Party, when the +Pro-Slavery Party in Kansas perpetrated, and the President and the South +accepted, the Lecompton fraud, and again united the North more +resolutely in resistance to that invasion of the rights of +self-government.</p> + +<p>"The South for the first time failed to dictate terms; and the People +vindicated by their votes the refusal of the Constitution.</p> + +<p>"Ere this result was attained, the opinions of certain Judges of the +Supreme Court scattered doubts over the law of Slavery in the +Territories; the South, while repudiating other decisions, instantly +made these opinions the criterion of faithfulness to the Constitution; +while the North was agitated by this new sanction of the extremest +pretensions of their opponents.</p> + +<p>"The South did not rest satisfied with their Judicial triumph.</p> + +<p>"Immediately the claim was pressed for protection by Congress to +Slavery, declared by the Supreme Court, they said, to exist in all the +Territories.</p> + +<p>"This completed the union of the Free States in one great defensive +league; and the result was registered in November. That result is now +itself become the starting point of new agitation—the demand of new +rights and new guarantees. The claim to access to the Territories was +followed by the claim to Congressional protection, and that is now +followed by the hitherto unheard of claim to a Constitutional Amendment +establishing Slavery, not merely in territory now held, but in all +hereafter held from the line of 36 30' to Cape Horn, while the debate +foreshadows in the distance the claim of the right of transit and the +placing of property in Slaves in all respects on the footing of other +property—the topics of future agitation. How long the prohibition of +the importation of Slaves will be exempted from the doctrine of +equality, it needs no prophet to tell.</p> + +<p>"In the face of this recital, let the imputation of autocratic and +tyrannical aspirations cease to be cast on the people of the Free +States; let the Southern people dismiss their fears, return to their +friendly confidence in their fellow-citizens of the North, and accept, +as pledges of returning Peace, the salutary amendments of the law and +the Constitution offered as the first fruits of Reconciliation."</p> + +<p>But calmness, kindness, and courtesy were alike thrown away in both +Houses upon the implacable Southern leaders. As the last day of that +memorable session, which closed in the failure of all peaceful measures +to restore the Union, slowly dawned—with but a few hours lacking of the +time when Mr. Lincoln would be inaugurated President of the United +States—Mr. Wigfall thought proper, in the United States Senate, to +sneer at him as "an ex-rail-splitter, an ex-grocery keeper, an +ex-flatboat captain, and an ex-Abolition lecturer"—and proceeded to scold +and rant at the North with furious volubility.</p> + +<p>"Then, briefly," said he, "a Party has come into power that represents +the antagonism to my own Section of the Country. It represents two +million men who hate us, and who, by their votes for such a man as they +have elected, have committed an overt act of hostility. That they have +done."</p> + +<p>"You have won the Presidency," said he, to the Republicans, "and you are +now in the situation of the man who had won the elephant at a raffle. +You do not know what to do with the beast now that you have it; and +one-half of you to-day would give your right arms if you had been defeated. +But you succeeded, and you have to deal with facts. Our objection to +living in this Union, and therefore the difficulty of reconstructing it, +is not your Personal Liberty bills, not the Territorial question, but +that you utterly and wholly misapprehend the Form of Government."</p> + +<p>"You deny," continued he, "the Sovereignty of the States; you deny the +right of self-government in the People; you insist upon Negro Equality; +your people interfere impertinently with our Institutions and attempt to +subvert them; you publish newspapers; you deliver lectures; you print +pamphlets, and you send them among us, first, to excite our Slaves to +insurrection against their masters, and next, to array one class of +citizens against the other; and I say to you, that we cannot live in +peace, either in the Union or out of it, until you have abolished your +Abolition societies; not, as I have been misquoted, abolish or destroy +your school-houses; but until you have ceased in your schoolhouses +teaching your children to hate us; until you have ceased to convert your +pulpits into hustings; until you content yourselves with preaching +Christ, and Him crucified, and not delivering political harangues on the +Sabbath; until you have ceased inciting your own citizens to make raids +and commit robberies; until you have done these things we cannot live in +the same Union with you. Until you do these things, we cannot live out +of the Union at Peace."</p> + +<p>Such were the words—the spiteful, bitter words—with which this chosen +spokesman of the South saluted the cold and cloudy dawn of that day +which was to see the sceptre depart from the hands of the Slave Power +forever.</p> + +<p>A few hours later, under the shadow of the main Pastern Portico of the +Capitol at Washington—with the retiring President and Cabinet, the +Supreme Court Justices, the Foreign Diplomatic Corps, and hundreds of +Senators, Representatives and other distinguished persons filling the +great platform on either side and behind them—Abraham Lincoln stood +bareheaded before full thirty thousand people, upon whose uplifted faces +the unveiled glory of the mild Spring sun now shone—stood reverently +before that far greater and mightier Presence termed by himself, "My +rightful masters, the American People"—and pleaded in a manly, earnest, +and affectionate strain with "such as were dissatisfied," to listen to +the "better angels" of their nature.</p> + +<p>Temperate, reasonable, kindly, persuasive—it seems strange that Mr. +Lincoln's Inaugural Address did not disarm at least the personal +resentment of the South toward him, and sufficiently strengthen the +Union-loving people there, against the red-hot Secessionists, to put the +"brakes" down on Rebellion. Said he:</p> + +<p>"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States, +that by the accession of a Republican Administration, their Property and +their Peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never +been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample +evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to +their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of +him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches, +when I declare that 'I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to +interfere with the Institution of Slavery in the States where it +exists.' I believe I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no +inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me, did so with +the full knowledge that I had made this, and many similar declarations, +and had never recanted them. * * *</p> + +<p>"I now reiterate these sentiments; and in doing so, I only press upon +the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is +susceptible, that the Property, Peace, and Security of no Section are to +be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, +too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution +and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States, +when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause—as cheerfully to one Section +as to another.</p> + +<p>"I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with +no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical +rules. * * *</p> + +<p>"A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now +formidably attempted. I hold that, in contemplation of Universal Law, +and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. +Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all +National Governments. It is safe to assert that no Government proper +ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. +Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National +Constitution, and the Union will endure forever—it being impossible to +destroy it, except by some action not provided for in the instrument +itself.</p> + +<p>"Again, if the United States be not a Government proper, but an +Association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a +contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? +One party to a contract may violate it—break it, so to speak; but does +it not require all, to lawfully rescind it?</p> + +<p>"Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, +in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history +of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It +was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was +matured and continued in the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It +was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States +expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the +Articles of Confederation, in 1778; and, finally, in 1787, one of the +declared objects, for ordaining and establishing the Constitution, was +'to form a more perfect Union.' But, if destruction of the Union by +one, or by a part only, of the States, be lawfully possible, the Union +is less perfect than before, the Constitution having lost the vital +element of perpetuity.</p> + +<p>"It follows, from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion, +can lawfully get out of the Union; that Resolves and Ordinances to that +effect, are legally void; and that acts of violence within any State or +States against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary +or revolutionary, according to circumstances.</p> + +<p>"I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, +the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take +care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the +laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States. * * *</p> + +<p>"I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared +purpose of the Union, that it will Constitutionally defend and maintain +itself.</p> + +<p>"In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall +be none, unless it is forced upon the National Authority.</p> + +<p>"The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the +property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the +duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be necessary for these objects, +there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the People +anywhere.</p> + +<p>"The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts +of the Union.</p> + +<p> * * * * * * *</p> + +<p>"Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose +a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed Secession? +Plainly, the central idea of Secession is the essence of anarchy. A +majority, held in restraint by Constitutional checks and limitations and +always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and +sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a Free People. Whoever +rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy, or to despotism. +Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent +arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority +principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.</p> + +<p> * * * * * * *</p> + +<p>"Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our +respective Sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall +between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the +presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of +our Country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and +intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is +it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more +satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties, +easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully +enforced between aliens, than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to +War, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, +and no gain on either you cease fighting, the identical old questions, +as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.</p> + +<p>"This Country, with its Institutions, belongs to the People who inhabit +it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can +exercise their Constitutional right of amending it, or their +Revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant +of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of +having the National Constitution amended. While I make no +recommendations of Amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority +of the People over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the +modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing +circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opportunity being +afforded the People to act upon it. * * *</p> + +<p>"The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the People, and +they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the +States. The People themselves can do this also, if they choose; but the +Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to +administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to +transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.</p> + +<p> * * * * * * *</p> + +<p>" * * * While the People retain their virtue and vigilance, no +Administration, by any extreme of weakness or folly, can very seriously +injure the Government in the short space of four years.</p> + +<p>"My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole +subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an +object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would +never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; +but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now +dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the +sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new +Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change +either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied, hold the +right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for +precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm +reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored Land, are still +competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty.</p> + +<p>"In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is +the momentous issue of Civil War. The Government will not assault you. +You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You +have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Government, while I +shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect, and defend it'.</p> + +<p>"I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be +enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds +of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every +battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone, +all over this broad Land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when +again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our +nature."</p> + +<p>Strange, indeed, must have been the thoughts that crowded through the +brain and oppressed the heart of Abraham Lincoln that night—his first +at the White House!</p> + +<p>The city of Washington swarmed with Rebels and Rebel sympathizers, and +all the departments of Government were honey-combed with Treason and +shadowed with treachery and espionage. Every step proposed or +contemplated by the Government would be known to the so-called +Government of the Confederate States almost as soon as thought of. All +means, to thwart and delay the carrying out of the Government's +purposes, that the excuses of routine and red-tape admitted of, would be +used by the Traitors within the camp, to aid the Traitors without.</p> + +<p>No one knew all this, better than Mr. Lincoln. With no Army, no Navy, +not even a Revenue cutter left—with forts and arsenals, ammunition and +arms in possession of the Rebels, with no money in the National +Treasury, and the National credit blasted—the position must, even to +his hopeful nature, have seemed at this time desperate. To be sure, +despite threats, neither few nor secret, which had been made, that he +should not live to be inaugurated, he had passed the first critical +point—had taken the inaugural oath—and was now duly installed in the +White House. That was something, of course, to be profoundly thankful +for. But the matter regarded by him of larger moment—the safety of the +Union—how about that?</p> + +<p>How that great, and just, and kindly brain, in the dim shadows of that +awful first night at the White House, must have searched up and down and +along the labyrinths of history and "corridors of time," everywhere in +the Past, for any analogy or excuse for the madness of this Secession +movement—and searched in vain!</p> + +<p>With his grand and abounding faith in God, how Abraham Lincoln must have +stormed the very gates of Heaven that night with prayer that he might be +the means of securing Peace and Union to his beloved but distracted +Country! How his great heart must have been racked with the +alternations of hope and foreboding—of trustfulness and doubt! +Anxiously he must have looked for the light of the morrow, that he might +gather from the Press, the manner in which his Inaugural had been +received. Not that he feared the North—but the South; how would the +wayward, wilful, passionate South, receive his proffered olivef-branch?</p> + +<p>Surely, surely,—thus ran his thoughts—when the brave, and gallant, and +generous people of that Section came to read his message of Peace and +Good-will, they must see the suicidal folly of their course! Surely +their hearts must be touched and the mists of prejudice dissolved, so +that reason would resume her sway, and Reconciliation follow! A little +more time for reflection would yet make all things right. The young men +of the South, fired by the Southern leaders' false appeals, must soon +return to reason. The prairie fire is terrible while it sweeps along, +but it soon burns out. When the young men face the emblem of their +Nation's glory—the flag of the land of their birth—then will come the +reaction and their false leaders will be hurled from place and power, +and all will again be right. Yea, when it comes to firing on the old, +old flag, they will not, cannot, do it! Between the Compromise within +their reach, and such Sacrilege as this, they cannot waver long.</p> + +<p>So, doubtless, all the long night, whether waking or sleeping, the mind +of this true-hearted son of the West, throbbed with the mighty weight of +the problem entrusted to him for solution, and the vast responsibilities +which he had just assumed toward his fellow-men, his Nation, and his +God.</p> + +<p>And when, at last, the long lean frame was thrown upon the couch, and +"tired Nature's sweet restorer" held him briefly in her arms, the smile +of hopefulness on the wan cheek told that, despite all the terrible +difficulties of the situation, the sleeper was sustained by a strong and +cheerful belief in the Providence of God, the Patriotism of the People, +and the efficacy of his Inaugural Peace-offering to the South. But alas, +and alas, for the fallibility of human judgment and human hopes! +Instead of a message of Peace, the South chose to regard it as a message +of Menace;* and it was not received in a much better spirit by some of +the Northern papers, which could see no good in it—"no Union spirit in +it"—but declared that it breathed the spirit of Sectionalism and +mischief, and "is the knell and requiem of the Union, and the death of +hope."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> ["Mr. Lincoln fondly regarded his Inaugural as a resistless + proffering of the olive branch to the South; the Conspirators + everywhere interpreted it as a challenge to War."—Greeley's Am. + Conflict, vol. i., p. 428.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p> +Bitter indeed must have been President Lincoln's disappointment and +sorrow at the reception of his Inaugural. With the heartiest +forgiveness, in the noblest spirit of paternal kindness, he had +generously held out his arms, as far as they could reach, to clasp to +his heart—to the great heart of the Union—the rash children of the +South, if they would but let him. It was more with sorrow, than in +anger, that he looked upon their contemptuous repulsion of his advances; +and his soul still reproachfully yearned toward these his Southern +brethren, as did that of a higher than he toward His misguided brethren, +when He cried: "O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, +and stonest them which are sent unto thee, how often would I have +gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens +under her wings, and ye would not!"</p> + +<p>On the day following his Inauguration, President Lincoln sent to the +United States Senate the names of those whom he had chosen to constitute +his Cabinet, as follows: William H. Seward, of New York, Secretary of +State; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury; Simon +Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, of +Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, +Secretary of the Interior; Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney General; +and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Postmaster General.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, the President of the rebellious Confederacy, +Jefferson Davis, had partly constituted his Cabinet already, as follows: +Robert Toombs, of Georgia, Secretary of State; Charles G. Memminger, of +South Carolina, Secretary of the Treasury; Leroy Pope Walker, of +Alabama, Secretary of War; to whom he afterwards added: Stephen R. +Mallory, of Florida, Secretary of the Navy; and John H. Reagan, of +Texas, Postmaster-General.</p> + +<br><br><br><br> +<a name="ch10"></a> +<br><br> + +<center><h2> + CHAPTER X.<br><br> + + THE WAR-DRUM "ON TO WASHINGTON".</h2></center><br> + +<p>Scarcely one week had elapsed after the Administration of Mr. Lincoln +began, when (March 11th) certain "Commissioners of the Southern +Confederacy" (John Forsyth, of Alabama, and Martin J. Crawford, of +Georgia), appeared at Washington and served a written request upon +the State Department to appoint an early day when they might present to +the President of the United States their credentials "from the +Government of the Confederate States of America" to the Government of +the United States, and open "the objects of the mission with which they +are charged."</p> + +<p>Secretary Seward, with the President's sanction, declined official +intercourse with Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, in a "Memorandum" (March +15th) reciting their request, etc., in which, after referring to +President Lincoln's Inaugural Address—forwarded to them with the +"Memorandum" he says: "A simple reference will be sufficient to satisfy +those gentlemen that the Secretary of State, guided by the principles +therein announced, is prevented altogether from admitting or assuming +that the States referred to by them have, in law or in fact, withdrawn +from the Federal Union, or that they could do so in the manner described +by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other manner than with the +consent and concert of the People of the United States, to be given +through a National Convention, to be assembled in conformity with the +provisions of the Constitution of the United States. Of course, the +Secretary of State cannot act upon the assumption, or in any way admit, +that the so-called Confederate States constitute a Foreign Power, with +whom diplomatic relations ought to be established."</p> + +<p>On the 9th of April, Messrs. Forsyth, Crawford and Roman—as +"Commissioners of the Southern Confederacy"—addressed to Secretary +Seward a reply to the "Memorandum" aforesaid, in which the following +passage occurs:</p> + +<p>"The undersigned, like the Secretary of State, have no purpose to +'invite or engage in discussion' of the subject on which their two +Governments are so irreconcilably at variance. It is this variance that +has broken up the old Union, the disintegration of which has only begun.</p> + +<p>"It is proper, however, to advise you that it were well to dismiss the +hopes you seem to entertain that, by any of the modes indicated, the +people of the Confederate States will ever be brought to submit to the +authority of the Government of the United States. You are dealing with +delusions, too, when you seek to separate our people from our +Government, and to characterize the deliberate, Sovereign act of that +people as a 'perversion of a temporary and partisan excitement.' If you +cherish these dreams, you will be awakened from them, and find them as +unreal and unsubstantial as others in which you have recently indulged.</p> + +<p>"The undersigned would omit the performance of an obvious duty were they +to fail to make known to the Government of the United States that the +people of the Confederate States have declared their independence with a +full knowledge of all the responsibilities of that act, and with as firm +a determination to maintain it by all the means with which nature has +endowed them as that which sustained their fathers when they threw off +the authority of the British Crown.</p> + +<p>"The undersigned clearly understand that you have declined to appoint a +day to enable them to lay the objects of the mission with which they are +charged, before the President of the United States, because so to do +would be to recognize the independence and separate nationality of the +Confederate States. This is the vein of thought that pervades the +memorandum before us.</p> + +<p>"The truth of history requires that it should distinctly appear upon the +record, that the undersigned did not ask the Government of the United +States to recognize the independence of the Confederate States. They +only asked audience to adjust, in a spirit of amity and peace, the new +relations springing from a manifest and accomplished revolution in the +Government of the late Federal Union.</p> + +<p>"Your refusal to entertain these overtures for a peaceful solution, the +active naval and military preparation of this Government, and a formal +notice to the Commanding General of the Confederate forces in the harbor +of Charleston that the President intends to provision Fort Sumter by +forcible means, if necessary, are viewed by the undersigned, and can +only be received by the World, as a Declaration of War against the +Confederate States; for the President of the United States knows that +Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned without the effusion of blood.</p> + +<p>"The undersigned, in behalf of their Government and people, accept the +gage of battle thus thrown down to them, and, appealing to God and the +judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their Cause, the people of +the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last, against +this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to Sectional power."</p> + +<p> +Let us now, for a moment, glance at the condition of Fort Sumter, and of +the Government with regard to it:</p> + +<p>On the 5th of March, the day after President Lincoln had taken his oath +of office, there was placed in his hands a letter of Major Anderson, +commanding at Fort Sumter, in which that officer, under date of the 28th +of February, expressed the opinion that "reinforcements could not be +thrown into that fort within the time for his relief rendered necessary +by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding +possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good +and well-disciplined men."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [President Lincoln's first Message, July 4, 1861.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott concurred in that opinion, and as the +provisions in the Fort would be exhausted before any such force could be +raised and brought to the ground, evacuation and safe withdrawal of the +Federal garrison from the Fort became a Military necessity, and was so +regarded by the Administration.</p> + +<p>"It was believed, however"—in the language of Mr. Lincoln himself, in +his first Message to Congress—"that to so abandon that position, under +the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous: that the necessity under +which it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it +would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it +would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and +go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that in fact it +would be our National destruction consummated. This could not be +allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison; and ere it would be +reached, Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear +indication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the +evacuation of Fort Sumter as a Military necessity."</p> + +<p>Owing to misconception or otherwise, an order to reinforce Fort Pickens +was not carried out, and an expedition to relieve Fort Sumter was then +ordered to be dispatched. On the 8th of April President Lincoln, by +messenger, notified Governor Pickens of South Carolina, "that he might +expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort; and that if the +attempt should not be resisted there would be no effort to throw in men, +arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack +upon the fort."</p> + +<p>A crisis was evidently approaching, and public feeling all over the +Country was wrought up to the highest degree of tension and stood +tip-toe with intense expectancy. The test of the doctrine of Secession was +about to be made there, in the harbor of Charleston, upon which the eyes +of Patriot and Rebel were alike feverishly bent.</p> + +<p>There, in Charleston harbor, grimly erect, stood the octagon-shaped Fort +Sumter, mid-way of the harbor entrance, the Stars and Stripes proudly +waving from its lofty central flagstaff, its guns bristling on every +side through the casemates and embrasures, as if with a knowledge of +their defensive power.</p> + +<p>About equidistant from Fort Sumter on either side of the +harbor-entrance, were the Rebel works at Fort Moultrie and Battery Bee on +Sullivan's Island, on the one side, and Cummings Point Battery, on +Morris Island, on the other-besides a number of other batteries facing +seaward along the sea-coast line of Morris Island. Further in, on the +same side of the harbor, and but little further off from Fort Sumter, +stood Fort Johnson on James Island, while Castle Pinckney and a Floating +Battery were between the beleagured Fort and the city of Charleston.</p> + +<p>Thus, the Federal Fort was threatened with the concentrated fire of +these well-manned Rebel fortifications on all sides, and in its then +condition was plainly doomed; for, while the swarming Rebels, unmolested +by Fort Sumter, had been permitted to surround that Fort with frowning +batteries, whose guns outnumbered those of the Fort, as ten to one, and +whose caliber was also superior, its own condition was anything but that +of readiness for the inevitable coming encounter.</p> + +<p>That the officers' quarters, barracks, and other frame-work wooden +buildings should have been permitted to remain as a standing invitation +to conflagration from bombardment, can only be accounted for on the +supposition that the gallant officer in command, himself a Southerner, +would not believe it possible that the thousands of armed Americans by +whom he was threatened and encircled, could fire upon the flag of their +own native Country. He and his garrison of seventy men, were soon to +learn the bitter truth, amid a tempest of bursting shot and shell, the +furnace-heat of crackling walls, and suffocating volumes of dense smoke +produced by an uncontrollable conflagration.</p> + +<p>The Rebel leaders at Washington had prevented an attack in January upon +the forts in the harbor of Charleston, and at Pensacola.—[McPherson's +History of the Rebellion, p. 112.]—In consequence of which failure to +proceed to the last extremity at once, the energies of the Rebellion had +perceptibly diminished.</p> + +<p>Said the Mobile Mercury: "The country is sinking into a fatal apathy, +and the spirit and even the patriotism of the people is oozing out, +under this do-nothing policy. If something is not done pretty soon, +decisive, either evacuation or expulsion, the whole country will become +so disgusted with the sham of Southern independence that the first +chance the people get at a popular election they will turn the whole +movement topsy-turvy so bad that it never on Earth can be righted +again."</p> + +<p>After the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, however, the Rebel authorities at +Montgomery lost no time, but strained every nerve to precipitate War. +They felt that there was danger to the cause of Secession in delay; that +there were wavering States outside the Confederacy, like Virginia, that +might be dragged into the Confederacy by prompt and bloody work; and +wavering States within, like Alabama, that must be kept in by similar +means. Their emissaries were busy everywhere in the South, early in +April, preaching an instant crusade against the old flag—inciting the +people to demand instant hostilities against Fort Sumter—and to cross a +Rubicon of blood, over which there could be no return.</p> + +<p>Many of the Rebel leaders seemed to be haunted by the fear (no doubt +well founded) that unless blood was shed—unless an impassable barrier, +crimsoned with human gore, was raised between the new Confederacy and +the old Union—there would surely be an ever-present danger of that +Confederacy falling to pieces. Hence they were now active in working +the people up to the required point of frenzy.</p> + +<p>As a specimen of their speeches, may be quoted that of Roger A. Pryor, +of Virginia, who, at Charleston, April 10, 1861, replying to a serenade, +said:—[Charleston Mercury's report.]</p> + +<p>'Gentlemen, I thank you, especially that you have at last annihilated +this accursed Union [Applause] reeking with corruption, and insolent +with excess of tyranny. Thank God, it is at last blasted and riven by +the lightning wrath of an outraged and indignant people. [Loud +applause.] Not only is it gone, but gone forever. [Cries of, 'You're +right,' and applause.] In the expressive language of Scripture, it is +water spilt upon the ground, which cannot be gathered up. [Applause.] +Like Lucifer, son of the morning, it has fallen, never to rise again. +[Continued applause.]</p> + +<p>"For my part, gentlemen," he continued, as soon as he could be heard, +"if Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to-morrow were to abdicate their +offices and were to give me a blank sheet of paper to write the +condition of re-annexation to the defunct Union, I would scornfully +spurn the overture. * * * I invoke you, and I make it in some sort a +personal appeal—personal so far as it tends to our assistance in +Virginia—I do invoke you, in your demonstrations of popular opinion, in +your exhibitions of official intent, to give no countenance to this idea +of reconstruction. [Many voices, emphatically, 'never,' and applause.]</p> + +<p>"In Virginia," resumed he, "they all say, if reduced to the dread +dilemma of this memorable alternative, they will espouse the cause of +the South as against the interest of the Northern Confederacy, but they +whisper of reconstruction, and they say Virginia must abide in the +Union, with the idea of reconstructing the Union which you have +annihilated. I pray you, gentlemen, rob them of that idea. Proclaim to +the World that upon no condition, and under no circumstances, will South +Carolina ever again enter into political association with the +Abolitionists of New England. [Cries of 'never,' and applause.]</p> + +<p>"Do not distrust Virginia," he continued; "as sure as tomorrow's sun +will rise upon us, just so sure will Virginia be a member of this +Southern Confederation. [Applause.] And I will tell you, gentlemen, +what will put her in the Southern Confederacy in less than an hour by +Shrewsbury clock—STRIKE A BLOW! [Tremendous applause.] The very +moment that blood is shed, old Virginia will make common cause with her +sisters of the South. [Applause.] It is impossible she should do +otherwise."</p> + +<p>The question of the necessity of "Striking a Blow"—of the immediate +"shedding of blood"—was not only discussed before the Southern people +for the purpose of inflaming their rebellious zeal, but was also the +subject of excited agitation in the Confederate Cabinet at this time.</p> + +<p>In a speech made by ex-United States Senator Clemens of Alabama, at +Huntsville, Alabama, at the close of the Rebellion, he told the +Alabamians how their State, which, as we have seen, was becoming +decidedly shaky in its allegiance to the "Sham of Southern +Independence," was kept in the Confederacy.</p> + +<p>Said he: "In 1861, shortly after the Confederate Government was put in +operation, I was in the city of Montgomery. One day (April 11, 1861) I +stepped into the office of the Secretary of War, General Walker, and +found there, engaged in a very excited discussion, Mr. Jefferson Davis +(the President), Mr. Memminger (Secretary of the Treasury), Mr. Benjamin +(Attorney-General), Mr. Gilchrist, a member of our Legislature from +Loundes county, and a number of other prominent gentlemen. They were +discussing the propriety of immediately opening fire on Fort Sumter, to +which General Walker, the Secretary of War, appeared to be opposed. Mr. +Gilchrist said to him, 'Sir, unless you sprinkle blood in the face of +the people of Alabama, they will be back in the old Union in less than +ten days!' THE NEXT DAY GENERAL BEAUREGARD OPENED HIS BATTERIES ON +SUMTER, AND ALABAMA WAS SAVED TO THE CONFEDERACY."</p> + +<p>On the 8th of April, G. T. Beauregard, "Brigadier General Commanding" +the "Provisional Army C. S. A." at Charleston, S. C., notified the +Confederate Secretary of War (Walker) at Montgomery, Ala., that "An +authorized messenger from President Lincoln has just informed Gov. +Pickens and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter +peaceably, or otherwise by force."</p> + +<p>On the 10th, Confederate Secretary Walker telegraphed to Beauregard: "If +you have no doubt of the authorized character of the agent who +communicated to, you the intention of the Washington Government to +supply Fort Sumter by force, you will at once demand its evacuation, +and, if this is refused, proceed, in such manner as you may determine, +to reduce it." To this Beauregard at once replied: "The demand will be +made to-morrow at 12 o'clock." Thereupon the Confederate Secretary +telegraphed again: "Unless there are special reasons connected with your +own condition, it is considered proper that you should make the demand +at an earlier hour." And Beauregard answered: "The reasons are special +for 12 o'clock."</p> + +<p>On the 11th General Beauregard notified Secretary Walker: "The demand +was sent at 2 P. M., and until 6 was allowed for the answer." The +Secretary desiring to have the reply of Major Anderson, General +Beauregard telegraphed: "Major Anderson replies: 'I have the honor to +acknowledge the receipt of your communication demanding the evacuation +of this Fort, and to say in reply thereto that it is a demand with which +I regret that my sense of honor and of my obligation to my Government +prevent my compliance.' He adds, verbally, 'I will await the first +shot, and, if you do not batter us to pieces, we will be starved out in +a few days.'"</p> + +<p>To this, the Confederate Secretary at once responded with: "Do not +desire needlessly to bombard Fort Sumter. If Major Anderson will state +the time at which, as indicated by himself, he will evacuate, and agree +that, in the mean time, he will not use his guns against us unless ours +should be employed against Fort Sumter, you are authorized thus to avoid +the effusion of blood. If this or its equivalent be refused, reduce the +Fort, as your judgment decides to be the most practicable."</p> + +<p>At 11 o'clock that night (April 11) General Beauregard sent to Major +Anderson, by the hands of his aides-de-camp, Messrs. Chesnut and Lee, a +further communication, in which, after alluding to the Major's verbal +observation, the General said: "If you will state the time at which you +will evacuate Fort Sumter, and agree that in the mean time you will not +use your guns against us unless ours shall be employed against Fort +Sumter, we shall abstain from opening fire upon you. Col. Chesnut and +Capt. Lee are authorized by me to enter into such an agreement with you. +You are therefore requested to communicate to them an open answer."</p> + +<p>To this, Major Robert Anderson, at 2.30 A.M. of the 12th, replied "that, +cordially uniting with you in the desire to avoid the useless effusion +of blood, I will, if provided with the necessary means of +transportation, evacuate Fort Sumter by noon on the 15th inst., should I +not receive prior to that time, controlling instructions from my +Government, or additional supplies, and that I will not in the mean time +open my fire upon your forces unless compelled to do so by some hostile +act against this Fort or the flag of my Government, by the forces under +your command, or by some portion of them, or by the perpetration of some +act showing a hostile intention on your part against this Fort or the +flag it bears." Thereupon General Beauregard telegraphed Secretary +Walker: "He would not consent. I write to-day."</p> + +<p>At 3.20 A.M., Major Anderson received from Messrs. Chesnut and Lee a +notification to this effect: "By authority of Brigadier General +Beauregard, commanding the Provisional Forces of the Confederate States, +we have the honor to notify you that he will open the fire of his +batteries on Fort Sumter in one hour from this time." And a later +dispatch from General Beauregard to Secretary Walker, April 12, +laconically stated: "WE OPENED FIRE AT 4.30."</p> + +<p>At last the hour and the minute had come, for which the Slave Power of +the South had for thirty years so impatiently longed. At last the +moment had come, when all the long-treasured vengeance of the +South—outgrown from questions of Tariff, of Slavery, and of Secession—was to +be poured out in blood and battle; when the panoplied powers and forces +of rebellious confederated States, standing face to face with the +resolute patriotism of an outraged Union, would belch forth flame and +fury and hurtling missiles upon the Federal Fort and the old flag +floating o'er it.</p> + +<p>And whose the sacrilegious hand that dared be first raised against his +Country and his Country's flag? Stevens's mortar battery at Sullivan's +Island is ready to open, when a lean, long-haired old man, with eyes +blazing in their deep fanatical sockets, totters hastily forward and +ravenously seizing in his bony hands a lanyard, pulls the string, and, +with a flash and roar, away speeds the shrieking shell on its mission of +destruction; and, while shell after shell, and shot after shot, from +battery after battery, screams a savage accompaniment to the boom and +flash and bellow of the guns, that lean old man works his clutched +fingers in an ecstasy of fiendish pleasure, and chuckles: "Aye, I told +them at Columbia that night, that the defense of the South is only to be +secured through the lead of South Carolina; and, old as I am, I had come +here to join them in that lead—and I have done it."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Edmund Ruffin, see p. 100. This theory of the necessity of South + Carolina leading, had long been held, as in the following, first + published in the New York Tribune, July 3, 1862, which, among other + letters, was found in the house of William H. Trescot, on + Barnwell's Island, South Carolina, when re-occupied by United + States troops:</p> + +<p> "VIRGINIA CONVENTION, May 3, 1851</p> + +<p> "My DEAR, SIR:—You misunderstood my last letter, if you supposed + that I intended to visit South Carolina this Spring. I am + exceedingly obliged to you for your kind invitations, and it would + afford me the highest pleasure to interchange in person, sentiments + with a friend whose manner of thinking so closely agrees with my + own. But my engagements here closely confine me to this city, and + deny me such a gratification.</p> + +<p> "I would be especially glad to be in Charleston next week, and + witness the proceedings of your Convention of Delegates from the + Southern Rights Associations. The condition of things in your + State deeply interests me. Her wise foresight and manly + independence have placed her, as the head of the South, to whom + alone true-hearted men can look with any hope or pleasure.</p> + +<p> "Momentous are the consequences which depend upon your action. + Which party will prevail? The immediate Secessionists, or those + who are opposed to separate State action at this time? For my part + I forbear to form a wish. Were I a Carolinian, it would be very + different; but when I consider the serious effects the decision may + have on your future weal or woe, I feel that a citizen of a State + which has acted as Virginia, has no right to interfere, even by a + wish.</p> + +<p> "If the General Government allows you peaceably and freely to + Secede, neither Virginia, nor any other Southern State, would, in + my opinion, follow you at present. But what would be the effect + upon South Carolina? Some of our best friends have supposed that + it would cut off Charleston from the great Western trade, which she + is now striking for, and would retard very greatly the progress of + your State. I confess that I think differently. I believe + thoroughly in our own theories, and that, even if Charleston did + not grow quite as fast in her trade with other States, yet the + relief from Federal taxation would vastly stimulate your + prosperity. If so, the prestige of the Union would be destroyed, + and you would be the nucleus for a Southern Confederation at no + distant day.</p> + +<p> "But I do not doubt, from all I have been able toe to learn that the + Federal Government would use force, beginning with the form most + embarrassing to you, and least calculated to excite sympathy. I + mean a naval blockade. In that event, could you stand the reaction + feeling which the suffering commerce of Charleston would probably + manifest? Would you not lose that in which your strength consists, + the union of your people? I do not mean to imply an opinion, I + only ask the question.</p> + +<p> "If you could force this blockade, and bring the Government to + direct force, the feeling in Virginia would be very great. I trust + in God it would bring her to your aid. But it would be wrong in me + to deceive you by speaking certainly. I cannot express the deep + mortification I have felt at her course this Winter. But I do not + believe that the course of the Legislature is a fair expression of + popular feeling. In the East, at least, the great majority + believes in the right of Secession, and feels the deepest sympathy + with Carolina in her opposition to measures which they regard as + she does. But the West—Western Virginia—there is the rub! Only + 60,000 slaves to 494,000 whites! When I consider this fact, and + the kind of argument which has been heard in this body, I cannot + but regard with the greatest fear the question whether Virginia + would assist Carolina in such an issue.</p> + +<p> "I must acknowledge, my dear sir, that I look to the future with + almost as much apprehension as hope. You well object to the term + Democrat. Democracy, in its original philosophical sense, is + indeed incompatible with Slavery and the whole system of Southern + society. Yet, if you look back, what change will you find made in + any of your State Constitutions, or in our legislation—that is, in + its general course—for the last fifty years, which was not in the + direction of this Democracy? Do not its principles and theories + become daily more fixed in our practice? (I had almost said in the + opinions of our people, did I not remember with pleasure the great + improvement of opinion in regard to the abstract question of + Slavery). And if such is the case, what are we to hope in the + future? I do not hesitate to say that if the question is raised + between Carolina and the Federal Government, and the latter + prevails, the last hope of republican government, and, I fear, of + Southern civilization, is gone. Russia will then be a better + government than ours.</p> + +<p> "I fear that the confusion and interruptions amid which I write + have made this rather a rambling letter. Do you visit the North in + the Summer? I would be very happy to welcome you to the Old + Dominion.</p> + +<p> "I am much obliged to you for the offer to send me Hammond's Eulogy + on Calhoun, but I am indebted to the author for a copy.</p> + +<p> "With esteem and friendship, yours truly,</p> + +<p> "M. R. H. GARNETT.</p> + +<p> "WM. H. TRESCOT, ESQ."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p> +Next morning's New York herald, in its Charleston dispatch of April 12, +announced to the World that "The first shot [fired at Fort Sumter] from +Stevens's battery was fired by the venerable Edmund Ruffin, of +Virginia," and added, "That ball will do more for the cause of +Secession, in Virginia, than volumes of stump speeches."</p> + +<p>"Soon," says Greeley in his History, "the thunder of fifty heavy +breaching cannon, in one grand volley, followed by the crashing and +crumbling of brick, stone, and mortar around and above them, apprized +the little garrison that their stay must necessarily be short."</p> + +<p>Says an eye-witness of the bombardment: "Shells burst with the greatest +rapidity in every portion of the work, hurling the loose brick and stone +in all directions, breaking the windows and setting fire to whatever +woodwork they burst against. * * * The firing from the batteries on +Cumming's Point was scattered over the whole of the gorge or rear of the +Fort, till it looked like a sieve. The explosion of shells, and the +quantity of deadly missiles that were hurled in every direction and at +every instant of time, made it almost certain death to go out of the +lower tier of casemates, and also made the working of the barbette or +upper (uncovered) guns, which contained all our heaviest metal, and by +which alone we could throw shells, quite impossible.</p> + +<p>"During the first day there was hardly an instant of time that there was +a cessation of the whizzing of balls, which were sometimes coming half a +dozen at once. There was not a portion of the work which was not taken +in reverse from mortars. * * * During Friday, the officers' barracks +were three times set on fire by the shells and three times put out under +the most galling and destructive cannonade.</p> + +<p>"For the fourth time, the barracks were set on fire early on Saturday +morning, and attempts were made to extinguish the flames; but it was +soon discovered that red-hot shot were being thrown into the Fort with +fearful rapidity, and it became evident that it would be impossible to +put out the conflagration. The whole garrison was then set to work, or +as many as could be spared, to remove the powder from the magazines, +which was desperate work, rolling barrels of powder through the fire. * +* * After the barracks were well on fire, the batteries directed upon +Fort Sumter increased their cannonading to a rapidity greater than had +been attained before."</p> + +<p>"About this time, the shells and ammunition in the upper +service-magazines exploded, scattering the tower and upper portions of the +building in every direction. The crash of the beams, the roar of the +flames, and the shower of fragments of the Fort, with the blackness of +the smoke, made the scene indescribably terrific and grand. This +continued for several hours. * * * "</p> + +<p>"There was not a portion of the Fort where a breath of air could be got +for hours, except through a wet cloth. The fire spread to the men's +quarters on the right hand and on the left, and endangered the powder +which had been taken out of the magazines. The men went through the +fire, and covered the barrels with wet cloths, but the danger of the +Fort's blowing up became so imminent that they were obliged to heave the +barrels out of the embrasures."</p> + +<p>Major Anderson's official report tells the whole story briefly and well, +in these words:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> "STEAMSHIP BALTIC, OFF SANDY HOOK</p> + +<p> "April 18, 1861, 10.30 A.M., VIA NEW YORK.</p> + +<p>"Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty-four hours, until the quarters +were entirely burnt, the main gates destroyed by fire, the gorge walls +seriously injured, the magazine surrounded by flames, and its door +closed from the effects of heat; four barrels and three cartridges of +powder only being available, and no provisions remaining but pork, I +accepted terms of evacuation offered by General Beauregard—being the +same offered by him on the 11th inst., prior to the commencement of +hostilities—and marched out of the Fort on Sunday afternoon, the 14th +instant, with colors flying and drums beating, bringing away company and +private property, and saluting my flag with fifty guns.</p> + +<p> "ROBERT ANDERSON, + "Major 1st Artillery, Commanding.</p> + +<p>"HON. SIMON CAMERON, +"Secretary of War, Washington."</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p> +During all this thirty-four hours of bombardment, the South rejoiced +with exceeding great joy that the time had come for the vindication of +its peculiar ideas of State and other rights, even though it be with +flames and the sword. At Charleston, the people were crazy with +exultation and wine-feasting and drinking being the order of the day and +night. But for the surrender, Fort Sumter would have been stormed that +Sunday night. As it was, Sunday was turned into a day of general +jubilation, and while the people cheered and filled the streets, all the +Churches of Charleston celebrated, with more or less devotional fervor +and ceremony, the bloodless victory.</p> + +<p>At Montgomery, the Chiefs of the Confederate Government were serenaded. +"Salvos of artillery were fired, and the whole population seemed to be +in an ecstasy of triumph."—[McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p. +114]</p> + +<p>The Confederate Secretary of War, flushed with the success, predicted +that the Confederate flag "will, before the first of May, float over the +dome of the old Capitol at Washington" and "will eventually float over +Faneuil Hall, in Boston."</p> + +<p>From Maryland to Mexico, the protests of Union men of the South were +unheard in the fierce clamor of "On to Washington!"</p> + +<p>The Richmond Examiner said: "There never was half the unanimity among +the people before, nor a tithe of the zeal upon any subject, that is now +manifested to take Washington. From the mountain tops and valleys to +the shores of the sea, there is one wild shout of fierce resolve to +capture Washington City at all and every human hazard."</p> + +<p>So also, the Mobile Advertiser enthusiastically exclaimed:</p> + +<p>"We are prepared to fight, and the enemy is not. Now is the time for +action, while he is yet unprepared. Let the fife sound 'Gray Jackets +over the Border,' and let a hundred thousand men, with such arms as they +can snatch, get over the border as quickly as they can. Let a division +enter every Northern border State, destroy railroad connection to +prevent concentration of the enemy, and the desperate strait of these +States, the body of Lincoln's country, will compel him to a peace—or +compel his successor, should Virginia not suffer him to escape from his +doomed capital."</p> + +<p>It was on Friday morning, the 12th of April, as we have seen, that the +first Rebel shot was fired at Fort Sumter. It was on Saturday afternoon +and evening that the terms of surrender were agreed to, and on Sunday +afternoon that the Federal flag was saluted and hauled down, and the +surrender completed. On Monday morning, being the 15th of April, in all +the great Northern Journals of the day appeared the following:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p>"PROCLAMATION.</p> + +<p>"WHEREAS, the laws of the United States have been for some time past, +and now are, opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the +States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, +Louisiana, and Texas, by Combinations too powerful to be suppressed by +the ordinary course of Judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in +the Marshals by law; now, therefore I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the +United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution +and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, +the Militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate number +of 75,000, in order to suppress said Combinations, and to cause the laws +to be duly executed.</p> + +<p>"The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the +State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal +citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the +honor, the integrity, and existence of our National Union, and the +perpetuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs already long +enough endured. I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned +to the forces hereby called forth, will probably be to repossess the +forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union; and +in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the +objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or +interference with, property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens of +any part of the Country; and I hereby command the persons composing the +Combinations aforesaid, to disperse and retire peaceably to their +respective abodes, within twenty days from this date.</p> + +<p>"Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an +extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested +by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. The Senators and +Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble at their respective +chambers at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the 4th day of July next, +then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their +wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand.</p> + +<p>"In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed.</p> + +<p>"Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the +year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the +independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.</p> + +<p>"By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p> + +<p>"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p> +While in the North the official responses to this Call for troops were +prompt and patriotic, in the Border and Slave States, not yet in +Rebellion, they were anything but encouraging.</p> + +<p>The reply of Governor Burton, of Delaware, was by the issue of a +proclamation "recommending the formation of volunteer companies for the +protection of the lives and property of the people of Delaware against +violence of any sort to which they may be exposed; the companies not +being subject to be ordered by the Executive into the United States +service—the law not vesting him with such authority—but having the +option of offering their services to the General Government for the +defense of its capital and the support of the Constitution and laws of +the Country."</p> + +<p>Governor Hicks, of Maryland, in like manner, issued a proclamation for +Maryland's quota of the troops, but stated that her four regiments would +be detailed to serve within the limits of Maryland—or, for the defense +of the National Capital.</p> + +<p>Governor Letcher, of Virginia, replied: "The militia of Virginia will +not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such use or purpose +as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the Southern States, +and a requisition made upon me for such an object—an object, in my +judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the Act of 1795 +—will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate Civil War, +and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the +Administration has exhibited toward the South."</p> + +<p>Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, replied to Secretary Cameron: "Your +dispatch is received, and, if genuine—which its extraordinary character +leads me to doubt—I have to say in reply that I regard the levy of +troops made by the Administration, for the purpose of subjugating the +States of the South, as in violation of the Constitution and a +usurpation of power. I can be no party to this wicked violation of the +laws of the country, and to this War upon the liberties of a free +people. You can get no troops from North Carolina. I will reply more +in detail when your Call is received by mail."</p> + +<p>Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, replied: "Your dispatch is received. In +answer I say emphatically, Kentucky will furnish no troops for the +wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States."</p> + +<p>Governor Harris, of Tennessee, replied: "Tennessee will not furnish a +single man for Coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessary, for the +Defense of our rights or those of our Southern brethren."</p> + +<p>Governor Jackson, of Missouri, replied: "Your requisition is illegal, +unconstitutional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical and cannot be +complied with."</p> + +<p>Governor Rector, of Arkansas, replied: "None will be furnished. The +demand is only adding insult to injury."</p> + +<p>Discouraging and even insulting as were most of these replies, the +responses of the Governors of the Free States were, on the other hand, +full of the ring of true martial Patriotism evoked by the fall of Sumter +and the President's first call for troops. Twenty millions of Northern +hearts were stirred by that Call, as they had never before been stirred. +Party and faction became for the moment, a thing of the past.</p> + +<p>The Governors of the Free States made instant proclamation for +volunteers, and the People responded not by thousands but by hundreds of +thousands. New York, the Empire State, by her Governor and her +Legislature placed all her tremendous resources at the service of the +Union; and the great State of Pennsylvania, through Governor Curtin, did +the same. Nor were the other States at all behind.</p> + +<p>The Loyal North felt that Law, Order, Liberty, the existence of the +Nation itself was in peril, and must be both saved and vindicated. Over +half a million of men—from the prairies of the West and the hills and +cities of the East—from farms and counting houses, from factories and +mines and workshops—sprang to arms at the Call, and begged to be +enrolled. The merchants and capitalists throughout the North proffered +to the Government their wealth and influence and best services. The +press and the people responded as only the press and people of a Free +land can respond—with all their heart and soul. "Fort Sumter," said +one of the journals, "is lost, but Freedom is saved. Henceforth, the +Loyal States are a unit in uncompromising hostility to Treason, wherever +plotted, however justified. Fort Sumter is temporarily lost, but the +Country is saved. Live the Republic!"</p> + +<p>This, in a nutshell, was the feeling everywhere expressed, whether by +the great crowds that marched through the streets of Northern cities +with drums beating and banners flying—cheering wildly for the Union, +singing Union songs, and compelling those of doubtful loyalty to throw +out to the breeze from their homes the glorified Stars and Stripes—by +the great majority of newspapers—by the pulpit, by the rostrum, by the +bench, by all of whatever profession or calling in Northern life. For +the moment, the voice of the Rebel-sympathizer was hushed in the land, +or so tremendously overborne that it seemed as if there was an absolute +unanimity of love for the Union.</p> + +<p>Of course, in Border-States, bound to the South by ties of lineage and +intermarriage and politics and business association, the feeling could +not be the same as elsewhere. There, they were, so to speak, drawn both +ways at once, by the beckoning hands of kindred on the one side, and +Country on the other! Thus they long waited and hesitated, praying that +something might yet happen to save the Union of their fathers, and +prevent the shedding of brothers' blood, by brothers—hoping against +hope-waited, in the belief that a position of armed neutrality might be +permitted to them; and grieved, when they found this could not be.</p> + +<p>Each side to the great Conflict-at-arms naturally enough believed itself +right, and that the other side was the first aggressor; but the judgment +of Mankind has placed the blame where it properly belonged—on the +shoulders of the Rebels. The calm, clear statement of President +Lincoln, in his July Message to Congress, touching the assault and its +preceding history—together with his conclusions—states the whole +matter in such authentic and convincing manner that it may be said to +have settled the point beyond further controversy. After stating that +it "was resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina that he might +expect an attempt would be made to provision the Fort; and that if the +attempt should not be resisted there would be no effort to throw in men, +arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack on +the Fort," Mr. Lincoln continues: "This notice was accordingly given; +whereupon the Fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even +awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition."</p> + +<p>The President then proceeds: "It is thus seen that the assault upon and +reduction of Fort Sumter was, in no sense, a matter of self-defense on +the part of the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the +Fort could, by no possibility, commit aggression upon them. They +knew—they were expressly notified—that the giving of bread to the few brave +and hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be +attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. +They knew that this Government desired to keep the garrison in the Fort +—not to assail them—but merely to maintain visible possession, and +thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate +dissolution—trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the +ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed and reduced the Fort for +precisely the reverse object—to drive out the visible authority of the +Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution.</p> + +<p>"That this was their object, the Executive well understood; and, having +said to them, in the Inaugural Address, 'you can have no conflict +without being yourselves the aggressors,' he took pains not only to keep +this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power +of ingenious sophistry as that the World should not be able to +misunderstand it.</p> + +<p>"By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that +point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the Government +began the Conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to +return their fire, save only the few in the Fort sent to that harbor +years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that +protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else, +they have forced upon the Country, the distinct issue: 'Immediate +dissolution or blood.'</p> + +<p>"And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It +presents to the whole family of Man the question whether a +Constitutional Republic or Democracy—a government of the People by the +same People—can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against +its own domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented +individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to +organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this +case, or on any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence, +break up their Government, and thus practically put an end to free +government upon the earth. It forces us to ask: 'Is there in all +republics, this inherent and fatal weakness?' 'Must a Government of +necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak +to maintain its own existence?'</p> + +<p>"So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the War power +of the Government; and so to resist force, employed for its destruction, +by force, for its preservation."</p> + +<p>The Call for Troops was made, as we have seen, on the 15th day of April. +On the evening of the following day several companies of a Pennsylvania +Regiment reported for duty in Washington. On the 18th, more +Pennsylvania Volunteers, including a company of Artillery, arrived +there.</p> + +<p>On the 19th of April, the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment—whose progress +through New York city had been triumphal—was suddenly and unexpectedly +assailed, in its passage through Baltimore, to the defense of the +National Capital, by a howling mob of Maryland Secessionists—worked up +to a pitch of States-rights frenzy by Confederate emissaries and +influential Baltimore Secession-sympathizers, by news of the sudden +evacuation of the Federal Arsenal at Harper's Ferry, and other exciting +tidings—and had to fight its way through, leaving three soldiers of +that regiment dead, and a number wounded, behind it.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [At a meeting of the "National Volunteer Association," at Monument + Square, Baltimore, the previous evening, says Greeley's History of + the American Conflict, page 462, "None of the speakers directly + advocated attacks on the Northern troops about to pass through the + city; but each was open in his hostility to 'Coercion,' and + ardently exhorted his hearers to organize, arm and drill, for the + Conflict now inevitable. Carr (Wilson C. N. Carr) said: 'I do not + care how many Federal troops are sent to Washington; they will soon + find themselves surrounded by such an army from Virginia and + Maryland, that escape to their homes will be impossible; and when + the 75,000 who are intended to invade the South shall have polluted + that soil with their touch, the South will extermininate and sweep + them from the Earth.' (Frantic cheering and yelling). The meeting + broke up with stentorian cheers for 'the South' and for 'President + Davis."']</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Ten companies of Philadelphia troops, reaching Baltimore at the same +time, unarmed, were also violently assailed by the crazy mob, and, after +a two hours' fight, reached the cars and returned to Philadelphia.</p> + +<p>Washington City—already, by the Secession of Virginia, cut off from the +South—was thus practically cut off from the North as well; and to +isolate it more completely, the telegraph wires were cut down and the +railroad bridges burned. A mere handful of regulars, the few volunteers +that had got through before the outbreak in Baltimore, and a small +number of Union residents and Government department clerks—these, under +General Winfield Scott, constituted the paltry force that, for ten days +after the Call for troops, held the National Capital.</p> + +<p>Informed, as the Rebels must have been, by their swarming spies, of the +weakness of the Federal metropolis, it seems absolutely marvelous that +instant advantage was not taken of it.</p> + +<p>The Richmond Examiner, of April 23d, said: "The capture of Washington +City is perfectly within the power of Virginia and Maryland, if Virginia +will only make the effort with her constituted authorities; nor is there +a single moment to lose. * * * The fanatical yell for the immediate +subjugation of the whole South is going up hourly from the united voices +of all the North; and, for the purpose of making their work sure, they +have determined to hold Washington City as the point whence to carry on +their brutal warfare. Our people can take it—they will take it—and +Scott, the arch-traitor, and Lincoln, the Beast, combined, cannot +prevent it. The just indignation of an outraged and deeply injured +people will teach the Illinois Ape to repeat his race and retrace his +journey across the borders of the Free Negro States still more rapidly +than he came. * * * Great cleansing and purification are needed and +will be given to that festering sink of iniquity, that wallow of Lincoln +and Scott—the desecrated city of Washington; and many indeed will be +the carcasses of dogs and caitiff that will blacken the air upon the +gallows before the great work is accomplished. So let it be!"</p> + +<p>But despite all this fanfaronade of brutal bluster, and various +movements that looked somewhat threatening, and this complete isolation +for more than a week from the rest of the World, the city of Washington +was not seized by the Rebels, after all.</p> + +<p>This nervous condition of affairs, however, existed until the 25th—and +to General Benjamin F. Butler is due the chief credit of putting an end +to it. It seems he had reached the Susquehanna river at Perryville, +with his Eighth Massachusetts Regiment on the 20th—the day after the +Sixth Massachusetts had been mobbed at Baltimore—and, finding his +further progress to Washington via Baltimore, barred by the destruction +of the bridge across the Susquehanna, etc., he at once seized a large +ferry steamer, embarked his men on her, steamed down the river and +Chesapeake Bay to Annapolis, the capital of Maryland, took possession of +the frigate Constitution, the Naval Academy, and the city itself, +gathered supplies, and being reinforced by the arrival by water of the +famous New York Seventh, and other regiments, repaired the branch +railroad to Annapolis Junction (on the main line of railroad between +Baltimore and Washington), and transferred his column from thence, by +cars, on the 25th, to the National Capital—soon thereafter also taking +military possession of Baltimore, which gave no further trouble to the +Union Cause. In the meantime, however, other untoward events to that +Cause had happened.</p> + +<p>Two days after the Call for troops, the Virginia Convention (April 17th) +secretly voted to Secede from the Union. An expedition of Virginia +troops was almost at once started to capture the Federal Arsenal at +Harper's Ferry, which, as has already been intimated, was evacuated +hastily on the night of the 18th, by the handful of Union regulars +garrisoning it, after a futile effort to destroy the public property and +stores it held. Another expedition was started to seize the Federal +Navy Yard at Norfolk—a rich prize, containing as it did, between 2,000 +and 3,000 pieces of heavy ordnance (300 of them Dahlgrens), three old +line-of-battle ships and a number of frigates, including the Cumberland +and the fine forty-gun steam frigate Merrimac, together with thousands +of kegs of powder and immense stores of other munitions of war, and +supplies—that had cost in all some $10,000,000. Without an enemy in +sight, however, this fine Navy Yard was shamefully evacuated, after +partly scuttling and setting fire to the vessels—the Cumberland alone +being towed away—and spiking the guns, and doing other not very +material damage.</p> + +<p>So also, in North Carolina, Rebel influence was equally active. On the +20th of April Governor Ellis seized the Federal Branch Mint at, +Charlotte, and on the 22d the Federal Arsenal at Fayetteville. A few +days thereafter his Legislature authorized him to tender to +Virginia—which had already joined the Confederacy—or to the Government of the +Confederate States itself, the volunteer forces of North Carolina. And, +although at the end of January the people of that State had decided at +the polls that no Secession Convention be held, yet the subservient +Legislature did not hesitate, on demand, to call one together which met +in May and ordained such Secession.</p> + +<p>Thus, by the end of May, 1861, the Confederacy had grown to comprise +nine instead of seven States, and the Confederate troops were +concentrating on Richmond—whither the Rebel Government was soon to +remove, from Montgomery.</p> + +<p>By this time also not only had the ranks of the regular Union Army been +filled and largely added to, but 42,000 additional volunteers had been +called out by President Lincoln; and the blockade of the Southern ports +(including those of Virginia and North Carolina) that had been +proclaimed by him, was, despite all obstacles, now becoming effectual +and respected.</p> + +<p>Washington City and its suburbs, by the influx of Union volunteers, had +during this month become a vast armed camp; the Potomac river had been +crossed and the Virginia hills (including Arlington heights) which +overlooked the Federal Capital, had been occupied and fortified by Union +troops; the young and gallant Colonel Ellsworth had been killed by a +Virginia Rebel while pulling down a Rebel flag in Alexandria; and +General Benjamin F. Butler, in command at Fortress Monroe, had by an +inspiration, solved one of the knottiest points confronting our armies, +by declaring of three Negroes who had fled from their master so as to +escape working on Rebel fortifications, that they should not be returned +to that master—under the Fugitive Slave Law, as demanded by a Rebel +officer with a flag of truce—but were confiscated "property," and would +be retained, as "contraband of war."</p> + +<p>It was about this time, too, that the New Orleans Picayune fell into +line with other unscrupulous Rebel sheets, by gravely declaring that: +"All the Massachusetts troops now in Washington are Negroes, with the +exception of two or three drummer boys. General Butler, in command, is +a native of Liberia. Our readers may recollect old Ben, the barber, who +kept a shop in Poydras street, and emigrated to Liberia with a small +competence. General Butler is his son." Little did the writer of that +paragraph dream how soon New Orleans would crouch at the very feet of +that same General!</p> + +<p>And now, while the armed hosts on either side are assembling in hostile +array, or resting on their arms, preliminary to the approaching fray of +battle, let us glance at the alleged causes underlying this great +Rebellion against the Union.</p> + +<br><br> + + + + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p1.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p3.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + + + + +</body> +</html> diff --git a/old/orig7140-h/p3.htm b/old/orig7140-h/p3.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..faec779 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/orig7140-h/p3.htm @@ -0,0 +1,5068 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> +<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 3. By John Logan</title> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> + + +<style type="text/css"> + <!-- + body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify} + P { + text-indent: 1em; + margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; } + HR { width: 33%; text-align: center; } + blockquote {font-size: 95% } + .figleft {float: left;} + .figright {float: right;} + .toc { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;} + CENTER { padding: 10px;} + // --> +</style> + + +</head> +<body> + +<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 3</h2> + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p2.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p4.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + + +<br><br><br><br><br><br> + + + + + +<center> +<h1> + + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY</h1> +<h2> + Its Origin and History<br> +<br> + Part 3.<br></h2> +<br><br> + <h2>By John Logan + +<br> +<br> + </h2> +<br><br> +<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692"> +<br><br><br><br><br> +<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665"> +<br><br><br><br><br> + +<br> +<br> +<br><br> +<h2>CONTENTS + +</h2></center> + +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch11">CHAPTER XI.</a><br> + THE CAUSES OF SECESSION.</h2> +<br> +ABOUNDING EVIDENCES OF CONSPIRACY—MACLAY'S UNPUBLISHED DIARY +1787-1791—PIERCE BUTLER'S FIERCE DENUNCIATION OF THE TARIFF—SOUTH CAROLINA +WILL "LIVE FREE OR DIE GLORIOUS"—JACKSON'S LETTER TO CRAWFORD, ON +TARIFF AND SLAVERY—BENTON'S TESTIMONY—HENRY CLAY'S EVIDENCE—NATHAN +APPLETON'S—A TREASONABLE CAUCUS OF SOUTHERN CONGRESSMEN—ALEXANDER H. +STEPHEN'S EVIDENCE ON THE CAUSES OF SECESSION—WIGFALL'S ADMISSIONS—THE +ONE "REGRETTED" CLAUSE IN THE CONSTITUTION PRECLUDING MONARCHIAL +STATES—ADMISSIONS OF REBEL COMMISSIONERS TO WASHINGTON—ADMISSIONS IN ADDRESS +OF SOUTH CAROLINA TO THE SLAVE-HOLDERS—JEFFERSON DAVIS'S STATEMENT IN +SPECIAL MESSAGE OF APRIL 29, 1861—DECLARATIONS OF REBEL COMMISSIONERS, +TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL—HIGH TARIFF AND "NOT SLAVERY" THE PRINCIPAL +CAUSE—PERSONAL LIBERTY BILLS—PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S DECLARATION OF THE +UNDERLYING CAUSE OF REBELLION—A WAR UPON LABOR AND THE RIGHTS OF THE +PEOPLE—ANDREW JOHNSON ON THE "DELIBERATE DESIGN" FOR A "CHANGE OF +GOVERNMENT"—"TIRED OF FREE GOVERNMENT"—DOUGLAS ON THE "ENORMOUS +CONSPIRACY"—THE REBEL PLOT TO SEIZE THE CAPITOL, AND +HOLD IT—MCDOUGALL'S GRAPHIC EXPOSURE OF THE TREASONABLE CONSPIRACY—YANCEY'S +FAMOUS "SLAUGHTER" LETTER—JEFFERSON DAVIS'S STANDARD OF REVOLT, RAISED +IN 1858—LAMAR'S LETTER TO JEFF. DAVIS (186O)—CAUCUS OF TREASON, AT +WASHINGTON—EVANS'S DISCLOSURES OF THE CAUCUS PROGRAMME OF +SECESSION—CORROBORATING TESTIMONY—YULEE'S CAPTURED LETTER—CAUCUS +RESOLUTIONS IN +FULL<br> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch12">CHAPTER XII.</a><br> + COPPERHEADISM VS. UNION DEMOCRACY.</h2> +<br> +NORTHERN COMPLICITY WITH TREASON—MAYOR FERNANDO WOOD RECOMMENDS +SECESSION OF NEW YORK CITY—THE REBEL JUNTA AT WASHINGTON INSPIRES +HIM—HE OBEYS ORDERS, BUT SHAKES AT THE KNEES—KEITT BRAGS OF THE "MILLIONS +OF DEMOCRATS IN THE NORTH," FURNISHING A "WALL OF FIRE" AGAINST +COERCION—ATTEMPTED REBEL—SEDUCTION OF NEW JERSEY—THE PRICE-BURNETT +CORRESPONDENCE—SECESSION RESOLUTIONS OF THE PHILADELPHIA DEMOCRACY AT +NATIONAL HALL—LANE OF OREGON "SERVES NOTICE" OF "WAR ENOUGH AT HOME" +FOR REPUBLICANS—"NORTHERN DEMOCRATS NEED NOT CROSS THE BORDER TO FIND +AN ENEMY"—EX-PRESIDENT PIERCE'S CAPTURED TREASONABLE LETTER TO JEFF. +DAVIS—THE "FIGHTING" TO BE "WITHIN OUR OWN BORDERS, IN OUR OWN +STREETS"—ATTITUDE OF DOUGLAS, AND THE DOUGLAS DEMOCRACY, AFTER +SUMTER—DOUGLAS CALLS ON MR. LINCOLN AT THE WHITE HOUSE—HE PATRIOTICALLY +SUSTAINS THE UNION—HE RALLIES THE WHOLE NORTH TO STAND BY THE +FLAG—THERE CAN BE "NO NEUTRALS IN THIS WAR; ONLY PATRIOTS AND +TRAITORS"—LAMENTED DEATH OF "THE LITTLE GIANT"—TRIBUTES OF TRUMBULL AND MCDOUGALL +TO HIS MEMORY—LOGAN'S ATTITUDE AT THIS TIME, AND HIS RELATIONS TO +DOUGLAS—THEIR LAST PRIVATE INTERVIEW—DOUGLAS'S INTENTION TO "JOIN THE +ARMY AND FIGHT"—HIS LAST EFFORTS IN CONGRESS—"CONCILIATION," BEFORE +SUMTER—"NO HALF-WAY GROUND" AFTER IT<br> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch13">CHAPTER XIII.</a><br> + THE STORM OF BATTLE.<br></h2> +<br> +THE MILITARY SITUATION—THE GREAT UPRISING—POSITIONS AND NUMBERS OF THE +UNION AND REBEL ARMIES—JOHNSTON EVACUATES HARPER'S FERRY, AND RETREATS +UPON WINCHESTER—PATTERSON'S EXTRAORDINARY CONDUCT—HE DISOBEYS GENERAL +SCOTT'S ORDERS TO "ATTACK AND WHIP THE ENEMY"—JOHNSTON CONSEQUENTLY +FREE TO REINFORCE BEAUREGARD AT MANASSAS—FITZ JOHN PORTER'S +ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THE DISASTROUS CONSEQUENCES—MCDOWELL'S ADVANCE UPON +BEAUREGARD—PRELIMINARY BATTLE AT BLACKBURN'S FORD—JUNCTION OF JOHNSTON +WITH BEAUREGARD—REBEL PLANS OF ADVANCE AND ATTACK—CHANGE IN MCDOWELL'S +PLANS—GREAT PITCHED-BATTLE OF BULL RUN, OR MANASSAS, INCLUDING THE +SECOND BATTLE AT BLACKBURN'S FORD—VICTORY, AT FIRST, WITH +MCDOWELL—THE CHECK—THE LEISURELY RETREAT—THE PANIC AT, AND NEAR, THE NATIONAL +CAPITAL—THE WAR FULLY INAUGURATED<br> +<br> +<br><br><br><br><br> + +<h3>IMAGES</h3> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + + +<a href="#calhoun">JOHN C. CALHOUN,</a><br> +<a href="#virginia">SEAT OF WAR IN VIRGINIA.</a> (Map)<br> +<a href="#bull1">FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD.</a> (Map)<br> +<a href="#bull2">FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD,</a> (Map)<br> +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="calhoun"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p219-calhoun.jpg (74K)" src="images/p219-calhoun.jpg" height="799" width="589"> +</center> +<br><br><br><br> + + +<a name="ch11"></a> +<br> + +<center> +<h2> +<br> + CHAPTER XI.<br> +<br> + THE CAUSES OF SECESSION.<br> +</h2></center> + +<p>In preceding Chapters of this work, it has been briefly shown, that from +the very hour in which the Republic of the United States was born, there +have not been wanting, among its own citizens, those who hated it, and +when they could not rule, were always ready to do what they could, by +Conspiracy, Sedition, Mutiny, Nullification, Secession, or otherwise, to +weaken and destroy it. This fact, and the processes by which the +Conspirators worked, is very well stated, in his documentary "History of +the Rebellion," by Edward McPherson, when he says: "In the Slaveholding +States, a considerable body of men have always been disaffected to the +Union. They resisted the adoption of the National Constitution, then +sought to refine away the rights and powers of the General Government, +and by artful expedients, in a series of years, using the excitements +growing out of passing questions, finally perverted the sentiments of +large masses of men, and prepared them for Revolution."</p> + +<p>Before giving further incontestable proofs establishing this fact, and +before endeavoring to sift out the true cause or causes of Secession, +let us first examine such evidences as are submitted by him in support +of his proposition.</p> + +<p>The first piece of testimony, is an extract from an unpublished journal +of U. S. Senator Maclay of Pennsylvania, from March 4, 1789, to March 3, +1791—the period of the First Congress under the Federal Constitution. +It runs thus:</p> + +<p>"1789, June 9.—In relation to the Tariff Bill, the affair of confining +the East India Trade to the citizens of America had been negatived, and +a committee had been appointed to report on this business. The report +came in with very high duties, amounting to a prohibition. But a new +phenomenon had made its appearance in the House (meaning the Senate) +since Friday.</p> + +<p>"Pierce Butler, from South Carolina, had taken his seat, and flamed like +a meteor. He arraigned the whole Impost law, and then charged +(indirectly) the whole Congress with a design of oppressing South +Carolina. He cried out for encouraging the Danes and Swedes, and +foreigners of every kind, to come and take away our produce. In fact he +was for a Navigation Act reversed.</p> + +<p>"June 11.—Attended at the hall as usual.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Ralph Izard and Mr. Butler opposed the whole of the drawbacks in +every shape whatever.</p> + +<p>"Mr. (William) Grayson, of Virginia, warm on this subject, said we were +not ripe for such a thing. We were a new Nation, and had no business +for any such regulations—a Nation /sui generis/.</p> + +<p>"Mr. (Richard Henry) Lee (of Virginia) said drawbacks were right, but +would be so much abused, he could not think of admitting them.</p> + +<p>"Mr. (Oliver) Ellsworth (of Connecticut) said New England rum would be +exported, instead of West India, to obtain the drawback.</p> + +<p>"I thought it best to say a few words in reply to each. We were a new +Nation, it was true, but we were not a new People. We were composed of +individuals of like manners, habits, and customs with the European +Nations. What, therefore, had been found useful among them, came well +recommended by experience to us. Drawbacks stand as an example in this +point of view to us. If the thing was right in itself, there could be +no just argument drawn against the use of a thing from the abuse of it. +It would be the duty of Government to guard against abuses, by prudent +appointments and watchful attention to officers. That as to changing +the kind of rum, I thought the collection Bill would provide for this, +by limiting the exportation to the original casks and packages. I said +a great deal more, but really did not feel much interest either way. +But the debates were very lengthy.</p> + +<p>"Butler flamed away, and THREATENED A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, with +regard to his State, as sure as God was in the firmament. He scattered +his remarks over the whole Impost bill, calling it partial, oppressive, +etc., and solely calculated to oppress South Carolina, and yet ever and +anon declaring how clear of local views and how candid and dispassionate +he was. He degenerates into mere declamation. His State would live +free, or die glorious."</p> + +<p>The next piece of evidence is General Jackson's letter to Rev. A. J. +Crawford, as follows:</p> + +<p>["Private."]</p> + +<p>"WASHINGTON, May 1, 1833.</p> + +<p>"MY DEAR SIR: * * * I have had a laborious task here, but Nullification +is dead; and its actors and courtiers will only be remembered by the +People to be execrated for their wicked designs to sever and destroy the +only good Government on the globe, and that prosperity and happiness we +enjoy over every other portion of the World. Haman's gallows ought to +be the fate of all such ambitious men who would involve their Country in +Civil War, and all the evils in its train, that they might reign and +ride on its whirlwinds and direct the storm. The Free People of these +United States have spoken, and consigned these wicked demagogues to +their proper doom. Take care of your Nullifiers; you have them among +you; let them meet with the indignant frowns of every man who loves his +Country. The Tariff, it is now known, was a mere pretext—its burden +was on your coarse woolens. By the law of July, 1832, coarse woolen was +reduced to five per cent., for the benefit of the South. Mr. Clay's +Bill takes it up and classes it with woolens at fifty per cent., reduces +it gradually down to twenty per cent., and there it is to remain, and +Mr. Calhoun and all the Nullifiers agree to the principle. The cash +duties and home valuation will be equal to fifteen per cent. more, and +after the year 1842, you pay on coarse woolens thirty-five per cent. If +this is not Protection, I cannot understand; therefore the Tariff was +only the pretext, and Disunion and a Southern Confederacy the real +object. The next pretext will be the Negro or Slavery question.</p> + +<p>"My health is not good, but is improving a little. Present me kindly to +your lady and family, and believe me to be your friend. I will always +be happy to hear from you. + "ANDREW JACKSON."</p> + +<p> +Another evidence is given in the following extract from Benton's "Thirty +Years in the Senate," vol. ii., as follows:</p> + +<p>"The regular inauguration of this Slavery agitation dates from the year +1835; but it had commenced two years before, and in this way: +Nullification and Disunion had commenced in 1830, upon complaint against +Protective Tariff. That, being put down in 1833 under President +Jackson's proclamation and energetic measures, was immediately +substituted by the Slavery agitation. Mr. Calhoun, when he went home +from Congress in the spring of that year, told his friends that 'the +South could never be united against the North on the Tariff +question—that the sugar interest of Louisiana would keep her out—and that the +basis of Southern Union must be shifted to the Slave question.' Then +all the papers in his interest, and especially the one at Washington, +published by Mr. Duff Green, dropped Tariff agitation, and commenced +upon Slavery, and in two years had the agitation ripe for inauguration, +on the Slavery question. And in tracing this agitation to its present +stage, and to comprehend its rationale, it is not to be forgotten that +it is a mere continuation of old Tariff Disunion, and preferred because +more available."</p> + +<p>Again, from p. 490 of his private correspondence, Mr. Clay's words to an +Alabamian, in 1844, are thus given:</p> + +<p>"From the developments now being made in South Carolina, it is perfectly +manifest that a Party exists in that State seeking a Dissolution of the +Union, and for that purpose employ the pretext of the rejection of Mr. +Tyler's abominable treaty. South Carolina, being surrounded by Slave +States, would, in the event of a Dissolution of the Union, suffer only +comparative evils; but it is otherwise with Kentucky. She has the +boundary of the Ohio extending four hundred miles on three Free States. +What would our condition be in the event of the greatest calamity that +could befall this Nation?"</p> + +<p>Allusion is also made to a letter written by Representative Nathan +Appleton, of Boston, December 15, 1860, in which that gentleman said +that when he was in Congress—in 1832-33—he had "made up his mind that +Messrs. Calhoun, Hayne, McDuffie, etc., were desirous of a separation of +the Slave States into a separate Confederacy, as more favorable to the +security of Slave Property."</p> + +<p>After mentioning that "About 1835, some South Carolinians attempted a +Disunion demonstration," our authority says: It is thus described by +ex-Governor Francis Thomas of Maryland, in his speech in Baltimore, October +29, 1861:</p> + +<p>"Full twenty years ago, when occupying my seat in the House of +Representatives, I was surprised one morning, after the assembling of +the House, to observe that all the members from the Slaveholding States +were absent. Whilst reflecting on this strange occurrence, I was asked +why I was not in attendance on the Southern Caucus assembled in the room +of the Committee on Claims. I replied that I had received no +invitation.</p> + +<p>"I then proposed to go to the Committee-room to see what was being done. +When I entered, I found that little cock-sparrow, Governor Pickens, of +South Carolina, addressing the meeting, and strutting about like a +rooster around a barn-yard coop, discussing the following resolution:</p> + +<p>"' Resolved, That no member of Congress, representing a Southern +constituency, shall again take his seat until a resolution is passed +satisfactory to the South on the subject of Slavery.'</p> + +<p>"I listened to his language, and when he had finished, I obtained the +floor, asking to be permitted to take part in the discussion. I +determined at once to kill the Treasonable plot hatched by John C. +Calhoun, the Catiline of America, by asking questions. I said to Mr. +Pickens, 'What next do you propose we shall do? are we to tell the +People that Republicanism is a failure? If you are for that, I am not. +I came here to sustain and uphold American institutions; to defend the +rights of the North as well as the South; to secure harmony and good +fellowship between all Sections of our common Country.' They dared not +answer these questions. The Southern temper had not then been gotten +up. As my questions were not answered, I moved an adjournment of the +Caucus /sine die/. Mr. Craig, of Virginia, seconded the motion, and the +company was broken up. We returned to the House, and Mr. Ingersoll, of +Pennsylvania, a glorious patriot then as now, introduced a resolution +which temporarily calmed the excitement."</p> + +<p>The remarks upon this statement, made November 4, 1861, by the National +Intelligencer, were as follows:</p> + +<p>"However busy Mr. Pickens may have been in the Caucus after it met, the +most active man in getting it up and pressing the Southern members to go +into it, was Mr. R. B. Rhett, also a member from South Carolina. The +occasion, or alleged cause of this withdrawal from the House into secret +deliberation was an anti-Slavery speech of Mr. Slade, of Vermont, which +Mr. Rhett violently denounced, and proposed to the Southern members to +leave the House and go into Conclave in one of the Committee-rooms, +which they generally did, if not all of them. We are able to state, +however, what may not have been known to Governor Thomas, that at least +three besides himself, of those who did attend it, went there with a +purpose very different from an intention to consent to any Treasonable +measure. These three men were Henry A. Wise, Balie Peyton, and William +Cost Johnson. Neither of them opened his lips in the Caucus; they went +to observe; and we can assure Governor Thomas, that if Mr. Pickens or +Mr. Calhoun, (whom he names) or any one else had presented a distinct +proposition looking to Disunion, or Revolt, or Secession, he would have +witnessed a scene not soon to be forgotten. The three whom we have +mentioned were as brave as they were determined. Fortunately, perhaps, +the man whom they went particularly to watch, remained silent and +passive."</p> + +<p>Let us, however, pursue the inquiry a little further. On the 14th of +November, 1860, Alexander H. Stephens addressed the Legislature of +Georgia, and in a portion of that address—replying to a speech made +before the same Body the previous evening by Mr. Toombs, in which the +latter had "recounted the evils of this Government"—said:</p> + +<p>"The first [of these evils] was the Fishing Bounties, paid mostly to the +sailors of New England. Our friend stated that forty-eight years of our +Government was under the administration of Southern Presidents. Well, +these Fishing Bounties began under the rule of a Southern President, I +believe. No one of them, during the whole forty-eight years, ever set +his Administration against the principle or policy of them. * * *</p> + +<p>"The next evil which my friend complained of, was the Tariff. Well, let +us look at that for a moment. About the time I commenced noticing +public matters, this question was agitating the Country almost as +fearfully as the Slave question now is. In 1832, when I was in college, +South Carolina was ready to Nullify or Secede from the Union on this +account. And what have we seen? The Tariff no longer distracts the +public counsels. Reason has triumphed! The present Tariff was voted +for by Massachusetts and South Carolina. The lion and the lamb lay down +together—every man in the Senate and House from Massachusetts and South +Carolina, I think, voted for it, as did my honorable friend himself. +And if it be true, to use the figure of speech of my honorable friend, +that every man in the North that works in iron, and brass and wood, has +his muscle strengthened by the protection of the Government, that +stimulant was given by his vote and I believe (that of) every other +Southern man.</p> + +<p>"Mr. TOOMBS—The Tariff lessened the duties.</p> + +<p>"Mr. STEPHENS—Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity voted with the +South to lessen them, and they were made just as low as Southern men +asked them to be, and that is the rate they are now at. If reason and +argument, with experience, produced such changes in the sentiments of +Massachusetts from 1832 to 1857, on the subject of the Tariff, may not +like changes be effected there by the same means—reason and argument, +and appeals to patriotism on the present vexed question? And who can +say that by 1875 or 1890, Massachusetts may not vote with South Carolina +and Georgia upon all those questions that now distract the Country and +threaten its peace and existence.</p> + +<p>"Another matter of grievance alluded to by my honorable friend was the +Navigation Laws. This policy was also commenced under the +Administration of one of these Southern Presidents who ruled so well, +and has been continued through all of them since. * * * One of the +objects (of these) was to build up a commercial American marine by +giving American bottoms the exclusive Carrying Trade between our own +ports. This is a great arm of national power. This object was +accomplished. We have now an amount of shipping, not only coastwise, +but to foreign countries, which puts us in the front rank of the Nations +of the World. England can no longer be styled the Mistress of the Seas. +What American is not proud of the result? Whether those laws should be +continued is another question. But one thing is certain; no President, +Northern or Southern, has ever yet recommended their repeal. * * *</p> + +<p>"These then were the true main grievances or grounds of complaint +against the general system of our Government and its workings—I mean +the administration of the Federal Government. As to the acts of the +federal States I shall speak presently: but these three were the main +ones used against the common head. Now, suppose it be admitted that all +of these are evils in the system; do they overbalance and outweigh the +advantages and great good which this same Government affords in a +thousand innumerable ways that cannot be estimated? Have we not at the +South, as well as the North, grown great, prosperous, and happy under +its operations? Has any part of the World ever shown such rapid +progress in the development of wealth, and all the material resources of +national power and greatness, as the Southern States have under the +General Government, notwithstanding all its defects?</p> + +<p>"Mr. TOOMBS—In spite of it.</p> + +<p>"Mr. STEPHENS—My honorable friend says we have, in spite of the General +Government; that without it, I suppose he thinks, we might have done as +well, or perhaps better, than we have done in spite of it. * * * +Whether we of the South would have been better off without the +Government, is, to say the least, problematical. On the one side we can +only put the fact, against speculation and conjecture on the other. * * +* The influence of the Government on us is like that of the atmosphere +around us. Its benefits are so silent and unseen that they are seldom +thought of or appreciated.</p> + +<p>"We seldom think of the single element of oxygen in the air we breathe, +and yet let this simple, unseen and unfelt agent be withdrawn, this +life-giving element be taken away from this all-pervading fluid around +us, and what instant and appalling changes would take place in all +organic creation.</p> + +<p>"It may be that we are all that we are 'in spite of the General +Government,' but it may be that without it we should have been far +different from what we are now. It is true that there is no equal part +of the Earth with natural resources superior perhaps to ours. That +portion of this Country known as the Southern States, stretching from +the Chesapeake to the Rio Grande, is fully equal to the picture drawn by +the honorable and eloquent Senator last night, in all natural +capacities. But how many ages and centuries passed before these +capacities were developed to reach this advanced age of civilization. +There these same hills, rich in ore, same rivers, same valleys and +plains, are as they have been since they came from the hand of the +Creator; uneducated and uncivilized man roamed over them for how long no +history informs us.</p> + +<p>"It was only under our institutions that they could be developed. Their +development is the result of the enterprise of our people, under +operations of the Government and institutions under which we have lived. +Even our people, without these, never would have done it. The +organization of society has much to do with the development of the +natural resources of any Country or any Land. The institutions of a +People, political and moral, are the matrix in which the germ of their +organic structure quickens into life—takes root, and develops in form, +nature, and character. Our institutions constitute the basis, the +matrix, from which spring all our characteristics of development and +greatness. Look at Greece. There is the same fertile soil, the same +blue sky, the same inlets and harbors, the same AEgean, the same +Olympus; there is the same land where Homer sung, where Pericles spoke; +it is in nature the same old Greece—but it is living Greece no more.</p> + +<p>"Descendants of the same people inhabit the country; yet what is the +reason of this vast difference? In the midst of present degradation we +see the glorious fragments of ancient works of art-temples, with +ornaments and inscriptions that excite wonder and admiration—the +remains of a once high order of civilization, which have outlived the +language they spoke—upon them all, Ichabod is written—their glory has +departed. Why is this so? I answer, their institutions have been +destroyed. These were but the fruits of their forms of government, the +matrix from which their great development sprang; and when once the +institutions of a People have been destroyed, there is no earthly power +that can bring back the Promethean spark to kindle them here again, any +more than in that ancient land of eloquence, poetry and song.</p> + +<p>"The same may be said of Italy. Where is Rome, once the mistress of the +World? There are the same seven hills now, the same soil, the same +natural resources; the nature is the same, but what a ruin of human +greatness meets the eye of the traveler throughout the length and +breadth of that most down-trodden land! why have not the People of that +Heaven-favored clime, the spirit that animated their fathers? Why this +sad difference?</p> + +<p>"It is the destruction of their institutions that has caused it; and, my +countrymen, if we shall in an evil hour rashly pull down and destroy +those institutions which the patriotic hand of our fathers labored so +long and so hard to build up, and which have done so much for us and the +World, who can venture the prediction that similar results will not +ensue? Let us avoid it if we can. I trust the spirit is among us that +will enable us to do it. Let us not rashly try the experiment, for, if +it fails, as it did in Greece and Italy, and in the South American +Republics, and in every other place wherever liberty is once destroyed, +it may never be restored to us again.</p> + +<p>"There are defects in our government, errors in administration, and +short-comings of many kinds; but in spite of these defects and errors, +Georgia has grown to be a great State. Let us pause here a moment.</p> + +<p>"When I look around and see our prosperity in everything, agriculture, +commerce, art, science, and every department of education, physical and +mental, as well as moral advancement—and our colleges—I think, in the +face of such an exhibition, if we can, without the loss of power, or any +essential right or interest, remain in the Union, it is our duty to +ourselves and to posterity—let us not too readily yield to this +temptation—to do so. Our first parents, the great progenitors of the +human race, were not without a like temptation, when in the Garden of +Eden. They were led to believe that their condition would be +bettered—that their eyes would be opened—and that they would become as gods. +They in an evil hour yielded—instead of becoming gods they only saw +their own nakedness.</p> + +<p>"I look upon this Country, with our institutions, as the Eden of the +World, the Paradise of the Universe. It may be that out of it we may +become greater and more prosperous, but I am candid and sincere in +telling you that I fear if we rashly evince passion, and without +sufficient cause shall take that step, that instead of becoming greater +or more peaceful, prosperous, and happy—instead of becoming gods, we +will become demons, and at no distant day commence cutting one another's +throats. This is my apprehension.</p> + +<p>"Let us, therefore, whatever we do, meet those difficulties, great as +they are, like wise and sensible men, and consider them in the light of +all the consequences which may attend our action. Let us see first +clearly where the path of duty leads, and then we may not fear to tread +therein."</p> + +<p> +Said Senator Wigfall, of Texas, March 4, 1861, in the United States +Senate, only a few hours before Mr. Lincoln's Inauguration:</p> + +<p>"I desire to pour oil on the waters, to produce harmony, peace and quiet +here. It is early in the morning, and I hope I shall not say anything +that may be construed as offensive. I rise merely that we may have an +understanding of this question.</p> + +<p>"It is not Slavery in the Territories, it is not expansion, which is the +difficulty. If the resolution which the Senator from Wisconsin +introduced here, denying the right of Secession, had been adopted by +two-thirds of each branch of this department of the Government, and had +been ratified by three-fourths of the States, I have no hesitation in +saying that, so far as the State in which I live and to which I owe my +allegiance is concerned, if she had no other cause for a disruption of +the Union taking place, she would undoubtedly have gone out.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [To insert as an additional article of amendment to the + Constitution, the following: "Under this Constitution, as + originally adopted, and as it now exists, no State has power to + withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United States: but this + Constitution, and all laws passed in pursuance of its delegated + powers, are the Supreme Law of the Land, anything contained in any + constitution, ordinance, or act of any State, to the contrary + notwithstanding."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"The moment you deny the right of self-government to the free White men +of the South, they will leave the Government. They believe in the +Declaration of Independence. They believe that:</p> + +<p>"'Governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from +the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government +becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the People to +alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new Government, laying its +foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as +to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.'</p> + +<p>"That principle of the Declaration of Independence is the one upon which +the free White men of the South predicated their devotion to the present +Constitution of the United States; and it was the denial of that, as +much as anything else, that has created the dissatisfaction in that +Section of the Country.</p> + +<p>"There is no instrument of writing that has ever been written that has +been more misapprehended and misunderstood and misrepresented than this +same unfortunate Declaration of Independence, and no set of gentlemen +have ever been so slandered as the fathers who drew and signed that +Declaration.</p> + +<p>"If there was a thing on earth that they did not intend to assert, it +was that a Negro was a White man. As I said here, a short time ago, one +of the greatest charges they made against the British Government was, +that old King George was attempting to establish the fact practically +that all men were created Free and Equal. They charged him in the +Declaration of Independence with inciting their Slaves to insurrection. +That is one of the grounds upon which they threw off their allegiance to +the British Parliament.</p> + +<p>"Another great misapprehension is, that the men who drafted that +Declaration of Independence had any peculiar fancy for one form of +government rather than another. They were not fighting to establish a +Democracy in this country; they were not fighting to establish a +Republican form of government in this Country. Nothing was further from +their intention.</p> + +<p>"Alexander Hamilton, after he had fought for seven years, declared that +the British form of government was the best that the ingenuity of man +had ever devised; and when John Adams said to him, 'without its +corruptions;' 'Why,' said he, 'its corruptions are its greatest +excellence; without the corruptions, it would be nothing.'</p> + +<p>"In the Declaration of Independence, they speak of George III., after +this fashion. They say:</p> + +<p>"'A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define +a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free People.'</p> + +<p>"Now, I ask any plain common-sense man what was the meaning of that? +Was it that they were opposed to a Monarchical form of government? Was +it that they believed a Monarchical form of government was incompatible +with civil liberty? No, sir; they entertained no such absurd idea. +None of them entertained it; but they say that George III, was a prince +whose character was 'marked by every act which may define a tyrant' and +that therefore he was 'unfit to be the ruler of a free People.' Had his +character not been so marked by every quality which would define a +tyrant, he might have been the fit ruler of a free People; ergo, a +monarchical form of Government was not incompatible with civil liberty.</p> + +<p>"That was clearly the opinion of those men. I do not advocate it now; +for I have said frequently that we are wiser than our fathers, and our +children will be wiser than we are. One hundred years hence, men will +understand their own affairs much better than we do. We understand our +affairs better than those who preceded us one hundred years. But what I +assert is, that the men of the Revolution did not believe that a +Monarchical form of Government was incompatible with civil liberty.</p> + +<p>"What I assert is, that when they spoke of 'all men being created +equal,' they were speaking of the White men who then had unsheathed +their swords—for what purpose? To establish the right of +self-government in themselves; and when they had achieved that, they +established, not Democracies, but Republican forms of Government in the +thirteen sovereign, separate and independent Colonies. Yet the +Declaration of Independence is constantly quoted to prove Negro +equality. It proves no such thing; it was intended to prove no such +thing.</p> + +<p>"The 'glittering generalities' which a distinguished former Senator from +Massachusetts (Mr. Choate) spoke of, as contained in the Declaration of +Independence, one of them at least, about all men being created +equal—was not original with Mr. Jefferson. I recollect seeing a pamphlet +called the Principles of the Whigs and Jacobites, published about the +year 1745, when the last of the Stuarts, called 'the Pretender,' was +striking a blow that was fatal to himself, but a blow for his crown, in +which pamphlet the very phraseology is used, word for word and letter +for letter. I have not got it here to-night. I sent the other day to +the Library to try and find it, but could not find it; it was burnt, I +believe, with the pamphlets that were burnt some time ago.</p> + +<p>"That Mr. Jefferson copied it or plagiarized it, is not true, I suppose, +any more than the charge that the distinguished Senator from New York +plagiarized from the Federalist in preparing his celebrated compromising +speech which was made here a short time ago. It was the cant phrase of +the day in 1745, which was only about thirty years previous to the +Declaration of Independence. This particular pamphlet, which I have +read, was published; others were published at the same time. That sort +of phraseology was used.</p> + +<p>"There was a war of classes in England; there were men who were +contending for legitimacy; who were contending for the right of the +Crown being inherent and depending on the will of God, 'the divine right +of Kings,' for maintaining an hereditary landed-aristocracy; there was +another Party who were contending against this doctrine of legitimacy, +and the right of primogeniture. These were called the Whigs; they +established this general phraseology in denouncing the divine right and +the doctrine of legitimacy, and it became the common phraseology of the +Country; so that in the obscure county of Mecklenburg, in North +Carolina, a declaration containing the same assertions was found as in +this celebrated Declaration of Independence, written by the immortal +Jefferson.</p> + +<p>"Which of us, I ask, is there upon this floor who has not read and +re-read whatever was written within the last twenty-five or thirty years by +the distinguished men of this country? But enough of that.</p> + +<p>"As I said before, there ought not have been, and there did not +necessarily result from our form of Government, any irrepressible +conflict between the Slaveholding and the non-Slaveholding States. +Nothing of the sort was necessary.</p> + +<p>"Strike out a single clause in the Constitution of the United States, +that which secures to each State a Republican form of Government, and +there is no reason why, under precisely such a Constitution as we have, +States that are Monarchical and States that are Republican, could not +live in peace and quiet. They confederate together for common defense +and general welfare, each State regulating its domestic concerns in its +own way; those which preferred a Republican form of Government +maintaining it, and those which preferred a Monarchical form of +Government maintaining it.</p> + +<p>"But how long could small States, with different forms of Government, +live together, confederated for common defense and general welfare, if +the people of one Section were to come to the conclusion that their +institutions were better than those of the other, and thereupon +straightway set about subverting the institutions of the other?"</p> + +<p> +In the reply of the Rebel "Commissioners of the Southern Confederacy" +to Mr. Seward, April 9, 1861, they speak of our Government as being +"persistently wedded to those fatal theories of construction of the +Federal Constitution always rejected by the statesmen of the South, and +adhered to by those of the Administration school, until they have +produced their natural and often-predicted result of the destruction of +the Union, under which we might have continued to live happily and +gloriously together, had the spirit of the ancestry who framed the +common Constitution animated the hearts of all their sons."</p> + +<p>In the "Address of the people of South Carolina, assembled in +Convention, to the people of the Slaveholding States of the United +States," by which the attempt was made to justify the passage of the +South Carolina Secession Ordinance of 1860, it is declared that:</p> + +<p>"Discontent and contention have moved in the bosom of the Confederacy, +for the last thirty-five years. During this time South Carolina has +twice called her people together in solemn Convention, to take into +consideration, the aggressions and unconstitutional wrongs, perpetrated +by the people of the North on the people of the South. These wrongs +were submitted to by the people of the South, under the hope and +expectation that they would be final. But such hope and expectation +have proved to be vain. Instead of producing forbearance, our +acquiescence has only instigated to new forms of aggressions and +outrage; and South Carolina, having again assembled her people in +Convention, has this day dissolved her connection with the States +constituting the United States.</p> + +<p>"The one great evil from which all other evils have flowed, is the +overthrow of the Constitution of the United States. The Government of +the United States, is no longer the Government of Confederated +Republics, but of a consolidated Democracy. It is no longer a free +Government, but a Despotism. It is, in fact, such a Government as Great +Britain attempted to set over our Fathers; and which was resisted and +defeated by a seven years struggle for Independence.</p> + +<p>"The Revolution of 1776, turned upon one great principle, +self-government,—and self-taxation, the criterion of self-government.</p> + +<p>"The Southern States now stand exactly in the same position towards the +Northern States, that the Colonies did towards Great Britain. The +Northern States, having the majority in Congress, claim the same power +of omnipotence in legislation as the British Parliament. 'The General +Welfare' is the only limit to the legislation of either; and the +majority in Congress, as in the British Parliament, are the sole judges +of the expediency of the legislation this 'General Welfare' requires. +Thus the Government of the United States has become a consolidated +Government; and the people of the Southern States are compelled to meet +the very despotism their fathers threw off in the Revolution of 1776.</p> + +<p>"The consolidation of the Government of Great Britain over the Colonies, +was attempted to be carried out by the taxes. The British Parliament +undertook to tax the Colonies to promote British interests. Our fathers +resisted this pretension. They claimed the right of self-taxation +through their Colonial Legislatures. They were not represented in the +British Parliament, and, therefore, could not rightly be taxed by its +legislation. The British Government, however, offered them a +representation in Parliament; but it was not sufficient to enable them +to protect themselves from the majority, and they refused the offer. +Between taxation without any representation, and taxation without a +representation adequate to protection, there was no difference. In +neither case would the Colonies tax themselves. Hence, they refused to +pay the taxes laid by the British Parliament.</p> + +<p>"And so with the Southern States, towards the Northern States, in the +vital matter of taxation. They are in a minority in Congress. Their +representation in Congress is useless to protect them against unjust +taxation; and they are taxed by the people of the North for their +benefit, exactly as the people of Great Britain taxed our ancestors in +the British Parliament for their benefit. For the last forty years, the +taxes laid by the Congress of the United States have been laid with a +view of subserving the interests of the North. The people of the South +have been taxed by duties on imports, not for revenue, but for an object +inconsistent with revenue—to promote, by prohibitions, Northern +interests in the productions of their mines and manufactures.</p> + +<p>"There is another evil, in the condition of the Southern towards the +Northern States, which our ancestors refused to bear towards Great +Britain. Our ancestors not only taxed themselves, but all the taxes +collected from them were expended amongst them. Had they submitted to +the pretensions of the British Government, the taxes collected from +them, would have been expended in other parts of the British Empire. +They were fully aware of the effect of such a policy in impoverishing +the people from whom taxes are collected, and in enriching those who +receive the benefit of their expenditure.</p> + +<p>"To prevent the evils of such a policy, was one of the motives which +drove them on to Revolution, yet this British policy has been fully +realized towards the Southern States, by the Northern States. The +people of the Southern States are not only taxed for the benefit of the +Northern States, but after the taxes are collected, three fourths of +them are expended at the North. This cause, with others, connected with +the operation of the General Government, has made the cities of the +South provincial. Their growth is paralyzed; they are mere suburbs of +Northern cities. The agricultural productions of the South are the +basis of the foreign commerce of the United States; yet Southern cities +do not carry it on. Our foreign trade is almost annihilated. * * *</p> + +<p>"No man can for a moment believe, that our ancestors intended to +establish over their posterity, exactly the same sort of Government they +had overthrown. * * * Yet by gradual and steady encroachments on the +part of the people of the North, and acquiescence on the part of the +South, the limitations in the Constitution have been swept away; and the +Government of the United States has become consolidated, with a claim of +limitless powers in its operations. * * *</p> + +<p>"A majority in Congress, according to their interested and perverted +views, is omnipotent. * * * Numbers with them, is the great element of +free Government. A majority is infallible and omnipotent. 'The right +divine to rule in Kings,' is only transferred to their majority. The +very object of all Constitutions, in free popular Government, is to +restrain the majority. Constitutions, therefore, according to their +theory, must be most unrighteous inventions, restricting liberty. None +ought to exist; but the body politic ought simply to have a political +organization, to bring out and enforce the will of the majority. This +theory is a remorseless despotism. In resisting it, as applicable to +ourselves, we are vindicating the great cause of free Government, more +important, perhaps, to the World, than the existence of all the United +States."</p> + +<p> +In his Special Message to the Confederate Congress at Montgomery, April +29, 1861, Mr. Jefferson Davis said:</p> + +<p>"From a period as early as 1798, there had existed in all the States a +Party, almost uninterruptedly in the majority, based upon the creed that +each State was, in the last resort, the sole judge, as well of its +wrongs as of the mode and measure of redress. * * * The Democratic +Party of the United States repeated, in its successful canvas of 1836, +the declaration, made in numerous previous political contests, that it +would faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the +Kentucky and Virginia Legislatures of [1798 and] 1799, and that it +adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of +its political creed."</p> + +<p>In a letter addressed by the Rebel Commissioners in London (Yancey, Rost +and Mann), August 14, 1861, to Lord John Russell, Secretary of Foreign +Affairs, it appears that they said: "It was from no fear that the Slaves +would be liberated, that Secession took place. The very Party in power +has proposed to guarantee Slavery forever in the States, if the South +would but remain in the Union." On the 4th of May preceding, Lord John +had received these Commissioners at his house; and in a letter of May +11, 1861, wrote, from the Foreign Office, to Lord Lyons, the British +Minister at Washington, a letter, in which, alluding to his informal +communication with them, he said: "One of these gentlemen, speaking for +the others, dilated on the causes which had induced the Southern States +to Secede from the Northern. The principal of these causes, he said, +was not Slavery, but the very high price which, for the sake of +Protecting the Northern manufacturers, the South were obliged to pay for +the manufactured goods which they required. One of the first acts of +the Southern Congress was to reduce these duties, and to prove their +sincerity he gave as an instance that Louisiana had given up altogether +that Protection on her sugar which she enjoyed by the legislation of the +United States. As a proof of the riches of the South. He stated that +of $350,000,000 of exports of produce to foreign countries $270,000,000 +were furnished by the Southern States." * * * They pointed to the new +Tariff of the United States as a proof that British manufactures would +be nearly excluded from the North, and freely admitted in the South.</p> + +<p> +This may be as good a place as any other to say a few words touching +another alleged "cause" of Secession. During the exciting period just +prior to the breaking out of the great War of the Rebellion, the +Slave-holding and Secession-nursing States of the South, made a terrible +hubbub over the Personal Liberty Bills of the Northern States. And when +Secession came, many people of the North supposed these Bills to be the +prime, if not the only real cause of it. Not so. They constituted, as +we now know, only a part of the mere pretext. But, none the less, they +constituted a portion of the history of that eventful time, and cannot +be altogether ignored.</p> + +<p>In order then, that the reader may quickly grasp, not only the general +nature, but also the most important details of the Personal Liberty +Bills (in force, in 1860, in many of the Free States) so frequently +alluded to in the Debates of Congress, in speeches on the stump, and in +the fulminations of Seceding States and their authorized agents, +commissioners, and representatives, it may be well now, briefly to refer +to them, and to state that no such laws existed in California, Illinois, +Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota, New York, Ohio and Oregon.</p> + +<p>Those of Maine provided that no officer of the State should in any way +assist in the arrest or detention of a Fugitive Slave, and made it the +duty of county attorneys to defend the Fugitive Slave against the claim +of his master. A Bill to repeal these laws passed the Maine Senate, but +failed in the House.</p> + +<p>That of Massachusetts provided for commissioners in each county to +defend alleged Fugitives from Service or Labor; for payment by the +Commonwealth of all expenses of defense; prohibited the issue or service +of process by State officers for arrest of alleged Fugitives, or the use +of any prisons in the State for their detention, or that of any person +aiding their escape; prohibited the kidnapping or removal of alleged +Fugitive Slaves by any person; prohibited all officers within the State, +down to Town officers, from arresting, imprisoning, detaining or +returning to Service "any Person for the reason that he is claimed or +adjudged to be a Fugitive from Service or Labor"—all such prohibitions +being enforced by heavy fines and imprisonment. The Act of March 25, +1861, materially modified and softened the above provisions.</p> + +<p>New Hampshire's law, provided that all Slaves entering the State with +consent of the master shall be Free, and made the attempt to hold any +person as a Slave within the State a felony.</p> + +<p>Vermont's, prescribed that no process under the Fugitive Slave Law +should be recognized by any of her Courts, officers, or citizens; nor +any aid given in arresting or removing from the State any Person claimed +as a Fugitive Slave; provided counsel for alleged Fugitives; for the +issue of habeas corpus and trial by jury of issues of fact between the +parties; ordained Freedom to all within the State who may have been held +as Slaves before coming into it, and prescribed heavy penalties for any +attempt to return any such to Slavery. A bill to repeal these laws, +proposed November, 1860, in the Vermont House of Representatives, was +beaten by two to one.</p> + +<p>Connecticut's, provided that there must be two witnesses to prove that a +Person is a Slave; that depositions are not evidence; that false +testifying in Fugitive Slave cases shall be punishable by fine of $5,000 +and five years in State prison.</p> + +<p>In New Jersey, the only laws touching the subject, permitted persons +temporarily sojourning in the State to bring and hold their Slaves, and +made it the duty of all State officers to aid in the recovery of +Fugitives from Service.</p> + +<p>In Pennsylvania, barring an old dead-letter Statute, they simply +prohibited any interference by any of the Courts, Aldermen, or Justices +of the Peace, of the Commonwealth, with the functions of the +Commissioner appointed under the United States Statute in Fugitive Slave +cases.</p> + +<p>In Michigan, the law required States' attorneys to defend Fugitive +Slaves; prescribed the privileges of habeas corpus and jury trial for +all such arrested; prohibited the use of prisons of the State for their +detention; required evidence of two credible witnesses as to identity; +and provided heavy penalties of fine and imprisonment for the seizure of +any Free Person, with intent to have such Person held in Slavery. A +Bill to repeal the Michigan law was defeated in the House by about two +to one.</p> + +<p>Wisconsin's Personal Liberty law was similar to that of Michigan, but +with this addition, that no judgment recovered against any person in +that State for violating the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 should be +enforced by sale or execution of any real or personal property in that +State.</p> + +<p>That of Rhode Island, forbade the carrying away of any Person by force +out of the State; forbade the official aiding in the arrest or detention +of a Fugitive Slave; and denied her jails to the United States for any +such detention.</p> + +<p>Apropos of this subject, and before leaving it, it may be well to quote +remarks of Mr. Simons of Rhode Island, in the United States Senate. +Said he: "Complaint has been made of Personal Liberty Bills. Now, the +Massachusetts Personal Liberty Bill was passed by a Democratic House, a +Democratic Senate, and signed by a Democratic Governor, a man who was +afterwards nominated by Mr. Polk for the very best office in New +England, and was unanimously confirmed by a Democratic United States +Senate. Further than this, the very first time the attention of the +Massachusetts Legislature was called to the propriety of a repeal of +this law was by a Republican Governor. Now, on the other hand, South +Carolina had repealed a law imprisoning British colored sailors, but +retained the one imprisoning those coming from States inhabited by her +own brethren!"</p> + +<p>These Personal Liberty Bills were undoubtedly largely responsible for +some of the irritation on the Slavery question preceding open +hostilities between the Sections. But President Lincoln sounded the +real depths of the Rebellion when he declared it to be a War upon the +rights of the People. In his First Annual Message, December 3, 1861, he +said:</p> + +<p>"It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not +exclusively, a War upon the first principle of popular government—the +rights of the People. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most +grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the +general tone of the insurgents. In those documents we find the +abridgment of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the +People of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, +except the legislative, boldly advocated, with labored arguments to +prove that large control of the People in government is the source of +all political evil. Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a +possible refuge from the power of the People.</p> + +<p>"In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit +raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.</p> + +<p>"It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general argument should be +made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its +connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask brief +attention. It is the effort to place Capital on an equal footing with, +if not above Labor, in the structure of the Government.</p> + +<p>"It is assumed that Labor is available only in connection with Capital; +that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning Capital, somehow by the +use of it induces him to labor. This assumed, it is next considered +whether it is best that Capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce +them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and drive them to it +without their consent. Having proceeded so far, it is naturally +concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers, or what we call +Slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer +is fixed in that condition for life.</p> + +<p>"Now, there is no such relation between Capital and Labor as assumed; +nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life, in the +condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all +inferences from them are groundless.</p> + +<p>"Labor is prior to, and independent of Capital. Capital is only the +fruit of Labor, and could never have existed if Labor had not first +existed. Labor is the superior of Capital, and deserves much the higher +consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of +protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and +probably always will be, a relation between Labor and Capital, producing +mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole Labor of the +community exists within that relation.</p> + +<p>"A few men own Capital, and that few, avoid labor themselves, and with +their Capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large +majority belong to neither class—neither work for others, nor have +others working for them.</p> + +<p>"In most of the Southern States, a majority of the whole people of all +colors are neither Slaves nor masters; while in the Northern, a large +majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families—wives, +sons, and daughters—work for themselves, on their farms, in their +houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and +asking no favors of Capital on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or +Slaves on the other.</p> + +<p>"It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their +own Labor with Capital—that is they labor with their own hands, and +also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed, and +not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence +of this mixed class.</p> + +<p>"Again, as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such +thing as the free hired-laborer being fixed to that condition for life. +Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in +their lives, were hired laborers.</p> + +<p>"The prudent, penniless beginner in the World, labors for wages awhile, +saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors +on his own account another while, and at length hires another new +beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous +system, which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent +energy and progress, and improvement of condition to all.</p> + +<p>"No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from +poverty—none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not +honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power +which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be +used to close the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix +new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of Liberty shall be +lost. * * * The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day-it is +a vast future also. * * * "</p> + +<p> +So too, Andrew Johnson, in his speech before the Senate, January 31, +1862, spake well and truly when he said that "there has been a +deliberate design for years to change the nature and character and +genius of this Government." And he added: "Do we not know that these +schemers have been deliberately at work, and that there is a Party in +the South, with some associates in the North, and even in the West, that +have become tired of Free Government, in which they have lost +confidence."</p> + +<p>Said he: "They raise an outcry against 'Coercion,' that they may +paralyze the Government, cripple the exercise of the great powers with +which it was invested, finally to change its form and subject us to a +Southern despotism. Do we not know it to be so? Why disguise this +great truth? Do we not know that they have been anxious for a change of +Government for years? Since this Rebellion commenced it has manifested +itself in many quarters.</p> + +<p>"How long is it since the organ of the Government at Richmond, the +Richmond Whig, declared that rather than live under the Government of +the United States, they preferred to take the Constitutional Queen of +Great Britain as their protector; that they would make an alliance with +Great Britain for the purpose of preventing the enforcement of the Laws +of the United States. Do we not know this?"</p> + +<p> +Stephen A. Douglas also, in his great Union speech at Chicago, May 1, +1861—only a few days before his lamented death—said:</p> + +<p>"The election of Mr. Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present Secession +movement is the result of an enormous Conspiracy formed more than a year +since formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve +months ago. They use the Slavery question as a means to aid the +accomplishment of their ends. They desired the election of a Northern +candidate by a Sectional vote, in order to show that the two Sections +cannot live together.</p> + +<p>"When the history of the two years from the Lecompton question down to +the Presidential election shall be written, it will be shown that the +scheme was deliberately made to break up this Union.</p> + +<p>"They desired a Northern Republican to be elected by a purely Northern +vote, and then assign this fact as a reason why the Sections cannot live +together. If the Disunion candidate—(Breckinridge) in the late +Presidential contest had carried the united South, their scheme was, the +Northern candidate successful, to seize the Capital last Spring, and by +a united South and divided North, hold it.</p> + +<p>"Their scheme was defeated, in the defeat of the Disunion candidates in +several of the Southern States.</p> + +<p>"But this is no time for a detail of causes. The Conspiracy is now +known; Armies have been raised. War is levied to accomplish it. There +are only two sides to the question.</p> + +<p>"Every man must be for the United States, or against it. There can be +no Neutrals in this War; only Patriots or Traitors! [Cheer after +Cheer]."</p> + +<p> +In a speech made in the United States Senate, January 31, 1862, Senator +McDougall of California—conceded to be intellectually the peer of any +man in that Body—said:</p> + +<p>"We are at War. How long have we been at War? We have been engaged in +a war of opinion, according to my historical recollection, since 1838. +There has been a Systematic organized war against the Institutions +established by our fathers, since 1832. This is known of all men who +have read carefully the history of our Country. If I had the leisure, +or had consulted the authorities, I would give it year by year, and date +by date, from that time until the present, how men adversary to our +Republican Institutions have been organizing War against us, because +they did not approve of our Republican Institutions.</p> + +<p>"Before the Mexican War, it is well known that General Quitman, then +Governor of Mississippi, was organizing to produce the same condition of +things (and he hoped a better condition of things, for he hoped a +successful Secession), to produce this same revolution that is now +disturbing our whole Land. The War with Mexico, fighting for a Southern +proposition, for which I fought myself, made the Nation a unit until +1849; and then again they undertook an Organization to produce +Revolution. These things are history. This statement is true, and +cannot be denied among intelligent men anywhere, and cannot be denied in +this Senate.</p> + +<p>"The great men who sat in Council in this Hall, the great men of the +Nation, men whose equals are not, and I fear will not be for many years, +uniting their judgments, settled the controversy in 1850. They did not +settle it for the Conspirators of the South, for they were not parties +to the compact. Clay and Webster, and the great men who united with +them, had no relation with the extremes of either extreme faction. The +Compromise was made, and immediately after it had been effected, again +commenced the work of organization. I had the honor to come from my +State on the Pacific into the other branch of the Federal Congress, and +there I learned as early as 1853, that the work of Treason was as +industriously pursued as it is being pursued to-day. I saw it; I felt +it; I knew it. I went home to the shores of the Pacific instructed +somewhat on this subject.</p> + +<p>"Years passed by. I engaged in my duties as a simple professional man, +not connected with public affairs. The question of the last +Presidential election arose before the Country—one of those great +questions that are not appreciated, I regret from my heart, by the +American Nation, when we elect a President, a man who has more power for +his time than any enthroned Monarch in Europe. We organize a Government +and place him in front as the head and the Chief of the Government. +That question came before the American People.</p> + +<p>"At that time I was advised of this state of feeling—and I will state +it in as exact form of words as I can state it, that it may be +understood by Senators: Mr. Douglas is a man acceptable to the South. +Mr. Douglas is a man to whom no one has just cause of exception +throughout the South. Mr. Douglas is more acceptable to Mississippi and +Louisiana than Mr. Breckinridge. Mr. Breckinridge is not acceptable to +the South; or at least, if he is so, he is not in the same degree with +Mr. Douglas. Mr. Douglas is the accepted man of a great National Party, +and if he is brought into the field he will be triumphantly elected. +THAT MUST NOT BE DONE, because THE ORGANIZATION FOR SECESSION IS +MATURED. EVERYTHING IS PREPARED, and the election of Mr. Douglas would +only postpone it for four years; and Now when we are PREPARED to carry +out these things WE MUST INDULGE IN STRATAGEM, and the nomination of Mr. +Breckinridge is a mere strategic movement to divide the great +conservative Party of the Nation into two, so as to elect a Republican +candidate AND CONSOLIDATE THE SOUTH BY THE CRY OF 'ABOLITIONIST!'</p> + +<p>"That is a mere simple statement of the truth, and it cannot be +contradicted. Now, in that scheme all the men of counsel of that Party +were engaged. * * * I, on the far shores of the Pacific understood +those things as long ago as a year last September (1860). I was advised +about this policy and well informed of it. * * *</p> + +<p>"I was at war, in California, in January (1861) last; in the maintenance +of the opinions that I am now maintaining, I had to go armed to protect +myself from violence. The country, whenever there was controversy, was +agitated to its deepest foundations. That is known, perhaps, not to +gentlemen who live up in Maine or Massachusetts, or where you are +foreign to all this agitation; but known to all people where disturbance +might have been effective in consequences. I felt it, and had to carry +my life in my hand by the month, as did my friends surrounding me.</p> + +<p>"I say that all through last winter (that of 1860-61) War had been +inaugurated in all those parts of the Country where disturbed elements +could have efficient result. In January (1861), a year ago, I stood in +the hall of the House of Representatives of my State, and there was War +then, and angry faces and hostile men were gathered; and we knew then +well that the Southern States had determined to withdraw themselves from +the Federal Union.</p> + +<p>"I happened to be one of those men who said, 'they shall not do it;' and +it appears to me that the whole argument is between that class of men +and the class of men who said they would let them do it. * * * When +this doctrine was started here of disintegrating the Cotton States from +the rest of the Confederacy, I opposed it at once. I saw immediately +that War was to be invoked. * * *</p> + +<p>"I will not say these things were understood by gentlemen of the +Republican Party * * * but I, having been accepted and received as a +Democrat of the old school from the olden time, and HAVING FAST SOUTHERN +SYMPATHIES, I DID KNOW ALL ABOUT THEM. * * * I KNOW THAT SECESSION WAS A +THING DETERMINED UPON. * * * I was advised of and understood the whole +programme, KNEW HOW IT WAS TO BE DONE IN ITS DETAILS; and I being +advised, made war against it. * * *</p> + +<p>"War had been, in fact, inaugurated. What is War? Was it the firing on +our flag at Sumter? Was that the first adversary passage? To say so, +is trifling with men's judgments and information. No, sir; when they +organized a Government, and set us at defiance, they commenced War; and +the various steps they took afterwards, by organizing their troops, and +forming their armies, and advancing upon Sumter; all these were merely +acts of War; but War was inaugurated whenever they undertook to say they +would maintain themselves as a separate and independent government; and, +after that time, every man who gave his assistance to them was a +Traitor, according to the highest Law."</p> + +<p>The following letter, written by one of the most active of the Southern +conspirators in 1858, during the great Douglas and Lincoln Debate of +that year, to which extended reference has already been made, is of +interest in this connection, not only as corroborative evidence of the +fact that the Rebellion of the Cotton States had been determined on long +before Mr. Lincoln was elected President, but as showing also that the +machinery for "firing the Southern heart" and for making a "solid South" +was being perfected even then. The subsequent split in the Democratic +Party, and nomination of Breckinridge by the Southern wing of it, was +managed by this same Yancey, simply as parts of the deliberate programme +of Secession and Rebellion long before determined on by the Cotton Lords +of the Cotton States.</p> + +<p> + "MONTGOMERY, June 15, 1858.</p> + +<p>"DEAR SIR:—Your kind favor of the 13th is received.</p> + +<p>"I hardly agree with you that a general movement can be made that will +clean out the Augean Stable. If the Democracy were overthrown it would +result in giving place to a greedier and hungrier swarm of flies.</p> + +<p>"The remedy of the South is not in such a process. It is in a diligent +organization of her true men for prompt resistance to the next +aggression. It must come in the nature of things. No National Party +can save us. No Sectional Party can ever do it. But if we could do as +our fathers did—organize 'Committees of Safety' all over the Cotton +States (and it is only in them that we can hope for any effective +movement), we shall fire the Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind, +give courage to each other, and at the proper moment, by one organized, +concerted action, we can precipitate the Cotton States into a +revolution.</p> + +<p>"The idea has been shadowed forth in the South by Mr. Ruffin; has been +taken up and recommended in the Advertiser under the name of 'League of +United Southerners,' who, keeping up their old relations on all other +questions, will hold the Southern issues paramount, and influence +parties, legislatures and statesmen. I have no time to enlarge, but to +suggest merely.</p> + +<p>"In haste, yours, etc. + "W. L. YANCEY.</p> + +<p>"To JAMES S. SLAUGHTER."</p> + +<p> +At Jackson, Mississippi, in the fall of the same year (1858) just after +the great Debate between Douglas and Lincoln had closed, Jefferson Davis +had already raised the standard of Revolution, Secession and Disunion, +during the course of a speech, in which he said: "If an Abolitionist be +chosen President of the United States, you will have presented to you +the question of whether you will permit the Government to pass into the +hands of your avowed and implacable enemies? Without pausing for an +answer, I will state my own position to be, that such a result would be +a species of revolution by which the purposes of the Government would be +destroyed, and the observance of its mere forms entitled to no respect. +In that event, in such a manner as should be most expedient, I should +deem it your duty to provide for your safety, outside of the Union with +those who have already shown the will, and would have acquired the power +to deprive you of your birthright, and to reduce you to worse than the +Colonial dependence of your fathers."</p> + +<p>The "birthright" thus referred to was of course, the alleged right to +have Slaves; but what was this "worse than Colonial dependence" to +which, in addition to the peril supposed to threaten the Southern +"birthright," the Cotton States of Mississippi were reduced? +"Dependence" upon whom, and with regard to what? Plainly upon the +North; and with regard, not to Slavery alone—for Jefferson Davis held, +down to the very close of the War, that the South fought "not for +Slavery"—but as to Tariff Legislation also. There was the rub! These +Cotton Lords believed, or pretended to believe, that the High Tariff +Legislation, advocated and insisted upon both by the Whigs and +Republicans for the Protection of the American Manufacturer and working +man, built up and made prosperous the North, and elevated Northern +laborers; at the expense of the South, and especially themselves, the +Cotton Lords aforesaid.</p> + +<p>We have already seen from the utterances of leading men in the South +Carolina, Secession Convention, "that"—as Governor Hicks, himself a +Southern man, said in his address to the people of Maryland, after the +War broke out "neither the election of Mr. Lincoln, nor the +non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, nor both combined, constitute their +grievances. They declare that THE REAL CAUSE of their discontent DATES +AS FAR BACK AS 1833."</p> + +<p>And what was the chief cause or pretext for discontent at that time? +Nothing less than the Tariff. They wanted Free Trade, as well as +Slavery. The balance of the Union wanted Protection, as well as +Freedom.</p> + +<p>The subsequent War, then, was not a War waged for Slavery alone, but for +Independence with a view to Free Trade, as set forth in the "Confederate +Constitution," as soon as that Independence could be achieved. And the +War on our part, while for the integrity of the Union in all its +parts—for the life of the Nation itself, and for the freedom of man, should +also have brought the triumph of the American idea of a Protective +Tariff, whose chief object is the building up of American manufactures +and the Protection of the Free working-man, in the essential matters of +education, food, clothing, rents, wages, and work.</p> + +<p>It is mentioned in McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p. 392, that in +a letter making public his reasons for going to Washington and taking +his seat in Congress, Mr. James L. Pugh, a Representative from Alabama, +November 24, 1860, said: "The sole object of my visit is to promote the +cause of Secession."</p> + +<p>From the manner in which they acted after reaching Washington, it is not +unreasonable to suppose that most of those persons representing, in both +branches of Congress, the Southern States which afterwards seceded, came +to the National Capital with a similar object in view—taking their +salaries and mileages for services supposed to be performed for the +benefit of the very Government they were conspiring to injure, and +swearing anew the sacred oath to support and defend the very +Constitution which they were moving heaven and earth to undermine and +destroy!</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [As a part of the history of those times, the following letter is + not without interest:</p> + +<p> "OXFORD, December 24, 1860.</p> + +<p> "MY DEAR SIR:—I regretted having to leave Washington without + having with you a full conference as to the great events whose + shadows are upon us. The result of the election here is what the + most sanguine among us expected; that is, its general result is so. + It is as yet somewhat difficult to determine the distinctive + complexion of the convention to meet on the 7th of January. The + friends of Southern Independence, of firm and bona fide resistance, + won an overwhelming victory; but I doubt whether there is any + precise plan.</p> + +<p> "No doubt a large majority of the Convention will be for separate + Secession. But unless intervening events work important changes of + sentiment, not all of those elected as resistance men will be for + immediate and separate Secession. Our friends in Pontotoc, Tippah, + De Soto and Pauola took grounds which fell far short of that idea, + though their resolutions were very firm in regard to Disunion and + an ultimate result.</p> + +<p> "In the meantime the Disunion sentiment among the people is growing + every day more intense.</p> + +<p> "Upon the whole, you have great cause for gratification in the + action of your State.</p> + +<p> "The submissionists are routed, horse, foot, and dragoons, and any + concession by the North will fail to restore that sacred attachment + to the Union which was once so deeply radicated in the hearts of + our people. What they want now, is wise and sober leading. I + think that there might be more of dignity and prudent foresight in + the action of our State than have marked the proceedings of South + Carolina. I have often rejoiced that we have you to rest upon and + confide in. I do not know what we could do without you. That God + may preserve you to us, and that your mind may retain all its vigor + to carry us through these perilous times, is my most fervent + aspiration.</p> + +<p> "I am as ever, and forever, your supporter, ally and friend.</p> + +<p> "L. Q. C. LAMAR.</p> + +<p> "COL. JEFF. DAVIS, Washington, D. C."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p> +This was but a part of the deliberate, cold-blooded plan mapped out in +detail, early in the session succeeding the election of Mr. Lincoln, in +a secret Caucus of the Chief Plotters of the Treason. It was a secret +conference, but the programme resolved on, soon leaked out.</p> + +<p>The following, which appeared in the Washington National Intelligencer +on Friday, January 11, 1861, tells the story of this stage of the Great +Conspiracy pretty clearly:</p> + +<p>"The subjoined communication, disclosing the designs of those who have +undertaken to lead the movement now threatening a permanent dissolution +of the Union, comes to us from a distinguished citizen of the South +[understood to be Honorable Lemuel D. Evans, Representative from Texas +in the 34th Congress, from March 4, 1855, to March 3, 1857] who formerly +represented his State with great distinction in the popular branch of +Congress.</p> + +<p>"Temporarily sojourning in this city he has become authentically +informed of the facts recited in the subjoined letter, which he +communicates to us under a sense of duty, and for the accuracy of which +he makes himself responsible.</p> + +<p>"Nothing but assurances coming from such an intelligent, reliable source +could induce us to accept the authenticity of these startling +statements, which so deeply concern not only the welfare but the honor +of the Southern people.</p> + +<p>"To them we submit, without present comment, the programme to which they +are expected to yield their implicit adhesion, without any scruples of +conscience as without any regard for their own safety.</p> + +<p> "'WASHINGTON, January 9, 1861.</p> + +<p>"'I charge that on last Saturday night (January 5th), a Caucus was held +in this city by the Southern Secession Senators from Florida, Georgia, +Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas. It was then and +there resolved in effect to assume to themselves the political power of +the South, and, to control all political and military operations for the +present, they telegraphed to complete the plan of seizing forts, +arsenals, and custom-houses, and advised the Conventions now in session, +and soon to assemble, to pass Ordinances for immediate Secession; but, +in order to thwart any operations of the Government here, the +Conventions of the Seceding States are to retain their representations +in the Senate and the House.</p> + +<p>"'They also advised, ordered, or directed the assembling of a Convention +of delegates from the Seceding States at Montgomery on the 13th of +February. This can of course only be done by the revolutionary +Conventions usurping the powers of the people, and sending delegates +over whom they will lose all control in the establishment of a +Provisional Government, which is the plan of the dictators.</p> + +<p>"'This Caucus also resolved to take the most effectual means to dragoon +the Legislatures of Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and +Virginia into following the Seceding States. Maryland is also to be +influenced by such appeals to popular passion as have led to the +revolutionary steps which promise a conflict with the State and Federal +Governments in Texas.</p> + +<p>"'They have possessed themselves of all the avenues of information in +the South—the telegraph, the press, and the general control of the +postmasters. They also confidently rely upon defections in the army and +navy.</p> + +<p>"'The spectacle here presented is startling to contemplate. Senators +entrusted with the representative sovereignty of the States, and sworn +to support the Constitution of the United States, while yet acting as +the privy councillors of the President, and anxiously looked to by their +constituents to effect some practical plan of adjustment, deliberately +conceive a Conspiracy for the overthrow of the Government through the +military organizations, the dangerous secret order, the 'Knights of the +Golden Circle,' 'Committees of Safety,' Southern leagues, and other +agencies at their command; they have instituted as thorough a military +and civil despotism as ever cursed a maddened Country.</p> + +<p>"'It is not difficult to foresee the form of government which a +Convention thus hurriedly thrown together at Montgomery will irrevocably +fasten upon a deluded and unsuspecting people. It must essentially be +'a Monarchy founded upon military principles,' or it cannot endure. +Those who usurp power never fail to forge strong chains.</p> + +<p>"'It may be too late to sound the alarm. Nothing may be able to arrest +the action of revolutionary tribunals whose decrees are principally in +'secret sessions.' But I call upon the people to pause and reflect +before they are forced to surrender every principle of liberty, or to +fight those who are becoming their masters rather than their servants. + "'EATON"</p> + +<p>"As confirming the intelligence furnished by our informant we may cite +the following extract from the Washington correspondence of yesterday's +Baltimore Sun:</p> + +<p>"'The leaders of the Southern movement are consulting as to the best +mode of consolidating their interests into a Confederacy under a +Provisional Government. The plan is to make Senator Hunter, of +Virginia, Provisional President, and Jefferson Davis Commander-in-Chief +of the army of defense. Mr. Hunter possesses in a more eminent degree +the philosophical characteristics of Jefferson than any other statesman +now living. Colonel Davis is a graduate of West Point, was +distinguished for gallantry at Buena Vista, and served as Secretary of +War under President Pierce, and is not second to General Scott in +military science or courage.'</p> + +<p>"As further confirmatory of the above, the following telegraphic +dispatch in the Charleston Mercury of January 7, 1861, is given:</p> + +<p>"'[From our Own Correspondent.]</p> + +<p>"'WASHINGTON, January 6.—The Senators from those of the Southern States +which have called Conventions of their people, met in caucus last night, +and adopted the following resolutions:</p> + +<p>"'Resolved, That we recommend to our respective States immediate +Secession.</p> + +<p>"'Resolved, That we recommend the holding of a General Convention of the +said States, to be holden in the city of Montgomery, Alabama, at some +period not later than the 15th day of February, 1861.'</p> + +<p>"These resolutions were telegraphed this evening to the Conventions of +Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. A third resolution is also known to +have been adopted, but it is of a confidential character, not to be +divulged at present. There was a good deal of discussion in the caucus +on the question of whether the Seceding States ought to continue their +delegations in Congress till the 4th of March, to prevent unfriendly +legislation, or whether the Representatives of the Seceding States +should all resign together, and leave a clear field for the opposition +to pass such bills, looking to Coercion, as they may see fit. It is +believed that the opinion that they should remain prevailed."</p> + +<p>Furthermore, upon the capture of Fernandina, Florida, in 1862, the +following letter was found and published. Senator Yulee, the writer, +was present and participated as one of the Florida Senators, in the +traitorous "Consultation" therein referred to—and hence its especial +value:</p> + +<p> +"WASHINGTON, January 7, 1861.</p> + +<p>"My DEAR SIR:—On the other side is a copy of resolutions adopted at a +consultation of the Senators from the Seceding States—in which Georgia, +Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi, and Florida were +present.</p> + +<p>"The idea of the meeting was that the States should go out at once, and +provide for the early organization of a Confederate Government, not +later than 15th February. This time is allowed to enable Louisiana and +Texas to participate. It seemed to be the opinion that if we left here, +force, loan, and volunteer Bills might be passed, which would put Mr. +Lincoln in immediate condition for hostilities; whereas, by remaining in +our places until the 4th of March, it is thought we can keep the hands +of Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable the Republicans from effecting any +legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming +Administration.</p> + +<p>"The resolutions will be sent by the delegation to the President of the +Convention. I have not been able to find Mr. Mallory (his Senatorial +colleague) this morning. Hawkins (Representative from Florida) is in +Connecticut. I have therefore thought it best to send you this copy of +the resolutions.</p> + +<p> "In haste, yours truly + "D. L. YULEE.</p> + +<p>"JOSEPH FINEGAN, Esq., +"'Sovereignty Convention,' Tallahassee, Fla."</p> + +<br><br><br><br> + +<p>The resolutions "on the other side" of this letter, to which he refers, +are as follows:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, 1—That in our opinion each of the Southern States should, as +soon as may be, Secede from the Union.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, 2—That provision should be made for a Convention to organize +a Confederacy of the Seceding States, the Convention to meet not later +than the 15th of February, at the city of Montgomery, in the State of +Alabama.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That in view of the hostile legislation that is threatened +against the Seceding States, and which may be consummated before the 4th +of March, we ask instructions whether the delegations are to remain in +Congress until that date for the purpose of defeating such legislation.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That a committee be and are hereby appointed, consisting of +Messrs. Davis, Slidell, and Mallory, to carry out the objects of this +meeting."</p> + +<p> +In giving this letter to the World—from its correspondent accompanying +the expedition—the New York Times of March 15, 1862, made these +forcible and clear-headed comments:</p> + +<p>"The telegraphic columns of the Times of January 7, 1861, contained the +following Washington dispatch: 'The Southern Senators last night +(January 5th) held a conference, and telegraphed to the Conventions of +their respective States to advise immediate Secession.' Now, the +present letter is a report by Mr. Yulee, who was present at this +'consultation' as he calls it, of the resolutions adopted on this +occasion, transmitted to the said Finegan, who by the way, was a member +of the 'Sovereign Convention' of Florida, then sitting in the town of +Tallahassee.</p> + +<p>"It will thus be seen that this remarkable letter, which breathes +throughout the spirit of the Conspirator, in reality lets us into one of +the most important of the numerous Secret Conclaves which the Plotters +of Treason then held in the Capital. It was then, as it appears, that +they determined to strike the blow and precipitate their States into +Secession. But at the same time they resolved that it would be +imprudent for them openly to withdraw, as in that case Congress might +pass 'force, loan, and volunteer bills,' which would put Mr. Lincoln in +immediate condition for hostilities. No, no! that would not do. (So +much patriotic virtue they half suspected, half feared, was left in the +Country.) On the contrary, 'by remaining in our places until the 4th of +March it is thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied, and +disable the Republicans from effecting any legislation which will +strengthen the hands of the incoming Administration.' Ah what a tragic +back-ground, full of things unutterable, is there!</p> + +<p>"It appears, however, that events were faster than they, and instead of +being able to retain their seats up to the 4th of March, they were able +to remain but a very few weeks. Mr. Davis withdrew on the 21st of +January, just a fortnight after this 'consultation.' But for the rest, +mark how faithfully the programme here drawn up by this knot of Traitors +in secret session was realized. Each of the named States represented by +this Cabal did, 'as soon as may be, Secede from the Union'—the +Mississippi Convention passing its Ordinance on the heels of the receipt +of these resolutions, on the 9th of January; Florida and Alabama on the +11th; Louisiana on the 26th, and Texas on the 1st of February; while the +'organization of the Confederate Government' took place at the very time +appointed, Davis being inaugurated on the 18th of February.</p> + +<p>"And here is another Plot of the Traitors brought to light. These very +men, on withdrawing from the Senate, urged that they were doing so in +obedience to the command of their respective States. As Mr. Davis put +it, in his parting speech, 'the Ordinance of Secession having passed the +Convention of his State, he felt obliged to obey the summons, and retire +from all official connection with the Federal Government.' This letter +of Mr. Yulee's clearly reveals that they had themselves pushed their +State Conventions to the adoption of the very measure which they had the +hardihood to put forward as an imperious 'summons' which they could not +disobey. It is thus that Treason did its Work."</p> + +<br><br> +<a name="ch12"></a> +<br><br> + +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XII.<br><br> + + COPPERHEADISM VS. UNION DEMOCRACY.<br> +</h2> +</center> + +<p>When we remember that it was on the night of the 5th of January, 1861, +that the Rebel Conspirators in the United States Senate met and plotted +their confederated Treason, as shown in the Yulee letter, given in the +preceding Chapter of this work, and that on the very next day, January +6, 1861, Fernando Wood, then Mayor of the great city of New York, sent +in to the Common Council of that metropolis, his recommendation that New +York city should Secede from its own State, as well as the United +States, and become "a Free City," which, said he, "may shed the only +light and hope of a future reconstruction of our once blessed +Confederacy," it is impossible to resist the conviction that this +extraordinary movement of his, was inspired and prompted, if not +absolutely directed, by the secret Rebel Conclave at Washington. It +bears within itself internal evidences of such prompting.</p> + +<p>Thus, when Mayor Wood states the case in the following words, he seems +to be almost quoting word for word an instruction received by him from +these Rebel leaders—in connection with their plausible argument, +upholding it. Says he:</p> + +<p>"Much, no doubt, can be said in favor of the justice and policy of a +separation. It may be said that Secession or revolution in any of the +United States would be subversive of all Federal authority, and, so far +as the central Government is concerned, the resolving of the community +into its original elements—that, if part of the States form new +combinations and, Governments, other States may do the same. Then it +may be said, why should not New York city, instead of supporting by her +contributions in revenue two-thirds of the expenses of the United +States, become also equally independent? As a Free City, with but +nominal duty on imports, her local Government could be supported without +taxation upon her people. Thus we could live free from taxes, and have +cheap goods nearly duty free. In this she would have the whole and +united support of the Southern States, as well as all the other States +to whose interests and rights under the Constitution she has always been +true."</p> + +<p>That is the persuasive casuistry peculiar to the minds of the Southern +Secession leaders. It is naturally followed by a touch of that +self-confident bluster, also at that time peculiar to Southern lips—as +follows:</p> + +<p>"It is well for individuals or communities to look every danger square +in the face, and to meet it calmly and bravely. As dreadful as the +severing of the bonds that have hitherto united the States has been in +contemplation, it is now apparently a stern and inevitable fact. We +have now to meet it, with all the consequences, whatever they may be. +If the Confederacy is broken up the Government is dissolved, and it +behooves every distinct community, as well as every individual, to take +care of themselves.</p> + +<p>"When Disunion has become a fixed and certain fact, why may not New York +disrupt the bands which bind her to a venal and corrupt master—to a +people and a Party that have plundered her revenues, attempted to ruin +her commerce, taken away the power of self-government, and destroyed the +Confederacy of which she was the proud Empire City? * * *"</p> + +<p>After thus restating, as it were, the views and "arguments" of the Rebel +Junta, as we may presume them to have been pressed on him, he becomes +suddenly startled at the Conclave's idea of meeting "all the +consequences, whatever they may be," and, turning completely around, +with blanching pen, concludes:</p> + +<p>"But I am not prepared to recommend the violence implied in these views. +In stating this argument in favor of freedom, 'peaceably if we can, +forcibly if we must,' let me not be misunderstood. The redress can be +found only in appeals to the magnanimity of the people of the whole +State." * * *</p> + +<p>If "these views" were his own, and not those of the Rebel Conclave, he +would either have been "prepared to recommend the violence implied in +them," or else he would have suppressed them altogether. But his +utterance is that of one who has certain views for the first time placed +before him, and shrinks from the consequences of their advocacy—shrinks +from "the violence implied" in them—although for some reason he dares +not refuse to place those views before the people.</p> + +<p>And, in carrying out his promise to do so—"In stating this argument," +presumably of the Rebel Conclave, "in favor of freedom, 'peaceably if we +can, forcibly if we must'"—the language used is an admission that the +argument is not his own. Were it his own, would he not have said in +"making" it, instead of in "stating" it? Furthermore, had he been +"making" it of his own accord, he would hardly have involved himself in +such singular contradictions and explanations as are here apparent. He +was plainly "stating" the Rebel Conclave's argument, not making one +himself. He was obeying orders, under the protest of his fears. And +those fears forced his trembling pen to write the saving-clause which +"qualifies" the Conclave's second-hand bluster preceding it.</p> + +<p>That the Rebels hoped for Northern assistance in case of Secession, is +very clear from many speeches made prior to and soon after the election +of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency—and from other sources of information. +Thus we find in a speech made by Representative L. M. Keitt, of South +Carolina, in Charleston, November, 1860, the following language, +reported by the Mercury:</p> + +<p>"But we have been threatened. Mr. Amos Kendall wrote a letter, in which +he said to Colonel Orr, that if the State went out, three hundred +thousand volunteers were ready to march against her. I know little +about Kendall—and the less the better. He was under General Jackson; +but for him the Federal treasury seemed to have a magnetic attraction.</p> + +<p>"Jackson was a pure man, but he had too many around him who made +fortunes far transcending their salaries. [Applause.] And this Amos +Kendall had the same good fortune under Van Buren. He (Kendall) +threatened us on the one side, and John Hickman on the other. John +Hickman said, defiantly, that if we went out of the Union, eighteen +millions of Northern men would bring us back.</p> + +<p>"Let me tell you, there are a million of Democrats in the North who, +when the Black Republicans attempt to march upon the South, will be +found a wall of fire in the front. [Cries of 'that's so,' and +applause.]"</p> + +<p>Harper's Weekly of May 28, 1864, commenting on certain letters of M. F. +Maury and others, then just come to light, said:</p> + +<p>"How far Maury and his fellow-conspirators were justified in their hopes +of seducing New Jersey into the Rebellion, may be gathered from the +correspondence that took place, in the spring of 1861, between +Ex-Governor Price, of New Jersey, who was one of the representatives from +that State in the Peace Congress, and L. W. Burnet, Esq., of Newark.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Price, in answering the question what ought New Jersey to do, says: +'I believe the Southern confederation permanent. The proceeding has +been taken with forethought and deliberation—it is no hurried impulse, +but an irrevocable act, based upon the sacred, as was supposed, equality +of the States; and in my opinion every Slave State will in a short +period of time be found united in one Confederacy. * * * Before that +event happens, we cannot act, however much we may suffer in our material +interests. It is in that contingency, then, that I answer the second +part of your question:—What position for New Jersey will best accord +with her interests, honor, and the patriotic instincts of her people? I +say emphatically she would go with the South from every wise, +prudential, and patriotic reason.'</p> + +<p>"Ex-Governor Price proceeds to say that he is confident the States of +Pennsylvania and New York will 'choose also to cast their lot with the +South, and after them, the Western and Northwestern States.'"</p> + +<p>The following resolution,* was adopted with others, by a meeting of +Democrats held January 16, 1861, at National Hall, Philadelphia, and has +been supposed to disclose "a plan, of which ex-Governor Price was likely +aware:"</p> + +<p>"Twelfth—That in the deliberate judgment of the Democracy of +Philadelphia, and, so far as we know it, of Pennsylvania, the +dissolution of the Union by the separation of the whole South, a result +we shall most sincerely lament, may release this Commonwealth to a large +extent from the bonds which now connect her with the Confederacy, except +so far as for temporary convenience she chooses to submit to them, and +would authorize and require her citizens, through a Convention, to be +assembled for that purpose, to determine with whom her lot should be +cast, whether with the North and the East, whose fanaticism has +precipitated this misery upon us, or with our brethren of the South, +whose wrongs we feel as our own; or whether Pennsylvania should stand by +herself, as a distinct community, ready when occasion offers, to bind +together the broken Union, and resume her place of loyalty and +devotion."</p> + +<p>Senator Lane of Oregon, replying to Senator Johnson of Tennessee, +December 19, 1860, in the United States Senate, and speaking of and for +the Northern Democracy, said:</p> + +<p>"They will not march with him under his bloody banner, or Mr. Lincoln's, +to invade the soil of the gallant State of South Carolina, when she may +withdraw from a Confederacy that has refused her that equality to which +she is entitled, as a member of the Union, under the Constitution. On +the contrary, when he or any other gentleman raises that banner and +attempts to subjugate that gallant people, instead of marching with him, +we will meet him there, ready to repel him and his forces. He shall not +bring with him the Northern Democracy to strike down a people contending +for rights that have been refused them in a Union that ought to +recognize the equality of every member of the Confederacy. * * * I now +serve notice that, when War is made upon that gallant South for +withdrawing from a Union which refuses them their rights, the Northern +Democracy will not join in the crusade. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY WILL HAVE +WAR ENOUGH AT HOME. THE DEMOCRACY OF THE NORTH NEED NOT CROSS THE +BORDER TO FIND AN ENEMY."</p> + +<p>The following letter from Ex-President Pierce is in the same misleading +strain:</p> + +<p>"CLARENDON HOTEL, January 6, 1860.—[This letter was captured, at Jeff. +Davis's house in Mississippi, by the Union troops.]</p> + +<p>"MY DEAR FRIEND:—I wrote you an unsatisfactory note a day or two since. +I have just had a pleasant interview with Mr. Shepley, whose courage and +fidelity are equal to his learning and talents. He says he would rather +fight the battle with you as the standard-bearer in 1860, than under the +auspices of any other leader. The feeling and judgment of Mr. S. in +this relation is, I am confident, rapidly gaining ground in New England. +Our people are looking for 'the coming man,' one who is raised by all +the elements of his character above the atmosphere ordinarily breathed +by politicians, a man really fitted for this exigency by his ability, +courage, broad statesmanship, and patriotism. Colonel Seymour (Thomas +H.) arrived here this morning, and expressed his views in this relation +in almost the identical language used by Mr. Shepley.</p> + +<p>"It is true that, in the present state of things at Washington and +throughout the country, no man can predict what changes two or three +months may bring forth. Let me suggest that, in the running debates in +Congress, full justice seems to me not to have been done to the +Democracy of the North. I do not believe that our friends at the South +have any just idea of the state of feeling, hurrying at this moment to +the pitch of intense exasperation, between those who respect their +political obligations and those who have apparently no impelling power +but that which fanatical passion on the subject of Domestic Slavery +imparts.</p> + +<p>"Without discussing the question of right, of abstract power to Secede, +I have never believed that actual disruption of the Union can occur +without blood; and if, through the madness of Northern Abolitionism, +that dire calamity must come, THE FIGHTING WILL NOT BE ALONG MASON'S AND +DIXON'S LINE MERELY. IT [WILL] BE WITHIN OUR OWN BORDERS, IN OUR OWN +STREETS, BETWEEN THE TWO CLASSES OF CITIZENS TO WHOM I HAVE REFERRED. +Those who defy law and scout Constitutional obligations will, if we ever +reach the arbitrament of arms, FIND OCCUPATION ENOUGH AT HOME.</p> + +<p>"Nothing but the state of Mrs. Pierce's health would induce me to leave +the Country now, although it is quite likely that my presence at home +would be of little service.</p> + +<p>"I have tried to impress upon our people, especially in New Hampshire +and Connecticut, where the only elections are to take place during the +coming spring, that while our Union meetings are all in the right +direction, and well enough for the present, they will not be worth the +paper upon which their resolutions are written unless we can overthrow +political Abolitionism at the polls and repeal the Unconstitutional and +obnoxious laws which, in the cause of 'personal liberty,' have been +placed upon our statute-books. I shall look with deep interest, and not +without hope, for a decided change in this relation.</p> + +<p> "Ever and truly your friend, + "FRANKLIN PIERCE.</p> + +<p>"Hon. JEFF. DAVIS, +"Washington, D. C."</p> + +<p> +But let us turn from contemplating the encouragements to Southern +Treason and Rebellion, held out by Northern Democratic Copperheads, to +the more pleasing spectacle of Loyalty and Patriotism exhibited by the +Douglas wing of Democracy.</p> + +<p>Immediately after Sumter, and while the President was formulating his +Message, calling for 75,000 volunteers, Douglas called upon him at the +White House, regretted that Mr. Lincoln did not propose to call for +thrice as many; and on the 18th of April, having again visited the White +House, wrote, and gave the following dispatch to the Associated Press, +for circulation throughout the Country:</p> + +<p>"April 18, 1861, Senator Douglas called on the President, and had an +interesting conversation on the present condition of the Country. The +substance of it was, on the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was +unalterably opposed to the administration in all its political issues, +he was prepared to fully sustain the President in the exercise of all +his Constitutional functions, to preserve the Union, maintain the +Government, and defend the Federal Capital. A firm policy and prompt +action was necessary. The Capital was in danger and must be defended at +all hazards, and at any expense of men and money. He spoke of the +present and future without any reference to the past."</p> + +<p>It is stated of this meeting and its immediate results: "The President +was deeply gratified by the interview. To the West, Douglas +telegraphed, 'I am for my Country and against all its assailants.' The +fire of his patriotism spread to the masses of the North, and Democrat +and Republican rallied to the support of the flag. In Illinois the +Democratic and Republican presses vied with each other in the utterance +of patriotic sentiments. * * * Large and numerously attended Mass +meetings met, as it were with one accord, irrespective of parties, and +the people of all shades of political opinions buried their party +hatchets. Glowing and eloquent orators exhorted the people to ignore +political differences in the present crisis, join in the common cause, +and rally to the flag of the Union and the Constitution. It was a noble +truce. From the many resolutions of that great outpouring of patriotic +sentiment, which ignored all previous party ties, we subjoin the +following:</p> + +<p>"'Resolved, that it is the duty of all patriotic citizens of Illinois, +without distinction of party or sect, to sustain the Government through +the peril which now threatens the existence of the Union; and of our +Legislature to grant such aid of men and money as the exigency of the +hour and the patriotism of our people shall demand.'</p> + +<p>"Governor Yates promptly issued his proclamation, dated the 15th of +April, convening the Legislature for the 23rd inst. in Extraordinary +Session.</p> + +<p> * * * * * * *</p> + +<p>"On the evening of the 25th of April, Mr. Douglas, who had arrived at +the Capital the day before, addressed the General Assembly and a densely +packed audience, in the Hall of Representatives, in that masterly +effort, which must live and be enshrined in the hearts of his countrymen +so long as our Government shall endure. Douglas had ever delighted in +the mental conflicts of Party strife; but now, when his Country was +assailed by the red hand of Treason, he was instantly divested of his +Party armor and stood forth panoplied only in the pure garb of a true +Patriot.</p> + +<p>"He taught his auditory—he taught his Country, for his speeches were +telegraphed all over it—the duty of patriotism at that perilous hour of +the Nation's Life. He implored both Democrats and Republicans to lay +aside their Party creeds and Platforms; to dispense with Party +Organizations and Party Appeals; to forget that they were ever divided +until they had first rescued the Government from its assailants. His +arguments were clear, convincing, and unanswerable; his appeals for the +Salvation of his Country, irresistible. It was the last speech, but +one, he ever made."</p> + +<p>Among other pithy and patriotic points made by him in that great speech +—[July 9, 1861.]—were these: "So long as there was a hope of a +peaceful solution, I prayed and implored for Compromise. I have spared +no effort for a peaceful solution of these troubles; I have failed, and +there is but one thing to do—to rally under the flag." "The South has +no cause of complaint." "Shall we obey the laws or adopt the Mexican +system of War, on every election." "Forget Party—all remember only +your Country." "The shortest road to Peace is the most tremendous +preparation for War." "It is with a sad heart and with a grief I have +never before experienced, that I have to contemplate this fearful +Struggle. * * * But it is our duty to protect the Government and the +flag from every assailant, be he who he may."</p> + +<p>In Chicago, Douglas repeated his patriotic appeal for the preservation +of the Union, and tersely declared that "There can be no Neutrals in +this War—only Patriots and Traitors." In that city he was taken with a +mortal illness, and expired at the Tremont House, June 3, 1861—just one +month prior to the meeting of the called Session of Congress.</p> + +<p>The wonderful influence wielded by Douglas throughout the North, was +well described afterward by his colleague, Judge Trumbull, in the +Senate, when he said: "His course had much to do in producing that +unanimity in support of the Government which is now seen throughout the +Loyal States. The sublime spectacle of twenty million people rising as +one man in vindication of Constitutional Liberty and Free Government, +when assailed by misguided Rebels and plotting Traitors, is, to a +considerable extent due to his efforts. His magnanimous and patriotic +course in this trying hour of his Country's destiny was the crowning act +of his life."</p> + +<p>And Senator McDougall of California—his life-long friend—in describing +the shock of the first intelligence that reached him, of his friend's +sudden death, with words of even greater power, continued: "But, as, +powerless for the moment to resist the tide of emotions, I bowed my head +in silent grief, it came to me that the Senator had lived to witness the +opening of the present unholy War upon our Government; that, witnessing +it, from the Capital of his State, as his highest and best position, he +had sent forth a War-cry worthy of that Douglass, who, as ancient +legends tell, with the welcome of the knightly Andalusian King, was +told,</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> '"Take thou the leading of the van, + And charge the Moors amain; + There is not such a lance as thine + In all the hosts of Spain.'</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"Those trumpet notes, with a continuous swell, are sounding still +throughout all the borders of our Land. I heard them upon the mountains +and in the valleys of the far State whence I come. They have +communicated faith and strength to millions. * * * I ceased to grieve +for Douglas. The last voice of the dead Douglas I felt to be stronger +than the voice of multitudes of living men."</p> + +<p>And here it may not be considered out of place for a brief reference to +the writer's own position at this time; especially as it has been much +misapprehended and misstated. One of the fairest of these statements* +runs thus:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Lusk's History of the Politics of Illinois from 1856 to 1884, p. + 175.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"It is said that Logan did not approve the great speech made by Senator +Douglas, at Springfield, in April, 1861, wherein he took the bold ground +that in the contest which was then clearly imminent to him, between the +North and the South, that there could be but two parties, Patriots and +Traitors. But granting that there was a difference between Douglas and +Logan at that time, it did not relate to their adhesion to the Cause of +their Country Logan had fought for the Union upon the plains of Mexico, +and again stood ready to give his life, if need be, for his Country, +even amid the cowardly slanders that were then following his pathway.</p> + +<p>"The difference between Douglas and Logan was this: Mr. Douglas was +fresh from an extended campaign in the dissatisfied Sections of the +Southern States, and he was fully apprised of their intention to attempt +the overthrow of the Union, and was therefore in favor of the most +stupendous preparations for War.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Logan, on the other hand, believed in exhausting all peaceable +means before a resort to Arms, and in this he was like President +Lincoln; but when he saw there was no alternative but to fight, he was +ready and willing for armed resistance, and, resigning his seat in +Congress, entered the Army, as Colonel of the Thirty-first Illinois +Infantry, and remained in the field in active service until Peace was +declared."</p> + +<p>This statement is, in the main, both fair and correct.</p> + +<p>It is no more correct, however, in intimating that "Logan did not +approve the great speech made by Senator Douglas, at Springfield, in +April, 1861, wherein he took the bold ground that in the contest which +was then clearly imminent to him, between the North and the South, that +there could be but two parties, Patriots and Traitors," than others have +been in intimating that he was disloyal to the Union, prior to the +breaking out of hostilities—a charge which was laid out flat in the +Senate Chamber, April 19, 1881.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In Dawson's Life of Logan, pp. 348-353, this matter is thus + alluded to:</p> + +<p> "In an early part of this work the base charge that Logan was not + loyal before the War has been briefly touched on. It may be well + here to touch on it more fully. As was then remarked, the only man + that ever dared insinuate to Logan's face that he was a Secession + sympathizer before the War, was Senator Ben Hill of Georgia, in the + United States Senate Chamber, March 30, 1881; and Logan instantly + retorted: 'Any man who insinuates that I sympathized with it at + that time insinuates what is false,' and Senator Hill at once + retracted the insinuation."</p> + +<p> "Subsequently, April 19, 1881, Senator Logan, in a speech, + fortified with indisputable record and documentary evidence, + forever set at rest the atrocious calumny. From that record it + appears that on the 17th December, 1860, while still a Douglas + Democrat, immediately after Lincoln's election, and long before his + inauguration, and before even the first gun of the war was fired, + Mr. Logan, then a Representative in the House, voted affirmatively + on a resolution, offered by Morris of Illinois, which declared an + 'immovable attachment' to 'our National Union,' and 'that it is our + patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in peace and our defense + in war;' that on the 7th January, 1861, Mr. Adrian having offered + the following 'Resolved, That we fully approve of the bold and + patriotic act of Major Anderson in withdrawing from Fort Moultrie + to Fort Sumter, and of the determination of the President to + maintain that fearless officer in his present position; and that we + will support the President in all constitutional measures to + enforce the laws and preserve the Union'—Mr. Logan, in casting his + vote, said: 'As the resolution receives my unqualified approval, I + vote Aye;' and that further on the 5th of February, 1861, before + the inauguration of President Lincoln, in a speech made by Logan in + the House in favor of the Crittenden Compromise measures, he used + the following language touching Secession:</p> + +<p> "'Sir, I have always denied, and do yet deny, the right of + Secession. There is no warrant for it in the Constitution. It is + wrong, it is unlawful, unconstitutional, and should be called by + the right name—revolution. No good, sir, can result from it, but + much mischief may. It is no remedy for any grievances. I hold + that all grievances can be much easier redressed inside the Union + than out of it.'</p> + +<p> "In that same speech he also * * * said:</p> + +<p> "'I have been taught that the preservation of this glorious Union, + with its broad flag waving over us as the shield for our protection + on land and on sea, is paramount to all the parties and platforms + that ever have existed or ever can exist. I would, to day, if I + had the power, sink my own party and every other one, with all + their platforms, into the vortex of ruin, without heaving a sigh or + shedding a tear, to save the Union, or even stop the revolution + where it is.'</p> + +<p> "In this most complete speech of vindication—which Senator Logan + said he put upon record, 'First, that my children, after me, may + not have these slanders thrown in their faces without the power of + dispelling or refuting them; and second, that they may endure in + this Senate Chamber, so that it may be a notice to Senators of all + parties and all creeds that hereafter, while I am here in the + Senate, no insinuation of that kind will be submitted to by + me'—the proofs of the falsity of the charge were piled mountain-high, + and among them the following voluntary statements from two + Democratic Senators, who were with him before the War, in the House + of Representatives:</p> + +<p> "'United States Senate Chamber, + WASHINGTON, April 14, 1881.</p> + +<p> "'DEAR SIR: In a discussion in the Senate a few weeks since you + referred to the fact that a Southern Senator, who had served with + you in Congress before the War, could testify that during your term + of service there you gave no encouragement to the Secession of the + Southern States, adding, however, that you did not ask such + testimony. I was not sure at the time that your reference was to + me, as Senator Pugh of Alabama, was also a member of that Congress.</p> + +<p> "'Since then, having learned that your reference was to me, I + propose on the floor of the Senate, should suitable occasion offer, + to state what I know of your position and views at the time + referred to. But, as I may be absent from the Senate for some + time, I deem it best to give you this written statement, with full + authority to use it in any way that seems proper to you.</p> + +<p> "'When you first came to Congress in——, you were a very ardent + and impetuous Democrat. In the division which took place between + Mr. Douglas and his friends, on the one hand, and the Southern + Democrats, on the other, you were a warm and uncompromising + supporter of Mr. Douglas; and in the course of that convention you + became somewhat estranged from your party associates in the South. + In our frequent discussions upon the subjects of difference, I + never heard a word of sympathy from your lips with Secession in + either theory or practice. On the contrary, you were vehement in + your opposition to it.'</p> + +<p> "'I remember well a conversation I had with you just before leaving + Washington to become a candidate for the Secession convention. You + expressed the deep regret you felt at my proposed action, and + deplored the contemplated movement in terms as strong as any I + heard from any Republican.' + Yours truly, + "'L. Q. C. LAMAR</p> + +<p> "'Hon. JOHN A. LOGAN. + "United States Senate, Washington, D. C.'</p> + +<p> + "Senate Chamber, April 14, 1881.</p> + +<p> "'Having read the above statement of Senator Lamar, I fully concur + with him in my recollection of your expressions and action in + opposition to Secession. + Truly yours, J. L. PUGH.'</p> + +<p> "At the conclusion of Senator Logan's speech of refutation, Senator + Brown of Georgia (Democrat) said:</p> + +<p> "'Our newspapers may have misrepresented his position. I am now + satisfied they did. I have heard the Senator's statement with + great interest, and I take pleasure in saying—for I had some idea + before that there was some shadow of truth in this report—that I + think his vindication' is full, complete, and conclusive.'</p> + +<p> "'I recollect very well during the war, when I was Governor of my + State and the Federal army was invading it, to have had a large + force of militia aiding the Confederate army, and that Gen. Logan + was considered by us as one of the ablest, most gallant, and + skillful leaders of the Federal army. We had occasion to feel his + power, and we learned to respect him.'</p> + +<p> "Senator Beck, of Kentucky (Democrat), referring to the fact that + he was kept out of the House at one time, and a great many + suggestions had been made to him as to General Logan, continued:</p> + +<p> "'As I said the other day, I never proposed to go into such things, + and never have done so; but at that time General Frank Blair was + here, and I submitted many of the papers I received to him,—I + never thought of using any of them,—and I remember the remark that + he made to me: Beck, John Logan was one of the hardest fighters of + the war; and when many men who were seeking to whistle him down the + wind because of his politics when the war began, were snugly fixed + in safe places, he was taking his life in his hand wherever the + danger was greatest—and I tore up every paper I got, and burnt it + in the fire before his eyes.'</p> + +<p> "Senator Dawes of Massachusetts (Republican), also took occasion to + say:</p> + +<p> "Mr. President, I do not know that anything which can be said on + this side would be of any consequence to the Senator from Illinois + in this matter. But I came into the House of Representatives at + the same session that the Senator did.</p> + +<p> "'He was at that time one of the most intense of Democrats, and I + was there with him when the Rebellion first took root and + manifested itself in open and flagrant war; and I wish to say as a + Republican of that day, when the Senator from Illinois was a + Democrat, that at the earliest possible moment when the Republican + Party was in anxiety as to the position of the Northern Democracy + on the question of forcible assault on the Union, nothing did they + hail with more delight than the early stand which the Senator from + Illinois, from the Democratic side of the House, took upon the + question of resistance to the Government of the United States.</p> + +<p> "I feel that it is right that I should state that he was among the + first, if not the very first, of the Northern Democrats who came + out openly and declared, whatever may have been their opinion about + the doctrines of the Republican Party, that when it came to a + question of forcible resistance, they should be counted on the side + of the Government, and in co-operation with the Republican Party in + the attempt to maintain its authority.'</p> + +<p> "'I am very glad, whether it be of any service or not, to bear this + testimony to the early stand the Senator from Illinois took while + he was still a Democrat, and the large influence he exerted upon + the Northern Democracy, which kept it from being involved in the + condition and in the work of the Southern Democracy at that + time.'"]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>So far from this being the case, the fact is—and it is here mentioned +in part to bring out the interesting point that, had he lived, Douglas +would have been no idle spectator of the great War that was about to be +waged—that when Douglas visited Springfield, Illinois, to make that +great speech in the latter part of April, 1861, the writer went there +also, to see and talk over with him the grave situation of affairs, not +only in the Nation generally, but particularly in Illinois. And on that +occasion Mr. Douglas said to him, substantially: "The time has now +arrived when a man must be either for or against his Country. Indeed so +strongly do I feel this, and that further dalliance with this question +is useless, that I shall myself take steps to join the Array, and fight +for the maintenance of the Union."</p> + +<p>To this the writer replied that he was "equally well convinced that each +and every man must take his stand," and that he also "purposed at an +early day to raise a Regiment and draw the sword in that Union's +defense."</p> + +<p>This was after Sumter, and only seventy days before Congress was to meet +in Called Session. When that session met, Douglas had, weeks before, +gone down to the grave amid the tears of a distracted Nation, with the +solemn injunction upon his dying lips: "Obey the Laws and Defend the +Constitution"—and the writer had returned to Washington, to take his +seat in Congress, with that determination still alive in his heart.</p> + +<p>In fact there had been all along, substantial accord between Mr. Douglas +and the writer. There really was no "difference between Douglas and +Logan" as to "preparations for War," or in "exhausting all Peaceable +means before a resort to Arms," and both were in full accord with +President Lincoln on these points.</p> + +<p>Let us see if this is not of record: Take the writer's speech in the +House of Representatives, February 5, 1861, and it will be seen that he +said: "I will go as far as any man in the performance of a +Constitutional duty to put down Rebellion, to suppress Insurrection, and +to enforce the Laws." Again, he said, "If all the evils and calamities +that have ever happened since the World began, could be gathered in one +Great Catastrophe, its horrors could not eclipse, in their frightful +proportions, the Drama that impends over us."</p> + +<p>From these extracts it is plain enough that even at this very early day +the writer fully understood the "frightful proportions" of the impending +struggle, and would "go as far as"—not only Mr. Douglas, but—"any man, +to put down Rebellion"—which necessarily involved War, and +"preparations for War." But none the less, but rather the more, because +of the horrors which he foresaw must be inseparable from so terrible a +War, was he anxious by timely mutual Concessions—"by any sacrifice," as +he termed it—if possible, to avert it.</p> + +<p>He was ready to sink Party, self, and to accept any of the Propositions +to that end—Mr. Douglas's among them.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [See his speech of February 5, 1861, Congressional Globe]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>In this attitude also he was in accord with Mr. Douglas, who, as well as +the writer, was ready to make any sacrifice, of Party or self; to +"exhaust every effort at peaceful adjustment," before resorting to War. +The fact is they were much of the time in consultation, and always in +substantial accord.</p> + +<p>In a speech made in the Senate, March 15, 1861, Mr. Douglas had reduced +the situation to the following three alternative points:</p> + +<p>"1. THE RESTORATION AND PRESERVATION OF THE UNION by such Amendments to +the Constitution as will insure the domestic tranquillity, safety, and +equality of all the States, and thus restore peace, unity, and +fraternity, to the whole Country.</p> + +<p>"2. A PEACEFUL DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION by recognizing the Independence +of such States as refuse to remain in the Union without such +Constitutional Amendments, and the establishment of a liberal system of +commercial and social intercourse with them by treaties of commerce and +amity.</p> + +<p>"3. WAR, with a view to the subjugation and military occupation of those +States which have Seceded or may Secede from the Union."</p> + +<p>As a thorough Union man, he could never have agreed to a "Peaceful +Dissolution of the Union." On the other hand he was equally averse to +War, because he held that "War is Disunion. War is final, eternal +Separation." Hence, all his energies and talents were given to carrying +out his first-stated line of policy, and to persuading the Seceders to +accept what in that line was offered to them by the dominant party.</p> + +<p>His speech in the Senate, March 25, 1861, was a remarkable effort in +that respect. Mr. Breckinridge had previously spoken, and had declared +that: "Whatever settlement may be made of other questions, this must be +settled upon terms that will give them [the Southern States] either a +right, in common with others, to emigrate into all the territory, or +will secure to them their rights on a principle of equitable division."</p> + +<p>Mr. Douglas replied: "Now, under the laws as they stand, in every +Territory of the United States, without any exception, a Southern man +can go with his Slave-property on equal terms with all other property. +* * * Every man, either from the North or South, may go into the +Territories with his property on terms of exact equality, subject to the +local law; and Slave-property stands on an equal footing with all other +kinds of property in the Territories of the United States. It now +stands on an equal footing in all the Territories for the first time.</p> + +<p>"I have shown you that, up to 1859, little more than a year ago, it was +prohibited in part of the Territories. It is not prohibited anywhere +now. For the first time, under Republican rule, the Southern States +have secured that equality of rights in the Territories for their +Slave-property which they have been demanding so long."</p> + +<p>He held that the doctrine of Congressional prohibition in all the +Territories, as incorporated in the Wilmot proviso, had now been +repudiated by the Republicans of both Houses of Congress, who had "all +come over to Non-intervention and Popular Sovereignty;" that the "Wilmot +proviso is given up; that Congressional prohibition is given up; that +the aggressive policy is repudiated; and hereafter the Southern man and +the Northern man may move into the Territories with their Property on +terms of entire equality, without excepting Slaves or any other kind of +property."</p> + +<p>Continuing, he said: "What more do the Southern States want? What more +can any man demand? Non-intervention is all you asked. Will it be said +the South required in addition to this, laws of Congress to protect +Slavery in the Territories? That cannot be said; for only last May, the +Senate, by a nearly unanimous vote—a unanimous vote of the Southern +men, with one or two exceptions—declared that affirmative legislation +was not needed at this time. * * * What cause is there for further +alarm in the Southern States, so far as the Territories are concerned? +* * *</p> + +<p>"I repeat, the South has got all they ever claimed in all the +Territories. * * * Then, sir, according to law, the Slaveholding +States have got equality in the Territories. How is it in fact. * * * +Now, I propose to show that they have got the actual equitable +partition, giving them more than they were disposed to demand.</p> + +<p>"The Senator from Kentucky, * * * Mr. Crittenden, introduced a +proposition for an equitable partition. That proposition was, that +north of 36 30' Slavery should be prohibited, and South of it should be +protected, by Territorial law. * * * What is now the case? It is true +the Crittenden proposition has not yet become part of the Constitution; +but it is also true that an equitable partition has been made by the +vote of the people themselves, establishing, maintaining, and protecting +Slavery in every inch of territory South of the thirty-seventh parallel, +giving the South half a degree more than the Crittenden Proposition.</p> + +<p>"There stands your Slave-code in New Mexico protecting Slavery up to the +thirty-seventh degree as effectually as laws can be made to protect it. +There it stands the Law of the Land. Therefore the South has all below +the thirty-seventh parallel, while Congress has not prohibited Slavery +even North of it.</p> + +<p> * * * * * *</p> + +<p>"What more, then, is demanded? Simply that a Constitutional Amendment +shall be adopted, affirming—what? Precisely what every Republican in +both Houses of Congress has voted for within a month. Just do, by +Constitutional Amendment, what you have voted in the Senate and House of +Representatives, that is all. You are not even required to do that, but +merely to vote for a proposition submitting the question to the People +of the States whether they will make a Constitutional Amendment +affirming the equitable partition of the Territories which the People +have already made. * * *</p> + +<p>"You may ask, why does the South want us to do it by Constitutional +Amendment, when we have just done it voluntarily by Law? The President +of the United States, in his Inaugural, has told you the reason. He has +informed you that all of these troubles grow out of the absence of a +Constitutional provision defining the power of Congress over the subject +of Slavery. * * * He thinks that the trouble has arisen from the +absence of such a Constitutional Provision, and suggests a National +Convention to enable the People to supply the defect, leaving the People +to say what it is, instead of dictating to them what it shall be."</p> + +<p>It may here be remarked that while Mr. Douglas held that "So far as the +doctrine of Popular Sovereignty and Nonintervention is concerned, the +Colorado Bill, the Nevada Bill, and the Dakota Bill, are identically the +same with the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and in its precise language"—these +former Bills having been passed at the last Session of the 36th +Congress—the Republicans, on the contrary, held that neither in these +nor other measures had they abandoned any distinctive Republican +principle; while Breckinridge declared that they had passed those +Territorial Bills, without the Wilmot proviso, because they felt +perfectly secure in those Territories, with all the Federal patronage in +Republican hands.</p> + +<p>However that may be, we have here, brought out in strong contrast, the +conciliatory feeling which inspired such Union men as Douglas, and the +strong and persistent efforts they made in behalf of Concession and +Peace up to a period only a few weeks before the bombardment of Sumter; +and the almost total revulsion in their sentiments after that event, as +to the only proper means to preserve the Union. For it was only then +that the truth, as it fell from Douglas's lips at Springfield, was fully +recognized, to wit: that there was no half-way ground betwixt Patriotism +and Treason; that War was an existing fact; and that Patriots must arm +to defend and preserve the Union against the armed Traitors assailing +it.</p> + +<p>At last, July 4, 1861, the Congress met, and proceeded at once with +commendable alacrity and patriotism, to the consideration and enactment +of measures sufficient to meet the extraordinary exigency, whether as +regards the raising and equipment of the vast bodies of Union volunteers +needed to put down Rebellion, or in the raising of those enormous +amounts of money which the Government was now, or might thereafter be, +called upon to spend like water in preserving the Union.</p> + +<p>It was at this memorable Session, of little over one month, that the +chief of the great "War Measures" as they were termed, were enacted.</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="virginia"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p274-map.jpg (153K)" src="images/p274-map.jpg" height="797" width="637"> +</center> +<br><br><br> + +<a name="ch13"></a> +<br><br> + +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XIII.<br><br> + + THE STORM OF BATTLE.<br> +</h2> +</center> + + +<p>We have seen how Fort Sumter fell; how the patriotic North responded to +President Lincoln's Call, for 75,000 three-months volunteers, with such +enthusiasm that, had there been a sufficiency of arms and accoutrements, +he might have had, within three months of that Call, an Army of 500,000 +men in the field; how he had called for 42,000 three-years volunteers +early in May, besides swelling what little there was of a regular Army +by ten full regiments; and how a strict blockade of the entire Southern +Coast-line had not only been declared, but was now enforced and +respected.</p> + +<p>General Butler, promoted Major-General for his Military successes at +Annapolis and Baltimore, was now in command of Fortress Monroe and +vicinity, with some 12,000 volunteers under him, confronted, on the +Peninsula, by a nearly equal number of Rebel troops, under Generals +Huger and Magruder—General Banks, with less than 10,000 Union troops, +occupying Baltimore, and its vicinage.</p> + +<p>General Patterson, with some 20,000 Union troops—mostly Pennsylvania +militia—was at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, with about an equal number +of the Enemy, under General Joseph E. Johnston, at Harper's Ferry, on +the Potomac, watching him.</p> + +<p>Some 50,000 Union troops were in camp, in and about Washington, on the +Virginia side, under the immediate command of Generals McDowell and +Mansfield—Lieutenant General Scott, at Washington, being in +Chief-command of the Union Armies—and, confronting these Union forces, in +Virginia, near the National Capital, were some 30,000 Rebel troops under +the command of General Beauregard, whose success in securing the +evacuation of Fort Sumter by its little garrison of half-starved Union +soldiers, had magnified him, in the eyes of the rebellious South, into +the proportions of a Military genius of the first order.</p> + +<p>There had been no fighting, nor movements, worthy of special note, until +June 7th, when General Patterson advanced from Chambersburg, +Pennsylvania, to Hagerstown, Maryland. General Johnston at once +evacuated Harper's Ferry, and retreated upon Winchester, Virginia.</p> + +<p>General McClellan, in command of the Department of the Ohio, had, +however, crossed the Ohio river, and by the 4th of July, being at +Grafton, West Virginia, with his small Army of Union troops, to which a +greatly inferior Rebel force was opposed, commenced that successful +advance against it, which led, after Bull Run, to his being placed at +the head of all the Armies of the United States.</p> + +<p>Subsequently Patterson crossed the Potomac, and after trifling away over +one month's time, at last, on the 15th of July, got within nine miles of +Winchester and Johnston's Army. Barring a spiritless reconnaissance, +Patterson—who was a fervent Breckinridge-Democrat in politics, and +whose Military judgment, as we shall see, was greatly influenced, if not +entirely controlled, by his Chief of staff, Fitz John Porter—never got +any nearer to the Enemy!</p> + +<p>Instead of attacking the Rebel force, under Johnston, or at least +keeping it "employed," as he was ordered to do by General Scott; instead +of getting nearer, and attempting to get between Winchester and the +Shenandoah River, as was suggested to him by his second in command, +General Sanford; and instead of permitting Sanford to go ahead, as that +General desired to, with his own 8,000 men, and do it himself; General +Patterson ordered him off to Charlestown—twelve miles to the Union left +and rear,—and then took the balance of his Army, with himself, to the +same place!</p> + +<p>In other words, while he had the most positive and definite orders, from +General Scott, if not to attack and whip Johnston, to at least keep him +busy and prevent that Rebel General from forming a junction, via the +Manassas Gap railroad or otherwise, with Beauregard, Patterson +deliberately moved his Army further away from Winchester and gave to the +Enemy the very chance of escaping and forming that junction which was +essential to Rebel success in the vicinity of Manassas.</p> + +<p>But for this disobedience of orders, Bull Run would doubtless have been +a great victory to the Union Arms, instead of a reverse, and the War, +which afterward lasted four years, might have been over in as many +months.</p> + +<p>It is foreign to the design of this work, to present in it detailed +descriptions of the battles waged during the great War of the Rebellion +—it being the present intention of the writer, at some later day, to +prepare and publish another work devoted to such stirring Military +scenes. Yet, as it might seem strange and unaccountable for him to pass +by, at this time, without any description or comment, the first pitched +battle of the Rebellion, he is constrained to pause and view that +memorable contest. And first, it may be well to say a word of the +general topography of the country about the battle-field.</p> + +<p>The Alleghany Mountains, or that part of them with which we have now to +do, stretch in three almost equidistant parallel ridges, from North-East +to South-West, through the heart of Old Virginia. An occasional pass, +or "Gap," through these ridges, affords communication, by good roads, +between the enclosed parallel valleys and the Eastern part of that +State.</p> + +<p>The Western of these Alleghany ridges bears the name of "Alleghany +Mountains" proper; the Eastern is called the "Blue Ridge;" while the +Middle Ridge, at its Northern end—which rests upon the Potomac, where +that river sweeps through three parallel ridges almost at right angles +to their own line of direction—is called the "Great North Mountain."</p> + +<p>The valley, between the Middle Ridge and the Blue Ridge, is known as the +Shenandoah Valley, taking its name from the Shenandoah River, which, for +more than one hundred miles, flows along the Western foot of the Blue +Ridge, toward the North-East, until it empties into the Potomac, at +Harper's Ferry.</p> + +<p>The Orange and Alexandria railroad runs from Alexandria,—on the +opposite bank of the Potomac from Washington, and a few miles below the +Capital,—in a general Southeasterly direction, to Culpepper +Court-House; thence Southerly to Gordonsville, where it joins the Virginia +Central—the Western branch of which runs thence through Charlotteville, +Staunton, and Covington, across the ridges and valleys of the +Alleghanies, while its Eastern branch, taking a general South-easterly +direction, crosses the Richmond and Fredricksburg railroad at Hanover +Junction, some twenty miles North of Richmond, and thence sweeps +Southerly to the Rebel capital.</p> + +<p>It is along this Easterly branch of the Virginia Central that Rebel +re-enforcements will be hurried to Beauregard, from Richmond to +Gordonsville, and thence, by the Orange and Alexandria railroad, to +Manassas Junction.</p> + +<p>Some twenty-five miles from Alexandria, a short railroad-feeder—which +runs from Strasburg, in the Shenandoah Valley, through the Blue Ridge, +at Manassas Gap, in an East-South-easterly direction—strikes the +Alexandria and Orange railroad. The point of contact is Manassas +Junction; and it is along this Manassas-Gap feeder that Johnston, with +his Army at Winchester—some twenty miles North-North-East of +Strasburg—expects, in case of attack by Patterson, to be re-enforced by +Beauregard; or, in case the latter is assailed, to go to his assistance, +after shaking off Patterson.</p> + +<p>This little link of railroad, known as the Manassas Gap railroad, is +therefore an important factor in the game of War, now commencing in +earnest; and it had, as we shall see, very much to do, not only with the +advance of McDowell's Union Army upon Bull Run, but also with the result +of the first pitched battle thereabout fought.</p> + +<p>From Alexandria, some twelve miles to the Westward, runs a fine turnpike +road to Fairfax Court-House; thence, continuing Westward, but gradually +and slightly dipping award the South, it passes through Germantown, +Centreville, and Groveton, to Warrenton.</p> + +<p>This "Warrenton Pike"—as it is termed—also plays a somewhat +conspicuous part, before, during, and after the Battle of Bull Run. For +most of its length, from Fairfax Court-House to Warrenton, the Warrenton +Pike pursues a course almost parallel with the Orange and Alexandria +railroad aforesaid, while the stream of Bull Run, pursuing a +South-easterly course, has a general direction almost parallel with that of +the Manassas Gap railroad.</p> + +<p>We shall find that it is the diamond-shaped parallelogram, formed by the +obtuse angle junction of the two railroads on the South, and the +similarly obtuse-angled crossing of the stream of Bull Run by the +Warrenton Pike on the North, that is destined to become the historic +battle-field of the first "Bull Run," or "Manassas;" and it is in the +Northern obtuse-angle of this parallelogram that the main fighting is +done, upon a spot not much more than one mile square, three sides of the +same being bounded respectively by the Bull Run stream, the Warrenton +Pike, which crosses it on a stone bridge, and the Sudley Springs road, +which crosses the Pike, at right-angles to it, near a stone house.</p> + +<p>On the 3rd of June, 1861, General McDowell, in command of the Department +of North-Eastern Virginia, with head-quarters at Arlington, near +Washington, receives from Colonel Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General +with Lieutenant-General Scott—who is in Chief command of all the Union +Forces, with Headquarters at Washington—a brief but pregnant +communication, the body of which runs thus: "General Scott desires you +to submit an estimate of the number and composition of a column to be +pushed toward Manassas Junction, and perhaps the Gap, say in four or +five days, to favor Patterson's attack on Harper's Ferry. The rumor is +that Arlington Heights will be attacked to-night."</p> + +<p>In response to this request, General McDowell submits, on the day +following, an estimate that "the actual entire force at the head of the +column should, for the purpose of carrying the position at Manassas and +of occupying both the road to Culpepper, and the one to the Gap, be as +much as 12,000 Infantry, two batteries of regular Artillery, and from +six to eight companies of Cavalry, with an available reserve, ready to +move forward from Alexandria by rail, of 5,000 Infantry and one heavy +field battery, rifled if possible; these numbers to be increased or +diminished as events may indicate." This force of raw troops he +proposes to organize into field brigades under the command of "active +and experienced colonels" of the regular Army. And while giving this +estimate as to the number of troops necessary, he suggestively adds that +"in proportion to the numbers used will be the lives saved; and as we +have such numbers pressing to be allowed to serve, might it not be well +to overwhelm and conquer as much by the show of force as by the use of +it?"</p> + +<p>Subsequently McDowell presents to General Scott, and Mr. Lincoln's +Cabinet, a project of advance and attack, which is duly approved and +ordered to be put in execution. In that project or plan of operations, +submitted by verbal request of General Scott, near the end of June,—the +success of which is made contingent upon Patterson's holding Johnston +engaged at Winchester in the Shenandoah Valley, and also upon Butler's +holding the Rebel force near Fortress Monroe from coming to Beauregard's +aid at Manassas Junction,—McDowell estimates Beauregard's strength at +25,000, with a possible increase, bringing it up to 35,000 men. The +objective point in McDowell's plan, is Manassas Junction, and he +proposes "to move against Manassas with a force of 30,000 of all arms, +organized into three columns, with a reserve of 10,000."</p> + +<p>McDowell is fully aware that the Enemy has "batteries in position at +several places in his front, and defensive works on Bull Run, and +Manassas Junction." These batteries he proposes to turn. He believes +Bull Run to be "fordable at almost anyplace,"—an error which ultimately +renders his plan abortive,—and his proposition is, after uniting his +columns on the Eastern side of Bull Run, "to attack the main position by +turning it, if possible, so as to cut off communications by rail with +the South, or threaten to do so sufficiently to force the Enemy to leave +his intrenchments to guard them."</p> + +<p>In other words, assuming the Enemy driven back, by minor flanking +movements, or otherwise, upon his intrenched position at Bull Run, or +Manassas, the plan is to turn his right, destroy the Orange and +Alexandria railroad leading South, and the bridge at Bristol, so as to +cut off his supplies. This done, the Enemy—if nothing worse ensues for +him—will be in a "bad box."</p> + +<p>McDowell, however, has no idea that the Enemy will stand still to let +this thing be done. On the contrary, he is well satisfied that +Beauregard will accept battle on some chosen ground between Manassas +Junction and Washington.</p> + +<p>On the afternoon of Tuesday, the 16th of July, the advance of McDowell's +Army commences. That Army is organized into five divisions—four of +which accompany McDowell, while a fifth is left to protect the defensive +works of Washington, on the South bank of the Potomac. This latter, the +Fourth Division, commanded by Brigadier-General Theodore Runyon, +comprises eight unbrigaded New Jersey regiments of (three months, and +three years) volunteers—none of which take part in the ensuing +conflicts-at-arms.</p> + +<p>The moving column consists of the First Division, commanded by +Brigadier-General Daniel Tyler, comprising four brigades, respectively +under Brigadier-General R. C. Schenck, and Colonels E. D. Keyes, W. T. +Sherman, and I. B. Richardson; the Second Division, commanded by Colonel +David Hunter, comprising two brigades, under Colonels Andrew Porter and +A. E. Burnside respectively; the Third Division, commanded by Colonel S. +P. Heintzelman, comprising three brigades, under Colonels W. B. +Franklin, O. B. Wilcox, and O. O. Howard, respectively; and the Fifth +Division, commanded by Colonel Dixon S. Miles, comprising two brigades, +under Colonels Lewis Blenker, and Thomas A. Davies, respectively.</p> + +<p>Tyler's Division leads the advance, moving along the Leesburg road to +Vienna, on our right, with orders to cross sharply to its left, upon +Fairfax Court House, the following (Wednesday) morning. Miles's +Division follows the turnpike road to Annandale, and then moves, by the +Braddock road,—along which Braddock, a century before, had marched his +doomed army to disaster,—upon Fairfax Court House, then known to be +held by Bonham's Rebel Brigade of South Carolinians. Hunter follows +Miles, to Annandale, and thence advances direct upon Fairfax, by the +turnpike road—McDowell's idea being to bag Bonham's Brigade, if +possible, by a simultaneous attack on the front and both flanks. But +the advance is too slow, and the Enemy's outposts, both there and +elsewhere, have ample opportunity of falling safely back upon their main +position, behind the stream of Bull Run.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [McDowell in his testimony before the "Committee on the Conduct of + the War," said: "At Fairfax Court House was the South Carolina + Brigade. And I do not suppose anything would have had a greater + cheering effect upon the troops, and perhaps upon the Country, than + the capture of that brigade. And if General Tyler could have got + down there any time in the forenoon instead of in the afternoon, + the capture of that brigade was beyond question. It was about + 5,000 or 6,000 men, and Tyler had 12,000, at the same time that we + were pressing on in front. He did not get down there until in the + afternoon; none of us got forward in time."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>This slowness is due to various causes. There is a pretty general +dread, for example, among our troops, of threatened ambuscades, and +hence the advance is more cautious than it otherwise would be. It is +thought the part of wisdom, as it were, to "feel the way." The +marching, moreover, is new to our troops. General Scott had checked +McDowell when the latter undertook to handle eight regiments together, +near Washington, by intimating that he was "trying to make a show." +Thus the very essential knowledge of how to manoeuvre troops in large +bodies, has been withheld from our Union generals, while the volunteer +regiments have either rusted in camp from inaction, or have been denied +the opportunity of acquiring that endurance and hardiness and discipline +which frequent movement of troops confers. Hence, all unused to the +discipline of the march, every moment some one falls out of line to +"pick blackberries, or to get water." Says McDowell, in afterward +reporting this march: "They would not keep in the ranks, order as much +as you pleased. When they came where water was fresh, they would pour +the old water out of their canteens and fill them with fresh water; they +were not used to denying themselves much."</p> + +<p>Meantime, Heintzelman's Division is also advancing, by cross-roads, more +to the left and South of the railroad line,—in accordance with +McDowell's plan, which comprehends not only the bagging of Bonham, but +an immediate subsequent demonstration, by Tyler, upon Centreville and +beyond, while Heintzelman, supported by Hunter and Miles, shall swoop +across Bull Run, at Wolf Run Shoals, some distance below Union Mills, +turn the Enemy's right, and cut off his Southern line of railroad +communications. Thus, by the evening of Wednesday, the 17th, +Heintzelman is at Sangster's Station, while Tyler, Miles, and Hunter, +are at Fairfax.</p> + +<p>It is a rather rough experience that now befalls the Grand Army of the +Union. All unused, as we have seen, to the fatigues and other hardships +of the march, the raw levies, of which it almost wholly consists, which +started bright and fresh, strong and hopeful, full of the buoyant ardor +of enthusiastic patriotism, on that hot July afternoon, only some thirty +hours back, are now dust-begrimed, footsore, broken down, exhausted by +the scorching sun, hungry, and without food,—for they have wasted the +rations with which they started, and the supply-trains have not yet +arrived. Thus, hungry and physically prostrated, "utterly played out," +as many of them confess, and demoralized also by straggling and loss of +organization, they bivouac that night in the woods, and dream uneasy +dreams beneath the comfortless stars.</p> + +<p>A mile beyond Fairfax Court House, on the Warrenton Turnpike, is +Germantown. It is here that Tyler's Division has rested, on the night +of the 17th. At 7 o'clock on the morning of Thursday, the 18th, in +obedience to written orders from McDowell, it presses forward, on that +"Pike," to Centreville, five miles nearer to the Enemy's position behind +Bull Run—Richardson's Brigade in advance—and, at 9 o'clock, occupies +it. Here McDowell has intended Tyler to remain, in accordance with the +plan, which he has imparted to him in conversation, and in obedience to +the written instructions to: "Observe well the roads to Bull Run and to +Warrenton. Do not bring on an engagement, but keep up the impression +that we are moving on Manassas,"—this advance, by way of Centreville, +being intended solely as a "demonstration" to mask the real movement, +which, as we have seen, is to be made by the other divisions across Wolf +Run Shoals, a point on Bull Run, some five or six miles below Union +Mills, and some seven miles below Blackburn's Ford.</p> + +<p>Upon the arrival of Richardson's Brigade, Thursday morning, at +Centreville, it is found that, under cover of the darkness of the +previous night, the Enemy has retreated, in two bodies, upon Bull Run, +the one along the Warrenton Pike, the other (the largest) down the +ridge-road from Centreville to Blackburn's Ford. Richardson's Brigade +at once turns down the latter road and halts about a mile beyond +Centreville, at a point convenient to some springs of water. Tyler soon +afterward rides up, and, taking from that brigade two companies of light +Infantry and a squadron of Cavalry, proceeds, with Colonel Richardson, +to reconnoitre the Enemy, finding him in a strong position on the +opposite bank of Bull Run, at Blackburn's Ford.</p> + +<p>While this is going on, McDowell has ridden in a Southerly direction +down to Heintzelman's Division, at Sangster's Station, "to make +arrangements to turn the Enemy's right, and intercept his communications +with the South," but has found, owing to the narrowness and crookedness +of the roads, and the great distance that must be traversed in making +the necessary detour, that his contemplated movement is too risky to be +ventured. Hence he at once abandons his original plan of turning the +Enemy's right, and determines on "going around his left, where the +country is more open, and the roads broad and good."</p> + +<p>McDowell now orders a concentration, for that night, of the four +divisions, with two days cooked rations in their haversacks, upon and +about Centreville,—the movement to commence as soon as they shall +receive expected commissariat supplies. But, later on the +18th,—learning that his advance, under Tyler, has, against orders, become +engaged with the Enemy—he directs the concentration to be made at once.</p> + +<p>Let us examine, for a moment, how this premature engagement comes about. +We left Tyler, accompanied by Richardson, with a squadron of Cavalry and +a battalion of light Infantry making a reconnaissance, on Thursday +morning the 18th, toward Blackburn's Ford. They approach within a mile +of the ford, when they discover a Rebel battery on the farther bank of +Bull Run—so placed as to enfilade the road descending from their own +position of observation down to the ford,—strong Rebel infantry pickets +and skirmishing parties being in front.</p> + +<p>Tyler at once orders up his two rifled guns, Ayres' Battery, and +Richardson's entire Brigade—and later, Sherman's Brigade as a reserve. +As soon as they come up,—about noon—he orders the rifled guns into +battery on the crest of the hill, about one mile from, and looking down +upon, the Rebel battery aforesaid, and opens upon the Enemy; giving him +a dozen shells,—one of them making it lively for a body of Rebel +Cavalry which appears between the ford and Manassas.</p> + +<p>The Rebel battery responds with half a dozen shots, and then ceases. +Tyler now orders Richardson to advance his brigade and throw out +skirmishers to scour the thick woods which cover the Bull Run +bottom-land. Richardson at once rapidly deploys the battalion of light +Infantry as skirmishers in advance of his brigade, pushes them forward +to the edge of the woods, drives in the skirmishers of the Enemy in fine +style, and supports their further advance into the woods, with the 1st +Massachusetts Regiment.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile Tyler, discovering a favorable opening in the woods, "low down +on the bottom of the stream," for a couple of howitzers in battery, +sends Captain Ayres of the 5th U. S. Artillery, and a detached section +(two 12-pound howitzers) of his battery, with orders to post it himself +on that spot, and sends Brackett's squadron of the 2d Cavalry to his +support.</p> + +<p>No sooner does Ayres open fire on the Enemy, than he awakens a Rebel +hornet's-nest. Volley after volley of musketry shows that the Bull Run +bottom fairly swarms with Rebel troops, while another Rebel battery, +more to the Rebel right, opens, with that already mentioned, a +concentrated cross-fire upon him.</p> + +<p>And now Richardson orders up the 12th New York, Colonel Walrath, to the +left of our battery. Forming it into line-of-battle, Richardson orders +it to charge through the woods upon the Enemy. Gallantly the regiment +moves forward, after the skirmishers, into the woods, but, being met by +a very heavy fire of musketry and artillery along the whole line of the +Enemy's position, is, for the most part, thrown back in confusion—a +mere fragment* remaining in line, and retreating,—while the howitzers, +and Cavalry also, are withdrawn.</p> + +<p>Meantime, however, Richardson has ordered up, and placed in +line-of-battle, on the right of our battery, the 1st Massachusetts, the 2d +Michigan (his own), and the 3d Michigan. The skirmishers in the woods +still bravely hold their ground, undercover, and these three regiments +are plucky, and anxious to assault the Enemy. Richardson proposes to +lead them in a charge upon the Enemy's position, and drive him out of +it; but Tyler declines to give permission, on the ground that this being +"merely a reconnaissance," the object of which—ascertaining the +strength and position of the Enemy—having been attained, a further +attack is unnecessary. He therefore orders Richardson to "fall back in +good order to our batteries on the hill,"—which he does.</p> + +<p>Upon reaching these batteries, Richardson forms his 2d Michigan, in +"close column by division," on their right, and the 1st Massachusetts +and 3d Michigan, in "line of battle," on their left—the 12th New York +re-forming, under cover of the woods at the rear, later on. Then, with +our skirmishers thrown into the woods in front, their scattering fire, +and the musketry responses of the Rebels, are drowned in the volume of +sound produced by the deafening contest which ensues between our +Artillery, and that of the Enemy from his batteries behind Bull Run.</p> + +<p>This artillery-duel continues about one hour; and then seems to cease by +mutual consent, about dusk—after 415 shots have been fired on the Union +side, and have been responded to by an equal number from the Rebel +batteries, "gun for gun"—the total loss in the engagement, on the Union +side, being 83, to a total loss among the Enemy, of Thursday night, +Richardson retires his brigade upon Centreville, in order to secure +rations and water for his hungry and thirsty troops,—as no water has +yet been found in the vicinity of the Union batteries aforesaid. On the +morrow, however, when his brigade re-occupies that position, water is +found in abundance, by digging for it.</p> + +<p>This premature attack, at Blackburn's Ford, by Tyler, against orders, +having failed, throws a wet blanket upon the martial spirit of +McDowell's Army. In like degree is the morale of the Rebel Army +increased.</p> + +<p>It is true that Longstreet, in command of the Rebel troops at +Blackburn's Ford, has not had things all his own way; that some of his +artillery had to be "withdrawn;" that, as he acknowledges in his report, +his brigade of three Virginia regiments (the 1st, 11th, and 17th) had +"with some difficulty repelled" the Union assault upon his position; +that he had to call upon General Early for re-enforcements; that Early +re-enforced him with two Infantry regiments (the 7th Louisiana and 7th +Virginia) at first; that one of these (the 7th Virginia) was "thrown +into confusion;" that Early then brought up his own regiment (the 24th +Virginia) under Lieutenant Colonel Hairston, and the entire seven guns +of the "Washington Artillery;" and that but for the active "personal +exertions" of Longstreet, in "encouraging the men under his command," +and the great numerical superiority of the Rebels, there might have been +no Union "repulse" at all. Yet still the attack has failed, and that +failure, while it dispirits the Patriot Army, inspires the Rebel Army +with renewed courage.</p> + +<p>Under these circumstances, Friday, the 19th of July, is devoted to +reconnaissances by the Engineer officers of the Union Army; to the +cooking of the supplies, which have at last arrived; and to resting the +weary and road-worn soldiers of the Union.</p> + +<p>Let us take advantage of this halt in the advance of McDowell's "Grand +Army of the United States"—as it was termed—to view the Rebel position +at, and about Manassas, and to note certain other matters having an +important and even determining bearing upon the issue of the impending +shock-at-arms.</p> + +<p>Beauregard has received early information of McDowell's advance from +Arlington, and of his plans.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [This he admits, in his report, when he says; "Opportunely informed + of the determination of the Enemy to advance on Manassas, my + advanced brigades, on the night of the 16th of July, were made + aware, from these headquarters, of the impending movement,"]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>On Tuesday the 16th, he notifies his advanced brigades. On Wednesday, +he sends a dispatch from Manassas, to Jefferson Davis, at Richmond, +announcing that the Union troops have assailed his outposts in heavy +force; that he has fallen back before them, on the line of Bull Run; and +that he intends to make a stand at Mitchell's Ford (close to Blackburn's +Ford) on that stream,—adding: if his (McDowell's) force is +overwhelming, "I shall retire to the Rappahannock railroad bridge, +saving my command for defense there, and future operations. Please +inform Johnston of this, via Staunton, and also Holmes. Send forward +any re-enforcements at the earliest possible instant, and by every +possible means."</p> + +<p>In the meantime, however, Beauregard loses no time in advantageously +posting his troops. On the morning of the 18th of July, when the Union +advance enters Centreville, he has withdrawn all his advanced brigades +within the Rebel lines of Bull Run, resting them on the South side of +that stream, from Union Mills Ford, near the Orange and Alexandria +railroad bridge, up to the stone bridge over which the Warrenton Pike +crosses the Run,—a distance of some six to eight miles.</p> + +<p>Between the Rebel left, at Stone Bridge, and the Rebel right, at Union +Mills Ford, are several fords across Bull Run—the general course of the +stream being from the North-West to South-East, to its confluence with +the Occoquan River, some twelve miles from the Potomac River.</p> + +<p>Mitchell's Ford, the Rebel center, is about three miles to the +South-West of, and about the same distance North-East from, Manassas Junction. +But it may be well, right here, to locate all these fordable crossings +of the rocky, precipitous, and well-wooded Bull Run stream, between the +Stone Bridge and Union Mills Ford. Thus, half a mile below the Stone +Bridge is Lewis's Ford; half a mile below that, Ball's Ford; half a mile +below that, Island Ford; one and one-half miles below that, Mitchell's +Ford—one mile below that.</p> + +<p>Blackburn's Ford; three-quarters of a mile farther down, McLean's Ford; +and nearly two miles lower down the stream, Union Mills Ford.</p> + +<p>By Thursday morning, the 18th of July, Beauregard has advantageously +posted the seven brigades into which he has organized his forces, at +these various positions along his extended front, as follows:</p> + +<p>At the Stone Bridge, Brigadier-General N. G. Evans's Seventh Brigade, of +one regiment and one battalion of Infantry, two companies of Cavalry, +and a battery of four six-pounders.</p> + +<p>At Lewis's, Balls, and Island Fords—Colonel P. St. George Cocke's +Fifth Brigade, of three regiments of Infantry, one battery of Artillery, +and one company of Cavalry.</p> + +<p>At Mitchell's Ford, Brigadier-General M. L. Bonham's First Brigade, of +four Infantry regiments, two batteries, and six companies of Cavalry.</p> + +<p>At Blackburn's Ford, Brigadier-General J. Longstreet's Fourth Brigade, +of four Infantry regiments, with two 6-pounders.</p> + +<p>At McLean's Ford, Brigadier-General D. R. Jones's Third Brigade of three +Infantry regiments, one Cavalry company, and two 6-pounders.</p> + +<p>At Union Mills Ford, Brigadier-General R. S. Ewell's Second Brigade, of +three Infantry regiments, three Cavalry companies, and four 12-powder +howitzers—Colonel Jubal A. Early's Sixth Brigade, of three Infantry +regiments and three rifled pieces of Walton's Battery, being posted in +the rear of, and as a support to, Ewell's Brigade.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Johnston also found, on the 20th, the Reserve Brigade of Brig. + Gen. T. H. Holmes—comprising two regiments of Infantry, Walker's + Battery of Artillery, and Scott's Cavalry-with Early's Brigade, "in + reserve, in rear of the right."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>The disposition and strength of Beauregard's forces at these various +points along his line of defense on Bull Run stream, plainly shows his +expectation of an attack on his right; but he is evidently suspicious +that it may come upon his centre; for, as far back as July 8th, he had +issued special orders to the effect that:</p> + +<p>"Should the Enemy march to the attack of Mitchell's Ford, via +Centreville, the following movements will be made with celerity:</p> + +<p>"I. The Fourth Brigade will march from Blackburn's Ford to attack him on +the flank and centre.</p> + +<p>"II. The Third Brigade will be thrown to the attack of his centre and +rear toward Centreville.</p> + +<p>"III. The Second and Sixth Brigades united will also push forward and +attack him in the rear by way of Centreville, protecting their own right +flanks and rear from the direction of Fairfax Station and Court House.</p> + +<p>"IV. In the event of the defeat of the Enemy, the troops at Mitchell's +Ford and Stone Bridge, especially the Cavalry and Artillery, will join +in the pursuit, which will be conducted with vigor but unceasing +prudence, and continued until he shall have been driven beyond the +Potomac."</p> + +<p>And it is not without interest to note Beauregard's subsequent +indorsement on the back of these Special Orders, that: "The plan of +attack prescribed within would have been executed, with modifications +affecting First and Fifth Brigades, to meet the attack upon Blackburn's +Ford, but for the expected coming of General Johnston's command, which +was known to be en route to join me on [Thursday] the 18th of July."</p> + +<p>The knowledge thus possessed on Thursday, the 18th, by Beauregard, that +Johnston's Army is on its way to join him, is of infinite advantage to +the former. On the other hand, the complete ignorance, at this time, of +McDowell on this point,—and the further fact that he has been lulled +into a feeling of security on the subject, by General Scott's emphatic +assurance to him that "if Johnston joins Beauregard, he shall have +Patterson on his heels"—is a great disadvantage to the Union general.</p> + +<p>Were McDowell now aware of the real Military situation, he would +unquestionably make an immediate attack, with the object of crushing +Beauregard before Johnston can effect a junction with him. It would +then be a mere matter of detail for the armies of McDowell, McClellan, +and Patterson, to bag Johnston, and bring the armed Rebellion to an +inglorious and speedy end. But Providence—through the plottings of +individuals within our own lines—wills it otherwise.</p> + +<p>Long before this, Patterson has been informed by General Winfield Scott +of the proposed movement by McDowell upon Manassas,—and of its date.</p> + +<p>On Saturday, July 13th, General Scott telegraphed to Patterson: "I +telegraphed to you yesterday, if not strong enough to beat the Enemy +early next week, make demonstrations so as to detain him in the Valley +of Winchester; but if he retreats in force toward Manassas, and it be +too hazardous to follow him, then consider the route via Keys Ferry, +Leesburg, etc."</p> + +<p>On Wednesday, the 17th, Scott telegraphs to Patterson: "I have nothing +official from you since Sunday (14th), but am glad to learn, through +Philadelphia papers, that you have advanced. Do not let the Enemy amuse +and delay you with a small force in front whilst he re-enforces the +Junction with his main body. McDowell's first day's work has driven the +Enemy beyond Fairfax Court House. The Junction will probably be carried +by to-morrow."</p> + +<p>On Thursday, the 18th, Patterson replies that to attack "the greatly +superior force at Winchester when the three months volunteers' time was +about up, and they were threatening to leave him—would be most +hazardous" and then he asks: "Shall I attack?"</p> + +<p>Scott answers the same day: "I have certainly been expecting you to beat +the Enemy. If not, to hear that you had felt him strongly, or, at +least, had occupied him by threats and demonstrations. You have been at +least his equal, and, I suppose, superior in numbers. Has he not stolen +a march and sent re-enforcements toward Manassas Junction? A week is +enough to win victories," etc.</p> + +<p>Patterson retorts, on the same day: "The Enemy has stolen no march upon +me. I have kept him actively employed, and by threats, and +reconnaissances in force, caused him to be re-enforced. I have +accomplished in this respect more than the General-in-Chief asked, or +could well be expected, in face of an Enemy far superior in numbers, +with no line of communication to protect."</p> + +<p>In another dispatch, to Assistant Adjutant-General Townsend (with +General Scott), he says, that same afternoon of Thursday, the 18th: "I +have succeeded, in accordance with the wishes of the General-in-Chief, +in keeping General Johnston's Force at Winchester. A reconnaissance in +force, on Tuesday, caused him to be largely re-enforced from Strasburg."</p> + +<p>Again, on Friday, the 19th, he informs Colonel Townsend that: "The +Enemy, from last information, are still at Winchester, and being +re-enforced every night."</p> + +<p>It is not until Saturday, the 20th of July, that he telegraphs to +Townsend: "With a portion of his force, Johnston left Winchester, by the +road to Millwood, on the afternoon of the 18th." And he adds the +ridiculous statement: "His whole force was about 35,200."</p> + +<p>Thus, despite all the anxious care of General Scott, to have Johnston's +Army detained in the Shenandoah Valley, it has escaped Patterson so +successfully, and entirely, that the latter does not even suspect its +disappearance until the day before the pitched Battle of Bull Run is +fought! Its main body has actually reached Manassas twenty-four hours +before Patterson is aware that it has left Winchester!</p> + +<p>And how is it, that Johnston gets away from Patterson so neatly? And +when does he do it?</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The extraordinary conduct of General Patterson at this critical + period, when everything seemed to depend upon his exertions, was + afterward the subject of inquiry by the Joint-Committee on the + Conduct of the War. The testimony taken by that Committee makes it + clear, to any unprejudiced mind, that while Patterson himself may + have been loyal to the Union, he was weak enough to be swayed from + the path of duty by some of the faithless and unpatriotic officers + with whom he had partly surrounded himself—and especially by Fitz + John Porter, his Chief-of-staff. Let us examine the sworn + testimony of two or three witnesses on this point.</p> + +<p> General CHARLES W. SANFORD, who was second in command under + Patterson, and in command of Patterson's Left Wing, testified [see + pages 54-66, Report on Conduct of the War, Vol. 3, Part 2,] that he + was at a Council of War held at the White House, June 29th, when + the propriety of an attack on the Rebel lines at Manassas was + discussed; that he objected to any such movement until Patterson + was in such a position as to prevent the junction between General + Johnston's Army and the troops at Manassas; that on the 6th of + July, he was sent by General Scott, with four picked New York + regiments, to Patterson, and (waiving his own seniority rank) + reported to that General, at Williamsport; that Patterson gave him + command of a division of 8,000 men (and two batteries) out of a + total in his Army of 22,000; that he "delivered orders from General + Scott to General Patterson, and urged a forward movement as soon as + possible;" that there was "Some delay at Martinsburg, + notwithstanding the urgency of our matter," but they "left there on + [Monday] the 15th of July, and went in the direction of + Winchester,"—down to Bunker Hill,—Patterson with two divisions + going down the turnpike, and Sanford taking his division a little + in advance and more easterly on the side roads so as to be in a + position to flank Johnston's right; that on that afternoon (Monday, + July 15) General Patterson rode up to where Sanford was locating + his camp.</p> + +<p> Continuing his testimony, General Sanford said: "I was then within + about nine miles of Johnston's fortified camp at Winchester. + Patterson was complimenting me upon the manner in which my + regiments were located, and inquiring about my pickets, which I had + informed him I had sent down about three miles to a stream below. + I had driven out the Enemy's skirmishers ahead of us. They had + some cavalry there. In answer to his compliments about the + comfortable location I had made, I said: 'Very comfortable, + General, when shall we move on?' * * * He hesitated a moment or + two, and then said: 'I don't know yet when we shall move. And if I + did I would not tell my own father.' I thought that was rather a + queer speech to make to me under the circumstances. But I smiled + and said: 'General, I am only anxious that we shall get forward, + that the Enemy shall not escape us.' He replied: 'There is no + danger of that. I will have a reconnaissance to-morrow, and we + will arrange about moving at a very early period.' He then took + his leave.</p> + +<p> "The next day [Tuesday, July 16th], there was a reconnaissance on + the Winchester turnpike, about four or five miles below the + General's camp. He sent forward a section of artillery and some + cavalry, and they found a post-and-log fence across the Winchester + turnpike, and some of the Enemy's cavalry on the other side of it. + They gave them a round of grape. The cavalry scattered off, and + the reconnaissance returned. That was the only reconnaissance I + heard of while we were there. My own pickets went further than + that. But it was understood, the next afternoon, that we were to + march forward at daylight. I sent down Col. Morell, with 40 men, + to open a road down to Opequan Creek, within five miles of the camp + at Winchester, on the side-roads I was upon, which would enable me, + in the course of three hours, to get between Johnston and the + Shenandoah River, and effectually bar his way to Manassas. I had + my ammunition all distributed, and ordered my men to have 24 hours' + rations in their haversacks, independent of their breakfast. We + were to march at 4 o'clock the next morning. I had this road to + the Opequan completed that night. I had then with me, in addition + to my eight regiments amounting to about 8,000 men and a few + cavalry, Doubleday's heavy United States battery of 20 and 30 + pounders, and a very good Rhode Island battery. And I was willing + to take the risk, whether Gen. Patterson followed me up or not, of + placing myself between Johnston and the Shenandoah River, rather + than let Johnston escape. And, at 4 o'clock [July 17th] I should + have moved over that road for that purpose, if I had had no further + orders. But, a little after 12 o'clock at night [July 16th-17th,] + I received a long order of three pages from Gen. Patterson, + instructing me to move on to Charlestown, which is nearly at right + angles to the road I was going to move on, and twenty-two miles + from Winchester. This was after I had given my orders for the + other movement."</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p> 'Question [by the Chairman].—And that left Johnston free? + "Answer—Yes, Sir; left him free to make his escape, which he did. + * * *"</p> + +<p> 'Question.—In what direction would Johnston have had to move to + get by you? + "Answer—Right out to the Shenandoah River, which he forded. He + found out from his cavalry, who were watching us, that we were + actually leaving, and he started at 1 o'clock that same day, with + 8,000 men, forded the Shenandoah where it was so deep that he + ordered his men to put their cartridge-boxes on their bayonets, got + out on the Leesburg road, and went down to Manassas."</p> + +<p> "Question [by the Chairman].—Did he [Patterson] assign any reason + for that movement? + "Answer.—I was, of course, very indignant about it, and so were + all my officers and men; so much so that when, subsequently, at + Harper's Ferry, Patterson came by my camp, there was a universal + groan—against all discipline, of course, and we suppressed it as + soon as possible. The excuse given by Gen. Patterson was this: + that he had received intelligence that he could rely upon, that + Gen. Johnston had been re-enforced by 20,000 men from Manassas, + and was going to make an attack upon him; and in the order which I + received that night—a long order of three pages—I was ordered to + occupy all the communicating roads, turning off a regiment here, + and two or three regiments there, and a battery at another place, + to occupy all the roads from Winchester to the neighborhood of + Charlestown, and all the cross-roads, and hold them all that day, + until Gen. Patterson's whole army went by me to Charlestown; and I + sat seven hours in the saddle near a place called Smithfield, while + Patterson, with his whole army, went by me on their way to + Charlestown, he being apprehensive, as he said, of an attack from + Johnston's forces."</p> + +<p> "Question [by Mr. Odell].—You covered his movement? + "Answer—Yes, Sir. Now the statement that he made, which came to + me through Colonel Abercrombie, who was Patterson's brother-in-law, + and commanded one division in that army, was, that Johnston had + been re-enforced; and Gen. Fitz-John Porter reported the same thing + to my officers. Gen. Porter was then the chief of Patterson's + staff, and was a very excellent officer, and an accomplished + soldier. They all had got this story, which was without the + slightest shadow of foundation; for there had not a single man + arrived at the camp since we had got full information that their + force consisted of 20,000 men, of whom 1,800 were sick with the + measles. The story was, however, that they had ascertained, by + reliable information, of this re-enforcement. Where they got their + information, I do not know. None such reached me; and I picked up + deserters and other persons to get all the information I could; and + we since have learned, as a matter of certainty, that Johnston's + forces never did exceed 20,000 men there. But the excuse Patterson + gave was, that Johnson had been re-enforced by 20,000 men from + Manassas, and was going to attack him. That was the reason he gave + then for this movement. But in this paper he has lately published, + he hints at another reason—another excuse—which was that it was + by order of Gen. Scott. Now, I know that the peremptory order of + Gen. Scott to Gen. Patterson, repeated over and over again, was + this—I was present on several occasions when telegraphic + communications went from Gen. Scott to Gen. Patterson: Gen. Scott's + orders to Gen. Patterson were that, if he were strong enough, he + was to attack and beat Johnston. But if not, then he was to place + himself in such a position as to keep Johnston employed, and + prevent him from making a junction with Beauregard at Manassas. + That was the repeated direction of Gen. Scott to Gen. Patterson; + and it was because of Patterson's hesitancy, and his hanging back, + and keeping so far beyond the reach of Johnston's camp, that I was + ordered to go up there and re-enforce him, and assist him in any + operations necessary to effect that object. The excuse of Gen. + Patterson now is, that he had orders from Gen. Scott to move to + Charlestown. Now, that is not so. But this state of things + existed: Before the movement was made from Martinsburg, General + Patterson suggested to General Scott that Charlestown would be a + better base of operations than Martinsburg and suggested that he + had better move on Charlestown, and thence make his approaches to + Winchester; that it would be better to do that than to move + directly to Winchester from Martinsburg; and General Scott wrote + back to say that, if he found that movement a better one, he was at + liberty to make it. But Gen. Patterson had already commenced his + movement on Winchester direct from Martinsburg, and had got as far + as Bunker Hill; so that the movement which he had formerly + suggested, to Charlestown, was suppressed by his own act. But that + is the pretence now given in his published speech for making the + movement from Bunker Hill to Charlestown, which was a retreat, + instead of the advance which the movement to Charlestown he first + proposed to Gen. Scott was intended to be."</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p> "Question [by the Chairman].—Was not that change of direction and + movement to Charlestown a total abandonment of the object which you + were pursuing? + "Answer.—Entirely an abandonment of the main principles of the + orders he was acting under."</p> + +<p> "Question.—And of course an abandonment of the purpose for which + you were there? + "Answer.—Yes, Sir.</p> + +<p> "Question [by Mr. Odell].—Was it not your understanding in leaving + here, and was it not the understanding also of Gen. Scott, that + your purpose in going there was to check Johnston with direct + reference to the movement here? + "Answer—Undoubtedly. It was in consequence of the suggestion made + by me at the Council at the President's house. * * * And upon the + suggestion of General Scott they wanted me to go up there and + assist Patterson in this movement against Johnston, so as to carry + out the point I had suggested of first checkmating Johnston before + the movement against Manassas was made here."</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p> Question [by the Chairman].—Would there have been any difficulty + in preventing Johnston from going to Manassas? + "Answer.—None whatever."</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p> "Question [by the Chairman.]—I have heard it suggested that he + (Patterson) undertook to excuse this movement on the ground that + the time of many of his troops had expired, and they refused to + accompany him. + "Answer.—That to my knowledge, is untrue. The time of none of + them had expired when this movement was made. All the troops that + were there were in the highest condition for the service. These + three-months' men, it may be well to state to you who are not + Military men, were superior to any other volunteer troops that we + had, in point of discipline. They were the disciplined troops of + the Country. The three-months' men were generally the organized + troops of the different States—New York, Pennsylvania, etc. We + had, for instance, from Patterson's own city, Philadelphia, one of + the finest regiments in the service, which was turned over to me, + at their own request; and the most of my regiments were disciplined + and organized troops. They were all in fine condition, anxious, + zealous, and earnest for a fight. They thought they were going to + attack Johnston's camp at Winchester. Although I had suggested to + Gen. Patterson that there was no necessity for that, the camp being + admirably fortified with many of their heavy guns from Norfolk, I + proposed to him to place ourselves between Johnston and the + Shenandoah, which would have compelled him to fight us there, or to + remain in his camp, either of which would have effected General + Scott's object. If I had got into a fight, it was very easy, over + this road I had just been opening, for Patterson to have + re-enforced me and to have come up to the fight in time. The + proposition was to place ourselves between Johnston's fortified + camp and the Shenandoah, where his fortified camp would have been + of no use to him."</p> + +<p> "Question.—Even if you had received a check there, it would have + prevented his junction with the forces at Manassas? + "Answer.—Yes, Sir; I would have risked a battle with my own + division rather than Johnston should have escaped. If he had + attacked me, I could have taken a position where I could have held + it, while Patterson could have fallen upon him and repulsed him."</p> + +<p> "Question [by Mr. Odell].—Had you any such understanding with + Patterson? + "Answer.—I told him I would move down on this side-road in + advance, leaving Gen. Patterson to sustain me if I got into a + fight. So, on the other hand, if he should attack Patterson, I was + near enough to fall upon Johnston's flank and to support Patterson. + By using this communication of mine to pass Opequan Creek—where, I + had informed Patterson, I had already pushed forward my pickets, + [200 men in the day and 400 more at night,] to prevent the Enemy + from burning the bridge—it would have enabled me to get between + Johnston and the Shenandoah River. On the morning [Wednesday, July + 17th] of our march to Charlestown, Stuart's cavalry, which figured + so vigorously at Bull Run, was upon my flank all day. They were + apparently about 800 strong. I saw them constantly on my flank for + a number of miles. I could distinguish them, with my glass, with + great ease. Finally, they came within about a mile of the line of + march I was pursuing and I sent a battery around to head them off, + and the 12th Regiment across the fields in double-quick time to + take them in the rear. I thought I had got them hemmed in. But + they broke down the fences, and went across the country to + Winchester, and I saw nothing more of them. They were then about + eight miles from Winchester, and must have got there in the course + of a couple of hours. That day [Wednesday, the 17th] at 10 + o'clock—as was ascertained from those who saw him crossing the + Shenandoah—Johnston started from Winchester with 8,000 men, forded + the Shenandoah, and got to Manassas on Friday night; and his second + in command started the next day with all the rest of the available + troops—something like 9,000 men; leaving only the sick, and a few + to guard them, in the camp at Winchester—and they arrived at the + battle-field in the midst of the fight, got out of the cars, rushed + on the battle-field, and turned the scale. I have no doubt that, + if we had intercepted Johnston, as we ought to have done, the + battle of Bull Run would have been a victory for us instead of a + defeat. Johnston was undoubtedly the ablest general they had in + their army."</p> + +<p> Colonel CRAIG BIDDLE, testified that he was General Patterson's + aide-de-camp at the time. In answer to a question by the Chairman, + he continued:</p> + +<p> "Answer.—I was present, of course, at all the discussions. The + discussion at Martinsburg was as to whether or not General + Patterson should go on to Winchester. General Patterson was very + full of that himself. He was determined to go to Winchester; but + the opinions of all the regular officers who were with him, were + against it. The opinions of all the men in whose judgment I had + any confidence, were against it. They seemed to have the notion + that General Patterson had got his Irish blood up by the fight we + had had at Falling Waters, and was bound to go ahead. He decided + upon going ahead, against the remonstrances of General [Fitz John] + Porter, who advised against it. He told me he considered he had + done his duty, and said no more. The movement was delayed in + consequence of General Stone's command not being able to move right + away. It was then evident that there was so much opposition to it + that the General was induced to call a council of the general + officers in his command, at which I was present. They were + unanimously opposed to the advance. That was at Martinsburg."</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p> "Question.—While at Bunker Hill, the night before you left there, + were any orders issued to march in the evening? + "Answer.—I think there were such orders."</p> + +<p> "Question.—Did not General Patterson issue orders at Bunker Hill, + the night before you marched to Charlestown, for an attack on the + Enemy? + "Answer.—I think such orders were written. I do not think they + were issued. I think General Patterson was again persuaded not to + make an advance."</p> + +<p> Colonel R. BUTLER PRICE, Senior aide to Patterson, testified as + follows:</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p> "Question [by Mr. Gooch].—Was it not the intention to move from + Bunker Hill to Winchester? + "Answer.—Yes, Sir. At one time General Patterson had given an + order to move from Bunker Hill to Winchester. He was very + unwilling to leave Johnston even at Winchester without attacking + him; and on the afternoon before we left Bunker Hill he decided to + attack him, notwithstanding his strong force."</p> + +<p> "Question.—Behind his intrenchments? + "Answer.—Yes, Sir; it went so far that his order was written by + his adjutant, General [Fitz John] Porter. It was very much against + the wishes of General [Fitz John] Porter; and he asked General + Patterson if he would send for Colonel Abercrombie and Colonel + Thomas and consult them on the movement. General Patterson + replied: No, Sir; for I know they will attempt to dissuade me from + it, and I have made up my mind to fight Johnston under all + circumstances. That was the day before we left Bunker Hill. Then + Colonel [Fitz John] Porter asked to have Colonel Abercrombie and + Colonel Thomas sent for and consulted as to the best manner to + carry out his wishes. He consented, and they came, and after half + an hour they dissuaded him from it."</p> + +<p> "Question.—At that time General Patterson felt it was so important + to attack Johnston that he had determined to do it? + "Answer.—Yes, Sir; the order was not published, but it was + written."</p> + +<p> "Question.—You understood General Patterson to be influenced to + make that attempt because he felt there was a necessity for + detaining Johnston? + "Answer.—Yes, Sir; to detain him as long as he possibly could."</p> + +<p> "Question.—That order was not countermanded until late on Tuesday, + the 16th, was it? + "Answer.—That order never was published. It was written; but, at + the earnest solicitation of Colonel [Fitz John] Porter, it was + withheld until he could have a consultation with Colonel + Abercrombie and Colonel Thomas."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> + + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<center> +<a name="bull1"></a> +<img alt="p288-map.jpg (98K)" src="images/p288-map.jpg" height="772" width="626"> +</center> +<br><br><br><br><br> + + +<p>It is about 1 o'clock on the morning of Thursday, July 18th,—that same +day which witnesses the preliminary Battle of Blackburn's Ford—that +Johnston, being at Winchester, and knowing of Patterson's peculiarly +inoffensive and timid movement to his own left and rear, on Charlestown, +receives from the Rebel Government at Richmond, a telegraphic dispatch, +of July 17th, in these words: "General Beauregard is attacked. To +strike the Enemy a decisive blow, a junction of all your effective force +will be needed. If practicable, make the movement. * * * In all the +arrangements exercise your discretion."</p> + +<p>Johnston loses no time in deciding that it is his duty to prevent, if +possible, disaster to Beauregard's Army; that to do this he must effect +a junction with him; and that this necessitates either an immediate +fight with, and defeat of, Patterson,—which may occasion a fatal +delay—or else, that Union general must be eluded. Johnston determines +on the latter course.</p> + +<p>Leaving his sick, with some militia to make a pretense of defending the +town in case of attack, Johnston secretly and rapidly marches his Army, +of 9,000 effective men, Southeasterly from Winchester, at noon of +Thursday, the 18th; across by a short cut, wading the Shenandoah River, +and then on through Asby's Gap, in the Blue Ridge, that same night; +still on, in the same direction, to a station on the Manassas Gap +railroad, known as Piedmont, which is reached by the next (Friday) +morning,—the erratic movements of Stuart's Cavalry entirely concealing +the manoeuvre from the knowledge of Patterson.</p> + +<p>From Piedmont, the Artillery and Cavalry proceed to march the remaining +twenty-five miles, or so, to Manassas Junction, by the roads. The 7th +and 8th Georgia Regiments of Bartow's Brigade, with Jackson's +Brigade,—comprising the 2d, 4th, 5th, 27th and 33d Virginia Regiments—are +embarked on the cars, and hurriedly sent in advance, by rail, to +Manassas, reaching there on that same (Friday) afternoon and evening. +These are followed by General Johnston, with Bee's Brigade—comprising +the 4th Alabama, 2d Mississippi, and a battalion of the 11th +Mississippi—which arrive at Manassas about noon of Saturday, the 20th +of July, the balance of Johnston's Infantry being billed for arrival +that same day, or night.</p> + +<p>Upon Johnston's own arrival at Manassas, Saturday noon,—the very day +that Patterson ascertains that "the bird has flown,"—after assuming +command, by virtue of seniority, he proceeds to examine Beauregard's +position. This he finds "too extensive, and the ground too densely +wooded and intricate," to be learned quickly, and hence he is impelled +to rely largely upon Beauregard for information touching the strength +and positions of both the Rebel and Union Armies.</p> + +<p>Beauregard has now 21,833 men, and 29 pieces of artillery of his own +"Army of the Potomac." Johnston's and Holmes's junction with him has +raised the Rebel total to 32,000 effectives, and 55 guns. McDowell, on +the other hand, who started with 30,000 effectives, finds himself on the +19th—owing to the departure of one of his regiments and a battery of +Artillery, because of the expiration of their term of enlistment,—with +but "28,000 men at the utmost."—[Comte de Paris.]</p> + +<p>On the evening of Saturday, the 20th of July, Johnston and Beauregard +hold an important consultation. The former feels certain that +Patterson, with his more than 20,000 effectives, will now lose no time +in essaying a junction with McDowell's Army, and that such junction will +probably be effected by July 22nd. Hence he perceives the necessity of +attacking McDowell, and if possible, with the combined Rebel Forces, +whipping him before Patterson can come up to his assistance.</p> + +<p>At this consultation it is agreed by the two Rebel generals to assume +the offensive, at once. Beauregard proposes a plan of battle—which is +an immediate general advance of the Rebel centre and left, +concentrating, from all the fords of Bull Run, upon Centreville, while +the Rebel right advances toward Sangster's cross-roads, ready to fall +either on Centreville, or upon Fairfax Court House, in its rear, +according to circumstances.</p> + +<p>The plan proposed, is accepted at once by Johnston. The necessary order +is drawn up by Beauregard that night; and at half past four o'clock on +Sunday morning, July 21st, Johnston signs the written order. Nothing +now remains, apparently, but the delivery of the order to the Rebel +brigade commanders, a hurried preparation for the forward movement, and +then the grand attack upon McDowell, at Centreville.</p> + +<p>Already, no doubt, the fevered brain of Beauregard pictures, in his +vivid imagination, the invincible thunders of his Artillery, the +impetuous advance of his Infantry, the glorious onset of his Cavalry, +the flight and rout of the Union forces, his triumphal entry into +Washington—Lincoln and Scott and the Congress crouching at his +feet—and the victorious South and conquered North acclaiming him Dictator! +The plan is Beauregard's own, and Beauregard is to have command. Hence +all the glory of capturing the National Capital, must be Beauregard's. +Why not? But "man proposes, and God disposes." The advance and attack, +are, in that shape, never to be made.</p> + +<p>McDowell, in the meantime, all unconscious of what has transpired in the +Shenandoah Valley, and between there and Manassas; never dreaming for an +instant that Patterson has failed to keep Johnson there—even if he has +not attacked and defeated him; utterly unsuspicious that his own +lessened Union Army has now to deal with the Forces of Johnston and +Beauregard combined—with a superior instead of an inferior force; is +executing a plan of battle which he has decided upon, and announced to +his general officers, on that same Saturday evening, at his Headquarters +in Centreville.</p> + +<p>Instead of attempting to turn the Enemy's right, and cut off his +communications with Richmond and the South, McDowell has now determined +to attack the Enemy's left, cut his communication, via the Manassas Gap +railroad, with Johnston's Army,—still supposed by him to be in the +Valley of the Shenandoah—and, taking him in the left flank and rear, +roll him upon Manassas, in disorder and defeat—with whatever might +follow.</p> + +<p>That is the plan—in its general features. In executing it, Blenker's +Brigade of Miles's Division is to remain at Centreville as a reserve, +throwing up intrenchments about its Heights, upon which to fall back, in +case of necessity; Davies's Brigade of the same Division, with +Richardson's Brigade of Tyler's Division—as the Left Wing—are to +demonstrate at Blackburn's Ford, toward the Enemy's right; Tyler's other +three brigades, under Keyes, Schenck, and Sherman, are to feign an +attack on the Enemy's left, posted behind the strongly-defended Stone +Bridge over which the Warrenton turnpike, running Westward, on its way +from Centreville to Warrenton, crosses Bull Run stream; while the strong +divisions under Hunter and Heintzelman—forming McDowell's Right +Wing—are to follow Tyler's Division Westward down the turnpike to a point +within one mile and a half of the Stone Bridge, thence, by cross-road, +diverge several miles to the North, then sweep around gradually to the +West, and then Southwardly over Bull Run at Sudley Springs Ford, +swooping down the Sudley road upon the Enemy's left flank and rear, near +Stone Bridge, rolling it back toward his center, while Tyler's remaining +three brigades cross the bridge and join in the assault. That is the +whole plan in a nutshell.</p> + +<p>It has been McDowell's intention to push forward, from Centreville along +the Warrenton Pike a few miles, on the evening of this Military +conference; but he makes his first mistake, in allowing himself to be +dissuaded from that, by those, who, in his own words, "have the greatest +distance to go," and who prefer "starting early in the morning and +making but one move."</p> + +<p>The attacking divisions now have orders to march at 2:30 A. M., in order +"to avoid the heat," which is excessive. Tyler's three immediate +brigades—or some of them—are slow in starting Westward, along the +Warrenton Pike, to the Stone Bridge; and this leads to a two or three +hours delay of the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman, before they can +follow that Pike beyond Centreville, and commence the secret detour to +their right, along the cross-road leading to Sudley Springs.</p> + +<p>At 6:30 A.M., Tyler's Artillery gets into position, to cannonade the +Enemy's batteries, on the West Bank of Bull Run, commanding the Stone +Bridge, and opens fire. Half an hour before this, (at 6 A.M.), the +Rebel artillerists, posted on a hill South of the Pike, and 600 yards +West of the bridge, have caught sight of Tyler's Union blue-jackets. +Those of the Rebel gunners whose eyes are directed to the North-East, +soon see, nearly a mile away, up the gradual slope, a puff of blue +smoke. Immediately the bang of a solitary rifle cannon is heard, and +the scream of a rifled shot as it passes over their heads. At +intervals, until past 9 A.M., that piece and others in the same +position, keep hammering away at the Rebel left, under Evans, at Stone +Bridge.</p> + +<p>The Rebel response to this cannonade, is very feeble. McDowell observes +this. He suspects there has been a weakening of the Enemy's force at +the bridge, in order to strengthen his right for some purpose. And what +can that purpose be, but to throw his augmented right upon our left, at +Blackburn's Ford, and so, along the ridge-road, upon Centreville? Thus +McDowell guesses, and guesses well. To be in readiness to protect his +own left and rear, by reenforcing Miles's Division, at Centreville and +along the ridge to Blackburn's Ford, he temporarily holds back Howard's +Brigade of Heintzelman's Division at the point where the cross-road to +Sudley Springs Ford—along which Hunter's Division, followed by the +Brigades of Franklin and Wilcox, of Heintzelman's Division, have already +gone—intersects the Warrenton Pike.</p> + +<p>It is 9 o'clock. Beauregard, as yet unaware of McDowell's new plan, +sends an order to Ewell, on his right, to hold himself ready "to take +the offensive, at a moment's notice,"—and directing that Ewell be +supported in his advance, toward Sangster's cross-roads and the rear of +Centreville, by Holmes's Brigade. In accordance with that order, Ewell, +who is "at Union Mills and its neighborhood," gets his brigade ready, +and Holmes moves up to his support. After waiting two hours, Ewell +receives another order, for both Ewell and Holmes "to resume their +places." Something must have occurred since 9 o'clock, to defeat +Beauregard's plan of attack on Centreville—with all its glorious +consequences! What can it be? We shall see.</p> + +<p>While Tyler's Artillery has been cannonading the Rebel left, under +Evans, at Stone Bridge,—fully impressed with the prevailing Union +belief that the bridge is not only protected by strong masked batteries, +heavy supports of Infantry, and by abatis as well as other defenses, but +is also mined and ready to be blown up at the approach of our troops, +when in reality the bridge is not mined, and the Rebel force in men and +guns at that point has been greatly weakened in anticipation of +Beauregard's projected advance upon Centreville,—the Union column, +under Hunter and Heintzelman, is advancing from Centreville, in the +scorching heat and suffocating dust of this tropical July morning, +slowly, but surely, along the Warrenton Pike and the cross-road to +Sudley Springs Ford—a distance of some eight miles of weary and +toilsome marching for raw troops in such a temperature—in this order: +Burnside's Brigade, followed by Andrew Porter's Brigade,—both of +Hunter's Division; then Franklin's Brigade, followed by Willcox's +Brigade,—both of Heintzelman's Division.</p> + +<p>It is half past 9 o'clock; before Burnside's Brigade has crossed the +Bull Run stream, at Sudley's Ford, and the head of Andrew Porter's +Brigade commences to ford it. The troops are somewhat slow in crossing. +They are warm, tired, thirsty, and as to dust,—their hair and eyes and +nostrils and mouths are full of it, while most of the uniforms, once +blue, have become a dirty gray. The sky is clear. The sun already is +fiercely hot. The men stop to drink and fill their canteens. It is +well they do.</p> + +<p>McDowell, who has been waiting two or three hours at the turn, impatient +at the delay, has ridden over to the front of the Flanking column, and +now reaches Sudley's Ford. He feels that much valuable time is already +lost. His plan has, in a measure, been frustrated by delay. He had +calculated on crossing Bull Run, at Sudley's Ford, and getting to the +rear of the Enemy's position, at Stone Bridge, before a sufficient Rebel +force could be assembled to contest the Union advance. He sends back an +aide with orders to the regimental commanders in the rear, to "break +from column, and hurry forward separately, as fast as possible." +Another aide he sends, with orders to Howard to bring his brigade +across-fields. To Tyler he also sends orders to "press forward his +attack, as large bodies of the Enemy are passing in front of him to +attack the division (Hunter's) which has passed over."</p> + +<p>It may here be explained, that the Sudley road, running about six miles +South-Southeasterly from Sudley Springs Ford to Manassas Junction, is +crossed at right angles, about two miles South of the Springs, by the +Warrenton Pike, at a point about one mile and a half West of the Stone +Bridge. For nearly a mile South of Sudley Ford, the Sudley road passes +through thick woods on the left, and alternate patches of wooded and +cleared lands on the right. The country farther South, opens into +rolling fields, occasionally cut by transverse gullies, and patched with +woods. This is what Burnside's Brigade beholds, as it marches +Southward, along the Sudley road, this eventful morning.</p> + +<p>Thus far, the cannonade of Tyler's batteries, and the weak return-fire +of the Rebel Artillery, at Stone Bridge, over two miles South-East of +Sudley Ford, is about the only music by which the Union march has kept +time.</p> + +<p>But now, as Burnside's foremost regiment emerges from the woods, at half +past 10 o'clock, the Artillery of the Enemy opens upon it.</p> + +<p>Let us see how this happens. Evans's Brigade, defending the Stone +Bridge, and constituting the Enemy's extreme left, comprises, as has +already been mentioned, Sloan's 4th South Carolina Regiment, Wheat's +Louisiana battalion, Terry's squadron of Virginia Cavalry, and +Davidson's section of Latham's Battery of six-pounders.</p> + +<p>Earlier in the morning Evans has supposed, from the cannonade of Tyler's +batteries among the pines on the hills obliquely opposite the Enemy's +left, as well as from the sound of the cannonade of the Union batteries +away down the stream on the Enemy's right, near Blackburn's Ford, that +McDowell is about to make an attack upon the whole front of the Rebel +line of defense along Bull Run—by way of the Stone Bridge, and the +various fords below it, which cross that stream. But by 10 o'clock, +that Rebel general begins to feel doubtful, suspicious, and uneasy. +Despite the booming of Tyler's guns, he has caught in the distance the +rumbling sounds of Hunter's Artillery wheels.</p> + +<p>Evans finds himself pondering the meaning of those long lines of dust, +away to his left; and then, like a flash, it bursts upon him, that all +this Military hubbub in his front, and far away to his right, is but a +feint; that the real danger is somehow connected with that mysterious +far-away rumble, and those lines of yellow dust; that the main attack is +to be on the unprepared left and rear of the Rebel position!</p> + +<p>No sooner has the Rebel brigade-commander thus divined the Union plan of +attack, than he prepares, with the limited force at his command, to +thwart it. Burnside and he are about equidistant, by this time, from +the intersection of the Sudley road, running South, with the Warrenton +Pike, running West. Much depends upon which of them shall be the first +to reach it,—and the instinctive, intuitive knowledge of this, spurs +Evans to his utmost energy. He leaves four of his fifteen companies, +and Rogers's section of the Loudoun Artillery,—which has come up from +Cocke's Brigade, at the ford below—to defend the approaches to the +Stone Bridge, from the East side of Bull Run,—and, with the other +eleven companies, and Latham's half-battery, he hurries Westward, along +the Warrenton Pike, toward the Sudley road-crossing, to resist the +impending Union attack.</p> + +<p>It is now 10:30 o'clock, and, as he hurries along, with anxious eyes, +scanning the woods at the North, he suddenly catches the glitter of +Burnside's bayonets coming down through them, East of the Sudley road, +in "column of regiments" toward Young's Branch—a small stream turning, +in a Northern and Southern loop, respectively above and below the +Warrenton Pike, much as the S of a prostrate dollar-mark twines above +and below its horizontal line, the vicinity of which is destined to be +hotly-contested ground ere night-fall.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Says Captain D. P. Woodbury, U. S. corps of engineers, and + who, with Captain Wright, guided the divisions of Hunter and + Heintzelman in making the detour to the upper part of Bull Run: "At + Sudley's Mills we lingered about an hour to give the men and horses + water and a little rest before going into action, our advance guard + in the mean time going ahead about three quarters of a mile. + Resuming our march, we emerged from the woods about one mile South + of the ford, and came upon a beautiful open valley about one and a + quarter miles square, bounded on the right or West by a wooded + ridge, on the Fast by the rough spurs or bluffs of Bull Run, on the + North by an open plain and ridge, on which our troops began to + form, and on the South by another ridge, on which the Enemy was + strongly posted, with woods behind their backs. The Enemy was also + in possession of the bluffs of Bull Run on our left."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Sending word to Headquarters, Evans pushes forward and gaining Buck +Ridge, to the North of the Northern loop of Young's Branch, forms his +line-of-battle upon that elevation—which somewhat compensates him for +the inferiority of his numbers—nearly at right angles to the Bull Run +line; rapidly puts his Artillery in position; the Rebel guns open on +Burnside's advance—their hoarse roar soon supplemented by the rattle of +Rebel musketry, and the answering roar and rattle of the Union onset; +and the Battle of Bull Run has commenced!</p> + +<p>It is after 10:30 A.M., and Beauregard and Johnston are upon an eminence +in the rear of the centre of the Enemy's Bull Run line. They have been +there since 8 o'clock. An hour ago, or more, their Signal Officer has +reported a large body of Union troops crossing the Bull Run Valley, some +two or three miles above the Stone Bridge; upon the strength of which, +Johnston has ordered Bee's Brigade from near Cocke's position, with +Hampton's Legion and Stonewall Jackson's Brigade from near Bonham's +left, to move to the Rebel left, at Stone Bridge; and these troops are +now hastening thither, guided by the sound of the guns.</p> + +<p>The artillery-firing is also heard by Johnston and Beauregard, but +intervening wooded slopes prevent them from determining precisely whence +it comes. Beauregard, with a badly-organized staff, is chaffing over +the delay that has occurred in carrying out his own plan of battle. He +is waiting to hear of the progress of the attack which he has ordered +upon the Union Army,—supposed by him to be at Centreville,—and +especially as to the advance of his right toward Sangster's Station. In +the meantime also,—from early morning,—the Rebel commanders have heard +heavy firing in the direction of Blackburn's Ford, toward their right, +where the Artillery attached to the brigades of Davies and Richardson, +constituting McDowell's Left Wing, is demonstrating in a lively manner, +in accordance with McDowell's plan.</p> + +<p>It is 11 o'clock. Beauregard has become satisfied that his orders for +the Rebel advance and attack on Centreville, have failed or miscarried. +His plan is abandoned, and the orders countermanded. At the same time +the growing volume of artillery-detonations upon the left of the Bull +Run line of defense—together with the clouds of dust which indicate the +route of march of Hunter's and Heintzelman's Divisions from near +Centreville to the point of conflict, satisfies both Johnston and +Beauregard, that a serious attack is imperilling the Rebel left.</p> + +<p>Beauregard at once proposes to Johnston "a modification of the abandoned +plan," viz.: "to attack with the" Rebel "right, while the left stands on +the defensive." But rapidly transpiring events conspire to make even +the modified plan impracticable.</p> + +<p>Johnston, convinced by the still growing volume of battle-sounds on the +Rebel left, that the main attack of McDowell is being made there, urges +Beauregard to strengthen the left, as much as possible; and, after that +general has sent orders to this end,—to Holmes and Early to come up +with their Brigades from Union Mills Ford, moving "with all speed to the +sound of the firing," and to Bonham to promptly send up, from Mitchell's +Ford, a battery and two of his regiments—both he and Beauregard put +spurs to their horses, and gallop at full speed toward the firing, four +miles away on their left,—stopping on the way only long enough for +Johnston to order his Chief-of-artillery, Colonel Pendleton, to "follow, +with his own, and Alburtis's Batteries."</p> + +<p>Meanwhile let us return and witness the progress of the battle, on the +Rebel left,—where we were looking on, at 10:30 o'clock. Evans had then +just posted his eleven companies of Infantry on Buck Ridge, with one of +his two guns on his left, near the Sudley road, and the other not far +from the Robinson House, upon the Northern spur of the elevated plateau +just South of Young's Branch, and nearly midway between the Sudley road +and Stone Bridge.</p> + +<p>The battle, as we have seen, has opened. As Burnside's Brigade appears +on the slope, to the North of Buck Ridge (or Hill), it is received by a +rapid, well-sustained, and uncomfortable, but not very destructive fire, +from Evans's Artillery, and, as the Union regiments press forward, in +column, full of impulsive ardor, the Enemy welcomes the head of the +column with a hot musketry-fire also, delivered from the crest of the +elevation behind which the Rebel Infantry lie flat upon the ground.</p> + +<p>This defense by Evan's demi-Brigade still continues, although half an +hour, or more, has elapsed. Burnside has not yet been able to dislodge +the Enemy from the position. Emboldened to temerity by this fact, Major +Wheat's Louisiana battalion advances through the woods in front, upon +Burnside, but is hurled back by a galling fire, which throws it into +disorder and flight.</p> + +<p>At this moment, however, the brigades of Bee and Bartow—comprising the +7th and 8th Georgia, 2nd Mississippi, 4th Alabama, 6th North Carolina, +and two companies of the 11th Mississippi, with Imboden's Battery of +four pieces—recently arrived with Johnston from Winchester, come up, +form on the right of Sloan's 4th South Carolina Regiment, while Wheat +rallies his remnant on Sloan's left, now resting on the Sudley road, and +the whole new Rebel line opens a hot fire upon Burnside's Brigade.</p> + +<p>Hunter, for the purpose of better directing the Union attack, is at this +moment rapidly riding to the left of the Union line,—which is advancing +Southwardly, at right angles to Bull Run stream and the old line of +Rebel defense thereon. He is struck by the fragment of a shell, and +carried to the rear.</p> + +<p>Colonel John S. Slocum's, 2nd Rhode Island, Regiment, with Reynold's +Rhode Island Battery (six 13-pounders), having been sent to the front of +Burnside's left, and being closely pressed by the Enemy, Burnside's own +regiment the 1st Rhode Island, is gallantly led by Major Balch to the +support of the 2nd, and together they handsomely repulse the Rebel +onset. Burnside now sends forward Martin's 71st New York, with its two +howitzers, and Marston's 2nd New Hampshire,—his whole Brigade, of four +regiments and a light artillery battery, being engaged with the heavy +masked battery (Imboden's and two other pieces), and nearly seven full +regiments of the Enemy.</p> + +<p>The regiments of Burnside's Brigade are getting considerably cut up. +Colonels Slocum and Marston, and Major Balch, are wounded. There is +some confusion in the ranks, and the Rhode Island Battery is in danger +of capture, when General Andrew Porter—whose own brigade has just +reached the field and is deploying to the right of Burnside's—succeeds +Hunter in command of the division, and rides over to his left. Burnside +asks him for Sykes's battalion of regulars, which is accordingly +detached from the extreme right of Andrew Porter's Division, rapidly +forms on the left, in support of the Rhode Island Battery, and opens a +hot and effective fire which, in connection with the renewed fire of +Burnside's rallied regiments, and the opening artillery practice of +Griffin's Battery—that has just come up at a gallop and gone into a +good position upon an eminence to the right of Porter's Division, and to +the right of the Sudley road looking South—fairly staggers the Enemy.</p> + +<p>And now the brigades of Sherman and Keyes, having been ordered across +Bull Run by General Tyler, are seen advancing from Poplar Ford, at the +rear of our left,—Sherman's Brigade, headed by Corcoran's 69th New York +Regiment, coming up on Burnside's left, while Keves's Brigade is +following, to the left again of, Sherman.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Sherman, in his Official Report, after mentioning the receipt by + him of Tyler's order to "cross over with the whole brigade to the + assistance of Colonel Hunter"—which he did, so far as the Infantry + was concerned, but left his battery under Ayres behind, on account + of the impassability of the bluff on the Western bank of Bull + Run—says: "Early in the day, when reconnoitering the ground, I had seen + a horseman descend from a bluff in our front, cross the stream, and + show himself in the open field, and, inferring we could cross over + at the same point, I sent forward a company as skirmishers, and + followed with the whole brigade, the New York Sixty-ninth leading."</p> + +<p> This is evidently the ford at the elbow of Bull Run, to the right + of Sherman's front, which is laid down on the Army-maps as "Poplar + Ford," and which McDowell's engineers had previously discovered and + mapped; and to which Major Barnard of the U. S. Engineer Corps + alludes when, in his Official Report, he says: "Midway between the + Stone Bridge and Sudley Spring our maps indicated another ford, + which was said to be good."</p> + +<p> The Comte de Paris, at page 241, vol. I. of his admirable "History + of the Civil War in America," and perhaps other Military + historians, having assumed and stated—upon the strength of this + passage in Sherman's Report—that "the Military instinct" of that + successful soldier had "discovered" this ford; and the impression + being thus conveyed, however undesignedly, to their readers, that + McDowell's Engineer corps, after spending two or three days in + reconnaissances, had failed to find the ford which Sherman had in a + few minutes "discovered" by "Military instinct;" it is surely due + to the truth of Military history, that the Engineers be fairly + credited with the discovery and mapping of that ford, the existence + of which should also have been known to McDowell's brigade + commanders.</p> + +<p> If, on the other hand, the Report of the Rebel Captain Arthur L. + Rogers, of the Loudoun Artillery, to General Philip St. George + Cocke, be correct, it would seem that Sherman attempted to cross + Bull Run lower down than Poplar Ford, which is "about one mile + above the Stone Bridge," but was driven back by the fire of + Rogers's guns to cross at that particular ford; for Rogers, in that + Report, says that about 11 o'clock A. M., the first section of the + Loudoun Artillery, under his command, "proceeded to the crest of + the hill on the West Side of Bull Run, commanding Stone Bridge. * + * * Here." continues he, "I posted my section of Artillery, and + opened a brisk fire upon a column of the Enemy's Infantry, supposed + to be two regiments, advancing towards me, and supported by his + battery of rifled cannon on the hills opposite. These poured into + my section a steady fire of shot and shell. After giving them some + fifty rounds, I succeeded in heading his column, and turned it up + Bull Run to a ford about one mile above Stone Bridge, where, with + the regiments which followed, they crossed, and proceeded to join + the rest of the Enemy's forces in front of the main body of our + Army."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Before this developing, expanding, and advancing attack of the Union +forces, the Rebel General Bee, who—since his coming up to support +Evans, with his own and Bartow's Brigades, to which had since been added +Hampton's Legion,—has been in command of this new Rebel line of defense +upon the left of the Bull Run line, concludes that that attack is +getting too strong for him, and orders his forces to retreat to the +Southward, and re-form on a second line, parallel to their present line, +and behind the rising ground at their rear. They do so, somewhat faster +than he desires. The whole line of the Rebel centre gives way, followed +by the wings, as far as the victorious Union troops can see.</p> + +<p>We must be blind if we cannot perceive that thus far, the outlook, from +the Union point of view,—despite numberless mistakes of detail, and +some, perhaps, more general in their character—is very good. The "Boys +in Blue" are irresistibly advancing, driving the "Rebel Gray" back and +back, without let or hindrance, over the Buck Hill ridge, over Young's +Branch, back to, and even over, the Warrenton Pike. Time, to be sure, +is flying—valuable time; but the Enemy also is retiring.—There is some +slight confusion in parts of our own ranks; but there is much more in +his. At present, we have decidedly the best of it. McDowell's plan has +been, thus far, successful. Will that success continue? We shall see.</p> + +<p>Heintzelman's Division is coming, up from the rear, to the Union +right—Franklin's Brigade, made up of the 5th and 11th Massachusetts, and 1st +Minnesota, with Ricketts's splendid battery of six 10-pounder Parrotts, +forming on the right of Andrew Porter's Brigade and Division; while +Willcox's demi-Brigade, with its 11th ("Fire Zouaves") and 38th New +York—having left Arnold's Battery of four pieces, with the 1st Michigan +as its support, posted on a hill commanding Sudley's Ford—comes in, on +the right of Franklin, thus forming the extreme right of the advancing +Union line of attack.</p> + +<p>As our re-enforcing brigades come up, on our right, and on our left, the +Enemy falls back, more and more discouraged and dismayed. It seems to +him, as it does to us, "as though nothing can stop us." Jackson, +however, is now hurrying up to the relief of the flying and disordered +remnants of Bee's, Bartow's, and Evans's Brigades; and these +subsequently rally, with Hampton's Legion, upon Jackson's strong brigade +of fresh troops, so that, on a third new line, to which they have been +driven back, they soon have—6,500 Infantry, 13 pieces of Artillery, and +Stuart's cavalry—posted in a belt of pines which fringes the Southern +skirt of the Henry House plateau—in a line-of-battle which, with its +left resting upon the Sudley road, three-quarters of a mile South of its +intersection with the Warrenton Pike, is the irregular hypothenuse of a +right-angled triangle, formed by itself and those two intersecting +roads, to the South-East of such intersection. It is within this +right-angled triangular space that the battle, now proceeding, bids fair to +rage most fiercely.</p> + +<p>Johnston and Beauregard, riding up from their rear, reach this new +(third) line to which the Rebel troops have been driven, about noon. +They find the brigades of Bee, Bartow, and Evans, falling back in great +disorder, and taking shelter in a wooded ravine, South of the Robinson +House and of the Warrenton Pike. Hampton's Legion, which has just been +driven backward over the Pike, with great loss, still holds the Robinson +House. Jackson, however, has reached the front of this line of defense, +with his brigade of the 2nd, 4th, 5th, 27th, and 33rd Virginia Infantry, +and Pendleton's Battery—all of which have been well rested, since their +arrival, with other brigades of Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, from +Winchester, a day or two back.</p> + +<p>As Jackson comes up, on the left of "the ravine and woods occupied by +the mingled remnants of Bee's, Bartow's and Evans's commands," he posts +Imboden's, Stanard's, and Pendleton's Batteries in line, "below the brim +of the Henry House plateau," perhaps one-eighth of a mile to the +East-Southeastward of the Henry House, at his centre; Preston's 4th Virginia, +and Echol's 27th Virginia, at the rear of the battery-line; Harper's 5th +Virginia, with Radford's Cavalry, at its right; and, on its left, +Allen's 2nd Virginia; with Cumming's 33rd Virginia to the left of that +again, and Stuart's Cavalry covering the Rebel left flank.</p> + +<p>It is about this time that the chief Rebel generals find their position +so desperate, as to necessitate extraordinary measures, and personal +exposure, on their part. Now it is, that Jackson earns the famous +sobriquet which sticks to him until he dies.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> + [Bee approaches Jackson—so goes the story, according to Swinton; + he points to the disordered remnants of his own brigade mingled + with those of the brigades of Bartow and Evans huddled together in + the woods, and exclaims: "General, they are beating us back!" + "Sir," responds Jackson, drawing himself up, severely, "We'll give + them the bayonet!" And Bee, rushing back among his confused troops, + rallies them with the cry: "There is Jackson, standing like a Stone + wall! Let us determine to die here, and we will conquer."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Now it is, that Johnston and Beauregard, accompanied by their staffs, +ride backward and forward among the Rebel ranks, rallying and +encouraging them. Now it is, that, Bee and Bartow and Hampton being +wounded, and the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Hampton Legion killed, +Beauregard leads a gallant charge of that legion in person. And now it +is, that Johnston himself, finding all the field-officers of the 4th +Alabama disabled, "impressively and gallantly charges to the front" with +the colors of that regiment at his side!</p> + +<p>These conspicuous examples of bravery, inspire the Rebel troops with +fresh courage, at this admittedly "critical" moment.</p> + +<p>Johnston now assigns to Beauregard the chief "command of the left" of +the Bull Run line,—that is to say, the chief command of the Enemy's new +line of defense, which, as we have seen, is on the left of, and at right +angles to, the old Bull Run line—while he himself, riding back to the +Lewis House, resumes "the command of the whole field."</p> + +<p>On his way to his rear, Johnston orders Cocke to send reenforcements to +Beauregard. He also dispatches orders to hurry up to that Rebel +general's support, the brigades of Holmes and Early from near the Union +Mills Ford, and that of Bonham from Mitchell's Ford,—Ewell with his +brigade, being also directed to "follow with all speed" from Union +Mills Ford-making a total of over 10,000 fresh troops.</p> + +<p>From the "commanding elevation" of the Lewis House, Johnston can observe +the position of the Union forces beyond Bull Run, at Blackburn's Ford +and Stone Bridge; the coming of his own re-enforcing brigades from far +down the valley, toward Manassas; and the manoeuvres of our advancing +columns under McDowell.</p> + +<p>As the battle proceeds, the Enemy's strength on the third new line of +defense increases, until he has 22 guns, 260 Cavalry, and 12 regiments +of Infantry, now engaged. It is interesting to observe also, that, of +these, 16 of the guns, 9 of the regiments, and all of the Cavalry +(Stuart's), belong to Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, while only 6 +guns and 3 Infantry regiments thus engaged, belong to Beauregard's Army +of the Potomac. Thus the burden of the battle has been, and is being, +borne by Johnston's, and not Beauregard's troops—in the proportion of +about three of the former, to one of the latter,—which, for over two +hours, maintain their position despite many successive assaults we make +upon them.</p> + +<p>It is after 2 o'clock P.M., when Howard's Brigade, of Heintzelman's +Division, reaches the battle-field, almost broken down with exhaustion. +By order of Heintzelman it has moved at double-quick for a mile of the +way, until, under the broiling heat, it can do so no longer. The last +two miles of the weary tramp, while the head of the brigade has moved at +quick time, the rear, having lost distances, moves, much of the time, at +a double-quick. As a consequence, many of Howard's men drop out, and +absolutely faint from exhaustion.</p> + +<p>As Howard's Brigade approaches the field, besides the ambulances and +litters, conveying to the rear the wounded and dying, crowds of +retreating stragglers meet and tell it to hurry along; that the Enemy +has been driven back a mile; but, as it marches along, its regiments do +not feel particularly encouraged by the disorganization so prevalent; +and the fact that as they come into action, the thunders of the Rebel +Artillery do not seem to meet an adequately voluminous response—from +the Union side, seems to them, a portent of evil. Weary and fagged out, +they are permitted to rest, for a while, under cover.</p> + +<p>Up to this time, our line, increased, as it has been, by the brigades of +Sherman and Keyes, on the left of Burnside, and of Franklin and Wilcox, +on the right of Porter, has continued to advance victoriously. Our +troops are, to be sure, considerably scattered, having been "moved from +point to point" a good deal. On our left, the Enemy has been driven +back nearly a mile, and Keyes's Brigade is pushing down Bull Run, under +shelter of the bluffs, trying to turn the right of the Enemy's new line, +and give Schenck's Brigade a better chance for crossing the Stone +Bridge, still commanded by some of the Rebel guns.</p> + +<p>Having "nothing to do" there, "several of the Union regiments" are +coming over, from our left toward our right, with a view of overlapping, +and turning, the Enemy's left.</p> + +<p>It is about half past 2 o'clock. The batteries of Griffin and Ricketts +have already been advanced as far as the eminence, upon our right, upon +which stands the Dogan House. Supported by Lyons's gallant 14th New +York Chasseurs, Griffin's and Ricketts's Batteries are still pouring a +terribly destructive fire into the batteries and columns of the Enemy, +now behind the brow of the Henry House hill, wherever exposed, while +Palmer's seven companies of Union Cavalry are feeling the Enemy's left +flank, which McDowell proposes to turn. The flags of eight Union +regiments, though "borne somewhat wearily" now point toward the hilly +Henry House plateau, beyond which "disordered masses of Rebels" have +been seen "hastily retiring."</p> + +<p>There is a lull in the battle. The terrible heat is exhausting to the +combatants on both sides. Griffin and Ricketts have wrought such havoc +with their guns, that "nothing remains to be fired at." Victory seems +most surely to be ours.</p> + +<p>Away down at his headquarters at the Lewis House, the Rebel General +Johnston stands watching the progress of the battle, as it goes against +him. Nervously he glances, every now and then, over his left shoulder, +as if expecting something. An officer is galloping toward him, from +Manassas. He comes from the office of Beauregard's Adjutant-General, at +that point. He rides up and salutes. "General," says he, breathlessly, +"a United States Army has reached the line of the Manassas Gap railroad, +and is now but three or four miles from our left flank!"</p> + +<p>Johnston clenches his teeth nervously. Thick beads of perspiration +start from his forehead. He believes it is Patterson's Army that has +followed "upon his heels" from before Winchester, faster than has been +anticipated; and, as he thinks of Kirby Smith, who should long since +have arrived with Elzey's Brigade—all, of his own "Army of the +Shenandoah," that has not yet followed him to Manassas,—the exclamation +involuntarily bursts from his lips: "Oh, for four regiments!"</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Says a correspondent and eye-witness of the battle, writing to the + Richmond Dispatch, from the battle-field, July 23d: "Between two + and three o'clock large numbers of men were leaving the field, some + of them wounded, others exhausted by the long struggle, who gave us + gloomy reports; but, as the firing on both sides continued + steadily, we felt sure that our brave Southerners had not been + conquered by the overwhelming hordes of the North. It is, however, + due to truth to say that the result at this hour hung trembling in + the balance. We had lost numbers of our most distinguished + officers. Gens. Barlow and Bee had been stricken down; Lieut; Col. + Johnson of the Hampton Legion had been killed; Col. Hampton had + been wounded. But there was at hand a fearless general whose + reputation was staked on this battle: Gen. Beauregard promptly + offered to lead the Hampton Legion into action, which he executed + in a style unsurpassed and unsurpassable. Gen. Beauregard rode up + and down our lines, between the Enemy and his own men, regardless + of the heavy fire, cheering and encouraging our troops. About this + time, a shell struck his horse, taking its head off, and killing + the horses of his aides, Messrs. Ferguson and Hayward. * * * Gen. + Johnston also threw himself into the thickest of the fight, seizing + the colors of a Georgia (Alabama) regiment, and rallying then to + the charge. * * * Your correspondent heard Gen. Johnston exclaim + to Gen. Cocke, just at the critical moment, 'Oh, for four + regiments!' His wish was answered; for in the distance our + re-enforcements appeared. The tide of battle was turned in our favor + by the arrival of Gen. Kirby Smith, from Winchester, with 4,000 men + of Gen. Johnston's Division. Gen. Smith heard, while on the + Manassas Railroad cars, the roar of battle. He stopped the train, + and hurried his troops across the fields to the point just where he + was most needed. They were at first supposed to be the Enemy, + their arrival at that point of the field being entirely unexpected. + The Enemy fell back, and a panic seized them. Cheer after cheer + from our men went up, and we knew the battle had been won."</p> + +<p> Another Rebel correspondent who, as an officer of the Kentucky + battalion of General Johnston's Division of the Rebel Army, + participated in the battle, wrote to the Louisville Courier from + Manassas, July 22, an account of it, in which, after mentioning + that the Rebel Army had been forced back for two miles, he + continues; "The fortunes of the day were evidently against us. + Some of our best officers had been slain, and the flower of our + Army lay strewn upon the field, ghastly in death or gaping with + wounds. At noon, the cannonading is described as terrific. It was + an incessant roar for more than two hours, the havoc and + devastation at this time being fear ful. McDowell * * * had nearly + outflanked us, and they were just in the act of possessing + themselves of the Railway to Richmond. Then all would have been + lost. But most opportunely—I may say Providentially—at this + juncture, Gen. Johnston, [Kirby Smith it should be] with the + remnant of Johnston's Division—our Army, as we fondly call it, for + we have been friends and brothers in camp and field for three + months—reappeared, and made one other desperate struggle to obtain + the vantage-ground. Elzey's Brigade of Marylanders and Virginians + led the charge; and right manfully did they execute the work,"]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"The prayer of the wicked availeth not," 'tis said; yet never was the +prayer of the righteous more quickly answered than is that of the Rebel +General-in-chief! Johnston himself, alluding to this exigent moment, +afterward remarks, in his report: "The expected reenforcements appeared +soon after." Instead of Patterson's Union Army, it is Kirby Smith, +coming up, with Elzey's Brigade, from Winchester!</p> + +<p>Satisfied of the safe arrival of Kirby Smith, and ordering him up, with +Elzey's Brigade, Johnston directs Kershaw's 2nd and Cash's 8th South +Carolina Regiments, which have just come up, with Kemper's Battery, from +Bonham's Brigade, to strengthen the Rebel left, against the attempt +which we are still making to reach around it, about the Sudley road, to +take it in reverse. Fisher's 6th North Carolina Regiment arriving about +the same time, is also hurried along to help Beauregard.</p> + +<p>But during the victorious lull, heretofore alluded to, something is +happening on our side, that is of very serious moment. Let us see what +it is:</p> + +<p>The batteries of Griffin and Ricketts, at the Dogan House, having +nothing to fire at, as we have seen, are resting, pleased with the +consciousness of their brilliant and victorious service against the +Rebel batteries and Infantry columns, when they are ordered by McDowell +—who, with his staff, is upon elevated ground to the rear of our +right,—to advance 1,000 yards further to the front, "upon a hill near +the Henry House."</p> + +<p>Ricketts considers this a perilous job—but proceeds to execute the +order as to his own battery. A small ravine is in his front. With +Ricketts gallantly leading, the battery dashes across the ravine at full +gallop, breaking one wheel as it goes, which is at once replaced. A +fence lies across the way. The cannoniers demolish it. The battery +ascends the hill near the Henry House, which is full of the Enemy's +sharpshooters.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [For this, and what immediately follows, see the testimony of + Ricketts and others, before the Committee on the Conduct of the + War.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Soon as Ricketts gets his guns in battery, his men and horses begin to +fall, under the fire of these sharpshooters. He turns his guns upon the +Henry House,—and "literally riddles it." Amid the moans of the +wounded, the death scream of a woman is heard! The Enemy had permitted +her to remain in her doomed house!</p> + +<p>But the execution is not all on one side, by any means. Ricketts is in +a very hot place—the hottest, he afterward declares, that he has ever +seen in his life—and he has seen fighting before this.</p> + +<p>The Enemy is behind the woods, at the front and right of Ricketts's +Battery. This, with the added advantage of the natural slope of the +ground, enables him to deliver upon the brave Union artillerists a +concentrated fire, which is terribly destructive, and disables so many +of Rickett's horses that he cannot move, if he would. Rickett's own +guns, however, are so admirably served, that a smooth-bore battery of +the Enemy, which has been stubbornly opposing him, is driven back, +despite its heavy supports.</p> + +<p>And Griffin's Battery now comes rapidly up into position on the left of, +and in line with, Ricketts. For Griffin also has been ordered from the +Dogan House hill, to this new, and dangerously exposed, position.</p> + +<p>But when Major Barry, General McDowell's Chief of Artillery, brings him +the order, Griffin hesitates—for he has no Infantry support.</p> + +<p>"The Fire Zouaves—[The 11th New York]—will support you," says Barry, +"They are just ready to follow you at the double-quick!"</p> + +<p>"Then why not let them go and get in position on the hill," says +Griffin; "then, let Ricketts's and my batteries come into battery +behind; and then, let them (the Zouaves) fall back?"</p> + +<p>Griffin advises, also, as a better position for his own battery, a hill +500 yards in the rear of the Henry House hill. But advice is thrown +away. His artillery-chief is inflexible.</p> + +<p>"I tell you," says Griffin again, "the Fire Zouaves won't support us."</p> + +<p>"They will," replies Barry. "At any rate it is General McDowell's order +to go there!"</p> + +<p>That settles the business. "I will go," responds Griffin; "but mark my +words, they will not support us!"</p> + +<p>Griffin's Battery, indeed, starts first, but, owing to the mistake of +one of his officers, it has to be countermarched, so that Ricketts's is +thrown to the front, and, as we have seen, first reaches the crest of +the Henry House hill.</p> + +<p>Griffin, as he comes up with his guns, goes into battery on the left of +Ricketts, and at once opens briskly on the Enemy. One of Griffin's guns +has a ball lodged in the bore, which cannot be got in or out. His other +five guns, with the six guns of Ricketts, make eleven pieces, which are +now side by side-all of them driving away at the Enemy's (Stonewall +Jackson's) strong batteries, not more than 300 yards away.</p> + +<p>They have been at it half an hour perhaps, when Griffin moves two of his +pieces to the right of Ricketts, and commences firing with them. He has +hardly been there five minutes, when a Rebel regiment coming out of the +woods at Griffin's right front, gets over a rail fence, its Colonel +steps out between his regiment (now standing up to the knees in rank +grass) and the battery, and commences a speech to his men!</p> + +<p>Griffin orders one of his officers to load with canister, and let drive +at them. The guns are loaded, and ready to fire, when up gallops Barry, +exclaiming: "Captain, don't fire there; those are your +battery-supports!"</p> + +<p>At this supreme moment, Reynolds's gorgeous looking Marines are sitting +down in close column, on the ground, to the left of the Union batteries. +The showy 11th New York "Fire Zouaves" are a little to the rear of the +right of the guns. The gallant 14th New York Chasseurs, in their +dust-covered red uniforms, who had followed Griffin's Battery, at some +distance, have, only a little while since, pushed finely up, from the +ravine at the rear of our batteries, into the woods, to the right of +Griffin and Ricketts, at a double-quick. To the left of the batteries, +close to the battalion of Marines, Heintzelman bestrides his horse, near +some of his own Division.</p> + +<p>To Major Barry's startling declaration, Captain Griffin excitedly +shouts: "They are Confederates! Sure as the world, they are +Confederates!"</p> + +<p>But Barry thinks he knows better, and hastily responds: "I know they are +your battery-support."</p> + +<p>Griffin spurs toward his pieces, countermands his previous order, and +firing is resumed in the old direction.</p> + +<p>Andrew Porter, has just ridden up to Heintzelman's side, and now catches +sight of the Rebel regiment. "What troops are those?" he asks of +General Hientzelman, pointing in their direction.</p> + +<p>While Heintzelman is replying, and just as Averell drops his reins and +levels his field-glass at them, "down come their pieces-rifles and +muskets,—and probably," as Averell afterward said, "there never was +such a destructive fire for a few minutes. It seemed as though every +man and horse of that battery just laid right down, and died right off!"</p> + +<p>It is a dreadful mistake that has been made. And there seems to have +been no excuse for it either. The deliberateness of the Rebel colonel +has given Barry abundant time to have discovered his error. For Griffin +subsequently declared, under oath, that, "After the officer who had been +talking to the regiment had got through, he faced them to the left, +marched them about fifty yards to the woods, then faced them to the +right again, marched them about forty yards toward us, then opened fire +upon us—and that was the last of us!"</p> + +<p>It is a terrible blunder. For, up to this moment, the battle is +undeniably ours. And, while the Rebel colonel has been haranguing his +brave men, there has been plenty of time to have "passed the word" along +the line of our batteries, and poured canister into the Rebel regiment +from the whole line of eleven guns, at point-blank range, which must +inevitably have cut it all to pieces. The fate of the day hung balanced +right there and then—with all the chances in favor of McDowell. But +those chances are now reversed. Such are the fickle changes in the +fortunes of battle!</p> + +<p>Instead of our batteries cutting to pieces the Rebel Infantry regiment, +the Rebel Infantry regiment has mowed down the gallant artillerists of +our batteries. Hardly a man of them escapes. Death and destruction +reap a wondrous and instant harvest. Wounded, dying, or dead, lie the +brave cannoniers at their guns, officers and men alike hors du combat, +while wounded horses gallop wildly back, with bounding caissons, down +the gentle declivity, carrying disorder, and further danger, in their +mad flight.</p> + +<p>The supporting Fire Zouaves and Marines, on the right and left of our +line of guns, stand, with staring eyes and dumb open-mouths, at the +sudden turn of affairs. They are absolutely paralyzed with +astonishment. They do not run at first. They stand, quaking and +panic-stricken. They are urged to advance upon the Rebel regiment—"to give +them a volley, and then try the bayonet." In vain! They fire perhaps +100 scattering shots; and receive in return, as they break and run down +the hill to the rear, volley after volley, of deadly lead, from the +Rebel muskets.</p> + +<p>But, as this Rebel regiment (Cummings's 33rd Virginia) advances to seize +the crippled and defenceless guns, it is checked, and driven back, by +the 1st Michigan Regiment of Willcox's Brigade, which has pushed forward +in the woods at our extreme right.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, having been ordered by McDowell to support Ricketts's +Battery, Howard has formed his four tired regiments into two +lines—Berry's 4th Maine, and Whitney's 2nd Vermont, on the right and left of +the first; and Dunnell's 5th, and his own 3rd Maine, under Staples, in +the second line. Howard himself leads his first line up the elevated +plateau of the Henry House. Reaching the crest, the line delivers its +fire, volley after volley, despite the concentrated hail of the Enemy's +Artillery and muskets. As the second line advances, a Rebel +cannon-ball, and an unfortunate charge of our own Cavalry, scatters most of the +5th Maine. The 2nd Vermont, which has advanced 200 yards beyond the +crest, rapidly firing, while the Enemy retires, is now, in turn, forced +back by the Enemy's hot fire, and is replaced by the 3rd Maine, while +the remnant of the 5th moves up to the extreme right of Howard's now +single line. But the Rebel fire grows hotter and hotter, and owing to +this, and a misunderstood order, Howard's line begins to dissolve, and +then retires in confusion,—Howard and others vainly striving to rally +his own utterly exhausted men.</p> + +<p>Sherman's Brigade, too, has come over from our left, and now advances +upon the deadly plateau, where lie the disabled Union batteries—the +prizes, in full sight of both Armies, for which each seems now to be so +desperately striving.</p> + +<p>Quinby's 13th New York Rifles, in column of companies, leads the +brigade, followed by Lieutenant-Colonel Peck's 2d Wisconsin, Cameron's +79th New York (Highlanders), and Corcoran's 69th New York (Irish), "in +line of battle." Down the slope, across the ravine, and up, on the +other side, steadily presses Quinby, till he reaches the crest. He +opens fire. An advancing Rebel regiment retires, as he pushes up to +where the Union batteries and cannoniers lie wounded and dying—the +other three regiments following in line-of-battle until near the crest, +when the fire of the Enemy's rifles and musketry, added to his heavy +cannonading, grows so severe that the brigade is forced back to shelter +in a roadway leading up the plateau.</p> + +<p>Peck's 2nd Wisconsin, now emerges from this sheltered roadway, and +steadily mounts the elevation, in the face of the Enemy's severe +fire-returning it, with spirit, as it advances. But the Rebel fire becomes +too galling. The gray-clad Wisconsin boys return to the sheltered road +again, while the cry goes up from Sherman's ranks: "Our own men are +firing at them!" Rallying at the road, the 2nd Wisconsin again returns, +with desperate courage, to the crest of the hill, delivers its fire, and +then, unable to withstand the dreadful carnage, falls back once more, in +disorder.</p> + +<p>At this, the 79th (Highland) Regiment springs forward, to mount the brow +of the fatal hill, swept as it is, with this storm of shot and shell and +musket-balls. Up, through the lowering smoke, lit with the Enemy's +incessant discharges in the woods beyond, the brave Highlanders jauntily +march, and, with Cameron and their colors at their head, charge +impetuously across the bloody hill-crest, and still farther, to the +front. But it is not in human nature to continue that advance in the +teeth of the withering fire from Jackson's batteries, strengthened, as +they are, by Pelham's and Kemper's. The gallant fellows fall back, +rally again, advance once more, retire again, and at last,—the heroic +Cameron being mortally wounded,—fall back, in confusion, under the +cover of the hill.</p> + +<p>And now, while Quinby's Regiment, on another ridge, more to the left, is +also again engaging the Enemy, the 69th New York, led by the fearless +Corcoran, dashes forward, up the Henry House hill, over the forbidding +brow, and beyond. As the brave Irishmen reach the abandoned batteries, +the hoarse roar of cannon, the sharp rattle of musketry-volleys, the +scream of shot and shell, and the whistling of bullets, is at once +deafening and appalling, while the air seems filled with the iron and +leaden sleet which sweeps across the scorched and blasted plateau of the +Henry House. Nobly the Irish Regiment holds its ground for a time; but, +at last, it too falls back, before the hurtling tempest.</p> + +<p>The fortunes of the day are plainly turning against us. Time is also +against us—as it has been all along—while it is with the Enemy. It is +past 3 o'clock.</p> + +<p>Since we last looked at Beauregard's third new defensive line, there +have been material accessions to it. The remains of the brigades of +Bee, Evans, and Bartow, have been reformed on the right of Jackson's +Brigade—Bee on his immediate right, Evans to the right of Bee, and +Bartow to the right of Evans, with a battery which has been engaging +Schenck's Brigade on the other side of Bull Run near the Stone Bridge; +while Cocke's Brigade watches Bull Run to the rear of Bartow. On the +left of Jackson's. Brigade, is now to be seen a part of Bonham's +Brigade (Kershaw's 2nd South Carolina, and Cash's 8th South Carolina) +with Kemper's Battery on its left. Kirby Smith has reached the front, +from Manassas, and—in advancing from his position on the left of +Bonham's demi-Brigade, just West of the Sudley road, with Elzey's +Brigade, in a counter-attack upon our right-is wounded, and carried to +the rear, leaving his command to Elzey. Stuart's Cavalry are in the +woods, still farther to the Enemy's left, supporting Beckham's Battery. +Early's Brigade is also coming up, from Union Mills Ford, not far to the +rear of the Enemy's left, with the design of coming into line between +Elzey's Brigade and Beckham's Battery, and out-flanking and attacking +our right. But let us bring our eyes back to the bloody contest, still +going on, for the possession of the batteries of Griffin and Ricketts.</p> + +<p>Arnold's Battery has raced up on our right, and is delivering shot, +shell, spherical case, and canister, with effect, although exposed to a +severe and accurate fire from the Enemy. Wilcox, with what is left of +the 1st Michigan, after once retaking the batteries on the plateau, from +the 7th Georgia, has got around the Enemy's left flank and is actually +engaged with the Enemy's rear, while that Enemy's front is engaged with +Franklin and Sherman! But Hobart Ward's 38th New York, which Wilcox has +ordered up to support the 1st Michigan, on our extreme right, in this +flanking movement, has been misdirected, and is now attacking the +Enemy's centre, instead of his left; and Preston's 28th Virginia—which, +with Withers's 18th Virginia, has come up to the Rebel left, from +Cocke's Brigade, on the Enemy's right—finding the 1st Michigan broken, +in the woods, attacks it, and wounds and captures Wilcox. Withers's +Regiment has, with a yell—the old "Rebel yell," now rising everywhere +from Rebel throats, and so often heard afterward,—charged the 14th New +York Chasseurs, in the woods; and the Chasseurs, though retiring, have +fired upon it with such precision as to throw some of their assailants +into disorder.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Says General Keyes, who had kept on down the Run, "on the extreme + left of our advance—having separated from Sherman on his right:—I + thought the day was won about 2 o'clock; but about half past 3 + o'clock a sudden change in the firing took place, which, to my ear, + was very ominous. I knew that the moment the shout went up from + the other side, there appeared to be an instantaneous change in the + whole sound of the battle. * * * That, as far as I can learn, was + the shout that went up from the Enemy's line when they found out + for certain that it was Johnston [Kirby Smith] and not Patterson, + that had come."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Meanwhile McDowell is making one more effort to retrieve the misfortunes +of the day. Lawrence's 5th, and Clark's 11th Massachusetts, with +Gorman's 1st Minnesota,—all belonging to Franklin's Brigade—together +with Corcoran's 69th New York, of Sherman's Brigade, have been brought +into line-of-battle, by the united efforts of Franklin, Averell, and +other officers, at our centre, and with the remnants of two or three +other regiments, are moving against the Enemy's centre, to support the +attack of the Chasseurs—rallied and led forward again by Heintzelman +upon the Rebel left, and that of the 38th New York upon the Rebel left +centre,—in another effort to recapture the abandoned batteries.</p> + +<p>Charge after charge, is made by our gallant regiments, and +counter-charge after counter-charge, is made by the fresh troops of the Enemy. +For almost half an hour, has the contest over the batteries rolled +backward and forward. Three several times have the batteries been +taken, and re-taken,—much of the determined and desperate struggle +going on, over the prostrate and bleeding bodies of the brave Union +artillerists,—but without avail. Regiment after regiment, has been +thrown back, by the deadly fusillade of the Enemy's musketry from the +skirt of woods at his front and left, and the canister, case, and +bursting shells, of his rapidly-served Artillery.</p> + +<p>It is now near upon 4 o'clock. Our last effort to recapture the +batteries has failed. The Union line of advance has been seriously +checked. Some of our own guns in those batteries are turned on us. The +Enemy's Infantry make a rush over the blood-soaked brow of the fatal +plateau, pouring into our men a deadly fire, as they advance,—while +over to our right and rear, at the same moment, are seen the fresh +regiments of Early's Brigade coming out of the woods—deploying rapidly +in several lines—with Stuart's handful of Rebel Cavalry, while +Beckham's guns, in the same quarter, open an oblique enfilading reverse +fire upon us, in a lively manner.</p> + +<p>At once the minds of the fagged-out Union troops become filled with the +dispiriting idea that the exhausting fight which they have made all day +long, has been simply with Beauregard's Army of the Potomac, and that +these fresh Rebel troops, on the Union right and rear, are the vanguard +of Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah! After all the hard marching and +fighting they have done during the last thirteen hours,—with empty +stomachs, and parched lips, under a scorching sun that still, as it +descends in the West, glowers down upon them, through the murky air, +like a great, red, glaring eye,—the very thought is terrible!</p> + +<p>Without fear, yet equally without hope, the Union troops crumble to +groups, and then to individuals. The attempt of McDowell to turn the +left of the Enemy's Bull Run line, has failed.</p> + +<p>McDowell and his officers heroically but vainly strive, at great +personal risk to themselves, to stem the tide of confusion, and +disorder. Sykes's battalion of regulars, which has been at our left, +now steadily moves obliquely across the field of battle toward our +right, to a hill in the midground, which it occupies, and, with the aid +of Arnold's Battery and Palmer's Cavalry, holds, while the exhausted and +disorganized troops of the Union Army doggedly and slowly retire toward +Sudley Ford, their rear covered by an irregular square of Infantry, +which, mainly by the exertions of Colonel Corcoran, has been formed to +resist a threatened charge of Stuart's Cavalry.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [At the rate of "not more than two, or two and a half, miles an + hour," and not "helter-skelter," as some narrators state.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>It is not fear, that has got the better of our Union troops. It is +physical exhaustion for one thing; it is thirst for another. Men must +drink,—even if they have foolishly thrown away their canteens,—and +many have retired to get water. It is the moral effect also—the +terrible disappointment—of seeing what they suppose are Johnston's +fresh troops from the Shenandoah Valley, without Patterson "on their +heels," suddenly appear on their flank and rear. It is not fear; though +some of them are panic-stricken, and, as they catch sight of Stuart's +mounted men,—no black horse or uniform among them,—raise the cry of +"The Black Horse Cavalry!—The Black Horse Cavalry!"</p> + +<p>The Union attack has been repulsed, it is true; but the Union soldiers, +though disorganized, discouraged, and disappointed, are not dismayed. +Their officers not yet having learned how to fight, and themselves +lacking the cohesion of discipline, the men have lost their regimental +organizations, and owing to the causes mentioned, slowly retire across +Sudley Ford of Bull Run, in a condition of disintegration, their retreat +being bravely covered by the 27th and 69th New York, (which have rallied +and formed there), Sykes's Infantry battalion, Arnold's Battery, and +Palmer's Cavalry.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In his report to Major Barnard, Capt. D. P. Woodbury, of the + corps of Engineers, says: "It is not for me to give a history of + the battle. The Enemy was driven on our left, from cover to cover, + a mile and a half. Our position for renewing the action the next + morning was excellent; whence, then, our failure? It will not be + out of place, I hope, for me to give my own opinion of the cause of + this failure. An old soldier feels safe in the ranks, unsafe out + of the ranks, and the greater the danger the more pertinaciously he + clings to his place. The volunteer of three months never attains + this instinct of discipline. Under danger, and even under mere + excitement, he flies away from his ranks, and looks for safety in + dispersion. At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 21st, there + were more than twelve thousand volunteers on the battle-field of + Bull Run, who had entirely lost their regimental organizations. + They could no longer be handled as troops, for the officers and men + were not together. Men and officers mingled together + promiscuously; and it is worthy of remark that this disorganization + did not result from defeat or fear, for up to four o'clock we had + been uniformly successful. The instinct of discipline, which keeps + every man in his place, had not been acquired. We cannot suppose + that the troops of the Enemy had attained a higher degree of + discipline than our own, but they acted on the defensive, and were + not equally exposed to disorganization."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>While the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman, which came down in the +morning across Sudley Ford, are now, with one brigade (Sherman's) of +Tyler's Division, retiring again, in this disordered condition, by that +ford; two other brigades of Tyler's Division, viz., that of +Schenck—which, at 4 o'clock, was just in the act of advancing upon, and across, +the Stone Bridge, to join in the Union attack, and of Keyes, which was, +at the same time, just succeeding in its effort to turn the right flank +of the Enemy's third new line,—are withdrawing from the field, across +Bull Run stream, by the Warrenton Pike, and other roads leading them +directly toward Centreville. The brigades of both Keyes and Schenck are +retiring in good order; that of Keyes, at "an ordinary pace," following +close after McDowell, who, with his staff, has ridden across the +battlefield and Bull Run; while part of that of Schenck, united with the +2nd Maine (of Keyes' Brigade) and Ayres's Battery, "promptly and +effectively" repulses a charge of the Enemy's Cavalry, and covers the +rear of Tyler's Division. Both of these brigades reach Centreville, +hungry and weary, but otherwise, for the most part, in good shape.</p> + +<p>But during this grand all-day attack, by two of McDowell's divisions, +directly aided by part of a third, upon the left of the Enemy's original +Bull Run line of defense—which attack, while it has failed in its +purpose, has also utterly upset and defeated the Enemy's purpose to +carry out Beauregard's plan of attacking Centreville that same +morning—what has the Left Wing of McDowell's Army been doing? Let us go back to +Sunday morning, and ascertain:</p> + +<p>All the Army of McDowell, save his Left Wing—which, comprising the two +brigades (Blenker's and Davies's) of Miles's Division, and Richardson's +Brigade of Tyler's Division that fought the preliminary battle of +Blackburn's Ford, is now under the command of Miles,—moved away from +Centreville, down the Warrenton Pike, as we have seen, very early in the +morning.</p> + +<p>Blenker remains with his brigade as a reserve, on the heights a little +East of Centreville, to throw up intrenchments; which, however, he does +not do, for lack of trenching implements. Richardson and Davies are to +make a feint, at Blackburn's Ford, so as to draw the Enemy's troops +there, while the heavy blow of McDowell's Right Wing and Centre falls +upon the left flank and rear of the Enemy's Bull Run line.</p> + +<p>Richardson's Brigade is already down the ridge, in his old position at +Blackburn's Ford, when Davies with his brigade reaches it, from +Centreville, and, by virtue of seniority, takes command of the two +brigades. Leaving Richardson's Brigade and Greene's Battery exactly on +the battle-ground of the 18th July, Davies posts two regiments (the 18th +and 32nd New York) of his own brigade, with Hunt's Battery, on the brow +of a hill, in an open wheat field, some eighty yards to the +South-Eastward of Richardson, distant some 1,500 yards from Longstreet's +batteries on the Western side of Bull Run,—and commences a rapid fire, +upon the Enemy's position at Blackburn's Ford, from both of the Union +batteries.</p> + +<p>At 10 o'clock, there is a lull in this Union fire. The Artillery +ammunition is running short. The demonstration, however, seems, thus +far, to be successful—judging by the movement of Rebel troops toward +Blackburn's Ford. The lull continues until 11 o'clock. At that time +Miles arrives at his front, in a towering rage.</p> + + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="bull2"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p304-map.jpg (427K)" src="images/p304-map.jpg" height="524" width="650"> +</center> +<a href="images/p304-map.jpg" target="_blank"><img alt="Full Size" src="images/enlarge.jpg"></a> +<br><br><br><br><br> + + +<p>On his way down the ridge, that morning, early, Davies had made a +discovery. While passing a roadway, his guide had casually remarked: +"There is a road that leads around to the Enemy's camp, direct." "Ah!" +—said Davies—"and can they get through that road?" "Oh, yes," replied +the guide. Davies had at once halted, and, after posting his 16th and +31st New York Regiments, with two guns of Hunt's Battery, near this +road, at its junction with the ridge road running up to Centreville and +Black burn's Ford, had proceeded, with the rest of his regiments and +guns, to the position where Miles finds him.</p> + +<p>But Miles has discovered what Davies has done, in this matter of the +flanking roadway; and—without knowing, or apparently caring to know, +the reason underlying the posting of the two regiments and two guns in +its vicinity,—flies into "a terrible passion" because of it; in "no +very measured language," gives Davies "a severe dressing down;" and +orders him to bring both regiments and guns down to the front. Davies +complies, and says nothing. Miles also orders him to continue the +firing from his batteries, without regard to the quantity of ammunition. +This order, also, Davies obeys—and the firing proceeds, for two solid +hours, until another order comes, about 1 o'clock P.M., to stop firing.</p> + +<p>The fact is, that Miles is not at all himself—but is suffering under +such a strain of mental excitement, he afterward claims, that he is not +responsible.</p> + +<p>Miles, however, returns to Centreville about noon; and no sooner is he +gone, than Davies at once sends back pioneers to obstruct that road +which would bring the Enemy around his left flank and rear, to +Centreville. These, work so industriously, that they cut down a quarter +of a mile of trees, and block the road up completely. Davies also posts +a few pickets there, in case of accidents. It is well he does so. It +is not long before the Enemy makes an attempt to get around to his rear, +by that road; but, finding it both obstructed and picketed, retires +again. Davies does not see the Rebels making that attempt, but catches +sight of them on their return, and gives them a severe shelling for +their pains.</p> + +<p>Davies keeps up his firing, more or less—according to the condition of +the Enemy and of his own ammunition—until 4 o'clock, when the firing +occasioned by the Union flanking movement, six miles to his right, +ceases. Then there reaches him a note from Richardson, so badly +penciled that he can only make out the one word "beaten,"—but cannot, +for the life of him, make out, whether the beaten one is our Right Wing, +or the Enemy!</p> + +<p>Of what followed, he tells the story himself,—under oath, before the +Committee on the Conduct of the War—so graphically, that the temptation +to give it, in his own words, is irresistible. "I saw unmistakable +evidence," said he, "that we were going to be attacked on our Left Wing. +I got all ready for the attack, but did not change my front.</p> + +<p>"About 5 o'clock, I think, the Rebels made their appearance back upon +this very road up which they had gone before; but instead of keeping up +the road, they turned past a farm-house, went through the farm-yard, and +came down and formed right in front of me, in a hollow, out of my sight. +Well, I let them all come down there, keeping a watch upon their +movements. I told the Artillery not to fire any shot at them until they +saw the rear column go down, so as to get them all down in the little +hollow or basin, there. There was a little basin there, probably a +quarter of a mile every way. I should think that, maybe, 3,000 men +filed down, before I changed front.</p> + +<p>"We lay there, with two regiments back, and the Artillery in front, +facing Bull Run. As soon as about 3,000 of the Enemy got down in this +basin, I changed the front of the Artillery around to the left, in face +of the Enemy, and put a company of Infantry between each of the pieces +of Artillery, and then deployed the balance of the regiments right and +left, and made my line-of-battle.</p> + +<p>"I gave directions to the Infantry not to fire a shot, under any +circumstances, until they got the word of command from me. I +furthermore said I would shoot the first man that fired a shot before I +gave the command to do so.</p> + +<p>"I gave them orders all to lie down on their faces. They, (the Rebels) +were just over the brow of the hill, so that, if they came up in front +of us, they could not hit a man.</p> + +<p>"As soon as I saw the rear column, I told * * * Lieutenant Benjamin to +fire. * * * He fired the first shot when the rear column presented +itself. It just went over their heads, and hit a horse and rider in +their rear. As soon as the first shot was fired, I gave the order for +the whole six pieces of Artillery to open with grape and canister. The +effect was terrible. They were all there, right before us, about 450 +yards off, and had not suspected that we were going to fire at all, +though they did not know what the reason was. Hunt's Battery (belonging +to Richardson—who had by mistake got Greene's) performed so well, that, +in thirty minutes, we dispersed every one of them!</p> + +<p>"I do not know how many were killed, but we so crippled their entire +force that they never came after us an inch. A man, who saw the effect +of the firing, in the valley, said it was just like firing into a wheat +field; the column gave way at once, before the grape and canister; they +were just within available distance. I knew very well that if they but +got into that basin, the first fire would cut them all to pieces; and it +did. We continued to fire for thirty minutes, when there was nothing +more to fire at, and no more shots were returned."</p> + +<p>At a later hour—while remaining victorious at their well defended +position, with the Enemy at their front, dispersed and silenced,—these +two brigades of the Left Wing, receive orders to fall back on +Centreville, and encamp. With the brigade of Richardson, and Greene's +Battery in advance, Davies's own brigade and Hunt's Battery following, +they fall back on the heights of Centreville "without the least +confusion and in perfect order"—reaching them at 7 P.M.</p> + +<p>Meantime Miles has been relieved from command, and McDowell has ordered +Blenker's Brigade to take position a mile or more in advance of +Centreville, toward Bull Run, on both sides of the Warrenton Pike, to +protect the retreat, now being made, in "a few collected bodies," but +mainly in great disorder—owing partly to the baggage-wagons choking the +road, along which both venturesome civilians and fagged-out troops are +retreating upon Centreville. This confused retreat passes through +Blenker's lines until 9 o'clock P.M.—and then, all is secure.</p> + +<p>At midnight, McDowell has decided to make no stand at Centreville, but +to retire upon the defensive works at Washington. The order to retreat, +is given, and, with the rear well guarded by Richardson's and Blenker's +Brigades, is carried out, the van of the retreat, with no Enemy +pursuing, degenerating finally into a "mob," which carries more or less +panic into Washington itself, as well as terrible disappointment and +chagrin to all the Loyal States of the Union.</p> + +<p>Knowing what we now do, concerning the Battle of Bull Run, it is +somewhat surprising, at this day, to read the dispatches sent by +McDowell to General Scott's headquarters at Washington, immediately +after it. They are in these words:</p> + +<p> "CENTREVILLE, July 21, 1861—5:45 P.M.</p> + +<p>"We passed Bull Run, engaged the Enemy, who, it seems, had just been +re-enforced by General Johnston. We drove them for several hours, and +finally routed them."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> ["No one who did not share in the sad experience will be able to + realize the consternation which the news of this + discomfiture—grossly exaggerated—diffused over the loyal portion of our + Country. Only the tidings which had reached Washington up to four + o'clock—all presaging certain and decisive victory—were permitted + to go North by telegraph that day and evening; so that, on Monday + morning, when the crowd of fugitives from our grand Army was + pouring into Washington, a heedless, harmless, worthless mob, the + Loyal States were exulting over accounts of a decisive triumph. + But a few hours brought different advices; and these were as much + worse than the truth as the former had been better: our Army had + been utterly destroyed-cut to pieces, with a loss of twenty-five to + thirty thousand men, besides all its artillery and munitions, and + Washington lay at the mercy of the Enemy, who were soon to advance + to the capture and sack of our great commercial cities. Never + before had so black a day as that black Monday lowered upon the + loyal hearts of the North; and the leaden, weeping skies reflected + and heightened, while they seemed to sympathize with, the general + gloom. It would have been easy, with ordinary effort and care, to + have gathered and remanded to their camps or forts around + Alexandria or Arlington, all the wretched stragglers to whom fear + had lent wings, and who, throwing away their arms and equipments, + and abandoning all semblance of Military order or discipline, had + rushed to the Capital to hide therein their shame, behind a cloud + of exaggerations and falsehoods. The still effective batteries, + the solid battalions, that were then wending their way slowly back + to their old encampments along the South bank of the Potomac, + depressed but unshaken, dauntless and utterly unassailed, were + unseen and unheard from; while the panic-stricken racers filled and + distended the general ear with their tales of impregnable + intrenchments and masked batteries, of regiments slaughtered, + brigades utterly cut to pieces, etc., making out their miserable + selves to be about all that was left of the Army. That these men + were allowed thus to straggle into Washington, instead of being + peremptorily stopped at the bridges and sent back to the + encampments of their several regiments, is only to be accounted for + on the hypothesis that the reason of our Military magnates had been + temporarily dethroned, so as to divest them of all moral + responsibility," Greeley's Am. Conflict, pp. 552-53., vol. I.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"They rallied and repulsed us, but only to give us again the victory, +which seemed complete. But our men, exhausted with fatigue and thirst, +and confused by firing into each other, were attacked by the Enemy's +reserves, and driven from the position we had gained, overlooking +Manassas. After this, the men could not be rallied, but slowly left the +field. In the meantime the Enemy outflanked Richardson at Blackburn's +Ford, and we have now to hold Centreville till our men can get behind +it. Miles's Division is holding the town. It is reported that Colonel +Cameron is killed, Hunter and Heintzelman wounded, neither dangerously.<br> + "IRWIN MCDOWELL,<br> + "Brigadier-General, Commanding.</p> + +<p>"Lieutenant-Colonel TOWNSEND."</p> +<br><br> +<p> + "FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE, July 21, 1861.</p> + +<p>"The men having thrown away their haversacks in the battle, and left +them behind, they are without food; have eaten nothing since breakfast. +We are without artillery ammunition. The larger part of the men are a +confused mob, entirely demoralized. It was the opinion of all the +commanders that no stand could be made this side of the Potomac. We +will, however, make the attempt at Fairfax Court House. From a prisoner +we learn that 20,000 from Johnston joined last night, and they march on +us to-night.<br> + "IRWIN MCDOWELL.</p> + +<p>"Colonel TOWNSEND"</p> +<br><br> +<p> + "FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE, [July] 22, 1861.</p> + +<p>"Many of the volunteers did not wait for authority to proceed to the +Potomac, but left on their own decision. They are now pouring through +this place in a state of utter disorganization. They could not be +prepared for action by to-morrow morning even were they willing. I +learn from prisoners that we are to be pressed here to-night and +tomorrow morning, as the Enemy's force is very large, and they are +elated. I think we heard cannon on our rear-guard. I think now, as all +of my commanders thought at Centreville, there is no alternative but to +fall back to the Potomac, and I shall proceed to do so with as much +regularity as possible.<br> + "IRWIN MCDOWELL.</p> + +<p>"Colonel TOWNSEND."</p> +<br><br> +<p> + "ARLINGTON, July 22, 1861.</p> + +<p>"I avail myself of the re-establishing of telegraph to report my +arrival. When I left the forks of the Little River turnpike and +Columbia turnpike, where I had been for a couple of hours turning +stragglers and parties of regiments upon this place and Alexandria, I +received intelligence that the rear-guard, under Colonel Richardson, had +left Fairfax Court House, and was getting along well. Had not been +attacked. I am now trying to get matters a little organized over here.<br> + "IRWIN MCDOWELL.<br> + "Brigadier-General.<br><br> +"E. D. TOWNSEND."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +McDowell had unquestionably been repulsed, in his main attack, with his +Right Wing, and much of his Army was badly demoralized; but, on the +other hand, it may be well to repeat that the Enemy's plan of attack +that same morning had been frustrated, and most of his forces so badly +shattered and demoralized that he dared not follow up the advantage +which, more by our own blunders than by his prowess, he had gained.</p> + +<p>If the Union forces—or at least the Right Wing of them—were whipped, +the Enemy also was whipped. Jackson himself confesses that while he +had, at the last moment, broken our centre, our forces had turned both +of his flanks. The Enemy was, in fact, so badly used up, that he not +only dared not pursue us to Washington—as he would have down had he +been able—but he was absolutely afraid McDowell would resume the +attack, on the right of the original Bull Run line, that very night! +For, in a letter to General Beauregard; dated Richmond, Virginia, August +4, 1861, Jefferson Davis,—who was on the ground at Bull Run, July +21st,—alluding to the Battle of Bull Run, and Beauregard's excuses for +not pursuing the Union troops, says:</p> + +<p>"I think you are unjust to yourself in putting your failure to pursue +the Enemy to Washington, to the account of short supplies of subsistence +and transportation. Under the circumstances of our Army, and in the +absence of the knowledge since acquired—if, indeed, the statements be +true—it would have been extremely hazardous to have done more than was +performed. You will not fail to remember that, so far from knowing that +the Enemy was routed, a large part of our forces was moved by you, in +the night of the 21st, to repel a supposed attack upon our right, and +the next day's operations did not fully reveal what has since been +reported of the Enemy's panic."</p> + +<p>And Jefferson Davis's statement is corroborated by the Report of Colonel +Withers, of the 18th Virginia, who, after starting with other regiments, +in an attempt to cut off the Union retreat, was recalled to the Stone +Bridge,—and who says: "Before reaching the point we designed to occupy +(near the Stone Bridge) we were met by another order to march +immediately to Manassas Junction, as an attack was apprehended that +night. Although it was now after sunset, and my men had had no food all +day, when the command to march to Manassas was given, they cheerfully +took the route to that place."</p> + +<p>Colonel Davies, who, as we have seen, commanded McDowell's stubborn Left +Wing, was after all, not far wrong, when, in his testimony before the +Committee on the Conduct of the War, he declared, touching the story of +the Bull Run Battle: "It ought to have read that we were victorious with +the 13,000 troops of the Left Wing, and defeated in the 18,000 of the +Right Wing. That is all that Bull Run amounts to."</p> + +<p>In point of fact, the Battle of Bull Run—the first pitched battle of +the War—was a drawn battle.</p> + +<p>War was now fully inaugurated—Civil War—a stupendous War between two +great Sections of one common Country; those of our People, on the one +side, fighting for the dissolution of the Union—and incidentally for +Free Trade, and for Slavery; those on the other side, fighting for the +preservation of the Union—and incidentally for Protection to our Free +Industries, and for the Freedom of the Slave.</p> + +<p>As soon as the Republican Party controlled both Houses of Congress it +provided Protection to our Free Industries, and to the Free Labor +engaged in them, by the Morill Tariff Act of 1860—the foundation Act of +all subsequent enactments on the subject. In subsequent pages of this +work we shall see how the Freedom of the Slave was also accomplished by +the same great Party.</p> + + + + + +<br> +<br> + + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p2.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p4.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +</body> +</html> + diff --git a/old/orig7140-h/p4.htm b/old/orig7140-h/p4.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3f21fcf --- /dev/null +++ b/old/orig7140-h/p4.htm @@ -0,0 +1,3410 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> +<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 4. By John Logan</title> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> + + +<style type="text/css"> + <!-- + body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify} + P { + text-indent: 1em; + margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; } + HR { width: 33%; text-align: center; } + blockquote {font-size: 95% } + .figleft {float: left;} + .figright {float: right;} + .toc { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;} + CENTER { padding: 10px;} + // --> +</style> + + +</head> +<body> + +<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 4</h2> + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p3.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p5.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + +<br><br><br><br><br><br> + + + + + + +<center><h1><br> + + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br> +<br> + Its Origin and History<br> +<br><br><br> + Part 4.<br> + <br><br> + by John Logan</h1> +<br> +<br> + <h2> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692"> +<br><br><br><br><br> +<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665"> +<br><br><br><br><br> + +<br> +<br><br><br> +CONTENTS + +</h2></center> +<br> +<br> + + + <h2><a href="#ch14">CHAPTER XIV.</a><br> + THE COLORED CONTRABAND.<br></h2> +<br> +THE KNELL OF SLAVERY—THE "IMPLIED POWERS" OF CONGRESS IN THE +CONSTITUTION—PATRICK HENRY'S PREDICTION—JOHN QUINCY ADAMS'S +PROPHECY—JOHN SHERMAN'S NON-INTERFERENCE—WITH-SLAVERY RESOLUTIONS—JOHN Q. ADAMS +ON EMANCIPATION—POWERS OF CONGRESS AND MILITARY COMMANDERS—GENERAL +MCCLELLAN'S WEST VIRGINIA PROCLAMATION OF NONINTERFERENCE WITH +SLAVES—GENERAL BUTLER'S CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL SCOTT AND SECRETARY +CAMERON—CAMERON'S REPLY—MILITARY TENDERNESS FOR THE DOOMED +INSTITUTION—CONGRESS, AFTER BULL RUN—CONFISCATION, AND EMANCIPATION, +OF SLAVES USED TO AID REBELLION—RINGING WORDS OF TRUMBULL, WILSON, +MCDOUGALL, AND TEN EYCK, IN THE SENATE—ROMAN COURAGE OF THE +HOUSE—CRITTENDEN'S STATEMENTS—WAR RESOLUTIONS—BRECKINRIDGE'S TREASONABLE +SPEECH UPON "THE SANCTITY" OF THE CONSTITUTION—BAKER'S GLORIOUS +REPLY—HIS MATCHLESS APOSTROPHE TO FREEDOM—HIS SELF-SACRIFICING DEVOTION AND +HEROIC DEATH AT BALL'S BLUFF +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch15">CHAPTER XV.</a><br> + FREEDOM'S EARLY DAWN.<br></h2> +<br> +THADDEUS STEVENS'S STARTLING UTTERANCES—CAPTURED SLAVES MUST BE FREE +FOREVER—"NO TRUCES WITH THE REBELS"—HIS PROPHECY AS TO ARMING SLAVES +TO FIGHT REBELLION—SECRETARY CAMERON'S LETTER TOUCHING FUGITIVES FROM +SERVICE—GENERAL FREMONT'S PROCLAMATION OF CONFISCATION AND +EMANCIPATION—ITS EFFECT NORTH AND SOUTH—JEFF. THOMPSON'S SAVAGE +PROCLAMATION OF RETALIATION—PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S EMBARRASSMENT—HE +PRIVATELY SUGGESTS TO FREMONT CERTAIN MODIFICATIONS—FREMONT DEFENDS HIS +COURSE—"STRONG AND VIGOROUS MEASURES NECESSARY TO SUCCESS"—THE +PRESIDENT PUBLICLY ORDERS THE MODIFICATION OF FREMONT'S +PROCLAMATION—THE MILITARY MIND GREATLY CONFUSED—GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS ISSUED BY THE +WAR DEPARTMENT—GENERAL T. W. SHERMAN'S PORT ROYAL PROCLAMATION—GENERAL +WOOL'S SPECIAL AND GENERAL ORDERS AS TO EMPLOYMENT OF +"CONTRABANDS"—GENERAL DIX'S PROCLAMATION FOR REPULSION OF FUGITIVE SLAVES FROM HIS +LINES—HALLECK ORDERS EXPULSION AS WELL AS REPULSION—HIS LETTER OF +EXPLANATION TO FRANK P. BLAIR—SEWARD'S LETTER TO MCCLELLAN ON +"CONTRABANDS" IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch16">CHAPTER XVI.</a><br> + "COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION."<br></h2> +<br> +PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ATTITUDE—SACRIFICES OF PATRIOTISM—ASSERTION BY +CONGRESS OF ITS EMANCIPATING WAR-POWERS—THE CAUSE OF FREEDOM SLOWLY +"MARCHING ON"—ABANDONED SLAVES OF BEAUFORT, S. C.—SECRETARY CAMERON +FAVORS ARMING THEM—THE PRESIDENT'S CAUTIOUS ADVANCES—HE MODIFIES +CAMERON'S REPORT TO CONGRESS ON THE SUBJECT—THE MILITARY MIND, ALL "AT +SEA"—COMMANDERS GUIDED BY POLITICAL BIAS—HALLECK'S ST. LOUIS +PROCLAMATION, 1862—BUELL'S LETTER—CONTRARY ACTION OF DIX AND HALLECK, +BUELL AND HOOKER, FREMONT AND DOUBLEDAY—LINCOLN'S MIDDLE COURSE—HE +PROPOSES TO CONGRESS, COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION—INTERVIEW +BETWEEN MR. LINCOLN AND THE BORDER-STATE REPRESENTATIVES—INTERESTING +REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT—MR. LINCOLN BETWEEN TWO FIRES—VIEWS, ON +COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION, OF MESSRS. NOELL, CRISFIELD, MENZIES, +WICKLIFFE, AND HALL—ROSCOE CONKLING'S JOINT RESOLUTION, ADOPTED BY BOTH +HOUSES—HOOKER'S "CAMP BAKER" ORDER—MARYLAND FUGITIVE—SLAVE HUNTERS +PERMITTED TO SEARCH THE CAMP—UNION SOLDIERS ENRAGED—SICKLES ORDERS THE +SLAVE HUNTERS OFF—DOUBLEDAY'S DISPATCH AS TO "ALL NEGROES" ENTERING HIS +LINES—TO BE "TREATED AS PERSONS, NOT AS CHATTELS" +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch17">CHAPTER XVII.</a><br> + BORDER—STATE OPPOSITION.<br></h2> +<br> +APPOINTMENT OF A SELECT COMMITTEE, IN HOUSE, ON GRADUAL +EMANCIPATION—DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA EMANCIPATION ACT—THE PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL MESSAGE +OF APPROVAL—GEN. HUNTER'S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION—PRESIDENT LINCOLN +PROMPTLY RESCINDS IT BY PROCLAMATION—HIS SOLEMN AND IMPASSIONED APPEAL +TO PEOPLE OF THE BORDER-STATES—HE BEGS THEIR CONSIDERATION OF GRADUAL +COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION—GEN. WILLIAMS'S ORDER EXPELLING RUNAWAY +NEGROES FROM CAMP, AT BATON ROUGE—LIEUT.-COL. ANTHONY'S ORDER EXCLUDING +FUGITIVE-SLAVE HUNTERS FROM "CAMP ETHERIDGE"—GEN. MCCLELLAN'S FAMOUS +"HARRISON'S LANDING LETTER" TO THE PRESIDENT—"FORCIBLE ABOLITION OF +SLAVERY" AND "A CIVIL AND MILITARY POLICY"—SLAVEHOLDING BORDER-STATE +SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES AT THE WHITE HOUSE—PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S +ADDRESS TO THEM, JULY, 1862—GRADUAL EMANCIPATION THE +THEME—COMPENSATION AND COLONIZATION TO ACCOMPANY IT—THE ABOLITION PRESSURE +UPON THE PRESIDENT INCREASING—HE BEGS THE BORDER STATESMEN TO RELIEVE +HIM AND THE COUNTRY IN ITS PERIL—THEIR VARIOUS RESPONSES +<br> +<br> + +<br><br><br> +<h3>PORTRAITS.</h3> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +<a href="#crittenden">J. J. CRITTENDEN</a><br> +<a href="#wigfall">LOUIS T. WIGFALL</a><br> +<a href="#hunter">DAVID HUNTER</a><br> +<a href="#henry">PATRICK HENRY</a><br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="crittenden"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p154-crittenden.jpg (69K)" src="images/p154-crittenden.jpg" height="842" width="588"> +</center> +<br><br><br><br><br> + +<center><h2> +<a name="ch14"></a> +<br> +<br> + CHAPTER XIV.<br> +<br> + THE COLORED CONTRABAND.<br></h2></center> + + +<p>When the first gun was fired at Fort Sumter, its sullen echoes sounded +the funeral knell of Slavery. Years before, it had been foretold, and +now it was to happen. Years before, it had been declared, by competent +authority, that among the implications of the Constitution was that of +the power of the General Government to Emancipate the Slaves, as a War +measure. Hence, in thus commencing the War of the Rebellion, the South +marched with open eyes upon this, as among other of the legitimate and +logical results of such a War.</p> + +<p>Patrick Henry, in opposing the ratification by Virginia of the Federal +Constitution, had declared to the Slaveholders of that State that "Among +ten thousand implied powers" which Congress may assume, "they may, if we +be engaged in War, liberate every one of your Slaves, if they please, * +* * Have they not power to provide for the General Defense and Welfare? +May they not think that these call for the abolition of Slavery? May +they not pronounce all Slaves Free? and will they not be warranted by +that power? * * * They have the power, in clear, unequivocal terms, +and will clearly and certainly exercise it."</p> + +<p>So, too, in his great speech of May 25, 1836, in the House of +Representatives, John Quincy Adams had declared that in "the last great +conflict which must be fought between Slavery and Emancipation," +Congress "must and will interfere" with Slavery, "and they will not only +possess the Constitutional power so to interfere, but they will be bound +in duty to do it, by the express provisions of the Constitution itself." +And he followed this declaration with the equally emphatic words: "From +the instant that your Slave-holding States become the theatre of +War—civil, servile, or foreign—from that instant, the War powers of +Congress extend to interference with the Institution of Slavery in every +Way by which it can be interfered with."</p> + +<p>The position thus announced by these expounders of the Constitution—the +one from Virginia, the other from Massachusetts—was not to be shaken +even by the unanimous adoption, February 11, 1861, by the House of +Representatives on roll call, of the resolution of Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, +in these words:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That neither the Congress of the United States nor the people +or governments of the non-Slaveholding States have the Constitutional +right to legislate upon or interfere with Slavery in any of the +Slaveholding States in the Union."</p> + +<p>Ex-President J. Q. Adams's cogent exposition of the Constitution, +twenty-five years before, in that same House, demonstrating not only +that Congress had the right but the Constitutional power to so +interfere—and his further demonstration April 15, 1842, of his +statement that under the laws of War, "when a Country is invaded, and +two hostile armies are set in martial array, the Commanders of both +Armies have power to Emancipate all the Slaves in the invaded +territory"—as not to be overcome by a mere vote of one House, however +unanimous. For the time being, however, it contributed, with other +circumstances, to confuse the public mind and conscience. Indeed as +early as May of 1861, the attitude of our Government and its troops +toward Negro Slaves owned or used by Rebels in rebellious States, began +to perturb the public, bother the Administration, and worry the Military +officers.</p> + +<p>For instance, in Major-General McClellan's proclamation to the Union men +of West Virginia, issued May 26, 1861, he said:</p> + +<p>"The General Government cannot close its ears to the demand you have +made for assistance. I have ordered troops to cross the river. They +come as your friends and brothers—as enemies only to armed Rebels, who +are preying upon you; your homes, your families, and your property are +safe under our protection. All your rights shall be religiously +respected, notwithstanding all that has been said by the Traitors to +induce you to believe our advent among you will be signalized by an +interference with your Slaves. Understand one thing clearly: not only +will we abstain from all such interference, but we will, on the +contrary, with an iron hand crush any attempt at insurrection on their +part."</p> + +<p>On the other hand, the very next day, May 27, 1861, Major-General +Butler, in command of the "Department of A Virginia," wrote to +Lieutenant-General Scott as follows:</p> + +<p>"Since I wrote my last dispatch the question in regard to Slave property +is becoming one of very serious magnitude. The inhabitants of Virginia +are using their Negroes in the batteries, and are preparing to send the +women and children South. The escapes from them are very numerous, and +a squad has come in this morning to my pickets bringing their women and +children. Of course these cannot be dealt with upon the theory on which +I designed to treat the services of able-bodied men and women who might +come within my lines, and of which I gave you a detailed account in my +last dispatch. I am in the utmost doubt what to do with this species of +Property.</p> + +<p>"Up to this time I have had come within my lines men and women with +their children, entire families, each family belonging to the same +owner. I have, therefore, determined to employ, as I can do very +profitably, the able-bodied persons in the party, issuing proper food +for the support of all, and charging against their services the expense +of care and sustenance of the non-laborers, keeping a strict and +accurate account as well of the services as of the expenditure, having +the worth of the services, and the cost of the expenditure, determined +by a Board of Survey, to be hereafter detailed. I know of no other +manner in which to dispose of this subject and the questions connected +therewith.</p> + +<p>"As a matter of Property to the Insurgents, it will be of very great +moment, the number that I now have amounting, as I am informed, to what, +in good times, would be of the value of sixty thousand dollars. Twelve +of these Negroes, I am informed, have escaped from the batteries on +Sewall's Point, which, this morning, fired upon my expedition as it +passed by out of range. As a means of offense, therefore, in the +Enemy's hands, these Negroes, when able-bodied, are of the last +importance. Without them the batteries could not have been erected, at +least for many weeks.</p> + +<p>"As a Military question it would seem to be a measure of necessity to +deprive their masters of their services. How can this be done? As a +political question and a question of humanity, can I receive the +services of a father and mother, and not take the children? Of the +humanitarian aspect I have no doubt. Of the political one I have no +right to judge. I therefore submit all this to your better judgment, +and as the questions have a political aspect, I have ventured, and I +trust I am not wrong in so doing, to duplicate the parts of my dispatch +relating to this subject, and forward them to the Secretary of War."</p> + +<p>In reply to the duplicate copy of this letter received by him, Secretary +Cameron thus answered:</p> + +<p> "WASHINGTON, May 30, 1861.</p> + +<p>"SIR: Your action in respect to the Negroes who came within your lines +from the service of the Rebels is approved. The Department is sensible +of the embarrassments which must surround officers conducting Military +operations in a State by the laws of which Slavery is sanctioned.</p> + +<p>"The Government cannot recognize the rejection by any State of the +Federal obligations, nor can it refuse the performance of the Federal +obligations resting upon itself. Among these Federal obligations, +however, none can be more important than that of suppressing and +dispersing armed combinations formed for the purpose of overthrowing its +whole Constitutional authority.</p> + +<p>"While, therefore, you will permit no interference by the persons under +your command, with the relations of Persons held to Service under the +laws of any State, you will, on the other hand, so long as any State, +within which your Military operations are conducted, is under the +control of such armed combinations, refrain from surrendering to alleged +masters any Person who may come within your lines.</p> + +<p>"You will employ such Persons in the services to which they may be best +adapted, keeping an account of the labor by them performed, of the value +of it, and the expenses of their maintenance. The question of their +final disposition will be reserved for future determination.</p> + +<p> "SIMON CAMERON,<br> + + "Secretary of War.</p> + +<p>"To Major General BUTLER."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Great tenderness, however, was exhibited by many of the Union Generals +for the doomed Institution. On June 3, 1861, from Chambersburg, Pa., a +proclamation signed "By order of Major General Patterson, F. J. Porter, +Asst. Adj. General," was issued from "Headquarters Department of +Pennsylvania," "To the United States troops of this Department," in +which they are admonished "that, in the coming campaign in Virginia, +while it is your duty to punish Sedition, you must protect the Loyal, +and, should the occasion offer, at once suppress Servile Insurrection."</p> + +<p> +"General Orders No. 33," issued from "Headquarters Department of +Washington," July 17, 1861, "By command of Brigadier General Mansfield, +Theo. Talbot, Assistant Adjutant General," were to this effect: +"Fugitive Slaves will under no pretext whatever, be permitted to reside, +or be in any way harbored, in the quarters or camps of the troops +serving in this Department. Neither will such Slaves be allowed to +accompany troops on the march. Commanders of troops will be held +responsible for a strict observance of this order." And early in August +a Military order was issued at Washington "that no Negroes, without +sufficient evidence of their being Free or of their right to travel, are +permitted to leave the city upon the cars."</p> + +<p>But Bull Run did much to settle the Military as well as public mind in +proper grooves on this subject.</p> + +<p>Besides employing Negro Slaves to aid Rebellion, by the digging of +ditches, the throwing up of intrenchments, and the erection of +batteries, their Rebel masters placed in their hands arms with which to +shoot down Union soldiers at the Battle of Bull Run, which, as we have +seen, occurred on Sunday, July 21, 1861—and resulted in a check to the +Union Cause.</p> + +<p>The terror and confusion and excitement already referred to, that +prevailed in Washington all that night and the next day, as the +panic-stricken crowd of soldiers and civilians poured over the Long Bridge, +footsore with running, faint with weariness, weak with hunger, and +parched with thirst and the dust of the rout, can hardly be described.</p> + +<p>But, however panicky the general condition of the inhabitants of the +National Capital, the Congress bravely maintained its equanimity.</p> + +<p>In the Senate, on the day following the disaster, a bill touching the +Confiscation of Property used for insurrectionary purposes being up for +consideration, the following amendment was offered to it:</p> + +<p>"And be it further enacted, That whenever any person claiming to be +entitled to the Service or Labor of any other Person under the laws of +any State, shall employ such Person in aiding or promoting any +Insurrection, or in resisting the Laws of the United States, or shall +permit him to be so employed, he shall forfeit all right to such Service +or Labor, and the Person whose Labor or Service is thus claimed shall be +thenceforth discharged therefrom, any law to the contrary +notwithstanding."</p> + +<p>This amendment, emancipating Slaves employed by their masters to aid +Rebellion, was adopted by 33 yeas to 6 nays.</p> + +<p>As showing the feeling expressed right upon the very heels of what +seemed to be a great disaster, and when rumor, at any rate, placed the +victorious Enemy at the very gates of the Capital City, a few lines from +the debate may be interesting.</p> + +<p>Mr. Trumbull said: "I am glad the yeas and nays have been called to let +us see who is willing to vote that the Traitorous owner of a Negro shall +employ him to shoot down the Union men of the Country, and yet insist +upon restoring him to the Traitor that owns him. I understand that +Negroes were in the fight which has recently occurred. I take it that +Negroes who are used to destroy the Union, and to shoot down the Union +men by the consent of Traitorous masters, ought not to be restored to +them. If the Senator from Kentucky is in favor of restoring them, let +him vote against the amendment."</p> + +<p>Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, said: "I shall vote with more heart +than I vote for ordinary measures, for this proposition. I hope the +Senate and the House of Representatives will sustain it, and that this +Government will carry it out with an inflexibility that knows no change. +The idea that men who are in arms destroying their Country shall be +permitted to use others for that purpose, and that we shall stand by and +issue orders to our Commanders, that we should disgrace our Cause and +our Country, by returning such men to their Traitorous masters, ought +not longer to be entertained. The time has come for that to cease; and, +by the blessing of God, so far as I am concerned, I mean it shall cease.</p> + +<p>"If there is anybody in this Chamber that chooses to take the other +path, let him do it; let him know what our purpose is. Our purpose is +to save this Government and save this Country, and to put down Treason; +and if Traitors use bondsmen to destroy this Country, my doctrine is +that the Government shall at once convert these bondsmen into men that +cannot be used to destroy our Country. I have no apologies to make for +this position, I take it proudly.</p> + +<p>"I think the time has come when this Government, and the men who are in +arms under the Government, should cease to return to Traitors their +Fugitive Slaves, whom they are using to erect batteries to murder brave +men who are fighting under the flag of their Country. The time has come +when we should deal with the men who are organizing Negro companies, and +teaching them to shoot down loyal men for the only offence of upholding +the flag of their Country.</p> + +<p>"I hope further, Sir, that there is a public sentiment in this Country +that will blast men who will rise, in the Senate or out it, to make +apologies for Treason, or to defend or to maintain the doctrine that +this Government is bound to protect Traitors in converting their Slaves +into tools for the destruction of the Republic."</p> + +<p>Senator McDougall, of California, said: "I regard this as a Confiscation +for Treason, and I am for the proposition."</p> + +<p>Mr. Ten Eyck, said: "No longer ago than Saturday last I voted in the +Judiciary Committee against this amendment, for two reasons: First, I +did not believe that persons in Rebellion against this Government would +make use of such means as the employment of Persons held to Labor or +Service, in their Armies; secondly, because I did not know what was to +become of these poor wretches if they were discharged. God knows we do +not want them in our Section of the Union. But, Sir, having learned and +believing that these persons have been employed with arms in their hands +to shed the blood of the Union-loving men of this Country, I shall now +vote in favor of that amendment with less regard to what may become of +these people than I had on Saturday. I will merely instance that there +is a precedent for this. If I recollect history aright, General +Jackson, in the Seminole War, declared that every Slave who was taken in +arms against the United States should be set Free,"</p> + +<p>So, too, in the House of Representatives, the retrograde of a badly +demoralized Army, its routed fragments still coming in with alarming +stories of a pursuing Enemy almost at the gates of the city, had no +terrors for our legislators; and there was something of Roman dignity, +patriotism, and courage, in the adoption, on that painfully memorable +Blue Monday, (the first—[Offered by Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky]—with +only two dissenting votes, on a yea and nay vote; and, the +second—[Offered by Mr. Vandever, of Iowa.]—with entire unanimity) of the +following Resolutions:</p> + +<p>"Resolved by the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United +States, That the present deplorable Civil War has been forced upon the +Country by the Disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against +the Constitutional Government, and in arms around the Capital; that in +this National emergency, Congress, banishing all feelings of mere +passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole +Country; that this War is not waged on their part in any spirit of +oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of +overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established Institutions +of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the +Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, +and rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon as these +objects are accomplished, the War ought to cease."</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the maintenance of the Constitution, the preservation of +the Union, and the enforcement of the Laws, are sacred trusts which must +be executed; that no disaster shall discourage us from the most ample +performance of this high duty; and that we pledge to the Country and the +World, the employment of every resource, National and individual, for +the suppression, overthrow, and punishment of Rebels in arms."</p> + +<p>The first of these Resolutions was intended to calm the fears of the +Border States—excited by Rebel emissaries; the second, to restore +confidence and courage to the patriot hearts of Union-men, everywhere. +Both were effectual.</p> + +<p>And here it will hardly be amiss to glance, for an instant, toward the +Senate Chamber; and especially at one characteristic incident. It was +the afternoon of August the 1st, 1861,—scarce ten days since the check +to the Union arms at Bull Run; and Breckinridge, of Kentucky, not yet +expelled from the United States Senate, was making in that Body his +great speech against the "Insurrection and Sedition Bill," and upon "the +sanctity of the Constitution."</p> + +<p>Baker, of Oregon,—who, as Sumner afterward said: "with a zeal that +never tired, after recruiting men drawn by the attraction of his name, +in New York and Philadelphia and elsewhere, held his Brigade in camp, +near the Capitol, so that he passed easily from one to the other, and +thus alternated the duties of a Senator and a General," having reached +the Capitol, direct from his Brigade-camp, entered the Senate Chamber, +in his uniform, while Breckinridge was speaking.</p> + +<p>When the Kentucky Senator "with Treason in his heart, if not on his +lips," resumed his seat, the gray-haired soldier-Senator at once rose to +reply. "He began,"—said Charles Sumner, in alluding to the +incident—"simply and calmly; but as he proceeded, his fervid soul broke forth in +words of surpassing power. As on a former occasion he had presented the +well-ripened fruits of study, so now he spoke with the spontaneous +utterance of his own mature and exuberant eloquence—meeting the +polished Traitor at every point with weapons keener and brighter than +his own."</p> + +<p>After demolishing Breckinridge's position touching the alleged +Unconstitutionality of the measure, and characterizing his other +utterances as "reproof, malediction, and prediction combined," the +Patriot from the Far-West turned with rising voice and flashing eye upon +the gloomy Kentuckian:</p> + +<p>"I would ask him," said he, "what would you have us do now—a +Confederate Army within twenty miles of us, advancing, or threatening to +advance, to overwhelm your Government; to shake the pillars of the +Union, to bring it around your head, if you stay here, in ruins? Are we +to stop and talk about an uprising sentiment in the North against the +War? Are we to predict evil, and retire from what we predict? Is it +not the manly part to go on as we have begun, to raise money, and levy +Armies, to organize them, to prepare to advance; when we do advance, to +regulate that advance by all the laws and regulations that civilization +and humanity will allow in time of battle? Can we do anything more? To +talk to us about stopping, is idle; we will never stop. Will the +Senator yield to Rebellion? Will he shrink from armed Insurrection? +Will his State justify it? Will its better public opinion allow it? +Shall we send a flag of Truce? What would he have? Or would he conduct +this War so feebly, that the whole World would smile at us in derision?"</p> + +<p>And then cried the orator-his voice rising to a higher key, penetrating, +yet musical as the blast from a silver trumpet: "What would he have? +These speeches of his, sown broadcast over the Land, what clear distinct +meaning have they? Are they not intended for disorganization in our +very midst? Are they not intended to dull our weapons? Are they not +intended to destroy our zeal? Are they not intended to animate our +enemies? Sir, are they not words of brilliant, polished Treason, even +in the very Capitol of the Nation?</p> + +<p>"What would have been thought, if, in another Capitol, in another +Republic, in a yet more martial age, a Senator as grave, not more +eloquent or dignified than the Senator from Kentucky, yet with the Roman +purple flowing over his shoulder, had risen in his place, surrounded by +all the illustrations of Roman glory, and declared that the cause of +advancing Hannibal was just, and that Carthage ought to be dealt with in +terms of peace? What would have been thought if, after the battle of +Cannae, a Senator there had risen in his place and denounced every levy +of the Roman People, every expenditure of its treasure, and every appeal +to the old recollections and the old glories?"</p> + +<p>The speaker paused. The sudden and intent silence was broken by another +voice: "He would have been hurled from the Tarpeian rock."</p> + +<p>"Sir," continued the soldier-orator, "a Senator, himself learned far +more than myself in such lore, [Mr. Fessenden,] tells me, in a voice +that I am glad is audible, that he would have been hurled from the +Tarpeian Rock! It is a grand commentary upon the American Constitution +that we permit these words [Senator Breckinridge's] to be uttered.</p> + +<p>"I ask the Senator to recollect, too, what, save to send aid and comfort +to the Enemy, do these predictions of his amount to? Every word thus +uttered falls as a note of inspiration upon every Confederate ear. +Every sound thus uttered is a word, (and, falling from his lips, a +mighty word) of kindling and triumph to a Foe that determines to +advance.</p> + +<p>"For me, I have no such word as a Senator, to utter. For me"—and here +his eyes flashed again while his martial voice rang like a clarion-call +to battle—"amid temporary defeat, disaster, disgrace, it seems that my +duty calls me to utter another word, and that word is, bold, sudden, +forward, determined, WAR, according to the laws of War, by Armies, by +Military Commanders clothed with full power, advancing with all the past +glories of the Republic urging them on to conquest!</p> + +<p> * * * * * *</p> + +<p>"I tell the Senator," continued the inspired Patriot, "that his +predictions, sometimes for the South, sometimes for the Middle States, +sometimes for the North-East, and then wandering away in airy visions +out to the Far Pacific, about the dread of our people, as for loss of +blood and treasure, provoking them to Disloyalty, are false in +sentiment, false in fact, and false in Loyalty. The Senator from +Kentucky is mistaken in them all.</p> + +<p>"Five hundred million dollars! What then? Great Britain gave more than +two thousand million in the great Battle for Constitutional Liberty +which she led at one time almost single-handed against the World. Five +hundred thousand men! What then? We have them; they are ours; they are +the children of the Country; they belong to the whole Country; they are +our sons; our kinsmen; and there are many of us who will give them all +up before we will abate one word of our just demand, or will retreat one +inch from the line which divides right from wrong.</p> + +<p>"Sir, it is not a question of men or of money in that sense. All the +money, all the men, are, in our judgment, well bestowed in such a cause. +When we give them, we know their value. Knowing their value well, we +give them with the more pride and the, more joy. Sir, how can we +retreat? Sir, how can we make Peace? Who shall treat? What +Commissioners? Who would go? Upon what terms? Where is to be your +boundary line? Where the end of the principles we shall have to give +up? What will become of Constitutional Government? What will become of +public Liberty? What of past glories? What of future hopes?</p> + +<p>"Shall we sink into the insignificance of the grave—a degraded, +defeated, emasculated People, frightened by the results of one battle, +and scared at the visions raised by the imagination of the Senator from +Kentucky on this floor? No, Sir! a thousand times, no, Sir! We will +rally—if, indeed, our words be necessary—we will rally the People, the +Loyal People, of the whole Country. They will pour forth their +treasure, their money, their men, without stint, without measure. The +most peaceable man in this body may stamp his foot upon this Senate +Chamber floor, as of old a warrior and a Senator did, and from that +single tramp there will spring forth armed Legions.</p> + +<p>"Shall one battle determine the fate of empire, or a dozen?—the loss of +one thousand men, or twenty thousand? or one hundred million or five +hundred million dollars? In a year's Peace—in ten years, at most, of +peaceful progress—we can restore them all. There will be some graves +reeking with blood, watered by the tears of affection. There will be +some privation; there will be some loss of luxury; there will be +somewhat more need for labor to procure the necessaries of life. When +that is said, all is said. If we have the Country, the whole Country, +the Union, the Constitution, Free Government—with these there will +return all the blessings of well-ordered civilization; the path of the +Country will be a career of greatness and of glory such as, in the olden +time, our Fathers saw in the dim visions of years yet to come, and such +as would have been ours now, to-day, if it had not been for the Treason +for which the Senator too often seeks to apologize."</p> + +<p>This remarkable speech was the last utterance of that glorious and +courageous soul, in the National Senate. Within three months, his +lifeless body, riddled by Rebel rifle balls, was borne away from the +fatal field of Ball's Bluff—away, amid the lamentations of a +Nation—away, across land and ocean—to lie beside his brave friend Broderick, +on that Lone Mountain whose solemn front looks out upon the calm +Pacific.</p> + +<p>He had not lived in vain. In his great speech at the American Theatre +in San Francisco, after his election by Oregon (1860) to represent her +in the United States Senate, he had aroused the people to a sense of +shame, that, as he said: "Here, in a land of written Constitutional +Liberty it is reserved for us to teach the World that, under the +American Stars and Stripes, Slavery marches in solemn procession; that, +under the American flag, Slavery is protected to the utmost verge of +acquired territory; that under the American banner, the name of Freedom +is to be faintly heard, the songs of Freedom faintly sung; that, while +Garibaldi, Victor Emanuel, every great and good man in the World, +strives, struggles, fights, prays, suffers and dies, sometimes on the +scaffold, sometimes in the dungeon, often on the field of battle, +rendered immortal by his blood and his valor; that, while this triumphal +procession marches on through the arches of Freedom—we, in this land, +of all the World, shrink back trembling when Freedom is but mentioned!"</p> + +<p>And never was a shamed people more suddenly lifted up from that shame +into a grand frenzy of patriotic devotion than were his auditors, when, +with the inspiration of his matchless genius, he continued:</p> + +<p>"As for me, I dare not, will not, be false to Freedom. Where the feet +of my youth were planted, there, by Freedom, my feet shall ever stand. +I will walk beneath her banner. I will glory in her strength. I have +watched her in history struck down on an hundred chosen fields of +battle. I have seen her friends fly from her; her foes gather around +her. I have seen her bound to the stake; I have seen them give her +ashes to the winds. But when they turned to exult, I have seen her +again meet them face to face, resplendent in complete steel, brandishing +in her strong right hand a flaming sword, red with Insufferable light! +I take courage. The People gather around her. The genius of America +will, at last, lead her sons to Freedom."</p> + +<p>Never were grander utterances delivered by man in all the ages; never +was there exhibited a more sublime faith; never a truer spirit of +prophecy; never a more heroic spirit.</p> + +<p>He was then on his way to Washington; on his way to perform the last +acts in the drama of his own career—on his way to death. He knew the +time had come, of which, ten years before, he had prophetically spoken +in the House of Representatives, when he said: "I have only to say that, +if the time should come when Disunion rules the hour, and discord is to +reign supreme, I shall again be ready to give the best blood in my veins +to my Country's Cause. I shall be prepared to meet all antagonists with +lance in rest, to do battle in every land, in defense of the +Constitution of the Country which I have sworn to support, to the last +extremity, against Disunionists, and all its Enemies, whether of the +South or North; to meet them everywhere, at all times, with speech or +hand, with word or blow, until thought and being shall be no longer +mine." And right nobly did he fulfil in all respects his promise; so +that at the end—as was afterward well said of him by Mr. Colfax—he had +mounted so high, that, "doubly crowned, as statesman, and as warrior—</p> + +<p> 'From the top of Fame's ladder he stepped to the Sky!'"</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [This orator and hero was a naturalized Englishman, and commanded + an American regiment in the Mexican War.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="wigfall"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p180-wigfall.jpg (70K)" src="images/p180-wigfall.jpg" height="844" width="580"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch15"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XV.<br><br> + + FREEDOM'S EARLY DAWN.<br> +</h2> +</center> + +<p>On the day following Baker's great reply to Breckinridge, another +notable speech was made, in the House of Representatives—notable, +especially, in that it foreshadowed Emancipation, and, coming so soon +after Bull Run, seemed to accentuate a new departure in political +thought as an outgrowth of that Military reverse. It was upon the +Confiscation Act, and it was Thaddeus Stevens who made it. Said he:</p> + +<p>"If we are justified in taking property from the Enemy in War, when you +have rescued an oppressed People from the oppression of that Enemy, by +what principle of the Law of Nations, by what principle of philanthropy, +can you return them to the bondage from which you have delivered them, +and again rivet the chains you have once broken? It is a disgrace to +the Party which advocates it. It is against the principle of the Law of +Nations. It is against every principle of philanthropy. I for one, +shall never shrink from saying when these Slaves are once conquered by +us, 'Go and be Free.' God forbid that I should ever agree that they +should be returned again to their masters! I do not say that this War +is made for that purpose. Ask those who made the War, what is its +object. Do not ask us. * * * Our object is to subdue the Rebels.</p> + +<p>"But," continued he, "it is said that if we hold out this thing, they +will never submit—that we cannot conquer them—that they will suffer +themselves to be slaughtered, and their whole country to be laid waste. +Sir, War is a grievous thing at best, and Civil War more than any other; +but if they hold this language, and the means which they have suggested +must be resorted to; if their whole country must be laid waste, and made +a desert, in order to save this Union from destruction, so let it be. I +would rather, Sir, reduce them to a condition where their whole country +is to be re-peopled by a band of freemen than to see them perpetrate the +destruction of this People through our agency. I do not say that it is +time to resort to such means, and I do not know when the time will come; +but I never fear to express my sentiments. It is not a question with me +of policy, but a question of principle.</p> + +<p>"If this War is continued long, and is bloody, I do not believe that the +free people of the North will stand by and see their sons and brothers +and neighbors slaughtered by thousands and tens of thousands by Rebels, +with arms in their hands, and forbear to call upon their enemies to be +our friends, and to help us in subduing them; I for one, if it continues +long, and has the consequences mentioned, shall be ready to go for it, +let it horrify the gentleman from New York (Mr. Diven) or anybody else. +That is my doctrine, and that will be the doctrine of the whole free +people of the North before two years roll round, if this War continues.</p> + +<p>"As to the end of the War, until the Rebels are subdued, no man in the +North thinks of it. If the Government are equal to the People, and I +believe they are, there will be no bargaining, there will be no +negotiation, there will be no truces with the Rebels, except to bury the +dead, until every man shall have laid down his arms, disbanded his +organization, submitted himself to the Government, and sued for mercy. +And, Sir, if those who have the control of the Government are not fit +for this task and have not the nerve and mind for it, the People will +take care that there are others who are—although, Sir, I have not a bit +of fear of the present Administration, or of the present Executive.</p> + +<p>"I have spoken more freely, perhaps, than gentlemen within my hearing +might think politic, but I have spoken just what I felt. I have spoken +what I believe will be the result; and I warn Southern gentlemen, that +if this War is to continue, there will be a time when my friend from New +York (Mr. Diven) will see it declared by this free Nation, that every +bondman in the South—belonging to a Rebel, recollect; I confine it to +them—shall be called upon to aid us in War against their masters, and +to restore this Union."</p> + +<p>The following letter of instruction from Secretary Cameron, touching the +Fugitive Slave question, dated seven days after Thaddeus Stevens' +speech, had also an interesting bearing on the subject:</p> +<br> +<p> "WASHINGTON, August 8, 1861.</p> + +<p>"GENERAL: The important question of the proper disposition to be made of +Fugitives from Service in States in Insurrection against the Federal +Government, to which you have again directed my attention in your letter +of July 30, has received my most attentive consideration.</p> + +<p>"It is the desire of the President that all existing rights, in all the +States, be fully respected and maintained. The War now prosecuted on +the part of the Federal Government is a War for the Union, and for the +preservation of all Constitutional rights of States, and the citizens of +the States, in the Union. Hence, no question can arise as to Fugitives +from Service within the States and Territories in which the authority of +the Union is fully acknowledged. The ordinary forms of Judicial +proceeding, which must be respected by Military and Civil authorities +alike, will suffice for the enforcement of all legal claims.</p> + +<p>"But in States wholly or partially under Insurrectionary control, where +the Laws of the United States are so far opposed and resisted that they +cannot be effectually enforced, it is obvious that rights dependent on +the execution of those laws must, temporarily, fail; and it is equally +obvious that rights dependent on the laws of the States within which +Military operations are conducted must be necessarily subordinated to +the Military exigences created by the Insurrection, if not wholly +forfeited by the Treasonable conduct of parties claiming them. To this +general rule, rights to Services can form no exception.</p> + +<p>"The Act of Congress, approved August 6, 1861, declares that if Persons +held to Service shall be employed in hostility to the United States, the +right to their services shall be forfeited, and such Persons shall be +discharged therefrom. It follows, of necessity, that no claim can be +recognized by the Military authorities of the Union to the services of +such Persons when fugitives.</p> + +<p>"A more difficult question is presented in respect to Persons escaping +from the Service of Loyal masters. It is quite apparent that the laws +of the State, under which only the services of such fugitives can be +claimed, must needs be wholly, or almost wholly, suspended, as to +remedies, by the Insurrection and the Military measures necessitated by +it. And it is equally apparent that the substitution of Military for +Judicial measures for the enforcement of such claims must be attended by +great inconveniences, embarrassments, and injuries.</p> + +<p>"Under these circumstances it seems quite clear that the substantial +rights of Loyal masters will be best protected by receiving such +fugitives, as well as fugitives from Disloyal masters, into the service +of the United States, and employing them under such organizations and in +such occupations as circumstances may suggest or require.</p> + +<p>"Of course a record should be kept showing the name and description of +the fugitives, the name and the character, as Loyal or Disloyal, of the +master, and such facts as may be necessary to a correct understanding of +the circumstances of each case after tranquillity shall have been +restored. Upon the return of Peace, Congress will, doubtless, properly +provide for all the persons thus received into the service of the Union, +and for just compensation to Loyal masters. In this way only, it would +seem, can the duty and safety of the Government and the just rights of +all be fully reconciled and harmonized.</p> + +<p>"You will therefore consider yourself as instructed to govern your +future action, in respect to Fugitives from Service, by the principles +here stated, and will report from time to time, and at least twice in +each month, your action in the premises to this Department.</p> + +<p>"You will, however, neither authorize, nor permit any interference, by +the troops under your command, with the servants of peaceful citizens in +house or field; nor will you, in any way, encourage such servants to +leave the lawful Service of their masters; nor will you, except in cases +where the Public Safety may seem to require, prevent the voluntary +return of any Fugitive, to the Service from which he may have escaped."</p> + +<p>"I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p> + +<p> "SIMON CAMERON,<br> + "Secretary of War.</p> + +<p>"Major-General B. F. BUTLER,<br> +"Commanding Department of Virginia,<br> +"Fortress Monroe."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Whether or not inspired by the prophetic speech of Thaddeus Stevens, +aforesaid, the month of August was hardly out before its prophecy seemed +in a fair way of immediate fulfilment. Major-General John Charles +Fremont at that time commanded the Eastern Department—comprising the +States of Missouri, Kansas, Illinois, and Kentucky—and he startled the +Country by issuing the following Emancipation proclamation:</p> +<br> +<p> + "HEADQUARTERS OF THE WESTERN DEPARTMENT.</p> + +<p> "St. Louis, August 30, 1861.</p> + +<p>"Circumstances, in my judgment, of sufficient urgency, render it +necessary that the commanding general of this Department should assume +the administrative powers of the State. Its disorganized condition, the +helplessness of the civil authority, the total insecurity of life, and +the devastation of property by bands of murderers and marauders, who +infest nearly every county of the State, and avail themselves of the +public misfortunes and the vicinity of a hostile force to gratify +private and neighborhood vengeance, and who find an enemy wherever they +find plunder, finally demand the severest measures to repress the daily +increasing crimes and outrages which are driving off the inhabitants and +ruining the State.</p> + +<p>"In this condition, the public safety and the success of our arms +require unity of purpose, without let or hinderance, to the prompt +administration of affairs.</p> + +<p>"In order, therefore, to suppress disorder, to maintain as far as now +practicable the public peace, and to give security and protection to the +persons and property of loyal citizens, I do hereby extend and declare +established Martial Law throughout the State of Missouri.</p> + +<p>"The lines of the Army of Occupation in this State are for the present +declared to extend from Leavenworth by way of the posts of Jefferson +City, Rolla, and Ironton, to Cape Girardeau, on the Mississippi river.</p> + +<p>"All persons who shall betaken with arms in their hands within these +lines shall be tried by Court-Martial, and if found guilty will be shot.</p> + +<p>"The property, real and personal, of all persons, in the State of +Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall +be directly proven to have taken an active part with their Enemies in +the field, is declared to be confiscated to the public use, and their +Slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared Free men.</p> + +<p>"All persons who shall be proven to have destroyed, after the +publication of this order, railroad tracks, bridges, or telegraphs, +shall suffer the extreme penalty of the law.</p> + +<p>"All persons engaged in Treasonable correspondence, in giving or +procuring aid to the Enemies of the United States, in fomenting tumults, +in disturbing the public tranquillity by creating and circulating false +reports or incendiary documents, are in their own interests warned that +they are exposing themselves to sudden and severe punishment.</p> + +<p>"All persons who have been led away from their allegiance, are required +to return to their homes forthwith; any such absence, without sufficient +cause, will be held to be presumptive evidence against them.</p> + +<p>"The object of this declaration is to place in the hands of the Military +authorities the power to give instantaneous effect to existing laws, and +to supply such deficiencies as the conditions of War demand. But this +is not intended to suspend the ordinary Tribunals of the Country, where +the Law will be administered by the Civil officers in the usual manner, +and with their customary authority, while the same can be peaceably +exercised.</p> + +<p>"The commanding general will labor vigilantly for the public Welfare, +and in his efforts for their safety hopes to obtain not only the +acquiescence, but the active support of the Loyal People of the Country.</p> + +<p> "J. C. FREMONT,<br> + "Major-General Commanding."</p> +<br> +<p> +Fremont's Proclamation of Confiscation and Emancipation, was hailed with +joy by some Patriots in the North, but was by others looked upon as rash +and premature and inexpedient; while it bitterly stirred the anger of +the Rebels everywhere.</p> + +<p>The Rebel Jeff. Thompson, then in command of the Rebel forces about St. +Louis, at once issued the following savage proclamation of retaliation:</p> + +<p> + "HEADQUARTERS FIRST MILITARY DISTRICT, M. S. G.</p> + +<p> 'St. Louis, August 31, 1861.</p> + +<p>"To all whom it may concern:</p> + +<p>"Whereas Major-General John C. Fremont, commanding the minions of +Abraham Lincoln in the State of Missouri, has seen fit to declare +Martial Law throughout the whole State, and has threatened to shoot any +citizen-soldier found in arms within certain limits; also, to Confiscate +the property and Free the Negroes belonging to the members of the +Missouri State Guard:</p> + +<p>"Therefore, know ye, that I, M. Jeff. Thompson, Brigadier-General of +the First Military District of Missouri, having not only the Military +authority of Brigadier-General, but certain police powers granted by +Acting-Governor Thomas C. Reynolds, and confirmed afterward by Governor +Jackson, do most solemnly promise that for every member of the Missouri +State Guard, or soldier of our allies, the Armies of the Confederate +States, who shall be put to death in pursuance of the said order of +General Fremont, I will hang, draw, and quarter a minion of said Abraham +Lincoln.</p> + +<p>"While I am anxious that this unfortunate War shall be conducted, if +possible, upon the most liberal principles of civilized warfare—and +every order that I have issued has been with that object—yet, if this +rule is to be adopted (and it must first be done by our Enemies) I +intend to exceed General Fremont in his excesses, and will make all +tories that come within my reach rue the day that a different policy was +adopted by their leaders.</p> + +<p>"Already mills, barns, warehouses, and other private property have been +wastefully and wantonly destroyed by the Enemy in this district, while +we have taken nothing except articles strictly contraband or absolutely +necessary. Should these things be repeated, I will retaliate ten-fold, +so help me God!"</p> + +<p> "M. JEFF. THOMPSON,<br> + "Brigadier-General Commanding."</p> + +<br><br> + +<p>"President Lincoln, greatly embarrassed by the precipitate action of his +subordinate, lost no time in suggesting to General Fremont certain +modifications of his Emancipation proclamation—as follows:</p> + +<p>"[PRIVATE.] + "WASHINGTON, D. C., September 2, 1861.</p> + +<p>"MY DEAR SIR: Two points in your proclamation of August 30th give me +some anxiety:</p> + +<p>"First. Should you shoot a man according to the proclamation, the +Confederates would very certainly shoot our best man in their hands, in +retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely. It is, therefore, my +order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without +first having my approbation or consent.</p> + +<p>"Second. I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in +relation to the Confiscation of Property, and the liberating Slaves of +Traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends, and turn them +against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky.</p> + +<p>"Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion, +modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections +of the Act of Congress entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for +Insurrectionary purposes,' approved August 6, 1861, a copy of which Act +I herewith send you.</p> + +<p>"This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure.</p> + +<p>"I send it by a special messenger, in that it may certainly and speedily +reach you.<br> + "Yours very truly,<br> + "A. LINCOLN.</p> + +<p>"Major-General FREMONT."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +General Fremont replied to President Lincoln's suggestions, as follows:</p> + +<p> "HEADQUARTERS WESTERN DEPARTMENT,<br> + "St. Louis, September 8, 1861.</p> + +<p>"MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the second, by special +messenger, I know to have been written before you had received my +letter, and before my telegraphic dispatches and the rapid developments +of critical conditions here had informed you of affairs in this quarter. +I had not written to you fully and frequently, first, because in the +incessant change of affairs I would be exposed to give you contradictory +accounts; and secondly, because the amount of the subjects to be laid +before you would demand too much of your time.</p> + +<p>"Trusting to have your confidence, I have been leaving it to events +themselves to show you whether or not I was shaping affairs here +according to your ideas. The shortest communication between Washington +and St. Louis generally involves two days, and the employment of two +days, in time of War, goes largely toward success or disaster. I +therefore went along according to my own judgment, leaving the result of +my movement to justify me with you.</p> + +<p>"And so in regard to my proclamation of the thirtieth. Between the +Rebel Armies, the Provisional Government, and the home Traitors, I felt +the position bad, and saw danger. In the night I decided upon the +proclamation and the form of it—I wrote it the next morning and printed +it the same day. I did it without consultation or advice with any one, +acting solely with my best judgment to serve the Country and yourself, +and perfectly willing to receive the amount of censure which should be +thought due, if I had made a false movement.</p> + +<p>"This is as much a movement in the War, as a battle, and, in going into +these, I shall have to act according to my judgment of the ground before +me, as I did on this occasion. If upon reflection, your better judgment +still decides that I am wrong in the article respecting the Liberation +of Slaves, I have to ask that you will openly direct me to make the +correction. The implied censure will be received as a soldier always +should the reprimand of his chief.</p> + +<p>"If I were to retract of my own accord, it would imply that I myself +thought it wrong, and that I had acted without the reflection which the +gravity of the point demanded. But I did not. I acted with full +deliberation, and upon the certain conviction that it was a measure +right and necessary, and I think so still.</p> + +<p>"In regard to the other point of the proclamation to which you refer, I +desire to say that I do not think the Enemy can either misconstrue or +urge anything against it, or undertake to make unusual retaliation. The +shooting of men who shall rise in arms against an Army in the Military +occupation of a Country, is merely a necessary measure of defense, and +entirely according to the usages of civilized warfare. The article does +not at all refer to prisoners of war, and certainly our Enemies have no +grounds for requiring that we should waive in their benefit any of the +ordinary advantages which the usages of War allow to us.</p> + +<p>"As promptitude is itself an advantage in War, I have also to ask that +you will permit me to carry out upon the spot the provisions of the +proclamation in this respect.</p> + +<p>"Looking at affairs from this point of view, I am satisfied that strong +and vigorous measures have now become necessary to the success of our +Arms; and hoping that my views may have the honor to meet your approval,</p> + +<p> "I am, with respect and regard, very truly yours,<br> + "J. C. FREMONT.</p> + +<p>"THE PRESIDENT."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +President Lincoln subsequently rejoined, ordering a modification of the +proclamation. His letter ran thus:</p> + +<p>"WASHINGTON, September 11, 1861.</p> + +<p>"SIR: Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just +received. Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the +necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing +your Proclamation of August 30th, I perceived no general objection to +it.</p> + +<p>"The particular clause, however, in relation to the Confiscation of +Property and the Liberation of Slaves, appeared to me to be +objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Congress, passed the +6th of last August, upon the same subjects; and hence I wrote you +expressing my wish that that clause should be modified accordingly.</p> + +<p>"Your answer, just received, expresses the preference, on your part, +that I should make an open order for the modification, which I very +cheerfully do.</p> + +<p>"It is therefore Ordered, that the said clause of said proclamation be +so modified, held, and construed as to conform to, and not to transcend, +the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress +entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary +Purposes,' approved August 6, 1861, and that said Act be published at +length with this Order.</p> + +<p> "Your obedient servant,<br> + "A. LINCOLN.</p> + +<p>"Major-General JOHN C. FREMONT."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +In consequence, however, of the agitation on the subject, the extreme +delicacy with which it was thought advisable in the earliest stages of +the Rebellion to treat it, and the confusion of ideas among Military men +with regard to it, the War Department issued the following General +Instructions on the occasion of the departure of the Port Royal +Expedition, commanded by General T. W. Sherman:</p> + +<p> + "WAR DEPARTMENT, October 14, 1861.</p> + +<p>"SIR: In conducting Military Operations within States declared by the +Proclamation of the President to be in a State of Insurrection, you will +govern yourself, so far as Persons held to Service under the laws of +such States are concerned, by the principles of the letters addressed by +me to Major-General Butler on the 30th of May and the 8th of August, +copies of which are herewith furnished to you.</p> + +<p>"As special directions, adapted to special circumstances, cannot be +given, much must be referred to your own discretion as Commanding +General of the Expedition. You will, however, in general avail yourself +of the services of any Persons, whether Fugitives from Labor or not, who +may offer them to the National Government; you will employ such Persons +in such services as they may be fitted for, either as ordinary +employees, or, if special circumstances seem to require it, in any other +capacity with such organization, in squads, companies, or otherwise, as +you deem most beneficial to the service. This, however, not to mean a +general arming of them for Military service.</p> + +<p>"You will assure all Loyal masters that Congress will provide just +compensation to them for the loss of the services of the Persons so +employed.</p> + +<p>"It is believed that the course thus indicated will best secure the +substantial rights of Loyal masters, and the benefits to the United +States of the services of all disposed to support the Government, while +it avoids all interference with the social systems or local Institutions +of every State, beyond that which Insurrection makes unavoidable and +which a restoration of peaceful relations to the Union, under the +Constitution, will immediately remove. + "Respectfully,<br> + "SIMON CAMERON,<br> + "Secretary of War.</p> + +<p>"Brigadier-General T. W. SHERMAN,<br> +"Commanding Expedition to the Southern Coast."</p> +<br> +<p> +Brigadier-General Thomas W. Sherman, acting upon his own interpretation +of these instructions, issued a proclamation to the people of South +Carolina, upon occupying the Forts at Port Royal, in which he said:</p> + +<p>"In obedience to the orders of the President of these United States of +America, I have landed on your shores with a small force of National +troops. The dictates of a duty which, under these circumstances, I owe +to a great sovereign State, and to a proud and hospitable people, among +whom I have passed some of the pleasantest days of my life, prompt me to +proclaim that we have come amongst you with no feelings of personal +animosity, no desire to harm your citizens, destroy your property, or +interfere with any of your lawful rights or your social or local +Institutions, beyond what the causes herein alluded to may render +unavoidable."</p> + +<p>Major-General Wool, at Fortress Monroe, where he had succeeded General +Butler, likewise issued a Special Order on the subject of Contrabands, +as follows:</p> + +<p> +"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF VIRGINIA,<br> +"FORT MONROE, October 14, 1861.<br> +"[Special Orders No. 72.]</p> + +<p>"All Colored Persons called Contrabands, employed as servants by +officers and others residing within Fort Monroe, or outside of the Fort +at Camp Hamilton and Camp Butler, will be furnished with their +subsistence and at least eight dollars per month for males, and four +dollars per month for females, by the officers or others thus employing +them.</p> + +<p>"So much of the above-named sums, as may be necessary to furnish +clothing, to be decided by the Chief Quartermaster of the Department, +will be applied to that purpose, and the remainder will be paid into his +hands to create a fund for the support of those Contrabands who are +unable to work for their own support.</p> + +<p>"All able-bodied Colored Persons who are under the protection of the +troops of this Department, and who are not employed as servants, will be +immediately put to work in either the Engineer's or Quartermaster's +Department.</p> + +<p>"By command of Major-General Wool:</p> + +<p>"[Signed] WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE,<br> +"Assistant Adjutant General."</p> +<br> +<p> +He subsequently also issued the following General Order:</p> + +<p>"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF VIRGINIA,<br> +"FORT MONROE, November 1, 1861.<br> +"[General Orders No. 34.]</p> + +<p>"The following pay and allowances will constitute the valuation of the +Labor of the Contrabands at work in the Engineer, Ordnance, +Quartermaster, Commissary, and Medical Departments at this Post, to be +paid as hereinafter mentioned;</p> + +<p>"Class 1st.—Negro man over eighteen years of age, and able-bodied, ten +dollars per month, one ration and the necessary amount of clothing.</p> + +<p>"Class 2d.—Negro boys from 12 to 18 years of age, and sickly and infirm +Negro men, five dollars per month, one ration, and the necessary amount +of clothing.</p> + +<p>"The Quartermaster will furnish all the clothing. The Department +employing these men will furnish the subsistence specified above, and as +an incentive to good behavior (to be withheld at the direction of the +chiefs of the departments respectively), each individual of the first +class will receive $2 per month, and each individual of the second class +$1 per month, for their own use. The remainder of the money valuation +of their Labor, will be turned over to the Quartermaster, who will +deduct from it the cost of the clothing issued to them; the balance will +constitute a fund to be expended by the Quartermaster under the +direction of the Commanding officer of the Department of Virginia for +the support of the women and children and those that are unable to work.</p> + +<p>"For any unusual amount of Labor performed, they may receive extra pay, +varying in amount from fifty cents to one dollar, this to be paid by the +departments employing them, to the men themselves, and to be for their +own use.</p> + +<p>"Should any man be prevented from working, on account of sickness, for +six consecutive days, or ten days in any one month, one-half of the +money value will be paid. For being prevented from laboring for a +longer period than ten days in any one month all pay and allowances +cease.</p> + +<p>"By command of Major-General Wool:</p> + +<p>"[Signed] "WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE,<br> +"Assistant Adjutant General."</p> +<br> +<p> +On November 13, 1861, Major-General Dix, in a proclamation addressed to +the people of Accomac and Northampton Counties, Va., ordered the +repulsion of Fugitive Slaves seeking to enter the Union lines, in these +words:</p> + +<p>"The Military Forces of the United States are about to enter your +Counties as a part of the Union. They will go among you as friends, and +with the earnest hope that they may not, by your own acts, be forced to +become your enemies. They will invade no rights of person or property. +On the contrary, your Laws, your Institutions, your Usages, will be +scrupulously respected. There need be no fear that the quietude of any +fireside will be disturbed, unless the disturbance is caused by +yourselves.</p> + +<p>"Special directions have been given not to interfere with the condition +of any Person held to domestic service; and, in order that there may be +no ground for mistake or pretext for misrepresent action, Commanders of +Regiments and Corps have been instructed not to permit any such Persons +to come within their lines."</p> + +<p>On the 20th of November, 1861, Major General Halleck issued the +following Genera., Order—which went even further, in that it expelled, +as well as repelled Fugitive Slaves from our lines:</p> + +<p> +"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF MISSOURI,<br> +"St. Louis, November 20, 1861.<br> +"[General Orders No. 3.]</p> + +<p>"I. It has been represented that important information respecting the +number and condition of our Forces, is conveyed to the Enemy by means of +Fugitive Slaves who are admitted within our lines. In order to remedy +this evil, it is directed that no such Persons be hereafter permitted to +enter the lines of any camp, or of any forces on the march; and that any +now within such lines be immediately excluded therefrom."</p> + +<p>This Order was subsequently explained in a letter, of December 8, 1861, +from General Halleck to Hon. F. P. Blair, in which he said:</p> + +<p>" * * * Order No. 3 was in my mind, clearly a Military necessity. +Unauthorized persons, black or white, Free or Slaves, must be kept out +of our camps, unless we are willing to publish to the Enemy everything +we do or intend to do. It was a Military and not a political order. I +am ready to carry out any lawful instructions in regard to Fugitive +Slaves which my superiors may give me, and to enforce any law which +Congress may pass. But I cannot make law, and will not violate it. You +know my private opinion on the policy of Confiscating the Slave Property +of Rebels in Arms. If Congress shall pass it, you may be certain that I +shall enforce it. Perhaps my policy as to the treatment of Rebels and +their property is as well set out in Order No. 13, issued the day +(December 4, 1861), your letter was written, as I could now describe +it."</p> + +<p>It may be well also to add here, as belonging to this period of +doubtfulness touching the status of escaped Slaves, the following +communication sent by Secretary Seward to General McClellan, touching +"Contrabands" in the District of Columbia:</p> + +<p> +"DEPARTMENT OF STATE,<br> +"WASHINGTON, December 4, 1861.</p> + +<p>"To Major-General GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, Washington:</p> + +<p>"GENERAL: I am directed by the President to call your attention to the +following subject:</p> + +<p>"Persons claimed to be held to Service or Labor under the laws of the +State of Virginia, and actually employed in hostile service against the +Government of the United States, frequently escape from the lines of the +Enemy's Forces and are received within the lines of the Army of the +Potomac.</p> + +<p>"This Department understands that such Persons afterward coming into the +city of Washington are liable to be arrested by the city police, upon +the presumption, arising from color, that they are Fugitives from +Service or Labor.</p> + +<p>"By the 4th section of the Act of Congress approved August 6, 1861, +entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary +purposes,' such hostile employment is made a full and sufficient answer +to any further claim to Service or Labor. Persons thus employed and +escaping are received into the Military protection of the United States, +and their arrest as Fugitives from Service or Labor should be +immediately followed by the Military arrest of the parties making the +seizure.</p> + +<p>"Copies of this communication will be sent to the Mayor of the city of +Washington and to the Marshal of the District of Columbia, that any +collision between the Civil and Military authorities may be avoided.</p> + +<p>"I am, General, your very obedient,</p> + +<p> "WILLIAM H. SEWARD."</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="hunter"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p312-hunter.jpg (63K)" src="images/p312-hunter.jpg" height="771" width="577"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch16"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XVI.<br><br> + + "COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION.".<br> +</h2> +</center> + + +<p>Thus far the reader's eye has been able to review in their successive +order some of the many difficulties and perplexities which beset the +pathway of President Lincoln as he felt his way in the dark, as it were, +toward Emancipation. It must seem pretty evident now, however, that his +chief concern was for the preservation of the Union, even though all +other things—Emancipation with them—had to be temporarily sacrificed.</p> + +<p>Something definite, however, had been already gained. Congress had +asserted its right under the War powers of the Constitution, to release +from all claim to Service or Labor those Slaves whose Service or Labor +had been used in hostility to the Union. And while some of the Union +Generals obstructed the execution of the Act enforcing that right, by +repelling and even as we have seen, expelling, from the Union lines all +Fugitive Slaves—whether such as had or had not been used in hostility +to us—yet still the cause of Freedom to all, was slowly and silently +perhaps, yet surely and irresistibly, marching on until the time when, +becoming a chief factor in the determination of the question of "whether +we should have a Country at all," it should triumph coincidently with +the preservation of the Republic.</p> + +<p>But now a new phase of the Slave question arose—a question not +involving what to do with Fugitive Slaves of any sort, whether engaged +or not engaged in performing services hostile to the Union cause, but +what to do with Slaves whom their panic-stricken owners had, for the +time being, abandoned in the presence of our Armies.</p> + +<p>This question was well discussed in the original draft of the report of +the Secretary of War, December 1, 1861 in which Secretary Cameron said:</p> + +<p>"It has become a grave question for determination what shall be done +with the Slaves abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops +into Southern territory, as in the Beaufort district of South Carolina. +The whole White population therein is six thousand, while the number of +Negroes exceeds thirty-two thousand. The panic which drove their +masters in wild confusion from their homes, leaves them in undisputed +possession of the soil. Shall they, armed by their masters, be placed +in the field to fight against us, or shall their labor be continually +employed in reproducing the means for supporting the Armies of +Rebellion?</p> + +<p>"The War into which this Government has been forced by rebellious +Traitors is carried on for the purpose of repossessing the property +violently and treacherously seized upon by the Enemies of the +Government, and to re-establish the authority and Laws of the United +States in the places where it is opposed or overthrown by armed +Insurrection and Rebellion. Its purpose is to recover and defend what +is justly its own.</p> + +<p>"War, even between Independent Nations, is made to subdue the Enemy, and +all that belongs to that Enemy, by occupying the hostile country, and +exercising dominion over all the men and things within its territory. +This being true in respect to Independent Nations at war with each +other, it follows that Rebels who are laboring by force of arms to +overthrow a Government, justly bring upon themselves all the +consequences of War, and provoke the destruction merited by the worst of +crimes. That Government would be false to National trust, and would +justly excite the ridicule of the civilized World, that would abstain +from the use of any efficient means to preserve its own existence, or to +overcome a rebellious and traitorous Enemy, by sparing or protecting the +property of those who are waging War against it.</p> + +<p>"The principal wealth and power of the Rebel States is a peculiar +species of Property, consisting of the service or labor of African +Slaves, or the descendants of Africans. This Property has been +variously estimated at the value of from seven hundred million to one +thousand million dollars.</p> + +<p>"Why should this Property be exempt from the hazards and consequences of +a rebellious War?</p> + +<p>"It was the boast of the leader of the Rebellion, while he yet had a +seat in the Senate of the United States, that the Southern States would +be comparatively safe and free from the burdens of War, if it should be +brought on by the contemplated Rebellion, and that boast was accompanied +by the savage threat that 'Northern towns and cities would become the +victims of rapine and Military spoil,' and that 'Northern men should +smell Southern gunpowder and feel Southern steel.'</p> + +<p>"No one doubts the disposition of the Rebels to carry that threat into +execution. The wealth of Northern towns and cities, the produce of +Northern farms, Northern workshops and manufactories would certainly be +seized, destroyed, or appropriated as Military spoil. No property in +the North would be spared from the hands of the Rebels, and their rapine +would be defended under the laws of War. While the Loyal States thus +have all their property and possessions at stake, are the insurgent +Rebels to carry on warfare against the Government in peace and security +to their own property?</p> + +<p>"Reason and justice and self-preservation forbid that such should be; +the policy of this Government, but demand, on the contrary, that, being +forced by Traitors and Rebels to the extremity of war, all the rights +and powers of war should be exercised to bring it to a speedy end.</p> + +<p>"Those who war against the Government justly forfeit all rights of +property, privilege, or security, derived from the Constitution and +Laws, against which they are in armed Rebellion; and as the labor and +service of their Slaves constitute the chief Property of the Rebels, +such Property should share the common fate of War to which they have +devoted the property of Loyal citizens.</p> + +<p>"While it is plain that the Slave Property of the South is justly +subjected to all the consequences of this Rebellious War, and that the +Government would be untrue to its trust in not employing all the rights +and powers of War to bring it to a speedy close, the details of the plan +for doing so, like all other Military measures, must, in a great degree, +be left to be determined by particular exigencies. The disposition of +other property belonging to the Rebels that becomes subject to our arms +is governed by the circumstances of the case.</p> + +<p>"The Government has no power to hold Slaves, none to restrain a Slave of +his Liberty, or to exact his service. It has a right, however, to use +the voluntary service of Slaves liberated by War from their Rebel +masters, like any other property of the Rebels, in whatever mode may be +most efficient for the defense of the Government, the prosecution of the +War, and the suppression of Rebellion. It is clearly a right of the +Government to arm Slaves when it may become necessary, as it is to take +gunpowder from the Enemy; whether it is expedient to do so, is purely a +Military question. The right is unquestionable by the laws of War. The +expediency must be determined by circumstances, keeping in view the +great object of overcoming the Rebels, reestablishing the Laws, and +restoring Peace to the Nation.</p> + +<p>"It is vain and idle for the Government to carry on this War, or hope to +maintain its existence against rebellious force, without employing all +the rights and powers of War. As has been said, the right to deprive +the Rebels of their Property in Slaves and Slave Labor is as clear and +absolute as the right to take forage from the field, or cotton from the +warehouse, or powder and arms from the magazine. To leave the Enemy in +the possession of such property as forage and cotton and military +stores, and the means of constantly reproducing them, would be madness. +It is, therefore, equal madness to leave them in peaceful and secure +possession of Slave Property, more valuable and efficient to them for +war than forage, cotton, military stores. Such policy would be National +suicide.</p> + +<p>"What to do with that species of Property is a question that time and +circumstances will solve, and need not be anticipated further than to +repeat that they cannot be held by the Government as Slaves. It would +be useless to keep them as prisoners of War; and self-preservation, the +highest duty of a Government, or of individuals, demands that they +should be disposed of or employed in the most effective manner that will +tend most speedily to suppress the Insurrection and restore the +authority of the Government. If it shall be found that the men who have +been held by the Rebels as Slaves, are capable of bearing arms and +performing efficient Military service, it is the right, and may become +the duty, of this Government to arm and equip them, and employ their +services against the Rebels, under proper Military regulations, +discipline, and command.</p> + +<p>"But in whatever manner they may be used by the Government, it is plain +that, once liberated by the rebellious act of their masters they should +never again be restored to bondage. By the master's Treason and +Rebellion he forfeits all right to the labor and service of his Slave; +and the Slave of the rebellious master, by his service to the +Government, becomes justly entitled to Freedom and protection.</p> + +<p>"The disposition to be made of the Slaves of Rebels, after the close of +the War, can be safely left to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress. +The Representatives of the People will unquestionably secure to the +Loyal Slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the +Constitution of the Country."</p> + +<p>This original draft of the report was modified, at the instance of +President Lincoln, to the following—and thus appeared in Secretary +Cameron's report of that date, as printed:</p> + +<p>"It is already a grave question what shall be done with those Slaves who +were abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops into +Southern territory, as at Beaufort district, in South Carolina. The +number left within our control at that point is very considerable, and +similar cases will probably occur. What should be done with them? Can +we afford to send them forward to their masters, to be by them armed +against us, or used in producing supplies to sustain the Rebellion?</p> + +<p>"Their labor may be useful to us; withheld from the Enemy it lessens his +Military resources, and withholding them has no tendency to induce the +horrors of Insurrection, even in the Rebel communities. They constitute +a Military resource, and, being such, that they should not be turned +over to the Enemy is too plain to discuss. Why deprive him of supplies +by a blockade, and voluntarily give him men to produce them?</p> + +<p>"The disposition to be made of the Slaves of Rebels, after the close of +the War, can be safely left to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress. +The Representatives of the People will unquestionably secure to the +Loyal Slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the +Constitution of the Country.</p> + +<p>SIMON CAMERON.<br> +"Secretary of War."</p> +<br> +<p> +The language of this modification is given to show that the President, +at the close of the year 1861, had already reached a further step +forward toward Emancipation—and the sound reasoning upon which he made +that advance. He was satisfying his own mind and conscience as he +proceeded, and thus, while justifying himself to himself, was also +simultaneously carrying conviction to the minds and consciences of the +People, whose servant and agent he was.</p> + +<p>That these abandoned Slaves would "constitute a Military resource" and +"should not be turned over to the Enemy" and that "their labor may be +useful to us" were propositions which could not be gainsaid. But to +quiet uncalled-for apprehensions, and to encourage Southern loyalty, he +added, in substance, that at the close of this War—waged solely for the +preservation of the Union—Congress would decide the doubtful status of +the Slaves of Rebels, while the rights of Union Slave-holders would be +secured.</p> + +<p>The Contraband-Slave question, however, continued to agitate the public +mind for many months—owing to the various ways in which it was treated +by the various Military commanders, to whose discretion its treatment, +in their several commands, was left—a discretion which almost +invariably leaned toward the political bias of the commander. Thus, in +a proclamation, dated St. Louis, February 23, 1862, Halleck, commanding +the Department of Missouri, said:</p> + +<p>"Soldiers! let no excess on your part tarnish the glory of our arms!</p> + +<p>"The order heretofore issued in this department, in regard to pillaging +and marauding, the destruction of private property, and the stealing or +concealment of Slaves, must be strictly enforced. It does not belong to +the Military to decide upon the relation of Master and Slave. Such +questions must be settled by the civil Courts. No Fugitive Slaves will +therefore be admitted within our lines or camps, except when especially +ordered by the General Commanding. * * * "</p> + +<p>And Buell, commanding the Department of the Ohio, in response to a +communication on the subject from the Chairman of the Military Committee +of the Kentucky Legislature, wrote, March 6, 1862:</p> + +<p>"It has come to my knowledge that Slaves sometimes make their way +improperly into our lines, and in some instances they may be enticed +there, but I think the number has been magnified by report. Several +applications have been made to me by persons whose servants have been +found in our camps, and in every instance that I know of the master has +recovered his servant and taken him away."</p> + +<p>Thus, while some of our Commanders, like Dix and Halleck, repelled or +even expelled the Fugitive Slave from their lines; and others, like +Buell and Hooker, facilitated the search for, and restoration to his +master, of the black Fugitive found within our lines; on the other hand, +Fremont, as we have seen, and Doubleday and Hunter, as we shall yet see, +took totally different ground on this question.</p> + +<p>President Lincoln, however, harassed as he was by the extremists on both +sides of the Slavery question, still maintained that calm statesman-like +middle-course from which the best results were likely to flow. But he +now thought the time had come to broach the question of a compensated, +gradual Emancipation.</p> + +<p>Accordingly, on March 6, 1862, he sent to Congress the following +message:</p> + +<p>"Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:</p> + +<p>"I recommend the adoption of a joint Resolution by your honorable +bodies, which shall be substantially as follows:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State +which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State +pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to compensate +for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of +system.</p> + +<p>"If the proposition contained in the Resolution does not meet the +approval of Congress and the Country, there is the end; but if it does +command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and +people immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of +the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject +it, The Federal Government would find its highest interest in such a +measure, as one of the most efficient means of self preservation.</p> + +<p>"The leaders of the existing Insurrection entertain the hope that this +Government will ultimately be forced to acknowledge the Independence of +some part of the disaffected region, and that all the Slave States North +of such part will then say, 'the Union for which we have struggled being +already gone, we now choose to go with the Southern Section.'</p> + +<p>"To deprive them of this hope, substantially ends the Rebellion; and the +initiation of Emancipation completely deprives them of it, as to all the +States initiating it. The point is not that all the States tolerating +Slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate Emancipation; but that, +while the offer is equally made to all, the more Northern shall, by such +initiation, make it certain to the more Southern that in no event will +the former ever join the latter in their proposed Confederacy. I say, +'initiation,' because in my judgment, gradual, and not sudden +Emancipation, is better for all.</p> + +<p>"In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with +the census tables and Treasury reports before him, can readily see for +himself how very soon the current expenditures of this War would +purchase, at fair valuation, all the Slaves in any named State.</p> + +<p>"Such a proposition on the part of the General Government sets up no +claim of a right by Federal authority to interfere with Slavery within +State limits, referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject +in each case to the State and its people immediately interested. It is +proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them.</p> + +<p>"In the Annual Message last December, I thought fit to say, 'the Union +must be preserved; and hence all indispensable means must be employed.' +I said this, not hastily, but deliberately. War has been made, and +continues to be an indispensable means to this end. A practical +reacknowledgment of the National authority would render the War +unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however, resistance +continues, the War must also continue; and it is impossible to foresee +all the incidents which may attend, and all the ruin which may follow +it. Such as may seem indispensable, or may obviously promise great +efficiency toward ending the struggle, must and will come.</p> + +<p>"The proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope it may be +esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered +would not be of more value to the States and private persons concerned, +than are the Institution, and Property in it, in the present aspect of +affairs?</p> + +<p>"While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be +merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is +recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical +results. In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my +Country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the People to the +subject.</p> + +<p>"March 6, 1862."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +In compliance with the above suggestion from the President, a Joint +Resolution, in the precise words suggested, was introduced into the +House, March 10, by Roscoe Conkling, and on the following day was +adopted in the House by 97 yeas to 36 nays.</p> + +<p>Of the 36 members of the House who voted against this Resolution, were +34 Democrats, and among them were Messrs. Crisfield of Maryland, and +Messrs. Crittenden, Mallory, and Menzies of Kentucky. These gentleman +afterward made public a report, drawn by themselves, of an interesting +interview they had held with President Lincoln on this important +subject, in the words following:</p> +<br> +<p> +"MEMORANDUM OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER +SLAVE-STATE REPRESENTATIVES MARCH 10, 1862.</p> + +<p>"'DEAR SIR:—I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to +come to the White House to-morrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring +such of your colleagues as are in town.'"</p> + +<p> +"'WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862.</p> + +<p>"Yesterday on my return from church I found Mr. Postmaster General Blair +in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and +verbally communicated the President's invitation; and stated that the +President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations +of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation +of his Message of the 6th inst.</p> + +<p>"This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town, +assembled at the White House at the appointed time, and after some +little delay were admitted to an audience.</p> + +<p>"After the usual salutations and we were seated, the President said, in +substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation +with us in explanation of his Message of the 6th; that since he had sent +it in, several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had +avoided any allusion to the Message, and he therefore inferred that the +import of the Message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as +inimical to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would +talk with us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion.</p> + +<p>"The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or +wound the sensibilities of the Slave States. On the contrary, his +purpose was to protect the one and respect the other; that we were +engaged in a terrible, wasting, and tedious War; immense Armies were in +the field, and must continue in the field as long as the War lasts; that +these Armies must, of necessity, be brought into contact with Slaves in +the States we represented and in other States as they advanced; that +Slaves would come to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up; +that he was constantly annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic +complaints; on the one side, a certain class complained if the Slave was +not protected by the Army; persons were frequently found who, +participating in these views, acted in a way unfriendly to the +Slaveholder; on the other hand, Slaveholders complained that their +rights were interfered with, their Slaves induced to abscond, and +protected within the lines, these complaints were numerous, loud, and +deep; were a serious annoyance to him and embarrassing to the progress +of the War; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the Government in the +States we represented; strengthened the hopes of the Confederates that +at some day the Border States would unite with them, and thus tend to +prolong the War; and he was of opinion, if this Resolution should be +adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, these causes of +irritation and these hopes would be removed, and more would be +accomplished towards shortening the War than could be hoped from the +greatest victory achieved by Union Armies; that he made this proposition +in good faith, and desired it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily, +and in the same patriotic spirit in which it was made; that Emancipation +was a subject exclusively under the control of the States, and must be +adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim nor had +this Government any right to coerce them for that purpose; that such was +no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and he wished it to +be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there to be prepared to +give him an answer, but he hoped we would take the subject into serious +consideration; confer with one another, and then take such course as we +felt our duty and the interests of our constituents required of us.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State, Slavery was not +considered a permanent Institution; that natural causes were there in +operation which would, at no distant day, extinguish it, and he did not +think that this proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that, +he and his friends felt solicitous as to the Message on account of the +different constructions which the Resolution and Message had received. +The New York Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must +accept gradual Emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get +something worse.</p> + +<p>"The President replied, he must not be expected to quarrel with the New +York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to do it; he +would not anticipate events. In respect to Emancipation in Missouri, he +said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but the +operation of these natural causes had not prevented the irritating +conduct to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the +Confederates that Missouri would at some time range herself alongside of +them, which, in his judgment, the passage of this Resolution by +Congress, and its acceptance by Missouri, would accomplish.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the +refusal of the State to accept this proposal, and desired to know if the +President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of +this scheme.</p> + +<p>"The President replied that he had no designs beyond the action of the +States on this particular subject. He should lament their refusal to +accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was +any power, except in the States themselves, to carry out his scheme of +Emancipation?</p> + +<p>"The President replied, he thought there could not be. He then went off +into a course of remark not qualifying the foregoing declaration, nor +material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon +Slavery as a permanent Institution; and he did not know that they would +be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss, +and they could be rid of the race; but they did not like to be coerced +into Emancipation, either by the direct action of the Government or by +indirection, as through the Emancipation of Slaves in this District, or +the Confiscation of Southern Property as now threatened; and he thought +before they would consent to consider this proposition they would +require to be informed on these points.</p> + +<p>"The President replied that 'unless he was expelled by the act of God or +the Confederate Armies, he should occupy that house for three years, and +as long as he remained there, Maryland had nothing to fear, either for +her Institutions or her interests, on the points referred to.'</p> + +<p>"Mr. Crisfield immediately added: 'Mr. President, what you now say could +be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your proposition +with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will be inclined +to do.'</p> + +<p>"The President: 'That (meaning a publication of what he said), will not +do; it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time;' and again +intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the 'Greeley +faction' was impending, he said, 'he did not wish to encounter it before +the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided.'</p> + +<p>"Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the +Constitutionality of his scheme.</p> + +<p>"The President replied: 'As you may suppose, I have considered that; and +the proposition now submitted does not encounter any Constitutional +difficulty. It proposes simply to co-operate with any State by giving +such State pecuniary aid;' and he thought that the Resolution, as +proposed by him, would be considered rather as the expression of a +sentiment than as involving any Constitutional question.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at +all, it should be by the votes of the Free States, and come as a +proposition from them to the Slave States, affording them an inducement +to put aside this subject of discord; that it ought not to be expected +that members representing Slaveholding Constituencies should declare at +once, and in advance of any proposition to them, for the Emancipation of +Slaves.</p> + +<p>"The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was a +fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best; +that he did not know how this scheme was received by the Members from +the Free States; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly; +but for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been, +and he could not tell how they would vote.</p> + +<p>"And, in reply to some expression of Mr. Hall as to his own opinion +regarding Slavery, he said he did not pretend to disguise his +Anti-Slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong and should continue to +think so; but that was not the question we had to deal with now. +Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North, as of +the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it, the North, as well as the +South, was morally bound to do its full and equal share. He thought the +Institution, wrong, and ought never to have existed; but yet he +recognized the rights of Property which had grown out of it, and would +respect those rights as fully as similar rights in any other property; +that Property can exist, and does legally exist. He thought such a law, +wrong, but the rights of Property resulting must be respected; he would +get rid of the odious law, not by violating the right, but by +encouraging the proposition, and offering inducements to give it up."</p> + +<p>"Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by +Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that whatever might be our final +action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriotism and sincere +devotion to the happiness and glory of his Country; and with that +conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he +had made.</p> + +<p>"After some conversation on the current war news we retired, and I +immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper.<br><br> + "J. W. CRISFIELD."</p> +<br> +<p>"We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of +Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the +occasion is in this paper, faithfully and fully given.</p> + +<p>"J. W. MENZIES,<br> +"J. J. CRITTENDEN,<br> +"R. MALLORY.<br> +"March 10, 1862."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Upon the passage of the Joint-Resolution in the House only four +Democrats (Messrs. Cobb, Haight, Lehman, and Sheffield) voted in the +affirmative, and but two Republicans (Francis Thomas, and Leary) in the +negative. On the 2nd of April, it passed the Senate by a vote of 32 +yeas—all Republicans save Messrs. Davis and Thomson—to 10 nays, all +Democrats.</p> + +<p>Meantime the question of the treatment of the "Contraband" in our +Military camps, continued to grow in importance.</p> + +<p>On March 26, 1862, General Hooker issued the following order touching +certain Fugitive Slaves and their alleged owners:</p> + +<p>"HEADQUARTERS, HOOKER'S DIVISION, CAMP BAKER,<br> +"LOWER POTOMAC, March 26, 1862.</p> + +<p>"To BRIGADE AND REGIMENTAL COMMANDERS OF THIS DIVISION:</p> + +<p>"Messrs. Nally, Gray, Dummington, Dent, Adams, Speake, Price, Posey, +and Cobey, citizens of Maryland, have Negroes supposed to be with some +of the regiments of this Division; the Brigadier General commanding +directs that they be permitted to visit all the camps of his command, in +search of their Property, and if found, that they be allowed to take +possession of the same, without any interference whatever. Should any +obstacle be thrown in their way by any officer or soldier in the +Division, they will be at once reported by the regimental commanders to +these headquarters.</p> + +<p>"By command of Brigadier General Hooker;</p> + +<p>"JOSEPH DICKINSON,<br> +"Assistant Adjutant General."</p> +<br> +<p> +On the following day, by direction of General Sickles, the following +significant report was made touching the above order:</p> + +<p>"HEADQUARTERS, SECOND REGIMENT, EXCELSIOR BRIGADE.<br> +"CAMP HALL, March 27, 1862.</p> + +<p>"LIEUTENANT:—In compliance with verbal directions from Brigadier +General D. E. Sickles, to report as to the occurrence at this camp on +the afternoon of the 26th instant, I beg leave to submit the following:</p> + +<p>"At about 3:30 o'clock P. M., March 26, 1862, admission within our lines +was demanded by a party of horsemen (civilians), numbering, perhaps, +fifteen. They presented the lieutenant commanding the guard, with an +order of entrance from Brigadier General Joseph Hooker, Commanding +Division (copy appended), the order stating that nine men should be +admitted.</p> + +<p>"I ordered that the balance of the party should remain without the +lines; which was done. Upon the appearance of the others, there was +visible dissatisfaction and considerable murmuring among the soldiers, +to so great an extent that I almost feared for the safety of the +Slaveholders. At this time General Sickles opportunely arrived, and +instructed me to order them outside the camp, which I did, amidst the +loud cheers of our soldiers.</p> + +<p>"It is proper to add, that before entering our lines, and within about +seventy-five or one hundred yards of our camp, one of their number +discharged two pistol shots at a Negro, who was running past them, with +an evident intention of taking his life. This justly enraged our men.</p> + +<p> "All of which is respectfully submitted.</p> + +<p> "Your obedient servant,<br> + "JOHN TOLEN.<br> + "Major Commanding Second Regiment, E. B.</p> + +<p>"To Lieutenant J. L. PALMER, Jr.,<br> +"A. D. C. and A. A. A. General."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +On April 6, the following important dispatch, in the nature of an order, +was issued by General Doubleday to one of his subordinate officers:</p> + +<p>"HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DEFENSES,<br> +"NORTH OF THE POTOMAC,<br> +"WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862.</p> + +<p>"SIR:—I am directed by General Doubleday to say, in answer to your +letter of the 2d instant, that all Negroes coming into the lines of any +of the camps or forts under his command, are to be treated as persons, +and not as chattels.</p> + +<p>"Under no circumstances has the Commander of a fort or camp the power of +surrendering persons claimed as Fugitive Slaves, as it cannot be done +without determining their character.</p> + +<p>"The Additional Article of War recently passed by Congress positively +prohibits this.</p> + +<p>"The question has been asked, whether it would not be better to exclude +Negroes altogether from the lines. The General is of the opinion that +they bring much valuable information, which cannot be obtained from any +other source. They are acquainted with all the roads, paths, fords, and +other natural features of the country, and they make excellent guides. +They also know and frequently have exposed the haunts of Secession spies +and Traitors and the existence of Rebel organizations. They will not, +therefore, be excluded.</p> + +<p>"The General also directs me to say that civil process cannot be served +directly in the camps or forts of his command, without full authority be +obtained from the Commanding Officer for that purpose.</p> + +<p>"I am very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p> + +<p>"E. P. HALSTED,<br> +"Assistant Adjutant General.</p> + +<p>"Lieut. Col. JOHN D. SHANE,<br> +"Commanding 76th Reg. N. Y. Vols."</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="henry"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p344-henry.jpg (75K)" src="images/p344-henry.jpg" height="784" width="587"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch17"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XVII.<br><br> + + BORDER-STATE OPPOSITION.<br> +</h2> +</center> + +<p>On April 3, 1862, the United States Senate passed a Bill to liberate all +Persons of African descent held to Service or Labor within the District +of Columbia, and prohibiting Slavery or involuntary servitude in the +District except as a punishment for crime—an appropriation being made +to pay to loyal owners an appraised value of the liberated Slaves not to +exceed $300 for each Slave. The vote on its passage in the Senate was +29 yeas to 14 nays—all the yeas being Republican, and all but two of +the nays Democratic.</p> + +<p>April 11th, the Bill passed the House by 92 yeas to 39 nays—all the +yeas save 5 being Republican, and all the nays, save three, being +Democratic.</p> + +<p>April 7, 1862, the House adopted a resolution, by 67 yeas to 52 +nays—all the yeas, save one, Republican, and all the nays, save 12, +Democratic—for the appointment of a Select Committee of nine, to +consider and report whether any plan could be proposed and recommended +for the gradual Emancipation of all the African Slaves, and the +extinction of Slavery in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, +Tennessee, and Missouri, by the people or local authorities thereof, and +how far and in what way the Government of the United States could and +ought equitably to aid in facilitating either of those objects.</p> + +<p>On the 16th President Lincoln sent the following Message to Congress:</p> + +<p>"Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:</p> + +<p>"The Act entitled 'An Act for the release of certain Persons held to +Service or Labor in the District of Columbia,' has this day been +approved and signed.</p> + +<p>"I have never doubted the Constitutional authority of Congress to +abolish Slavery in this District; and I have ever desired to see the +National Capital freed from the Institution in some satisfactory way. +Hence there has never been in my mind any question upon the subject +except the one of expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances.</p> + +<p>"If there be matters within and about this Act which might have taken a +course or shape more satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to +specify them. I am gratified that the two principles of compensation +and colonization are both recognized and practically applied in the Act.</p> + +<p>"In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be +presented within ninety days from the passage of the Act, 'but not +thereafter;' and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane, +or absent persons. I presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and +I recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or Supplemental Act.</p> + +<p>"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.<br> +"April 16, 1862."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Subsequently, in order to meet the President's views, such an amendatory +or Supplemental Act was passed and approved.</p> + +<p>But now, Major General Hunter having taken upon himself to issue an +Emancipation proclamation, May 9, 1862, the President, May 19, 1862, +issued a proclamation rescinding it as follows:</p> + +<p>"Whereas there appears in the public prints what purports to be a +proclamation of Major General Hunter, in the words and figures +following, to wit:</p> + +<p>"'HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH,<br> +'HILTON HEAD, S. C., May 9, 1862.<br> +'[General Orders No. 11.]</p> + +<p>'The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising +the Military Department of the South, having deliberately declared +themselves no longer under the protection of the United States of +America, and having taken up arms against the said United States, it +becomes a Military necessity to declare them under Martial Law. This +was accordingly done on the 25th day of April, 1862. Slavery and +Martial Law, in a Free Country, are altogether incompatible; the Persons +in these three States—Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina—heretofore +held as Slaves, are therefore declared forever Free.</p> + +<p>'DAVID HUNTER,<br> +'Major-General Commanding.</p> + +<p>'Official:<br> +ED. W. SMITH,<br> +'Acting Assistant Adjutant General.'</p> +<br> +<p> +"And whereas the same is producing some excitement and misunderstanding,</p> + +<p>"Therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, proclaim +and declare, that the Government of the United States had no knowledge, +information, or belief, of an intention on the part of General Hunter to +issue such a proclamation; nor has it yet any authentic information that +the document is genuine. And further, that neither General Hunter, nor +any other Commander, or person, has been authorized by the Government of +the United States to make proclamations declaring the Slaves of any +State Free; and that the supposed proclamation, now in question, whether +genuine or false, is altogether void, so far as respects such +declaration.</p> + +<p>"I further make known that whether it be competent for me, as +Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to declare the Slaves of any State or +States free, and whether, at any time, in any case, it shall have become +a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the Government, to +exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my +responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified +in leaving to the decision of Commanders in the field. These are +totally different questions from those of police regulations in armies +and camps.</p> + +<p>"On the sixth day of March last, by a Special Message, I recommended to +Congress the adoption of a Joint Resolution to be substantially as +follows:</p> + +<p>"' Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State +which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State +pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to +compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such +change of system.'</p> + +<p>"The Resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large +majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, +definite, and solemn proposal of the Nation to the States and people +most immediately interested in the subject-matter. To the people of +those States I now earnestly appeal—I do not argue—I beseech you to +make the argument for yourselves—you cannot, if you would, be blind to +the signs of the times—I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration +of them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partisan +politics. This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting +no reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The changes it +contemplates would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or +wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been +done, by one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it +is now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to +lament that you have neglected it.</p> + +<p>"In witness thereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed.</p> + +<p>"Done at the city of Washington this nineteenth day of May, in the year +of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the +Independence of the United States the eighty-sixth.</p> + +<p>"By the President. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p> + +<p>"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +On June 5th, 1862, General T. Williams issued the following Order:</p> + +<p>"HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE,<br> +"BATON ROUGE, June 5, 1862.<br> +"[General Orders No. 46.]</p> + +<p>"In consequence of the demoralizing and disorganizing tendencies to the +troops, of harboring runaway Negroes, it is hereby ordered that the +respective Commanders of the camps and garrisons of the several +regiments, Second Brigade, turn all such Fugitives in their camps or +garrisons out beyond the limits of their respective guards and +sentinels.</p> + +<p>"By order of Brigadier-General T. Williams:</p> + +<p>"WICKHAM HOFFMAN,<br> +"Assistant-Adjutant General."</p> +<br><br> + +<p> +Lieutenant-Colonel D. R. Anthony, of the Seventh Kansas Volunteers, +commanding a Brigade, issued the following order, at a date subsequent +to the Battle of Pittsburg Landing and the evacuation of Corinth:</p> + +<p>"HEADQUARTERS MITCHELL'S BRIGADE,<br> +"ADVANCE COLUMN, FIRST BRIGADE, FIRST DIVISION,<br> +"GENERAL ARMY OF THE MISSISSIPPI,<br> +"CAMP ETHERIDGE, TENNESSEE, June 18, 1862.<br> +"[General Orders No. 26.]</p> + +<p>"1. The impudence—and impertinence of the open and armed Rebels, +Traitors, Secessionists, and Southern-Rightsmen of this section of the +State of Tennessee, in arrogantly demanding the right to search our camp +for Fugitive Slaves, has become a nuisance, and will no longer be +tolerated. "Officers will see that this class of men, who visit our +camp for this purpose, are excluded from our lines.</p> + +<p>"2. Should any such persons be found within our lines, they will be +arrested and sent to headquarters.</p> + +<p>"3. Any officer or soldier of this command who shall arrest and deliver +to his master a Fugitive Slave, shall be summarily and severely +punished, according to the laws relative to such crimes.</p> + +<p>"4. The strong Union sentiment in this Section is most gratifying, and +all officers and soldiers, in their intercourse with the loyal, and +those favorably disposed, are requested to act in their usual kind and +courteous manner and protect them to the fullest extent.</p> + +<p>"By order of D. R. Anthony, <br> +Lieutenant-Colonel Seventh Kansas Volunteers, commanding:</p> + +<p>"W. W. H. LAWRENCE,<br> +"Captain and Assistant-Adjutant General."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Lieutenant-Colonel Anthony was subsequently placed under arrest for +issuing the above order.</p> + +<p>It was about this time, also, that General McClellan addressed to +President Lincoln a letter on "forcible Abolition of Slavery," and "a +Civil and Military policy"—in these terms:</p> + +<p>"HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC,<br> +"CAMP NEAR HARRISON'S LANDING, VA., July 7, 1862.</p> + +<p>"MR. PRESIDENT:—You have been fully informed that the Rebel Army is in +the front, with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our +positions or reducing us by blocking our river communications. I cannot +but regard our condition as critical, and I earnestly desire, in view of +possible contingencies, to lay before your Excellency, for your private +consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the +Rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the situation of this +Army, or strictly come within the scope of my official duties. These +views amount to convictions, and are deeply impressed upon my mind and +heart.</p> + +<p>"Our cause must never be abandoned; it is the cause of Free institutions +and Self-government. The Constitution and the Union must be preserved, +whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and blood.</p> + +<p>"If Secession is successful, other dissolutions are clearly to be seen +in the future. Let neither Military disaster, political faction, nor +Foreign War shake your settled purpose to enforce the equal operation of +the Laws of the United States upon the people of every State.</p> + +<p>"The time has come when the Government must determine upon a Civil and +Military policy, covering the whole ground of our National trouble.</p> + +<p>"The responsibility of determining, declaring, and supporting such Civil +and Military policy, and of directing the whole course of National +affairs in regard to the Rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised by +you, or our Cause will be lost. The Constitution gives you power, even +for the present terrible exigency.</p> + +<p>"This Rebellion has assumed the character of a War; as such it should be +regarded, and it should be conducted upon the highest principles known +to Christian civilization. It should not be a War looking to the +subjugation of the people of any State, in any event. It should not be +at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political +organizations. Neither Confiscation of property, political executions +of persons, territorial organizations of States, or forcible Abolition +of Slavery, should be contemplated for a moment.</p> + +<p>"In prosecuting the War, all private property and unarmed persons should +be strictly protected, subject only to the necessity of Military +operations; all private property taken for Military use should be paid +or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high crimes; +all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited and offensive demeanor by +the military towards citizens promptly rebuked.</p> + +<p>"Military arrests should not be tolerated, except in places where active +hostilities exist; and oaths, not required by enactments, +Constitutionally made, should be neither demanded nor received.</p> + +<p>"Military Government should be confined to the preservation of public +order and the protection of political right. Military power should not +be allowed to interfere with the relations of Servitude, either by +supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for +repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slaves, contraband under the +Act of Congress, seeking Military protection, should receive it.</p> + +<p>"The right of the Government to appropriate permanently to its own +service claims to Slave-labor should be asserted, and the right of the +owner to compensation therefor should be recognized.</p> + +<p>"This principle might be extended, upon grounds of Military necessity +and security, to all the Slaves of a particular State, thus working +manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia +also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure is +only a question of time.</p> + +<p>"A system of policy thus Constitutional, and pervaded by the influences +of Christianity and Freedom, would receive the support of almost all +truly Loyal men, would deeply impress the Rebel masses and all foreign +nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend itself to +the favor of the Almighty.</p> + +<p>"Unless the principles governing the future conduct of our Struggle +shall be made known and approved, the effort to obtain requisite forces +will be almost hopeless. A declaration of radical views, especially +upon Slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present Armies.</p> + +<p>"The policy of the Government must be supported by concentrations of +Military power. The National Forces should not be dispersed in +expeditions, posts of occupation, and numerous armies, but should be +mainly collected into masses, and brought to bear upon the Armies of the +Confederate States. Those Armies thoroughly defeated, the political +structure which they support would soon cease to exist,</p> + +<p>"In carrying out any system of policy which you may form, you will +require a Commander-in-chief of the Army, one who possesses your +confidence, understands your views, and who is competent to execute your +orders, by directing the Military Forces of the Nation to the +accomplishment of the objects by you proposed. I do not ask that place +for myself, I am willing to serve you in such position as you may assign +me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever subordinate served superior.</p> + +<p>"I may be on the brink of Eternity; and as I hope forgiveness from my +Maker, I have written this letter with sincerity towards you and from +love for my Country.</p> + +<p>"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p> + +<p>"GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN,<br> +"Major-General Commanding.</p> + +<p>"His Excellency A. LINCOLN, President."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +July 12, 1862, Senators and Representatives of the Border Slave-holding +States, having been specially invited to the White House for the +purpose, were addressed by President Lincoln, as follows:</p> + +<p>"GENTLEMEN:—After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have +no opportunity of seeing you for several months. Believing that you of +the Border States hold more power for good than any other equal number +of members, I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive, to make +this appeal to you.</p> + +<p>"I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my +opinion, if you all had voted for the Resolution in the Gradual +Emancipation Message of last March, the War would now be substantially +ended. And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and +swift means of ending it. Let the States which are in Rebellion see +definitely and certainly that in no event will the States you represent +ever join their proposed Confederacy, and they cannot much longer +maintain the contest.</p> + +<p>"But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with +them so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the Institution +within your own States. Beat them at elections, as you have +overwhelmingly done, and nothing daunted, they still claim you as their +own. You and I know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever +before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever.</p> + +<p>"Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I +trust you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively your +own, when, for the sake of the whole Country, I ask, 'Can you, for your +States, do better than to take the course I urge?' Discarding punctilio +and maxims adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to the +unprecedentedly stern facts of our case, can you do better in any +possible event?</p> + +<p>"You prefer that the Constitutional relations of the States to the +Nation shall be practically restored without disturbance of the +Institution; and, if this were done, my whole duty, in this respect, +under the Constitution and my oath of office, would be performed. But +it is not done, and we are trying to accomplish it by War.</p> + +<p>"The incidents of the War cannot be avoided. If the War continues long, +as it must, if the object be not sooner attained, the Institution in +your States will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion—by the +mere incidents of the War. It will be gone, and you will have nothing +valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already.</p> + +<p>"How much better for you and for your people to take the step which at +once shortens the War and secures substantial compensation for that +which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event! How much better to +thus save the money which else we sink forever in the War! How: much +better to do it while we can, lest the War ere long render us +pecuniarily unable to do it! How much better for you, as seller, and +the Nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy out that without which the War +could never have been, than to sink both the thing to be sold and the +price of it in cutting one another's throats!</p> + +<p>"I do not speak of Emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to +Emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be +obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large +enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed people +will not be so reluctant to go.</p> + +<p>"I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned; one which threatens +division among those who, united, are none too strong. An instance of +it is known to you. General Hunter is an honest man. He was, and I +hope still is, my friend. I value him none the less for his agreeing +with me in the general wish that all men everywhere could be freed. He +proclaimed all men Free within certain States, and I repudiated the +proclamation. He expected more good and less harm from the measure than +I could believe would follow.</p> + +<p>"Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to many +whose support the Country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the +end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is +increasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much +more, can relieve the Country in this important point.</p> + +<p>"Upon these considerations I have again begged your attention to the +Message of March last. Before leaving the Capitol, consider and discuss +it among yourselves. You are Patriots and Statesmen, and as such I pray +you consider this proposition; and, at the least, commend it to the +consideration of your States and people. As you would perpetuate +popular Government for the best people in the World, I beseech you that +you do in nowise omit this.</p> + +<p>"Our common Country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views and +boldest action to bring a speedy relief. Once relieved, its form of +Government is saved to the World, its beloved history and cherished +memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully assured and rendered +inconceivable grand. To you, more than to any others, the privilege is +given to assure that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to link your +own names therewith forever."</p> +<br><br> +<p>The gentlemen representing in Congress the Border-States, to whom this +address was made, subsequently met and discussed its subject matter, and +made written reply in the shape of majority and minority replies, as +follows:</p> + +<p>THE MAJORITY REPLY:</p> + +<p>"WASHINGTON, July 14, 1862.</p> + +<p>"TO THE PRESIDENT:</p> + +<p>"The undersigned, Representatives of Kentucky, Virginia, Missouri, and +Maryland, in the two Houses of Congress, have listened to your address +with the profound sensibility naturally inspired by the high source from +which it emanates, the earnestness which marked its delivery, and the +overwhelming importance of the subject of which it treats. We have +given it a most respectful consideration, and now lay before you our +response. We regret that want of time has not permitted us to make it +more perfect.</p> + +<p>"We have not been wanting, Mr. President, in respect to you, and in +devotion to the Constitution and the Union. We have not been +indifferent to the great difficulties surrounding you, compared with +which all former National troubles have been but as the summer cloud; +and we have freely given you our sympathy and support. Repudiating the +dangerous heresies of the Secessionists, we believed, with you, that the +War on their part is aggressive and wicked, and the objects for which it +was to be prosecuted on ours, defined by your Message at the opening of +the present Congress, to be such as all good men should approve.</p> + +<p>"We have not hesitated to vote all supplies necessary to carry it on +vigorously. We have voted all the men and money you have asked for, and +even more; we have imposed onerous taxes on our people, and they are +paying them with cheerfulness and alacrity; we have encouraged +enlistments, and sent to the field many of our best men; and some of our +number have offered their persons to the enemy as pledges of their +sincerity and devotion to the Country.</p> + +<p>"We have done all this under the most discouraging circumstances, and in +the face of measures most distasteful to us and injurious to the +interests we represent, and in the hearing of doctrines avowed by those +who claim to be your friends, must be abhorrent to us and our +constituents.</p> + +<p>"But, for all this, we have never faltered, nor shall we as long as we +have a Constitution to defend and a Government which protects us. And +we are ready for renewed efforts, and even greater sacrifices, yea, any +sacrifice, when we are satisfied it is required to preserve our +admirable form of Government and the priceless blessings of +Constitutional Liberty.</p> + +<p>"A few of our number voted for the Resolution recommended by your +Message of the 6th of March last, the greater portion of us did not, and +we will briefly state the prominent reasons which influenced our action.</p> + +<p>"In the first place, it proposed a radical change of our social system, +and was hurried through both Houses with undue haste, without reasonable +time for consideration and debate, and with no time at all for +consultation with our constituents, whose interests it deeply involved. +It seemed like an interference by this Government with a question which +peculiarly and exclusively belonged to our respective States, on which +they had not sought advice or solicited aid.</p> + +<p>"Many of us doubted the Constitutional power of this Government to make +appropriations of money for the object designated, and all of us thought +our finances were in no condition to bear the immense outlay which its +adoption and faithful execution would impose upon the National Treasury. +If we pause but a moment to think of the debt its acceptance would have +entailed, we are appalled by its magnitude. The proposition was +addressed to all the States, and embraced the whole number of Slaves.</p> + +<p>"According to the census of 1860 there were then nearly four million +Slaves in the Country; from natural increase they exceed that number +now. At even the low average of $300, the price fixed by the +Emancipation Act for the Slaves of this District, and greatly below +their real worth, their value runs up to the enormous sum of +$1,200,000,000; and if to that we add the cost of deportation and +colonization, at $100 each, which is but a fraction more than is +actually paid—by the Maryland Colonization Society, we have +$400,000,000 more.</p> + +<p>"We were not willing to impose a tax on our people sufficient to pay the +interest on that sum, in addition to the vast and daily increasing debt +already fixed upon them by exigencies of the War, and if we had been +willing, the Country could not bear it. Stated in this form the +proposition is nothing less than the deportation from the Country of +$1,600,000,000 worth of producing labor, and the substitution, in its +place, of an interest-bearing debt of the same amount.</p> + +<p>"But, if we are told that it was expected that only the States we +represent would accept the proposition, we respectfully submit that even +then it involves a sum too great for the financial ability of this +Government at this time. According to the census of 1860:</p> + +<center> +<table summary=""> + + + + + <tr><td> </td><td> </td><td> Slaves</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td> Kentucky had </td><td>225,490</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td> Maryland </td><td>87,188</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td> Virginia </td><td>490,887</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>Delaware </td><td>1,798</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>Missouri </td><td>114,965</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>Tennessee </td><td>275,784</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> + <tr><td> </td><td>Making in the whole </td><td>1,196,112</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>At the same rate of valuation these would</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>amount to </td><td>$358,933,500</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td>Add for deportation and colonization $100 each</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td><td> </td><td>$118,244,533</td></tr> +<tr><td> </td></tr> + <tr><td> </td><td> And we have the</td></tr> + <tr><td> </td><td> enormous sum of </td><td>$478,038,133</td></tr> + + +</table> +</center> + +<p> +"We did not feel that we should be justified in voting for a measure +which, if carried out, would add this vast amount to our public debt at +a moment when the Treasury was reeling under the enormous expenditure of +the War.</p> + +<p>"Again, it seemed to us that this Resolution was but the annunciation of +a sentiment which could not or was not likely to be reduced to an actual +tangible proposition. No movement was then made to provide and +appropriate the funds required to carry it into effect; and we were not +encouraged to believe that funds would be provided. And our belief has +been fully justified by subsequent events.</p> + +<p>"Not to mention other circumstances, it is quite sufficient for our +purpose to bring to your notice the fact that, while this resolution was +under consideration in the Senate, our colleague, the Senator from +Kentucky, moved an amendment appropriating $500,000 to the object +therein designated, and it was voted down with great unanimity.</p> + +<p>"What confidence, then, could we reasonably feel that if we committed +ourselves to the policy it proposed, our constituents would reap the +fruits of the promise held out; and on what ground could we, as fair +men, approach them and challenge their support?</p> + +<p>"The right to hold Slaves, is a right appertaining to all the States of +this Union. They have the right to cherish or abolish the Institution, +as their tastes or their interests may prompt, and no one is authorized +to question the right or limit the enjoyment. And no one has more +clearly affirmed that right than you have. Your Inaugural Address does +you great honor in this respect, and inspired the Country with +confidence in your fairness and respect for the Law. Our States are in +the enjoyment of that right.</p> + +<p>"We do not feel called on to defend the Institution or to affirm it is +one which ought to be cherished; perhaps, if we were to make the +attempt, we might find that we differ even among ourselves. It is +enough for our purpose to know that it is a right; and, so knowing, we +did not see why we should now be expected to yield it.</p> + +<p>"We had contributed our full share to relieve the Country at this +terrible crisis; we had done as much as had been required of others in +like circumstances; and we did not see why sacrifices should be expected +of us from which others, no more loyal, were exempt. Nor could we see +what good the Nation would derive from it.</p> + +<p>"Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would not have strengthened the arm +of this Government or weakened that of the Enemy. It was not necessary +as a pledge of our Loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a +reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every place possible. There was +not the remotest probability that the States we represent would join in +the Rebellion, nor is there now, or of their electing to go with the +Southern Section in the event of a recognition of the Independence of +any part of the disaffected region.</p> + +<p>"Our States are fixed unalterably in their resolution to adhere to and +support the Union. They see no safety for themselves, and no hope for +Constitutional Liberty, but by its preservation. They will, under no +circumstances, consent to its dissolution; and we do them no more than +justice when we assure you that, while the War is conducted to prevent +that deplorable catastrophe, they will sustain it as long as they can +muster a man, or command a dollar.</p> + +<p>"Nor will they ever consent, in any event, to unite with the Southern +Confederacy. The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of that region +will forever prevent them from placing their security and happiness in +the custody of an association which has incorporated in its Organic Law +the seeds of its own destruction.</p> + +<p>"We cannot admit, Mr. President, that if we had voted for the Resolution +in the Emancipation Message of March last, the War would now be +substantially ended. We are unable to see how our action in this +particular has given, or could give, encouragement to the Rebellion. +The Resolution has passed; and if there be virtue in it, it will be +quite as efficacious as if we had voted for it.</p> + +<p>"We have no power to bind our States in this respect by our votes here; +and, whether we had voted the one way or the other, they are in the same +condition of freedom to accept or reject its provisions.</p> + +<p>"No, Sir, the War has not been prolonged or hindered by our action on +this or any other measure. We must look for other causes for that +lamented fact. We think there is not much difficulty, not much +uncertainty, in pointing out others far more probable and potent in +their agencies to that end.</p> + +<p>"The Rebellion derives its strength from the Union of all classes in the +Insurgent States; and while that Union lasts the War will never end +until they are utterly exhausted. We know that, at the inception of +these troubles, Southern society was divided, and that a large portion, +perhaps a majority, were opposed to Secession. Now the great mass of +Southern people are united.</p> + +<p>"To discover why they are so, we must glance at Southern society, and +notice the classes into which it has been divided, and which still +distinguish it. They are in arms, but not for the same objects; they +are moved to a common end, but by different and even inconsistent +reasons.</p> + +<p>"The leaders, which comprehend what was previously known as the State +Rights Party, and is much the lesser class, seek to break down National +Independence and set up State domination. With them it is a War against +Nationality.</p> + +<p>"The other class is fighting, as it supposes, to maintain and preserve +its rights of Property and domestic safety, which it has been made to +believe are assailed by this Government. This latter class are not +Disunionists per se; they are so only because they have been made to +believe that this Administration is inimical to their rights, and is +making War on their domestic Institutions. As long as these two classes +act together they will never assent to a Peace.</p> + +<p>"The policy, then, to be pursued, is obvious. The former class will +never be reconciled, but the latter may be. Remove their apprehensions; +satisfy them that no harm is intended to them and their Institutions; +that this Government is not making War on their rights of Property, but +is simply defending its legitimate authority, and they will gladly +return to their allegiance as soon as the pressure of Military dominion +imposed by the Confederate authority is removed from them.</p> + +<p>"Twelve months ago, both Houses of Congress, adopting the spirit of your +Message, then but recently sent in, declared with singular unanimity the +objects of the War, and the Country instantly bounded to your side to +assist you in carrying it on. If the spirit of that Resolution had been +adhered to, we are confident that we should before now have seen the end +of this deplorable conflict. But what have we seen?</p> + +<p>"In both Houses of Congress we have heard doctrines subversive of the +principles of the Constitution, and seen measure after measure, founded +in substance on those doctrines, proposed and carried through, which can +have no other effect than to distract and divide loyal men, and +exasperate and drive still further from us and their duty the people of +the rebellious States.</p> + +<p>"Military officers, following these bad examples, have stepped beyond +the just limits of their authority in the same direction, until in +several instances you have felt the necessity of interfering to arrest +them. And even the passage of the Resolution to which you refer has +been ostentatiously proclaimed as the triumph of a principle which the +people of the Southern States regard as ruinous to them. The effect of +these measures was foretold, and may now be seen in the indurated state +of Southern feeling.</p> + +<p>"To these causes, Mr. President, and not to our omission to vote for the +Resolution recommended by you, we solemnly believe we are to attribute +the terrible earnestness of those in arms against the Government, and +the continuance of the War. Nor do we (permit us to say, Mr. President, +with all respect to you) agree that the Institution of Slavery is 'the +lever of their power,' but we are of the opinion that 'the lever of +their power' is the apprehension that the powers of a common Government, +created for common and equal protection to the interests of all, will be +wielded against the Institutions of the Southern States.</p> + +<p>"There is one other idea in your address we feel called on to notice. +After stating the fact of your repudiation of General Hunter's +Proclamation, you add:</p> + +<p>"'Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to +many whose support the Country cannot afford to lose. And this is not +the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me and is +increasing. By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much +more, can relieve the Country, in this important point,'</p> + +<p>"We have anxiously looked into this passage to discover its true import, +but we are yet in painful uncertainty. How can we, by conceding what +you now ask, relieve you and the Country from the increasing pressure to +which you refer? We will not allow ourselves to think that the +proposition is, that we consent to give up Slavery, to the end that the +Hunter proclamation may be let loose on the Southern people, for it is +too well known that we would not be parties to any such measure, and we +have too much respect for you to imagine you would propose it.</p> + +<p>"Can it mean that by sacrificing our interest in Slavery we appease the +spirit that controls that pressure, cause it to be withdrawn, and rid +the Country of the pestilent agitation of the Slavery question? We are +forbidden so to think, for that spirit would not be satisfied with the +liberation of 100,000 Slaves, and cease its agitation while 3,000,000 +remain in bondage. Can it mean that by abandoning Slavery in our States +we are removing the pressure from you and the Country, by preparing for +a separation on the line of the Cotton States?</p> + +<p>"We are forbidden so to think, because it is known that we are, and we +believe that you are, unalterably opposed to any division at all. We +would prefer to think that you desire this concession as a pledge of our +support, and thus enable you to withstand a pressure which weighs +heavily on you and the Country.</p> + +<p>"Mr. President, no such sacrifice is necessary to secure our support. +Confine yourself to your Constitutional authority; confine your +subordinates within the same limits; conduct this War solely for the +purpose of restoring the Constitution to its legitimate authority; +concede to each State and its loyal citizens their just rights, and we +are wedded to you by indissoluble ties. Do this, Mr. President, and you +touch the American heart, and invigorate it with new hope. You will, as +we solemnly believe, in due time restore Peace to your Country, lift it +from despondency to a future of glory, and preserve to your countrymen, +their posterity, and man, the inestimable treasure of a Constitutional +Government.</p> + +<p>"Mr. President, we have stated with frankness and candor the reasons on +which we forbore to vote for the Resolution you have mentioned; but you +have again presented this proposition, and appealed to us with an +earnestness and eloquence which have not failed to impress us, to +'consider it, and at the least to commend it to the consideration of our +States and people.'</p> + +<p>"Thus appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of our beloved Country, in the +hour of its greatest peril, we cannot wholly decline. We are willing to +trust every question relating to their interest and happiness to the +consideration and ultimate judgment of our own people.</p> + +<p>"While differing from you as to the necessity of Emancipating the Slaves +of our States as a means of putting down the Rebellion, and while +protesting against the propriety of any extra-territorial interference +to induce the people of our States to adopt any particular line of +policy on a subject which peculiarly and exclusively belongs to them, +yet, when you and our brethren of the Loyal States sincerely believe +that the retention of Slavery by us is an obstacle to Peace and National +harmony, and are willing to contribute pecuniary aid to compensate our +States and people for the inconveniences produced by such a change of +system, we are not unwilling that our people shall consider the +propriety of putting it aside.</p> + +<p>"But we have already said that we regard this Resolution as the +utterance of a sentiment, and we had no confidence that it would assume +the shape of a tangible practical proposition, which would yield the +fruits of the sacrifice it required. Our people are influenced by the +same want of confidence, and will not consider the proposition in its +present impalpable form. The interest they are asked to give up is, to +them, of immense importance, and they ought not to be expected even to +entertain the proposal until they are assured that when they accept it +their just expectations will not be frustrated.</p> + +<p>"We regard your plan as a proposition from the Nation to the States to +exercise an admitted Constitutional right in a particular manner, and +yield up a valuable interest. Before they ought to consider the +proposition, it should be presented in such a tangible, practical, +efficient shape, as to command their confidence that its fruits are +contingent only upon their acceptance. We cannot trust anything to the +contingencies of future legislation.</p> + +<p>"If Congress, by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide +sufficient funds and place them at your disposal to be applied by you to +the payment of any of our States, or the citizens thereof, who shall +adopt the Abolishment of Slavery, either gradual or immediate, as they +may determine, and the expense of deportation and colonization of the +liberated Slaves, then will our States and people take this proposition +into careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is +demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole +Country. We have the honor to be, with great respect,</p> + +<p>"C. A. WICKLIFFE, Ch'man,<br> +CHAS. B. CALVERT,<br> +GARRETT DAVIS,<br> +C. L. L. LEARY,<br> +R. WILSON,<br> +EDWIN H. WEBSTER,<br> +J. J. CRITTENDEN,<br> +R. MALLORY,<br> +JOHN S. CARLILE,<br> +AARON HARDING,<br> +J. W. CRISFIELD,<br> +JAMES S. ROLLINS,<br> +J. S. JACKSON,<br> +J. W. MENZIES,<br> +H. GRIDER,<br> +THOMAS L. PRICE,<br> +JOHN S. PHELPS,<br> +G. W. DUNLAP,<br> +FRANCIS THOMAS, +WILLIAM A. HALL."</p> + + +<br><br> +<p> +THE MINORITY REPLY.</p> + +<p>"WASHINGTON, July 15, 1863.</p> + +<p>"MR. PRESIDENT:—The undersigned, members of Congress from the Border +States, in response to your address of Saturday last, beg leave to say +that they attended a meeting, on the same day the address was delivered, +for the purpose of considering the same. The meeting appointed a +Committee to report a response to your address. That report was made on +yesterday, and the action of the majority indicated clearly that the +response, or one in substance the same, would be adopted and presented +to you.</p> + +<p>"Inasmuch as we cannot, consistently with our own sense of duty to the +Country, under the existing perils which surround us, concur in that +response, we feel it to be due to you and to ourselves to make to you a +brief and candid answer over our own signatures.</p> + +<p>"We believe that the whole power of the Government, upheld and sustained +by all the influences and means of all loyal men in all Sections, and of +all Parties, is essentially necessary to put down the Rebellion and +preserve the Union and the Constitution. We understand your appeal to +us to have been made for the purpose of securing this result.</p> + +<p>"A very large portion of the People in the Northern States believe that +Slavery is the 'lever-power of the Rebellion.' It matters not whether +this belief be well-founded or not. The belief does exist, and we have +to deal with things as they are, and not as we would have them be.</p> + +<p>"In consequence of the existence of this belief, we understand that an +immense pressure is brought to bear for the purpose of striking down +this Institution through the exercise of Military authority. The +Government cannot maintain this great struggle if the support and +influence of the men who entertain these opinions be withdrawn. Neither +can the Government hope for early success if the support of that element +called "Conservative" be withdrawn.</p> + +<p>"Such being the condition of things, the President appeals to the +Border-State men to step forward and prove their patriotism by making +the first sacrifice. No doubt, like appeals have been made to extreme +men in the North to meet us half-way, in order that the whole moral, +political, pecuniary, and physical force of the Nation may be firmly and +earnestly united in one grand effort to save the Union and the +Constitution.</p> + +<p>"Believing that such were the motives that prompted your Address, and +such the results to which it looked, we cannot reconcile it to our sense +of duty, in this trying hour, to respond in a spirit of fault-finding or +querulousness over the things that are past.</p> + +<p>"We are not disposed to seek for the cause of present misfortunes in the +errors and wrongs of others who now propose to unite with us in a common +purpose.</p> + +<p>"But, on the other hand, we meet your address in the spirit in which it +was made, and, as loyal Americans, declare to you and to the World that +there is no sacrifice that we are not ready to make to save the +Government and institutions of our fathers. That we, few of us though +there may be, will permit no man, from the North or from the South, to +go further than we in the accomplishment of the great work before us. +That, in order to carry out these views, we will, so far as may be in +our power, ask the people of the Border States calmly, deliberately, and +fairly to consider your recommendations.</p> + +<p>"We are the more emboldened to assume this position from the fact, now +become history, that the leaders of the Southern Rebellion have offered +to abolish Slavery among them as a condition to foreign intervention in +favor of their Independence as a Nation.</p> + +<p>"If they can give up Slavery to destroy the Union, we can surely ask our +people to consider the question of Emancipation to save the Union.</p> + +<p>"With great respect, your obedient servants,</p> + +<p>"JOHN W. NOELL,<br> +"SAMUEL L. CASEY,<br> +"GEORGE P. FISHER,<br> +"A. J. CLEMENTS,<br> +"WILLIAM G. BROWN,<br> +"JACOB B. BLAIR, +"W. T. WILLEY."</p> + +<br><br> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> + [The following separate replies, subsequently made, by + Representative Maynard of Tennessee, and Senator Henderson of + Missouri, are necessarily given to complete this part of the Border + State record.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p> MR. MAYNARD'S REPLY.</p> + +<p>"HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, July 16, 1862.</p> + +<p>"SIR:—The magnitude and gravity of the proposition submitted by you to +Representatives from the Slave States would naturally occasion +diversity, if not contrariety, of opinion. You will not, therefore, be +surprised that I have not been able to concur in view with the majority +of them.</p> + +<p>"This is attributable, possibly, to the fact that my State is not a +Border State, properly so called, and that my immediate constituents are +not yet disenthralled from the hostile arms of the Rebellion. This fact +is a physical obstacle in the way of my now submitting to their +consideration this, or any other proposition looking to political +action, especially such as, in this case, would require a change in the +Organic Law of the State.</p> + +<p>"But do not infer that I am insensible to your appeal. I am not; you +are surrounded with difficulties far greater than have embarrassed any +of your predecessors. You need the support of every American citizen, +and you ought to have it—active, zealous and honest. The union of all +Union men to aid you in preserving the Union, is the duty of the time. +Differences as to policy and methods must be subordinated to the common +purpose.</p> + +<p>"In looking for the cause of this Rebellion, it is natural that each +Section and each Party should ascribe as little blame as possible to +itself, and as much as possible to its opponent Section and Party. +Possibly you and I might not agree on a comparison of our views. That +there should be differences of opinion as to the best mode of conducting +our Military operations, and the best men to lead our Armies, is equally +natural. Contests on such questions weaken ourselves and strengthen our +enemies. They are unprofitable, and possibly unpatriotic. Somebody +must yield, or we waste our strength in a contemptible struggle among +ourselves.</p> + +<p>"You appeal to the loyal men of the Slave States to sacrifice something +of feeling and a great deal of interest. The sacrifices they have +already made and the sufferings they have endured give the best +assurance that the appeal will not have been made in vain. He who is +not ready to yield all his material interests, and to forego his most +cherished sentiments and opinions for the preservation of his Country, +although he may have periled his life on the battle-field in her +defense, is but half a Patriot. Among the loyal people that I +represent, there are no half-patriots.</p> + +<p>"Already the Rebellion has cost us much, even to our undoing; we are +content, if need be, to give up the rest, to suppress it. We have stood +by you from the beginning of this struggle, and we mean to stand by you, +God willing, till the end of it.</p> + +<p>"I did not vote for the Resolution to which you allude, solely for the +reason that I was absent at the Capital of my own State. It is right.</p> + +<p>"Should any of the Slave States think proper to terminate that +Institution, as several of them, I understand, or at least some of their +citizens propose, justice and a generous comity require that the Country +should interpose to aid in lessening the burden, public and private, +occasioned by so radical a change in its social and industrial +relations.</p> + +<p>"I will not now speculate upon the effect, at home or abroad, of the +adoption of your policy, nor inquire what action of the Rebel leaders +has rendered something of the kind important. Your whole administration +gives the highest assurance that you are moved, not so much from a +desire to see all men everywhere made free, as from a higher desire to +preserve free institutions for the benefit of men already free; not to +make Slaves, Freemen, but to prevent Freemen from being made Slaves; not +to destroy an Institution, which a portion of us only consider bad, but +to save institutions which we all alike consider good. I am satisfied +you would not ask from any of your fellow-citizens a sacrifice not, in +your judgment, imperatively required by the safety of the Country.</p> + +<p>"This is the spirit of your appeal, and I respond to it in the same +spirit.</p> + +<p>"I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p> + +<p> "HORACE MAYNARD.</p> + +<p>"To the PRESIDENT."</p> + +<br><br> + +<p> SENATOR HENDERSON'S REPLY.</p> + +<p>"WASHINGTON CITY, July 21, 1862.</p> + +<p>"MR. PRESIDENT:—The pressure of business in the Senate during the last +few days of the session prevented my attendance at the meeting of the +Border-State members, called to consider your proposition in reference +to gradual emancipation in our States.</p> + +<p>"It is for this reason only, and not because I fail to appreciate their +importance or properly respect your suggestions, that my name does not +appear to any of the several papers submitted in response. I may also +add that it was my intention, when the subject came up practically for +consideration in the Senate, to express fully my views in regard to it. +This of course would have rendered any other response unnecessary. But +the want of time to consider the matter deprived me of that opportunity, +and, lest now my silence be misconstrued, I deem it proper to say to you +that I am by no means indifferent to the great questions so earnestly, +and as I believe so honestly, urged by you upon our consideration.</p> + +<p>"The Border States, so far, are the chief sufferers by this War, and the +true Union men of those States have made the greatest sacrifices for the +preservation of the Government. This fact does not proceed from +mismanagement on the part of the Union authorities, or a want of regard +for our people, but it is the necessary result of the War that is upon +us.</p> + +<p>"Our States are the battle-fields. Our people, divided among +themselves, maddened by the struggle, and blinded by the smoke of +battle, invited upon our soil contending armies—the one to destroy the +Government, the other to maintain it. The consequence to us is plain. +The shock of the contest upturns Society and desolates the Land. We +have made sacrifices, but at last they were only the sacrifices demanded +by duty, and unless we are willing to make others, indeed any that the +good of the Country, involved in the overthrow of Treason, may expect at +our hands, our title to patriotism is not complete.</p> + +<p>"When you submitted your proposition to Congress, in March last, 'that +the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a +gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to +be used by such State in its discretion, to compensate for the +inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system,' +I gave it a most cheerful support, and I am satisfied it would have +received the approbation of a large majority of the Border States +delegations in both Branches of Congress, if, in the first place, they +had believed the War, with its continued evils—the most prominent of +which, in a material point of view, is its injurious effect on the +Institution of Slavery in our States—could possibly have been +protracted for another twelve months; and if, in the second place, they +had felt assured that the party having the majority in Congress would, +like yourself, be equally prompt in practical action as in the +expression of a sentiment.</p> + +<p>"While scarcely any one doubted your own sincerity in the premises, and +your earnest wish speedily to terminate the War, you can readily +conceive the grounds for difference of opinion where conclusions could +only be based on conjecture.</p> + +<p>"Believing, as I did, that the War was not so near its termination as +some supposed, and feeling disposed to accord to others the same +sincerity of purpose that I should claim for myself under similar +circumstances, I voted for the proposition. I will suppose that others +were actuated by no sinister motives.</p> + +<p>"In doing so, Mr. President, I desire to be distinctly understood by you +and by my constituents. I did not suppose at the time that I was +personally making any sacrifice by supporting the Resolution, nor that +the people of my State were called upon to make any sacrifices, either +in considering or accepting the proposition, if they saw fit.</p> + +<p>"I agreed with you in the remarks contained in the Message accompanying +the Resolution, that 'the Union must be preserved, and hence all +indispensable means must be employed. * * * War has been and continues +to be an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowledgment +of the National authority would render the War unnecessary, and it would +at once cease. If, however, resistance continues, the War must also +continue; and it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may +attend and all the ruin which may follow it.'</p> + +<p>"It is truly 'impossible' to foresee all the evils resulting from a War +so stupendous as the present. I shall be much rejoiced if something +more dreadful than the sale of Freedom to a few Slaves in the Border +States shall not result from it.</p> + +<p>"If it closes with the Government of our Fathers secure, and +Constitutional Liberty in all its purity guaranteed to the White man, +the result will be better than that having a place in the fears of many +good men at present, and much better than the past history of such +revolutions can justify us in expecting.</p> + +<p>"In this period of the Nation's distress, I know of no human institution +too sacred for discussion; no material interest belonging to the citizen +that he should not willingly place upon the altar of his Country, if +demanded by the public good.</p> + +<p>"The man who cannot now sacrifice Party and put aside selfish +considerations is more than half disloyal. Such a man does not deserve +the blessings of good government. Pride of opinion, based upon +Sectional jealousies, should not be permitted to control the decision of +any political question. These remarks are general, but apply with +peculiar force to the People of the Border States at present.</p> + +<p>"Let us look at our condition. A desolating War is upon us. We cannot +escape it if we would. If the Union Armies were to-day withdrawn from +the Border States without first crushing the Rebellion in the South, no +rational man can doubt for a moment that the adherents of the Union +Cause in those States would soon be driven in exile from their homes by +the exultant Rebels, who have so long hoped to return and take vengeance +upon us.</p> + +<p>"The People of the Border States understand very well the unfriendly and +selfish spirit exercised toward them by the leaders of this Cotton-State +Rebellion, beginning some time previous to its outbreak. They will not +fail to remember their insolent refusal to counsel with us, and their +haughty assumption of responsibility upon themselves for their misguided +action.</p> + +<p>"Our people will not soon forget that, while declaiming against +Coercion, they closed their doors against the exportation of Slaves from +the Border States into the South, with the avowed purpose of forcing us +into Rebellion through fears of losing that species of Property. They +knew very well the effect to be produced on Slavery by a Civil War, +especially in those States into which hostile Armies might penetrate, +and upon the soil of which the great contests for the success of +Republican Government were to be decided.</p> + +<p>"They wanted some intermediate ground for the conflict of arms-territory +where the population would be divided. They knew, also, that by keeping +Slavery in the Border States the mere 'friction and abrasion' to which +you so appropriately allude, would keep up a constant irritation, +resulting necessarily from the frequent losses to which the owners would +be subjected.</p> + +<p>"They also calculated largely, and not without reason, upon the +repugnance of Non-Slaveholders in those States to a Free Negro +population. In the meantime they intended persistently to charge the +overthrow of Slavery to be the object of the Government, and hostility +to this Institution the origin of the War. By this means the +unavoidable incidents of the strife might easily he charged as the +settled purposes of the Government.</p> + +<p>"Again, it was well understood, by these men, that exemplary conduct on +the part of every officer and soldier employed by the Government could +not in the nature of things be expected, and the hope was entertained, +upon the most reasonable grounds, that every commission of wrong and +every omission of duty would produce a new cause for excitement and a +new incentive to Rebellion.</p> + +<p>"By these means the War was to be kept in the Border States, regardless +of our interests, until an exhausted Treasury should render it necessary +to send the tax-gatherer among our people, to take the little that might +be left them from the devastations of War.</p> + +<p>"They then expected a clamor for Peace by us, resulting in the +interference of France and England, whose operatives in the meantime +would be driven to want, and whose aristocracy have ever been ready to +welcome a dissolution of the American Union.</p> + +<p>"This cunningly-devised plan for securing a Gulf-Confederacy, commanding +the mouths of the great Western rivers, the Gulf of Mexico, and the +Southern Atlantic ocean, with their own territory unscathed by the +horrors of war, and surrounded by the Border States, half of whose +population would be left in sympathy with them, for many years to come, +owing to the irritations to which I have alluded, has, so far, succeeded +too well.</p> + +<p>"In Missouri they have already caused us to lose a third or more of the +Slaves owned at the time of the last census. In addition to this, I can +make no estimate of the vast amount of property of every character that +has been destroyed by Military operations in the State. The loss from +general depreciation of values, and the utter prostration of every +business-interest of our people, is wholly beyond calculation.</p> + +<p>"The experience of Missouri is but the experience of other Sections of +the Country similarly situated. The question is therefore forced upon +us, 'How long is this War to continue; and, if continued, as it has +been, on our soil, aided by the Treason and folly of our own citizens, +acting in concert with the Confederates, how long can Slavery, or, if +you please, any other property-interest, survive in our States?'</p> + +<p>"As things now are, the people of the Border-States yet divided, we +cannot expect an immediate termination of the struggle, except upon +condition of Southern Independence, losing thereby control of the lower +Mississippi. For this, we in Missouri are not prepared, nor are we +prepared to become one of the Confederate States, should the terrible +calamity of Dissolution occur.</p> + +<p>"This, I presume, the Union men of Missouri would resist to the death. +And whether they should do so or not, I will not suppose for an instant, +that the Government of the United States would, upon any condition, +submit to the loss of territory so essential to its future commercial +greatness as is the State of Missouri.</p> + +<p>"But should all other reasons fail to prevent such a misfortune to our +people of Missouri, there is one that cannot fail. The Confederates +never wanted us, and would not have us. I assume, therefore, that the +War will not cease, but will be continued until the Rebellion shall be +overcome. It cannot and will not cease, so far as the people of +Missouri are concerned, except upon condition of our remaining in the +Union, and the whole West will demand the entire control of the +Mississippi river to the Gulf.</p> + +<p>"Our interest is therefore bound up with the interests of those States +maintaining the Union, and especially with the great States of the West +that must be consulted in regard to the terms of any Peace that may be +suggested, even by the Nations of Europe, should they at any time +unfortunately depart from their former pacific policy and determine to +intervene in our affairs.</p> + +<p>"The War, then, will have to be continued until the Union shall be +practically restored. In this alone consists the future safety of the +Border-States themselves. A separation of the Union is ruinous to them. +The preservation of the Union can only be secured by a continuation of +the War. The consequences of that continuation may be judged of by the +experience of the last twelve months. The people of my State are as +competent to pass judgment in the premises as I am. I have every +confidence in their intelligence, their honesty, and their patriotism.</p> + +<p>"In your own language, the proposition you make 'sets up no claim of a +right by Federal authority to interfere with Slavery within State +limits,' referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject in +each case to the State and its people immediately interested. It is +proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them.</p> + +<p>"In this view of the subject I can frankly say to you that, personally, +I never could appreciate the objections so frequently urged against the +proposition. If I understood you properly, it was your opinion, not +that Slavery should be removed in order to secure our loyalty to the +Government, for every personal act of your administration precludes such +an inference, but you believe that the peculiar species of Property was +in imminent danger from the War in which we were engaged, and that +common justice demanded remuneration for the loss of it.</p> + +<p>"You then believe, and again express the opinion, that the peculiar +nature of the contest is such that its loss is almost inevitable, and +lest any pretext for a charge of injustice against the Government be +given to its enemies, you propose to extend to the people of those +States standing by the Union, the choice of payment for their Slaves or +the responsibility of loss, should it occur, without complaint against +the Government.</p> + +<p>"Placing the matter in this light, (a mere remuneration for losses +rendered inevitable by the casualties of War), the objection of a +Constitutional character may be rendered much less formidable in the +minds of Northern Representatives whose constituents will have to share +in the payment of the money; and, so far as the Border States are +concerned, this objection should be most sparingly urged, for it being a +matter entirely of their 'own free choice,' in case of a desire to +accept, no serious argument will likely be urged against the receipt of +the money, or a fund for Colonization.</p> + +<p>"But, aside from the power derived from the operations of war, there may +be found numerous precedents in the legislation of the past, such as +grants of land and money to the several States for specified objects +deemed worthy by the Federal Congress. And in addition to this may be +cited a deliberate opinion of Mr. Webster upon this very subject, in one +of the ablest arguments of his life.</p> + +<p>"I allude to this question of power merely in vindication of the +position assumed by me in my vote for the Resolution of March last.</p> + +<p>"In your last communication to us, you beg of us 'to commend this +subject to the consideration of our States and people.' While I +entirely differ with you in the opinion expressed, that had the members +from the Border States approved of your Resolution of March last 'the +War would now be substantially ended,' and while I do not regard the +suggestion 'as one of the most potent and swift means of ending' the +War, I am yet free to say that I have the most unbounded confidence in +your sincerity of purpose in calling our attention to the dangers +surrounding us.</p> + +<p>"I am satisfied that you appreciate the troubles of the Border States, +and that your suggestions are intended for our good. I feel the force +of your urgent appeal, and the logic of surrounding circumstances brings +conviction even to an unwilling believer.</p> + +<p>"Having said that, in my judgment, you attached too much importance to +this measure as a means for suppressing the Rebellion, it is due to you +that I shall explain.</p> + +<p>"Whatever may be the status of the Border States in this respect, the +War cannot be ended until the power of the Government is made manifest +in the seceded States. They appealed to the sword; give them the sword. +They asked for War; let them see its evils on their own soil.</p> + +<p>"They have erected a Government, and they force obedience to its +behests. This structure must be destroyed; this image, before which an +unwilling People have been compelled to bow, must be broken. The +authority of the Federal Government must be felt in the heart of the +rebellious district. To do this, let armies be marched upon them at +once, and let them feel what they have inflicted on us in the Border. +Do not fear our States; we will stand by the Government in this work.</p> + +<p>"I ought not to disguise from you or the people of my State, that +personally I have fixed and unalterable opinions on the subject of your +communication. Those opinions I shall communicate to the people in that +spirit of frankness that should characterize the intercourse of the +Representative with his constituents.</p> + +<p>"If I were to-day the owner of the lands and Slaves of Missouri, your +proposition, so far as that State is concerned, would be immediately +accepted. Not a day would be lost. Aside from public considerations, +which you suppose to be involved in the proposition, and which no +Patriot, I agree, should disregard at present, my own personal interest +would prompt favorable and immediate action.</p> + +<p>"But having said this, it is proper that I say something more. The +Representative is the servant and not the master of the People. He has +no authority to bind them to any course of action, or even to indicate +what they will, or will not, do when the subject is exclusively theirs +and not his.</p> + +<p>"I shall take occasion, I hope honestly, to give my views of existing +troubles and impending dangers, and shall leave the rest to them, +disposed, as I am, rather to trust their judgment upon the case stated +than my own, and at the same time most cheerfully to acquiesce in their +decision.</p> + +<p>"For you, personally, Mr. President, I think I can pledge the kindest +considerations of the people of Missouri, and I shall not hesitate to +express the belief that your recommendation will be considered by them +in the same spirit of kindness manifested by you in its presentation to +us, and that their decision will be such as is demanded 'by their +interests, their honor, and their duty to the whole Country.'</p> + +<p>"I am very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p> + +<p> "J. B. HENDERSON.</p> + +<p>"To his Excellency,<br> +"A. LINCOLN, PRESIDENT."</p> + + + + +<br> +<br> + + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p3.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p5.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +</body> +</html> + + + + diff --git a/old/orig7140-h/p5.htm b/old/orig7140-h/p5.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..dba118d --- /dev/null +++ b/old/orig7140-h/p5.htm @@ -0,0 +1,3759 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> +<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 5</title> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> + +<style type="text/css"> + <!-- + body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify} + P { + text-indent: 1em; + margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; } + HR { width: 33%; text-align: center; } + blockquote {font-size: 95% } + .figleft {float: left;} + .figright {float: right;} + .toc { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;} + CENTER { padding: 10px;} + // --> +</style> + +</head> +<body> + + +<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 5</h2> + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p4.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p6.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + + +<br><br><br><br><br><br> + + + +<center><h1><br> +<br> + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br> +<br> + Its Origin and History<br> +<br><br> + Part 5.<br><br><br> + + By John Logan<br><br> + +<br> +<br> +</h1><h2> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692"> +<br><br><br><br><br> +<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665"> +<br><br><br><br><br> + + + +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CONTENTS +</h2></center> +<br> +<br> + + <h2><a href="#ch18">CHAPTER XVIII.</a><br> + FREEDOM PROCLAIMED TO ALL.<br></h2> +<br> +PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEAL TO COLORED FREEMEN—HE BEGS THEM TO +HELP IN THE COLONIZATION OF THEIR RACE—PROPOSED AFRICAN COLONY IN +CENTRAL AMERICA—EXECUTIVE ORDER OF JULY 2, 1862—EMPLOYMENT OF NEGROES +FOR MILITARY PURPOSES OF THE UNION—JEFF. DAVIS RETALIATES—MCCLELLAN +PROMULGATES THE EXECUTIVE ORDER WITH ADDENDA OF HIS OWN—HORACE +GREELEY'S LETTER TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN—THE LATTER ACCUSED OF +"SUBSERVIENCY" TO THE SLAVE HOLDERS—AN "UNGRUDGING EXECUTION OF THE +CONFISCATION ACT" DEMANDED—MR. LINCOLN'S FAMOUS REPLY—HIS "PARAMOUNT +OBJECT, TO SAVE THE UNION, AND NOT EITHER TO SAVE OR DESTROY +SLAVERY"—VISIT TO THE WHITE HOUSE OF A RELIGIOUS DEPUTATION FROM +CHICAGO—MEMORIAL ASKING FOR IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION, BY PROCLAMATION—THE +PRESIDENT'S REPLY TO THE DEPUTATION—"THE POPE'S BULL AGAINST THE +COMET"—VARIOUS OBJECTIONS STATED TENTATIVELY—"A PROCLAMATION OF +LIBERTY TO THE SLAVES" IS "UNDER ADVISEMENT"—THE PROCLAMATION OF +EMANCIPATION ISSUED—ITS POPULAR RECEPTION—MEETING OF LOYAL GOVERNORS +AT ALTOONA—THEIR STIRRING ADDRESS—HOMAGE TO OUR SOLDIERS—PLEDGED +SUPPORT FOR VIGOROUS PROSECUTION OF THE WAR TO TRIUMPHANT END—PRESIDENT +LINCOLN'S HISTORICAL RESUME AND DEFENSE OF EMANCIPATION—HE SUGGESTS TO +CONGRESS, PAYMENT FOR SLAVES AT ONCE EMANCIPATED BY BORDER +STATES—ACTION OF THE HOUSE, ON RESOLUTIONS SEVERALLY REPREHENDING AND ENDORSING +THE PROCLAMATION—SUPPLEMENTAL EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION OF JAN. 1, 1863 +<br> +<br> + <h2> <a href="#ch19">CHAPTER XIX.</a><br> + HISTORICAL REVIEW.<br></h2> +<br> +COURSE OF SOUTHERN OLIGARCHS THROUGHOUT—THEIR EVERLASTING GREED AND +RAPACITY—BROKEN COVENANTS AND AGGRESSIVE METHODS—THEIR UNIFORM GAINS +UNTIL 1861—UPS AND DOWNS OF THE TARIFF—FREE TRADE, SLAVERY, +STATES +RIGHTS, SECESSION, ALL PARTS OF ONE CONSPIRACY—"INDEPENDENCE" THE FIRST +OBJECT OF THE WAR—DREAMS, AMBITIONS, AND PLANS OF THE +CONSPIRATORS—LINCOLN'S FAITH IN NORTHERN NUMBERS AND ENDURANCE—"RIGHT +MAKES MIGHT"—THE SOUTH SOLIDLY-CEMENTED BY BLOOD—THE 37TH CONGRESS—ITS WAR +MEASURES—PAVING THE WAY TO DOWNFALL OF SLAVERY AND REBELLION +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch20">CHAPTER XX.</a><br> + LINCOLN'S TROUBLES AND TEMPTATIONS.<br></h2> +<br> +INTERFERENCE WITH SLAVERY FORCED BY THE WAR—EDWARD EVERETT'S +OPINION—BORDER-STATES DISTRUST OF LINCOLN—IMPOSSIBILITY OF SATISFYING THEIR +REPRESENTATIVES—THEIR JEALOUS SUSPICIONS AND CONGRESSIONAL +ACTION—PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE OF KINDLY WARNING—STORMY CONTENTION IN +CONGRESS—CRITTENDEN'S ARGUMENT ON "PROPERTY" IN MAN—BORDER—STATES "BID" FOR +MR. LINCOLN—THE "NICHE IN THE TEMPLE OF FAME" OFFERED HIM—LOVEJOY'S +ELOQUENT COUNTERBLAST—SUMNER (JUNE, 1862,) ON LINCOLN AND +EMANCIPATION—THE PRESIDENT HARRIED AND WORRIED—SNUBBED BY BORDER +STATESMEN—MCCLELLAN'S THREAT—ARMY-MISMANAGEMENT—ARMING THE BLACKS—HOW THE +EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION WAS WRITTEN—CABINET SUGGESTIONS—MILITARY +SITUATION—REBEL ADVANCE NORTHWARD—LINCOLN, AND THE +BREAST-WORKS—WASHINGTON AND BALTIMORE MENACED—ANTIETAM, AND THE FIAT OF +FREEDOM—BORDER-STATE DENUNCIATION—KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE, ETC. +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch21">CHAPTER XXI.</a><br> + THE ARMED—NEGRO.<br></h2> +<br> +"WHO WOULD BE FREE, HIMSELF MUST STRIKE THE BLOW!"—THE COLORED TROOPS +AT PORT HUDSON—THEIR HEROISM—STIRRING INCIDENTS—AT MILLIKEN'S +BEND—AT FORT WAGNER—AT PETERSBURG AND ABOUT RICHMOND—THE REBEL CONSPIRATORS +FURIOUS—OUTLAWRY OF GENERAL BUTLER, ETC.—JEFFERSON DAVIS'S MESSAGE TO +THE REBEL CONGRESS—ATROCIOUS, COLD-BLOODED RESOLUTIONS OF THAT +BODY—DEATH OR SLAVERY TO THE ARMED FREEMAN—PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RETALIATORY +ORDER—THE BLOODY BUTCHERY AT FORT PILLOW—SAVAGE MALIGNITY OF THE +REBELS—A COMMON ERROR, CORRECTED—ARMING OF NEGROES COMMENCED BY THE +REBELS—SIMILAR SCHEME OF A REVOLUTIONARY HERO, IN 1778—REBEL CONGRESSIONAL ACT, +CONSCRIPTING NEGROES—JEFFERSON DAVIS'S POSITION—GENERAL LEE'S LETTER +TO BARKSDALE ON THE SUBJECT +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br><br> +<h3>PORTRAITS.</h3> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> +<a href="#baker">EDWARD D. BAKER</a><br> +<a href="#fremont">JOHN C. FREMONT</a><br> +<a href="#cameron">SIMON CAMERON</a><br> +<a href="#halleck">H. W. HALLECK</a><br> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="baker"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p354-baker.jpg (76K)" src="images/p354-baker.jpg" height="808" width="577"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch18"></a> +<br><br> +<center><h2> +<br> +<br> + CHAPTER XVIII.<br> +<br> + FREEDOM PROCLAIMED TO ALL. +</h2></center> + +<p>While mentally revolving the question of Emancipation—now, evidently +"coming to a head,"—no inconsiderable portion of Mr. Lincoln's thoughts +centered upon, and his perplexities grew out of, his assumption that the +"physical difference" between the Black and White—the African and +Caucasian races, precluded the idea of their living together in the one +land as Free men and equals.</p> + +<p>In his speeches during the great Lincoln-Douglas debate we have seen +this idea frequently advanced, and so, in his later public utterances as +President.</p> + +<p>As in his appeal to the Congressional delegations from the Border-States +on the 12th of July, 1862, he had held out to them the hope that "the +Freed people will not be so reluctant to go" to his projected colony in +South America, when their "numbers shall be large enough to be company +and encouragement for one another," so, at a later date—on the 14th of +August following—he appealed to the Colored Free men themselves to help +him found a proposed Negro colony in New Granada, and thus aid in the +solution of this part of the knotty problem, by the disenthrallment of +the new race from its unhappy environments here.</p> + +<p>The substance of the President's interesting address, at the White +House, to the delegation of Colored men, for whom he had sent, was thus +reported at the time:</p> + +<p>"Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary +observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by +Congress, and placed at his disposition, for the purpose of aiding the +colonization in some country of the people, or a portion of them, of +African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time +been his inclination, to favor that cause; and why, he asked, should the +people of your race be colonized, and where?</p> + +<p>"Why should they leave this Country? This is perhaps the first question +for proper consideration. You and we are different races. We have +between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two +races. Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss; but this +physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think. +Your race suffers very greatly, many of them by living among us, while +ours suffers from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If +this is admitted, it affords a reason, at least, why we should be +separated. You here are Freemen, I suppose?</p> + +<p>"A VOICE—Yes, Sir.</p> + +<p>"THE PRESIDENT—Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives. +Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on +any people. But even when you cease to be Slaves, you are yet far +removed from being placed on an equality with the White race. You are +cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoys. The +aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free; but on +this broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of +a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is +still upon you. I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it as +a fact, with which we have to deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It +is a fact about which we all think and feel alike, I and you. We look +to our condition.</p> + +<p>"Owing to the existence of the two races on this continent, I need not +recount to you the effects upon White men, growing out of the +institution of Slavery. I believe in its general evil effects on the +White race. See our present condition—the Country engaged in War! our +white men cutting one another's throats—none knowing how far it will +extend—and then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your +race among us there could not be War, although many men engaged on +either side do not care for you one way or the other. Nevertheless, I +repeat, without the institution of Slavery, and the Colored race as a +basis, the War could not have an existence. It is better for us both, +therefore, to be separated.</p> + +<p>"I know that there are Free men among you who, even if they could better +their condition, are not as much inclined to go out of the Country as +those who, being Slaves, could obtain their Freedom on this condition. +I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization +is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be +advanced by it. You may believe that you can live in Washington, or +elsewhere in the United States, the remainder of your life; perhaps more +so than you can in any foreign country, and hence you may come to the +conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a +foreign country.</p> + +<p>"This is, (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the +case. But you ought to do something to help those who are not so +fortunate as yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our +People, harsh as it may be, for you free Colored people to remain with +us. Now if you could give a start to the White people you would open a +wide door for many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not +free at the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by Slavery, we +have very poor material to start with.</p> + +<p>"If intelligent Colored men, such as are before me, could move in this +matter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that we +have men at the beginning capable of thinking as White men, and not +those who have been systematically oppressed. There is much to +encourage you.</p> + +<p>"For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your +present comfort for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the +White people. It is a cheering thought throughout life, that something +can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subject +to the hard usages of the World. It is difficult to make a man +miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred to +the great God who made him.</p> + +<p>"In the American Revolutionary War, sacrifices were made by men engaged +in it, but they were cheered by the future. General Washington himself +endured greater physical hardships than if he had remained a British +subject, yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in benefiting +his race, in doing something for the children of his neighbors, having +none of his own.</p> + +<p>"The Colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain +sense it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just +been with me the first time I ever saw him. He says they have, within +the bounds of that Colony, between three and four hundred thousand +people, or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island, or +Delaware, or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of our +larger ones. They are not all American colonists or their descendants. +Something less than 12,000 have been sent thither from this Country. +Many of the original settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere, +their offspring outnumber those deceased.</p> + +<p>"The question is, if the Colored people are persuaded to go anywhere, +why not there? One reason for unwillingness to do so is that some of +you would rather remain within reach of the country of your nativity. I +do not know how much attachment you may have toward our race. It does +not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them. But still +you are attached to them at all events.</p> + +<p>"The place I am thinking about having for a colony, is in Central +America. It is nearer to us than Liberia—not much more than one-fourth +as far as Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers. Unlike +Liberia, it is a great line of travel—it is a highway. The country is +a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural resources +and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of climate with +your native soil, thus being suited to your physical condition.</p> + +<p>"The particular place I have in view, is to be a great highway from the +Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and this particular +place has all the advantages for a colony. On both sides there are +harbors among the finest in the World. Again, there is evidence of very +rich coal mines. A certain amount of coal is valuable in any country. +Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford an +opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get +ready to settle permanently in their homes.</p> + +<p>"If you take colonists where there is no good landing, there is a bad +show; and so, where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which to make +a farm. But if something is started so that you can get your daily +bread as soon as you reach there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is +the best thing I know of, with which to commence an enterprise.</p> + +<p>"To return—you have been talked to upon this subject, and told that a +speculation is intended by gentlemen who have an interest in the +country, including the coal mines. We have been mistaken all our lives +if we do not know Whites, as well as Blacks, look to their +self-interest. Unless among those deficient of intellect, everybody you +trade with makes something. You meet with these things here and +everywhere. If such persons have what will be an advantage to them, the +question is, whether it cannot be made of advantage to you?</p> + +<p>"You are intelligent, and know that success does not as much depend on +external help, as on self-reliance. Much, therefore, depends upon +yourselves. As to the coal mines, I think I see the means available for +your self-reliance. I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you +engaged, have provision made that you shall not be wronged. If you will +engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the money intrusted to +me. I am not sure you will succeed. The Government may lose the money, +but we cannot succeed unless we try; but we think, with care, we can +succeed.</p> + +<p>"The political affairs in Central America are not in quite as +satisfactory condition as I wish. There are contending factions in that +quarter; but it is true, all the factions are agreed alike on the +subject of colonization, and want it; and are more generous than we are +here. To your Colored race they have no objection. Besides, I would +endeavor to have you made equals, and have the best assurance that you +should be the equals of the best.</p> + +<p>"The practical thing I want to ascertain is, whether I can get a number +of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to +go, when I present evidence of encouragement and protection. Could I +get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, +and able to 'cut their own fodder' so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I +could find twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and +children—good things in the family relation, I think I could make a +successful commencement.</p> + +<p>"I want you to let me know whether this can be done or not. This is the +practical part of my wish to see you. These are subjects of very great +importance—worthy of a month's study, of a speech delivered in an hour. +I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not as pertaining to yourselves +merely, nor for your race, and ours, for the present time, but as one of +the things, if successfully managed, for the good of mankind—not +confined to the present generation, but as:</p> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + + 'From age to age descends the lay<br /> + To millions yet to be,<br /> + Till far its echoes roll away<br /> + Into eternity.'"<br /> + + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + +<p>President Lincoln's well-meant colored colonization project, however, +fell through, owing partly to opposition to it in Central America, and +partly to the very natural and deeply-rooted disinclination of the +Colored free men to leave the land of their birth.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, limited Military Emancipation of Slaves was announced and +regulated, on the 22d July, 1862, by the following Executive +Instructions, which were issued from the War Department by order of the +President—the issue of which was assigned by Jefferson Davis as one +reason for his Order of August 1, 1862, directing "that the commissioned +officers of Pope's and Steinwehr's commands be not entitled, when +captured, to be treated as soldiers and entitled to the benefit of the +cartel of exchange:"</p> + +<p> +"WAR DEPARTMENT,<br> +"WASHINGTON, D.C., July 22, 1862.</p> + +<p>"First. Ordered that Military Commanders within the States of Virginia, +North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, +Texas, and Arkansas, in an orderly manner seize and use any property, +real or personal, which may be necessary or convenient for their several +commands, for supplies, or for other Military purposes; and that while +property may be destroyed for proper Military objects, none shall be +destroyed in wantonness or malice.</p> + +<p>"Second. That Military and Naval Commanders shall employ as laborers, +within and from said States, so many Persons of African descent as can +be advantageously used for Military or Naval purposes, giving them +reasonable wages for their labor.</p> + +<p>"Third. That, as to both property, and Persons of African descent, +accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show +quantities and amounts, and from whom both property and such Persons +shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation can be made in +proper cases; and the several departments of this Government shall +attend to and perform their appropriate parts towards the execution of +these orders.</p> + +<p>"By Order of the President:</p> + +<p> "EDWIN M. STANTON,<br> + "Secretary of War."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +On the 9th of August, 1862, Major General McClellan promulgated the +Executive Order of July 22, 1862, from his Headquarters at Harrison's +Landing, Va., with certain directions of his own, among which were the +following:</p> + +<p>"Inhabitants, especially women and children, remaining peaceably at +their homes, must not be molested; and wherever commanding officers find +families peculiarly exposed in their persons or property to marauding +from this Army, they will, as heretofore, so far as they can do with +safety and without detriment to the service, post guards for their +protection.</p> + +<p>"In protecting private property, no reference is intended to Persons +held to service or labor by reason of African Descent. Such Persons +will be regarded by this Army, as they heretofore have been, as +occupying simply a peculiar legal status under State laws, which +condition the Military authorities of the United States are not required +to regard at all in districts where Military operations are made +necessary by the rebellious action of the State governments.</p> + +<p>"Persons subject to suspicion of hostile purposes, residing or being +near our Forces, will be, as heretofore, subject to arrest and +detention, until the cause or necessity is removed. All such arrested +parties will be sent, as usual, to the Provost-Marshal General, with a +statement of the facts in each case.</p> + +<p>"The General Commanding takes this occasion to remind the officers and +soldiers of this Army that we are engaged in supporting the Constitution +and the Laws of the United States and suppressing Rebellion against +their authority; that we are not engaged in a War of rapine, revenge, or +subjugation; that this is not a contest against populations, but against +armed forces and political organizations; that it is a struggle carried +on with the United States, and should be conducted by us upon the +highest principles known to Christian civilization.</p> + +<p>"Since this Army commenced active operations, Persons of African +descent, including those held to service or labor under State laws, have +always been received, protected, and employed as laborers at wages. +Hereafter it shall be the duty of the Provost-Marshal General to cause +lists to be made of all persons of African descent employed in this Army +as laborers for Military purposes—such lists being made sufficiently +accurate and in detail to show from whom such persons shall have come.</p> + +<p>"Persons so subject and so employed have always understood that after +being received into the Military service of the United States, in any +capacity, they could never be reclaimed by their former holders. Except +upon such understanding on their part, the order of the President, as to +this class of Persons, would be inoperative. The General Commanding +therefore feels authorized to declare to all such employees, that they +will receive permanent Military protection against any compulsory return +to a condition of servitude."</p> + +<p>Public opinion was now rapidly advancing, under the pressure of Military +necessity, and the energetic efforts of the immediate Emancipationists, +to a belief that Emancipation by Presidential Proclamation would be wise +and efficacious as an instrumentality toward subduing the Rebellion; +that it must come, sooner or later—and the sooner, the better.</p> + +<p>Indeed, great fault was found, by some of these, with what they +characterized as President Lincoln's "obstinate slowness" to come up to +their advanced ideas on the subject. He was even accused of failing to +execute existing laws touching confiscation of Slaves of Rebels coming +within the lines of the Union Armies. On the 19th of August, 1862, a +letter was addressed to him by Horace Greeley which concluded thus:</p> + +<p>"On the face of this wide Earth, Mr. President, there is not one +disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union Cause who +does not feel that all attempts to put down the Rebellion, and at the +same time uphold its inciting cause, are preposterous and futile—that +the Rebellion, if crushed out to-morrow, would be renewed within a year +if Slavery were left in full vigor—that Army officers, who remain to +this day devoted to Slavery, can at best be but half-way loyal to the +Union—and that every hour of deference to Slavery is an hour of added +and deepened peril to the Union.</p> + +<p>"I appeal to the testimony of your embassadors in Europe. It is freely +at your service, not mine. Ask them to tell you candidly whether the +seeming subserviency of your policy to the Slaveholding, +Slavery-upholding interest, is not the perplexity, the despair, of Statesmen of +all parties; and be admonished by the general answer.</p> + +<p>"I close, as I began, with the statement that what an immense majority +of the loyal millions of your countrymen require of you, is a frank, +declared, unqualified, ungrudging execution of the Laws of the Land, +more especially of the Confiscation Act. That Act gives Freedom to the +Slaves of Rebels coming within our lines, or whom those lines may at any +time inclose. We ask you to render it due obedience by publicly +requiring all your subordinates to recognize and obey it.</p> + +<p>"The Rebels are everywhere using the late Anti-Negro riots in the North +—as they have long used your officers' treatment of Negroes in the +South—to convince the Slaves that they have nothing to hope from a +Union success—that we mean in that case to sell them into a bitter +Bondage to defray the cost of the War.</p> + +<p>"Let them impress this as a truth on the great mass of their ignorant +and credulous Bondmen, and the Union will never be restored—never. We +can not conquer ten millions of people united in solid phalanx against +us, powerfully aided by Northern sympathizers and European allies.</p> + +<p>"We must have scouts, guides, spies, cooks, teamsters, diggers, and +choppers, from the Blacks of the South—whether we allow them to fight +for us or not—or we shall be baffled and repelled.</p> + +<p>"As one of the Millions who would gladly have avoided this struggle, at +any sacrifice but that of principle and honor, but who now feel that the +triumph of the Union is indispensable not only to the existence of our +Country, but to the well-being of mankind, I entreat you to render a +hearty and unequivocal obedience to the Law of the Land.<br> + "Yours,<br> + "HORACE GREELEY."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +To this letter, President Lincoln at once made the following memorable +reply:</p> + +<p> "EXECUTIVE MANSION,<br> + "WASHINGTON, Friday, August 22, 1862.</p> + +<p>"HON. HORACE GREELEY</p> + +<p>"DEAR SIR:—I have just read yours of the 19th inst. addressed to myself +through the New York Tribune.</p> + +<p>"If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may +know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them.</p> + +<p>"If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I +do not now and here argue against them.</p> + +<p>"If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I +waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always +supposed to be right.</p> + +<p>"As to the policy I 'seem to be pursuing,' as you say, I have not meant +to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in +the shortest way under the Constitution.</p> + +<p>"The sooner the National authority can be restored, the nearer the Union +will be—the Union as it was.</p> + +<p>"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time save Slavery, I do not agree with them.</p> + +<p>"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the +same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree, with them.</p> + +<p>"My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or +destroy Slavery.</p> + +<p>"If I could save the Union without freeing any Slave, I would do it—and +if I could save it by freeing all the Slaves, I would do it—and if I +could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do +that.</p> + +<p>"What I do about Slavery and the Colored race, I do because I believe it +helps to save the Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not +believe it would help to save the Union.</p> + +<p>"I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the +cause, and shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the +cause.</p> + +<p>"I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall +adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.</p> + +<p>"I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty, +and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all +men everywhere could be free.<br> + "Yours,<br> + "A. LINCOLN."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +On the 13th of September, 1862, a deputation from all the religious +denominations of Chicago presented to President Lincoln a memorial for +the immediate issue of a Proclamation of Emancipation, to which, and the +Chairman's remarks, he thus replied:</p> + +<p>"The subject presented in the Memorial is one upon which I have thought +much for weeks past, and I may even say, for months. I am approached +with the most opposite opinions, and advice, and that by religious men, +who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure +that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and +perhaps, in some respects, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for +me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal His will to +others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed He +would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself +than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence +in this matter. And if I can learn what it is, I will do it!</p> + +<p>"These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be +granted that I am not to expect a direct Revelation; I must study the +plain physical aspects of the case, ascertain what is possible, and +learn what appears to be wise and right!</p> + +<p>"The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, the +other day, four gentlemen, of standing and intelligence, from New York, +called, as a delegation, on business connected with the War; but, before +leaving, two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general +Emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them.</p> + +<p>"You know also that the last Session of Congress had a decided majority +of Anti-Slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And the +same is true of the religious people; why the Rebel soldiers are praying +with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and +expecting God to favor their side; for one of our soldiers, who had been +taken prisoner, told Senator Wilson, a few days since, that he met +nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among +in their prayers. But we will talk over the merits of the case.</p> + +<p>"What good would a Proclamation of Emancipation from me do, especially +as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the +whole World will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's +Bull against the Comet! Would my word free the Slaves, when I cannot +even enforce the Constitution in the Rebel States? Is there a single +Court or Magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there? +And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon +the Slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved and which +offers protection and Freedom to the Slaves of Rebel masters who came +within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single +Slave to come over to us.</p> + +<p>"And suppose they could be induced by a Proclamation of Freedom from me +to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them? How can we +feed and care for such a multitude? General Butler wrote me a few days +since that he was issuing more rations to the Slaves who have rushed to +him, than to all the White troops under his command. They eat, and that +is all; though it is true General Butler is feeding the Whites also, by +the thousand; for it nearly amounts to a famine there.</p> + +<p>"If, now, the pressure of the War should call off our forces from New +Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from +reducing the Blacks to Slavery again; for I am told that whenever the +Rebels take any Black prisoners, Free or Slave, they immediately auction +them off! They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground +in the Tennessee river a few days ago.</p> + +<p>"And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it! For instance, when, +after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from +Washington, under a flag of truce, to bury the dead and bring in the +wounded, and the Rebels seized the Blacks who went along to help, and +sent them into Slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the +Government would probably do nothing about it. What could I do?</p> + +<p>"Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would +follow the issuing of such a Proclamation as you desire? Understand, I +raise no objections against it on legal or Constitutional grounds, for, +as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, in time of War, I suppose I +have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the Enemy, nor do +I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of +insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a +practical War measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or +disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the Rebellion.</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p>"I admit that Slavery is at the root of the Rebellion, or, at least, its +sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to +act, but they would have been impotent without Slavery as their +instrument. I will also concede that Emancipation would help us in +Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than +ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, +though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine.</p> + +<p>"Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the War, +and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the Rebels by drawing off +their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we +could do much with the Blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear that in +a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the Rebels; and, indeed, +thus far, we have not had arms enough to equip our White troops.</p> + +<p>"I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and +contempt. There are 50,000 bayonets in the Union Army from the Border +Slave States. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a +Proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the Rebels. I +do not think they all would—not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as +six months ago—not so many to-day, as yesterday. Every day increases +their Union feeling. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and +want to beat the Rebels.</p> + +<p>"Let me say one thing more: I think you should admit that we already +have an important principle to rally and unite the People, in the fact +that Constitutional Government is at stake. This is a fundamental idea +going down about as deep as anything!</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p>"Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. +They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in +some such way as you desire.</p> + +<p>"I have not decided against a Proclamation of Liberty to the Slaves, but +hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure you that the subject +is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall +appear to be God's will I will do.</p> + +<p>"I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I +have not in any respect injured your feelings."</p> + +<p> +On the 22d day of September, 1862, not only the Nation, but the whole +World, was electrified by the publication—close upon the heels of the +Union victory of Antietam—of the Proclamation of Emancipation—weighted +with consequences so wide and far-reaching that even at this late day +they cannot all be discerned. It was in these words:</p> + +<br><br> + +<p>"I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and +Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and +declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the War will be prosecuted for +the object of practically restoring the Constitutional relation between +the United States and each of the States and the people thereof, in +which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.</p> + +<p>"That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again +recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to +the free acceptance or rejection of all Slave States, so called, the +people whereof may not then be in Rebellion against the United States, +and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may +voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of Slavery within +their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize Persons of +African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere, +with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, +will be continued.</p> + +<p>"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand +eight hundred and sixty-three, all Persons held as Slaves within any +State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in +Rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and +forever Free; and the Executive Government of the United States, +including the Military and Naval authority thereof, will recognize and +maintain the Freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to +repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for +their actual Freedom.</p> + +<p>"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by +Proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which +the people thereof respectively, shall then be in Rebellion against the +United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall +on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United +States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the +qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the +absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive +evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not in Rebellion +against the United States.</p> + +<p>"That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled 'An Act +to make an additional Article of War,' approved March 31, 1862, and +which Act is in the words and figures following:</p> + +<p>"'Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following +shall be promulgated as an additional Article of War, for the government +of the Army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as +such.</p> + +<p>"ARTICLE—All officers or persons in the Military or Naval service of +the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under +their respective commands for the purpose of returning Fugitives from +service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such +service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be +found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be +dismissed from the service.</p> + +<p>"'SECTION 2.—And be it further enacted, That this Act shall take effect +from and after its passage.'</p> + +<p>"Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an Act entitled 'An Act to +suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and Rebellion, to seize and +confiscate property of Rebels, and for other purposes,' approved July +17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following:</p> + +<p>"'SEC. 9.—And be it further enacted, That all Slaves of persons who +shall hereafter be engaged in Rebellion against the Government of the +United States or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, +escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the +Army; and all Slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and +coming under the control of the Government of the United States; and all +Slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied by +Rebel forces and afterward occupied by the forces of the United States, +shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever Free of their +servitude, and not again held as Slaves.</p> + +<p>"'SEC. 10.—And be it further enacted, That no Slave escaping into any +State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, +shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, +except for crime, or some offense against the laws, unless the person +claiming said Fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the +labor or service of such Fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful +owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present +Rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person +engaged in the Military or Naval service of the United States shall, +under any pretense whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the +claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or +surrender up any such Person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed +from the service."</p> + +<p>"And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the +Military and Naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and +enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the Act and +sections above recited.</p> + +<p>"And the Executive will in due time recommend that all +citizens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto +throughout the Rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the +Constitutional relation between the United States and their respective +States and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or +disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, +including the loss of Slaves.</p> + +<p>"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed.</p> + +<p>"Done at the city of Washington this twenty-second day of September, in +the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of +the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.</p> + +<p>"By the President:<br> +"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p> + +<p>"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +This Proclamation, promising Freedom to an Enslaved race, was hailed +with acclamations everywhere save in the rebellious Southern-Slave +States, and in the Border-Slave States.</p> + +<p>At a meeting of Governors of Loyal States, held at Altoona, +Pennsylvania, to take measures for the more active support of the +Government, an Address was adopted, on the very day that the +Proclamation was promulgated, which well expressed the general feeling +prevailing throughout the Northern States, at this time. It was in +these patriotic words:</p> + +<p>"After nearly one year and a half spent in contest with an armed and +gigantic Rebellion against the National Government of the United States, +the duty and purpose of the Loyal States and people continue, and must +always remain as they were at its origin—namely to restore and +perpetuate the authority of this Government and the life of the Nation. +No matter what consequences are involved in our fidelity, this work of +restoring the Republic, preserving the institutions of democratic +Liberty, and justifying the hopes and toils of our Fathers, shall not +fail to be performed.</p> + +<p>"And we pledge, without hesitation, to the President of the United +States, the most loyal and cordial support, hereto as heretofore, in +the exercise of the functions of his great office. We recognize in him +the chief Executive magistrate of the Nation, the Commander-in-Chief of +the Army and Navy of the United States, their responsible and +constitutional head, whose rightful authority and power, as well as the +Constitutional powers of Congress, must be rigorously and religiously +guarded and preserved, as the condition on which alone our form of +Government and the constitutional rights and liberties of the People +themselves can be saved from the wreck of anarchy or from the gulf +'despotism.</p> + +<p>"In submission to the laws which may have been or which may be duly +enacted, and to the lawful orders of the President, cooperating always +in our own spheres with the National Government, we mean to continue in +the most rigorous exercise of all our lawful and proper powers, +contending against Treason, Rebellion, and the public Enemies, and, +whether in public life or in private station, supporting the arms of the +Union, until its Cause shall conquer, until final victory shall perch +upon its standard, or the Rebel foe will yield a dutiful, rightful, and +unconditional submission. And, impressed with the conviction that an +Army of reserve ought, until the War shall end, to be constantly kept on +foot, to be raised, armed, equipped, and trained at home, and ready for +emergencies, we respectfully ask the President to call such a force of +volunteers for one year's service, of not less than one hundred thousand +in the aggregate, the quota of each State to be raised after it shall +have led its quota of the requisitions already made, both for volunteers +and militia. We believe that this would be a Leasure of Military +prudence, while it would greatly promote the Military education of the +People.</p> + +<p>"We hail with heartfelt gratitude and encouraged hope the Proclamation +of the President, issued on the 22nd instant, declaring Emancipated from +their bondage all Persons held to Service or Labor as Slaves in the +Rebel States, whose Rebellion shall last until the first day of January +next ensuing.</p> + +<p>"The right of any person to retain authority to compel any portion of +the subjects of the National Government to rebel against it, or to +maintain its Enemies, implies in those who are allowed possession of +such authority the right to rebel themselves; and therefore, the right +to establish Martial Law or Military Government in a State or Territory +in Rebellion implies the right and the duty of the Government to +liberate the minds of all men living therein by appropriate +Proclamations and assurances of protection, in order that all who are +capable, intellectually and morally, of loyalty and obedience, may not +be forced into Treason as the unwilling tools of rebellious Traitors.</p> + +<p>"To have continued indefinitely the most efficient cause, support, and +stay of the Rebellion, would have been, in our judgment, unjust to the +Loyal people whose treasure and lives are made a willing sacrifice on +the altar of patriotism—would have discriminated against the wife who +is compelled to surrender her husband, against the parent who is to +surrender his child, to the hardships of the camp and the perils of +battle, in favor of Rebel masters permitted to retain their Slaves. It +would have been a final decision alike against humanity, justice, the +rights and dignity of the Government, and against sound and wise +National policy.</p> + +<p>"The decision of the President to strike at the root of the Rebellion +will lend new vigor to efforts, and new life and hope to the hearts of +the People. Cordially tendering to the President our respectful +assurances of personal and official confidence, we trust and believe +that the policy now inaugurated will be crowned with success, will give +speedy and triumphant victories over our enemies, and secure to this +Nation and this People the blessing and favor of Almighty God.</p> + +<p>"We believe that the blood of the heroes who have already fallen, and +those who may yet give their lives to their Country, will not have been +shed in vain.</p> + +<p>"The splendid valor of our soldiers, their patient endurance, their +manly patriotism, and their devotion to duty, demand from us and from +all their countrymen the homage of the sincerest gratitude and the +pledge of our constant reinforcement and support. A just regard for +these brave men, whom we have contributed to place in the field, and for +the importance of the duties which may lawfully pertain to us hereafter, +has called us into friendly conference.</p> + +<p>"And now, presenting to our National Chief Magistrate this conclusion of +our deliberations, we devote ourselves to our Country's service, and we +will surround the President with our constant support, trusting that the +fidelity and zeal of the Loyal States and People will always assure him +that he will be constantly maintained in pursuing, with the utmost +vigor, this War for the preservation of the National life and hope of +humanity.</p> + +<p>"A. G. CURTIN,<br> +"JOHN A. ANDREW,<br> +"RICHARD YATES,<br> +"ISRAEL WASHBURNE, Jr.,<br> +"EDWARD SOLOMON,<br> +"SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD,<br> +"O. P. MORTON,—By D. G. ROSE, his Representative,<br> +"WM. SPRAGUE,<br> +"F. H. PEIRPOINT,<br> +"DAVID TOD,<br> +"N. S. BERRY, +"AUSTIN BLAIR."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Some two months after the issue of his great Proclamation of Liberty, +President Lincoln (in his Second Annual Message to Congress, December 1, +1862), took occasion again to refer to compensated Emancipation, and, +indeed, to the entire matter of Slavery and Freedom, in most instructive +and convincing manner, as follows:</p> + +<p>"On the 22d day of September last, a Proclamation was issued by the +Executive, a copy of which is herewith submitted.</p> + +<p>"In accordance with the purpose in the second paragraph of that paper, I +now respectfully recall your attention to what may be called +'compensated Emancipation.'</p> + +<p>"A Nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its +laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability. +'One generation passeth away, and another generation cometh, but the +Earth abideth forever.' It is of the first importance to duly consider +and estimate this ever-enduring part.</p> + +<p>"That portion of the Earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the +People of the United States, is well adapted to be the home of one +National family; and it is not well adapted for two, or more. Its vast +extent, and its variety of climate and productions, are of advantage, in +this age, for one People, whatever they might have been in former ages. +Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence, have brought these to be an +advantageous combination for one united People.</p> + +<p>"In the Inaugural Address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of +Disunion, as a remedy for the differences between the people of the two +Sections. I did so in language which I cannot improve, and which, +therefore, I beg to repeat:</p> + +<p>"'One Section of our Country believes Slavery is right, and ought to be +extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be +extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The Fugitive Slave +clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the +foreign Slave Trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can +ever be in a community where the moral sense of the People imperfectly +supports the law itself.</p> + +<p>"The great body of the People abide by the dry legal obligation in both +cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly +cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the +Sections, than before. The foreign Slave Trade, now imperfectly +suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one +Section; while Fugitive Slaves, now only partially surrendered, would +not be surrendered at all by the other.</p> + +<p>"Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our +respective Sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall +between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and each go out of +the presence and beyond the reach of the other; but the different parts +of our Country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and +intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.</p> + +<p>"'Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or +more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make +treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more +faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? suppose +you go to War, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on +both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old +questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.'</p> + +<p>"There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a National boundary +upon which to divide. Trace through, from East to West, upon the line +between the Free and Slave Country, and we shall find a little more than +one third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, +or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while nearly all its +remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk +back and forth without any consciousness of their presence.</p> + +<p>"No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass, by writing +it down on paper or parchment as a National boundary. The fact of +separation, if it comes, gives up, on the part of the seceding Section, +the Fugitive Slave clause, along with all other Constitutional +obligations upon the Section seceded from, while I should expect no +treaty stipulations would ever be made to take its place.</p> + +<p>"But there is another difficulty. The great interior region, bounded +East by the Alleghanies, North by the British dominions, West by the +Rocky Mountains, and South by the line along which the culture of corn +and cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of +Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, +Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of +Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above ten million +people, and will have fifty millions within fifty years, if not +prevented by any political folly or mistake.</p> + +<p>"It contains more than one-third of the country owned by the United +States-certainly more than one million square miles. Once half as +populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more than +seventy-five million people. A glance at the map shows that, territorially +speaking, it is the great body of the Republic. The other parts are but +marginal borders to it, the magnificent region sloping West, from the +Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest and also the richest +in undeveloped resources. In the production of provisions, grains, +grasses, and all which proceed from them, this great interior region is +naturally one of the most important in the World.</p> + +<p>"Ascertain from the statistics the small proportion of the region which +has, as yet, been brought into cultivation, and also the large and +rapidly increasing amount of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed +with the magnitude of the prospect presented. And yet this region has +no sea coast, touches no ocean anywhere. As part of one Nation, its +people now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York, +to South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San +Francisco.</p> + +<p>"But separate our common Country into two nations, as designed by the +present Rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is +thereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets, not, perhaps, by +a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations.</p> + +<p>"And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. +Place it between the now Free and Slave country, or place it South of +Kentucky, or North of Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none South +of it can trade to any port or place North of it, and none North of it +can trade to any port or place South of it except upon terms dictated by +a Government foreign to them.</p> + +<p>"These outlets, East, West, and South, are indispensable to the +well-being of the people inhabiting, and to inhabit, this vast interior +region. Which of the three may be the best, is no proper question. +All, are better than either; and all, of right belong to that People, +and to their successors forever. True to themselves, they will not ask +where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there +shall be no such line.</p> + +<p>"Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to +and through them, to the great outside World. They too, and each of +them, must have access to this Egypt of the West without paying toll at +the crossing of any National boundary.</p> + +<p>"Our National strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the +Land we inhabit; not from our National homestead. There is no possible +severing of this, but would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among us. +In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands Union, and abhors +separation. In fact it would, ere long, force reunion, however much of +blood and treasure the separation might have cost.</p> + +<p>"Our strife pertains to ourselves—to the passing generations of men; +and it can, without convulsion, be hushed forever—with the passing of +one generation.</p> + +<p>"In this view I recommend the adoption of the following Resolution and +Articles Amendatory of the Constitution of the United States.</p> + +<p>"'Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United +States of America, in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses +concurring). That the following Articles be proposed to the +Legislatures (or Conventions) of the several States, as Amendments to +the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which Articles when +ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures (or Conventions) to +be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, namely:</p> + +<p>"'ARTICLE—Every State wherein Slavery now exists, which shall abolish +the same therein, at any time, or times, before the first day of +January, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall +receive compensation from the United States, as follows, to wit;</p> + +<p>"'The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State, +bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of per cent. +per annum, to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of for each Slave +shown to have been therein by the eighth census of the United States, +said bonds to be delivered to such States by installments, or in one +parcel, at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same +shall have been gradual, or at one time, within such State; and interest +shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its +delivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, +and afterward reintroducing or tolerating Slavery therein, shall refund +to the United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and +all interest paid thereon.</p> + +<p>"'ARTICLE—All Slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the +chances of the War at any time before the end of the Rebellion, shall be +forever Free; but all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal, +shall be compensated for them, at the same rates as is provided for +States adopting abolishment of Slavery, but in such way that no Slave +shall be twice accounted for.</p> + +<p>"'ARTICLE—Congress may appropriate money, and otherwise provide for +colonizing Free Colored Persons, with their own consent, at any place or +places within the United States.'</p> + +<p> +"I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed Articles at some length. +Without Slavery the Rebellion could never have existed; without Slavery +it could not continue.</p> + +<p>"Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment +and of policy in regard to Slavery, and the African race among us. Some +would perpetuate Slavery; some would abolish it suddenly, without +compensation; some would abolish it gradually, and with compensation; +some would remove the Freed people from us; and some would retain them +with us; and there are yet other minor diversities. Because of these +diversities, we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves.</p> + +<p>"By mutual Concession we should harmonize and act together. This would +be Compromise; but it would be Compromise among the friends, and not +with the enemies of the Union. These Articles are intended to embody a +plan of such mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is +assumed that Emancipation will follow, at least, in several of the +States.</p> + +<p>"As to the first Article, the main points are: first, the Emancipation; +secondly, the length of time for consummating it—thirty-seven years; +and, thirdly, the compensation.</p> + +<p>"The Emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual +Slavery; but the length of time should greatly mitigate their +dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sudden +derangement—in fact from the necessity of any derangement—while most +of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the +measure will have passed away before its consummation. They will never +see it.</p> + +<p>"Another class will hail the prospect of Emancipation, but will +deprecate the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little +to the now living Slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves them +from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate +Emancipation in localities where their numbers are very great; and it +gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be Free +forever.</p> + +<p>"The plan leaves to each State, choosing to act under it, to abolish +Slavery now, or at the end of the century, or at any intermediate time, +or by degrees, extending over the whole or any part of the period; and +it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also provides for +compensation,—and generally, the mode of making it. This, it would +seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor +perpetual Slavery, and especially of those who are to receive the +compensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay, and not to +receive, will object. Yet the measure is both just and economical.</p> + +<p>"In a certain sense, the liberation of Slaves is the destruction of +Property—Property acquired by descent, or by purchase, the same as any +other property. It is no less true for having been often said, that the +people of the South are not more responsible for the original +introduction of this Property than are the people of the North; and when +it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar, and +share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say +that the South has been more responsible than the North for its +continuance.</p> + +<p>"If, then, for a common object, this Property is to be sacrificed, is it +not just that it be done at a common charge?</p> + +<p>"And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the +benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the War alone, is it +not also economical to do it? Let us consider it then. Let us +ascertain the sum we have expended in the War since compensated +Emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether, if that +measure had been promptly accepted, by even some of the Slave States, +the same sum would not have done more to close the War than has been +otherwise done. If so, the measure would save money, and, in that view, +would be a prudent and economical measure.</p> + +<p>"Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing; +but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. And +it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it +before we are able. The War requires large sums, and requires them at +once.</p> + +<p>"The aggregate sum necessary for compensated Emancipation of course +would be large. But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds, +even, any faster than the Emancipation progresses. This might not, and +probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven years. At +that time we shall probably have a hundred million people to share the +burden, instead of thirty-one millions, as now. And not only so, but +the increase of our population may be expected to continue, for a long +time after that period, as rapidly as before; because our territory will +not have become full.</p> + +<p>"I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase +which we have maintained, on an average, from our first National census +in 1790, until that of 1860, we should, in 1900, have a population of +103,208,415. And why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that +period?</p> + +<p>"Our abundant room—our broad National homestead—is our ample resource. +Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly +our population could not expand as stated. Instead of receiving the +foreign born, as now, we should be compelled to send part of the +Native-born away.</p> + +<p>"But such is not our condition. We have two million nine hundred and +sixty-three thousand square miles. Europe has three million and eight +hundred thousand, with a population averaging seventy-three and +one-third persons to the square mile. Why may not our Country at some time, +average as many? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste surface by +mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes? Is it inferior to +Europe in any natural advantage?</p> + +<p>"If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how soon? +As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present; as to +when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union.</p> + +<p>"Several of our States are already above the average of +Europe—seventy-three and a third to the square mile. Massachusetts has 157; Rhode +Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and New Jersey, each, 80. Also +two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the +former having 63, and the latter 59. The States already above the +European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio, +since passing that point, as ever before; while no one of them is equal +to some other parts of our Country in natural capacity for sustaining a +dense population.</p> + +<p>"Taking the Nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and +ratio of increase, for the several decennial periods, to be as follows:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p>YEAR. POPULATION. RATIO OF INCREASE</p> + +<p>1790— 3,929,827</p> + +<p>1800— 5,305,937 —35.02 Per Cent.</p> + +<p>1810— 7,239,814 —36.45</p> + +<p>1820— 9,638,131 —33.13</p> + +<p>1830— 12,866,020 —33.49</p> + +<p>1840— 17,069,453 —32.67</p> + +<p>1850— 23,191,876 —35.87</p> + +<p>1860— 31,443,790 —35.58</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"This shows an average Decennial Increase of 34.69 per cent. in +population through the seventy years from our first to our last census +yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase, at no one of these +seven periods, is either two per cent. below or two per cent. above the +average; thus showing how inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable, +the law of Increase, in our case, is.</p> + +<p>"Assuming that it will continue, gives the following results:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p>YEAR. POPULATION.</p> + +<p>1870— 42,323,041</p> + +<p>1880— 56,967,216</p> + +<p>1890— 76,677,872</p> + +<p>1900— 103,208,415</p> + +<p>1910— 138,918,526</p> + +<p>1920— 186,984,335</p> + +<p>1930— 251,680,914</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>"These figures show that our Country may be as populous as Europe now is +at some point between 1920 and 1930—say about 1925—our territory, at +seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile, being of capacity +to contain 217,186,000.</p> + +<p>"And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the +chance by the folly and evils of Disunion or by long and exhausting War +springing from the only great element of National discord among us. +While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of +Secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population, +civilization and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it +would be very great and injurious.</p> + +<p>"The proposed Emancipation would shorten the War, perpetuate Peace, +insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of +the Country. With these, we should pay all the Emancipation would cost, +together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt +without it.</p> + +<p>"If we had allowed our old National debt to run at six per cent. per +annum, simple interest, from the end of our Revolutionary Struggle until +to-day, without paying anything on either principal or interest, each +man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it +then; and this because our increase of men through the whole period has +been greater than six per cent.; has run faster than the interest upon +the debt. Thus, time alone, relieves a debtor Nation, so long as its +population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its +debt.</p> + +<p>"This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly +due, but it shows the great importance of time in this connection—the +great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we +number a hundred millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to +pay now, when we number but thirty-one millions. In a word, it shows +that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the War, than will be a +dollar for Emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will +cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both.</p> + +<p>"As to the Second Article, I think it would be impracticable to return +to Bondage the class of Persons therein contemplated. Some of them, +doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners and hence +provision is made in this Article for compensating such.</p> + +<p>"The Third Article relates to the future of the Freed people. It does +not oblige, but merely authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such as +may consent. This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one +hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing, unless by the +mutual consent of the people to be deported, and the American voters, +through their Representatives in Congress.</p> + +<p>"I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly favor +colonization. And yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against +free Colored persons remaining in the Country which is largely +imaginary, if not sometimes malicious.</p> + +<p>"It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace White +labor and White laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere +catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present +men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be +responsible through Time and in Eternity.</p> + +<p>"Is it true, then, that Colored people can displace any more White labor +by being Free, than by remaining Slaves? If they stay in their old +places, they jostle no White laborers; if they leave their old places, +they leave them open to White laborers. Logically, there is neither +more nor less of it.</p> + +<p>"Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the +wages of White labor, and, very surely would not reduce them. Thus, the +customary amount of labor would still have to be performed; the freed +people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it and, +very probably, for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to +White laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and +consequently enhancing the wages of it.</p> + +<p>"With deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to White +labor is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity in +the market-increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it. +Reduce the supply of Black labor by colonizing the Black laborer out of +the Country, and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and +wages of White labor.</p> + +<p>"But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the +whole Land! Are they not already in the Land? Will liberation make +them any more numerous? Equally distributed among the Whites of the +whole Country, there would be but one Colored, in seven Whites. Could +the one, in any way, greatly disturb the seven?</p> + +<p>"There are many communities now, having more than one free Colored +person to seven Whites; and this, without any apparent consciousness of +evil from it. The District of Columbia, and the States of Maryland and +Delaware, are all in this condition. The District has more than one +free Colored to six Whites; and yet, in its frequent petitions to +Congress I believe it has never presented the presence of free Colored +persons as one of its grievances.</p> + +<p>"But why should Emancipation South, send the freed people North? people +of any color, seldom run, unless there be something to run from. +Heretofore, Colored people, to some extent, have fled North from +bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if +gradual Emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither +to flee from.</p> + +<p>"Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can +be procured; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly give their labor +for the wages, till new homes can be found for them, in congenial +climes, and with people of their own blood and race.</p> + +<p>"This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And, +in any event, cannot the North decide for itself, whether to receive +them?</p> + +<p>"Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case, has there been +any irruption of Colored people Northward because of the abolishment of +Slavery in this District last Spring? What I have said of the +proportion of free Colored persons to the Whites in the District is from +the census of 1860, having no reference to persons called Contrabands, +nor to those made free by the Act of Congress abolishing Slavery here.</p> + +<p>"The plan consisting of these Articles is recommended, not but that a +restoration of the National authority would be accepted without its +adoption.</p> + +<p>"Nor will the War, nor proceedings under the Proclamation of September +22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its +timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay +both.</p> + +<p>"And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress +provides by law for compensating any State which may adopt Emancipation +before this plan shall have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly +renewed. Such would be only an advance part of the plan, and the same +arguments apply to both.</p> + +<p>"This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but +additional to, all others, for restoring and preserving the National +authority throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in +its economical aspect.</p> + +<p>"The plan would, I am confident, secure Peace more speedily, and +maintain it more permanently, than can be done by force alone; while all +it would cost, considering amounts, and manner of payment, and times of +payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the +War, if we rely solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it would +cost no blood at all.</p> + +<p>"The plan is proposed as permanent Constitutional Law. It cannot become +such without the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and +afterward, three-fourths of the Slave States. The requisite +three-fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the Slave +States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their +severally adopting Emancipation at no very distant day upon the new +Constitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now and +save the Union forever.</p> + +<p>"I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed +to the Congress of the Nation by the Chief Magistrate of the Nation. +Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you +have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I +trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me, you will +perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may +seem to display.</p> + +<p>"Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten +the War, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? Is it +doubted that it would restore the National authority and National +prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we +here—Congress and Executive—can secure its adoption; will not the good +people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can +they, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital +objects; we can succeed only by concert.</p> + +<p>"It is not, 'Can any of us imagine better?' but,'Can we all do better?' +Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs, 'Can we do +better? The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy +present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise +with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act +anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our +Country.</p> + +<p>"Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We, of this Congress and +this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No +personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of +us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor +or dishonor, to the latest generation.</p> + +<p>"We say we are for the Union. The World will not forget that we say +this. We know how to save the Union.</p> + +<p>"The World knows we do know how to save it. We even we here—hold the +power, and bear the responsibility.</p> + +<p>"In giving Freedom to the Slave, we assure Freedom to the Free-Honorable +alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or +meanly lose, the last, best hope of Earth. Other means may succeed; +this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just—a way +which, if followed, the World would forever applaud, and God must +forever bless.</p> + +<p> "ABRAHAM LINCOLN."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +The popular Branch of Congress responded with heartiness to what Mr. +Lincoln had done. On December 11, 1862, resolutions were offered by Mr. +Yeaman in the House of Representatives, as follows:</p> + +<p>"Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate Concurring), That +the Proclamation of the President of the United States, of date the 22d +of September, 1862, is not warranted by the Constitution.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the policy of Emancipation as indicated in that +Proclamation, is not calculated to hasten the restoration of Peace, was +not well chosen as a War measure, and is an assumption of power +dangerous to the rights of citizens and to the perpetuity of a Free +People."</p> + +<p>These resolutions were laid on the table by 95 yeas to 47 nays—the yeas +all Republicans, save three, and the nays all Democrats save five.</p> + +<p>On December 15, 1862, Mr. S. C. Fessenden, of Maine, offered resolutions +to the House, in these words:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the Proclamation of the President of the United States, +of the date of 22d September, 1862, is warranted by the Constitution.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the policy of Emancipation, as indicated in that +Proclamation, is well adapted to hasten the restoration of Peace, was +well chosen as a War measure, and is an exercise of power with proper +regard for the rights of the States, and the perpetuity of Free +Government."</p> + +<p>These resolutions were adopted by 78 yeas to 52 nays—the yeas all +Republicans, save two, and the nays all Democrats, save seven.</p> + +<p>The Proclamation of September 22d, 1862, was very generally endorsed and +upheld by the People at large; and, in accordance with its promise, it +was followed at the appointed time, January 1st, 1863, by the +supplemental Proclamation specifically Emancipating the Slaves in the +rebellious parts of the United States—in the following terms:</p> + +<p>"WHEREAS, On the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord +one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a Proclamation was issued by +the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the +following, to wit:</p> + +<p>"'That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand +eight hundred and sixty-three, all Persons held as Slaves within any +State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be +in Rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, +and forever Free; and the Executive Government of the United States, +including the Military and Naval Authority thereof, will recognize and +maintain the Freedom of such Persons, and will do no act or acts to +repress such Persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for +their actual Freedom.</p> + +<p>"'That the Executive will, on the First day of January aforesaid, by +Proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which +the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in Rebellion against the +United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall +on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United +States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the +qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the +absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive +evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in +Rebellion against the United States.'</p> + +<p>"Now, therefore, I ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, by +virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and +Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed Rebellion against the +authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and +necessary War measure for suppressing said Rebellion, do, on this First +day of January, in the Year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and +sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly +proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first +above mentioned, Order and designate as the States and parts of States +wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in Rebellion +against the United States, the following, to wit:</p> + +<p>"Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, +Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, +Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafouche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, +including the City of New Orleans,) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, +Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the +forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties +of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, +and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which +excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this +Proclamation were not issued.</p> + +<p>"And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do Order +and declare that all Persons held as Slaves within said designated +States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, Free; and +that the Executive Government of the United States, including the +Military and Naval authorities thereof; will recognize and maintain the +Freedom of said Persons.</p> + +<p>"And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be Free, to abstain +from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to +them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for +reasonable wages.</p> + +<p>"And I further declare and make known that such Persons, of suitable +condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States +to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man +vessels of all sorts in said service.</p> + +<p>"And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, +warranted by the Constitution upon Military necessity, I invoke the +considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.</p> + +<p>"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of +the United States to be affixed.</p> + +<p>"Done at the City of Washington, this First day of January, in the year +of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the +Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.</p> + +<p>"By the President:<br> +"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p> + +<p>"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="fremont"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p368-fremont.jpg (70K)" src="images/p368-fremont.jpg" height="803" width="580"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch19"></a><br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XIX.<br><br> + + HISTORICAL REVIEW. +</h2> +</center> +<br> + +<p> +Let us now refresh recollection by glancing backward over the history of +our Country, and we shall see, as recorded in these pages, that, from +the first, there existed in this Nation a class of individuals greedily +ambitious of power and determined to secure and maintain control of this +Government; that they left unturned no stone which would contribute to +the fostering and to the extension of African Slavery; that, hand in +hand with African Slavery—and as a natural corollary to it—they +advocated Free Trade as a means of degrading Free White labor to the +level of Black Slave labor, and thus increasing their own power; that +from the first, ever taking advantage of the general necessities of the +Union, they arrogantly demanded and received from a brow-beaten People, +concession after concession, and compromise after compromise; that every +possible pretext and occasion was seized by them to increase, +consolidate, and secure their power, and to extend the territorial +limits over which their peculiar Pro-Slavery and Pro-Free-Trade +doctrines prevailed; and that their nature was so exacting, and their +greed so rapacious, that it was impossible ever to satisfy them.</p> + +<p>Nor were they burdened with over-much of that high sense of honor—a +quality of which they often vaunted themselves—which impelled others to +stand by their agreements. It seemed as though they considered the most +sacred promises and covenants of no account, and made only to be +trampled upon, when in the way of their Moloch.</p> + +<p>We remember the bitter Slavery agitation in Congress over the admission +of the State of Missouri, and how it eventuated in the Missouri +Compromise. That compromise, we have seen, they afterward trod upon, +and broke, with as little compunction as they would have stepped upon +and crushed a toad.</p> + +<p>They felt their own growing power, and gloried in their strength and +arrogance; and Northern timidity became a scoff and by-word in their +mouths.</p> + +<p>The fact is, that from its very conception, as well as birth, they hated +and opposed the Union, because they disliked a Republican and preferred +a Monarchical form of Government. Their very inability to prevent the +consummation of that Union, imbittered them. Hence their determination +to seize every possible occasion and pretext afterward to destroy it, +believing, as they doubtless did, that upon the crumbled and mouldering +ruins of a dissevered Union and ruptured Republic, Monarchical ideas +might the more easily take root and grow. But experience had already +taught them that it would be long before their real object could even be +covertly hinted at, and that in the meantime it must be kept out of +sight by the agitation of other political issues. The formulation and +promulgation therefore, by Jefferson, in the Kentucky Resolutions of +1798, and by Madison, in the Virginia Resolutions of 1799, of the +doctrine of States Rights already referred to, was a perfect "God-send" +to these men. For it not only enabled them to keep from public view and +knowledge their ultimate aim and purpose, but constituted the whip which +they thenceforth everlastingly flourished and cracked over the shrinking +heads of other and more patriotic people—the whip with which, through +the litter of their broken promises, they ruthlessly rode into, and, for +so long a period of years held on to, supreme power and place in the +Land.</p> + +<p>Including within the scope of States Rights, the threats of +Nullification, Disunion and Secession—ideas abhorrent to the Patriot's +mind—small wonder is it that, in those days, every fresh demand made by +these political autocrats was tremblingly acceded to, until patience and +concession almost utterly exhausted themselves.</p> + +<p>Originally disturbing only South Carolina and Georgia to any extent, +these ambitious men, who believed in anything rather than a Republic, +and who were determined to destroy the Union, gradually spread the +spirit of jealousy and discontent into other States of the South; their +immediate object being to bring the Southern States into the closest +possible relations the one with the other; to inspire them all with +common sympathies and purposes; to compact and solidify them, so that in +all coming movements against the other States of the Union, they might +move with proportionately increased power, and force, and effect, +because of such unity of aim and strength.</p> + +<p>This spirit of Southern discontent, and jealousy of the Northern States, +was, as we have seen, artfully fanned by the Conspirators, in heated +discussions over the Tariff Acts of 1824, and 1828, and 1832, until, by +the latter date, the people of the Cotton-States were almost frantic, +and ready to fight over their imaginary grievances. Then it was that +the Conspirators thought the time had come, for which they had so long +and so earnestly prayed and worked, when the cotton Sampson should wind +his strong arms around the pillars of the Constitution and pull down the +great Temple of our Union—that they might rear upon its site another +and a stronger edifice, dedicated not to Freedom, but to Free-Trade and +to other false gods.</p> + +<p>South Carolina was to lead off, and the other Cotton States would +follow. South Carolina did lead off—but the other Cotton-States did +not follow.</p> + +<p>It has been shown in these pages how South Carolina declared the Tariff +Acts aforesaid, null and void, armed herself to resist force, and +declared that any attempt of the general Government to enforce those +Acts would cause her to withdraw from the Union. But Jackson as we know +throttled the treason with so firm a grip that Nullification and +Secession and Disunion were at once paralyzed.</p> + +<p>The concessions to the domineering South, in Clay's Compromise Tariff of +1833, let the Conspirators down easily, so to speak; and they pretended +to be satisfied. But they were satisfied only as are the thirsty sands +of Africa with the passing shower.</p> + +<p>The Conspirators had, however, after all, made substantial gains. They +had established a precedent for an attempt to secede. That was +something. They had demonstrated that a single Southern State could +stand up, armed and threatening, strutting, blustering, and bullying, +and at least make faces at the general Government without suffering any +very dreadful consequences. That was still more.</p> + +<p>They had also ascertained that, by adopting such a course, a single +Southern State could force concessions from the fears of the rest of the +United States. That was worth knowing, because the time might come, +when it might be desirable not only for one but for all the Southern +States to secede upon some other pretext, and when it would be awkward, +and would interfere with the Disunion programme, to have the other +States either offer or make concessions.</p> + +<p>They had also learned the valuable lesson that the single issue of +Free-Trade was not sufficiently strong of itself to unite all the Southern +States in a determination to secede, and thus dissolve the Union. They +saw they must agitate some other issue to unify the South more +thoroughly and justify Disunion. On looking over the whole field they +concluded that the Slavery question would best answer their purpose, and +they adopted it.</p> + +<p>It was doubtless a full knowledge of the fact that they had adopted it, +that led Jackson to make the declaration, heretofore in these pages +given, which has been termed "prophetic." At any rate, thenceforth the +programme of the Conspirators was to agitate the Slavery question in all +ways possible, so as to increase, extend and solidify the influence and +strength of the Slave power; strain the bonds uniting them with the Free +States; and weaken the Free States by dividing them upon the question. +At the same time the Free-Trade question was to be pressed forward to a +triumphal issue, so that the South might be enriched and strengthened, +and the North impoverished and weakened, by the result.</p> + +<p>That was their programme, in the rough, and it was relentlessly adhered +to. Free-Trade and Slavery by turns, if not together, from that time +onward, were ever at the front, agitating our People both North and +South, and not only consolidating the Southern States on those lines, as +the Conspirators designed, but also serving ultimately to consolidate, +to some extent—in a manner quite unlooked for by the +Conspirators—Northern sentiment, on the opposite lines of Protection and Freedom.</p> + +<p>The Compromise Tariff Act of 1833—which Clay was weak enough to +concede, and even stout old Jackson to permit to become law without his +signature—gave to the Conspirators great joy for years afterward, as +they witnessed the distress and disaster brought by it to Northern homes +and incomes—not distress and disaster alone, but absolute and +apparently irreparable ruin.</p> + +<p>The reaction occasioned by this widespread ruin having brought the Whigs +into power, led to the enactment of the Protective-Tariff of 1842 +and—to the chagrin of the Conspirators—industrial prosperity and plenty to +the Free North again ensued.</p> + +<p>Even as Cain hated his brother Abel because his sacrifices were +acceptable in the sight of God, while his own were not, so the Southern +Conspirators, and other Slave-owners also, had, by this time, come to +hate the Northern free-thinking, free-acting, freedom-loving mechanic +and laboring man, because the very fact and existence of his Godgiven +Freedom and higher-resulting civilization was a powerful and perpetual +protest against the—abounding iniquities and degradations of Slavery as +practiced by themselves.</p> + +<p>Hence, by trickery, by cajoling the People With his, and their own, +assurances that he was in favor of Protection—they secured the election +in 1844 of a Free-Trade President, the consequent repeal of the +Protective-Tariff of 1842—which had repaired the dreadful mischief +wrought by the Compromise Act of 1833—and the enactment of the infamous +Free-Trade Tariff of 1846, which blasted the manufacturing and farming +and trade industries of the Country again, as with fire.</p> + +<p>The discovery of the great gold fields of California, and the enormous +amount of the precious metal poured by her for many succeeding years +into the lap of the Nation, alone averted what otherwise would +inevitably have been total ruin. As it was, in 1860, the National +credit had sunk to a lower point than ever before in all its history. +It was confessedly bankrupt, and ruin stalked abroad throughout the +United States.</p> + +<p>But while, with rapid pen, the carrying out of that part of the Southern +Conspirators' Disunion programme which related to Free-Trade, is thus +brought again to mind, the other part of that programme, which related +to Slavery, must not be neglected or overlooked. On this question they +had determined, as we have seen, to agitate without ceasing—having in +view, primarily, as already hinted, the extension of Slave territory and +the resulting increase of Slave power in the Land; and, ulteriorly, the +solidifying of that power, and Disunion of the Republic, with a view to +its conversion into an Oligarchy, if not a Monarchy.</p> + +<p>The bitterness of the struggle over the admission of Missouri as a Slave +State in 1820, under the Missouri Compromise, was to be revived by the +Conspirators, at the earliest possible moment.</p> + +<p>Accordingly in 1836—only three years after the failure of Nullification +in South Carolina, the Territory, of Arkansas was forced in as a Slave +State, and simultaneously the Slave-owning henchmen of the Conspirators, +previously settled there for the purpose, proclaimed the secession from +Mexico, and independence, of Texas. This was quickly followed, in 1844, +by Calhoun's hastily negotiated treaty of annexation with Texas; its +miscarriage in the Senate; and the Act of March 2, 1845—with its sham +compromise—consenting to the admission of Texas to the Union of States.</p> + +<p>Then came the War with Mexico; the attempt by means of the Wilmot +proviso to check the growing territorial-greed and rapacity of the +Slave-power; and the acquisition by the United States, of California and +New Mexico, under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, which brought +Peace.</p> + +<p>Then occurred the agitation over the organization of Territorial +governments for Oregon, California, and New Mexico, and the strong +effort to extend to the Pacific Ocean the Missouri-Compromise line of +36 30', and to extend to all future Territorial organizations the +principles of that compromise.</p> + +<p>Then came the struggle in 1850, over the admission of California as a +State, and New Mexico and Utah to Territorial organization—ending in +the passage of Clay's Compromise measures of 1850.</p> + +<p>Yet still the Southern Conspirators—whose forces, both in Congress and +out, were now well-disciplined, compacted, solidified, experienced, and +bigotedly enthusiastic and overbearing—were not satisfied. It was not +their intention to be satisfied with anything less than the destruction +of the Union and of our Republican form of Government. The trouble was +only beginning, and, so far, almost everything had progressed to their +liking. The work must proceed.</p> + +<p>In 1852-3 they commenced the Kansas-Nebraska agitation; and, what with +their incessant political and colonizing movements in those Territories; +the frequent and dreadful atrocities committed by their tools, the +Border-ruffians; the incessant turmoil created by cruelties to their +Fugitive-slaves; their persistent efforts to change the Supreme Court to +their notions; these—with the decision and opinion of the Supreme Court +in the Dred Scott case—together worked the Slavery question up to a +dangerous degree of heat, by the year 1858.</p> + +<p>And, by 1860—when the people of the Free States, grown sick unto death +of the rule of the Slave-power in the General Government, arose in their +political might, and shook off this "Old Man of the Sea," electing, +beyond cavil and by the Constitutional mode, to the Presidential office, +a man who thoroughly represented in himself their conscience, on the one +hand, which instinctively revolted against human Slavery as a wrong +committed against the laws of God, and their sense of justice and equity +on the other, which would not lightly overlook, or interfere with vested +rights under the Constitution and the laws of man—the Conspirators had +reached the point at which they had been aiming ever since that failure +in 1832 of their first attempt at Disunion, in South Carolina.</p> + +<p>They had now succeeded in irritating both the Free and the Slave-holding +Sections of our Country against each other, to an almost unbearable +point; had solidified the Southern States on the Slavery and Free-Trade +questions; and at last—the machinations of these same Conspirators +having resulted in a split in the Democratic Party, and the election of +the Republican candidate to the Presidency, as the embodiment of the +preponderating National belief in Freedom and equality to all before the +Law, with Protection to both Labor and Capital—they also had the +pretext for which they had both been praying and scheming and preparing +all those long, long years—they, and some of their fathers before them.</p> + +<p>It cannot be too often repeated that to secure a Monarchy, or at least +an Oligarchy, over which the leading Conspirators should rule for +life—whether that Monarchy or that Oligarchy should comprise the States of +the South by themselves, or all the States on a new basis of Union—was +the great ultimate aim of the Conspirators; and this could be secured +only by first disrupting the then existing Republican Union of +Republican States.</p> + +<p>The doctrine of the right of Secession had now long been taught, and had +become a part of the Southern Slave-holders' Democratic creed, as fully +as had the desirability of Slavery and Free-Trade—and even many of the +Northern Democrats, and some Republicans as well, were not much inclined +to dispute, although they cared not to canvass, the point.</p> + +<p>The programme of action was therefore much the same as had been laid +down in the first attempt in 1832:—first South Carolina would secede +and declare her independence; then the other Slave States in quick +succession would do likewise; then a new Constitution for a solid +Southern Union; then, if necessary, a brief War to cement it—which +would end, of course, in the independence of the South at least, but +more probably in the utter subjugation and humiliation of the Free +States.</p> + +<p>When the time should come, during or after this War—as come, in their +belief, it would—for a change in the form of Government, then they +could seize the first favorable occasion and change it. At present, +however, the cry must be for "independence." That accomplished, the +rest would be easy. And until that independence was accomplished, no +terms of any sort, no settlement of any kind, were either to be proposed +or accepted by them.</p> + +<p>These were their dreams, their ambitions, their plans; and the tenacious +courage with which they stuck to them "through thick and thin," through +victory and disaster, were worthy of a better cause.</p> + +<p>While, therefore, the pretexts for Secession were "Slavery" and +"Free-Trade"—both of which were alleged to be jeopardized in the election and +inauguration of Abraham Lincoln—yet, no sooner had hostilities +commenced between the seceding States and the Union, than they declared +to the World that their fight was not for Slavery, but for Independence.</p> + +<p>They dared not acknowledge to the World that they fought for Slavery, +lest the sympathies of the World should be against them. But it was +well understood by the Southern masses, as well as the other people of +the Union, that both Slavery and Free-Trade were involved in the +fight—as much as independence, and the consequent downfall of the Union.</p> + +<p>President Lincoln, however, had made up his mind to do all he properly +could to placate the South. None knew better than he, the history of +this Secession movement, as herein described. None knew better than he, +the fell purpose and spirit of the Conspirators. Yet still, his kindly +heart refused to believe that the madness of the Southern leaders was so +frenzied, and their hatred of Free men, Free labor, and Free +institutions, so implacable, that they would wilfully refuse to listen +to reason and ever insist on absolutely inadmissible terms of +reconciliation.</p> + +<p>From the very beginning of his Administration, he did all that was +possible to mollify their resentment and calm their real or pretended +fears. Nor was this from any dread or doubt as to what the outcome of +an armed Conflict would be; for, in his speech at Cincinnati, in the +Autumn of 1859, he had said, while addressing himself to Kentuckians and +other Southern men: "Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as +brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, man +for man, as any other people living; that you have shown yourselves +capable of this upon various occasions; but man for man, you are not +better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us. +You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in +numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal it +would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will +make nothing by attempting to master us."</p> + +<p>And early in 1860, in his famous New York Cooper Institute speech he had +said "Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let +us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it." He plainly +believed to the end, that "right makes might;" and he believed in the +power of numbers—as also did Napoleon, if we may judge from his famous +declaration that "The God of battles is always on the side of the +heaviest battalions." Yet, so believing, President Lincoln exerted +himself in all possible ways to mollify the South. His assurances, +however, were far from satisfying the Conspirators. They never had been +satisfied with anything in the shape of concession. They never would +be. They had been dissatisfied with and had broken all the compacts and +compromises, and had spit upon all the concessions, of the past; and +nothing would now satisfy them, short of the impossible.</p> + +<p>They were not satisfied now with Lincoln's promise that the Government +would not assail them—organized as, by this time, they were into a +so-called Southern "Confederacy" of States—and they proceeded accordingly +to assail that Government which would not assail them. They opened fire +on Fort Sumter.</p> + +<p>This was done, as has duly appeared, in the hope that the shedding of +blood would not only draw the States of the Southern Confederacy more +closely together in their common cause, and prevent the return of any of +them to their old allegiance, but also to so influence the wavering +allegiance to the Union, of the Border States, as to strengthen that +Confederacy and equivalently weaken that Union, by their Secession.</p> + +<p>Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, of the Border States +that were wavering, were thus gathered into the Confederate fold, by +this policy of blood-spilling—carried bodily thither, by a desperate +and frenzied minority, against the wishes of a patriotic majority.</p> + +<p>Virginia, especially, was a great accession to the Rebel cause. She +brought to it the prestige of her great name. To secure the active +cooperation of "staid old Virginia," "the Mother of Statesmen," in the +struggle, was, in the estimation of the Rebels, an assurance of victory +to their cause. And the Secession of Virginia for a time had a +depressing influence upon the friends of the Union everywhere.</p> + +<p>The refusal of West Virginia to go with the rest of the State into +Rebellion, was, to be sure, some consolation; and the checkmating of the +Conspirators' designs to secure to the Confederacy the States of +Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, helped the confidence of Union men. In +fact, as long as the National Capital was secure, it was felt that the +Union was still safe.</p> + +<p>But while the Confederacy, by the firing upon Fort Sumter, and thus +assailing that Government which Lincoln had promised would not assail +the Rebels, had gained much in securing the aid of the States mentioned, +yet the Union Cause, by that very act, had gained more. For the echoes +of the Rebel guns of Fort Moultrie were the signal for such an uprising +of the Patriots of the North and West and Middle States, as, for the +moment, struck awe to the hearts of Traitors and inspired with courage +and hopefulness the hearts of Union men throughout the Land.</p> + +<p>Moreover it put the Rebels in their proper attitude, in the eyes of the +World—as the first aggressors—and thus deprived them, to a certain +extent, of that moral support from the outside which flows from +sympathy.</p> + +<p>Those echoes were the signal, not only of that call to arms which led to +such an uprising, but for the simultaneous calling together of the +Thirty-seventh Congress of the United States in Extra Session—the +Congress whose measures ultimately enabled President Lincoln and the +Union Armies to subdue the Rebellion and save the Union—the Congress +whose wise and patriotic deliberations resulted in the raising of those +gigantic Armies and Navies, and in supplying the unlimited means, +through the Tariff and National Bank Systems and otherwise, by which +those tremendous Forces could be both created and effectively +operated—the Congress which cooperated with President Lincoln and those Forces in +preparing the way for the destruction of the very corner-stone of the +Confederacy, Slavery itself.</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="cameron"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p384-cameron.jpg (77K)" src="images/p384-cameron.jpg" height="792" width="582"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch20"></a><br><br> + + +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XX.<br><br> + + LINCOLN'S TROUBLES AND TEMPTATIONS. +</h2> +</center> +<br> + +<p>The Rebels themselves, as has already been noted, by the employment of +their Slaves in the construction of earthworks and other fortifications, +and even in battle, at Bull Run and elsewhere, against the Union Forces, +brought the Thirty-seventh Congress, as well as the Military Commanders, +and the President, to an early consideration of the Slavery question. +But it was none the less a question to be treated with the utmost +delicacy.</p> + +<p>The Union men, as well as the Secession-sympathizers, of Kentucky and +Tennessee and Missouri and Maryland, largely believed in Slavery, or at +least were averse to any interference with it. These, would not see +that the right to destroy that unholy Institution could pertain to any +authority, or be justified by any exigency; much less that, as held by +some authorities, its existence ceased at the moment when its hands, or +those of the State in which it had existed, were used to assail the +General Government.</p> + +<p>They looked with especial suspicion and distrust upon the guarded +utterances of the President upon all questions touching the future of +the Colored Race.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [At Faneuil Hall, Edward Everett is reported to have said, in + October of 1864:</p> + +<p> "It is very doubtful whether any act of the Government of the + United States was necessary to liberate the Slaves in a State which + is in Rebellion. There is much reason for the opinion that, by the + simple act of levying War against the United States, the relation + of Slavery was terminated; certainly, so far as concerns the duty + of the United States to recognize it, or to refrain from + interfering with it.</p> + +<p> "Not being founded on the Law of Nature, and resting solely on + positive Local Law—and that, not of the United States—as soon as + it becomes either the motive or pretext of an unjust War against + the Union—an efficient instrument in the hands of the Rebels for + carrying on the War—source of Military strength to the Rebellion, + and of danger to the Government at home and abroad, with the + additional certainty that, in any event but its abandonment, it + will continue, in all future time to work these mischiefs, who can + suppose it is the duty of the United States to continue to + recognize it.</p> + +<p> "To maintain this would be a contradiction in terms. It would be + two recognize a right in a Rebel master to employ his Slave in acts + of Rebellion and Treason, and the duty of the Slave to aid and abet + his master in the commission of the greatest crime known to the + Law. No such absurdity can be admitted; and any citizen of the + United States, from thee President down, who should, by any overt + act, recognize the duty of a Slave to obey a Rebel master in a + hostile operation, would himself be giving aid and comfort to the + Enemy."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>They believed that when Fremont issued the General Order—heretofore +given in full—in which that General declared that "The property, real +and personal, of all persons, in the State of Missouri, who shall take +up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to +have taken an active part with their enemies in the field, is declared +to be confiscated to the public use, and their Slaves, if any they have, +are hereby declared Free men," it must have been with the concurrence, +if not at the suggestion, of the President; and, when the President +subsequently, September 11,1861, made an open Order directing that this +clause of Fremont's General Order, or proclamation, should be "so +modified, held, and construed, as to conform to, and not to transcend, +the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress +entitled 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary +Purposes,' approved August 6, 1861," they still were not satisfied.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The sections of the above Act, bearing upon the matter, are the + first and fourth, which are in these words:</p> + +<p> "That if, during the present or any future insurrection against the + Government of the United States, after the President of the United + States shall have declared, by proclamation, that the laws of the + United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by + combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course + of judicial proceedings, or by the power vested in the marshals by + law, any person or persons, his, her, or their agent, attorney, or + employee, shall purchase or acquire, sell or give, any property of + whatsoever kind or description, with intent to use or employ the + same, or suffer the same to be used or employed, in aiding, + abetting, or promoting such insurrection or resistance to the laws, + or any persons engaged therein; or if any person or persons, being + the owner or owners of any such property, shall knowingly use or + employ, or consent to the use or employment of the same as + aforesaid, all such property is hereby declared to be lawful + subject of prize and capture wherever found; and it shall be the + duty of the President of the United States to cause the same to be + seized, confiscated and condemned."</p> + +<p> * * * * * * * *</p> + +<p> "SEC. 4. That whenever hereafter, during the present insurrection + against the Government of the United States, any person claimed to + be held to Labor or Service under the law of any State shall be + required or permitted by the person to whom such Labor or Service + is claimed to be due, or by the lawful agent of such person, to + take up arms against the United States; or shall be required or + permitted by the person to whom such Labor or Service is claimed to + be due, or his lawful agent, to work or to be employed in or upon + any fort, navy-yard, dock, armory, ship, entrenchment, or in any + Military or Naval service whatsoever, against the Government and + lawful authority of the United States, then, and in every such + case, the person to whom such Labor or Service is claimed to be + due, shall forfeit his claim to such Labor, any law of the State or + of the United States to the contrary notwithstanding. And whenever + thereafter the person claiming such Labor or Service shall seek to + enforce his claim, it shall be a full and sufficient answer to such + claim that the person whose Service or Labor is claimed had been + employed in hostile service against the Government of the United + States, contrary to the provisions of this act."</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>It seemed as impossible to satisfy these Border-State men as it had been +to satisfy the Rebels themselves.</p> + +<p>The Act of Congress, to which President Lincoln referred +in his Order modifying Fremont's proclamation, had itself been opposed +by them, under the lead of their most influential Representative and +spokesman, Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, in its passage through that +Body. It did not satisfy them.</p> + +<p>Neither had they been satisfied, when, within one year and four days +after "Slavery opened its batteries of Treason, upon Fort Sumter," that +National curse and shame was banished from the Nation's Capital by +Congressional enactment.</p> + +<p>They were not satisfied even with Mr. Lincoln's conservative suggestions +embodied in the Supplemental Act.</p> + +<p>Nor were they satisfied with the General Instructions, of October 14, +1861, from the War Department to its Generals, touching the employment +of Fugitive Slaves within the Union Lines, and the assurance of just +compensation to loyal masters, therein contained, although all avoidable +interference with the Institution was therein reprobated.</p> + +<p>Nothing satisfied them. It was indeed one of the most curious of the +many phenomena of the War of the Rebellion, that when—as at the end of +1861—it had become evident, as Secretary Cameron held, that it "would +be National suicide" to leave the Rebels in "peaceful and secure +possession of Slave Property, more valuable and efficient to them for +War, than forage, cotton, and Military stores," and that the Slaves +coming within our lines could not "be held by the Government as Slaves," +and should not be held as prisoners of War—still the loyal people of +these Border-States, could not bring themselves to save that Union, +which they professed to love, by legislation on this tender subject.</p> + +<p>On the contrary, they opposed all legislation looking to any +interference with such Slave property. Nothing that was proposed by Mr. +Lincoln, or any other, on this subject, could satisfy them.</p> + +<p>Congress enacted a law, approved March 13, 1862, embracing an additional +Article of War, which prohibited all officers "from employing any of the +forces under their respective Commands for the purpose of returning +Fugitives from Service or Labor who may have escaped from +any persons to whom such Service or Labor is claimed to be due," and +prescribed that "Any officer who shall be found guilty by Court-Martial +of violating this Article shall be dismissed from the Service." In both +Houses, the loyal Border-State Representatives spoke and voted against +its passage.</p> + +<p>One week previously (March 6, 1862), President Lincoln, in an admirable +Message, hitherto herein given at length, found himself driven to broach +to Congress the subject of Emancipation. He had, in his First Annual +Message (December, 1861), declared that "the Union must be preserved; +and hence all indispensable means must be employed;" but now, as a part +of the War Policy, he proposed to Congress the adoption of a Joint +Resolution declaring "That the United States ought to cooperate with any +State which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such +State, pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to +compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such +change of System."</p> + +<p>It was high time, he thought, that the idea of a gradual, compensated +Emancipation, should begin to occupy the minds of those interested, "so +that," to use his own words, "they may begin to consider whether to +accept or reject it," should Congress approve the suggestion.</p> + +<p>Congress did approve, and adopt, the Joint-Resolution, as we +know—despite the opposition from the loyal element of the Border States—an +opposition made in the teeth of their concession that Mr. Lincoln, in +recommending its adoption, was "solely moved by a high patriotism and +sincere devotion to the glory of his Country."</p> + +<p>But, consistently with their usual course, they went to the House of +Representatives, fresh from the Presidential presence, and, with their +ears still ringing with the common-sense utterances of the President, +half of them voted against the Resolution, while the other half +refrained from voting at all. And their opposition to this wise and +moderate proposition was mainly based upon the idea that it carried with +it a threat—a covert threat.</p> + +<p>It certainly was a warning, taking it in connection with the balance of +the Message, but a very wise and timely one.</p> + +<p>These loyal Border-State men, however, could not see its wisdom, and at +a full meeting held upon the subject decided to oppose it, as they +afterward did. Its conciliatory spirit they could not comprehend; the +kindly, temperate warning, they would not heed. The most moderate of +them all,—[Mr. Crittenden of Kentucky.]—in the most moderate of his +utterances, could not bring himself to the belief that this Resolution +was "a measure exactly suited to the times."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [And such was the fatuity existing among the Slave-holders of the + Border States, that not one of those Slave States had wisdom enough + to take the liberal offer thus made by the General Government, of + compensation. They afterward found their Slaves freed without + compensation.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>So, also, one month later, (April 11, 1862), when the Senate Bill +proposing Emancipation in the District of Columbia, was before the +House, the same spokesman and leader of the loyal Border-State men +opposed it strenuously as not being suited to the times. For, he +persuasively protested: "I do not say that you have not the power; but +would not that power be, at such a time as this, most unwisely and +indiscreetly exercised. That is the point. Of all the times when an +attempt was ever made to carry this measure, is not this the most +inauspicious? Is it not a time when the measure is most likely to +produce danger and mischief to the Country at large? So it seems to +me."</p> + +<p>It was not now, nor would it ever be, the time, to pass this, or any +other measure, touching the Institution of Slavery, likely to benefit +that Union to which these men professed such love and loyalty.</p> + +<p>Their opposition, however, to the march of events, was of little +avail—even when backed, as was almost invariably the case, by the other +Democratic votes from the Free States. The opposition was obstructive, +but not effectual. For this reason it was perhaps the more irritating +to the Republicans, who were anxious to put Slavery where their great +leader, Mr. Lincoln, had long before said it should be placed—"in +course of ultimate extinction."</p> + +<p>This very irritation, however, only served to press such Anti-Slavery +Measures more rapidly forward. By the 19th of June, 1862, a Bill "to +secure Freedom to all persons within the Territories of the United +States"—after a more strenuous fight against it than ever, on the part +of Loyal and Copperhead Democrats, both from the Border and Free +States,—had passed Congress, and been approved by President Lincoln. +It provided, in just so many words, "That, from and after the passage of +this Act, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in +any of the Territories of the United States now existing, or which may +at any time hereafter be formed or acquired by the United States, +otherwise than in punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been +duly convicted."</p> + +<p>Here, then, at last, was the great end and aim, with which Mr. Lincoln +and the Republican Party started out, accomplished. To repeat his +phrase, Slavery was certainly now in course of ultimate extinction.</p> + +<p>But since that doctrine had been first enunciated by Mr. Lincoln, events +had changed the aspect of things. War had broken out, and the Slaves of +those engaged in armed Rebellion against the authority of the United +States Government, had been actually employed, as we have seen, on Rebel +works and fortifications whose guns were trailed upon the Armies of the +Union.</p> + +<p>And now, the question of Slavery had ceased to be simply whether it +should be put in course of ultimate extinction, but whether, as a War +Measure—as a means of weakening the Enemy and strengthening the +Union—the time had not already come to extinguish it, so far, at least, as the +Slaves of those participating in the Rebellion, were concerned.</p> + +<p>Congress, as has been heretofore noted, had already long and heatedly +debated various propositions referring to Slavery and African +Colonization, and had enacted such of them as, in its wisdom, were +considered necessary; and was now entering a further stormy period of +contention upon various other projects touching the Abolition of the +Fugitive Slave Laws, the Confiscation of Rebel Property, and the +Emancipation of Slaves—all of which, of course, had been, and would be, +vehemently assailed by the loyal Border-States men and their Free-State +Democratic allies.</p> + +<p>This contention proceeded largely upon the lines of construction of that +clause in the Constitution of the United States and its Amendments, +which provides that no person shall be deprived of Life, Liberty, or +Property, without due process of Law, etc. The one side holding that, +since the beginning of our Government, Slaves had been, under this +clause, Unconstitutionally deprived of their Liberty; the other side +holding that Slaves being "property," it would be Unconstitutional under +the same clause, to deprive the Slave-owner of his Slave property.</p> + +<p>Mr. Crittenden, the leader of the loyal Border-States men in Congress, +was at this time especially eloquent on this latter view of the +Constitution. In his speech of April 23, 1862, in the House of +Representatives, he even undertook to defend American Slavery under the +shield of English Liberty!</p> + +<p>Said he: "It is necessary for the prosperity of any Government, for +peace and harmony, that every man who acquires property shall feel that +he shall be protected in the enjoyment of it, and in his right to hold +it. It elevates the man; it gives him a feeling of dignity. It is the +great old English doctrine of Liberty. Said Lord Mansfield, the rain +may beat against the cabin of an Englishman, the snow may penetrate it, +but the King dare not enter it without the consent of its owner. That +is the true English spirit. It is the source of England's power."</p> + +<p>And again: "The idea of property is deeply seated in our minds. By the +English Law and by the American Law you have the right to take the life +of any man who attempts, by violence, to take your property from you. +So far does the Spirit of these Laws go. Let us not break down this +idea of property. It is the animating spirit of the Country. Indeed it +is the Spirit of Liberty and Freedom."</p> + +<p>There was at this time, a growing belief in the minds of these loyal +Border-States men, that this question of Slavery-abolition was reaching +a crisis. They saw "the handwriting on the wall," but left no stone +unturned to prevent, or at least to avert for a time, the coming +catastrophe. They egged Congress, in the language of the distinguished +Kentuckian, to "Let these unnecessary measures alone, for the present;" +and, as to the President, they now, not only volunteered in his defense, +against the attacks of others, but strove also to capture him by their +arch flatteries.</p> + +<p>"Sir,"—said Mr. Crittenden, in one of his most eloquent bursts, in the +House of Representatives,—"it is not my duty, perhaps, to defend the +President of the United States. * * * I voted against Mr. Lincoln, and +opposed him honestly and sincerely; but Mr. Lincoln has won me to his +side. There is a niche in the Temple of Fame, a niche near to +Washington, which should be occupied by the statue of him who shall, +save this Country. Mr. Lincoln has a mighty destiny. It is for him, if +he will, to step into that niche. It is for him to be but President of +the People of the United States, and there will his statue be. But, if +he choose to be, in these times, a mere sectarian and a party man, that +niche will be reserved for some future and better Patriot. It is in his +power to occupy a place next Washington,—the Founder, and the +Preserver, side by side. Sir, Mr. Lincoln is no coward. His not doing +what the Constitution forbade him to do, is no proof of his cowardice."</p> + +<p>On the other hand, Owen Lovejoy, the fiery Abolitionist, the very next +day after the above remarks of Mr. Crittenden were delivered in the +House, made a great speech in reply, taking the position that "either +Slavery, or the Republic, must perish; and the question for us to decide +is, which shall it be?"</p> + +<p>He declared to the House: "You cannot put down the rebellion and restore +the Union, without destroying Slavery." He quoted the sublime language +of Curran touching the Spirit of the British Law, which consecrates the +soil of Britain to the genius of Universal Emancipation,</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In these words:</p> + +<p> "I speak in the Spirit of the British law, which makes Liberty + commensurate with, and inseparable from, the British soil; which + proclaims even to the stranger and the sojourner the moment he sets + his foot upon British earth, that the ground on which he treads is + holy, and consecrated by the genius Of UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION.</p> + +<p> "No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no + matter what complexion incompatible with Freedom, an Indian or an + African sun may have burnt upon him; no matter in what disastrous + battle his Liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with what + solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of Slavery; the + first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and + the god sink together in the dust; his Soul walks abroad in her own + majesty; his Body swells beyond the measure of his chains, that + burst from around him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated, and + disenthralled by the irresistible genius of UNIVERSAL + EMANCIPATION."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>And Cowper's verse, wherein the poet says:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> "Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs + Receive our air, that moment they are Free,"</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>—and, after expressing his solicitude to have this true of America, as +it already was true of the District of Columbia, he proceeded to say:</p> + +<p>"The gentleman from Kentucky says he has a niche for Abraham Lincoln. +Where is it? He pointed upward! But, Sir, should the President follow +the counsels of that gentleman, and become the defender and perpetuator +of human Slavery, he should point downward to some dungeon in the Temple +of Moloch, who feeds on human blood and is surrounded with fires, where +are forged manacles and chains for human limbs—in the crypts and +recesses of whose Temple, woman is scourged, and man tortured, and +outside whose walls are lying dogs, gorged with human flesh, as Byron +describes them stretched around Stamboul. That is a suitable place for +the statue of one who would defend and perpetuate human Slavery."</p> + +<p>And then—after saying that "the friends of American Slavery need not +beslime the President with their praise. He is an Anti-Slavery man. He +hates human Bondage "—the orator added these glowing words:</p> + +<p>"I, too, have a niche for Abraham Lincoln; but it is in Freedom's Holy +Fane, and not in the blood-besmeared Temple of human Bondage; not +surrounded by Slaves, fetters and chains, but with the symbols of +Freedom; not dark with Bondage, but radiant with the light of Liberty. +In that niche he shall stand proudly, nobly, gloriously, with shattered +fetters and broken chains and slave-whips beneath his feet. If Abraham +Lincoln pursues the path, evidently pointed out for him in the +providence of God, as I believe he will, then he will occupy the proud +position I have indicated. That is a fame worth living for; ay, more, +that is a fame worth dying for, though that death led through the blood +of Gethsemane and the agony of the Accursed Tree. That is a fame which +has glory and honor and immortality and Eternal Life. Let Abraham +Lincoln make himself, as I trust he will, the Emancipator, the +Liberator, as he has the opportunity of doing, and his name shall not +only be enrolled in this Earthly Temple, but it will be traced on the +living stones of that Temple which rears itself amid the Thrones and +Hierarchies of Heaven, whose top-stone is to be brought in with shouting +of 'Grace, grace unto it!'"</p> + +<p>We have seen how the loyal Border-State men, through their chosen +Representative—finding that their steady and unfaltering opposition to +all Mr. Lincoln's propositions, while quite ineffectual, did not serve +by any means to increase his respect for their peculiar kind of loyalty +—offered him posthumous honors and worship if he would but do as they +desired. Had they possessed the power, no doubt they would have taken +him up into an exceeding high mountain and have offered to him all the +Kingdoms of the Earth to do their bidding. But their temptations were +of no avail.</p> + +<p>President Lincoln's duty, and inclination alike—no less than the +earnest importunities of the Abolitionists—carried him in the opposite +direction; but carried him no farther than he thought it safe, and wise, +to go. For, in whatever he might do on this burning question of +Emancipation, he was determined to secure that adequate support from the +People without which even Presidential Proclamations are waste paper.</p> + +<p>But now, May 9, 1862, was suddenly issued by General Hunter, commanding +the "Department of the South," comprising Georgia, Florida and South +Carolina, his celebrated Order announcing Martial Law, in those States, +as a Military Necessity, and—as "Slavery and Martial Law in a Free +Country are altogether incompatible"—declaring all Slaves therein, +"forever Free."</p> + +<p>This second edition, as it were, of Fremont's performance, at once threw +the loyal Border-State men into a terrible ferment. Again, they, and +their Copperhead and other Democratic friends of the North, meanly +professed belief that this was but a part of Mr. Lincoln's programme, +and that his apparent backwardness was the cloak to hide his +Anti-Slavery aggressiveness and insincerity.</p> + +<p>How hurtful the insinuations, and even direct charges, of the day, made +by these men against President Lincoln, must have been to his honest, +sincere, and sensitive nature, can scarcely be conceived by those who +did not know him; while, on the other hand, the reckless impatience of +some of his friends for "immediate and universal Emancipation," and +their complaints at his slow progress toward that goal of their hopes, +must have been equally trying.</p> + +<p>True to himself, however, and to the wise conservative course which he +had marked out, and, thus far, followed, President Lincoln hastened to +disavow Hunter's action in the premises, by a Proclamation, heretofore +given, declaring that no person had been authorized by the United States +Government to declare the Slaves of any State, Free; that Hunter's +action in this respect was void; that, as Commander-in-chief he reserved +solely to himself, the questions, first, as to whether he had the power +to declare the Slaves of any State or States, Free, and, second, whether +the time and necessity for the exercise of such supposed power had +arrived. And then, as we may remember, he proceeded to cite the +adoption, by overwhelming majorities in Congress, of the Joint +Resolution offering pecuniary aid from the National Government to "any +State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery;" and to make a +most earnest appeal, for support, to the Border-States and to their +people, as being "the most interested in the subject matter."</p> + +<p>In his Special Message to Congress,—[Of March 6, 1862.]—recommending +the passage of that Joint Resolution, he had plainly and emphatically +declared himself against sudden Emancipation of Slaves. He had therein +distinctly said: "In my judgment, gradual, and not immediate, +Emancipation, is better for all." And now, in this second appeal of his +to the Border-States men, to patriotically close with the proposal +embraced in that. Resolution, he said: "The changes it contemplates +would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or wrecking +anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done, by +one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it is now +your high privilege to do! May the vast future not have to lament that +you have neglected it!"</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The following letter, from Sumner, shows the impatience of some of + the President's friends, the confidence he inspired in others + nearer in his counsels, and how entirely, at this time, his mind + was absorbed in his project for gradual and compensated + Emancipation.]</p> + +<p> "SENATE CHAMBER, June 5, 1862.</p> + +<p> "MY DEAR SIR.—Your criticism of the President is hasty. I am + confident that, if you knew him as I do, you would not make it. Of + course the President cannot be held responsible for the + misfeasances of subordinates, unless adopted or at least tolerated + by him. And I am sure that nothing unjust or ungenerous will be + tolerated, much less adopted, by him.</p> + +<p> "I am happy to let you know that he has no sympathy with Stanly in + his absurd wickedness, closing the schools, nor again in his other + act of turning our camp into a hunting ground for Slaves. He + repudiates both—positively. The latter point has occupied much of + his thought; and the newspapers have not gone too far in recording + his repeated declarations, which I have often heard from his own + lips, that Slaves finding their way into the National lines are + never to be Re-enslaved—This is his conviction, expressed without + reserve.</p> + +<p> "Could you have seen the President—as it was my privilege +often—while he was considering the great questions on which he has + already acted—the invitation to Emancipation in the States, + Emancipation in the District of Columbia, and the acknowledgment of + the Independence of Hayti and Liberia—even your zeal would have + been satisfied, for you would have felt the sincerity of his + purpose to do what he could to carry forward the principles of the + Declaration of Independence.</p> + +<p> "His whole soul was occupied, especially by the first proposition, + which was peculiarly his own. In familiar intercourse with him, I + remember nothing more touching than the earnestness and + completeness with which he embraced this idea. To his mind, it was + just and beneficent, while it promised the sure end of Slavery. Of + course, to me, who had already proposed a bridge of gold for the + retreating fiend, it was most welcome. Proceeding from the + President, it must take its place among the great events of + history.</p> + +<p> "If you are disposed to be impatient at any seeming + shortcomings, think, I pray you, of what has been done in a brief + period, and from the past discern the sure promise of the future. + Knowing something of my convictions and of the ardor with which I + maintain them, you may, perhaps, derive some assurance from my + confidence; I may say to you, therefore, stand by the + Administration. If need be, help it by word and act, but stand by + it and have faith in it.</p> + +<p> "I wish that you really knew the President, and had heard the + artless expression of his convictions on those questions which + concern you so deeply. You might, perhaps, wish that he were less + cautious, but you would be grateful that he is so true to all that + you have at heart. Believe me, therefore, you are wrong, and I + regret it the more because of my desire to see all our friends + stand firmly together.</p> + +<p> "If I write strongly it is because I feel strongly; for my constant + and intimate intercourse with the President, beginning with the 4th + of March, not only binds me peculiarly to his Administration, but + gives me a personal as well as a political interest in seeing that + justice is done him.</p> + +<p> "Believe me, my dear Sir, with much regard, ever faithfully yours,<br> + "CHARLES SUMNER."</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br> +<p>But stones are not more deaf to entreaty than were the ears of the loyal +Border-State men and their allies to President Lincoln's renewed appeal. +"Ephraim" was "wedded to his idols."</p> + +<p>McClellan too—immediately after his retreat from the Chickahominy to +the James River—seized the opportunity afforded by the disasters to our +arms, for which he was responsible, to write to President Lincoln a +letter (dated July 7, 1862) in which he admonished him that owing to the +"critical" condition of the Army of the Potomac, and the danger of its +being "overwhelmed" by the Enemy in front, the President must now +substantially assume and exercise the powers of a Dictator, or all would +be lost; that "neither Confiscation of property * * * nor forcible +Abolition of Slavery, should be contemplated for a moment;" and that "A +declaration of Radical views, especially upon Slavery, will rapidly +disintegrate our present Armies."</p> + +<p>Harried, and worried, on all sides,—threatened even by the Commander of +the Army of the Potomac,—it is not surprising, in view of the +apparently irreconcilable attitude of the loyal Border-State men to +gradual and compensated Emancipation, that the tension of President +Lincoln's mind began to feel a measure of relief in contemplating +Military Emancipation in the teeth of all such threats.</p> + +<p>He had long since made up his mind that the existence of Slavery was not +compatible with the preservation of the Union. The only question now +was, how to get rid of it? If the worst should come to the +worst—despite McClellan's threat—he would have to risk everything on the turn +of the die—would have to "play his last card;" and that "last card" was +Military Emancipation. Yet still he disliked to play it. The time and +necessity for it had not yet arrived—although he thought he saw them +coming.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In the course of an article in the New York Tribune, August, 1885, + Hon. George S. Boutwell tells of an interview in "July or early + in August" of 1862, with President Lincoln, at which the latter + read two letters: one from a Louisiana man "who claimed to be a + Union man," but sought to impress the President with "the dangers + and evils of Emancipation;" the other, Mr. Lincoln's reply to him, + in which, says Mr. B., "he used this expression: 'you must not + expect me to give up this Government without playing my last card.' + Emancipation was his last card."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Things were certainly, at this time, sufficiently unpromising to chill +the sturdiest Patriot's heart. It is true, we had scored some important +victories in the West; but in the East, our arms seemed fated to +disaster after disaster. Belmont, Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, and +Pittsburg Landing, were names whose mention made the blood of Patriots +to surge in their veins; and Corinth, too, had fallen. But in the East, +McClellan's profitless campaign against Richmond, and especially his +disastrous "change of base" by a "masterly" seven days' retreat, +involving as many bloody battles, had greatly dispirited all Union men, +and encouraged the Rebels and Rebel-sympathizers to renewed hopes and +efforts.</p> + +<p>And, as reverses came to the Union Arms, so seemed to grow +proportionately the efforts, on all sides, to force forward, or to stave +off, as the case might be, the great question of the liberation and +arming of the Slaves, as a War Measure, under the War powers of the +Constitution. It was about this time (July 12, 1862) that President +Lincoln determined to make a third, and last, attempt to avert the +necessity for thus emancipating and arming the Slaves. He invited all +the Senators and Representatives in Congress from the Border-States, to +an interview at the White House, and made to them the appeal, heretofore +in these pages given at length.</p> + +<p>It was an earnest, eloquent, wise, kindly, patriotic, fatherly appeal in +behalf of his old proposition, for a gradual, compensated Emancipation, +by the Slave States, aided by the resources of the National Government.</p> + +<p>At the very time of making it, he probably had, in his drawer, the rough +draft of the Proclamation which was soon to give Liberty to all the +Colored millions of the Land.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [McPherson gives a letter, written from Washington, by Owen Lovejoy + (Feb. 22, 1864), to Wm. Lloyd Garrison, in which the following + passage occurs:</p> + +<p> "Recurring to the President, there are a great many reports + concerning him which seem to be reliable and authentic, which, + after all, are not so. It was currently reported among the + Anti-Slavery men of Illinois that the Emancipation Proclamation was + extorted from him by the outward pressure, and particularly by the + Delegation from the Christian Convention that met at Chicago.</p> + +<p> "Now, the fact is this, as I had it from his own lips: He had + written the Proclamation in the Summer, as early as June, I + think—but will not be certain as to the precise time—and called his + Cabinet together, and informed them he had written it and meant to + make it, but wanted to read it to them for any criticism or remarks + as to its features or details.</p> + +<p> "After having done so, Mr. Seward suggested whether it would not be + well for him to withhold its publication until after we had gained + some substantial advantage in the Field, as at that time we had met + with many reverses, and it might be considered a cry of despair. + He told me he thought the suggestion a wise one, and so held on to + the Proclamation until after the Battle of Antietam."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Be that as it may, however, sufficient evidences exist, to prove that he +must have been fully aware, at the time of making that appeal to the +supposed patriotism of these Border-State men, how much, how very much, +depended on the manner of their reception of it.</p> + +<p>To him, that meeting was a very solemn and portentous one. He had +studied the question long and deeply—not from the standpoint of his own +mere individual feelings and judgment, but from that of fair +Constitutional construction, as interpreted by the light of Natural or +General Law and right reason. What he sought to impress upon them was, +that an immediate decision by the Border-States to adopt, and in due +time carry out, with the financial help of the General Government, a +policy of gradual Emancipation, would simultaneously solve the two +intimately-blended problems of Slavery-destruction and +Union-preservation, in the best possible manner for the pockets and feelings +of the Border-State Slave-holder, and for the other interests of both +Border-State Slave-holder and Slave.</p> + +<p>His great anxiety was to "perpetuate," as well as to save, to the People +of the World, the imperiled form of Popular Government, and assure to it +a happy and a grand future.</p> + +<p>He begged these Congressmen from the Border-States, to help him carry +out this, his beneficent plan, in the way that was best for all, and +thus at the same time utterly deprive the Rebel Confederacy of that +hope, which still possessed them, of ultimately gathering these States +into their rebellious fold. And he very plainly, at the same time, +confessed that he desired this relief from the Abolition pressure upon +him, which had been growing more intense ever since he had repudiated +the Hunter proclamation.</p> + +<p>But the President's earnest appeal to these loyal Representatives in +Congress from the Border-States, was, as we have seen, in vain. It +might as well have been made to actual Rebels, for all the good it did. +For, a few days afterward, they sent to him a reply signed by more than +two-thirds of those present, hitherto given at length in these pages, in +which-after loftily sneering at the proposition as "an interference by +this Government with a question which peculiarly and exclusively +belonged to" their "respective States, on which they had not sought +advice or solicited aid," throwing doubts upon the Constitutional power +of the General Government to give the financial aid, and undertaking by +statistics to prove that it would absolutely bankrupt the Government to +give such aid,—they insultingly declared, in substance, that they could +not "trust anything to the contingencies of future legislation," and +that Congress must "provide sufficient funds" and place those funds in +the President's hands for the purpose, before the Border-States and +their people would condescend even to "take this proposition into +careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is +demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole +Country."</p> + +<p>Very different in tone, to be sure, was the minority reply, which, after +stating that "the leaders of the Southern Rebellion have offered to +abolish Slavery among them as a condition to Foreign Intervention in +favor of their Independence as a Nation," concluded with the terse and +loyal deduction: "If they can give up Slavery to destroy the Union, we +can surely ask our people to consider the question of Emancipation to +save the Union."</p> + +<p>But those who signed this latter reply were few, among the many. +Practically, the Border-State men were a unit against Mr. Lincoln's +proposition, and against its fair consideration by their people. He +asked for meat, and they gave him a stone.</p> + +<p>Only a few days before this interview, President Lincoln—alarmed by the +report of McClellan, that the magnificent Army of the Potomac under his +command, which, only three months before, had boasted 161,000 men, had +dwindled down to not more than "50,000 men left with their colors"—had +been to the front, at Harrison's Landing, on the James river, and, +although he had not found things quite so disheartening as he had been +led to believe, yet they were bad enough, for only 86,000 men were found +by him on duty, while 75,000 were unaccounted for—of which number +34,4172 were afterward reported as "absent by authority."</p> + +<p>This condition of affairs, in connection with the fact that McClellan +was always calling for more troops, undoubtedly had its influence in +bringing Mr. Lincoln's mind to the conviction, hitherto mentioned, of +the fast-approaching Military necessity for Freeing and Arming the +Slaves.</p> + +<p>It was to ward this off, if possible, that he had met and appealed to +the Border-State Representatives. They had answered him with sneers and +insults; and nothing was left him but the extreme course of almost +immediate Emancipation.</p> + +<p>Long and anxiously he had thought over the matter, but the time for +action was at hand.</p> + +<p>And now, it cannot be better told, than in President Lincoln's own +words, as given to the portrait-painter Carpenter, and recorded in the +latter's, "Six months in the White House," what followed:</p> + +<p>"It had got to be," said he, "midsummer, 1862. Things had gone on from +bad to worse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on +the plan of operations we had been pursuing; that we had about played +our last card, and must change our tactics, or lose the game!</p> + +<p>"I now determined upon the adoption of the Emancipation Policy; and, +without consultation with, or the knowledge of, the Cabinet, I prepared +the original draft of the Proclamation, and, after much anxious thought, +called a Cabinet meeting upon the subject. This was the last of July, +or the first part of the month of August, 1862." (The exact date he did +not remember.)</p> + +<p>"This Cabinet meeting took place, I think, upon a Saturday. All were +present, excepting Mr. Blair, the Postmaster-General, who was absent at +the opening of the discussion, but came in subsequently. I said to the +Cabinet, that I had resolved upon this step, and had not called them +together to ask their advice, but to lay the subject-matter of a +Proclamation before them; suggestions as to which would be in order, +after they had heard it read.</p> + +<p>"Mr. Lovejoy was in error" when he stated "that it excited no comment, +excepting on the part of Secretary Seward. Various suggestions were +offered. Secretary Chase wished the language stronger, in reference to +the arming of the Blacks. Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the +policy, on the ground that it would cost the Administration the fall +elections.</p> + +<p>"Nothing, however, was offered, that I had not already +fully anticipated and settled in my own mind, until Secretary Seward +spoke. He said in substance: 'Mr. President, I approve of the +Proclamation, but I question the expediency of its issue at this +juncture. The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our +repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a +step. It may be viewed as the last Measure of an exhausted Government, +a cry for help, the Government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, +instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the Government.'</p> + +<p>"His idea," said the President "was that it would be considered our last +shriek, on the retreat." (This was his precise expression.) "' Now,' +continued Mr. Seward, 'while I approve the Measure, I suggest, Sir, that +you postpone its issue, until you can give it to the Country supported +by Military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now, +upon the greatest disasters of the War!'"</p> + +<p>Mr. Lincoln continued: "The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of +State, struck me with very great force. It was an aspect of the case +that, in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked. +The result was that I put the draft of the Proclamation aside, as you do +your sketch for a picture, waiting for a victory."</p> + +<p>It may not be amiss to interrupt the President's narration to Mr. +Carpenter, at this point, with a few words touching "the Military +Situation."</p> + +<p>After McClellan's inexplicable retreat from before the Rebel +Capital—when, having gained a great victory at Malvern Hills, Richmond would +undoubtedly have been ours, had he but followed it up, instead of +ordering his victorious troops to retreat like "a whipped Army"—[See +General Hooker's testimony before the Committee on the Conduct of the +War.]—his recommendation, in the extraordinary letter (of July 7th) to +the President, for the creation of the office of General-in-Chief, was +adopted, and Halleck, then at Corinth, was ordered East, to fill it.</p> + +<p>Pope had previously been called from the West, to take +command of the troops covering Washington, comprising some 40,000 men, +known as the Army of Virginia; and, finding cordial cooperation with +McClellan impossible, had made a similar suggestion.</p> + +<p>Soon after Halleck's arrival, that General ordered the transfer of the +Army of the Potomac, from Harrison's Landing to Acquia creek—on the +Potomac—with a view to a new advance upon Richmond, from the +Rappahannock river.</p> + +<p>While this was being slowly accomplished, Lee, relieved from fears for +Richmond, decided to advance upon Washington, and speedily commenced the +movement.</p> + +<p>On the 8th of August, 1862, Stonewall Jackson, leading the Rebel +advance, had crossed the Rapidan; on the 9th the bloody Battle of Cedar +Mountain had been fought with part of Pope's Army; and on the 11th, +Jackson had retreated across the Rapidan again.</p> + +<p>Subsequently, Pope having retired across the Rappahannock, Lee's Forces, +by flanking Pope's Army, again resumed their Northern advance. August +28th and 29th witnessed the bloody Battles of Groveton and Gainesville, +Virginia; the 30th saw the defeat of Pope, by Lee, at the second great +Battle of Bull Run, and the falling back of Pope's Army toward +Washington; and the succeeding Battle of Chantilly took place September +1, 1862.</p> + +<p>It is not necessary at this time to even touch upon the causes and +agencies which brought such misfortune to the Union Arms, under Pope. +It is sufficient to say here, that the disaster of the second Bull Run +was a dreadful blow to the Union Cause, and correspondingly elated the +Rebels.</p> + +<p>Jefferson Davis, in transmitting to the Rebel Congress at Richmond, +Lee's victorious announcements, said, in his message: "From these +dispatches it will be seen that God has again extended His shield over +our patriotic Army, and has blessed the cause of the Confederacy with a +second signal victory, on the field already memorable by the gallant +achievement of our troops."</p> + +<p>Flushed with victory, but wisely avoiding the fortifications of the +National Capital, Lee's Forces now swept past Washington; crossed the +Potomac, near Point of Rocks, at its rear; and menaced both the National +Capital and Baltimore.</p> + +<p>Yielding to the apparent necessity of the moment, the President again +placed. McClellan in command of the Armies about Washington, to wit: +the Army of the Potomac; Burnside's troops that had come up from North +Carolina; what remained of Pope's Army of Virginia; and the large +reinforcements from fresh levies, constantly and rapidly pouring in.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [This was probably about the time of the occurrence of an amusing + incident, touching Lincoln, McClellan, and the fortifications + around Washington, afterward told by General J. G. Barnard, then + Chief of Engineers on the staff of General George B. + McClellan.—See New York Tribune, October 21, 1885. It seems that the + fortifications having been completed, McClellan invited Mr. Lincoln + and his Cabinet to inspect them. "On the day appointed," said + Barnard, "the Inspection commenced at Arlington, to the Southwest + of Washington, and in front of the Enemy. We followed the line of + the works southerly, and recrossed the Potomac to the easterly side + of the river, and continued along the line easterly of Washington + and into the heaviest of all the fortifications on the northerly + side of Washington. When we reached this point the President asked + General McClellan to explain the necessity of so strong a + fortification between Washington and the North.</p> + +<p> "General McClellan replied: 'Why, Mr. President, according to + Military Science it is our duty to guard against every possible or + supposable contingency that may arise. For example, if under any + circumstances, however fortuitous, the Enemy, by any chance or + freak, should, in a last resort, get in behind Washington, in his + efforts to capture the city, why, there the fort is to defend it.'</p> + +<p> "'Yes, that's so General,' said the President; 'the precaution is + doubtless a wise one, and I'm glad to get so clear an explanation, + for it reminds me of an interesting question once discussed for + several weeks in our Lyceum, or Moot Court, at Springfield, Ill., + soon after I began reading law.'</p> + +<p> "'Ah!' says General McClellan. 'What question was that, Mr. + President?'</p> + +<p> "'The question,' Mr. Lincoln replied, 'was, "Why does man have + breasts?"' and he added that after many evenings' debate, the + question was submitted to the presiding Judge, who wisely decided + 'That if under any circumstances, however fortuitous, or by any + chance or freak, no matter of what nature or by what cause, a man + should have a baby, there would be the breasts to nurse it.'"]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Yet, it was not until the 17th of September that the Battle of Antietam +was fought, and Lee defeated—and then only to be allowed to slip back, +across the Potomac, on the 18th—McClellan leisurely following him, +across that river, on the 2nd of November!</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Arnold, in his "Life of Abraham Lincoln," says that President + Lincoln said of him: "With all his failings as a soldier, McClellan + is a pleasant and scholarly gentleman. He is an admirable + Engineer, but" he added, "he seems to have a special talent for a + stationary Engine."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> + +<p>On the 5th, McClellan was relieved,—Burnside taking the command,—and +Union men breathed more freely again.</p> + +<p>But to return to the subject of Emancipation. President Lincoln's own +words have already been given—in conversation with Carpenter—down to +the reading of the Proclamation to his Cabinet, and Seward's suggestion +to "wait for a victory" before issuing it, and how, adopting that +advice, he laid the Proclamation aside, waiting for a victory.</p> + +<p>"From time to time," said Mr. Lincoln, continuing his narration, "I +added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously +waiting the progress of events. Well, the next news we had was of +Pope's disaster at Bull Run. Things looked darker than ever. Finally, +came the week of the Battle of Antietam. I determined to wait no +longer.</p> + +<p>"The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our +side. I was then staying at the Soldiers' Home (three miles out of +Washington.) Here I finished writing the second draft of the +preliminary Proclamation; came up on Saturday; called the Cabinet +together to hear it; and it was published the following Monday."</p> + +<p>It is not uninteresting to note, in this connection, upon the same +authority, that at the final meeting of the Cabinet prior to this issue +of the Proclamation, when the third paragraph was read, and the words of +the draft "will recognize the Freedom of such Persons," were reached, +Mr. Seward suggested the insertion of the words "and maintain" after the +word "recognize;" and upon his insistence, the President said, "the +words finally went in."</p> + +<p>At last, then, had gone forth the Fiat—telegraphed and read throughout +the Land, on that memorable 22d of September, 1862—which, with the +supplemental Proclamation of January 1, 1863, was to bring joy and +Freedom to the millions of Black Bondsmen of the South.</p> + +<p>Just one month before its issue, in answer to Horace Greeley's Open +letter berating him for "the seeming subserviency" of his "policy to the +Slave-holding, Slave up-holding interest," etc., President Lincoln had +written his famous "Union letter" in which he had conservatively said: +"My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or +destroy Slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any Slave, I +would do it—and if I could save it by freeing all the Slaves, I would +do it—and if I could save it by freeing some, and leaving others alone, +I would also do that."</p> + +<p>No one outside of his Cabinet dreamed, at the time he made that answer, +that the Proclamation of Emancipation was already written, and simply +awaited a turn in the tide of battle for its issue!</p> + +<p>Still less could it have been supposed, when, on the 13th of +September—only two days before Stonewall Jackson had invested, attacked, and +captured Harper's Ferry with nearly 12,000 prisoners, 73 cannon, and +13,000 small arms, besides other spoils of War—Mr. Lincoln received the +deputation from the religious bodies of Chicago, bearing a Memorial for +the immediate issue of such a Proclamation.</p> + +<p>The very language of his reply,—where he said to them: "It is my +earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I +can learn what it is, I will do it! These are not, however, the days of +miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a +direct revelation. I must study the plain physical aspects of the case, +ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and +right"—when taken in connection with the very strong argument with +which he followed it up, against the policy of Emancipation advocated in +the Memorial, and his intimation that a Proclamation of Emancipation +issued by him "must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's Bull +against the Comet!"—would almost seem to have been adopted with the +very object of veiling his real purpose from the public eye, and leaving +the public mind in doubt. At all events, it had that effect.</p> + +<p>Arnold, in his "Life of Lincoln," says of this time, when General Lee +was marching Northward toward Pennsylvania, that "now, the President, +with that tinge of superstition which ran through his character, 'made,' +as he said, 'a solemn vow to God, that, if Lee was driven back, he would +issue the Proclamation;'" and, in the light of that statement, the +concluding words of Mr. Lincoln's reply to the deputation aforesaid:—"I +can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more +than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will +do,"—have a new meaning.</p> + +<p>The Emancipation Proclamation, when issued, was a great surprise, but +was none the less generally well-received by the Union Armies, and +throughout the Loyal States of the Union, while, in some of them, its +reception was most enthusiastic.</p> + +<p>It happened, too, as we have seen, that the Convention of the Governors +of the Loyal States met at Altoona, Penn., on the very day of its +promulgation, and in an address to the President adopted by these loyal +Governors, they publicly hailed it "with heartfelt gratitude and +encouraged hope," and declared that "the decision of the President to +strike at the root of the Rebellion will lend new vigor to efforts, and +new life and hope to the hearts, of the People."</p> + +<p>On the other hand, the loyal Border-States men were dreadfully exercised +on the subject; and those of them in the House of Representatives +emphasized their disapproval by their votes, when, on the 11th and 15th +of the following December, Resolutions, respectively denouncing, and +endorsing, "the policy of Emancipation, as indicated in that +Proclamation," of September 22, 1862, were offered and voted on.</p> + +<p>In spite of the loyal Border-States men's bitter opposition, however, +the Resolution endorsing that policy as a War Measure, and declaring the +Proclamation to be "an exercise of power with proper regard for the +rights of the States and the perpetuity of Free Government," as we have +seen, passed the House.</p> + +<p>Of course the Rebels themselves, against whom it was aimed, gnashed +their teeth in impotent rage over the Proclamation. But they lost no +time in declaring that it was only a proof of what they had always +announced: that the War was not for the preservation of the American +Union, but for the destruction of African Slavery, and the spoilation of +the Southern States.</p> + +<p>Through their friends and emissaries, in the Border and other Loyal +States of the Union,—the "Knights of the Golden Circle,"—</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The "Knights of the Golden Circle" was the most extensive of these + Rebel organizations. It was "an auxiliary force to the Rebel + Army." Its members took an obligation of the most binding + character, the violation of which was punishable by death, which + obligation, in the language of another, "pledged them to use every + possible means in their power to aid the Rebels to gain their + Independence; to aid and assist Rebel prisoners to escape; to vote + for no one for Office who was not opposed to the further + prosecution of the War; to encourage desertions from the Union + Army; to protect the Rebels in all things necessary to carry out + their designs, even to the burning and destroying of towns and + cities, if necessary to produce the desired result; to give such + information as they had, at all times, of the movements of our + Armies, and of the return of soldiers to their homes; and to try + and prevent their going back to their regiments at the front."</p> + +<p> In other words the duty of the Organization and of its members, was + to hamper, oppose, and prevent all things possible that were being + done at any time for the Union Cause, and to encourage, forward, + and help all things possible in behalf of the Rebel Cause.</p> + +<p> It was to be a flanking force of the Enemy—a reverse fire—a fire + in the rear of the Union Army, by Northern men; a powerful + cooperating force—all the more powerful because secret—operating + safely because secretly and in silence—and breeding discontent, + envy, hatred, and other ill feelings wherever possible, in and out + of Army circles, from the highest to the lowest, at all possible + times, and on all possible occasions.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>—the "Order of American Knights" or "Sons of Liberty," and other +Copperhead organizations, tainted with more or less of Treason—they +stirred up all the old dregs of Pro-Slavery feeling that could possibly +he reached; but while the venomous acts and utterances of such +organizations, and the increased and vindictive energy of the armed +Rebels themselves, had a tendency to disquiet the public mind with +apprehensions as to the result of the Proclamation, and whether, indeed, +Mr. Lincoln himself would be able to resist the pressure, and stand up +to his promise of that Supplemental Proclamation which would give +definiteness and practical effect to the preliminary one, the masses of +the people of the Loyal States had faith in him.</p> + +<p>There was also another element, in chains, at the South, which at this +time must have been trembling with that mysterious hope of coming +Emancipation for their Race, conveyed so well in Whittier's lines, +commencing: "We pray de Lord; he gib us signs, dat some day we be Free" +—a hope which had long animated them, as of something almost too good +for them to live to enjoy, but which, as the War progressed, appeared to +grow nearer and nearer, until now they seemed to see the promised Land, +flowing with milk and honey, its beautiful hills and vales smiling under +the quickening beams of Freedom's glorious sun. But ah! should they +enter there?—or must they turn away again into the old wilderness of +their Slavery, and this blessed Liberty, almost within their grasp, +mockingly elude them?</p> + +<p>They had not long to wait for an answer. The 1st of January, 1863, +arrived, and with it—as a precious New Year's Gift—came the +Supplemental Proclamation, bearing the sacred boon of Liberty to the +Emancipated millions.</p> + +<p>At last, at last, no American need blush to stand up and proclaim his +land indeed, and in truth, "the Land of Freedom."</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="halleck"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p492-halleck.jpg (83K)" src="images/p492-halleck.jpg" height="817" width="596"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch21"></a><br><br> + + +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXI.<br><br> + + THE ARMED NEGRO. +</h2> +</center> +<br> +<p>Little over five months had passed, since the occurrence of the great +event in the history of the American Nation mentioned in the preceding +Chapter, before the Freed Negro, now bearing arms in defense of the +Union and of his own Freedom, demonstrated at the first attack on Port +Hudson the wisdom of emancipating and arming the Slave, as a War +measure. He seemed thoroughly to appreciate and enter into the spirit +of the words; "who would be Free, himself must strike the blow."</p> + +<p>At the attack (of May 27th, 1863), on Port Hudson, where it held the +right, the "Black Brigade" covered itself with glory.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> At Baton Rouge, before starting for Port Hudson, the color-guard of + the First Louisiana Regiment—of the Black Brigade—received the + Regimental flags from their white colonel, (Col. Stafford,) then + under arrest, in a speech which ended with the injunction: + "Color-guard, protect, defend, die for, but do not surrender these flags;" + to which Sergeant Planciancois replied: "Colonel, I will bring + these colors to you in honor, or report to God the reason why!" He + fell, mortally wounded, in one of the many desperate charges at + Port Hudson, with his face to the Enemy, and the colors in his + hand.</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Banks, in his Report, speaking of the Colored regiments, said: "Their +conduct was heroic. No troops could be more determined or more daring. +They made, during the day, three charges upon the batteries of the +Enemy, suffering very heavy losses, and holding their positions at +nightfall with the other troops on the right of our line. The highest +commendation is bestowed upon them by all the officers in command on the +right."</p> + +<p>The New York Times' correspondent said:—"The deeds of heroism performed +by these Colored men were such as the proudest White men might emulate. +Their colors are torn to pieces by shot, and literally bespattered by +blood and brains. The color-sergeant of the 1st Louisiana, on being +mortally wounded (the top of his head taken off by a sixpounder), hugged +the colors to his breast, when a struggle ensued between the two +color-corporals on each side of him, as to who should have the honor of +bearing the sacred standard, and during this generous contention one was +seriously wounded."</p> + +<p>So again, on Sunday the 6th of June following, at Milliken's Bend, where +an African brigade, with 160 men of the 23rd Iowa, although surprised in +camp by a largely superior force of the Enemy, repulsed him +gallantly—of which action General Grant, in his official Report, said: "In this +battle, most of the troops engaged were Africans, who had but little +experience in the use of fire-arms. Their conduct is said, however, to +have been most gallant."</p> + +<p>So, also, in the bloody assault of July 18th, on Fort Wagner, which was +led by the 54th Massachusetts (Colored) Regiment with intrepidity, and +where they planted, and for some time maintained, their Country's flag +on the parapet, until they "melted away before the Enemy's fire, their +bodies falling down the slope and into the ditch."</p> + +<p>And from that time on, through the War—at Wilson's Wharf, in the many +bloody charges at Petersburg, at Deep Bottom, at Chapin's Farm, Fair +Oaks, and numerous other battle-fields, in Virginia and elsewhere, right +down to Appomattox—the African soldier fought courageously, fully +vindicating the War-wisdom of Abraham Lincoln in emancipating and arming +the Race.</p> + +<p>The promulgation of this New Year's Proclamation of Freedom +unquestionably had a wonderful effect in various ways, upon the outcome +of the War.</p> + +<p>It cleared away the cobwebs which the arguments of the loyal +Border-State men, and of the Northern Copperheads and other Disunion and +Pro-Slavery allies of the Rebels were forever weaving for the +discouragement, perplexity and ensnarement, of the thoroughly loyal +out-and-out Union men of the Land. It largely increased our strength in +fighting material. It brought to us the moral support of the World, +with the active sympathy of philanthropy's various forces. And besides, +it correspondingly weakened the Rebels. Every man thus freed from his +Bondage, and mustered into the Union Armies, was not only a gain of one +man on the Union side, but a loss of one man to the Enemy. It is not, +therefore, surprising that the Disunion Conspirators—whether at the +South or at the North—were furious.</p> + +<p>The Chief Conspirator, Jefferson Davis, had already, (December 23, +1862,) issued a proclamation of outlawry against General B. F. Butler, +for arming certain Slaves that had become Free upon entering his +lines—the two last clauses of which provided: "That all Negro Slaves captured +in arms, be at once delivered over to the Executive authorities of the +respective States to which they belong, to be dealt with according to +the laws of said States," and "That the like orders be executed in all +cases with respect to all commissioned Officers of the United States, +when found serving in company with said Slaves in insurrection against +the authorities of the different States of this Confederacy."</p> + +<p>He now called the attention of the Rebel Congress to President Lincoln's +two Proclamations of Emancipation, early in January of 1863; and that +Body responded by adopting, on the 1st of May of that year, a +Resolution, the character of which was so cold-bloodedly atrocious, that +modern Civilization might well wonder and Christianity shudder at its +purport.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [It was in these words:</p> + +<p> "Resolved, by the Congress of the Confederate States of America, In + response to the Message of the President, transmitted to Congress + at the commencement of the present session, That, in the opinion of + Congress, the commissioned officers of the Enemy ought not to be + delivered to the authorities of the respective States, as suggested + in the said Message, but all captives taken by the Confederate + forces ought to be dealt with and disposed of by the Confederate + Government.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 2.—That, in the judgment of Congress, the proclamations of + the President of the United States, dated respectively September + 22, 1862, and January 1, 1863, and the other measures of the + Government of the United States and of its authorities, commanders, + and forces, designed or tending to emancipate slaves in the + Confederate States, or to abduct such slaves, or to incite them to + insurrection, or to employ negroes in war against the Confederate + States, or to overthrow the institution of African Slavery, and + bring on a servile war in these States, would, if successful, + produce atrocious consequences, and they are inconsistent with the + spirit of those usages which, in modern warfare, prevail among + civilized nations; they may, therefore, be properly and lawfully + repressed by retaliation.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 3.—That in every case wherein, during the present war, any + violation of the laws or usages of war among civilized nations + shall be, or has been, done and perpetrated by those acting under + authority of the Government of the United States, on persons or + property of citizens of the Confederate States, or of those under + the protection or in the land or naval service of the Confederate + States, or of any State of the Confederacy, the President of the + Confederate States is hereby authorized to cause full and ample + retaliation to be made for every such violation, in such manner and + to such extent as he may think proper.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 4.—That every white person, being a commissioned officer, or + acting as such, who, during the present war, shall command negroes + or mulattoes in arms against the Confederate States, or who shall + arm, train, organize, or prepare negroes or mulattoes for military + service against the Confederate States, or who shall voluntarily + aid negroes or mulattoes in any military enterprise, attack, or + conflict in such service, shall be deemed as inciting servile + insurrection, and shall, if captured, be put to death, or be + otherwise punished at the discretion of the Court.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 5.—Every person, being a commissioned officer, or acting as + such in the service of the Enemy, who shall, during the present + war, excite, attempt to excite, or cause to be excited, a servile + insurrection, or who shall incite, or cause to be incited, a slave + to rebel, shall, if captured, be put to death, or be otherwise + punished at the discretion of the court.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 6.—Every person charged with an offense punishable under the + preceding resolutions shall, during the present war, be tried + before the military court attached to the army or corps by the + troops of which he shall have been captured, or by such other + military court as the President may direct, and in such manner and + under such regulations as the President shall prescribe; and, after + conviction, the President may commute the punishment in such manner + and on such terms as he may deem proper.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 7.—All negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged in war, or + be taken in arms against the Confederate States, or shall give aid + or comfort to the enemies of the Confederate States, shall, when + captured in the Confederate States, be delivered to the authorities + of the State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt + with according to the present or future laws of such State or + States."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>But atrocious as were the provisions of the Resolution, or Act +aforesaid, in that they threatened death or Slavery to every Black man +taken with Union arms in his hand, and death to every White commissioned +officer commanding Black soldiers, yet the manner in which they were +executed was still more barbarous.</p> + +<p>At last it became necessary to adopt some measure by which captured +Colored Union soldiers might be protected equally with captured White +Union soldiers from the frequent Rebel violations of the Laws of War in +the cases of the former.</p> + +<p>President Lincoln, therefore, issued an Executive Order prescribing +retaliatory measures.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In the following words:</p> + +<p> "EXECUTIVE MANSION,</p> + +<p> "WASHINGTON, July 30, 1863.</p> + +<p> "It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its + citizens, of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to + those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. + The Law of Nations, and the usages and customs of War, as carried + on by civilized Powers, permit no distinction as to color in the + treatment of prisoners of War, as public enemies.</p> + +<p> "To sell or Enslave any captured person, on account of his Color, + and for no offense against the Laws of War, is a relapse into + barbarism, and a crime against the civilization of the age.</p> + +<p> "The Government of the United States will give the same protection + to all its soldiers, and if the Enemy shall sell or Enslave any one + because of his color, the offense shall be punished by Retaliation + upon the Enemy's prisoners in our possession.</p> + +<p> "It is therefore Ordered, that, for every soldier of the United + States killed in violation of the Laws of War, a Rebel soldier + shall be executed; and for every one Enslaved by the Enemy or sold + into Slavery, a Rebel soldier shall be placed at hard work on the + public works, and continued at such labor until the other shall be + released and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of War.</p> + +<p> "By order of the Secretary of War. <br> +ABRAHAM LINCOLN. E. D.<br> + TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br> +<p>It was hoped that the mere announcement of the decision of our +Government to retaliate, would put an instant stop to the barbarous +conduct of the Rebels toward the captured Colored Union troops, but the +hope was vain. The atrocities continued, and their climax was capped by +the cold-blooded massacres perpetrated by Forrest's 5,000 Cavalry, after +capturing Fort Pillow, a short distance above Memphis, on the +Mississippi river.</p> + +<p>The garrison of that Fort comprised less than 600 Union soldiers, about +one-half of whom were White, and the balance Black. These brave fellows +gallantly defended the Fort against eight times their number, from +before sunrise until the afternoon, when—having failed to win by fair +means, under the Laws of War,—the Enemy treacherously crept up the +ravines on either side of the Fort, under cover of flags of truce, and +then, with a sudden rush, carried it, butchering both Blacks and Whites +—who had thrown away their arms, and were striving to escape—until +night temporarily put an end to the sanguinary tragedy.</p> + +<p>On the following morning the massacre was completed by the butchery and +torture of wounded remnants of these brave Union defenders—some being +buried alive, and others nailed to boards, and burned to death.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [For full account of these hideous atrocities, see testimony of + survivors before the Committee on Conduct and Expenditures of the + War. (H. R. Report, No. 65, 1st S. 38th Cong.)]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>And all this murderous malignity, for what?—Simply, and only, because +one-half of the Patriot victims had Black skins, while the other half +had dared to fight by the side of the Blacks!</p> + +<p>In the after-days of the War, the cry with which our Union Black +regiments went into battle:—"Remember Fort Pillow!"—inspired them to +deeds of valor, and struck with terror the hearts of the Enemy. On many +a bloody field, Fort Pillow was avenged.</p> + +<p>It is a common error to suppose that the first arming of the Black man +was on the Union side. The first Black volunteer company was a Rebel +one, raised early in May, 1861, in the city of Memphis, Tenn.; and at +Charleston, S. C., Lynchburg, Va., and Norfolk, Va., large bodies of +Free Negroes volunteered, and were engaged, earlier than that, to do +work on the Rebel batteries.</p> + +<p>On June 28th of the same year, the Rebel Legislature of Tennessee passed +an Act not only authorizing the Governor "to receive into the Military +service of the State all male Free persons of Color between the ages of +fifteen and fifty, or such number as may be necessary, who may be sound +in mind and body, and capable of actual service," but also prescribing +"That in the event a sufficient number of Free persons of Color to meet +the wants of the State shall not tender their services, the Governor is +empowered, through the Sheriffs of the different counties, to press such +persons until the requisite number is obtained."</p> + +<p>At a review of Rebel troops, at New Orleans, November 23, 1861, "One +regiment comprised 1,400 Free Colored men." Vast numbers of both Free +Negroes and Slaves were employed to construct Rebel fortifications +throughout the War, in all the Rebel States. And on the 17th of +February, 1864, the Rebel Congress passed an Act which provides in its +first section "That all male Free Negroes * * * resident in the +Confederate States, between the ages of eighteen and fifty years, shall +be held liable to perform such duties with the Army, or in connection +with the Military defenses of the Country, in the way of work upon the +fortifications, or in Government works for the production or preparation +of materials of War, or in Military hospitals, as the Secretary of War +or the Commanding General of the Trans-Mississippi Department may, from +time to time, prescribe:" while the third section provides that when the +Secretary of War shall "be unable to procure the service of Slaves in +any Military Department, then he is authorized to impress the services +of as many male Slaves, not to exceed twenty thousand, as may be +required, from time to time, to discharge the duties indicated in the +first section of the Act."</p> + +<p>And this Act of, the Rebel Congress was passed only forty days before +the fiendish massacre of the Union Whites and Blacks who together, at +Fort Pillow, were performing for the Union, "such duties with the Army," +and "in connection with the Military defenses of the Country," as had +been prescribed for them by their Commanding General!</p> + +<p>Under any circumstances—and especially under this state of +facts—nothing could excuse or palliate that shocking and disgraceful and +barbarous crime against humanity; and the human mind is incapable of +understanding how such savagery can be accounted for, except upon the +theory that "He that nameth Rebellion nameth not a singular, or one only +sin, as is theft, robbery, murder, and such like; but he nameth the +whole puddle and sink of all sins against God and man; against his +country, his countrymen, his children, his kinsfolk, his friends, and +against all men universally; all sins against God and all men heaped +together, nameth he that nameth Rebellion."</p> + +<p>The inconsistency of the Rebels, in getting insanely and murderously +furious over the arming of Negroes for the defense of the imperiled +Union and the newly gained liberties of the Black Race, when they had +themselves already armed some of them and made them fight to uphold the +Slave-holders' Rebellion and the continued Enslavement of their race, is +already plain enough.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The writer is indebted to the courtesy of a prominent South + Carolinian, for calling his attention to the "Singular coincidence, + that a South Carolinian should have proposed in 1778, what was + executed in 1863-64—the arming of Negroes for achieving their + Freedom"—as shown in the following very curious and interesting + letters written by the brave and gifted Colonel John Laurens, of + Washington's staff, to his distinguished father:</p> + +<p> HEAD QUARTERS, 14th Jan., 1778.</p> + +<p> I barely hinted to you, my dearest father, my desire to augment the + Continental forces from an untried source. I wish I had any + foundation to ask for an extraordinary addition to those favours + which I have already received from you. I would solicit you to + cede me a number of your able bodied men slaves, instead of leaving + me a fortune.</p> + +<p> I would bring about a two-fold good; first I would advance those + who are unjustly deprived of the rights of mankind to a state which + would be a proper gradation between abject slavery and perfect + liberty, and besides I would reinforce the defenders of liberty + with a number of gallant soldiers. Men, who have the habit of + subordination almost indelibly impressed on them, would have one + very essential qualification of soldiers. I am persuaded that if I + could obtain authority for the purpose, I would have a corps of + such men trained, uniformly clad, equip'd and ready in every + respect to act at the opening of the next campaign. The ridicule + that may be thrown on the color, I despise, because I am sure of + rendering essential service to my country.</p> + +<p> I am tired of the languor with which so sacred a war as this is + carried on. My circumstances prevent me from writing so long a + letter as I expected and wish'd to have done on a subject which I + have much at heart. I entreat you to give a favorable answer to <br> + Your most affectionate <br> + JOHN LAURENS.</p> + +<p> The Honble Henry Laurens Esq.<br> + President of Congress.</p> +<br><br> +<p> + HEAD QUARTERS, 2nd Feb., 1778.</p> + +<p> My Dear Father:</p> + +<p> The more I reflect upon the difficulties and delays which are + likely to attend the completing our Continental regiments, the more + anxiously is my mind bent upon the scheme, which I lately + communicated to you. The obstacles to the execution of it had + presented themselves to me, but by no means appeared + insurmountable. I was aware of having that monstrous popular + prejudice, open-mouthed against me, of undertaking to transform + beings almost irrational, into well disciplined soldiers, of being + obliged to combat the arguments, and perhaps the intrigues, of + interested persons. But zeal for the public service, and an ardent + desire to assert the rights of humanity, determined me to engage in + this arduous business, with the sanction of your consent. My own + perseverance, aided by the countenance of a few virtuous men, will, + I hope, enable me to accomplish it.</p> + +<p> You seem to think, my dear father, that men reconciled by long + habit to the miseries of their condition, would prefer their + ignominious bonds to the untasted sweets of liberty, especially + when offer'd upon the terms which I propose.</p> + +<p> I confess, indeed, that the minds of this unhappy species must be + debased by a servitude, from which they can hope for no relief but + death, and that every motive to action but fear, must be nearly + extinguished in them. But do you think they are so perfectly + moulded to their state as to be insensible that a better exists? + Will the galling comparison between themselves and their masters + leave them unenlightened in this respect? Can their self love be + so totally annihilated as not frequently to induce ardent wishes + for a change?</p> + +<p> You will accuse me, perhaps, my dearest friend, of consulting my + own feelings too much; but I am tempted to believe that this + trampled people have so much human left in them, as to be capable + of aspiring to the rights of men by noble exertions, if some friend + to mankind would point the road, and give them a prospect of + success. If I am mistaken in this, I would avail myself, even of + their weakness, and, conquering one fear by another, produce equal + good to the public. You will ask in this view, how do you consult + the benefit of the slaves? I answer, that like other men, they are + creatures of habit. Their cowardly ideas will be gradually + effaced, and they will be modified anew. Their being rescued from + a state of perpetual humiliation, and being advanced as it were, in + the scale of being, will compensate the dangers incident to their + new state.</p> + +<p> The hope that will spring in each man's mind, respecting his own + escape, will prevent his being miserable. Those who fall in battle + will not lose much; those who survive will obtain their reward. + Habits of subordination, patience under fatigues, sufferings and + privations of every kind, are soldierly qualifications, which these + men possess in an eminent degree.</p> + +<p> Upon the whole, my dearest friend and father, I hope that my plan + for serving my country and the oppressed negro race will not appear + to you the chimera of a young mind, deceived by a false appearance + of moral beauty, but a laudable sacrifice of private interest, to + justice and the public good.</p> + +<p> You say, that my resources would be small, on account of the + proportion of women and children. I do not know whether I am + right, for I speak from impulse, and have not reasoned upon the + matter. I say, altho' my plan is at once to give freedom to the + negroes, and gain soldiers to the states; in case of concurrence, I + should sacrifice the former interest, and therefore we change the + women and children for able-bodied men. The more of these I could + obtain, the better; but forty might be a good foundation to begin + upon.</p> + +<p> It is a pity that some such plan as I propose could not be more + extensively executed by public authority. A well-chosen body of + 5,000 black men, properly officer'd, to act as light troops, in + addition to our present establishment, might give us decisive + success in the next campaign.</p> + +<p> I have long deplored the wretched state of these men, and + considered in their history, the bloody wars excited in Africa, to + furnish America with slaves—the groans of despairing multitudes, + toiling for the luxuries of merciless tyrants.</p> + +<p> I have had the pleasure of conversing with you, sometimes, upon the + means of restoring them to their rights. When can it be better + done, than when their enfranchisement may be made conducive to the + public good, and be modified, as not to overpower their weak minds?</p> + +<p> You ask, what is the general's opinion, upon this subject? He is + convinced, that the numerous tribes of blacks in the southern parts + of the continent, offer a resource to us that should not be + neglected. With respect to my particular plan, he only objects to + it, with the arguments of pity for a man who would be less rich + than he might be.</p> + +<p> I am obliged, my dearest friend and father, to take my leave for + the present; you will excuse whatever exceptionable may have + escaped in the course of my letter, and accept the assurance of + filial love, and respect of <br> + Your <br> + JOHN LAURENS]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br> +<p>If, however, it be objected that the arming of Negroes by the Rebels was +exceptional and local, and, that otherwise, the Rebels always used their +volunteer or impressed Negro forces in work upon fortifications and +other unarmed Military Works, and never proposed using them in the clash +of arms, as armed soldiers against armed White men, the contrary is +easily proven.</p> + +<p>In a message to the Rebel Congress, November 7, 1864, Jefferson Davis +himself, while dissenting at that time from the policy, advanced by +many, of "a general levy and arming of the Slaves, for the duty of +soldiers," none the less declared that "should the alternative ever be +presented of subjugation, or of the employment of the Slave as a +soldier, there seems no reason to doubt what should then be our +decision."</p> + +<p>In the meantime, however, he recommended the employment of forty +thousand Slaves as pioneer and engineer laborers, on the ground that +"even this limited number, by their preparatory training in intermediate +duties Would form a more valuable reserve force in case of urgency, than +threefold their number suddenly called from field labor; while a fresh +levy could, to a certain extent, supply their places in the special +service" of pioneer and engineer work; and he undertook to justify the +inconsistency between his present recommendation, and his past attitude, +by declaring that "A broad, moral distinction exists between the use of +Slaves as soldiers in defense of their homes, and the incitement of the +same persons to insurrection against their masters, for," said he, "the +one is justifiable, if necessary; the other is iniquitous and unworthy +of a civilized people."</p> + +<p>So also, while a Bill for the arming of Slaves was pending before the +Rebel Congress early in 1865, General Robert E. Lee wrote, February +18th, from the Headquarters of the Rebel Armies, to Hon. E. Barksdale, +of the Rebel House of Representatives, a communication, in which, after +acknowledging the receipt of a letter from him of February 12th, "with +reference to the employment of Negroes as soldiers," he said: "I think +the Measure not only expedient but necessary * * * in my opinion, the +Negroes, under proper circumstances, will make efficient soldiers. * * +* I think those who are employed, should be freed. It would be neither +just nor wise, in my opinion, to require them to remain as +Slaves"—thus, not only approving the employment of Black Slaves as soldiers, to +fight White Union men, but justifying their Emancipation as a reward for +Military service. And, a few days afterward, that Rebel Congress passed +a Bill authorizing Jefferson Davis to take into the Rebel Army as many +Negro Slaves "as he may deem expedient, for and during the War, to +perform Military service in whatever capacity he may direct," and at the +same time authorizing General Lee to organize them as other "troops" are +organized.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [This Negro soldier Bill, according to McPherson's Appendix, p. + 611-612, passed both Houses, and was in these words:</p> + +<p> A Bill to increase the Military Forces of the Confederate States.</p> + +<p> "The Congress of the Confederate States of America do Enact, That + in order to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain + the rightful possession of the Confederate States, secure their + Independence and preserve their Institutions, the President be and + he is hereby authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of + Slaves the services of such number of able-bodied Negro men as he + may deem expedient for and during the War, to perform Military + service in whatever capacity he may direct.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 2.—That the General-in-Chief be authorized to organize the + said Slaves into companies, battalions, regiments, and brigades, + under such rules and regulations as the Secretary of War may + prescribe, and to be commanded by such officers as the President + may appoint.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 3.—That, while employed in the Service, the said troops + shall receive the same rations, clothing, and compensation as are + allowed to other troops in the same branch of the Service.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 4.—That if, under the previous sections of this Act, the + President shall not be able to raise a sufficient number of troops + to prosecute the War successfully and maintain the Sovereignty of + the States, and the Independence of the Confederate States, then he + is hereby authorized to call on each State, whenever he thinks it + expedient, for her quota of 300,000 troops, in addition to those + subject to Military service, under existing laws, or so many + thereof as the President may deem necessary, to be raised from such + classes of the population, irrespective of color, in each State, as + the proper authorities thereof may determine: Provided, that not + more than 25 per cent. of the male Slaves, between the ages of 18 + and 45, in any State, shall be called for under the provisions of + this Act.</p> + +<p> "SEC. 5.—That nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorize + a change in the relation of said Slaves."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br> + + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p4.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p6.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +</body> +</html> + + + + diff --git a/old/orig7140-h/p6.htm b/old/orig7140-h/p6.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ce2e9dd --- /dev/null +++ b/old/orig7140-h/p6.htm @@ -0,0 +1,3240 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> +<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 6</title> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> + +<style type="text/css"> + <!-- + body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify} + P { + text-indent: 1em; + margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; } + HR { width: 33%; text-align: center; } + blockquote {font-size: 95% } + .figleft {float: left;} + .figright {float: right;} + .toc { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;} + CENTER { padding: 10px;} + // --> +</style> + +</head> +<body> + + + +<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 6</h2> + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p5.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p7.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + +<br><br><br><br><br><br> + + + + +<center> +<h1> +<br> + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br><br> +<br> + Its Origin and History<br><br><br> +<br> + Part 6.<br><br><br> + + By John Logan +<br></h1> +<br> + <h2> + + <br><br><br><br><br> + <img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692"> + <br><br><br><br><br> + <img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665"> +<br><br><br><br><br> +<br><br><br> +CONTENTS +</h2></center> +<br> +<br> + +<br> +<br> + <h2> <a href="#ch22">CHAPTER XXII</a>.<br> + FREEDOM'S SUN STILL RISING.<br></h2> +<br> +DEFINITE CONGRESSIONAL ACTION, ON EMANCIPATION, GERMINATING—GLORIOUS +NEWS FROM THE WEST AND EAST—FALL OF VICKSBURG—GETTYSBURG—LINCOLN'S +GETTYSBURG ORATION—THE DRAFT—THE REBEL "FIRE IN THE REAR"—DRAFT RIOTS +IN NEW YORK—LINCOLN'S LETTER, AUGUST, 1863, ON THE +SITUATION—CHATTANOOGA—THE CHEERING FALL-ELECTIONS—VALLANDIGHAM'S +DEFEAT—EMANCIPATION AS A "POLITICAL" MEASURE—"THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" REPORTED +IN THE SENATE—THADDEUS STEVENS'S RESOLUTIONS, AND TEST VOTE IN THE +HOUSE—LOVEJOY'S DEATH—ELOQUENT TRIBUTES OF ARNOLD, WASHBURNE, +GRINNELL, THADDEUS STEVENS, AND SUMNER +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch23">CHAPTER XXIII.</a><br> + "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" IN THE SENATE.<br></h2> +<br> +GREAT DEBATE IN THE U. S. SENATE, ON EMANCIPATION—THE WHOLE VILLANOUS +HISTORY OF SLAVERY, LAID BARE—SPEECHES OF TRUMBULL, HENRY WILSON, +HARLAN, SHERMAN, CLARK, HALL, HENDERSON, SUMNER, REVERDY JOHNSON, +MCDOUGALL, SAULSBURY, GARRETT DAVIS, POWELL, AND HENDRICKS—BRILLIANT +ARRAIGNMENT AND DEFENSE OF "THE INSTITUTION"—U. S. GRANT, NOW "GENERAL +IN CHIEF"—HIS PLANS PERFECTED, HE GOES TO THE VIRGINIA FRONT—MR. +LINCOLN'S SOLICITUDE FOR THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT—BORDER—STATE +OBSTRUCTIVE MOTIONS, AMENDMENTS, AND SUBSTITUTES, ALL VOTED DOWN—MR. +LINCOLN'S LETTER TO HODGES, OF KENTUCKY, REVIEWING EMANCIPATION AS A +WAR MEASURE—THE DECISIVE FIELD-DAY (APRIL 8, 1864)—THE DEBATE ABLY +CLOSED—THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PASSED BY THE SENATE +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch24">CHAPTER XXIV.</a><br> + TREASON IN THE NORTHERN CAMPS.<br></h2> +<br> +EMANCIPATION TEST—VOTES IN THE HOUSE—ARNOLD'S RESOLUTION—BLUE +PROSPECTS FOR THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT—LINCOLN'S ANXIETY—CONGRESSIONAL +COPPERHEADS—THINLY-DISGUISED TREASON—SPEECHES OF VOORHEES, WASHBURNE, +AND KELLEY—SPRINGFIELD COPPERHEAD PEACE-CONVENTION—"THE UNION AS IT +WAS"—PEACE ON ANY TERMS—VALLANDIGHAM'S LIEUTENANTS—ATTITUDE OF COX, +DAVIS, SAULSBURY, WOOD, LONG, ALLEN, HOLMAN, AND OTHERS—NORTHERN +ENCOURAGEMENT TO REBELS—CONSEQUENT SECOND INVASION, OF THE NORTH, BY +LEE—500,000 TREASONABLE NORTHERN "SONS OF LIBERTY"—RITUAL AND OATHS OF +THE "K. G. C." AND "O. A. K."—COPPERHEAD EFFORTS TO SPLIT THE NORTH +AND WEST, ON TARIFF-ISSUES—SPALDING AND THAD. STEVENS DENOUNCE +TREASON-BREEDING COPPERHEADS +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch25">CHAPTER XXV.</a><br> + THE "FIRE IN THE REAR."<br></h2> +<br> +THE REBEL MANDATE—"AGITATE THE NORTH!"—OBEDIENT COPPERHEADS—THEIR +DENUNCIATIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT—BROOKS, FERNANDO WOOD, AND WHITE, ON +THE "FOLLY" OF THE WAR FOR THE UNION—EDGERTON'S PEACE +RESOLUTIONS—ECKLEY, ON COPPERHEAD MALIGNITY—ALEXANDER LONG GOES "A BOW-SHOT BEYOND +THEM ALL"—HE PROPOSES THE ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF SOUTHERN +INDEPENDENCE—GARFIELD ELOQUENTLY DENOUNCES LONG'S TREASON—LONG DEFIANTLY REITERATES +IT—SPEAKER COLFAX OFFERS A RESOLUTION TO EXPEL LONG—COX AND JULIAN'S +VERBAL DUEL—HARRIS'S TREASONABLE BID FOR EXPULSION—EXTRAORDINARY SCENE +IN THE HOUSE—FERNANDO WOOD'S BID—HE SUBSEQUENTLY "WEAKENS"—EXCITING +DEBATE—LONG AND HARRIS VOTED "UNWORTHY MEMBERS" OF THE HOUSE +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch26">CHAPTER XXVI.</a><br> + "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE.<br></h2> +<br> +GLANCE AT THE MILITARY SITUATION—"BEGINNING OF THE END"—THE +CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT—HOLMAN "OBJECTS" TO "SECOND READING"—KELLOGG +SCORES THE COPPERHEAD-DEMOCRACY—CONTINUOUS "FIRE IN THE REAR" IN BOTH +HOUSES—THE PROPOSED AMENDMENT ATTACKED—THE ADMINISTRATION +ATTACKED—THE TARIFF ATTACKED—SPEECHES OF GARRETT DAVIS, AND +COX—PEACE-RESOLUTIONS OF LAZEAR AND DAVIS—GRINNELL AND STEVENS, SCORE COX AND +WOOD—HENDRICKS ON THE DRAFT—"ON" TO RICHMOND AND ATLANTA—VIOLENT +DIATRIBES OF WOOD, AND HOLMAN—FARNSWORTH'S REPLY TO ROSS, PRUYN, AND +OTHERS—ARNOLD, ON THE ETHICS OF SLAVERY—INGERSOLL'S ELOQUENT +BURST—RANDALL, ROLLINS, AND PENDLETON, CLOSING THE DEBATE—THE THIRTEENTH +AMENDMENT DEFEATED—ASHLEY'S MOTION TO RECONSIDER—CONGRESS ADJOURNS +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch27">CHAPTER XXVII.</a><br> + SLAVERY DOOMED AT THE POLLS.<br></h2> +<br> +THE ISSUE BETWEEN FREEDOM AND SLAVERY—MR. LINCOLN'S +RENOMINATION—ENDORSED, AT ALL POINTS, BY HIS PARTY—HIS FAITH IN THE PEOPLE—HORATIO +SEYMOUR'S COPPERHEAD DECLARATIONS—THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY DECLARE THE +WAR "A FAILURE"—THEIR COPPERHEAD PLATFORM, AND UNION +CANDIDATE—MCCLELLAN THEIR NOMINEE—VICTORIES AT ATLANTA AND MOBILE—FREMONT'S +THIRD PARTY—SUCCESSES OF GRANT AND SHERIDAN—DEATH OF CHIEF-JUSTICE +TANEY—MARYLAND BECOMES "FREE"—MORE UNION VICTORIES—REPUBLICAN +"TIDAL-WAVE" SUCCESS—LINCOLN RE-ELECTED—HIS SERENADE-SPEECHES—AMAZING +CONGRESSIONAL-RETURNS—THE DEATH OF SLAVERY INSURED—IT BECOMES SIMPLY A +MATTER OF TIME +<br> +<br> +<br><br><br><br> +<h4>PORTRAITS.</h4> +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +<a href="#butler">BENJ. F. BUTLER</a><br> +<a href="#trumbell">LYMAN TRUMBULL</a><br> +<a href="#wade">BENJ. F. WADE</a><br> +<a href="#mcclellan">GEO. B. MCCLELLAN</a><br> + + + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + +<br><br> +<br><br><br> +<a name="butler"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p502-butler.jpg (85K)" src="images/p502-butler.jpg" height="863" width="584"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch22"></a> +<br><br> + + +<center><h2> + CHAPTER XXII.<br> +<br> + FREEDOM'S SUN STILL RISING.<br> +</h2> +<br> +</center> +<p>After President Lincoln had issued his Proclamation of Emancipation, the +friends of Freedom clearly perceived—and none of them more clearly than +himself that until the incorporation of that great Act into the +Constitution of the United States itself, there could be no real +assurance of safety to the liberties of the emancipated; that unless +this were done there would be left, even after the suppression of the +Rebellion, a living spark of dissension which might at any time again be +fanned into the flames of Civil War.</p> + +<p>Hence, at all proper times, Mr. Lincoln favored and even +urged Congressional action upon the subject. It was not, however, until +the following year that definite action may be said to have commenced in +Congress toward that end; and, as Congress was slow, he found it +necessary to say in his third Annual Message: "while I remain in my +present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the +Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to Slavery any person who +is Free by the terms of that Proclamation, or by any of the Acts of +Congress."</p> + +<p>Meantime, however, occurred the series of glorious +Union victories in the West, ending with the surrender to Grant's +triumphant Forces on the 4th of July, 1863, of Vicksburg—"the Gibraltar +of the West"—with its Garrison, Army, and enormous quantities of arms +and munitions of war; thus closing a brilliant and successful Campaign +with a blow which literally "broke the back" of the Rebellion; while, +almost simultaneously, July 1-3, the Union Forces of the East, under +Meade, gained the great victory of Gettysburg, and, driving the hosts of +Lee from Pennsylvania, put a second and final end to Rebel invasion of +Northern soil; gaining it, on ground dedicated by President Lincoln, +before that year had closed—as a place of sepulture for the +Patriot-soldiers who there had fallen in a brief, touching and immortal Address, +which every American child should learn by heart, and every American +adult ponder deeply, as embodying the very essence of true +Republicanism.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [President Lincoln's Address, when the National Cemetery at + Gettysburg, Pa., was dedicated Nov. 19, 1863, was in these + memorable words:</p> + +<p> "Fourscore and seven years ago, our Fathers brought forth upon this + continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the + proposition that all men are created equal.</p> + +<p> "Now we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that + Nation, or any Nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long + endure.</p> + +<p> "We are met on a great battlefield of that War. We have come here + to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for + those who here gave their lives that that Nation might live.</p> + +<p> "It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.</p> + +<p> "But in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate, + we can not hallow, this ground. The brave men, living and dead, + who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add + or detract.</p> + +<p> "The World will little note, nor long remember, what we say here; + but it can never forget what they did here.</p> + +<p> "It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the + unfinished work which they who fought here have, thus far, so nobly + advanced.</p> + +<p> "It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task + remaining before us; that from these honored dead we take increased + devotion to that Cause for which they gave the last full measure of + devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not + have died in vain; that this Nation, under God, shall have a new + birth of Freedom; and that Government of the People, by the People, + and for the People, shall not perish front the Earth."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>That season of victory for the Union arms, coming, as it did, upon a +season of depression and doubtfulness, was doubly grateful to the loyal +heart of the Nation. Daylight seemed to be breaking at last. +Gettysburg had hurled back the Southern invader from our soil; and +Vicksburg, with the immediately resulting surrender of Port Hudson, had +opened the Mississippi river from Cairo to the Gulf, and split the +Confederacy in twain.</p> + +<p>But it happened just about this time that, the enrollment of the whole +Militia of the United States (under the Act of March, 1863), having been +completed, and a Draft for 300,000 men ordered to be made and executed, +if by a subsequent time the quotas of the various States should not be +filled by volunteering, certain malcontents and Copperheads, inspired by +agents and other friends of the Southern Conspirators, started and +fomented, in the city of New York, a spirit of unreasoning opposition +both to voluntary enlistment, and conscription under the Draft, that +finally culminated, July 13th, in a terrible Riot, lasting several days, +during which that great metropolis was in the hands, and completely at +the mercy, of a brutal mob of Secession sympathizers, who made day and +night hideous with their drunken bellowings, terrorized everybody even +suspected of love for the Union, plundered and burned dwellings, +including a Colored Orphan Asylum, and added to the crime of arson, that +of murdering the mob-chased, terror-stricken Negroes, by hanging them to +the lamp-posts.</p> + +<p>These Riots constituted a part of that "Fire in the Rear" with which the +Rebels and their Northern Democratic sympathizers had so frequently +menaced the Armies of the Union.</p> + +<p>Alluding to them, the N. Y. Tribune on July 15th, while its office was +invested and threatened with attack and demolition, bravely said: "They +are, in purpose and in essence, a Diversion in favor of Jefferson Davis +and Lee. Listen to the yells of the mob and the harangues of its +favorite orators, and you will find them surcharged with 'Nigger,' +'Abolition,' 'Black Republican,' denunciation of prominent Republicans, +The Tribune, etc. etc.—all very wide of the Draft and the exemption. +Had the Abolitionists, instead of the Slaveholders, revolted, and +undertaken to upset the Government and dissolve the Union, nine-tenths +of these rioters would have eagerly volunteered to put them down. It is +the fear, stimulated by the recent and glorious triumphs of the Union +Arms, that Slavery and the Rebellion must suffer, which is at the bottom +of all this arson, devastation, robbery, and murder."</p> + +<p>The Democratic Governor, Seymour, by promising to "have this Draft +suspended and stopped," did something toward quieting the Riots, but it +was not until the Army of the Potomac, now following Lee's retreat, was +weakened by the sending of several regiments to New York that the +Draft-rioting spirit, in that city, and to a less extent in other cities, was +thoroughly cowed.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In reply to Gov. Seymour's appeal for delay in the execution of + the Draft Law, in order to test its Constitutionality, Mr. Lincoln, + on the 7th of August, said he could not consent to lose the time + that would be involved in obtaining a decision from the U. S. + Supreme Court on that point, and proceeded: "We are contending with + an Enemy who, as I understand, drives every able-bodied man he can + reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a + slaughter-pen. No time is wasted, no argument is used.</p> + +<p> "This system produces an Army which will soon turn upon our now + victorious soldiers already in the field, if they shall not be + sustained by recruits as they should be.</p> + +<p> It produces an Army with a rapidity not to be matched on our side, + if we first waste time to re-experiment with the Volunteer system, + already deemed by Congress, and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted + as to be inadequate; and then more time to obtain a Court decision + as to whether a law is Constitutional which requires a part of + those not now in the Service to go to those who are already in it, + and still more time to determine with absolute certainty that we + get those who are to go, in the precisely legal proportion to those + who are not to go.</p> + +<p> "My purpose is to be in my action Just and Constitutional, and yet + Practical, in performing the important duty with which I am + charged, of maintaining the Unity and the Free principles of our + common Country."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Worried and weakened by this Democratic opposition to the Draft, and the +threatened consequent delays and dangers to the success of the Union +Cause, and depressed moreover by the defeat of the National forces under +Rosecrans at Chickamauga; yet, the favorable determination of the Fall +elections on the side of Union and Freedom, and the immense majorities +upholding those issues, together with Grant's great victory (November, +1863) of Chattanooga—where the three days of fighting in the +Chattanooga Valley and up among the clouds of Lookout Mountain and +Mission Ridge, not only effaced the memory of Rosecrans's previous +disaster, but brought fresh and imperishable laurels to the Union +Arms—stiffened the President's backbone, and that of Union men everywhere.</p> + +<p>Not that Mr. Lincoln had shown any signs of weakness or wavering, or any +loss of hope in the ultimate result of this War for the preservation of +the Union—which now also involved Freedom to all beneath its banner. +On the contrary, a letter of his written late in August shows +conclusively enough that he even then began to see clearly the coming +final triumph—not perhaps as "speedy," as he would like, in its coming, +but none the less sure to come in God's "own good time," and furthermore +not appearing "to be so distant as it did" before Gettysburg, and +especially Vicksburg, was won; for, said he: "The signs look better. +The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the Sea".</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [This admirable letter, reviewing "the situation" and his policy, + was in these words</p> + +<p> EXECUTIVE MANSION,<br> + WASHINGTON, August 26. 1863.</p> + +<p> HON. JAMES C. CONKLING</p> + +<p> MY DEAR SIR; Your letter inviting me to attend a Mass Meeting of + unconditional Union men to be held at the Capital of Illinois, on + the 3rd day of September, has been received. It would be very + agreeable for me thus to meet my old friends at my own home; but I + cannot just now be absent from here so long a time as a visit there + would require.</p> + +<p> The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional + devotion to the Union; and I am sure that my old political friends + will thank me for tendering, as I do, the Nation's gratitude to + those other noble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can + make false to the Nation's life.</p> + +<p> There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: + you desire Peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how + can we attain it? There are but three conceivable ways: First, to + suppress the Rebellion by force of Arms. This I am trying to do. + Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not + for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. + Are you for it? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you are + not for Force, nor yet for Dissolution, there only remains some + imaginable Compromise.</p> + +<p> I do not believe that any Compromise embracing the maintenance of + the Union is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly + opposite belief. The strength of the Rebellion is its Military, + its Army. That Army dominates all the Country, and all the people, + within its range. Any offer of terms made by any man or men within + that range, in opposition to that Army, is simply nothing for the + present: because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce + their side of a Compromise, if one were made with them.</p> + +<p> To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South, and Peace men of + the North, get together in Convention, and frame and proclaim a + Compromise embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can + that Compromise be used to keep Lee's Army out of Pennsylvania? + Meade's Army can keep Lee's Army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, + can ultimately drive it out of existence. But no paper Compromise + to which the controllers of Lee's Army are not agreed, can at all + affect that Army. In an effort at such Compromise we would waste + time, which the Enemy would improve to our disadvantage; and that + would be all.</p> + +<p> A Compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who + control the Rebel Army, or with the people, first liberated from + the domination of that Army, by the success of our own Army. Now, + allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from that Rebel + Army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any + Peace Compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. All + charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and + groundless. And I promise you that if any such proposition shall + hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from + you. I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the People, + according to the bond of service, the United States Constitution; + and that, as such, I am responsible to them.</p> + +<p> But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the Negro. + Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and + myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be + Free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor + proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your view, + provided that you are for the Union. I suggested compensated + Emancipation; to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to + buy Negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy Negroes, + except in such a way as to save you from greater taxation to save + the Union, exclusively by other means.</p> + +<p> You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have + it retracted. You say it is Unconstitutional. I think + differently. I think the Constitution invests the + Commander-in-Chief with the Law of War in Time of War. The most that can be + said, if so much, is, that Slaves are property. Is there, has + there ever been, any question that, by the Law of War, property, + both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it + not needed whenever it helps us and hurts the Enemy? Armies, the + World over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it; and + even destroy their own to keep it from the Enemy. Civilized + belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the + Enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among + the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and + non-combatants, male and female.</p> + +<p> But the Proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If + it is not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid it cannot + be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some + of you profess to think its retraction would operate favorably for + the Union. Why better after the retraction than before the issue? + There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the + Rebellion before the Proclamation was issued, the last one hundred + days of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, + unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. + The War has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the + issue of the Proclamation as before.</p> + +<p> I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others that some of + the Commanders of our Armies in the field, who have given us our + most important victories, believe the Emancipation policy and the + use of Colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to + the Rebellion, and that at least one of those important successes + could not have been achieved when it was, but for the aid of Black + soldiers.</p> + +<p> Among the Commanders who hold these views are some who have never + had an affinity with what is called "Abolitionism," or with + "Republican party politics," but who hold them purely as Military + opinions. I submit their opinions as entitled to some weight + against the objections often urged that Emancipation and arming the + Blacks are unwise as Military measures, and were not adopted as + such, in good faith.</p> + +<p> You say that you will not fight to Free Negroes. Some of them seem + willing to fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then, + exclusively to save the Union. I issued the Proclamation on + purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have + conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to + continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare + you will not fight to Free Negroes. I thought that in your + struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the Negroes should cease + helping the Enemy, to that extent it weakened the Enemy in his + resistance to you. Do you think differently? I thought whatever + Negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for + White soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise + to you? But Negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why + should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them? If + they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the + strongest motives, even the promise of Freedom. And the promise, + being made, must be kept.</p> + +<p> The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to + the Sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it; nor yet wholly to + them. Three hundred miles up, they met New England, Empire, + Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The Sunny + South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a helping hand. On + the spot, their part of the history was jotted down in Black and + White. The job was a great National one, and let none be slighted + who bore an honorable part in it. And while those who have cleared + the Great River may well be proud, even that is not all. It is + hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than + at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less + note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the + watery margins they have been present, not only on the deep Sea, + the broad Bay, and the rapid River, but also up the narrow, muddy + Bayou, and wherever the ground was a little damp they had been, and + made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the Great Republic—for the + principle it lives by, and keeps alive—for Man's vast + future—thanks to all.</p> + +<p> Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come + soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in + all future time. It will then have been proved that among Freemen + there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, + and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and + pay the cost. And there will be some Black men who can remember + that, with silent tongue, and clinched teeth, and steady eye, and + well poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great + consummation, while I fear there will be some White ones unable to + forget that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they have + striven to hinder it.</p> + +<p> Still, let us not be over sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let + us be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never + doubting that a just God, in his own good time, will give us the + rightful result.</p> + +<p> Yours very truly,<br> + A. LINCOLN.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br> +<p> +But Chattanooga, and the grand majorities in all the Fall +State-elections, save that of New Jersey,—and especially the manner in which +loyal Ohio sat down upon the chief Copperhead-Democrat and +Treason-breeder of the North, Vallandigham—came most auspiciously to strengthen +the President's hands.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The head of the Knights of the Golden Circle, and the Democratic + candidate for Governor of Ohio]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>And now he saw, more clearly still, the approach of that time when the +solemn promise and declaration of Emancipation might be recorded upon +the sacred roll of the Constitution, and thus be made safe for all time.</p> + +<p>In his Annual Message of December, 1863, therefore, President Lincoln, +after adverting to the fact that "a year ago the War had already lasted +nearly twenty months," without much ground for hopefulness, proceeded to +say:</p> + +<p>"The preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, issued in September, was +running its assigned period to the beginning of the New Year. A month +later the final Proclamation came, including the announcement that +Colored men of suitable condition would be received into the War +service. The policy of Emancipation, and of employing Black soldiers, +gave to the future a new aspect, about which hope, and fear, and doubt, +contended in uncertain conflict.</p> + +<p>"According to our political system, as a matter of Civil Administration, +the General Government had no lawful power to effect Emancipation in any +State, and for a long time it had been hoped that the Rebellion could be +suppressed without resorting to it as a Military measure. It was all +the while deemed possible that the necessity for it might come, and that +if it should, the crisis of the contest would then be presented. It +came, and, as was anticipated, it was followed by dark and doubtful +days.</p> + +<p>"Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to take another view +* * * Of those who were Slaves at the beginning of the Rebellion, full +one hundred thousand are now in the United States Military service, +about one half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus +giving the double advantage of taking so much labor from the Insurgent +cause, and supplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so +many White men. So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not +as good soldiers as any.</p> + +<p>"No servile insurrection, or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked +the measures of Emancipation and arming the Blacks. These measures have +been much discussed in Foreign Countries, and contemporary with such +discussion the tone of public sentiment there is much improved. At +home, the same measures have been fully discussed, supported, +criticised, and denounced, and the annual elections following are highly +encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the Country +through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning. The crisis +which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past."</p> + +<p>After alluding to his Proclamation of Amnesty, issued simultaneously +with this Message, to all repentant Rebels who would take an oath +therein prescribed, and contending that such an oath should be (as he +had drawn it) to uphold not alone the Constitution and the Union, but +the Laws and Proclamations touching Slavery as well, President Lincoln +continued:</p> + +<p>"In my judgment they have aided and will further aid, the Cause for +which they were intended. To now abandon them, would be not only to +relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding +breach of faith." And, toward the close of the Message, he added:</p> + +<p>"The movements by State action, for Emancipation, in several of the +States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are matters of +profound gratulation. And while I do not repeat in detail what I have +heretofore so earnestly urged upon the subject, my general views remain +unchanged; and I trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of +AIDING THESE IMPORTANT STEPS TO A GREAT CONSUMMATION."</p> + +<p>Mr. Lincoln's patient but persistent solicitude, his earnest and +unintermitted efforts—exercised publicly through his Messages and +speeches, and privately upon Members of Congress who called upon, or +whose presence was requested by him at the White House—in behalf of +incorporating Emancipation in the Constitution, were now to give +promise, at least, of bearing good fruit.</p> + +<p>Measures looking to this end were submitted in both Houses of Congress +soon after its meeting, and were referred to the respective Judiciary +Committees of the same, and on the 10th of February, 1864, Mr. Trumbull +reported to the Senate, from the Senate Judiciary Committee, of which he +was Chairman, a substitute Joint Resolution providing for the submission +to the States of an Amendment to the United States Constitution in the +following words:</p> + +<p>"ART. XIII., SEC. I. Neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude, except +as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly +convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to +their jurisdiction.</p> + +<p>"SEC. II. Congress shall have power to enforce this Article by +appropriate legislation."</p> + +<p>This proposed Amendment came up for consideration in the Senate, on the +28th of March, and a notable debate ensued.</p> + +<p>On the same day, in the House of Representatives, Thaddeus Stevens—with +the object perhaps of ascertaining the strength, in that Body, of the +friends of out-and-out Emancipation—offered a Resolution proposing to +the States the following Amendments to the United States Constitution:</p> + +<p>"ART. I. Slavery and Involuntary Servitude, except for the punishment +of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, is forever +prohibited in the United States and all its Territories.</p> + +<p>"ART. II. So much of Article four, Section two, as refers to the +delivery up of Persons held to Service or Labor, escaping into another +State, is annulled."</p> + +<p>The test was made upon a motion to table the Resolution, which motion +was defeated by 38 yeas to 69 nays, and showed the necessity for +converting three members from the Opposition. Subsequently, at the +instance of Mr. Stevens himself, the second Article of the Resolution +was struck out by 72 yeas to 26 nays.</p> + +<p>The proceedings in both Houses of Congress upon these propositions to +engraft upon the National Constitution a provision guaranteeing Freedom +to all men upon our soil, were now interrupted by the death of one who +would almost have been willing to die twice over, if, by doing so, he +could have hastened their adoption.</p> + +<p>Owen Lovejoy, the life-long apostle of Abolitionism, the fervid +gospeller of Emancipation, was dead; and it seemed almost the irony of +Fate that, at such a time, when Emancipation most needed all its friends +to make it secure, its doughtiest champion should fall.</p> + +<p>But perhaps the eloquent tributes paid to his memory, in the Halls of +Congress, helped the Cause no less. They at least brought back to the +public mind the old and abhorrent tyrannies of the Southern Slave power; +how it had sought not not only to destroy freedom of Action, but freedom +of Speech, and hesitated not to destroy human Life with these; reminded +the Loyal People of the Union of much that was hateful, from which they +had escaped; and strengthened the purpose of Patriots to fix in the +chief corner-stone of the Constitution, imperishable muniments of human +Liberty.</p> + +<p>Lovejoy's brother had been murdered at Alton, Illinois, while +vindicating freedom of Speech and of the Press; and the blood of that +martyr truly became "the seed of the Church." Arnold—recalling a +speech of Owen Lovejoy's at Chicago, and a passage in it, descriptive of +the martyrdom,—said to the House, on this sad occasion: "I remember +that, after describing the scene of that death, in words—which stirred +every heart, he said he went a pilgrim to his brother's grave, and, +kneeling upon the sod beneath which sleeps that brother, he swore, by +the everlasting God, eternal hostility to African Slavery." And, +continued Arnold, "Well and nobly has he kept that oath."</p> + +<p>Washburne, too, reminded the House of the memorable episode in that very +Hall when, (April 5, 1860), the adherents of Slavery crowding around +Lovejoy with fierce imprecations and threats, seeking then and there to +prevent Free Speech, "he displayed that undaunted courage and matchless +bearing which extorted the admiration of even his most deadly foes." +"His"—continued the same speaker—"was the eloquence of Mirabeau, which +in the Tiers Etat and in the National Assembly made to totter the throne +of France; it was the eloquence of Danton, who made all France to +tremble from his tempestuous utterances in the National Convention. +Like those apostles of the French Revolution, his eloquence could stir +from the lowest depths all the passions of Man; but unlike them, he was +as good and as pure as he was eloquent and brave, a noble minded +Christian man, a lover of the whole human Race, and of universal Liberty +regulated by Law."</p> + +<p>Grinnell, in his turn, told also with real pathos, of his having +recently seen Lovejoy in the chamber of sickness. "When," said +Grinnell, "I expressed fears for his recovery, I saw the tears course +down his manly cheek, as he said 'Ah! God's will be done, but I have +been laboring, voting, and praying for twenty years that I might see the +great day of Freedom which is so near and which I hope God will let me +live to rejoice in. I want a vote on my Bill for the destruction of +Slavery, root and branch.'"</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> + [Sumner, afterward speaking of Lovejoy and this Measure, said: "On + the 14th of December, 1863, he introduced a Bill, whose title + discloses its character: 'A Bill to give effect to the Declaration + of Independence, and also to certain Provisions of the Constitution + of the United States.' It proceeds to recite that All Men were + Created Equal, and were Endowed by the Creator with the Inalienable + Right to Life, Liberty and the Fruits of honest Toil; that the + Government of the United States was Instituted to Secure those + Rights; that the Constitution declares that No Person shall be + Deprived of Liberty without due Process of Law, and also + provides—article five, clause two—that this Constitution, and the Laws of + the United States made in pursuance thereof, shall be the Supreme + Law of the Land, and the Judges in each State shall be bound + thereby, anything in the Constitution and Laws of any State to the + contrary notwithstanding; that it is now demonstrated by the + Rebellion that Slavery is absolutely incompatible with the Union, + Peace, and General Welfare for which Congress is to Provide; and it + therefore Enacts that All Persons heretofore held in Slavery in any + of the States or Territories of the United States are declared + Freedmen, and are Forever Released from Slavery or Involuntary + Servitude except as Punishment for Crime on due conviction. On the + same day he introduced another Bill to Protect Freedmen and to + Punish any one for Enslaving them. These were among his last + Public acts,"—Cong. Globe, 1st S., 38th C., Pt. 2, p. 1334]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>And staunch old Thaddeus Stevens said: "The change to him, is great +gain. The only regret we can feel is that he did not live to see the +salvation of his Country; to see Peace and Union restored, and universal +Emancipation given to his native land. But such are the ways of +Providence. Moses was not permitted to enter the Promised Land with +those he had led out of Bondage; he beheld it from afar off, and slept +with his fathers." "The deceased," he impressively added, "needs no +perishable monuments of brass or marble to perpetuate his name. So long +as the English language shall be spoken or deciphered, so long as +Liberty shall have a worshipper, his name will be known!"</p> + +<p>What influence the death of Owen Lovejoy may have had on the subsequent +proceedings touching Emancipation interrupted as we have seen by his +demise—cannot be known; but among all the eloquent tributes to his +memory called forth by the mournful incident, perhaps none, could he +have heard it, would have better pleased him than those two opening +sentences of Charles Summer's oration in the Senate—where he said of +Owen Lovejoy: "Could his wishes prevail, he would prefer much that +Senators should continue in their seats and help to enact into Law some +one of the several Measures now pending to secure the obliteration of +Slavery. Such an Act would be more acceptable to him than any personal +tribute,—" unless it might be these other words, which followed from +the same lips: "How his enfranchised Soul would be elevated even in +those Abodes to which he has been removed, to know that his voice was +still heard on Earth encouraging, exhorting, insisting that there should +be no hesitation anywhere in striking at Slavery; that this unpardonable +wrong, from which alone the Rebellion draws its wicked life, must be +blasted by Presidential proclamation, blasted by Act of Congress, +blasted by Constitutional prohibition, blasted in every possible way, by +every available agency, and at every occurring opportunity, so that no +trace of the outrage may continue in the institutions of the Land, and +especially that its accursed foot-prints may no longer defile the +National Statute-book. Sir, it will be in vain that you pass +Resolutions in tribute to him, if you neglect that Cause for which he +lived, and do not hearken to his voice!"</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="trumbell"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p528-trumbell.jpg (65K)" src="images/p528-trumbell.jpg" height="827" width="584"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch23"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXIII.<br><br> + + "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" IN THE SENATE. + +</h2> +</center> +<br> +<p>During the great debate, which now opened in the Senate, upon the +Judiciary Committee's substitute resolution for the Amendment of the +Constitution, so as forever to prohibit Slavery within the United +States, and to empower Congress to pass such laws as would make that +prohibition effective—participated in by Messrs. Trumbull, Wilson, +Saulsbury, Davis, Harlan, Powell, Sherman, Clark, Hale, Hendricks, +Henderson, Sumner, McDougall and others—the whole history of Slavery +was enquired into and laid bare.</p> + +<p>Trumbull insisted that Slavery was at the bottom of all the internal +troubles with which the Nation had from its birth been afflicted, down +to this wicked Rebellion, with all the resulting "distress, desolation, +and death;" and that by 1860, it had grown to such power and arrogance +that "its advocates demanded the control of the Nation in +its interests, failing in which, they attempted its overthrow." He +reviewed, at some length, what had been done by our Government with +regard to Slavery, since the breaking out of hostilities against us in +that mad attempt against the National life; how, "in the earlier stages +of the War, there was an indisposition on the part of the Executive +Authority to interfere with Slavery at all;" how, for a long time, +Slaves, escaping to our lines, were driven back to their Rebel masters; +how the Act of Congress of July, 1861, which gave Freedom to all Slaves +allowed by their Rebel masters to assist in the erection of Rebel works +and fortifications, had "not been executed," and, said Mr. Trumbull, "so +far as I am advised, not a single Slave has been set at liberty under +it;" how, "it was more than a year after its enactment before any +considerable number of Persons of African descent were organized and +armed" under the subsequent law of December, 1861, which not only gave +Freedom to all Slaves entering our Military lines, or who, belonging to +Rebel masters, were deserted by them, or were found in regions once +occupied by Rebel forces and later by those of the Union, but also +empowered the President to organize and arm them to aid in the +suppression of the Rebellion; how, it was not until this law had been +enacted that Union officers ceased to expel Slaves coming within our +lines—and then only when dismissal from the public service was made the +penalty for such expulsion; how, by his Proclamations of Emancipation, +of September, 1862, and January, 1863, the President undertook to +supplement Congressional action—which had, theretofore, been confined +to freeing the Slaves of Rebels, and of such of these only as had come +within the lines of our Military power-by also declaring, Free, the +Slaves "who were in regions of country from which the authority of the +United States was expelled;" and how, the "force and effect" of these +Proclamations were variously understood by the enemies and friends of +those measures—it being insisted on the one side that Emancipation as a +War-stroke was within the Constitutional War-power of the President as +Commander-in-Chief, and that, by virtue of those Proclamations, "all +Slaves within the localities designated become ipso facto Free," and on +the other, that the Proclamations were "issued without competent +authority," and had not effected and could not effect, "the Emancipation +of a single Slave," nor indeed could at any time, without additional +legislation, go farther than to liberate Slaves coming within the Union +Army lines.</p> + +<p>After demonstrating that "any and all these laws and Proclamations, +giving to each the largest effect claimed by its friends, are +ineffectual to the destruction of Slavery," and protesting that some +more effectual method of getting rid of that Institution must be +adopted, he declared, as his judgment, that "the only effectual way of +ridding the Country of Slavery, so that it cannot be resuscitated, is by +an Amendment of the Constitution forever prohibiting it within the +jurisdiction of the United States."</p> + +<p>He then canvassed the chances of adoption of such an Amendment by an +affirmative vote of two thirds in each House of Congress, and of its +subsequent ratification by three-fourths of the States of the Union, and +declared that "it is reasonable to suppose that if this proposed +Amendment passes Congress, it will, within a year, receive the +ratification of the requisite number of States to make it a part of the +Constitution." His prediction proved correct—but only after a +protracted struggle.</p> + +<p>Henry Wilson also made a strong speech, but on different grounds. He +held that the Emancipation Proclamations formed, together, a "complete, +absolute, and final decree of Emancipation in Rebel States," and, being +"born of Military necessity" and "proclaimed by the Commander-in-Chief +of the Army and Navy, is the settled and irrepealable Law of the +Republic, to be observed, obeyed, and enforced, by Army and Navy, and is +the irreversible voice of the Nation."</p> + +<p>He also reviewed what had been done since the outbreak of the Rebellion, +by Congress and the President, by Laws and Proclamations; and, while +standing by the Emancipation Proclamations, declared that "the crowning +Act, in this series of Acts, for the restriction and extinction of +Slavery in America, is this proposed Amendment to the Constitution +prohibiting the existence of Slavery in the Republic of the United +States."</p> + +<p>The Emancipation Proclamation, according to his view, only needed +enforcement, to give "Peace and Order, Freedom and Unity, to a now +distracted Country;" but the "crowning act" of incorporating this +Amendment into the Constitution would do even more than all this, in +that it would "obliterate the last lingering vestiges of the Slave +System; its chattelizing, degrading, and bloody codes; its malignant, +barbarizing spirit; all it was, and is; everything connected with it or +pertaining to it, from the face of the Nation it has scarred with moral +desolation, from the bosom of the Country it has reddened with the blood +and strewn with the graves of patriotism."</p> + +<p>While the debate proceeded, President Lincoln watched it with careful +interest. Other matters, however, had, since the Battle of Chattanooga, +largely engrossed his attention.</p> + +<p>The right man had at last been found—it was believed—to control as +well as to lead our Armies. That man was Ulysses S. Grant. The grade +of Lieutenant General of the Army of the United States—in desuetude +since the days of Washington, except by brevet, in the case of Winfield +Scott,—having been especially revived by Congress for and filled by the +appointment and confirmation of Grant, March 2, 1864, that great soldier +immediately came on to Washington, received his commission at the hands +of President Lincoln, in the cabinet chamber of the White House, on the +9th, paid a flying visit to the Army of the Potomac, on the 10th, and at +once returned to Nashville to plan future movements.</p> + +<p>On the 12th, a General Order of the War Department (No. 98) was issued, +relieving Major-General Halleck, "at his own request," from duty as +"General-in-Chief" of the Army, and assigning Lieutenant-General U. S. +Grant to "the command of the Armies of the United States," "the +Headquarters of the Army" to be in Washington, and also with +Lieutenant-General Grant in the Field, Halleck being assigned to "duty, in +Washington, as Chief-of-staff of the Army, under the direction of the +Secretary of War and the Lieutenant-General commanding."</p> + +<p>By the same order, Sherman was assigned to the command of the "Military +Division of the Mississippi," composed of the Departments of the Ohio, +the Cumberland, the Tennessee, and the Arkansas; and McPherson to that +of the Department and Army of the Tennessee.</p> + +<p>On the 23rd of March, Grant was back again at Washington, and at once +proceeded to Culpepper Court-house, Virginia, where his Headquarters in +the field were, for a time, to be.</p> + +<p>Here he completed his plans, and reorganized his Forces, for the coming +conflicts, in the South-west and South-east, which were to result in a +full triumph to the Union Arms, and Peace to a preserved Union.</p> + +<p>It is evident, from the utterances of Mr. Lincoln when Vicksburg fell, +that he had then become pretty well satisfied that Grant was "the coming +man," to whom it would be safe to confide the management and chief +leadership of our Armies. Chattanooga merely confirmed that belief—as +indeed it did that of Union men generally. But the concurrent judgment +of Congress and the President had now, as we have seen, placed Grant in +that chief command; and the consequent relief to Mr. Lincoln, in thus +having the heavy responsibility of Army-control, long unwillingly +exercised by him, taken from his own shoulders and placed upon those of +the one great soldier in whom he had learned to have implicit faith,—a +faith earned by steady and unvaryingly successful achievements in the +Field—must have been most grateful.</p> + +<p>Other responsibilities would still press heavily enough upon the +President's time and attention. Questions touching the Military and +Civil government of regions of the Enemy's country, conquered by the +Union arms; of the rehabilitation or reconstruction of the Rebel States; +of a thousand and one other matters, of greater or lesser perplexity, +growing out of these and other questions; besides the ever pressing and +gigantic problems involved in the raising of enormous levies of troops, +and prodigious sums of money, needed in securing, moving, and supplying +them, and defraying the extraordinary expenses growing out of the +necessary blockade of thousands of miles of Southern Coast, and other +Naval movements; not to speak of those expenditures belonging to the +more ordinary business transactions of the Government.</p> + +<p>But chief of all things claiming his especial solicitude, as we have +seen, was this question of Emancipation by Constitutional enactment, the +debate upon which was now proceeding in the Senate. That solicitude was +necessarily increased by the bitter opposition to it of Northern +Copperheads, and by the attitude of the Border-State men, upon whose +final action, the triumph or defeat of this great measure must +ultimately depend.</p> + +<p>Many of the latter, were, as has already been shown in these pages, +loyal men; but the loyalty of some of these to their Country, was still +so questionably and so thoroughly tainted with their worshipful devotion +to Slavery—although they must have been blind indeed not to have +discovered, long ere this, that it was a "slowly-dying cause"—that they +were ever on the alert to delay, hamper, and defeat, any action, whether +Executive or Legislative, and however necessary for the preservation of +the Union and the overthrow of its mortal enemies, which, never so +lightly, impinged upon their "sacred Institution."</p> + +<p>This fact was well set forth, in this very debate, by a Senator from New +England—[Wilson of Massachusetts]—when, after adjuring the +anti-Slavery men of the age, not to forget the long list of Slavery's crimes, +he eloquently proceeded:</p> + +<p>"Let them remember, too, that hundreds of thousands of our countrymen in +Loyal States—since Slavery raised the banners of Insurrection, and sent +death, wounds, sickness, and sorrow, into the homes of the People—have +resisted, and still continue to resist, any measure for the defense of +the Nation, if that measure tended to impair the vital and animating +powers of Slavery. They resisted the Act making Free the Slaves used by +Rebels for Military purposes; the Confiscation of Rebel property and the +Freedom of the Slaves of Rebel masters; the Abolition of Slavery in the +Capital of the Nation, and the consecration of the Territories to Free +Labor and Free laboring men; the Proclamation of Emancipation; the +enlistment of Colored men to fight the battles of the Country; the +Freedom of the Black soldier, who is fighting, bleeding, dying for the +Country; and the Freedom of his wife and children. And now, when War +has for nearly three years menaced the life of the Nation, bathed the +Land in blood, and filled two hundred thousand graves with our slain +sons, these men of the Loyal States still cling to the falling fortunes +of the relentless and unappeasable Enemy of their Country and its +democratic institutions; they mourn, and will not be comforted, over the +expiring System, in the Border Slave-States; and, in tones of +indignation or of anguish, they utter lamentations over the Proclamation +of Emancipation, and the policy that is bringing Rebel States back again +radiant with Freedom."</p> + +<p>Among these "loyal" Democratic opponents of Emancipation, in any shape, +or any where, were not wanting men—whether from Loyal Northern or +Border States—who still openly avowed that Slavery was right; that +Rebellion, to preserve its continuance, was justifiable; and that there +was no Constitutional method of uprooting it.</p> + +<p>Saulsbury of Delaware, was representative and spokesman of this class, +and he took occasion during this very debate—[In the Senate, March 31, +1864.]—to defend Slavery as a Divine Institution, which had the +sanction both of the Mosaic and Christian Dispensations!</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Said he: "Slavery had existed under some form or other from the + first period of recorded history. It dates back even beyond the + period of Abraham, the Father of the Faithful, in whose seed all + the Nations of the Earth were to be blessed. We find that, + immediately after the Flood, the Almighty, for purposes inscrutable + to us, condemned a whole race to Servitude: 'Vayomer Orur Knoan + Efet Afoatim Yeahio Le-echot:' 'And he said, Cursed be Canaan; + Slave of Slaves he shall be to his brethren.' It continued among + all people until the advent of the Christian era. It was + recognized in that New Dispensation, which was to supersede the + Old. It has the sanction of God's own Apostle; for when Paul sent + back Onesimus to Philemon, whom did he send? A Freeman? No, Sir. + He sent his (doulos,) a Slave, born as such, not even his + andrapodon, who was such by captivity in War. Among all people, + and in all ages, has this Institution, if such it is to be called, + existed, and had the countenance of wise and good men, and even of + the Christian Church itself, until these modern times, up at least + to the Nineteenth Century. It exists in this Country, and has + existed from the beginning."</p> + +<p> Mr. Harlan's reply to the position of Mr. Saulsbury that Slavery is + right, is a Divine Institution, etc., was very able and + interesting. He piled up authority after authority, English as + well as American, to show that there is no support of Slavery—and + especially of the title to services of the adult offspring of a + Slave—at Common Law; and, after also proving, by the mouth of a + favorite son of Virginia, that it has no legal existence by virtue + of any Municipal or Statutory Law, he declared that the only + remaining Law that can be cited for its support is the Levitical + Code"—as follows:</p> + +<p> "'Both thy Bondmen, and thy Bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall + be of the heathen that are round about you; of them shall ye buy + Bondmen and Bondmaids.</p> + +<p> "'Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among + you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, + which they begat in your land; and they shall be your possession.</p> + +<p> "'And ye shall take them as an Inheritance for your children after + you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your Bondmen + forever."'</p> + +<p> "I remark," said he, "in this connection, that the Levitical Code, + or the Hebrew Law, contains a provision for the Naturalization of + Foreigners, whether captives of War, or voluntary emigrants. By + compliance with the requirements of this law they became citizens, + entitled to all the rights and privileges and immunities of native + Hebrews. The Hebrew Slave Code, applicable to Enslaved Hebrews, is + in these words:</p> + +<p> "'And if thy brother, an Hebrew man, or an Hebrew woman, be sold + unto thee, and serve thee six years, then in the seventh year thou + shalt let him go Free from thee.'</p> + +<p> "Here I request the attention of those who claim compensation for + Emancipated Slaves to the text:</p> + +<p> "'And when thou sendest him out Free from thee, thou shalt not let + him go away empty:</p> + +<p> "'Thou shalt furnish him liberally out of thy floor'—</p> + +<p> "Which means granaries—</p> + +<p> "'and out of thy wine-press: of that wherewith the Lord thy God + hath blessed thee, thou shalt give unto him.'</p> + +<p> "'It shall not seem hard unto thee, when thou sendest him away Free + from thee, for he hath been worth a double-hired servant to thee, + in serving thee six years.'</p> + +<p> "These Hebrew Statutes provide that the heathen might be purchased + and held as Slaves, and their posterity after them; that under + their Naturalization Laws all strangers and sojourners, Bond and + Free, have the privilege of acquiring the rights of citizenship; + that all Hebrews, natives or naturalized, might assert and maintain + their right to Freedom.</p> + +<p> "At the end of six years a Hebrew Slave thus demanding his Liberty, + was not to be sent away empty; the owner, so far from claiming + compensation from his neighbors or from the Public Treasury for + setting him Free, was bound to divide with the Freedman, of his own + possessions: to give him of his flocks, of his herds, of his + granary, and of his winepress, of everything with which the Lord + Almighty had blessed the master during the years of his Servitude; + and then the owner was admonished that he was not to regard it as a + hardship to be required to Liberate the Slave, and to divide with + him of his substance.</p> + +<p> "The Almighty places the Liberated Slave's claim to a division of + his former master's property on the eternal principles of Justice, + the duty to render an equivalent for an equivalent. The Slave + having served six years must be paid for his Service, must be paid + liberally because he had been worth even more than a hired servant + during the period of his enslavement.</p> + +<p> "If, then," continued Mr. Harlan, "the justice of this claim cannot + be found either in Reason, Natural Justice, or the principles of + the Common Law, or in any positive Municipal or Statute regulation + of any State, or in the Hebrew Code written by the Finger of God + protruded from the flame of fire on the summit of Sinai, I ask + whence the origin of the title to the services of the adult + offspring of the Slave mother? or is it not manifest that there is + no just title? Is it not a mere usurpation without any known mode + of justification, under any existing Code of Laws, human or + Divine?"]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>He also undertook to justify Secession on the singular ground that "we +are sprung from a Race of Secessionists," the proof of which he held to +be in the fact that, while the preamble to, as well as the body of the +Convention of Ratification of, the old Articles of Confederation between +the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and +Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, +Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and +Georgia, declared that Confederation to be a "Perpetual Union," yet, +within nine years thereafter, all the other States Seceded from New +York, Virginia, North Carolina, and Rhode Island by ratifying the new +Constitution for "a more perfect Union."</p> + +<p>He also endeavored to maintain the extraordinary proposition that "if +the Senate of the United States were to adopt this Joint-resolution, and +were to submit it to all the States of this Union, and if three-fourths +of the States should ratify the Amendment, it would not be binding on +any State whose interest was affected by it, if that State protested +against it!" And beyond all this, he re-echoed the old, old cry of the +Border-state men, that "the time is unpropitious for such a measure as +this."</p> + +<p>Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, however, by his great speech, of April +5th, in the Senate, did much to clear the tangle in the minds of some +faltering Union statesmen on this important subject.</p> + +<p>He reviewed the question of human Slavery from the time when the +Constitutional Convention was held; showed that at that period, as well +as at the time of the Declaration of our Independence "there was but one +sentiment upon the subject among enlightened Southern statesmen"—and +that was, that Slavery "is a great affliction to any Country where it +prevails;" and declared that "a prosperous and permanent Peace can never +be secured if the Institution is permitted to survive."</p> + +<p>He then traversed the various methods by which statesmen were seeking to +prevent that survival of Slavery, addressing himself by turns to the +arguments of those who, with John Sherman, "seemed," said he, "to +consider it as within the power of Congress by virtue of its Legislative +authority;" to those of the "many well-judging men, with the President +at their head, who," to again use his own words, "seem to suppose that +it is within the reach of the Executive;" and lastly, to those "who +express the opinion that it is not within the scope of either Executive +or Legislative authority, or of Constitutional Amendment;" and after +demolishing the arguments of those who held the two former of these +positions, he proceeded to rebut the assumption that Slavery could not +be abolished at all because it was not originally abolished by the +Constitution.</p> + +<p>Continuing, he said: "Remember, now, the question is, can that +Institution, which deals with Humanity as Property, which claims to +shackle the mind, the soul, and the body, which brings to the level of +the brute a portion of the race of Man, cease to be within the reach of +the political power of the People of the United States, not because it +was not at one time within their power, but because at that time they +did not exert the power?</p> + +<p>"What says the Preamble to the Constitution? How pregnant with a +conclusive answer is the Preamble, to the proposition that Slavery +cannot be abolished! What does that Preamble state to have been the +chief objects that the great and wise and good men had at heart, in +recommending the Constitution, with that Preamble, to the adoption of +the American People? That Justice might be established; that +Tranquillity might be preserved; that the common Defense and general +Welfare might be maintained; and, last and chief of all, that Liberty +might be secured.</p> + +<p>"Is there no Justice in putting an end to human Slavery? Is there no +danger to the Tranquillity of the Country in its existence? May it not +interfere with the common Defense and general Welfare? And, above all, +is it consistent with any notion, which the mind of man can conceive, of +human Liberty?"</p> + +<p>He held that the very Amendatory clause of the Constitution under which +it was proposed to make this Amendment, was probably inserted there from +a conviction of that coming time "when Justice would call so loudly for +the extinction of the Institution that her call could not be disobeyed," +and, when "the Peace and Tranquillity of the Land would demand, in +thunder tones," its destruction, "as inconsistent with such Peace and +Tranquillity."</p> + +<p>To the atrocious pretence that "there was a right to make a Slave of any +human being"—which he said would have shocked every one of the framers +of the Constitution had they heard it; and, what he termed, the nauseous +declaration that "Slavery of the Black race is of Divine origin," and +was intended to be perpetual; he said:</p> + +<p>"The Saviour of Mankind did not put an end to it by physical power, or +by the declaration of any existing illegality, in word. His mission +upon Earth was not to propagate His doctrines by force. He came to +save, not to conquer. His purpose was not to march armed legions +throughout the habitable Globe, securing the allegiance of those for +whose safety He was striving. He warred by other influences. He aimed +at the heart, principally. He inculcated his doctrines, more ennobling +than any that the World, enlightened as it was before His advent upon +Earth, had been able to discover. He taught to Man the obligation of +brotherhood. He announced that the true duty of Man was to do to others +as he would have others do to him—to all men, the World over; and +unless some convert to the modern doctrine that Slavery itself finds not +only a guarantee for its existence, but for its legal existence, in the +Scripture, excepts from the operation of the influences which His +morality brought to bear on the mind of the Christian world, the Black +man, and shows that it was not intended to apply to Black men, then it +is not true, it cannot be true, that He designed His doctrine not to be +equally applicable to the Black and to the White, to the Race of Man as +he then existed, or as he might exist in all after-time."</p> + +<p>To the assumption that the African Slaves were too utterly deficient and +degraded, mentally and morally, to appreciate the blessings of Freedom, +he opposed the eloquent fact that "wherever the flag of the United +States, the symbol of human Liberty, now goes; under it, from their +hereditary bondage, are to be found men and women and children +assembling and craving its protection 'fleeing from' the iron of +oppression that had pierced their souls, to the protection of that flag +where they are 'gladdened by the light of Liberty.'"</p> + +<p>"It is idle to deny," said he—"we feel it in our own persons—how, with +reference to that sentiment, all men are brethren. Look to the +illustrations which the times now afford, how, in the illustration of +that sentiment, do we differ from the Black man? He is willing to incur +every personal danger which promises to result in throwing down his +shackles, and making him tread the Earth, which God has created for all, +as a man, and not as a Slave."</p> + +<p>Said he: "It is an instinct of the Soul. Tyranny may oppress it for +ages and centuries; the pall of despotism may hang over it; but the +sentiment is ever there; it kindles into a flame in the very furnace of +affliction, and it avails itself of the first opportunity that offers, +promising the least chance of escape, and wades through blood and +slaughter to achieve it, and, whether it succeeds or fails, +demonstrates, vindicates in the very effort, the inextinguishable right +to Liberty."</p> + +<p>He thought that mischiefs might result from this measure, owing to the +uneducated condition of the Slave, but they would be but temporary. At +all events to "suffer those Africans," said he, "whom we are calling +around our standard, and asking to aid us in restoring the Constitution +and the power of the Government to its rightful authority, to be reduced +to bondage again," would be "a disgrace to the Nation." The +"Institution" must be terminated.</p> + +<p>"Terminate it," continued he, "and the wit of man will, as I think, be +unable to devise any other topic upon which we can be involved in a +fratricidal strife. God and nature, judging by the history of the past, +intend us to be one. Our unity is written in the mountains and the +rivers, in which we all have an interest. The very differences of +climate render each important to the other, and alike important.</p> + +<p>"That mighty horde which, from time to time, have gone from the +Atlantic, imbued with all the principles of human Freedom which animated +their fathers in running the perils of the mighty Deep and seeking +Liberty here, are now there; and as they have said, they will continue +to say, until time shall be no more: 'We mean that the Government in +future shall be, as it has been in the past—Once an exemplar of human +Freedom, for the light and example of the World; illustrating in the +blessings and the happiness it confers, the truth of the principles +incorporated into the Declaration of Independence, that Life and Liberty +are Man's inalienable right."</p> + +<p>Fortunately the Democratic opposition, in the Senate, to +this measure, was too small in numbers to beat the proposed Amendment, +but by offering amendments to it, its enemies succeeded in delaying its +adoption.</p> + +<p>However, on the 5th of April, an amendment, offered by Garrett Davis, +was acted upon. It was to strike out all after the preamble of the +XIIIth Article of Amendment to the Constitution, proposed by the +Judiciary Committee, and insert the words:</p> + +<p>"No Negro, or Person whose mother or grandmother is or was a Negro, +shall be a citizen of the United States and be eligible to any Civil or +Military office, or to any place of trust or profit under the United +States."</p> + +<p>Mr. Davis's amendment was rejected by a vote of 5 yeas to 32 nays; when +he immediately moved to amend, by adding precisely the same words at the +end of Section 1 of the proposed Article. It was again rejected. He +then moved to amend by adding to the said Section these words:</p> + +<p>"But no Slave shall be entitled to his or her Freedom under this +Amendment if resident at the time it takes effect in any State, the laws +of which forbid Free Negroes to reside therein, until removed from such +State by the Government of the United States."</p> + +<p>This also was rejected. Whereupon Mr. Powell moved to add, at the end +of the first Section, the words:</p> + +<p>"No Slave shall be Emancipated by this Article unless the owner thereof +shall be first paid the value of the Slave or Slaves so Emancipated."</p> + +<p>This likewise was rejected, on a yea and nay vote, by 2 yeas (Davis and +Powell) to 34 nays; when Mr. Davis moved another amendment, viz.: to add +at the end of Section 2 of the proposed Article, the following:</p> + +<p>"And when this Amendment of the Constitution shall have taken effect by +Freeing the Slaves, Congress shall provide for the distribution and +settlement of all the population of African descent in the United States +among the several States and Territories thereof, in proportion to the +White population of each State and Territory to the aggregate population +of those of African descent."</p> + +<p>This met a like fate; whereupon the Senate adjourned, but, on the +following day, the matter came up again for consideration:</p> + +<p>Hale, of New Hampshire, jubilantly declared that "this is a day that I +and many others have long wished for, long hoped for, long striven for. +* * * A day when the Nation is to commence its real life; or, if it is +not the day, it is the dawning of the day; the day is near at hand * * * +when the American People are to wake up to the meaning of the sublime +truths which their fathers uttered years ago, and which have slumbered, +dead-letters, upon the pages of our Constitution, of our Declaration of +Independence, and of our history."</p> + +<p>McDougall, of California, on the other hand,—utterly regardless of the +grandly patriotic resolutions of the Legislature of his State, which had +just been presented to the Senate by his colleague—lugubriously +declared:</p> + +<p>"In my judgment, it may well be said of us:</p> + +<center> 'Let the Heavens be hung in black<br> + And let the Earth put mourning on,'</center> + +<p>for in the history of no Free People, since the time the Persians came +down upon Athens, have I known as melancholy a period as this day and +year of Our Lord in our history; and if we can, by the blessing of God +and by His favor, rise above it, it will be by His special providence, +and by no act of ours."</p> + +<p>The obstructive tactics were now resumed, Mr. Powell leading off by a +motion to amend, by adding to the Judiciary Committee's proposed +Thirteenth Article of the Constitution, the following:</p> + +<p>"ART. 14.—The President and Vice-President shall hold their Offices for +the term of four—[Which he subsequently modified to: +'six years']—years. The person who has filled the Office of President shall not be +reeligible."</p> + +<p>This amendment was rejected by 12 yeas to 32 nays; whereupon Mr. Powell +moved to add to the Committee's Proposition another new Article, as +follows:</p> + +<p>"ART. 14.—The principal Officer in each of the Executive Departments, +and all persons connected with the Diplomatic Service, may be removed +from office at the pleasure of the President. All other officers of the +Executive Departments may be removed at any time by the President or +other appointing power when their services are unnecessary, or for +dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty, +and when so removed, the removal shall be reported to the Senate, +together with the reasons therefor."</p> + +<p>This amendment also being rejected, Mr. Powell offered another, which +was to add a separate Article as follows:</p> + +<p>"ART. 14.—Every law, or Resolution having the force of law, shall +relate to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in its title."</p> + +<p>This also being rejected—the negative vote being, as in other cases, +without reference to the merits of the proposition—and Mr. Powell +having now apparently exhausted his obstructive amendatory talents, Mr. +Davis came to the aid of his Kentucky colleague by moving an amendment, +to come in as an additional Article, being a new plan of Presidential +election designed to do away with the quadrennial Presidential campaign +before the People by giving to each State the right to nominate one +candidate, and leaving it to a Convention of both Houses of +Congress—and, in case of disagreement, to the Supreme Court of the United States +—to elect a President and a Vice-President.</p> + +<p>The rejection of this proposition apparently exhausted the stock of +possible amendments possessed by the Democratic opposition, and the +Joint Resolution, precisely as it came from the Judiciary Committee, +having been agreed to by that body, "as in Committee of the Whole," was +now, April 6th, reported to the Senate for its concurrence.</p> + +<p>On the following day, Mr. Hendricks uttered a lengthy jeremiad on the +War, and its lamentable results; intimated that along the Mississippi, +the Negroes, freed by the advance of our invading Armies and Navies, +instead of being happy and industrious, were without protection or +provision and almost without clothing, while at least 200,000 of them +had prematurely perished, and that such was the fate reserved for the +4,000,000 Negroes if liberated; and declared he would not vote for the +Resolution, "because," said he, "the times are not auspicious."</p> + +<p>Very different indeed was the attitude of Mr. Henderson, of Missouri, +Border-State man though he was. In the course of a speech, of much +power, which he opened with an allusion to the 115,000 Slaves owned in +his State in 1860—as showing how deeply interested Missouri "must be in +the pending proposition"—the Senator announced that: "Our great +interest, as lovers of the Union, is in the preservation and +perpetuation of the Union." He declared himself a Slaveholder, yet none +the less desired the adoption of this Thirteenth Article of Amendment, +for, said he: "We cannot save the Institution if we would. We ought not +if we could. * * * If it were a blessing, I, for one, would be +defending it to the last. It is a curse, and not a blessing. Therefore +let it go. * * * Let the iniquity be cast away!"</p> + +<p>It was about this time that a remarkable letter written by Mr. Lincoln +to a Kentuckian, on the subject of Emancipation, appeared in print. It +is interesting as being not alone the President's own statement of his +views, from the beginning, as to Slavery, and how he came to be "driven" +to issue the Proclamation of Emancipation, and as showing how the Union +Cause had gained by its issue, but also in disclosing, indirectly, how +incessantly the subject was revolved in his own mind, and urged by him +upon the minds of others. The publication of the letter, moreover, was +not without its effect on the ultimate action of the Congress and the +States in adopting the Thirteenth Amendment. It ran thus:</p> + +<br><br><br><br> + +<p> "EXECUTIVE MANSION.<br> + "WASHINGTON, April 4, 1864.</p> + +<p>"A. G. HODGES, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.</p> + +<p>"MY DEAR SIR: You ask me to put in writing the substance of—what I +verbally said the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and +Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:</p> + +<p>"I am naturally anti-Slavery. If Slavery is not wrong, nothing is +wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I +have never understood that the 'Presidency conferred upon me an +unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling.</p> + +<p>"It was in the oath I took, that I would to the best of my ability +preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. I +could not take the Office without taking the oath. Nor was it my view +that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using the +power.</p> + +<p>"I understood, too, that in ordinary and Civil Administration this oath +even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on +the moral question of Slavery. I had publicly declared this many times, +and in many ways.</p> + +<p>"And I aver that, to this day, I have done no Official act in mere +deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on Slavery.</p> + +<p>"I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to +the best of my ability, imposed upon me the duty of preserving by every +indispensable means, that Government—that Nation, of which that +Constitution was the Organic Law.</p> + +<p>"Was it possible to lose the Nation and yet preserve the Constitution?</p> + +<p>"By General Law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must +be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a +limb. I felt that measures, otherwise Unconstitutional, might become +lawful, by becoming Indispensable to the Constitution through the +preservation of the Nation.</p> + +<p>"Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not +feel that, to the best of my ability, I have even tried to preserve the +Constitution, if, to save Slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit +the wreck of Government, Country, and Constitution, altogether.</p> + +<p>"When, early in the War, General Fremont attempted Military +Emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an +Indispensable Necessity.</p> + +<p>"When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested +the Arming of the Blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an +Indispensable Necessity.</p> + +<p>"When, still later, General Hunter attempted Military Emancipation, I +again forbade it, because I did not yet think the Indispensable +Necessity had come.</p> + +<p>"When in March, and May, and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive +appeals to the Border-States to favor compensated Emancipation, I +believed the Indispensable Necessity for Military Emancipation and +arming the Blacks would come, unless averted by that measure.</p> + +<p>"They declined the proposition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven +to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it, the +Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the Colored element. I +chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss, +but of this I was not entirely confident.</p> + +<p>"More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our Foreign +Relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white +Military force, no loss by it anyhow, or anywhere. On the contrary, it +shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, +and laborers.</p> + +<p>"These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no +cavilling. We have the men; and we could not have had them without the +measure.</p> + +<p>"And now let any Union man who complains of this measure, test himself +by writing down in one line, that he is for subduing the Rebellion by +force of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking one hundred and +thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they +would be best for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case +so stated, it is only because he cannot face the truth.</p> + +<p>"I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this +tale, I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have +controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. +Now at the end of three years' struggle, the Nation's condition is not +what either Party, or any man, devised or expected. God alone can claim +it.</p> + +<p>"Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a +great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the +South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial +history will find therein new causes to attest and revere the Justice +and goodness of God.<br> + "Yours truly,<br> + "A. LINCOLN."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +The 8th of April (1864) turned out to be the decisive field-day in the +Senate. Sumner endeavored to close the debate on that day in a speech +remarkable no less for its power and eloquence of statement, its +strength of Constitutional exposition, and its abounding evidences of +extensive historical research and varied learning, than for its +patriotic fervor and devotion to human Freedom.</p> + +<p>Toward the end of that great speech, however, he somewhat weakened its +force by suggesting a change in the phraseology of the proposed +Thirteenth Amendment, so that, instead of almost precisely following the +language of the Jeffersonian Ordinance of 1787, as recommended by the +Judiciary Committee of the Senate, it should read thus:</p> + +<p>"All Persons are Equal before the Law, so that no person can hold +another as a Slave; and the Congress may make all laws necessary and +proper to carry this Article into effect everywhere within the United +States and the jurisdiction thereof."</p> + +<p>Mr. Sumner's idea in antagonizing the Judiciary Committee's proposition +with this, was to introduce into our Organic Act, distinctive words +asserting the "Equality before the Law" of all persons, as expressed in +the Constitutional Charters of Belgium, Italy and Greece, as well as in +the various Constitutions of France—beginning with that of September, +1791, which declared (Art. 1) that "Men are born and continue Free and +Equal in Rights;" continuing in that of June, 1793, which declares that +"All Men are Equal by Nature and before the Law:" in that of June, 1814, +which declares that "Frenchmen are Equal before the Law, whatever may be +otherwise their title and ranks;" and in the Constitutional Charter of +August, 1830 in similar terms to the last.</p> + +<p>"But," said he, "while desirous of seeing the great rule of Freedom +which we are about to ordain, embodied in a text which shall be like the +precious casket to the more precious treasure, yet * * * I am consoled +by the thought that the most homely text containing such a rule will be +more beautiful far than any words of poetry or eloquence, and that it +will endure to be read with gratitude when the rising dome of this +Capitol, with the Statue of Liberty which surmounts it, has crumbled to +dust."</p> + +<p>Mr. Sumner's great speech, however, by no means ended the debate. It +brought Mr. Powell to his feet with a long and elaborate contention +against the general proposition, in the course of which he took occasion +to sneer at Sumner's "most remarkable effort," as one of his "long +illogical rhapsodies on Slavery, like:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> '—a Tale + Told by an Idiot, full of sound and fury, + Signifying nothing.'"</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>He professed that he wanted "the Union to be restored with the +Constitution as it is;" that he verily believed the passage of this +Amendment would be "the most effective Disunion measure that could be +passed by Congress"—and, said he, "As a lover of the Union I oppose +it."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [This phrase slightly altered, in words, but not in meaning, to + "The Union as it was, and the Constitution as it is," afterward + became the Shibboleth under which the Democratic Party in the + Presidential Campaign of 1864, marched to defeat.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>He endeavored to impute the blame for the War, to the northern +Abolitionists, for, said he: "Had there been no Abolitionists, North, +there never would have been a Fire-eater, South,"—apparently ignoring +the palpable fact that had there been no Slavery in the South, there +could have been no "Abolitionists, North."</p> + +<p>He heatedly denounced the "fanatical gentlemen" who desired the passage +of this measure; declared they intended by its passage "to destroy the +Institution of Slavery or to destroy the Union," and exclaimed: "Pass +this Amendment and you make an impassable chasm, as if you were to put a +lake of burning fire, between the adhering States and those who are out. +You will then have to make it a War of conquest and extermination before +you can ever bring them back under the flag of the Government. There is +no doubt about that proposition."</p> + +<p>Mr. Sumner, at this point, withdrew his proposed amendment, at the +suggestion of Mr. Howard, who expressed a preference "to dismiss all +reference to French Constitutions and French Codes, and go back to the +good old Anglo-Saxon language employed by our Fathers, in the Ordinance +of 1787, (in) an expression adjudicated upon repeatedly, which is +perfectly well understood both by the public and by Judicial +Tribunals—a phrase, which is peculiarly near and dear to the people of the +Northwestern Territory, from whose soil Slavery was excluded by it."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The following is the language of "the Ordinance of 1787" thus + referred to:</p> + +<p> "ART. 6.—There shall be neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude + in the said Territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, + whereof the party shall have been duly convicted: * * *."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Mr. Davis thereupon made another opposition speech and, at its +conclusion, Mr. Saulsbury offered, as a substitute, an Article, +comprising no less than twenty sections—that, he said, "embodied in +them some things" which "did not meet his personal approbation," but he +had consented to offer them to the Senate as "a Compromise"—as "a Peace +offering."</p> + +<p>The Saulsbury substitute being voted down, the debate closed with a +speech by Mr. McDougall—an eloquent protest from his standpoint, in +which, after endorsing the wild statement of Mr. Hendricks that 250,000 +of the people of African descent had been prematurely destroyed on the +Mississippi, he continued.</p> + +<p>"This policy will ingulf them. It is as simple a truth as has ever been +taught by any history. The Slaves of ancient time were not the Slaves +of a different Race. The Romans compelled the Gaul and the Celt, +brought them to their own Country, and some of them became great poets, +and some eloquent orators, and some accomplished wits, and they became +citizens of the Republic of Greece, and of the Republic of Rome, and of +the Empire.</p> + +<p>"This is not the condition of these persons with whom we are now +associated, and about whose affairs we undertake to establish +administration. They can never commingle with us. It may not be within +the reading of some learned Senators, and yet it belongs to demonstrated +Science, that the African race and the European are different; and I +here now say it as a fact established by science, that the eighth +generation of the Mixed race formed by the union of the African and +European, cannot continue their species. Quadroons have few children; +with Octoroons reproduction is impossible.</p> + +<p>"It establishes as a law of nature that the African has no proper +relation to the European, Caucasian, blood. I would have them kindly +treated. * * * Against all such policy and all such conduct I shall +protest as a man, in the name of humanity, and of law, and of truth, and +of religion."</p> + +<p>The amendment made, as in Committee of the Whole, having been concurred +in, etc., the Joint Resolution, as originally reported by the Judiciary +Committee, was at last passed, (April 8th)—by a vote of 38 yeas to 6 +nays—Messrs. Hendricks and McDougall having the unenviable distinction +of being the only two Senators, (mis-)representing Free States, who +voted against this definitive Charter of American Liberty.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The full Senate vote, on passing the Thirteenth Amendment, was:</p> + +<p> YEAS—Messrs. Anthony, Brown, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Conness, + Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, + Harding, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Johnson, Lane of + Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Ramsey, + Sherman, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade, + Wilkinson, Willey, and Wilson—38.</p> + +<p> NAYs—Messrs. Davis, Hendricks, McDougall, Powell, Riddle, and + Saulsbury.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="wade"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p552-wade.jpg (82K)" src="images/p552-wade.jpg" height="872" width="581"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch24"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXIV.<br><br> + + TREASON IN THE NORTHERN CAMPS. + +</h2> +</center> +<br> + + +<p>The immortal Charter of Freedom had, as we have seen, with comparative +ease, after a ten days' debate, by the power of numbers, run the +gauntlet of the Senate; but now it was to be subjected to the much more +trying and doubtful ordeal of the House. What would be its fate there? +This was a question which gave to Mr. Lincoln, and the other friends of +Liberty and Union, great concern.</p> + +<p>It is true that various votes had recently been taken in that body, upon +propositions which had an indirect bearing upon the subject of +Emancipation, as, for instance, that of the 1st of February, 1864, when, +by a vote of 80 yeas to 46 nays, it had adopted a Resolution declaring +"That a more vigorous policy to enlist, at an early day, and in larger +numbers, in our Army, persons of African descent, would meet the +approbation of the House;" and that vote, although indirect, being so +very nearly a two-thirds vote, was most encouraging. But, on the other +hand, a subsequent Resolution, squarely testing the sense of the House +upon the subject, had been carried by much less than a two-thirds vote.</p> + +<p>This latter Resolution, offered by Mr. Arnold, after conference with Mr. +Lincoln, with the very purpose of making a test, was in these direct +terms:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the Constitution shall be so amended as to Abolish +Slavery in the United States wherever it now exists, and to prohibit its +existence in every part thereof forever."</p> + +<p>The vote, adopting it, was but 78 yeas to 62 nays. * This vote, +therefore, upon the Arnold Resolution, being nowhere near the two-thirds +affirmative vote necessary to secure the passage through the House of +the Senate Joint Resolution on this subject amendatory of the +Constitution, was most discouraging.</p> + +<p>It was definite enough, however, to show the necessity of a change from +the negative to the affirmative side of at least fifteen votes. While +therefore the outlook was discouraging it was far from hopeless. The +debate in the Senate had already had its effect upon the public mind. +That, and the utterances of Mr. Lincoln—and further discussion in the +House, it was thought, might produce such a pressure from the loyal +constituencies both in the Free and Border Slave-States as to compel +success.</p> + +<p>But from the very beginning of the year 1864, as if instinctively aware +that their Rebel friends were approaching the crisis of their fate, and +needed now all the help that their allies of the North could give them, +the Anti-War Democrats, in Congress, and out, had been stirring +themselves with unusual activity.</p> + +<p>In both Houses of Congress, upon all possible occasions, they had been +striving, as they still strove, with the venom of their +widely-circulated speeches, to poison the loyal Northern and Border-State mind, +in the hope that the renomination of Mr. Lincoln might be defeated, the +chance for Democratic success at the coming Presidential election be +thereby increased, and, if nothing else came of it, the Union Cause be +weakened and the Rebel Cause correspondingly strengthened.</p> + +<p>At the same time, evidently under secret instructions from their +friends, the Conspirators in arms, they endeavored to create +heart-burnings and jealousies and ill-feeling between the Eastern (especially +the New England) States and the Western States, and unceasingly attacked +the Protective-Tariff, Internal Revenue, the Greenback, the Draft, and +every other measure or thing upon which the life of the Union depended.</p> + +<p>Most of these Northern-Democratic agitators, "Stealing the livery of +Heaven to serve the Devil in," endeavored to conceal their treacherous +designs under a veneer of gushing lip-loyalty, but that disguise was +"too thin" to deceive either their contemporaries or those who come +after them. Some of their language too, as well as their blustering +manner, strangely brought back to recollection the old days of Slavery +when the plantation-whip was cracked in the House, and the air was blue +with execration of New England.</p> + +<p>Said Voorhees, of Indiana, (January 11, 1864) when the House was +considering a Bill "to increase the Internal Revenue and for other +purposes:"</p> + +<p>"I want to know whether the West has any friends upon the floor of this +House? We pay every dollar that is to be levied by this Tax Bill. * * +* The Manufacturing Interest pays not a dollar into the public Treasury +that stays there. And yet airs of patriotism are put on here by men +representing that interest. I visited New England last Summer, * * * +when I heard the swelling hum of her Manufactories, and saw those who +only a short time ago worked but a few hands, now working their +thousands, and rolling up their countless wealth, I felt that it was an +unhealthy prosperity. To my mind it presented a wealth wrung from the +labor, the sinews, the bone and muscle of the men who till the soil, +taxed to an illegitimate extent to foster and support that great System +of local wealth. * * * I do not intend to stand idly by and see one +portion of the Country robbed and oppressed for the benefit of another."</p> + +<p>And the same day, replying to Mr. Morrill of Vermont, he exclaimed: "Let +him show me that the plethoric, bloated Manufacturers of New England are +paying anything to support the Government, and I will recognize it."</p> + +<p>Washburne, of Illinois got back at this part of Mr. Voorhees's speech +rather neatly, by defending the North-west as being "not only willing to +stand taxation" which had been "already imposed, but * * * any +additional taxation which," said he, "may be necessary to crush out this +Rebellion, and to hang the Rebels in the South, and the Rebel +sympathizers in the North." And, he pointedly added: "Complaint has +been made against New England. I know that kind of talk. I have heard +too often that kind of slang about New England. I heard it here for ten +years, when your Barksdales, and your Keitts's, and your other Traitors, +now in arms against the Government, filled these Halls with their +pestilential assaults not only upon New England, but on the Free North +generally."</p> + +<p>Kelley of Pennsylvania, however, more fitly characterized the speech of +Voorhees, when he termed it "a pretty, indeed a somewhat striking, +paraphrase of the argument of Mr. Lamar, the Rebel Agent,—[in 1886, +Secretary of the Interior]—to his confreres in Treason, as we find it +in the recently published correspondence: 'Drive gold coin out of the +Country, and induce undue Importation of Foreign products so as to +strike down the Financial System. You can have no further hope for +Foreign recognition. It is evident the weight of arms is against us; +and it is clear that we can only succeed by striking down the Financial +System of the Country.' It was an admirable paraphrase of the +Instructions of Mr. Lamar to the Rebel Agents in the North."</p> + +<p>The impression was at this time abroad, and there were not wanting +elements of proof, that certain members of Congress were trusted +Lieutenants of the Arch-copperhead and Outlaw, Vallandigham. Certain it +is, that many of these leaders, six months before, attended and +addressed the great gathering from various parts of the Country, of +nearly one hundred thousand Vallandigham-Anti-War Peace-Democrats, at +Springfield, Illinois—the very home of Abraham Lincoln—which adopted, +during a lull, when they were not yelling themselves hoarse for +Vallandigham, a resolution declaring against "the further offensive +prosecution of the War" as being subversive of the Constitution and +Government, and proposing a National Peace Convention, and, as a +consequence, Peace, "the Union as it was," and, substantially such +Constitutional guarantees as the Rebels might choose to demand! And +this too, at a time (June 13, 1863), when Grant, after many recent +glorious victories, had been laying siege to Vicksburg, and its Rebel +Army of 37,000 men, for nearly a month, with every reason to hope for +its speedy fall.</p> + +<p>No wonder that under such circumstances, the news of such a gathering of +the Northern Democratic sympathizers with Treason, and of their adoption +of such treasonable Resolutions, should encourage the Rebels in the same +degree that Union men were disheartened! No wonder that Lee, elated by +this and other evidences of Northern sympathy with Rebellion, at once +determined to commence a second grand invasion of the North, and on the +very next day (June 14th,) moved Northward with all his Rebel hosts to +be welcomed, he fondly hoped, by his Northern friends of Maryland and +elsewhere! As we have seen, it took the bloody Battle of Gettysburg to +undeceive him as to the character of that welcome.</p> + +<p>Further than this, Mr. Cox had stumped Ohio, in the succeeding election, +in a desperate effort to make the banished Traitor, Vallandigham—the +Chief Northern commander of the "Knights of the Golden Circle" +(otherwise known as the "Order of the Sons of Liberty," and "O. A. K." +or "Order of American Knights")—Governor of that great State.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The Rebel General Sterling Price being the chief Southern + commander of this many-named treasonable organization, which in the + North alone numbered over 500,000 men.</p> + +<p> August, 1864.—See Report of Judge Advocate Holt on certain "Secret + Associations," in Appendix,]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>And it only lacked a few months of the time when quantities of copies of +the treasonable Ritual of the "Order of American Knights"—as well as +correspondence touching the purchase of thousands of Garibaldi rifles +for transportation to the West—were found in the offices of leading +Democrats then in Congress.</p> + +<p>When, therefore, it is said, and repeated, that there were not wanting +elements of proof, outside of Congressional utterances and actions, that +leading Democrats in Congress were trusted Lieutenants of the Supreme +Commander of over half a million of Northern Rebel-sympathizers bound +together, and to secrecy, by oaths, which were declared to be paramount +to all other oaths, the violation of which subjected the offender to a +shameful death somewhat like that, of being "hung, drawn, and +quartered," which was inflicted in the middle ages for the crime of +Treason to the Crown—it will be seen that the statement is supported by +circumstantial, if not by positive and direct, evidence.</p> + +<p>Whether the Coxes, the Garret Davises, the Saulsburys, the Fernando +Woods, the Alexander Longs, the Allens, the Holmans, and many other +prominent Congressmen of that sort,—were merely in close communion with +these banded "Knights," or were actual members of their secret +organizations, may be an open question. But it is very certain that if +they all were not oath-bound members, they generally pursued the precise +methods of those who were; and that, as a rule, while they often loudly +proclaimed loyalty and love for the Union, they were always ready to act +as if their loyalty and love were for the so-called Confederacy.</p> + +<p>Indeed, it was one of these other "loyal" Democrats, who even preceded +Voorhees, in raising the Sectional cry of: The West, against New +England. It was on this same Internal Revenue Bill, that Holman of +Indiana had, the day before Voorhees's attack, said:</p> + +<p>"If the Manufacture of the Northwest is to be taxed so heavily, a +corresponding rate of increase must be imposed on the Manufactures of +New England and Pennsylvania, or, will gentlemen tax us without limit +for the benefit of their own Section? * * * I protest against what I +believe is intended to be a discrimination against one Section of the +Country, by increasing the tax three-fold, without a corresponding +increase upon the burdens of other Sections."</p> + +<p>But these dreadfully "loyal" Democrats—who did the bidding of +traitorous masters in their Treason to the Union, and thus, while +posturing as "Patriots," "fired upon the rear" of our hard-pressed +Armies—were super-sensitive on this point. And, when they could get +hold of a quiet sort of a man, inclined to peaceful methods of +discussion, how they would, terrier-like, pounce upon him, and extract +from him, if they could, some sort of negative satisfaction!</p> + +<p>Thus, for instance, on the 22nd of January, when one of these quiet men +—Morris of New York—was in the midst of an inoffensive speech, Mr. Cox +"bristled up," and blusteringly asked whether he meant to say that he +(Cox) had "ever been the apologist or the defender of a Traitor?"</p> + +<p>And Morris not having said so, mildly replied that he did "not so +charge"—all of which little bit of by-play hugely pleased the touchy +Mr. Cox, and his clansmen.</p> + +<p>But on the day following, their smiles vanished under the words of +Spalding or Ohio, who, after referring to the crocodile-tears shed by +Democratic Congressmen over the Confiscation Resolution—on the pretense +that it would hunt down "innocent women and children" of the Rebels, +when they had never a word of sympathy for the widows and children of +the two hundred thousand dead soldiers of the Union—continued:</p> + +<p>"They can see our poor soldiers return, minus an arm, minus a leg, as +they pass through these lobbies, but their only care is to protect the +property of Rebels. And we are asked by one of my colleagues, (Mr. Cox) +does the gentleman from New York intend to call us Traitors? My friend, +Mr. Morris, modestly answered no! If he had asked that question of me, +he knows what my answer would have been! I have seen Rebel officers at +Johnson's Island, and I have taken them by the hand because they have +fought us fairly in the field and did not seek to break down the +Government while living under its protection. Yes, Sir, that gentleman +knows that I would have said to him that I have more respect for an open +and avowed Traitor in the field, than for a sympathizer in this Hall. +Four months have scarcely gone by since that gentleman and his political +friends were advocating the election of a man for the Gubernatorial +office in my State, who was an open and avowed advocate of Secession—AN +OUTLAW AT THAT!"</p> + +<p>And old Thaddeus Stevens—the clear-sighted and courageous "Old +Commoner"—followed up Spalding, and struck very close to the root and +animus of the Democratic opposition, when he exclaimed:</p> + +<p>"All this struggle by calm and dignified and moderate 'Patriots;' all +this clamor against 'Radicals;' all this cry of 'the Union as it Was, +and the Constitution as it Is;' is but a persistent effort to +reestablish Slavery, and to rivet anew and forever the chains of Bondage +on the limbs of Immortal beings. May the God of Justice thwart their +designs and paralyze their wicked efforts!"</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="mcclellan"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p594-mcclellan.jpg (63K)" src="images/p594-mcclellan.jpg" height="764" width="581"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch25"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXV.<br><br> + + "THE FIRE IN THE REAR." + +</h2> +</center> +<br> + + +<p>The treacherous purposes of professedly-loyal Copperheads being seen +through, and promptly and emphatically denounced to the Country by Union +statesmen, the Copperheads aforesaid concluded that the profuse +circulation of their own Treason-breeding speeches—through the medium +of the treasonable organizations before referred to, permeating the +Northern States,—would more than counteract all that Union men could +say or do. Besides, the fiat had gone forth, from their Rebel masters +at Richmond, to Agitate the North.</p> + +<p>Hence, day after day, Democrat after Democrat, in the one House or the +other, continued to air his disloyal opinions, and to utter more or less +virulent denunciations of the Government which guarded and protected +him.</p> + +<p>Thus, Brooks, of New York, on the 25th of January (1864), sneeringly +exclaimed: "Why, what absurdity it is to talk at this Capitol of +prosecuting the War by the liberation of Slaves, when from the dome of +this building there can be heard at this hour the booming of cannon in +the distance!"</p> + +<p>Thus, also, on the day following, Fernando Wood—the same man who, while +Mayor of New York at the outbreak of the Rebellion, had, under +Rebel-guidance, proposed the Secession from the Union, and the Independence, +of that great Metropolis,—declared to the House that: "No Government +has pursued a foe with such unrelenting, vindictive malignity as we are +now pursuing those who came into the Union with us, whose blood has been +freely shed on every battle-field of the Country until now, with our +own; who fought by our side in the American Revolution, and in the War +of 1812 with Great Britain; who bore our banners bravest and highest in +our victorious march from Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico, and who but +yesterday sat in these Halls contributing toward the maintenance of our +glorious institutions."</p> + +<p>Then he went on, in the spirit of prophecy, to declare that: "No purely +agricultural people, fighting for the protection of their own Domestic +Institutions upon their own soil, have ever yet been conquered. I say +further, that no revolted people have ever been subdued after they have +been able to maintain an Independent government for three years." And +then, warming up to an imperative mood, he made this explicit +announcement: "We are at War. * * * Whether it be a Civil War, +Rebellion, Revolution, or Foreign War, it matters little. IT MUST +CEASE; and I want this Administration to tell the American People WHEN +it will cease!" Again, only two days afterward, he took occasion to +characterize a Bill, amendatory of the enrollment Act, as "this +infamous, Unconstitutional conscription Act!"</p> + +<p>C. A. White, of Ohio, was another of the malcontents who undertook, with +others of the same Copperhead faith, to "maintain, that," as he +expressed it, "the War in which we are at present engaged is wrong in +itself; that the policy adopted by the Party in power for its +prosecution is wrong; that the Union cannot be restored, or, if +restored, maintained, by the exercise of the coercive power of the +Government, by War; that the War is opposed to the restoration of the +Union, destructive of the rights of the States and the liberties of the +People. It ought, therefore, to be brought to a speedy and immediate +close."</p> + +<p>It was about this time also that, emboldened by immunity from punishment +for these utterances in the interest of armed Rebels, Edgerton of +Indiana, was put forward to offer resolutions "for Peace, upon the basis +of a restoration of the Federal Union under the Constitution as it is," +etc.</p> + +<p>Thereafter, in both Senate and House, such speeches by +Rebel-sympathizers, the aiders and abettors of Treason, grew more frequent and +more virulent than ever. As was well said to the House, by one of the +Union members from Ohio (Mr. Eckley):</p> + +<p>"A stranger, if he listened to the debates here, would think himself in +the Confederate Congress. I do not believe that if these Halls were +occupied to-day by Davis, Toombs, Wigfall, Rhett, and Pryor, they could +add anything to the violence of assault, the falsity of accusation, or +the malignity of attack, with which the Government has been assailed, +and the able, patriotic, and devoted men who are charged with its +Administration have been maligned, in both ends of the Capitol. The +closing scenes of the Thirty-Sixth Congress, the treasonable +declarations there made, contain nothing that we cannot hear, in the +freedom of debate, without going to Richmond or to the camps of Treason, +where most of the actors in those scenes are now in arms against us."</p> + +<p>With such a condition of things in Congress, it is not surprising that +the Richmond Enquirer announced that the North was "distracted, +exhausted, and impoverished," and would, "through the agency of a strong +conservative element in the Free States," soon treat with the Rebels "on +acceptable terms."</p> + +<p>Things indeed had reached such a pass, in the House of Representatives +especially, that it was felt they could not much longer go on in this +manner; that an example must be made of some one or other of these +Copperheads. But the very knowledge of the existence of such a feeling +of just and patriotic irritation against the continued free utterance of +such sentiments in the Halls of Congress, seemed only to make some of +them still more defiant. And, when the 8th of April dawned, it was +known among all the Democrats in Congress, that Alexander Long proposed +that day to make a speech which would "go a bow-shot beyond them all" in +uttered Treason. He would speak right out, what the other Conspirators +thought and meant, but dared not utter, before the World.</p> + +<p>A crowded floor, and packed galleries, were on hand to listen to the +written, deliberate Treason, as it fell from his lips in the House. His +speech began with an arraignment of the Government for treachery, +incompetence, failure, tyranny, and all sorts of barbarous actions and +harsh intentions, toward the Rebels—which led him to the indignant +exclamation:</p> + +<p>"Will they throw down their arms and submit to the terms? Who shall +believe that the free, proud American blood, which courses with as quick +pulsation through their veins as our own, will not be spilled to the +last drop in resistance?"</p> + +<p>Warming up, he proceeded to say: "Can the Union be restored by War? I +answer most unhesitatingly and deliberately, No, never; 'War is final, +eternal separation.'"</p> + +<p>He claimed that the War was "wrong;" that it was waged "in violation of +the Constitution," and would "if continued, result speedily in the +destruction of the Government and the loss of Civil Liberty, and ought +therefore, to immediately cease."</p> + +<p>He held also "that the Confederate States are out of the Union, +occupying the position of an Independent Power de facto; have been +acknowledged as a belligerent both by Foreign Nations and our own +Government; maintained their Declaration of Independence, for three +years, by force of arms; and the War has cut asunder all the obligations +that bound them under the Constitution."</p> + +<p>"Much better," said he, "would it have been for us in the beginning, +much better would it be for us now, to consent to a division of our +magnificent Empire, and cultivate amicable relations with our estranged +brethren, than to seek to hold them to us by the power of the sword. * +* * I am reluctantly and despondingly forced to the conclusion that the +Union is lost, never to be restored. * * * I see neither North nor +South, any sentiment on which it is possible to build a Union. * * * in +attempting to preserve our Jurisdiction over the Southern States we have +lost our Constitutional Form of Government over the Northern. * * * The +very idea upon which this War is founded, coercion of States, leads to +despotism. * * * I now believe that there are but two alternatives, and +they are either an acknowledgment of the Independence of the South as an +independent Nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a +People; and of these alternatives I prefer the former."</p> + +<p>As Long took his seat, amid the congratulations of his Democratic +friends, Garfield arose, and, to compliments upon the former's peculiar +candor and honesty, added denunciation for his Treason. After drawing +an effective parallel between Lord Fairfax and Robert E. Lee, both of +whom had cast their lots unwillingly with the enemies of this Land, when +the Wars of the Revolution and of the Rebellion respectively opened, +Garfield proceeded:</p> + +<p>"But now, when hundreds of thousands of brave souls have gone up to God +under the shadow of the Flag, and when thousands more, maimed and +shattered in the Contest, are sadly awaiting the deliverance of death; +now, when three years of terrific warfare have raged over us, when our +Armies have pushed the Rebellion back over mountains and rivers and +crowded it back into narrow limits, until a wall of fire girds it; now, +when the uplifted hand of a majestic People is about to let fall the +lightning of its conquering power upon the Rebellion; now, in the quiet +of this Hall, hatched in the lowest depths of a similar dark Treason, +there rises a Benedict Arnold and proposes to surrender us all up, body +and spirit, the Nation and the Flag, its genius and its honor, now and +forever, to the accursed Traitors to our Country. And that proposition +comes—God forgive and pity my beloved State!—it comes from a citizen +of the honored and loyal Commonwealth of Ohio! I implore you, brethren +in this House, not to believe that many such births ever gave pangs to +my mother-State such as she suffered when that Traitor was born!"</p> + +<p>As he uttered these sturdy words, the House and galleries were agitated +with that peculiar rustling movement and low murmuring sound known as a +"sensation," while the Republican side with difficulty restrained the +applause they felt like giving, until he sadly proceeded:</p> + +<p>"I beg you not to believe that on the soil of that State another such +growth has ever deformed the face of Nature and darkened the light of +God's day."</p> + +<p>The hush that followed was broken by the suggestive whisper: +"Vallandigham!"</p> + +<p>"But, ah," continued the Speaker—as his voice grew sadder still—"I am +reminded that there are other such. My zeal and love for Ohio have +carried me too far. I retract. I remember that only a few days since, +a political Convention met at the Capital of my State, and almost +decided, to select from just such material, a representative for the +Democratic Party in the coming contest; and today, what claims to be a +majority of the Democracy of that State say that they have been cheated +or they would have made that choice!"</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [This refers to Horatio Seymour, the Democratic Governor of New + York.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>After referring to the "insidious work" of the "Knights of the Golden +Circle" in seeking "to corrupt the Army and destroy its efficiency;" the +"riots and murders which," said he, "their agents are committing +throughout the Loyal North, under the lead and guidance of the Party +whose Representatives sit yonder across the aisle;" he continued: "and +now, just as the time is coming on when we are to select a President for +the next four years, one rises among them and fires the Beacon, throws +up the blue-light—which will be seen, and rejoiced over, at the Rebel +Capital in Richmond—as the signal that the Traitors in our camp are +organized and ready for their hellish work! I believe the utterance of +to-day is the uplifted banner of revolt. I ask you to mark the signal +that blazes here, and see if there will not soon appear the answering +signals of Traitors all over the Land. * * * If these men do mean to +light the torch of War in all our homes; if they have resolved to begin +the fearful work which will redden our streets, and this Capitol, with +blood, the American People should know it at once, and prepare to meet +it."</p> + +<p>At the close of Mr. Garfield's patriotic and eloquent remarks, Mr. Long +again got the floor, declared that what he had said, he believed to be +right, and he would "stand by it," though he had to "stand solitary and +alone," and "even if it were necessary to brave bayonets, and prisons, +and all the tyranny which may be imposed by the whole power and force of +the Administration."</p> + +<p>Said he: "I have deliberately uttered my sentiments in that speech, and +I will not retract one syllable of it." And, to "rub it in" a little +stronger, he exclaimed, as he took his seat, just before adjournment: +"Give me Liberty, even if confined to an Island of Greece, or a Canton +of Switzerland, rather than an Empire and a Despotism as we have here +to-day!"</p> + +<p>This treasonable speech naturally created much excitement throughout the +Country.</p> + +<p>On the following day (Saturday, April 9, 1864), immediately after +prayer, the reading of the Journal being dispensed with, the Speaker of +the House (Colfax) came down from the Speaker's Chair, and, from the +floor, offered a Preamble and Resolution, which ended thus:</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That Alexander Long, a Representative from the second +district of Ohio, having, on the 8th day of April, 1864, declared +himself in favor of recognizing the Independence and Nationality of the +so-called Confederacy now in arms against the Union, and thereby 'given +aid, Countenance and encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility +to the United States,' is hereby expelled."</p> + +<p>The debate which ensued consumed nearly a week, and every member of +prominence, on both the Republican and Democratic sides, took part in +it—the Democrats almost invariably being careful to protest their own +loyalty, and yet attempting to justify the braver and more candid +utterances of the accused member.</p> + +<p>Mr. Cox led off, April 9th, in the defense, by counterattack. He quoted +remarks made to the House (March 18, 1864) by Mr. Julian, of Indiana, to +the effect that "Our Country, united and Free, must be saved, at +whatever hazard or cost; and nothing, not even the Constitution, must be +allowed to hold back the uplifted arm of the Government in blasting the +power of the Rebels forever;"—and upon this, adopting the language of +another—[Judge Thomas, of Massachusetts.]—Mr. Cox declared that "to +make this a War, with the sword in one hand to defend the Constitution, +and a hammer in the other to break it to pieces, is no less treasonable +than Secession itself; and that, outside the pale of the Constitution, +the whole struggle is revolutionary."</p> + +<p>He thought, for such words as he had just quoted, Julian ought to have +been expelled, if those of Long justified expulsion!</p> + +<p>Finally, being pressed by Julian to define his own position, as between +the Life of the Nation, and the Infraction of the United States +Constitution, Mr. Cox said: "I will say this, that UNDER NO +CIRCUMSTANCES CONCEIVABLE BY THE HUMAN MIND WOULD I EVER VIOLATE THAT +CONSTITUTION FOR ANY PURPOSE!"</p> + +<p>This sentiment was loudly applauded, and received with cries of "THAT IS +IT!" "THAT'S IT!" by the Democratic side of the House, apparently in +utter contempt for the express and emphatic declaration of Jefferson +that: "A strict observance of the written laws is doubtless one of the +highest duties of a good citizen, but it is not the highest. The laws +of Necessity, of Self-preservation, of SAVING OUR COUNTRY WHEN IN +DANGER, are of higher obligation. To LOSE OUR COUNTRY by a scrupulous +adherence to written law WOULD BE TO LOSE THE LAW ITSELF, with Life, +Liberty, Property, and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus +absolutely SACRIFICING THE END TO THE MEANS."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [In a letter to J. B. Colvin, Sept. 20, 1810, quoted at the time + for their information, and which may be found at page 542 of vol. + v., of Jefferson's Works.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Indeed these extreme sticklers for the letter of the Constitution, who +would have sacrificed Country, kindred, friends, honesty, truth, and all +ambitions on Earth and hopes for Heaven, rather than violate it—for +that is what Mr. Cox's announcement and the Democratic endorsement of it +meant, if they meant anything—were of the same stripe as those +querulous Ancients, for the benefit of whom the Apostle wrote: "For THE +LETTER KILLETH, but the Spirit giveth life."</p> + +<p>And now, inspired apparently by the reckless utterances +of Long, if not by the more cautious diatribe of Cox, Harris of +Maryland, determining if possible to outdo them all, not only declared +that he was willing to go with his friend Long wherever the House chose +to send him, but added: "I am a peace man, a radical peace man; and I am +for Peace by the recognition of the South, for the recognition of the +Southern Confederacy; and I am for acquiescence in the doctrine of +Secession." And, said he, in the midst of the laughter which followed +the sensation his treasonable words occasioned, "Laugh as you may, you +have got to come to it!" And then, with that singular obfuscation of +ideas engendered, in the heads of their followers, by the astute +Rebel-sympathizing leaders, he went on:</p> + +<p>"I am for Peace, and I am for Union too. I am as good a Union man as +any of you. [Laughter.] I am a better Union man than any of you! +[Great Laughter.] * * * I look upon War as Disunion."</p> + +<p>After declaring that, if the principle of the expulsion Resolution was +to be carried out, his "friend," Mr. Long, "would be a martyr in a +glorious cause"—he proceeded to announce his own candidacy for +expulsion, in the following terms:</p> + +<p>"Mr. Speaker, in the early part of this Secession movement, there was a +Resolution offered, pledging men and money to carry on the War. My +principles were then, and are now, against the War. I stood, solitary +and alone, in voting against that Resolution, and whenever a similar +proposition is brought here it will meet with my opposition. Not one +dollar, nor one man, I swear, by the Eternal, will I vote for this +infernal, this stupendous folly, more stupendous than ever disgraced any +civilized People on the face of God's Earth. If that be Treason, make +the most of it!</p> + +<p>"The South asked you to let them go in peace. But no, you said you +would bring them into subjugation. That is not done yet, and God +Almighty grant that it never may be. I hope that you will never +subjugate the South. If she is to be ever again in the Union, I hope it +will be with her own consent; and I hope that that consent will be +obtained by some other mode than by the sword. 'If this be Treason, +make the most of it!'"</p> + +<p>An extraordinary scene at once occurred—Mr. Tracy desiring "to know +whether, in these Halls, the gentleman from Maryland invoked Almighty +God that the American Arms should not prevail?" "Whether such language +is not Treason?" and "whether it is in order to talk Treason in this +Hall?"—his patriotic queries being almost drowned in the incessant +cries of "Order!" "Order!" and great disorder, and confusion, on the +Democratic side of the House.</p> + +<p>Finally the treasonable language was taken down by the Clerk, and, while +a Resolution for the expulsion of Mr. Harris was being written out, Mr. +Fernando Wood—coming, as he said, from a bed of "severe sickness," +quoted the language used by Mr. Long, to wit:</p> + +<p>"I now believe there are but two alternatives, and they are either the +acknowledgment of the Independence of the South as an independent +Nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a People; and +of these alternatives I prefer the former"—and declared that "if he is +to be expelled for the utterance of that sentiment, you may include me +in it, because I concur fully in that sentiment."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [He afterwards (April 11,) said he did not agree with Mr. Long's + opinions.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Every effort was unavailingly made by the Democrats, under the lead of +Messrs. Cox—[In 1886 American Minister at Constantinople.]—and +Pendleton,—[In 1886 American Minister at Berlin.]—to prevent action +upon the new Resolution of expulsion, which was in these words:</p> + +<p>"Whereas, Hon. Benjamin G. Harris, a member of the House of +Representatives of the United States from the State of Maryland, has on +this day used the following language, to wit: 'The South asked you to +let them go in peace. But no; you said you would bring them into +subjection. That is not done yet, and God Almighty grant that it never +may be. I hope that you will never subjugate the South.' And whereas, +such language is treasonable, and is a gross disrespect of this House: +Therefore, Be it Resolved, That the said Benjamin G. Harris be expelled +from this House."</p> + +<p>Upon reaching a vote, however, the Resolution was lost, there being only +81 yeas, to 58 (Democratic) nays—two-thirds not having voted +affirmatively. Subsequently, despite Democratic efforts to obstruct, a +Resolution, declaring Harris to be "an unworthy Member" of the House, +and "severely" censuring him, was adopted.</p> + +<p>The debate upon the Long-expulsion Resolution now proceeded, and its +mover, in view of the hopelessness of securing a two-thirds affirmative +vote, having accepted an amendment comprising other two Resolutions and +a Preamble, the question upon adopting these was submitted on the 14th +of April. They were in the words following:</p> + +<p>"Whereas, ALEXANDER LONG, a Representative from the second district of +Ohio, by his open declarations in the National Capitol, and publications +in the City of New York, has shown himself to be in favor of a +recognition of the so-called Confederacy now trying to establish itself +upon the ruins of our Country, thereby giving aid and comfort to the +Enemy in that destructive purpose—aid to avowed Traitors, in creating +an illegal Government within our borders, comfort to them by assurances +of their success and affirmations of the justice of their Cause; and +whereas, such conduct is at the same time evidence of disloyalty, and +inconsistent with his oath of office, and his duty as a Member of this +Body: Therefore,</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the said Alexander Long, a Representative from the +second district of Ohio, be, and he is hereby declared to be an unworthy +Member of the House of Representatives.</p> + +<p>"Resolved, That the Speaker shall read these Resolutions to the said +Alexander Long during the session of the House."</p> + +<p>The first of these Resolutions was adopted, by 80 yeas to 69 nays; the +second was tabled, by 71 yeas to 69 nays; and the Preamble was agreed +to, by 78 yeas to 63 nays.</p> + +<p>And, among the 63 Democrats, who were not only unwilling to declare +Alexander Long "an unworthy Member," or to have the Speaker read such a +declaration to him in a session of the House, but also refused by their +votes even to intimate that his conduct evidenced disloyalty, or gave +aid and comfort to the Enemy, were the names of such democrats as Cox, +Eldridge, Holman, Kernan, Morrisson, Pendleton, Samuel J. Randall, +Voorhees, and Fernando Wood.</p> + +<p>Hence Mr. Long not only escaped expulsion for his treasonable +utterances, but did not even receive the "severe censure" which, in +addition to being declared (like himself) "an unworthy Member," had been +voted to Mr. Harris for recklessly rushing into the breach to help him!</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The Northern Democracy comprised two well-recognized classes: The + Anti-War (or Peace) Democrats, commonly called "Copperheads," who + sympathized with the Rebellion, and opposed the War for the Union; + and the War (or Union) Democrats, who favored a vigorous + prosecution of the War for the preservation of the Union.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br><br><br> +<a name="ch26"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXVI.<br><br> + + "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE. + +</h2> +</center> +<br> + +<p>The debate in the House of Representatives, upon the Thirteenth +Amendment to the Constitution—interrupted by the treasonable episode +referred to in the last Chapter—was subsequently resumed.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, however, Fort Pillow had been stormed, and its garrison of +Whites and Blacks, massacred.</p> + +<p>And now commenced the beginning of the end—so far as the Military aspect +of the Rebellion was concerned. Early in May, Sherman's Atlanta +Campaign commenced, and, simultaneously, General Grant began his +movement toward Richmond. In quick succession came the news of the +bloody battles of the Wilderness, and those around Spottsylvania, Va.; +at Buzzard Roost Gap, Snake Creek Gap, and Dalton, Ga.; Drury's Bluff, +Va.; Resaca, Ga.; the battles of the North Anna, Va.; those around +Dallas, and New Hope church, Ga; the crossing of Grant's forces to the +South side of the James and the assault on Petersburg. While the Union +Armies were thus valiantly attacking and beating those of the Rebels, on +many a sanguinary field the loyal men of the North, both in and out of +Congress, pressed for favorable action upon the Thirteenth Amendment. +"Friends of the wounded in Fredericksburg from the Battle of the +Wilderness"—exclaimed Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, of May +31st,—"friends and relatives of the soldiers of Grant's Army beyond the +Wilderness, let us all join hands and swear upon our Country's altar +that we will never cease this War until African Slavery in the United +States is dead forever, and forever buried!"</p> + +<p>Peace Democrats, however, were deaf to all such entreaties. On the very +same day, Mr. Holman, in the House, objected even to the second reading +of the Joint Resolution Amendatory of the Constitution, and there were +so many "Peace Democrats" to back him, that the vote was: 55 yeas to 76 +nays, on the question "shall the Joint Resolution be rejected!"</p> + +<p>The old cry, that had been repeated by Hendricks and others, in the +Senate and House, time and again, was still used—threadbare though it +was—"this is not the right time for it!" On this very day, for +instance, Mr. Herrick said: "I ask if this is the proper time for our +People to consider so grave a measure as the Amendment of the +Constitution in so vital a point? * * * this is no fitting time for +such work."</p> + +<p>Very different was the attitude of Kellogg, of New York, and well did he +show up the depths to which the Democracy—the Peace Democracy—had now +fallen. "We are told," said he, "of a War Democracy, and such there +are—their name is legion—good men and true; they are found in the +Union ranks bearing arms in support of the Government and the +Administration that wields it. At the ballot-box, whether at home or in +the camp, they are Union men, and vote as they fight, and hold little in +common with the political leaders of the Democratic Party in or out of +this Hall—the Seymours, the Woods, the Vallandighams, the Woodwards, +and their indorsers, who hold and control the Democratic Party here, and +taint it with Treason, till it is a stench in the nostrils of all +patriotic men."</p> + +<p>After referring to the fact that the leaders of the Rebellion had from +the start relied confidently upon assistance from the Northern +Democracy, he proceeded:</p> + +<p>"The Peace Democracy, and mere Party-hacks in the North, are fulfilling +their masters' expectations industriously, unceasingly, and as far as in +them lies. Not even the shouts for victory, in these Halls, can divert +their Southern allies here. A sullen gloom at the defeat and +discomfiture of their Southern brethren settles down on their disastrous +countenances, from which no ray of joy can be reflected. * * * They +even vote solid against a law to punish guerrillas.</p> + +<p>"Sir," continued he, "in my judgment, many of those who withhold from +their Country the support they would otherwise give, find allegiance to +Party too strong for their patriotism. * * * Rejecting the example and +counsels of Stanton and Dickinson and Butler and Douglas and Dix and +Holt and Andrew Johnson and Logan and Rosecrans and Grant and a host of +others, all Democrats of the straightest sect, to forget all other ties, +and cleave only to their Country for their Country's sake, and rejecting +the overtures and example of the Republican Party to drop and forget +their Party name, that all might unite and band together for their +Country's salvation as Union men, they turn a deaf ear and cold +shoulder, and sullenly pass by on the other side, thanking God they are +not as other men are, and lend, if at all, a calculating, qualified, and +conditional and halting support, under protest, to their Country's +cause; thus justifying the only hope of the Rebellion to-day, that Party +spirit at the North will distract its counsels, divide and discourage +and palsy its efforts, and ultimately make way for the Traitor and the +parricide to do their worst."</p> + +<p>Besides the set speeches made against the proposed +Constitutional amendment in the House, Peace-Democrats of the Senate +continued to keep up a running fire at it in that Chamber, on every +possible occasion. Garrett Davis was especially garrulous on the +subject, and also launched the thunders of his wrath at the President +quite frequently and even vindictively. For instance, speaking in the +Senate—[May 31,1864,]—of the right of Property in Slaves; said he:</p> + +<p>"This new-born heresy 'Military Necessity,' as President Lincoln claims, +and exercises it, is the sum of all political and Military villianies * * +* and it is no less absurd than it is villianous. * * * The man has +never spoken or lived who can prove by any provision of the +Constitution, or by any principle, or by any argument to be deduced +logically and fairly from it, that he has any such power as this vast, +gigantic, all-conquering and all-crushing power of Military Necessity +which he has the audacity to claim.</p> + +<p>"This modern Emperor, this Tiberius, a sort of a Tiberius, and his +Sejanus, a sort of a Sejanus, the head of the War Department, are +organizing daily their Military Courts to try civilians. * * *</p> + +<p>"Sir, I want one labor of love before I die. I want the President of +the United States, I want his Secretary of War, I want some of his high +officers in Military command to bring a civilian to a Military +execution, and me to have the proud privilege of prosecuting them for +murder. * * * I want the law and its just retribution to be visited +upon these great delinquents.</p> + +<p>"I would sooner, if I had the power, bring about such an atonement as +that, than I would even put down the Rebellion. It would be a greater +victory in favor of Freedom and Constitutional Liberty, a thousand-fold, +of all the People of America besides, than the subjugation of the Rebel +States could possibly be."</p> + +<p>But there seemed to be no end to the' attacks upon the Administration, +made, in both Houses, by these peculiar Peace-Democrats. Union blood +might flow in torrents on the fields of the rebellious South, atrocities +innumerable might be committed by the Rebels, cold-blooded massacres of +Blacks and Whites, as at Fort Pillow, might occur without rebuke from +them; but let the Administration even dare to sneeze, and—woe to the +Administration.</p> + +<p>It was not the Thirteenth Amendment only, that they assailed, but +everything else which the Administration thought might help it in its +effort to put down the Rebellion. Nor was it so much their malignant +activity in opposition to any one measure intended to strengthen the +hands of the Union, but to all such measures; and superadded to this was +the incessant bringing forward, in both Houses of Congress, by these +restless Rebel-sympathizers, of Peace-Resolutions, the mere presentation +of which would be, and were, construed by the Rebel authorities at +Richmond, as evidences of a weakening.</p> + +<p>Even some of the best of the Peace-Democrats, like S. S. Cox, for +instance, not only assailed the Tariff—under which the Union Republican +Party sought to protect and build up American Industry, as well as to +raise as much revenue as possible to help meet the enormous current +expenditures of the Government—but also denounced our great paper-money +system, which alone enabled us to secure means to meet all deficiencies +in the revenues otherwise obtained, and thus to ultimately conquer the +hosts of Rebellion.</p> + +<p>He declared (June 2, 1864) that "The People are the victims of the +joint-robbery of a system of bounties under the guise of duties, and of +an inconvertible and depreciated paper currency under the guise of +money," and added: "No man is now so wise and gifted that he can save +this Nation from bankruptcy. * * * No borrowing system can save us. +The scheme of making greenbacks a legal tender, which enabled the debtor +to cheat his creditor, thereby playing the old game of kingcraft, to +debase the currency in order to aid the designs of despotism, may float +us for a while amidst the fluctuations and bubbles of the day; but as no +one possesses the power to repeal the Law of the Almighty, which decrees +(and as our Constitution has established) that gold and silver shall be +the standard of value in the World, so they will ever thus remain, +notwithstanding the legislation of Congress."</p> + +<p>Not satisfied with this sort of "fire in the rear," it was attempted by +means of Democratic Free-Trade and antipaper-currency sophistries, to +arouse jealousies, heart-burnings and resentful feelings in the breasts +of those living in different parts of the Union—to implant bitter +Sectional antagonisms and implacable resentments between the Eastern +States, on the one hand, and the Western States, on the other—and thus, +by dividing, to weaken the Loyal Union States.</p> + +<p>That this was the cold-blooded purpose of all who pursued this course, +would no doubt be warmly denied by some of them; but the fact remains no +less clear, that the effect of that course, whether so intended or not, +was to give aid and comfort to the Enemy at that critical time when the +Nation most needed all the men, money, and moral as well as material +support, it was possible to get, to put an end to the bloody Rebellion, +now—under the continuous poundings of Grant's Army upon that of Lee in +Virginia, and the advance of Sherman's Army upon that of Johnston in +Georgia—tottering to its overthrow. Thus this same speaker (S. S. Cox), +in his untimely speech, undertook to divide the Union-loving States +"into two great classes: the Protected States and the Unprotected +States;" and—having declared that "The Manufacturing States, mainly the +New England States and Pennsylvania, are the Protected States," and "The +Agricultural States," mainly the eleven Western States, which he named, +"are the Unprotected States"—proceeded to intemperately and violently +arraign New England, and especially Massachusetts, in the same way that +had years before been adopted by the old Conspirators of the South when +they sought—alas, too successfully!—to inflame the minds of Southern +citizens to a condition of unreasoning frenzy which made attempted +Nullification and subsequent armed Rebellion and Secession possible.</p> + +<p>Well might the thoroughly loyal Grinnell, of Iowa—after exposing what +he termed the "sophistry of figures" by which Mr. Cox had seen fit "to +misrepresent and traduce" the Western States—exclaim: "Sir, I have no +words which I can use to execrate sufficiently such language, in +arraying the Sections in opposition during a time of War; as if we were +not one People, descended from one stock, having one interest, and bound +up in one destiny!"</p> + +<p>The damage that might have been done to the Union Cause by such +malignant Democratic attacks upon the National unity and strength, may +be imagined when we reflect that at this very time the annual expenses +of our Government were over $600,000,000, and growing still larger; and +that $1.90 in legal tender notes of the United States was worth but +$1.00 in gold, with a downward tendency. Said stern old Thaddeus +Stevens, alluding on this occasion, to Statesmanship of the peculiar +stamp of the Coxes and Fernando Woods: "He who in this time will pursue +such a course of argument for the mere sake of party, can never hope to +be ranked among Statesmen; nay, Sir, he will not even rise to the +dignity of a respectable Demagogue!"</p> + +<p>Within a week after this, (June 9, 1864), we find in the Senate also, +similarly insidious attacks upon the strength of the Government, made by +certain Northern Democrats, who never tired of undermining Loyalty, and +creating and spreading discontent among the People. The Bill then up, +for consideration, was one "to prohibit the discharge of persons from +liability to Military duty, by reason of the payment of money."</p> + +<p>In the terribly bloody Campaign that had now been entered upon by Grant +—in the West, under Sherman, and in the East, under his own personal +eye—it was essential to send to the front, every man possible. Hence +the necessity for a Bill of this sort, which moreover provided, in order +as far as possible to popularize conscription, that all calls for drafts +theretofore made under the Enrolling Act of March 3, 1863, should be for +not over one year's service, etc.</p> + +<p>This furnished the occasion for Mr. Hendricks, among other Peace +Democrats, to make opposing speeches. He, it seems, had all along been +opposed to drafting Union soldiers; and because, during the previous +Winter, the Senate had been unwilling to abolish the clause permitting a +drafted man to pay a commutation of $300 (with which money a substitute +could be procured) instead of himself going, at a time when men were not +quite so badly needed as now, therefore Mr. Hendricks pretended to think +it very strange and unjustifiable that now, when everything depended on +getting every possible man in the field, the Senate should think of +"abandoning that which it thought right last Winter!"</p> + +<p>He opposed drafting; but if drafting must be resorted to, then he +thought that what he termed "the Horror of the Draft" should be felt by +as many of the Union people as possible!—or, in his own words: "the +Horror of the Draft ought to be divided among the People." As if this +were not sufficient to conjure dreadful imaginings, he added: "if one +set of men are drafted this year to serve twelve months, and they have +to go because the power of the Government makes them go, whether they +can go well or not, then at the end of the year their neighbors should +be subjected to the same Horror, and let this dreadful demand upon the +service, upon the blood, and upon the life of the People be distributed +upon all."</p> + +<p>And, in order apparently to still further intensify public feeling +against all drafting, and sow the seeds of dissatisfaction in the hearts +of those drafted at this critical time, when the fate of the Union and +of Republican Government palpably depended upon conscription, he added: +"It is not so right to say to twenty men in a neighborhood: 'You shall +go; you shall leave your families whether you can or not; you shall go +without the privilege of commutation whether you leave starving wives +and children behind you or not,' and then say to every other man of the +neighborhood: 'Because we have taken these twenty men for three years, +you shall remain with your wives and children safely and comfortably at +home for these three years.' I like this feature of the amendment, +because it distributes the Horror of the Draft more equally and justly +over the whole People."</p> + +<p>Not satisfied with rolling the "Horror of the Draft" so often and +trippingly over his tongue, he also essayed the role of Prophet in the +interest of the tottering god of Slavery. "The People," said he, +"expect great results from this Campaign; and when another year comes +rolling around, and it is found that this War is not closed, and that +there is no reasonable probability of its early close, my colleague +(Lane) and other Senators who agree with him will find that the People +will say that this effusion of blood must stop; that THERE MUST BE SOME +ADJUSTMENT. I PROPHESY THIS."</p> + +<p>And, as a further declaration likely to give aid and comfort to the +Rebel leaders, he said: "I do not believe many men are going to be +obtained by a draft; I do not believe a very good Army will be got by a +draft; I do not believe an Army will be put in the field, by a draft, +that will whip General Lee."</p> + +<p>But while all such statements were, no doubt, intended to help the foes +of the Union, and dishearten or dismay its friends, the really loyal +People, understanding their fell object, paid little heed to them. The +predictions of these Prophets of evil fell flat upon the ears of lovers +of their Country. Conspirators, however much they might masquerade in +the raiment of Loyalty, could not wholly conceal the ear-marks of +Treason. The hand might be the hand of Esau, but the voice was the +voice of Jacob.</p> + +<p>On the 8th of June—after a month of terrific and bloody fighting +between the immediate forces of Grant and Lee—a dispatch from Sherman, +just received at Washington, was read to the House of Representatives, +which said: "The Enemy is not in our immediate front, but his signals +are seen at Lost Mountain, and Kenesaw." So, at the same time, at the +National Capital, while the friends of the Union there, were not +immediately confronted with an armed Enemy, yet the signals of his +Allies could be seen, and their fire upon our rear could be heard, daily +and almost hourly, both in the Senate and the House of Representatives.</p> + +<p>The fight in the House, upon the Thirteenth Amendment, now seemed +indeed, to be reaching a climax. During the whole of June 14th, until +midnight, speech after speech on the subject, followed each other in +rapid succession. Among the opposition speeches, perhaps those of +Fernando Wood and Holman were most notable for extravagant and +unreasoning denunciation of the Administration and Party in power—whose +every effort was put forth, and strained at this very time to the +utmost, to save the Union.</p> + +<p>Holman, for instance, declared that, "Of all the measures of this +disastrous Administration, each in its turn producing new calamities, +this attempt to tamper with the Constitution threatens the most +permanent injury." He enumerated the chief measures of the +Administration during its three and a half years of power—among them the +Emancipation Proclamation, the arming of the Blacks, and what he +sneeringly termed "their pet system of finance" which was to "sustain +the public credit for infinite years," but which "even now," said he, +"totters to its fall!" And then, having succeeded in convincing himself +of Republican failure, he exultingly exclaimed: "But why enumerate? +What measure of this Administration has failed to be fatal! Every step +in your progress has been a mistake. I use the mildest terms of +censure!"</p> + +<p>Fernando Wood, in his turn also, "mildly" remarked upon Republican +policy as "the bloody and brutal policy of the Administration Party." +He considered this "the crisis of the fate of the Union;" declared that +Slavery was "the best possible condition to insure the happiness of the +Negro race"—a position which, on the following day, he +"reaffirmed"—and characterized those members of the Democratic Party who saw Treason +in the ways and methods and expressions of Peace Democrats of his own +stamp, as a "pack of political jackals known as War Democrats."</p> + +<p>On the 15th of June, Farnsworth made a reply to Ross—who had claimed to +be friendly to the Union soldier—in which the former handled the +Democratic Party without gloves. "What," said he, referring to Mr. +Ross, "has been the course of that gentleman and his Party on this floor +in regard to voting supplies to the Army? What has been their course in +regard to raising money to pay the Army? His vote will be found +recorded in almost every instance against the Appropriation Bills, +against ways and means for raising money to pay the Army. It is only a +week ago last Monday, that a Bill was introduced here to punish +guerrillas * * * and how did my colleague vote? Against the Bill.* * * +On the subject of arming Slaves, of putting Negroes into the Army, how +has my colleague and his Party voted? Universally against it. They +would strip from the backs of these Black soldiers, now in the service +of the Country, their uniforms, and would send them back to Slavery with +chains and manacles. And yet they are the friends of the soldier!"* * * +"On the vote to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law, how did that (Democratic) +side of the House vote? Does not the Fugitive Slave Law affect the +Black soldier in the Army who was a Slave? That side of the House are +in favor of continuing the Fugitive Slave Law, and of disbanding Colored +troops. How did that side of the House vote on the question of arming +Slaves and paying them as soldiers? They voted against it. They are in +favor of disbanding the Colored regiments, and, armed with the Fugitive +Slave Law, sending them back to their masters!"</p> + +<p>He took occasion also to meet various Democratic arguments against the +Resolution,—among them, one, hinging on the alleged right of Property +in Slaves. This was a favorite idea with the Border-State men +especially, that Slaves were Property—mere chattels as it were,—and, +only the day before, a Northern man, Coffroth of Pennsylvania, had said:</p> + +<p>"Sir, we should pause before proceeding any further in this +Unconstitutional and censurable legislation. The mere abolition of +Slavery is not my cause of complaint. I care not whether Slavery is +retained or abolished by the people of the States in which it +exists—the only rightful authority. The question to me is, has Congress a +right to take from the people of the South their Property; or, in other +words, having no pecuniary interest therein, are we justified in freeing +the Slave-property of others? Can we Abolish Slavery in the Loyal State +of Kentucky against her will? If this Resolution should pass, and be +ratified by three-fourths of the States—States already Free—and +Kentucky refuses to ratify it, upon what principle of right or law would +we be justified in taking this Slave-property of the people of Kentucky? +Would it be less than stealing?"</p> + +<p>And Farnsworth met this idea—which had also been advanced by Messrs. +Ross, Fernando Wood, and Pruyn—by saying: "What constitutes property? +I know it is said by some gentlemen on the other side, that what the +statute makes property, is property. I deny it. What 'vested right' +has any man or State in Property in Man? We of the North hold property, +not by virtue of statute law, not by virtue of enactments. Our property +consists in lands, in chattels, in things. Our property was made +property by Jehovah when He gave Man dominion over it. But nowhere did +He give dominion of Man over Man. Our title extends back to the +foundation of the World. That constitutes property. There is where we +get our title. There is where we get our 'vested rights' to property."</p> + +<p>Touching the ethics of Slavery, Mr. Arnold's speech on the same occasion +was also able, and in parts eloquent, as where he said: 'Slavery is +to-day an open enemy striking at the heart of the Republic. It is the soul +and body, the spirit and motive of the Rebellion. It is Slavery which +marshals yonder Rebel hosts, which confront the patriot Armies of Grant +and Sherman. It is the savage spirit of this barbarous Institution +which starves the Union prisoners at Richmond, which assassinates them +at Fort Pillow, which murders the wounded on the field of battle, and +which fills up the catalogue of wrong and outrage which mark the conduct +of the Rebels during all this War.</p> + +<p>"In view of all the long catalogue of wrongs which Slavery has inflicted +upon the Country, I demand to-day, of the Congress of the United States, +the death of African Slavery. We can have no permanent Peace, while +Slavery lives. It now reels and staggers toward its last death-struggle. +Let us strike the monster this last decisive blow."</p> + +<p>And, after appealing to both Border-State men, and Democrats of the Free +States, not to stay the passage of this Resolution which "will strike +the Rebellion at the heart," he continued: "Gentlemen may flatter +themselves with a restoration of the Slave-power in this Country. 'The +Union as it was!' It is a dream, never again to be realized. The +America of the past, has gone forever. A new Nation is to be born from +the agony through which the People are now passing. This new Nation is +to be wholly Free. Liberty, Equality before the Law, is to be the great +Corner-stone."</p> + +<p>So, too, Mr. Ingersoll eloquently said—among many other good +things:—"It is well to eradicate an evil. That Slavery is an evil, no sane, +honest man will deny. It has been the great curse of this Country from +its infancy to the present hour, And now that the States in Rebellion +have given the Loyal States the opportunity to take off that curse, to +wipe away the foul stain, I say let it be done. We owe it to ourselves; +we owe it to posterity; we owe it to the Slaves themselves to +exterminate Slavery forever by the adoption of the proposed Amendment to +the Constitution. * * * I believe Slavery is the mother of this +Rebellion, that this Rebellion can be attributed to no other cause but +Slavery; from that it derived its life, and gathers its strength to-day. +Destroy the mother, and the child dies. Destroy the cause, and the +effect will disappear.</p> + +<p>"Slavery has ever been the enemy of liberal principles. It has ever +been the friend of ignorance, prejudice, and all the unlawful, savage, +and detestable passions which proceed therefrom. It has ever been +domineering, arrogant, exacting, and overbearing. It has claimed to be +a polished aristocrat, when in reality it has only been a coarse, +swaggering, and brutal boor. It has ever claimed to be a gentleman, +when in reality it has ever been a villain. I think it is high time to +clip its overgrown pretensions, strip it of its mask, and expose it, in +all its hideous deformity, to the detestation of all honest and +patriotic men."</p> + +<p>After Mr. Samuel J. Randall had, at a somewhat later hour, pathetically +and poetically invoked the House, in its collective unity, as a +"Woodman," to "spare that tree" of the Constitution, and to "touch not a +single bough," because, among other reasons, "in youth it sheltered" +him; and furthermore, because "the time" was "most inopportune;" and, +after Mr. Rollins, of Missouri, had made a speech, which he afterward +suppressed; Mr. Pendleton closed the debate in an able effort, from his +point of view, in which he objected to the passage of the Joint +Resolution because "the time is not auspicious;" because, said he, "it +is impossible that the Amendment proposed, should be ratified without a +fraudulent use of the power to admit new States, or a fraudulent use of +the Military power of the Federal Government in the Seceded +States,"—and, said he, "if you should attempt to amend the Constitution by such +means, what binding obligation would it have?"</p> + +<p>He objected, also, because "the States cannot, under the pretense of +amending the Constitution, subvert the structure, spirit, and theory of +this Government." "But," said he, "if this Amendment were within the +Constitutional power of amendment; if this were a proper time to +consider it; if three-fourths of the States were willing to ratify it; +and if it did not require the fraudulent use of power, either in this +House or in the Executive Department, to secure its adoption, I would +still resist the passage of this Resolution. It is another step toward +consolidation, and consolidation is Despotism; confederation is +Liberty."</p> + +<p>It was about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of June 15th, that the House +came to a vote, on the passage of the Joint Resolution. At first the +strain of anxiety on both sides was great, but, as the roll proceeded, +it soon became evident that the Resolution was doomed to defeat. And so +it transpired. The vote stood 93 yeas, to 65 nays—Mr. Ashley having +changed his vote, from the affirmative to the negative, for the purpose +of submitting, at the proper time, a motion to reconsider.</p> + +<p>That same evening, Mr. Ashley made the motion to reconsider the vote by +which the proposed Constitutional Amendment was rejected; and the motion +was duly entered in the Journal, despite the persistent efforts of +Messrs. Cox, Holman, and others, to prevent it.</p> + +<p>On the 28th of June, just prior to the Congressional Recess, Mr. Ashley +announced that he had been disappointed in the hope of securing enough +votes from the Democratic side of the House to carry the Amendment. +"Those," said he, "who ought to have been the champions of this great +proposition are unfortunately its strongest opponents. They have +permitted the golden opportunity to pass. The record is made up, and we +must go to the Country on this issue thus presented." And then he gave +notice that he would call the matter up, at the earliest possible moment +after the opening of the December Session of Congress.</p> + +<br><br><br><br> +<a name="ch27"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXVII.<br><br> + + SLAVERY DOOMED AT THE POLLS. + +</h2> +</center> +<br> + +<p>The record was indeed made up, and the issue thus made, between Slavery +and Freedom, would be the chief one before the People. Already the +Republican National Convention, which met at Baltimore, June 7, 1864, +had not only with "enthusiastic unanimity," renominated Mr. Lincoln for +the Presidency, but amid "tremendous applause," the delegates rising and +waving their hats—had adopted a platform which declared, in behalf of +that great Party: "That, as Slavery was the cause, and now constitutes +the strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be, always and +everywhere, hostile to the principles of Republican government, Justice +and the National safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from +the soil of the Republic; and that while we uphold and maintain the Acts +and Proclamations by which the Government, in its own defense, has aimed +a death-blow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of +such an Amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the People in +conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit +the existence of Slavery within the limits or the jurisdiction of the +United States."</p> + +<p>So, too, with vociferous plaudits, had they received and adopted another +Resolution, wherein they declared "That we approve and applaud the +practical wisdom, the unselfish patriotism and the unswerving fidelity +to the Constitution and the principles of American Liberty, with which +Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled +difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential +Office; that we approve and endorse, as demanded by the emergency, and +essential to the preservation of the Nation, and as within the +provisions of the Constitution; the Measures and Acts which he has +adopted to defend the Nation against its open and secret foes; that we +approve, especially, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the +employment, as Union soldiers, of men heretofore held in Slavery; and +that we have full confidence in his determination to carry these and all +other Constitutional Measures essential to the salvation of the Country, +into full and complete effect."</p> + +<p>Thus heartily, thoroughly and unreservedly, endorsed in all the great +acts of his Administration—and even more emphatically, if possible, in +his Emancipation policy—by the unanimous vote of his Party, Mr. +Lincoln, although necessarily "chagrined and disappointed" +by the House-vote which had defeated the Thirteenth Amendment, might well feel +undismayed. He always had implicit faith in the People; he felt sure +that they would sustain him; and this done, why could not the votes of a +dozen, out of the seventy Congressional Representatives opposing that +Amendment, be changed? Even failing in this, it must be but a question +of time. He thought he could afford to bide that time.</p> + +<p>On the 29th of August, the Democratic National Convention met at +Chicago. Horatio Seymour was its permanent President; that same +Governor of New York whom the 4th of July, 1863, almost at the moment +when Vicksburg and Gettysburg had brought great encouragement to the +Union cause, and when public necessity demanded the enforcement of the +Draft in order to drive the Rebel invader from Northern soil and bring +the Rebellion speedily to an end—had threateningly said to the +Republicans, in the course of a public speech, during the Draft-riots at +New York City: "Remember this, that the bloody, and treasonable, and +revolutionary doctrine of public necessity can be proclaimed by a mob as +well as by a Government. * * * When men accept despotism, they may have +a choice as to who the despot shall be!"</p> + +<p>In his speech to this Democratic-Copperhead National Convention, +therefore, it is not surprising that he should, at this time, declare +that "this Administration cannot now save this Union, if it would." +That the body which elected such a presiding officer,—after the bloody +series of glorious Union victories about Atlanta, Ga., then fast leading +up to the fall of that great Rebel stronghold, (which event actually +occurred long before most of these Democratic delegates, on their +return, could even reach their homes)—should adopt a Resolution +declaring that the War was a "failure," was not surprising either.</p> + +<p>That Resolution—"the material resolution of the Chicago platform," as +Vallandigham afterward characters it, was written and "carried through +both the Subcommittee and the General Committee" by that Arch-Copperhead +and Conspirator himself.—[See his letter of October 22, 1864, to the +editor of the New York News,]</p> + +<p>It was in these words: "Resolved, That this Convention does explicitly +declare as the sense of the American People, that after four years of +failure to restore the Union by the experiment of War, during which, +under the pretense of a military necessity, or War—power higher than the +Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every +part, and public Liberty and private right alike trodden down and the +material prosperity of the Country essentially impaired—Justice, +Humanity, Liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts +be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate +Convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that at +the earliest practicable moment Peace may be restored on the basis of +the Federal Union of the States."</p> + +<p>With a Copperhead platform, this Democratic Convention thought it +politic to have a Union candidate for the Presidency. Hence, the +nomination of General McClellan; but to propitiate the out-and-out +Vallandigham Peace men, Mr. Pendleton was nominated to the second place +on the ticket.</p> + +<p>This combination was almost as great a blunder as was the platform—than +which nothing could have been worse. Farragut's Naval victory at +Mobile, and Sherman's capture of Atlanta, followed so closely upon the +adjournment of the Convention as to make its platform and candidates the +laughing stock of the Nation; and all the efforts of Democratic orators, +and of McClellan himself, in his letter of acceptance, could not prevent +the rise of that great tidal wave of Unionism which was soon to engulf +the hosts of Copperhead-Democracy.</p> + +<p>The Thanksgiving-services in the churches, and the thundering salutes of +100 guns from every Military and Naval post in the United States, which +—during the week succeeding that Convention's sitting—betokened the +Nation's especial joy and gratitude to the victorious Union Forces of +Sherman and Farragut for their fortuitously-timed demonstration that the +"experiment of War" for the restoration of the Union was anything but a +"Failure" all helped to add to the proportions of that rapidly-swelling +volume of loyal public feeling.</p> + +<p>The withdrawal from the canvass, of General Fremont, nominated for the +Presidency by the "radical men of the Nation," at Cleveland, also +contributed to it. In his letter of withdrawal, September 17th, he +said:</p> + +<p>"The Presidential contest has, in effect, been entered upon in such a +way that the union of the Republican Party has become a paramount +necessity. The policy of the Democratic Party signifies either +separation, or reestablishment with Slavery. The Chicago platform is +simply separation. General McClellan's letter of acceptance is +reestablishment, with Slavery. The Republican candidate is, on the +contrary, pledged to the reestablishment of the Union without Slavery; +and, however hesitating his policy may be, the pressure of his Party +will, we may hope, force him to it. Between these issues, I think no +man of the Liberal Party can remain in doubt."</p> + +<p>And now, following the fall of Atlanta before Sherman's Forces, Grant +had stormed "Fort Hell," in front of Petersburg; Sheridan had routed the +Rebels, under Early, at Winchester, and had again defeated Early at +Fisher's Hill; Lee had been repulsed in his attack on Grant's works at +Petersburg; and Allatoona had been made famous, by Corse and his 2,000 +Union men gallantly repulsing the 5,000 men of Hood's Rebel Army, who +had completely surrounded and attacked them in front, flank, and rear.</p> + +<p>All these Military successes for the Union Cause helped the Union +political campaign considerably, and, when supplemented by the +remarkable results of the October elections in Pennsylvania, Indiana, +and Maryland, made the election of Lincoln and Johnson a foregone +conclusion.</p> + +<p>The sudden death of Chief-Justice Taney, too, happening, by a strange +coincidence, simultaneously with the triumph of the Union Party of +Maryland in carrying the new Constitution of that State, which +prohibited Slavery within her borders, seemed to have a significance* +not without its effect upon the public mind, now fast settling down to +the belief that Slavery everywhere upon the soil of the United States +must die.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Greeley well said of it: "His death, at this moment, seemed to + mark the transition from the Era of Slavery to that of Universal + Freedom."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Then came, October 19th, the Battle of Cedar Creek, Va. where the Rebel +General Early, during Sheridan's absence, surprised and defeated the +latter's forces, until Sheridan, riding down from Winchester, turned +defeat into victory for the Union Arms, and chased the armed Rebels out +of the Shenandoah Valley forever; and the fights of October 27th and +28th, to the left of Grant's position, at Petersburg, by which the +railroad communications of Lee's Army at Richmond were broken up.</p> + +<p>At last, November 8, 1864, dawned the eventful day of election. By +midnight of that date it was generally believed, all over the Union, +that Lincoln and Johnson were overwhelmingly elected, and that the Life +as well as Freedom of the Nation had thus been saved by the People.</p> + +<p>Late that very night, President Lincoln was serenaded by a Pennsylvania +political club, and, in responding to the compliment, modestly said:</p> + +<p>"I earnestly believe that the consequences of this day's work (if it be +as you assure, and as now seems probable) will be to the lasting +advantage, if not to the very salvation, of the Country. I cannot at +this hour say what has been the result of the election. But whatever it +may be, I have no desire to modify this opinion, that all who have +labored to-day in behalf of the Union organization have wrought for the +best interests of their Country and the World, not only for the present +but for all future ages.</p> + +<p>"I am thankful to God," continued he, "for this approval of the People; +but, while deeply gratified for this mark of their confidence in me, if +I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal +triumph. I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me. It is +no pleasure to me to triumph over any one; but I give thanks to the +Almighty for this evidence of the People's resolution to stand by Free +Government and the rights of Humanity."</p> + +<p>On the 10th of November, in response to another serenade given at the +White House, in the presence of an immense and jubilantly enthusiastic +gathering of Union men, by the Republican clubs of the District of +Columbia, Mr. Lincoln said:</p> + +<p>"It has long been a grave question whether any Government, not too +strong for the Liberties of its People, can be strong enough to maintain +its existence in great emergencies. On this point the present +Rebellion has brought our Republic to a severe test, and a +Presidential election, occurring in regular course during the Rebellion, +has added not a little to the strain. * * * But the election, along +with its incidental and undesired strife, has done good, too. It has +demonstrated that a People's Government can sustain a National election +in the midst of a great Civil War, until now it has not been known to +the World that this was a possibility. It shows, also, how sound and +how strong we still are.</p> + +<p>"But," said he, "the Rebellion continues; and now that the election is +over, may not all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to +save our common Country?</p> + +<p>"For my own part," continued he—as the cheering, elicited by this +forcible appeal, ceased—"I have striven, and shall strive, to avoid +placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here I have not +willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While I am deeply +sensible to the high compliment of a reelection, and duly grateful, as I +trust, to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right +conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my +satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by the +result."</p> + +<p>And, as the renewed cheering evoked by this kindly, Christian utterance +died away again, he impressively added: "May I ask those who have not +differed with me, to join with me in this same spirit, towards those who +have?"</p> + +<p>So, too, on the 17th of November, in his response to the complimentary +address of a delegation of Union men from Maryland.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [W. H. Purnell, Esq., in behalf of the Committee, delivered an + address, in which he said they rejoiced that the People, by such an + overwhelming and unprecedented majority, had again reelected Mr. + Lincoln to the Presidency and endorsed his course—elevating him to + the proudest and most honorable position on Earth. They felt under + deep obligation to him because he had appreciated their condition + as a Slave-State. It was not too much to say that by the exercise + of rare discretion on his part, Maryland to-day occupies her + position in favor of Freedom. Slavery has been abolished therefrom + by the Sovereign Decree of the People. With deep and lasting + gratitude they desired that his Administration, as it had been + approved in the past, might also be successful in the future, and + result in the Restoration of the Union, with Freedom as its + immutable basis. They trusted that, on retiring from his high and + honorable position, the universal verdict might be that he deserved + well of mankind, and that favoring Heaven might 'Crown his days + with loving kindness and tender mercies.']</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>The same kindly anxiety to soften and dispel the feeling of bitterness +that had been engendered in the malignant bosoms of the +Copperhead-Democracy by their defeat, was apparent when he said with emphasis and +feeling:</p> + +<p>"I have said before, and now repeat, that I indulge in no feeling of +triumph over any man who has thought or acted differently from myself. +I have no such feeling toward any living man;" and again, after +complimenting Maryland for doing "more than double her share" in the +elections, in that she had not only carried the Republican ticket, but +also the Free Constitution, he added: "Those who have differed with us +and opposed us will yet see that the result of the Presidential election +is better for their own good than if they had been successful."</p> + +<p>The victory of the Union-Republican Party at this election was an +amazing one, and in the words of General Grant's dispatch of +congratulation to the President, the fact of its "having passed off +quietly" was, in itself, "a victory worth more to the Country than a +battle won,"—for the Copperheads had left no stone unturned in their +efforts to create the utmost possible rancor, in the minds of their +partisans, against the Administration and its Party.</p> + +<p>Of twenty-five States voting, Lincoln and Johnson had carried the +electoral votes of twenty-two of them, viz.: Maine, New Hampshire, +Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, +Pennsylvania, Maryland, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Michigan, +Iowa, Wisconsin, Minnesota, California, Oregon, Kansas, West Virginia, +and Nevada; while McClellan and Pendleton had carried the twenty-one +electoral votes of the remaining three, viz.: New Jersey, Delaware, and +Kentucky—the popular vote reaching the enormous number of 2,216,067 for +Lincoln, to 1,808,725 for McClellan—making Lincoln's popular majority +407,342, and his electoral majority 191!</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="poll"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p598-poll.jpg (170K)" src="images/p598-poll.jpg" height="959" width="637"> +</center> +<br><br><br><br><br> + +<p>But if the figures upon the Presidential candidacy were so gratifying +and surprising to all who held the cause of Union above all others, no +less gratifying and surprising were those of the Congressional +elections, which indicated an entire revulsion of popular feeling on the +subject of the Administration's policy. For, while in the current +Congress (the 38th), there were only 106 Republican-Union to 77 +Democratic Representatives, in that for which the elections had just +been held, (the 39th), there would be 143 Republican-Union to 41 +Democratic Representatives.</p> + +<p>It was at once seen, therefore, that, should the existing House of +Representatives fail to adopt the Thirteenth Amendment to the +Constitution, there would be much more than the requisite two-thirds +majority for such a Measure in both Houses of the succeeding Congress; +and moreover that in the event of its failure at the coming Session, it +was more than probable that President Lincoln would consider himself +justified in calling an Extra Session of the Thirty-ninth Congress for +the especial purpose of taking such action. So far then, as the +prospects of the Thirteenth Amendment were concerned, they looked +decidedly more encouraging.</p> + + + + + +<br> +<br> + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p5.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> +</td><td> + <a href="p7.htm">Next Part</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + +</body> +</html> + diff --git a/old/orig7140-h/p7.htm b/old/orig7140-h/p7.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ec9d14c --- /dev/null +++ b/old/orig7140-h/p7.htm @@ -0,0 +1,2813 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> +<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 7, By John Logan</title> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> + +<style type="text/css"> + <!-- + body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify} + P { + text-indent: 1em; + margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; } + HR { width: 33%; text-align: center; } + blockquote {font-size: 95% } + .figleft {float: left;} + .figright {float: right;} + .toc { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;} + CENTER { padding: 10px;} + // --> +</style> + +</head> +<body> + +<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 7</h2> + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p6.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + +<br><br><br><br><br><br> + + + + + +<center> +<h1> +<br> + THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br> +<br> + Its Origin and History<br><br> +<br> + Part 7<br><br><br> + + By John Logan +<br></h1> +<br> +<h2> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692"> +<br><br><br><br><br> +<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665"> +<br><br> + + + +<br> +<br><br> +<br> +CONTENTS +</h2></center> +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch28">CHAPTER XXVIII.</a><br> + FREEDOM AT LAST ASSURED.<br></h2> +<br> +THE WINTER OF 1864—THE MILITARY SITUATION—THE "MARCH TO THE +SEA"—THOMAS AND HOOD—LOGAN'S INTERVIEW WITH THE PRESIDENT—VICTORIES OF +NASHVILLE AND SAVANNAH—MR. LINCOLN'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, ON THIRTEENTH +AMENDMENT—CONGRESSIONAL RECESS—PRESIDENT LINCOLN STILL WORKING WITH, +THE BORDER-STATE REPRESENTATIVES—ROLLINS'S INTERVIEW WITH HIM—THE +THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT UP, IN THE HOUSE, AGAIN—VIGOROUS AND ELOQUENT +DEBATE—SPEECHES OF COX, BROOKS, VOORHEES, MALLORY, HOLMAN, WOOD, AND +PENDLETON, AGAINST THE AMENDMENT—SPEECHES OF CRESWELL, SCOFIELD, +ROLLINS, GARFIELD, AND STEVENS, FOR IT—RECONSIDERATION OF ADVERSE +VOTE—THE AMENDMENT ADOPTED—EXCITING SCENE IN THE HOUSE—THE GRAND SALUTE TO +LIBERTY—SERENADE TO MR. LINCOLN—"THIS ENDS THE JOB" +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch29">CHAPTER XXIX.</a><br> + LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURATION.<br></h2> +<br> +REBELLION ON ITS "LAST LEGS"—PEACE COMMISSIONS AND +PROPOSITIONS—EFFORTS OF GREELEY, JACQUES, GILMORE, AND BLAIR—LINCOLN'S +ADVANCES—JEFFERSON DAVIS'S DEFIANT MESSAGE TO HIM—THE PRESIDENT AND THE REBEL +COMMISSIONERS AT HAMPTON ROADS—VARIOUS ACCOUNTS, OF THE SECRET +CONFERENCE, BY PARTICIPANTS THE PROPOSITIONS ON BOTH SIDES—FAILURE—THE +MILITARY OUTLOOK—THE REBEL CAUSE DESPERATE—REBEL +DESERTIONS—"MILITARY" PEACE-CONVENTION PROPOSED BY REBELS—DECLINED—CORRESPONDENCE +BETWEEN GRANT AND LEE, ETC.—THE SECOND INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT +LINCOLN—A STRANGE OMEN—HIS IMMORTAL SECOND-INAUGURAL +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch30">CHAPTER XXX.</a><br> + COLLAPSE OF THE ARMED CONSPIRACY.<br></h2> +<br> +PROGRESS OF THE WAR—CAMPAIGN OF THE CAROLINAS, 1865—MEETING, AT CITY +POINT, OF LINCOLN, GRANT, AND SHERMAN—SHERMAN'S ACCOUNT OF WHAT +PASSED—GRANT NOW FEELS "LIKE ENDING THE MATTER"—THE BATTLES OF DINWIDDIE +COURT HOUSE AND FIVE FORKS—UNION ASSAULT ON THE PETERSBURG WORKS—UNION +VICTORY EVERYWHERE—PETERSBURG AND RICHMOND EVACUATED—LEE'S RETREAT CUT +OFF BATTLE OF SAILOR'S CREEK—GRANT ASKS LEE TO SURRENDER—LEE +DELAYS—SHERIDAN CATCHES HIM, AND HIS ARMY, IN A TRAP—THE REBELS SURRENDER, AT +APPOMATTOX—GRANT'S GENEROUS AND MAGNANIMOUS TERMS—THE STARVING REBELS +FED WITH UNION RATIONS—SURRENDER OF JOHNSTON'S ARMY—OTHER REBEL FORCES +SURRENDER—THE REBELLION STAMPED OUT—CAPTURE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS—THE +REBELS "YIELD EVERYTHING THEY HAD FOUGHT FOR"—THEY CRAVE PARDON AND +OBLIVION FOR THEIR OFFENCES +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch31">CHAPTER XXXI.</a><br> + ASSASSINATION!<br></h2> +<br> +PRESIDENT LINCOLN AT RICHMOND—HIS RECEPTIONS AT JEFFERSON DAVIS'S +MANSION—RETURN TO WASHINGTON—THE NEWS OF LEE'S SURRENDER—LINCOLN'S +LAST PUBLIC SPEECH—HIS THEME, "RECONSTRUCTION"—GRANT ARRIVES AT THE +NATIONAL CAPITAL—PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S LAST CABINET MEETING—HIS FOND +HOPES OF THE FUTURE—AN UNHEEDED PRESENTIMENT—AT FORD'S THEATRE—THE +LAST ACCLAMATION OF THE PEOPLE—THE PISTOL SHOT THAT HORRIFIED THE +WORLD—SCULKING, RED HANDED TREASON—THE ASSASSINATION PLOT-COMPLICITY +OF THE REBEL AUTHORITIES, BELIEVED BY THE BEST INFORMED MEN—TESTIMONY +AS TO THREE ATTEMPTS TO KILL LINCOLN—THE CHIEF REBEL-CONSPIRATORS +"RECEIVE PROPOSITIONS TO ASSASSINATE"—A NATION'S WRATH—ANDREW +JOHNSON'S VEHEMENT ASSEVERATIONS—"TREASON MUST BE MADE +ODIOUS"—RECONSTRUCTION +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch32">CHAPTER XXXII.</a><br> + TURNING BACK THE HANDS<br></h2> +<br> +"RECONSTRUCTION" OF THE SOUTH—MEMORIES OF THE WAR, DYING OUT—THE +FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH AMENDMENTS—THE SOUTHERN STATES REHABILITATED +BY ACCEPTANCE OF AMENDMENTS, ETC.—REMOVAL OF REBEL +DISABILITIES—CLEMENCY OF THE CONQUERORS—THE OLD CONSPIRATORS HATCH A NEW +CONSPIRACY—THE "LOST CAUSE" TO BE REGAINED—THE MISSISSIPPI SHOT-GUN PLAN—FRAUD, +BARBARITY, AND MURDERS, EFFECT THE PURPOSE—THE "SOUTH" CEMENTED "SOLID" +BY BLOOD—PEONAGE REPLACES SLAVERY—THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF +1876—THE TILDEN "BARREL," AND "CIPHER DISPATCHES"—THE "FRAUD" CRY—THE OLD +LEADERS DICTATE THE DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENTIAL NOMINEE OF 1880—THEIR +FREE-TRADE ISSUE TO THE FRONT AGAIN—SUCCESSIVE DEMOCRATIC EFFORTS TO FORCE +FREE-TRADE THROUGH THE HOUSE, SINCE REBELLION—EFFECT OF SUCH +EFFORTS—REPUBLICAN MODIFICATIONS OF THEIR OWN PROTECTIVE TARIFF—THE "SOLID +SOUTH" SUCCEEDS, AT LAST, IN "ELECTING" ITS CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT—IS +THIS STILL A REPUBLIC, OR IS IT AN OLIGARCHY? +<br> +<br> + <h2><a href="#ch33">CHAPTER XXXIII.</a><br> + WHAT NEXT?<br></h2> +<br> +THE PRESENT OUTLOOK—COMMERCIAL PROSPECTS, BRIGHT—WHAT THE PEOPLE OF +THE NORTHERN AND WESTERN STATES SEE—WHAT IS A "REPUBLICAN FORM OF +GOVERNMENT?"—WHAT DID THE FATHERS MEAN BY IT—THE REASON FOR THE +GUARANTEE IN THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION—PURPOSES OF "THE PEOPLE" IN +CREATING THIS REPUBLIC—THE "SOLID-SOUTHERN" OLIGARCHS DEFEAT THOSE +PURPOSES—THE REPUBLICAN PARTY NOT BLAMELESS FOR THE PRESENT CONDITION +OF THINGS—THE OLD REBEL-CHIEFTAINS AND COPPERHEADS, IN CONTROL—THEY +GRASP ALMOST EVERYTHING THAT WAS LOST BY THE REBELLION—THEIR GROWING +AGGRESSIVENESS—THE FUTURE—"WATCHMAN, WHAT OF THE NIGHT?" +<br> +<br><br><br><br> +<h4>IMAGES.</h4> + +<center> +<table summary=""> +<tr><td> + +<a href="#stevens">THAD. STEVENS</a><br> +<a href="#davis">HENRY WINTER DAVIS</a><br> +<a href="#breckinridge">J. C. BRECKINRIDGE</a><br> + + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="stevens"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p606-stevens.jpg (72K)" src="images/p606-stevens.jpg" height="809" width="586"> +</center> +<br><br><br> +<a name="ch28"></a> +<br> +<br> +<center><h2> CHAPTER XXVIII.<br> +<br> + FREEDOM AT LAST ASSURED. +</h2></center> +<br> + +<p>As to the Military situation, a few words are, at this time, necessary: +Hood had now marched Northward, with some 50,000 men, toward Nashville, +Tenn., while Sherman, leaving Thomas and some 35,000 men behind, to +thwart him, had abandoned his base, and was marching Southward from +Atlanta, through Georgia, toward the Sea.</p> + +<p>On the 30th of November, 1864, General Schofield, in command of the 4th +and 23rd Corps of Thomas's Army, decided to make a stand against Hood's +Army, at Franklin, in the angle of the Harpeth river, in order to give +time for the Union supply-trains to cross the river. Here, with less +than 20,000 Union troops, behind some hastily constructed works, he had +received the impetuous and overwhelming assault of the Enemy—at first +so successful as to threaten a bloody and disastrous rout to the Union +troops—and, by a brilliant counter-charge, and subsequent obstinate +defensive-fighting, had repulsed the Rebel forces, with nearly three +times the Union losses, and withdrew the next day in safety to the +defenses of Nashville.</p> + +<p>A few days later, Hood, with his diminished Rebel Army, sat down before +the lines of Thomas's somewhat augmented Army, which stretched from bank +to bank of the bight of the Cumberland river upon which Nashville is +situated.</p> + +<p>And now a season of intense cold set in, lasting a week or ten days. +During this period of apparent inaction on both sides—which aroused +public apprehension in the North, and greatly disturbed General Grant—I +was ordered to City Point, by the General-in-Chief, with a view to his +detailing me to Thomas's Command, at Nashville.</p> + +<p>On the way, I called on President Lincoln, at the White House. I found +him not very well, and with his feet considerably swollen. He was +sitting on a chair, with his feet resting on a table, while a barber was +shaving him. Shaking him by the hand, and asking after his health, he +answered, with a humorous twinkle of the eye, that he would illustrate +his condition by telling me a story. Said he: "Two of my neighbors, on +a certain occasion, swapped horses. One of these horses was large, but +quite thin. A few days after, on inquiry being made of the man who had +the big boney horse, how the animal was getting along?—whether +improving or not?—the owner said he was doing finely; that he had +fattened almost up to the knees already!"</p> + +<p>Afterward—when, the process of shaving had been completed, we passed to +another room—our conversation naturally turned upon the War; and his +ideas upon all subjects connected with it were as clear as those of any +other person with whom I ever talked. He had an absolute conviction as +to the ultimate outcome of the War—the final triumph of the Union Arms; +and I well remember, with what an air of complete relief and perfect +satisfaction he said to me, referring to Grant—"We have now at the head +of the Armies, a man in whom all the People can have confidence."</p> + +<p>But to return to Military operations: On December 10th? Sherman reached +the sea-board and commenced the siege of Savannah, Georgia; on the 13th, +Fort McAllister was stormed and Sherman's communications opened with the +Sea; on the 15th and 16th, the great Battle of Nashville was fought, +between the Armies of Thomas and Hood, and a glorious victory gained by +the Union Arms—Hood's Rebel forces being routed, pursued for days, and +practically dispersed; and, before the year ended, Savannah surrendered, +and was presented to the Nation, as "a Christmas gift," by Sherman.</p> + +<p>And now the last Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress having commenced, +the Thirteenth Amendment might at any time come up again in the House. +In his fourth and last Annual Message, just sent in to that Body, +President Lincoln had said:</p> + +<p>"At the last Session of Congress a proposed Amendment of the +Constitution abolishing Slavery throughout the United States, passed the +Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the +House of Representatives. Although the present is the same Congress, +and nearly the same members, and without questioning the wisdom or +patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the +reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present Session. Of +course the abstract question is not changed; but an intervening election +shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress will pass the measure if +this does not. Hence there is only a question of time as to when the +proposed Amendment will go to, the States for their action. And as it +is to so go, at all, events, may we not agree that the sooner the +better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on +members to change their views or their votes, any farther than, as an +additional element to be considered, their judgment may be affected by +it. It is the voice of the People now, for the first time, heard upon +the question. In a great National crisis like ours, unanimity of action +among those seeking a common end is very desirable—almost +indispensable. And yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable +unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority simply +because it is the will of the majority. In this case the common end is +the maintenance of the Union; and, among the means to secure that end, +such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of +such Constitutional Amendment."</p> + +<p>After affirming that, on the subject of the preservation of the Union, +the recent elections had shown the existence of "no diversity among the +People;" that "we have more men now than we had when the War began;" +that "we are gaining strength" in all ways; and that, after the +evidences given by Jefferson Davis of his unchangeable opposition to +accept anything short of severance from the Union, "no attempt at +negotiation with the Insurgent leader could result in any good," he +appealed to the other Insurgents to come back to the fold—the door of +amnesty and pardon, being still "open to all." But, he continued:</p> + +<p>"In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the National +Authority, on the part of the Insurgents, as the only indispensable +condition to ending the War, on the part of the Government, I retract +nothing heretofore said as to Slavery. I repeat the declaration made a +year ago, that 'while I remain in my present position I shall not +attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I +return to Slavery any Person who is Free by the terms of that +Proclamation, or by any of the Acts of Congress.' If the People should, +by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty to Reenslave such +Persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it. In +stating a single condition of Peace I mean simply to say that the War +will cease on the part of the Government, whenever it shall have ceased +on the part of those who began it."</p> + +<p>On the 22d of December, 1864, in accordance with the terms of a +Concurrent Resolution that had passed both Houses, Congress adjourned +until January 5, 1865. During the Congressional Recess, however, Mr. +Lincoln, anxious for the fate of the Thirteenth Amendment, exerted +himself, as it afterward appeared, to some purpose, in its behalf, by +inviting private conferences with him, at the White House, of such of +the Border-State and other War-Democratic Representatives as had before +voted against the measure, but whose general character gave him ground +for hoping that they might not be altogether deaf to the voice of reason +and patriotism.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Among those for whom he sent was Mr. Rollins, of + Missouri, who afterward gave the following interesting account of + the interview:</p> + +<p> "The President had several times in my presence expressed his deep + anxiety in favor of the passage of this great measure. He and + others had repeatedly counted votes in order to ascertain, as far + as they could, the strength of the measure upon a second trial in + the House. He was doubtful about its passage, and some ten days or + two weeks before it came up for consideration in the House, I + received a note from him, written in pencil on a card, while + sitting at my desk in the House, stating that he wished to see me, + and asking that I call on him at the White House. I responded that + I would be there the next morning at nine o'clock.</p> + +<p> "I was prompt in calling upon him and found him alone in his + office. He received me in the most cordial manner, and said in his + usual familiar way: 'Rollins, I have been wanting to talk to you + for some time about the Thirteenth Amendment proposed to the + Constitution of the United States, which will have to be voted on + now, before a great while.'</p> + +<p> "I said: 'Well, I am here, and ready to talk upon that subject.</p> + +<p> "He said: 'You and I were old Whigs, both of us followers of that + great statesman, Henry Clay, and I tell you I never had an opinion + upon the subject of Slavery in my life that I did not get from him. + I am very anxious that the War should be brought to a close at the + earliest possible date, and I don't believe this can be + accomplished as long as those fellows down South can rely upon the + Border-States to help them; but if the Members from the + Border-States would unite, at least enough of them to pass the Thirteenth + Amendment to the Constitution, they would soon see that they could + not expect much help from that quarter, and be willing to give up + their opposition and quit their War upon the Government; that is my + chief hope and main reliance to bring the War to a speedy close, + and I have sent for you as an old Whig friend to come and see me, + that I might make an appeal to you to vote for this Amendment. It + is going to be very close; a few votes one way or the other will + decide it.'</p> + +<p> "To this, I responded: 'Mr. President, so far as I am concerned, + you need not have sent for me to ascertain my views on this + subject, for although I represent perhaps the strongest + Slave-district in Missouri, and have the misfortune to be one of the + largest Slave-owners in the country where I reside, I had already + determined to vote for the Amendment.</p> + +<p> "He arose from his chair, and grasping me by the hand, gave it a + hearty shake, and said: 'I am most delighted to hear that.'</p> + +<p> "He asked me how many more of the Missouri delegates in the House + would vote for it.</p> + +<p> "I said I could not tell; the Republicans of course would; General + Loan, Mr. Blow, Mr. Boyd, and Colonel McClurg.</p> + +<p> "He said, 'Won't General Price vote for it? He is a good Union + man.' I said I could not answer.</p> + +<p> "'Well, what about General King?'</p> + +<p> "I told him I did not know.</p> + +<p> "He then asked about Judges Hall and Norton.</p> + +<p> "I said they would both vote against it, I thought.</p> + +<p> "'Well,' he said, 'are you on good terms with Price and King?'</p> + +<p> "I responded in the affirmative, and that I was on easy terms with + the entire delegation.</p> + +<p> "He then asked me if I would not talk with those who might be + persuaded to vote for the amendment, and report to him as soon as I + could find out what the prospect was.'</p> + +<p> "I answered that I would do so with pleasure, and remarked at the + same time, that when I was a young man, in 1848, I was the Whig + competitor of King for Governor of Missouri, and, as he beat me + very badly, I thought now he should pay me back by voting as I + desired him on this important question.</p> + +<p> "I promised the President I would talk to this gentleman upon the + subject.</p> + +<p> "He said: 'I would like you to talk to all the Border-State men + whom you can approach properly, and tell them of my anxiety to have + the measure pass; and let me know the prospect of the Border-State + vote,' which I promised to do.</p> + +<p> "He again said: 'The passage of this Amendment will clinch the + whole subject; it will bring the War, I have no doubt, rapidly to a + close.'"—Arnold's Life of Lincoln, pp. 358-359,]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>On the 5th of January, 1865, the Christmas Recess having expired, +Congress re-assembled. The motion to reconsider the vote-by which the +Joint Resolution, to amend the Constitution by the abolition of Slavery, +had been defeated—was not called up, on that day, as its friends had +not all returned; but the time was mainly consumed in able speeches, by +Mr. Creswell of Maryland, and Stevens of Pennsylvania, in which the +former declared that "whether we would or not, we must establish Freedom +if we would exterminate Treason. Events have left us no choice. The +People have learned their duty and have instructed us accordingly." And +Mr. Thaddeus Stevens solemnly said: "We are about to ascertain the +National will, by another vote to amend the Constitution. If gentlemen +opposite will yield to the voice of God and Humanity, and vote for it, I +verily believe the sword of the Destroying Angel will be stayed, and +this People be reunited. If we still harden our hearts, and blood must +still flow, may the ghosts of the slaughtered victims sit heavily upon +the souls of those who cause it!"</p> + +<p>On the 6th of January, Mr. Ashley called up his motion to reconsider the +vote defeating the Thirteenth Amendment, and opened the debate with a +lengthy and able speech in favor of that measure, in concluding which he +said:</p> + +<p>"The genius of history, with iron pen, is waiting to record our verdict +where it will remain forever for all the coming generations of men to +approve or condemn. God grant that this verdict may be one over which +the friends of Liberty, impartial and universal, in this Country and +Europe, and in every Land beneath the sun, may rejoice; a verdict which +shall declare that America is Free; a verdict which shall add another +day of jubilee, and the brightest of all, to our National calendar."</p> + +<p>The debate was participated in by nearly all the prominent men, on both +sides of the House—the speeches of Messrs. Cox, Brooks, Voorhees, +Mallory, Holman, Woods and Pendleton being the most notable, in +opposition to, and those of Scofield, Rollins, Garfield and Stevens, in +favor of, the Amendment. That of Scofield probably stirred up "the +adversary" more thoroughly than any other; that of Rollins was more +calculated to conciliate and capture the votes of hesitating, or +Border-State men; that of Garfield was perhaps the most scholarly and eloquent; +while that of Stevens was remarkable for its sledge-hammer pungency and +characteristic brevity.</p> + +<p>Mr. Pendleton, toward the end of his speech, had said of Mr. Stevens: +"Let him be careful, lest when the passions of these times be passed +away, and the historian shall go back to discover where was the original +infraction of the Constitution, he may find that sin lies at the door of +others than the people now in arms." And it was this that brought the +sterling old Patriot again to his feet, in vindication of the acts of +his liberty-inspired life, and in defense of the power to amend the +Constitution, which had been assailed.</p> + +<p>The personal antithesis with which he concluded his remarks was in +itself most dramatically effective, Said he:</p> + +<p>"So far as the appeals of the learned gentleman (Mr. Pendleton) are +concerned, in his pathetic winding up, I will be willing to take my +chance, when we all moulder in the dust. He may have his epitaph +written, if it be truly written, 'Here rests the ablest and most +pertinacious defender of Slavery, and opponent of Liberty;' and I will +be satisfied if my epitaph shall be written thus: 'Here lies one who +never rose to any eminence, and who only courted the low ambition to +have it said that he had striven to ameliorate the condition of the +poor, the lowly, the downtrodden, of every race, and language, and +color."</p> + +<p>As he said these words, the crowded floors and galleries broke out into +involuntary applause for the grand "Old Commoner"—who only awaited its +cessation, to caustically add: "I shall be content, with such a eulogy +on his lofty tomb and such an inscription on my humble grave, to trust +our memories to the judgment of after ages."</p> + +<p>The debate, frequently interrupted by Appropriation Bills, and other +important and importunate measures, lasted until the 31st of January, +when Mr. Ashley called the previous question on his motion to +reconsider.</p> + +<p>Mr. Stiles at once moved to table the motion to reconsider. Mr. +Stiles's motion was lost by 57 yeas to 111 nays. This was in the nature +of a test-vote, and the result, when announced, was listened to, with +breathless attention, by the crowded House and galleries. It was too +close for either side to be satisfied; but it showed a gain to the +friends of the Amendment; that was something. How the final vote would +be, none could tell. Meanwhile it was known, from the announcements on +the floor, that Rogers was absent through his own illness and Voorhees +through illness in his family.</p> + +<p>The previous question being seconded and the main question ordered, the +yeas and nays were called on the motion to reconsider—and the intense +silence succeeding the monotonous calling of the names was broken by the +voice of the Speaker declaring the motion to reconsider, carried, by 112 +yeas to 57 nays.</p> + +<p>This vote created a slight sensation. There was a gain of one, +(English), at any rate, from among those not voting on the previous +motion. Now, if there should be but the change of a single vote, from +the nays to the yeas, the Amendment would be carried!</p> + +<p>The most intensely anxious solicitude was on nearly every face, as Mr. +Mallory, at this critical moment, made the point of order that "a vote +to reconsider the vote by which the subject now before the House was +disposed of, in June last, requires two-thirds of this Body," and +emphatically added: "that two-thirds vote has not been obtained."</p> + +<p>A sigh of relief swept across the galleries, as the Speaker overruled +the point of order. Other attempted interruptions being resolutely met +and defeated by Mr. Ashley, in charge of the Resolution, the "previous +question" was demanded, seconded, and the main question ordered—which +was on the passage of the Resolution.</p> + +<p>And now, amid the hush of a breathless and intent anxiety—so absolute +that the scratch of the recording pencil could be heard—the Clerk +commenced to call the roll!</p> + +<p>So consuming was the solicitude, on all sides, for the fate of this +portentous measure, that fully one-half the Representatives kept tally +at their desks as the vote proceeded, while the heads of the gathered +thousands of both sexes, in the galleries, craned forward, as though +fearing to lose the startlingly clear responses, while the roll-call +progressed.</p> + +<p>When it reached the name of English—Governor English, a Connecticut +Democrat, who had not voted on the first motion, to table the motion to +reconsider, but had voted "yea" on the motion to reconsider,—and he +responded with a clear-cut "aye" on the passage of the Resolution—it +looked as though light were coming at last, and applause involuntarily +broke forth from the Republican side of the floor, spreading instantly +to the galleries, despite the efforts of the Speaker to preserve order.</p> + +<p>So, when Ganson of New York, and other Democrats, voted "aye," the +applause was renewed again and again, and still louder again, when, with +smiling face—which corroborated the thrilling, fast-spreading, whisper, +that "the Amendment is safe!"—Speaker Colfax directed the Clerk to call +his name, as a member of the House, and, in response to that call, voted +"aye!"</p> + +<p>Then came dead silence, as the Clerk passed the result to the Speaker— +during which a pin might have been heard to drop,—broken at last by the +Speaker's ringing voice: "The Constitutional majority of two-thirds +having voted in the affirmative, the Joint Resolution is passed."</p> + +<p> [The enrolled Resolution received the approval and signature of the + President, Feb. 1, 1865,]</p> + +<p>The words had scarcely left the Speaker's lips, when House and galleries +sprang to their feet, clapping their hands, stamping their feet, waving +hats and handkerchiefs, and cheering so loudly and so long that it +seemed as if this great outburst of enthusiasm—indulged in, in defiance +of all parliamentary rules—would never cease!</p> + +<p>In his efforts to control it, Speaker Colfax hammered the desk until he +nearly broke his mallet. Finally, by 4 o'clock, P.M., after several +minutes of useless effort—during which the pounding of the mallet was +utterly lost in the noisy enthusiasm and excitement, in which both the +Freedom-loving men and women of the Land, there present, +participated—the Speaker at last succeeded in securing a lull.</p> + +<p>Advantage was instantly taken of it, by the successor of the dead Owen +Lovejoy, Mr. Ingersoll of Illinois, his young face flushing with the +glow of patriotism, as he cried: "Mr. Speaker! In honor of this +Immortal and Sublime Event I move that the House do now adjourn." The +Speaker declared the motion carried, amid renewed demonstrations of +enthusiasm.</p> + +<p>During all these uncontrollable ebullitions of popular feeling in behalf +of personal Liberty and National Freedom and strength, the Democratic +members of the House had sat, many of them moving uneasily in their +seats, with chagrin painted in deep lines upon their faces, while others +were bolt upright, as if riveted to their chairs, looking straight +before them at the Speaker, in a vain attempt, belied by the pallid +anger of their set countenances, to appear unconscious of the storm of +popular feeling breaking around them, which they now doggedly perceived +might be but a forecast of the joyful enthusiasm which on that day, and +on the morrow, would spread from one end of the Land to the other.</p> + +<p>Harris, of Maryland, made a sort of "Last Ditch" protest against +adjournment, by demanding the "yeas and nays" on the motion to adjourn. +The motion was, however, carried, by 121 yeas to 24 nays; and, as the +members left their places in the Hall—many of them to hurry with their +hearty congratulations to President Lincoln at the White House—the +triumph, in the Halls of our National Congress, of Freedom and Justice +and Civilization, over Slavery and Tyranny and Barbarism, was already +being saluted by the booming of one hundred guns on Capitol Hill.</p> + +<p>How large a share was Mr. Lincoln's, in that triumph, these pages have +already sufficiently indicated. Sweet indeed must have been the joy +that thrilled his whole being, when, sitting in the White House, he +heard the bellowing artillery attest the success of his labors in behalf +of Emancipation. Proud indeed must he have felt when, the following +night, in response to the loud and jubilant cries of "Lincoln!" +"Lincoln!" "Abe Lincoln!" "Uncle Abe!" and other affectionate calls, +from a great concourse of people who, with music, had assembled outside +the White House to give him a grand serenade and popular ovation, he +appeared at an open window, bowed to the tumult of their acclamations, +and declared that "The great Job is ended!"—adding, among other things, +that the occasion was one fit for congratulation, and, said he, "I +cannot but congratulate all present—myself, the Country, and the whole +World—upon this great moral victory. * * * This ends the Job!"</p> + +<p>Substantially the job was ended. There was little doubt, after such a +send off, by the President and by Congress, in view of the character of +the State Legislatures, as well as the temper of the People, that the +requisite number of States would be secured to ratify the Thirteenth +Amendment. Already, on the 1st of February, that is to say, on the very +day of this popular demonstration at the Executive Mansion, the +President's own State, Illinois, had ratified it—and this circumstance +added to the satisfaction and happiness which beamed from, and almost +made beautiful, his homely face.</p> + +<p>Other States quickly followed; Maryland, on February 1st and 3rd; Rhode +Island and Michigan, on February 2nd; New York, February 2nd and 3rd; +West Virginia, February 3rd; Maine and Kansas, February 7th; +Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, February 8th; Virginia, February 9th; +Ohio and Missouri, February 10th; Nevada and Indiana, February 16th; +Louisiana, February 17th; Minnesota, February 8th and 23rd; Wisconsin, +March 1st; Vermont, March 9th; Tennessee, April 5th and 7th; Arkansas, +April 20th; Connecticut, May 5th; New Hampshire, July 1st; South +Carolina, November 13th; Alabama, December 2nd; North Carolina, December +4th; Georgia, December 9th; Oregon, December 11th; California, December +20th; and Florida, December 28th;—all in 1865; with New Jersey, closely +following, on January 23rd; and Iowa, January 24th;—in 1866.</p> + +<p>Long ere this last date, however, the Secretary of State (Mr. Seward) +had been able to, and did, announce (November 18, 1865) the ratification +of the Amendment by the requisite number of States, and certified that +the same had "become, to all intents and purposes, valid as a part of +the Constitution of the United States."</p> + +<p>Not until then, was "the job" absolutely ended; but, as has been already +mentioned, it was, at the time Mr. Lincoln spoke, as good as ended. It +was a foregone conclusion, that the great end for which he, and so many +other great and good men of the Republic had for so many years been +earnestly striving, would be an accomplished fact. They had not failed; +they had stood firm; the victory which he had predicted six years before +had come!</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [He had said in his Springfield speech, of 1858: "We + shall not fail; if we stand firm we shall not fail; wise counsels + may accelerate, or mistakes delay, but sooner or later the Victory + is sure to come."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br><br><br> +<a name="ch29"></a> +<br> +<br> + +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXIX.<br><br> + + LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURATION. +</h2> +</center> +<br> + +<p>While the death of Slavery in America was decreed, as we have seen; yet, +the sanguine anticipations of Mr. Lincoln, and other friends of Freedom, +that such a decree, imperishably grafted into the Constitution, must at +once end the Rebellion, and bring Peace with a restored Union, were not +realized. The War went on. Grant was still holding Lee, at Petersburg, +near Richmond, while Sherman's victorious Army was about entering upon a +campaign from Savannah, up through the Carolinas.</p> + +<p>During the previous Summer, efforts had been made, by Horace Greeley, +and certain parties supposed to represent the Rebel authorities, to lay +the ground-work for an early Peace and adjustment of the differences +between the Government of the United States and the Rebels, but they +miscarried. They led, however, to the publication of the following +important conciliatory Presidential announcement:</p> + +<p> "EXECUTIVE MANSION,<br> + "WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864.</p> + +<p>"To whom it may concern:</p> + +<p>"Any proposition which embraces the restoration of Peace, the integrity +of the whole Union, and the abandonment of Slavery, and which comes by +and with an authority that can control the Armies now at War against the +United States, will be received and considered by the Executive +Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on +substantial and collateral points; and the bearer or bearers thereof +shall have safe conduct both ways.</p> + +<p>"(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +About the same time, other efforts were being made, with a similar +object in view, but which came to naught. The visit of Messrs. Jacques +and Gilmore to the Rebel Capital on an informal Peace-errand was, at +least, valuable in this, that it secured from the head and front of the +armed Conspiracy, Jefferson Davis himself, the following definite +statement:</p> + +<p>"I desire Peace as much as you do; I deplore bloodshed as much as you +do; but I feel that not one drop of the blood shed in this War is on my +hands. I can look up to my God and say this. I tried all in my power +to avert this War. I saw it coming, and for twelve years I worked night +and day to prevent it; but I could not. The North was mad and blind; it +would not let us govern ourselves; and so the War came: and now it must +go on till the last man of this generation falls in his tracks, and his +children seize his musket and fight our battle, unless you acknowledge +our right to self-government. We are not fighting for Slavery. We are +fighting for INDEPENDENCE; and that, or EXTERMINATION, we WILL have."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The Nation, July 2, 1885, contained the following + remarks, which may be pertinently quoted in support of this + authoritative statement that the South was "not fighting for + Slavery," but for Independence—that is to say: for Power, and what + would flow from it.]</p> + +<p> ["The Charleston News and Courier a fortnight ago remarked that + 'not more than one Southern soldier in ten or fifteen was a + Slaveholder, or had any interest in Slave Property.' The + Laurensville Herald disputed the statement, and declared that 'the + Southern Army was really an Army of Slaveholders and the sons of + Slaveholders.' The Charleston paper stands by its original + position, and cites figures which are conclusive. The Military + population of the eleven States which seceded, according to the + census of 1860, was 1,064,193. The entire number of Slaveholders + in the Country at the same time was 383,637, but of these 77,335 + lived in the Border States, so that the number in the Seceding + States was only 306,302. Most of the small Slaveholders, however, + were not Slave-owners, but Slave hirers, and Mr. De Bow, the + statistician who supervised the census of 1850, estimated that but + little over half the holders were actually owners. The proportion + of owners diminished between 1850 and 1860, and the News and + Courier thinks that there were not more than 150,000 Slave-owners + in the Confederate States when the War broke out. This would be + one owner to every seven White males between eighteen and + forty-five; but as many of the owners were women, and many of the men + were relieved from Military service, the Charleston paper is + confirmed in its original opinion that there were ten men in the + Southern Army who were not Slave-owners for every soldier who had + Slaves of his own."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>And when these self-constituted Peace-delegates had fulfilled the duty +which their zeal had impelled them to perform, and were taking their +leave of the Rebel chieftain, Jefferson Davis added:</p> + +<p>"Say to Mr. Lincoln, from me, that I shall at any time be pleased to +receive proposals for PEACE on the basis of our INDEPENDENCE. It will +be useless to approach me with any other."</p> + +<p>Thus the lines had been definitely and distinctly drawn, on both sides. +The issue of Slavery became admittedly, as between the Government and +the Rebels, a dead one. The great cardinal issue was now clearly seen +and authoritatively admitted to be, "the integrity of the whole Union" +on the one side, and on the other, "Independence of a part of it." +These precise declarations did great good to the Union Cause in the +North, and not only helped the triumphant re-election of Mr. Lincoln, +but also contributed to weaken the position of the Northern advocates of +Slavery, and to bring about, as we have seen, the extinction of that +inherited National curse, by Constitutional Amendment.</p> + +<p>During January, of 1865, Francis P. Blair having been permitted to pass +both the Union and Rebel Army lines, showed to Mr. Lincoln a letter, +written to the former, by Jefferson Davis—and which the latter had +authorized him to read to the President—stating that he had always +been, and was still, ready to send or to receive Commissioners "to enter +into a Conference, with a view to secure Peace to the two Countries." +On the 18th of that month, purposing to having it shown to Jefferson +Davis, Mr. Lincoln wrote to Mr. Blair a letter in which, after referring +to Mr. Davis, he said: "You may say to him that I have constantly been, +am now, and shall continue, ready to receive any agent whom he, or any +other influential person now resisting the National Authority, may +informally send to me, with the view of securing Peace to the People of +our common Country." On the 21st of January, Mr. Blair was again in +Richmond; and Mr. Davis had read and retained Mr. Lincoln's letter to +Blair, who specifically drew the Rebel chieftain's attention to the fact +that "the part about 'our common Country' related to the part of Mr. +Davis's letter about 'the two Countries,' to which Mr. Davis replied +that he so understood it." Yet subsequently, he sent Messrs. Alexander +H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter, and John A. Campbell as Commissioners, +with instructions, (January 28, 1865,) which, after setting forth the +language of Mr. Lincoln's letter, proceeded strangely enough to say: "In +conformity with the letter of Mr. Lincoln, of which the foregoing is a +copy, you are to proceed to Washington city for informal Conference with +him upon the issues involved in the existing War, and for the purpose of +securing Peace to the two Countries!" The Commissioners themselves +stated in writing that "The substantial object to be obtained by the +informal Conference is, to ascertain upon what terms the existing War +can be terminated honorably. * * * Our earnest desire is, that a just +and honorable Peace may be agreed upon, and we are prepared to receive +or to submit propositions which may, possibly, lead to the attainment of +that end." In consequence of this peculiarly "mixed" overture, the +President sent Secretary Seward to Fortress Monroe, to informally confer +with the parties, specifically instructing him to "make known to them +that three things are indispensable, to wit:</p> + +<p>"1. The restoration of the National Authority throughout all the +States.</p> + +<p>"2. No receding, by the Executive of the United States, on the Slavery +question, from the position assumed thereon in the late Annual Message +to Congress, and in preceding documents.</p> + +<p>"3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the War and the +disbanding of all forces hostile to the Government."</p> + +<p>Mr. Lincoln also instructed the Secretary to "inform them that all +propositions of theirs, not inconsistent with the above, will be +considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberality;" to "hear +all they may choose to say, and report it" to him, and not to "assume to +definitely consummate anything." Subsequently, the President, in +consequence of a dispatch from General Grant to Secretary Stanton, +decided to go himself to Fortress Monroe.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> Following is the dispatch:</p> + +<p> [In Cipher]</p> + +<p> OFFICE UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH. WAR DEPARTMENT.</p> + +<p> "The following telegram received at Washington, 4.35 A.M.,<br> +February 2, 1865. From City Point, Va.,<br> +February 1, 10.30 P.M., 1865</p> + +<p> "Now that the interview between Major Eckert, under his written + instructions, and Mr. Stephens and party has ended, I will state + confidentially, but not officially, to become a matter of record, + that I am convinced, upon conversation with Messrs. Stephens and + Hunter, that their intentions are good and their desire sincere to + restore Peace and Union. I have not felt myself at liberty to + express, even, views of my own, or to account for my reticency. + This has placed me in an awkward position, which I could have + avoided by not seeing them in the first instance. I fear now their + going back without any expression from any one in authority will + have a bad influence. At the same time I recognize the + difficulties in the way of receiving these informal Commissioners + at this time, and do not know what to recommend. I am sorry, + however, that Mr. Lincoln cannot have an interview with the two + named in this dispatch, if not all three now within our lines. + Their letter to me was all that the President's instructions + contemplated to secure their safe conduct, if they had used the + same language to Major Eckert.</p> + +<p> "U. S. GRANT,<br> + "Lieutenant General.</p> + +<p> "Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON,<br> + "Secretary of War."</p> +<br><br> +<p> Mr. Stephens is stated by a Georgia paper to have repeated the + following characteristic anecdote of what occurred during the + interview. "The three Southern gentlemen met Mr. Lincoln and Mr. + Seward, and after some preliminary remarks, the subject of Peace + was opened. Mr. Stephens, well aware that one who asks much may + get more than he who confesses to humble wishes at the outset, + urged the claims of his Section with that skill and address for + which the Northern papers have given him credit. Mr. Lincoln, + holding the vantage ground of conscious power, was, however, + perfectly frank, and submitted his views almost in the form of an + argument. * * * Davis had, on this occasion, as on that of Mr. + Stephens's visit to Washington, made it a condition that no + Conference should be had unless his rank as Commander or President + should first be recognized. Mr. Lincoln declared that the only + ground on which he could rest the justice of War—either with his + own people, or with foreign powers—was that it was not a War for + conquest, for that the States had never been separated from the + Union. Consequently, he could not recognize another Government + inside of the one of which he alone was President; nor admit the + separate Independence of States that were yet a part of the Union. + 'That' said he 'would be doing what you have so long asked Europe + to do in vain, and be resigning the only thing the Armies of the + Union have been fighting for.' Mr. Hunter made a long reply to + this, insisting that the recognition of Davis's power to make a + Treaty was the first and indispensable step to Peace, and referred + to the correspondence between King Charles I., and his Parliament, + as a trustworthy precedent of a Constitutional ruler treating with + Rebels. Mr. Lincoln's face then wore that indescribable expression + which generally preceded his hardest hits, and he remarked: 'Upon + questions of history I must refer you to Mr. Seward, for he is + posted in such things, and I don't pretend to be bright. My only + distinct recollection of the matter is that Charles lost his head,' + That settled Mr. Hunter for a while." Arnold's Lincoln, p. 400.</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>On the night of February 2nd, Mr. Lincoln reached Hampton Roads, and +joined Secretary Seward on board a steamer anchored off the shore. The +next morning, from another steamer, similarly anchored, Messrs. +Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell were brought aboard the President's +steamer and a Conference with the President and Secretary of several +hours' duration was the result. Mr. Lincoln's own statement of what +transpired was in these words:</p> + +<p>"No question of preliminaries to the meeting was then and there made or +mentioned. No other person was present; no papers were exchanged or +produced; and it was, in advance, agreed that the conversation was to be +informal and verbal merely. On our part, the whole substance of the +instructions to the Secretary of State, hereinbefore recited, was stated +and insisted upon, and nothing was said inconsistent therewith; while, +by the other party, it was not said that in any event or on any +condition, they ever would consent to Re-union; and yet they equally +omitted to declare that they never would so consent. They seemed to +desire a postponement of that question, and the adoption of some other +course first, which, as some of them seemed to argue, might or might not +lead to Reunion; but which course, we thought, would amount to an +indefinite postponement. The Conference ended without result."</p> + +<p>In his communication to the Rebel Congress at Richmond, February 6. +1865, Jefferson Davis, after mentioning his appointment of Messrs. +Stephens, Hunter and Campbell, for the purpose stated, proceeded to say:</p> + +<p>"I herewith transmit, for the information of Congress, the report of the +eminent citizens above named, showing that the Enemy refused to enter +into negotiations with the Confederate States, or any one of them +separately, or to give to our people any other terms or guarantees than +those which the conqueror may grant, or to permit us to have Peace on +any other basis than our unconditional submission to their rule, coupled +with the acceptance of their recent legislation on the subject of the +relations between the White and Black population of each State."</p> + +<p>On the 5th and 9th of February, public meetings were held at Richmond, +in connection with these Peace negotiations. At the first, Jefferson +Davis made a speech in which the Richmond Dispatch reported him as +emphatically asserting that no conditions of Peace "save the +Independence of the Confederacy could ever receive his sanction. He +doubted not that victory would yet crown our labors, * * * and sooner +than we should ever be united again he would be willing to yield up +everything he had on Earth, and if it were possible would sacrifice a +thousand lives before he would succumb." Thereupon the meeting of +Rebels passed resolutions "spurning" Mr. Lincoln's terms "with the +indignation due to so gross an insult;" declared that the circumstances +connected with his offer could only "add to the outrage and stamp it as +a designed and premeditated indignity" offered to them; and invoking +"the aid of Almighty God" to carry out their "resolve to maintain" their +"Liberties and Independence"—to which, said they, "we mutually pledge +our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor." So too, at the second +of these meetings, presided over by R. M. T. Hunter, and addressed by +the Rebel Secretary Judah P. Benjamin, resolutions were adopted amid +"wild and long continued cheering," one of which stated that they would +"never lay down" their "arms until" their "Independence" had "been won," +while another declared a full confidence in the sufficiency of their +resources to "conduct the War successfully and to that issue," and +invoked "the People, in the name of the holiest of all causes, to spare +neither their blood nor their treasure in its maintenance and support."</p> + +<p>As during these Peace negotiations, General Grant, by express direction +of President Lincoln, had not changed, hindered, nor delayed, any of his +"Military movements or plans," so, now that the negotiations had failed, +those Military movements were pressed more strenuously than ever.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The main object of this Conference on the part of the Rebels was + to secure an immediate truce, or breathing spell, during which they + could get themselves in better condition for continuing the War. + Indeed a portion of Mr. Seward's letter of Feb. 7, 1865, to Mr. + Adams, our Minister at the Court of St. James, giving him an + account of the Conference with the party of Insurgent + Commissioners, would not alone indicate this, but also that it was + proposed by that "Insurgent party," that both sides, during the + time they would thus cease to fight one another, might profitably + combine their forces to drive the French invaders out of Mexico and + annex that valuable country. At least, the following passage in + that letter will bear that construction:</p> + +<p> "What the Insurgent party seemed chiefly to favor was a + postponement of the question of separation, upon which the War is + waged, and a mutual direction of efforts of the Government, as well + as those of the Insurgents, to some extrinsic policy or scheme for + a season, during which passions might be expected to subside, and + the Armies be reduced, and trade and intercourse between the People + of both Sections resumed. It was suggested by them that through + such postponements we might now have immediate Peace, with some not + very certain prospect of an ultimate satisfactory adjustment of + political relations between this Government, and the States, + Section, or People, now engaged in conflict with it."</p> + +<p> For the whole of this letter see McPherson's History of the + Rebellion, p. 570.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Fort Fisher, North Carolina, had already been captured by a combined +Military and Naval attack of the Union forces under General Terry and +Admiral Porter; and Sherman's Army was now victoriously advancing from +Savannah, Georgia, Northwardly through South Carolina. On the 17th of +February, Columbia, the capital of the latter State, surrendered, and, +the day following, Charleston was evacuated, and its defenses, including +historic Fort Sumter, were once more under that glorious old flag of the +Union which four years before had been driven away, by shot and shell +and flame, amid the frantic exultations of the temporarily successful +armed Conspirators of South Carolina. On the 22nd of February, General +Schofield, who had been sent by Grant with his 23rd Corps, by water, to +form a junction with Terry's troops about Fort Fisher, and capture +Wilmington, North Carolina, had also accomplished his purpose +successfully.</p> + +<p>The Rebel Cause now began to look pretty desperate, even to Rebel eyes.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Hundreds of Rebels were now deserting from Lee's Armies about + Richmond, every night, owing partly to despondency. "These + desertions," wrote Lee, on the 24th February, "have a very bad + effect upon the troops who remain, and give rise to painful + apprehensions." Another cause was the lack of food and clothing. + Says Badeau (Military History of Ulysses S. Grant, vol. iii., p. + 399): "On the 8th of January, Lee wrote to the Rebel Government + that the entire Right Wing of his Army had been in line for three + days and nights, in the most inclement weather of the season. + 'Under these circumstances,' he said, 'heightened by assaults and + fire of the Enemy, some of the men had been without meat for three + days, and all were suffering from reduced rations and scant + clothing. Colonel Cole, chief commissary, reports that he has not + a pound of meat at his disposal. If some change is not made, and + the commissary department reorganized, I apprehend dire results. + The physical strength of the men, if their courage survives, must + fail under this treatment. Our Cavalry has to be dispersed for + want of forage. Fitz Lee's and Lomax's Divisions are scattered + because supplies cannot be transported where their services are + required. I had to bring Fitz Lee's Division sixty miles Sunday + night, to get them in position. Taking these facts in connection + with the paucity of our numbers, you must not be surprised if + calamity befalls us.'" Badeau's (Grant, vol. iii., p. 401,)]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Toward the end of February, the Rebel General Longstreet having +requested an interview with General Ord "to arrange for the exchange of +citizen prisoners, and prisoners of war, improperly captured," General +Grant authorized General Ord to hold such interview t and "to arrange +definitely for such as were confined in his department, arrangements for +all others to be submitted for approval." In the course of that +interview "a general conversation ensued on the subject of the War," +when it would seem that Longstreet suggested the idea of a composition +of the questions at issue, and Peace between the United States and the +Rebels, by means of a Military Convention. It is quite probable that +this idea originated with Jefferson Davis, as a <i>dernier resort</i>; for +Longstreet appears to have communicated directly with Davis concerning +his interview or "interviews" with Ord. On the 28th of February, 1865 +the Rebel Chief wrote to Lee, as follows:</p> + +<p> "RICHMOND, VA., February 28.</p> + +<p>"Gen. R. E. LEE, Commanding, etc.,</p> + +<p>"GENERAL: You will learn by the letter of General Longstreet the result +of his second interview with General Ord. The points as to whether +yourself or General Grant should invite the other to a Conference is not +worth discussing. If you think the statements of General Ord render it +probably useful that the Conference suggested should be had, you will +proceed as you may prefer, and are clothed with all the supplemental +authority you may need in the consideration of any proposition for a +Military Convention, or the appointment of a Commissioner to enter into +such an arrangement as will cause at least temporary suspension of +hostilities.<br> + "Very truly yours <br> + "JEFFERSON DAVIS."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Thereupon General Lee wrote, and sent to General Grant, the following +communication:</p> + +<p> "HEADQUARTERS C. S. ARMIES, March 2, 1865.<br> +"Lieut. Gen. U. S. GRANT,<br> +"Commanding United States Armies:</p> + +<p>"GENERAL: Lieut.-Gen. Longstreet has informed me that, in a recent +conversation between himself and Maj.-Gen. Ord, as to the possibility of +arriving at a satisfactory adjustment of the present unhappy +difficulties by means of a Military Convention, General Ord stated that +if I desired to have an interview with you on the subject, you would not +decline, provided I had authority to act. Sincerely desirous to leave +nothing untried which may put an end to the calamities of War, I propose +to meet you at such convenient time and place as you may designate, with +the hope that, upon an interchange of views, it may be found practicable +to submit the subjects of controversy between the belligerents to a +Convention of the kind mentioned.</p> + +<p>"In such event, I am authorized to do whatever the result of the +proposed interview may render necessary or advisable. Should you accede +to this proposition, I would suggest that, if agreeable to you, we meet +at the place selected by Generals Ord and Longstreet, for the interview, +at 11 A.M., on Monday next.</p> + +<p> "Very respectfully your obedient servant,<br> + "R. E. LEE, General."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Upon receipt of this letter, General Grant sent a telegraphic dispatch +to Secretary Stanton, informing him of Lee's proposition. It reached +the Secretary of War just before midnight of March 3rd. He, and the +other members of the Cabinet were with the President, in the latter's +room at the Capitol, whither they had gone on this, the last, night of +the last Session of the Thirty-Eighth Congress, the Cabinet to advise, +and the President to act, upon bills submitted to him for approval. The +Secretary, after reading the dispatch, handed it to Mr. Lincoln. The +latter read and thought over it briefly, and then himself wrote the +following reply:</p> + +<p>"WASHINGTON, March, 3, 1865, 12 P.M.</p> + +<p>"LIEUTENANT GENERAL GRANT: The President directs me to say to you that +he wishes you to have no Conference with General Lee, unless it be for +the capitulation of General Lee's Army, or on some other minor and +purely Military matter. He instructs me to say to you that you are not +to decide, discuss, or confer upon any political question. Such +questions the President holds in his own hands, and will submit them to +no Military Conferences or Conventions. Meanwhile you are to press to +the utmost your Military advantages.<br> + "EDWIN M. STANTON,<br> + "Secretary of War."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +General Grant received this dispatch, on the day following, and at once +wrote and sent to General Lee a communication in which, after referring +to the subject of the exchange of prisoners, he said: "In regard to +meeting you on the 6th inst., I would state that—I have no authority to +accede to your proposition for a Conference on the subject proposed. +Such authority is vested in the President of the United States alone. +General Ord could only have meant that I would not refuse an interview +on any subject on which I have a right to act; which, of course, would +be such as are purely of a Military character, and on the subject of +exchange, which has been entrusted to me."</p> + +<p>Thus perished the last reasonable hope entertained by the Rebel +Chieftains to ward off the inevitable and mortal blow that was about to +smite their Cause.</p> + +<p>The 4th of March, 1865, had come. The Thirty-Eighth Congress was no +more. Mr. Lincoln was about to be inaugurated, for a second term, as +President of the United States. The previous night had been vexed with +a stormy snow-fall. The morning had also been stormy and rainy. By +mid-day, however, as if to mark the event auspiciously, the skies +cleared and the sun shone gloriously upon the thousands and tens of +thousands who had come to Washington, to witness the second Inauguration +of him whom the people had now, long since, learned to affectionately +term "Father Abraham"—of him who had become the veritable Father of his +People. As the President left the White House, to join the grand +procession to the Capitol, a brilliant meteor shot athwart the heavens, +above his head. At the time, the superstitious thought it an Omen of +triumph—of coming Peace—but in the sad after-days when armed Rebellion +had ceased and Peace had come, it was remembered, with a shudder, as a +portent of ill. When, at last, Mr. Lincoln stood, with bared head, upon +the platform at the eastern portico of the Capitol, where four years +before, he had made his vows before the People, under such very +different circumstances and surroundings, the contrast between that time +and this—and all the terrible and eventful history of the +interim—could not fail to present itself to every mind of all those congregated, +whether upon the platform among the gorgeously costumed foreign +diplomats, the full-uniformed Military and Naval officers of the United +States, and the more soberly-clad statesmen and Civic and Judicial +functionaries of the Land, or in the vast and indiscriminate mass of the +enthusiastic people in front and on both sides of it. As Chief Justice +Chase administered the oath, and Abraham Lincoln, in view of all the +people, reverently bowed his head and kissed the open Bible, at a +passage in Isaiah (27th and 28th verses of the 5th Chapter) which it was +thought "admonished him to be on his guard, and not to relax at all, in +his efforts," the people, whose first cheers of welcome had been stayed +by the President's uplifted hand, broke forth in a tumult of cheering, +until again hushed by the clear, strong, even voice of the President, as +he delivered that second Inaugural Address, whose touching tenderness, +religious resignation, and Christian charity, were clad in these +imperishable words:</p> + +<p>"FELLOW COUNTRYMEN: At this second appearing to take the Oath of the +Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than +there was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a +course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration +of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly +called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still +absorbs the attention and engrosses the energy of the Nation, little +that is new could be presented. The progress of our Arms, upon which +all else depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it +is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high +hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.</p> + +<p>"On the occasion corresponding to this, four years ago, all thoughts +were anxiously directed to an impending Civil War. All dreaded it—all +sought to avert it. While the Inaugural Address was being delivered +from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without War, +Insurgent agents were in the city, seeking to destroy it without +War—seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide the effects, by negotiation. +Both parties deprecated War; but one of them would make War rather than +let the Nation survive; and the other would accept War rather than let +it perish—and the War came.</p> + +<p>"One-eighth of the whole population were colored Slaves, not distributed +generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. +These Slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew +that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the War. To strengthen, +perpetuate and extend this interest was the object for which the +Insurgents would rend the Union, even by War; while the Government +claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement +of it. Neither Party expected for the War the magnitude or the duration +which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of +the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself +should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less +fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the +same God; and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem +strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in +wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us +judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be +answered—that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His +own purposes. 'Woe unto the World because of offences! for it must +needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence +cometh.' If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those +offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, +having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and +that He gives to both North and South this terrible War, as the woe due +to those by Whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any +departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living +God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope—fervently do we +pray—that this mighty scourge of War may speedily pass away. Yet, if God +wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two +hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until +every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn +with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must +be said, 'The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.'</p> + +<p>"With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the +right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the +work we are in; to bind up the Nation's wounds, to care for him who +shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan—to do +all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting Peace among +ourselves, and with all Nations."</p> + +<p>With utterances so just and fair, so firm and hopeful, so penitent and +humble, so benignant and charitable, so mournfully tender and sweetly +solemn, so full of the fervor of true piety and the very pathos of +patriotism, small wonder is it that among those numberless thousands +who, on this memorable occasion, gazed upon the tall, gaunt form of +Abraham Lincoln, and heard his clear, sad voice, were some who almost +imagined they saw the form and heard the voice of one of the great +prophets and leaders of Israel; while others were more reminded of one +of the Holy Apostles of the later Dispensation who preached the glorious +Gospel "On Earth, Peace, good will toward Men," and received in the end +the crown of Christian martyrdom. But not one soul of those +present—unless his own felt such presentiment—dreamed for a moment that, all +too soon, the light of those brave and kindly eyes was fated to go out +in darkness, that sad voice to be hushed forever, that form to lie +bleeding and dead, a martyred sacrifice indeed, upon the altar of his +Country!</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="davis"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p608-hw davis.jpg (74K)" src="images/p608-hw%20davis.jpg" height="782" width="584"> +</center> +<br><br><br><br> +<a name="ch30"></a> +<br><br> + +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXX.<br><br> + + COLLAPSE OF THE ARMED CONSPIRACY. +</h2> +</center> +<br> + +<p>Meantime, Sherman's Armies were pressing along upward, toward Raleigh, +from Columbia, marching through swamps and over quicksands and across +swollen streams—cold, wet, hungry, tired—often up to their armpits in +water, yet keeping their powder dry, and silencing opposing batteries or +driving the Enemy, who doggedly retired before them, through the +drenching rains which poured down unceasingly for days, and even weeks, +at a time. On the 16th of March, 1865, a part of Sherman's Forces met +the Enemy, under General Joe Johnston, at Averysboro, N. C., and forced +him to retire. On the 19th and 20th of March, occurred the series of +engagements, about Mill Creek and the Bentonville and Smithfield +cross-roads, which culminated in the attack upon the Enemy, of the 21st of +March, and his evacuation, that night, of his entire line of works, and +retreat upon Smithfield. This was known as the Battle of Bentonville, +and was the last battle fought between the rival Forces under Sherman +and Johnston. The Armies of Sherman, now swollen by having formed a +junction with the troops under Schofield and Terry, which had come from +Newbern and Wilmington, went into camp at Goldsboro, North Carolina, to +await the rebuilding of the railroads from those two points on the +coast, and the arrival of badly needed clothing, provision, and other +supplies, after which the march would be resumed to Burksville, +Virginia. By the 25th of March, the railroad from Newbern was in +running order, and General Sherman, leaving General Schofield in command +of his eighty thousand troops, went to Newbern and Morehead City, and +thence by steamer to City Point, for a personal interview with General +Grant. On the same day, Lee made a desperate but useless assault, with +twenty thousand (of his seventy thousand) men upon Fort Stedman—a +portion of Grant's works in front of Petersburg. On the 27th, President +Lincoln reached City Point, on the James River, in the steamer "Ocean +Queen." Sherman reached City Point the same day, and, after meeting the +General-in-Chief, Grant took him on board the "Ocean Queen" to see the +President. Together they explained to Mr. Lincoln the Military +situation, during the "hour or more" they were with him. Of this +interview with Mr. Lincoln, General Sherman afterwards wrote: "General +Grant and I explained to him that my next move from Goldsboro would +bring my Army, increased to eighty thousand men by Schofield's and +Terry's reinforcements, in close communication with General Grant's +Army, then investing Lee in Richmond, and that unless Lee could effect +his escape, and make junction with Johnston in North Carolina, he would +soon be shut up in Richmond with no possibility of supplies, and would +have to surrender. Mr. Lincoln was extremely interested in this view of +the case, and when we explained that Lee's only chance was to escape, +join Johnston, and, being then between me in North Carolina, and Grant +in Virginia, could choose which to fight. Mr. Lincoln seemed unusually +impressed with this; but General Grant explained that, at the very +moment of our conversation, General Sheridan was passing his Cavalry +across James River, from the North to the South; that he would, with +this Cavalry, so extend his left below Petersburg as to meet the South +Shore Road; and that if Lee should 'let go' his fortified lines, he +(Grant) would follow him so close that he could not possibly fall on me +alone in North Carolina. I, in like manner, expressed the fullest +confidence that my Army in North Carolina was willing to cope with Lee +and Johnston combined, till Grant could come up. But we both agreed +that one more bloody battle was likely to occur before the close of the +War. Mr. Lincoln * * * more than once exclaimed: 'Must more blood be +shed? Cannot this last bloody battle be avoided?' We explained that we +had to presume that General Lee was a real general; that he must see +that Johnston alone was no barrier to my progress; and that if my Army +of eighty thousand veterans should reach Burksville, he was lost in +Richmond; and that we were forced to believe he would not await that +inevitable conclusion, but make one more desperate effort."</p> + +<p>President Lincoln's intense anxiety caused him to remain at City Point, +from this time forth, almost until the end—receiving from General +Grant, when absent, at the immediate front, frequent dispatches, which, +as fast as received and read, he transmitted to the Secretary of War, at +Washington. Grant had already given general instructions to +Major-Generals Meade, Ord, and Sheridan, for the closing movements of his +immediate Forces, against Lee and his lines of supply and possible +retreat. He saw that the time had come for which he had so long waited, +and he now felt "like ending the matter." On the morning of the 29th of +March—preliminary dispositions having been executed—the movements +began. That night, Grant wrote to Sheridan, who was at Dinwiddie Court +House, with his ten thousand Cavalry: "Our line is now unbroken from the +Appomattox to Dinwiddie. * * * I feel now like ending the matter, if +it is possible to do so, before going back. * * * In the morning, push +around the Enemy, if you can, and get on his right rear. * * * We will +all act together as one Army, until it is seen what can be done with the +Enemy." The rain fell all that night in torrents. The face of the +country, where forests, swamps, and quicksands alternated in presenting +apparently insuperable obstacles to immediate advance, was very +discouraging next morning, but Sheridan's heart was gladdened by orders +to seize Five Forks.</p> + +<p>On the 31st, the Battle of Dinwiddie Court House occurred—the Enemy +attacking Sheridan and Warren with a largely superior force. During the +night, Sheridan was reinforced with the Fifth Corps, and other troops. +On April 1st, Sheridan fought, and won, the glorious Battle of Five +Forks, against this detached Rebel force, and, besides capturing 6,000 +prisoners and six pieces of artillery, dispersed the rest to the North +and West, away from the balance of Lee's Army. That night, after Grant +received the news of this victory, he went into his tent, wrote a +dispatch, sent it by an orderly, and returning to the fire outside his +tent, calmly said: "I have ordered an immediate assault along the +lines." This was afterward modified to an attack at three points, on +the Petersburg works, at 4 o'clock in the morning—a terrific +bombardment, however, to be kept up all night. Grant also sent more +reinforcements to Sheridan. On the morning of April 2nd, the assault +was made, and the Enemy's works were gallantly carried, while Sheridan +was coming up to the West of Petersburg.</p> + +<p>The Rebel Chieftain Lee, when his works were stormed and carried, is +said to have exclaimed: "It has happened as I thought; the lines have +been stretched until they broke." At 10.30 A. M. he telegraphed to +Jefferson Davis: "My lines are broken in three places. Richmond must be +evacuated this evening." This dispatch of Parke, Ord on Wright's left, +Humphreys on Ord's left and Warren on Humphrey's left—Sheridan being to +the rear and left of Warren, reached Davis, while at church. All +present felt, as he retired, that the end of the Rebellion had come. At +10.40 A. M. Lee reported further: "I see no prospect of doing more than +holding our position here till night. I am not certain that I can do +that. If I can, I shall withdraw tonight, North of the Appomattox, and +if possible, it will be better to withdraw the whole line to-night from +James river. * * * Our only chance of concentrating our Forces is to +do so near Danville railroad, which I shall endeavor to do at once. I +advise that all preparations be made for leaving Richmond to-night. I +will advise you later, according to circumstances. "At 7 o'clock P. M. +Lee again communicated to the Rebel Secretary of War this information: +"It is absolutely necessary that we should abandon our position +to-night, or run the risk of being cut off in the morning. I have given +all the orders to officers on both sides of the river, and have taken +every precaution that I can to make the movement successful. It will be +a difficult operation, but I hope not impracticable. Please give all +orders that you find necessary, in and about Richmond. The troops will +all be directed to Amelia Court House." This was the last dispatch sent +by Lee to the Rebel Government.</p> + +<p>On the 3rd of April, Petersburg and Richmond were evacuated, and again +under the Union flag, while Grant's immediate Forces were pressing +forward to cut off the retreat of Lee, upon Amelia Court House and +Danville, in an effort to form a junction with Johnston. On the 6th, +the important Battle of Sailor's Creek, Va., was fought and won by +Sheridan. On the evening of the 7th, at the Farmville hotel, where Lee +had slept the night before, Grant, after sending dispatches to Sheridan +at Prospect Station, Ord at Prince Edward's Court House, and Mead at +Rice Station, wrote the following letter to Lee:</p> + +<p> "FARMVILLE, April 7th, 1865.</p> + +<p>"GENERAL: The results of the last week must convince you of the +hopelessness of further resistance, on the part of the Army of Northern +Virginia, in this struggle. I feel that it is so, and regard it as my +duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any further effusion of +blood, by asking of you the surrender of that portion of the Confederate +States' army known as the Army of Northern Virginia.</p> + +<p>"U. S. GRANT,<br> +"Lieutenant-General."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Lee, however, in replying to this demand, and in subsequent +correspondence, seemed to be unable to see "the hopelessness of further +resistance." He thought "the emergency had not yet come." Hence, Grant +decided to so press and harass him, as to bring the emergency along +quickly. Accordingly, by the night of the 8th of April, Sheridan with +his Cavalry had completely headed Lee off, at Appomattox Court House. +By morning, Ord's forces had reached Sheridan, and were in line behind +him. Two Corps of the Army of the Potomac, under Meade, were also, by +this time, close on the Enemy's rear. And now the harassed Enemy, +conscious that his rear was threatened, and seeing only Cavalry in his +front, through which to fight his way, advanced to the attack. The +dismounted Cavalry of Sheridan contested the advance, in order to give +Ord and Griffin as much time as possible to form, then, mounting and +moving rapidly aside, they suddenly uncovered, to the charging Rebels, +Ord's impenetrable barrier of Infantry, advancing upon them at a +double-quick! At the same time that this appalling sight staggered them, and +rolled them back in despair, they became aware that Sheridan's impetuous +Cavalry, now mounted, were hovering on their left flank, evidently about +to charge!</p> + +<p>Lee at once concluded that the emergency "had now come," and sent, both +to Sheridan and Meade, a flag of truce, asking that hostilities cease, +pending negotiations for a surrender—having also requested of Grant an +audience with a view to such surrender. That afternoon the two great +rival Military Chieftains met by appointment in the plain little +farm-house of one McLean—Lee dressed in his best full-dress uniform and +sword, Grant in a uniform soiled and dusty, and without any sword—and, +after a few preliminary words, as to the terms proposed by Grant, the +latter sat down to the table, and wrote the following:</p> +<br> +<p> "APPOMATTOX COURT HOUSE,<br> + "VIRGINIA, April 9, 1865.</p> + +<p>"GENERAL: In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the +8th instant, I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern +Virginia on the following terms, to wit: Rolls of all the officers and +men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer to be +designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers +as you may designate. The officers to give their individual paroles not +to take up arms against the Government of the United States, until +properly exchanged; and each company or regimental commander to sign a +like parole for the men of their commands. The arms, artillery, and +public property to be parked and stacked, and turned over to the +officers appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the +side-arms of the officers nor their private horses or baggage. This +done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to +be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observe their +paroles and the laws in force where they may reside.</p> + +<p> "U. S. GRANT,<br> + "Lieutenant-General.</p> + +<p>"General R. E. LEE."</p> +<br><br> +<p>After some further conversation, in which Grant intimated that his +officers receiving paroles would be instructed to "allow the Cavalry and +Artillery men to retain their horses, and take them home to work their +little farms"—a kindness which Lee said, would "have the best possible +effect," the latter wrote his surrender in the following words:</p> +<br> +<p> "HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA, + April 9, 1865.</p> + +<p>"GENERAL: I received your letter of this date containing the terms of +the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, as proposed by you. As +they are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of the +8th instant, they are accepted. I will proceed to designate the proper +officers to carry the stipulations into effect. + "R. E. LEE, General.</p> + +<p>"Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Before parting, Lee told Grant that his men were starving; and Grant at +once ordered 25,000 rations to be issued to the surrendered Rebels—and +then the Rebel Chieftain, shaking hands with the Victor, rode away to +his conquered legions. It was 4.30 P.M. when Grant, on his way to his +own headquarters, now with Sheridan's command, dismounted from his +horse, and sitting on a stone by the roadside, wrote the following +dispatch:</p> + +<p> "Hon. E. M. STANTON,<br> + Secretary of War, Washington.</p> + +<p>"General Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia this afternoon on +terms proposed by myself. The accompanying additional correspondence +will show the conditions fully.<br> + "U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General."</p> +<br><br> +<p> +Meanwhile on the 5th of April, Grant, who had kept Sherman, as well as +Sheridan, advised of his main movements, had also ordered the former to +press Johnston's Army as he was pressing Lee, so as, between them, they +might "push on, and finish the job." In accordance with this order, +Sherman's Forces advanced toward Smithfield, and, Johnston having +rapidly retreated before them, entered Raleigh, North Carolina, on the +13th. The 14th of April, brought the news of the surrender of Lee to +Grant, and the same day a correspondence was opened between Sherman and +Johnston, looking to the surrender of the latter's Army—terms for which +were actually agreed upon, subject, however, to approval of Sherman's +superiors. Those terms, however, being considered unsatisfactory, were +promptly disapproved, and similar terms to those allowed to Lee's Army, +were substituted, and agreed to, the actual surrender taking place April +26th, near Durham, North Carolina. On the 21st, Macon, Georgia, with +12,000 Rebel Militia, and sixty guns, was surrendered to Wilson's +Cavalry-command, by General Howell Cobb. On the 4th of May, General +Richard Taylor surrendered all the armed Rebel troops, East of the +Mississippi river; and on the 26th of May, General Kirby Smith +surrendered all of them, West of that river.</p> + +<p>On that day, organized, armed Rebellion against the United States +ceased, and became a thing of the past. It had been conquered, stamped +out, and extinguished, while its civic head, Jefferson Davis, captured +May 11th, at Irwinsville, Georgia, while attempting to escape, was, with +other leading Rebels, a prisoner in a Union fort. Four years of armed +Rebellion had been enough for them. They were absolutely sick of it. +And the magnanimity of the terms given them by Grant, completed their +subjugation. "The wisdom of his course," says Badeau, "was proved by +the haste which the Rebels made to yield everything they had fought for. +They were ready not only to give up their arms, but literally to implore +forgiveness of the Government. They acquiesced in the abolition of +Slavery. They abandoned the heresy of Secession, and waited to learn +what else their conquerors would dictate. They dreamed not of political +power. They only asked to be let live quietly under the flag they had +outraged, and attempt in some degree to rebuild their shattered +fortunes. The greatest General of the Rebellion asked for pardon."</p> + +<br><br><br><br> +<a name="ch31"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXXI.<br><br> + + ASSASSINATION! +</h2> +</center> +<br> + +<p>But while some of the great Military events alluded to in the preceding +Chapter, had been transpiring at the theatre of War, something else had +happened at the National Capital, so momentous, so atrocious, so +execrable, that it was with difficulty the victorious soldiers of the +Union, when they first heard the news, could be restrained from turning +upon the then remaining armed Rebels, and annihilating them in their +righteous fury.</p> + +<p>Let us go back, for a moment, to President Lincoln, whom we left on +board the Ocean Queen, at City Point, toward the end of March and the +beginning of April, receiving dispatches from Grant, who was +victoriously engaged at the front. On the very day that Richmond +fell—April 4th—President Lincoln, with his little son "Tad," Admiral Porter, +and others, visited the burning city, and held a reception in the +parlors of the Mansion which had now, for so many years, been occupied +by the Chief Conspirator, Jefferson Davis, and which had been +precipitately abandoned when the flight of that Arch-Rebel and his +"Cabinet" commenced. On the 6th, the President, accompanied by his +wife, Vice-President Johnson, and others from Washington, again visited +Richmond, and received distinguished Virginians, to whom he addressed +words of wisdom and patriotism.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> ["On this occasion," says Arnold, "he was called upon by several + prominent citizens of Virginia, anxious to learn what the policy of + the Government towards them would be. Without committing himself + to specific details, he satisfied them that his policy would be + magnanimous, forgiving, and generous. He told these Virginians + they must learn loyalty and devotion to the Nation. They need not + love Virginia less, but they must love the Republic more."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>On the 9th of April, he returned to Washington, and the same day—his +last Sunday on Earth—came the grand and glorious news of Lee's +surrender.</p> + +<p>On the Wednesday evening following, he made a lengthy speech, at the +White House, to the great crowd that had assembled about it, to +congratulate him, and the Nation, upon the downfall of Rebellion. His +first thought in that speech, was of gratitude to God. His second, to +put himself in the background, and to give all the credit of Union +Military success, to those who, under God, had achieved it. Said he: +"We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart. The +evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the +principal Insurgent Army, give hope of a righteous and speedy Peace, +whose joyous expression cannot be restrained. In the midst of this, +however, He from whom all blessings flow, must not be forgotten. A Call +for a National Thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly +promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of +rejoicing, be overlooked. Their honors must not be parcelled out with +others. I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of +transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honor, for +plan or execution, is mine. To General Grant, his skilful officers and +brave men, all belongs."</p> + +<p>This speech was almost entirely devoted to the subject of reconstruction +of the States lately in Rebellion, and to an argument in favor of the +Reconstruction policy, under which a new and loyal government had been +formed for the State of Louisiana. "Some twelve thousand voters in the +heretofore Slave State of Louisiana," said he, "have sworn allegiance to +the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held +elections, organized a State government, adopted a Free State +Constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to Black and +White, and empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise +upon the colored man. Their Legislature has already voted to ratify the +Constitutional Amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing Slavery +throughout the Nation. These twelve thousand persons are thus fully +committed to the Union, and to perpetual Freedom in the State; committed +to the very things, and nearly all the things, the Nation wants; and +they ask the Nation's recognition and its assistance to make good that +committal. Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to +disorganize and disperse them. We, in effect, say to the White men, +'You are worthless, or worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by +you.' To the Blacks we say, 'This cup of Liberty which these, your old +masters, hold to your lips, we will dash from you and leave you to the +chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague +and undefined when, where, and how.' If this course, discouraging and +paralyzing both White and Black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana +into proper practical relations with the Union, I have, so far, been +unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain +the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true."</p> + +<p>While, however, Mr. Lincoln thus upheld and defended this Louisiana plan +of reconstruction, yet he conceded that in applying it to other States, +with their varying conditions, "no exclusive and inflexible plan can +safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals." The entire speech +shows the greatest solicitude to make no mistake necessitating backward +steps, and consequent delay in reconstructing the Rebel States into +Loyal ones; and especially anxious was he, in this, his last public +utterance, touching the outcome of his great life-work, Emancipation. +"If," said he, "we reject Louisiana, we also reject one vote in favor of +the proposed Amendment to the National Constitution. To meet this +proposition it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of those +States which have not attempted Secession are necessary to validly +ratify the Amendment. I do not commit myself against this further than +to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be +persistently questioned; whilst a ratification by three-fourths of all +the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable."</p> + +<p>On Thursday, by the President's direction, a War Department Order was +drawn up and issued, putting an end to drafting and recruiting, and the +purchase of Military supplies, and removing all restrictions which +Military necessity had imposed upon the trade and commerce and +intercourse of any one part of the Union with the other. On Friday, the +14th of April, there was a meeting of the Cabinet at noon, to receive a +report from General Grant, in person—he having just arrived from the +scene of Lee's surrender. Later, the President rode out with Mrs. +Lincoln, and talked of the hard time they had had since coming to +Washington; "but," continued he, "the War is over, and, with God's +blessing, we may hope for four years of Peace and happiness, and then we +will go back to Illinois, and pass the rest of our lives in quiet." At +Ford's Theatre, that evening, was played "The American Cousin," and it +had been announced that both the President and General Grant would be +present. Grant, however, was prevented from attending. President +Lincoln attended with reluctance—possibly because of a presentiment +which he had that day had, that "something serious is going to happen," +of which he made mention at the Cabinet meeting aforesaid.</p> + +<p>It was about 9 o-clock P.M., that the President, with Mrs. Lincoln, +Major Rathbone, and Miss Harris, entered the Theatre, and, after +acknowledging with a bow the patriotic acclamations with which the +audience saluted him, entered the door of the private box, reserved for +his party, which was draped with the folds of the American flag. At +half past 10 o'clock, while all were absorbed in the play, a pistol-shot +was heard, and a man, brandishing a bloody dagger, was seen to leap to +the stage from the President's box, crying "Sic Semper Tyrannis!" His +spurred boot, catching in the bunting, tripped him, so that he half fell +and injured one leg, but instantly recovered himself, and, shouting "The +South is avenged!" rushed across the stage, and disappeared. It was an +actor, John Wilkes Booth by name, who—inspired with all the mad, +unreasoning, malignant hatred of everything representing Freedom and +Union, which was purposely instilled into the minds and hearts of their +followers and sympathizers by the Rebel leaders and their chief +accomplices in the North—had basely skulked into the box, behind Mr. +Lincoln, mortally wounded him with a pistol-bullet, and escaped—after +stabbing Major Rathbone for vainly striving to arrest the vile +assassin's flight.</p> + +<p>Thus this great and good Ruler of our reunited People was foully +stricken down in the very moment of his triumph; when the Union troops +were everywhere victorious; when Lee had surrendered the chief Army of +the downfallen Confederacy; when Johnston was on the point of +surrendering the only remaining Rebel force which could be termed an +Army; on the self-same day too, which saw the identical flag of the +Union, that four years before had been sadly hauled down from the +flagstaff of Fort Sumter, triumphantly raised again over that historic +fort; when, the War being at an end, everything in the future looked +hopeful; at the very time when his merciful and kindly mind was +doubtless far away from the mimic scenes upon which he looked, revolving +beneficent plans for reconstructing and rebuilding the waste and +desolate places in the South which War had made; at this time, of all +times, when his clear and just perceptions and firm patriotism were most +needed,</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [For his last public words, two nights before, had been: "In the + present 'situation,' as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make + some new announcement to the people of the South. I am + CONSIDERING, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action + will be proper."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>alike by conquerors and conquered, to guide and aid the Nation in the +difficult task of reconstruction, and of the new departure, looming up +before it, with newer and broader and better political issues upon which +all Patriot might safely divide, while all the old issues of +States-rights, Secession, Free-Trade, and Slavery, and all the mental and moral +leprosy growing out of them, should lie buried far out of sight as +dead-and-gone relics of the cruel and devastating War which they alone had +brought on! Abraham Lincoln never spoke again. The early beams of the +tomorrow's sun touched, but failed to warm, the lifeless remain of the +great War-President and Liberator, as they were borne, in mournful +silence, back to the White House, mute and ghastly witness of the sheer +desperation of those who, although armed Rebellion, in the open field, +by the fair and legitimate modes of Military warfare, had ceased, were +determined still to keep up that cowardly "fire in the rear" which had +been promised to the Rebel leaders by their Northern henchmen and +sympathizers.</p> + +<p>The assassination of President Lincoln was but a part of the plot of +Booth and his murderous Rebel-sympathizing fellow conspirators. It was +their purpose also to kill Grant, and Seward, and other prominent +members of the Cabinet, simultaneously, in the wild hope that anarchy +might follow, and Treason find its opportunity. In this they almost +miraculously failed, although Seward was badly wounded by one of the +assassins.</p> + +<p>That the Rebel authorities were cognizant of, and encouraged, this +dastardly plot, cannot be distinctly proven. But, while they naturally +would be likely, especially in the face of the storm of public +exasperation which it raised throughout the Union, to disavow all +knowledge of, or complicity in, the vengeful murder of President +Lincoln, and to destroy all evidences possible of any such guilty +knowledge or complicity, yet there will ever be a strong suspicion that +they were not innocent. From the time when it was first known that Mr. +Lincoln had been elected President, the air was full of threats that he +should not live to be inaugurated.</p> + +<p>That the assassination, consummated in April, 1865, would +have taken place in February of 1861, had it not been for the timely +efforts of Lieutenant-General Scott, Brigadier-General Stone, Hon. +William H. Seward, Frederick W. Seward, Esq., and David S. Bookstaver of +the Metropolitan Police of New York—is abundantly shown by +Superintendent John A. Kennedy, in a letter of August 13, 1866, to be +found in vol. ii., of Lossing's "Civil War in America," pages 147-149, +containing also an extract from a letter of General Stone, in which the +latter—after mentioning that General Scott and himself considered it +"almost a certainty that Mr. Lincoln could not pass Baltimore alive by +the train on the day fixed"—proceeds to say: "I recommended that Mr. +Lincoln should be officially warned; and suggested that it would be +altogether best that he should take the train of that evening from +Philadelphia, and so reach Washington early the next day." * * * +General Scott, after asking me how the details could be arranged in so +short a time, and receiving my suggestion that Mr. Lincoln should be +advised quietly to take the evening train, and that it would do him no +harm to have the telegraph wires cut for a few hours, he directed me to +seek Mr. W. H. Seward, to whom he wrote a few lines, which he handed to +me. It was already ten o'clock, and when I reached Mr. Seward's house +he had left; I followed him to the Capitol, but did not succeed in +finding him until after 12 M. I handed him the General's note; he +listened attentively to what I said, and asked me to write down my +information and suggestions, and then, taking the paper I had written, +he hastily left. The note I wrote was what Mr. Frederick Seward carried +to Mr. Lincoln in Philadelphia. Mr. Lincoln has stated that it was this +note which induced him to change his journey as he did. The stories of +disguise are all nonsense; Mr. Lincoln merely took the sleeping-car in +the night train.</p> + +<p>Equally certain also, is it, that the Rebel authorities were utterly +indifferent to the means that might be availed of to secure success to +Rebellion. Riots and arson, were among the mildest methods proposed to +be used in the Northern cities, to make the War for the Union a +"failure"—as their Northern Democratic allies termed it—while, among +other more devilish projects, was that of introducing cholera and yellow +fever into the North, by importing infected rags! Another +much-talked-of scheme throughout the War, was that of kidnapping President Lincoln, +and other high officials of the Union Government. There is also +evidence, that the Rebel chiefs not only received, but considered, the +plans of desperadoes and cut-throats looking to the success of the +Rebellion by means of assassination. Thus, in a footnote to page 448, +vol. ii., of his "Civil War in America," Lossing does not hesitate to +characterize Jefferson Davis as "the crafty and malignant Chief +Conspirator, who seems to have been ready at all times to entertain +propositions to assassinate, by the hand of secret murder, the officers +of the Government at Washington;" and, after fortifying that statement +by a reference to page 523 of the first volume of his work, proceeds to +say: "About the time (July, 1862) we are now considering, a Georgian, +named Burnham, wrote to Jefferson Davis, proposing to organize a corps +of five hundred assassins, to be distributed over the North, and sworn +to murder President Lincoln, members of his Cabinet, and leading +Republican Senators, and other supporters of the Government. This +proposition was made in writing, and was regularly filed in the +'Confederate War Department,' indorsed 'Respectfully referred to the +Secretary of War, by order of the President,' and signed 'J. C Ives.' +Other communications of similar tenor, 'respectfully referred' by +Jefferson Davis, were placed on file in that 'War Department.'" All the +denials, therefore, of the Rebel chieftains, as to their complicity in +the various attempts to assassinate Abraham Lincoln, ending with his +dastardly murder in April, 1865, will not clear their skirts of the +odium of that unparalleled infamy. It will cling to them, living or +dead, until that great Day of Judgment when the exact truth shall be +made known, and "their sin shall find them out."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The New York Tribune, August 16, 1885, under the heading "A NARROW + ESCAPE OF LINCOLN," quotes an interesting "Omaha Letter, to the St. + Paul Pioneer Press," as follows:</p> + +<p> "That more than one attempt was made to assassinate Abraham Lincoln + is a fact known to John W. Nichols, ex-president of the Omaha Fire + Department. Mr. Nichols was one of the body-guard of President + Lincoln from the Summer of 1862 until 1865. The following + narrative, related to your correspondent by Mr. Nichols, is + strictly true, and the incident is not generally known:</p> + +<p> One night about the middle of August, 1864, I was + doing sentinel duty at the large gate through which entrance was + had to the grounds of the Soldiers' Home. The grounds are situated + about a quarter of a mile off the Bladensburg road, and are reached + by devious driveways. About 11 o'clock I heard a rifle shot in the + direction of the city, and shortly afterwards I heard approaching + hoof-beats. In two or three minutes a horse came dashing-up, and I + recognized the belated President. The horse was very spirited, and + belonged to Mr. Lamon, marshal of the District of Columbia. This + horse was Mr. Lincoln's favorite, and when he was in the White + House stables he always chose him. As horse and rider approached + the gate, I noticed that the President was bareheaded. After + assisting him in checking his steed, the President said to me: 'He + came pretty near getting away with me, didn't he? He got the bit + in his teeth before I could draw the rein.' I then asked him where + his hat was, and he replied that somebody had fired a gun off down + at the foot of the hill, and that his horse had become scared and + jerked his hat off. I led the animal to the Executive Cottage, and + the President dismounted and entered. Thinking the affair rather + strange, a corporal and myself started in the direction of the + place from where the sound of the rifle report had proceeded, to + investigate the occurrence. When we reached the spot where the + driveway intersects with the main road we found the President's + hat—a plain silk hat—and upon examining it we discovered a bullet + hole through the crown. The shot had been fired upwards, and it + was evident that the person who fired the shot had secreted himself + close to the roadside. We listened and searched the locality + thoroughly, but to no avail. The next day I gave Mr. Lincoln his + hat and called his attention to the bullet hole. He rather + unconcernedly remarked that it was put there by some foolish + gunner, and was not intended for him. He said, however, that he + wanted the matter kept quiet, and admonished us to say nothing + about it. We all felt confident that it was an attempt to kill + him, and a well-nigh successful one, too. The affair was kept + quiet, in accordance with his request. After that, the President + never rode alone."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>That this dark and wicked and bloody Rebellion, waged by the upholders +and advocates of Slavery, Free Trade, and Secession, had descended so +low as to culminate in murder—deliberate, cold-blooded, cowardly +murder—at a time when the Southern Conspirators would apparently be the +least benefitted by it, was regarded at first as evidencing their mad +fatuity; and the public mind was dreadfully incensed.</p> + +<p>The successor of the murdered President—Andrew Johnson—lost little time +in offering (May the 2d) rewards, ranging from $25,000 to $100,000, for +the arrest of Jefferson Davis, Jacob Thompson,</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The same individual at whose death, in 1885, the Secretary of the + Interior, ordered the National flag of the Union—which he had + swindled, betrayed, fought, spit upon, and conspired against—to be + lowered at halfmast over the Interior Departmental Building, at + Washington, D. C.]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Clement C. Clay, Beverly Tucker, George N. Sanders, and W. C. Cleary, +in a Proclamation which directly charged that they, "and other Rebels +and Traitors against the Government of the United States, harbored in +Canada," had "incited, concerted, and procured" the perpetration of the +appalling crime.</p> + +<p>On the 10th of May, one of them, Jacob Thompson, from his place of +security, in Canada, published a letter claiming to be innocent; +characterized himself as "a persecuted man;" arrayed certain suspicious +facts in support of an intimation that Johnson himself was the only one +man in the Republic who would be benefited by President Lincoln's death; +and, as he was found "asleep" at the "unusual hour" of nine o'clock +P.M., of the 14th of April, and had made haste to take the oath of +office as President of the United States as soon as the breath had left +the body of his predecessor, insinuated that he (Johnson) might with +more reason be suspected of "complicity" in "the foul work" than the +"Rebels and Traitors" charged with it, in his Proclamation; so charged, +for the very purpose—Thompson insinuated—of shielding himself from +discovery, and conviction!</p> + +<p>But while, for a moment, perhaps, there flitted across the public mind a +half suspicion of the possibility of what this Rebel intimated as true, +yet another moment saw it dissipated. For the People remembered that +between "Andrew Johnson," one of the "poor white trash" of Tennessee, +and the "aristocratic Slave-owners" of the South, who headed the +Rebellion, there could be neither sympathy nor cooperation—nothing, but +hatred; and that this same Andrew Johnson, who, by power of an +indomitable will, self-education, and natural ability, had, despite the +efforts of that "aristocracy," forced himself upward, step by step, from +the tailor's bench, to the successful honors of alderman and Mayor, and +then still upward through both branches of his State Legislature, into +the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States—and, +in the latter Body, had so gallantly met, and worsted in debate, the +chosen representatives of that class upon whose treasonable heads he +poured forth in invective, the gathered hatred of a life-time—would +probably be the very last man whom these same "aristocratic" +Conspirators, "Rebels, and Traitors," would prefer as arbiter of their +fate.</p> + +<p>The popular feeling responded heartily, at this time, to the +denunciations which, in his righteous indignation, he had, in the +Senate, and since, heaped upon Rebellion, and especially his declaration +that "Treason must be made odious!"—utterances now substantially +reiterated by him more vehemently than ever, and multiplied in posters +and transparencies and newspapers all over the Land. Thus the public +mind rapidly grew to believe it impossible that the Rebel leaders could +gain, by the substitution, in the Executive chair, of this harsh, +determined, despotic nature, for the mild, kindly, merciful, +even-tempered, Abraham Lincoln. With Andrew Johnson for President, the +People felt that justice would fall upon the heads of the guilty, and +that the Country was safe. And so it happened that, while the mere +instruments of the assassination conspiracy were hurried to an +ignominious death, in the lull that followed, Jefferson Davis and others +of the Rebel chiefs, who had been captured and imprisoned, were allowed +to go "Scott-free, without even the semblance of a trial for their +Treason!"</p> + +<p>It is not the purpose of this work to deal with the history of the +Reconstruction or rehabilitation of the Rebel States; to look too +closely into the devious ways and subtle methods through and by which +the Rebel leaders succeeded in flattering the vanity, and worming +themselves into the confidence and control, of Andrew Johnson—by +pretending to believe that his occupation of the Presidential Office had +now, at last, brought him to their "aristocratic" altitude, and to a +hearty recognition by them of his "social equality;" or to follow, +either in or out of Congress, the great political conflict, between +their unsuspecting Presidential dupe and the Congress, which led to the +impeachment trial of President Andrew Johnson, for high crimes and +misdemeanors in office, his narrow escape from conviction and +deposition, and to much consequent excitement and turmoil among the +People, which, but for wise counsels and prudent forethought of the +Republican leaders, in both Civil and Military life, might have +eventuated in the outbreak of serious civil commotions. Suffice it to +say, that in due time; long after the Thirteenth Amendment to the United +States Constitution had been ratified by three-fourths of all the +States; after Johnson had vexed the White House, with his noisy +presence, for the nearly four years succeeding the death of the great +and good Lincoln; and after the People, with almost unexampled +unanimity, had called their great Military hero, Grant, to the helm of +State; the difficult and perplexing problems involved in the +Reconstruction of the Union were, at last, successfully solved by the +Republican Party, and every State that had been in armed Rebellion +against that Union, was not only back again, with a Loyal State +Constitution, but was represented in both branches of Congress, and in +other Departments of the National Government.</p> + +<br><br><br><br><br> +<a name="breckinridge"></a> +<center> +<img alt="p244-breckinridge.jpg (83K)" src="images/p244-breckinridge.jpg" height="846" width="594"> +</center> +<br><br><br><br> +<a name="ch32"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXXII.<br><br> + + TURNING BACK THE HANDS! +</h2> +</center> +<br> + + +<p> +And now, the War having ended in the defeat, conquest, and capture, of +those who, inspired by the false teachings of Southern leaders, had +arrayed themselves in arms beneath the standard of Rebellion, and fought +for Sectional Independence against National Union, for Slavery against +Freedom, and for Free Trade against a benignant Tariff protective alike +to manufacturer, mechanic, and laborer, it might naturally be supposed +that, with the collapse of this Rebellion, all the issues which made up +"the Cause"—the "Lost Cause," as those leaders well termed it—would be +lost with it, and disappear from political sight; that we would never +again hear of a Section of the Nation, and last of all the Southern +Section, organized, banded together, solidified in the line of its own +Sectional ideas as against the National ideas prevailing elsewhere +through the Union; that Free Trade, conscious of the ruin and desolation +which it had often wrought, and of the awful sacrifices, in blood and +treasure, that had been made in its behalf by the conquered South, would +slink from sight and hide its famine-breeding front forever; and that +Slavery, in all its various disguises, was banished, never more to +obtrude its hateful form upon our Liberty-loving Land. That was indeed +the supposition and belief which everywhere pervaded the Nation, when +Rebellion was conquered by the legions of the Union—and which +especially pervaded the South. Never were Rebels more thoroughly +exhausted and sick of Rebellion and of everything that led to it, than +these. As Badeau said, they made haste "to yield everything they had +fought for," and "dreamed not of political power." They had been +brought to their knees, suing for forgiveness, and thankful that their +forfeit lives were spared.</p> + +<p>For awhile, with chastened spirit, the reconstructed South seemed to +reconcile itself in good faith to the legitimate results of the War, and +all went well. But Time and Peace soon obliterate the lessons and the +memories of War. And it was not very long after the Rebellion had +ceased, and the old issues upon which it was fought had disappeared from +the arena of National politics, when its old leaders and their +successors began slowly, carefully, and systematically, to relay the +tumbled-down, ruined foundations and walls of the Lost Cause—a work in +which, unfortunately, they were too well aided by the mistaken clemency +and magnanimity of the Republican Party, in hastily removing the +political disabilities of those leaders.</p> + +<p>Before proceeding farther, it is necessary to remark here, that, after +the suppression of the Rebellion and adoption of the Thirteenth +Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which prohibits +Slavery and Involuntary Servitude within the United States, it soon +became apparent that it was necessary to the protection of the Freedmen, +in the civil and political rights and privileges which it was considered +desirable to secure to them, as well as to the creation and fostering of +a wholesome loyal sentiment in, and real reconstruction of, the States +then lately insurgent, and for certain other reasons, that other +safeguards, in the shape of further Amendments to the Constitution, +should be adopted.</p> + +<p>Accordingly the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments were, on the 16th of +June, 1866, and 27th of February, 1869, respectively, proposed by +Congress to the Legislatures of the several States, and were declared +duly ratified, and a part of the Constitution, respectively on the 28th +of July, 1868, and March 30, 1870. Those Amendments were in these +words:</p> + +<p> + "ARTICLE XIV.</p> + +<p>"SECTION 1.—All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and +subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States +and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce +any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of +the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, +liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person +within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.</p> + +<p>"SECTION 2.—Representatives shall be apportioned among the several +States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number +of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the +right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President +and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, +the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the +Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such +State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, +or in any way abridged, except for participation in Rebellion, or other +crime, the basis of Representation therein shall be reduced in the +proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the +whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.</p> + +<p>"SECTION 3.—No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, +or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or +military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having +previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of +the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an +executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution +of the United States, shall have engaged in Insurrection or Rebellion +against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But +Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such +disability.</p> + +<p>"SECTION 4.—The validity of the public debt of the United States, +authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and +bounties for services in suppressing Insurrection or Rebellion, shall +not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall +assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of Insurrection or +Rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or +Emancipation of any Slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims +shall be held illegal and void.</p> + +<p>"SECTION 5.—The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate +legislation, the provisions of this article."</p> + +<p> + "ARTICLE XV.</p> + +<p>"SECTION 1.—The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall +not be denied or abridged by, the United States or by any State on +account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.</p> + +<p>"SECTION 2.—The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by +appropriate legislation."</p> + +<p> +It would seem, then, from the provisions of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, +and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, and the Congressional +legislation subsequently enacted for the purpose of enforcing them, that +not only the absolute personal Freedom of every man, woman, and child in +the United States was thus irrevocably decreed; that United States +citizenship was clearly defined; that the life, liberty, property, +privileges and immunities of all were secured by throwing around them +the "equal protection of the laws;" that the right of the United States +citizen to vote, was placed beyond denial or abridgment, on "account of +race, color, or previous condition of servitude;" but, to make this more +certain, the basis of Congressional Representative—apportionment was +changed from its former mixed relation, comprehending both persons and +"property," so-called, to one of personal numbers—the Black man now +counting quite as much as the White man, instead of only three-fifths as +much; and it was decreed, that, except for crime, any denial to United +States citizens, whether Black or White, of the right to vote at any +election of Presidential electors, Congressional Representatives, State +Governors, Judges, or Legislative members, "shall" work a reduction, +proportioned to the extent of such denial, in the Congressional +Representation of the State, or States, guilty of it. As a further +safeguard, in the process of reconstruction, none of the insurgent +States were rehabilitated in the Union except upon acceptance of those +three Amendments as an integral part of the United States Constitution, +to be binding upon it; and it was this Constitution as it is, and not +the Constitution as it was, that all the Representatives, in both Houses +of Congress, from those insurgent States—as well as all their State +officers—swore to obey as the supreme law of the Land, when taking +their respective oaths of office.</p> + +<p>Biding their time, and pretending to act in good faith, as the years +rolled by, the distrust and suspicion with which the old +Rebel-conspirators had naturally been regarded, gradually lessened in the +public mind. With a glad heart, the Congress, year after year, removed +the political disabilities from class after class of those who had +incurred them, until at last all, so desiring, had been reinstated in +the full privileges of citizenship, save the very few unrepentant +instigators and leaders of the Rebellion, who, in the depths of that +oblivion to which they seemingly had been consigned, continued to nurse +the bitterness of their downfall into an implacable hatred of that +Republic which had paralyzed the bloody hands of Rebellion, and +shattered all their ambitious dreams of Oligarchic rule, if not of +Empire.</p> + +<p>But, while the chieftains of the great Conspiracy—and of the armed +Rebellion itself—remained at their homes unpunished, through the +clemency of the American People; the active and malignant minds of some +of them were plotting a future triumph for the "Lost Cause," in the +overthrow, in consecutive detail, of the Loyal governments of the +Southern States, by any and all means which might be by them considered +most desirable, judicious, expedient, and effectual; the solidifying of +these Southern States into a new Confederation, or league, in fact—with +an unwritten but well understood Constitution of its own—to be known +under the apparently harmless title of the "Solid South," whose mission +it would be to build up, and strengthen, and populate, and enrich itself +within the Union, for a time, greater or less, according to +circumstances, and in the meanwhile to work up, with untiring devotion +and energy, not only to this practical autonomy and Sectional +Independence within the Union, but also to a practical re-enslavement of +the Blacks, and to the vigorous reassertion and triumph, by the aid of +British gold, of those pernicious doctrines of Free-Trade which, while +beneficial to the Cotton-lords of the South, would again check and drag +down the robust expansion of manufactures and commerce in all other +parts of the Land, and destroy the glorious prosperity of farmers, +mechanics, and laborers, while at the same time crippling Capital, in +the North and West.</p> + +<p>In order to accomplish these results—after whatever of suspicion and +distrust that might have still remained in Northern minds had been +removed by the public declaration in 1874, by one of the ablest and most +persuasively eloquent of Southern statesmen, that "The South—prostrate, +exhausted, drained of her life-blood as well as of her material +resources, yet still honorable and true—accepts the bitter award of the +bloody arbitrament without reservation, resolutely determined to abide +the result with chivalrous fidelity"—these old Rebel leaders commenced +in good earnest to carry out their well organized programme, which they +had already experimentally tested, to their own satisfaction, in certain +localities.</p> + +<p>The plan was this: By the use of shot-guns and rifles, and cavalcades of +armed white Democrats, in red shirts, riding around the country at dead +of night, whipping prominent Republican Whites and Negroes to death, or +shooting or hanging them if thought advisable, such terror would fall +upon the colored Republican voters that they would keep away from the +polls, and consequently the white Democrats, undeterred by such +influences, and on the contrary, eager to take advantage of them, would +poll not only a full vote, but a majority vote, on all questions, +whether involving the mere election of Democratic officials, or +otherwise; and where intimidation of this, or any other kind, should +fail, then a resort to be had to whatever devices might be found +necessary to make a fraudulent count and return, and thus secure +Democratic triumph; and furthermore, when evidences of these +intimidations and frauds should be presented to those people of the +Union who believe in every citizen of this free Republic having one free +vote, and that vote fairly counted, then to laugh the complainants out +of Court with the cry that such stories are not true; are "campaign +lies" devised solely for political effect; and are merely the product of +Republican "outrage mills," ground out, to order.</p> + +<p>This plan was first thoroughly tried in Mississippi, and has hence been +called the "Mississippi plan." So magically effectual was it, that, +with variations adapted to locality and circumstances, this "Mississippi +plan" soon enveloped the entire South in its mesh-work of fraud, +barbarity, and blood. The massacres, and other outrages, while +methodical, were remittent, wave-like, sometimes in one Southern State, +sometimes another, and occurring only in years of hot political +conflict, until one after another of those States had, by these crimes, +been again brought under the absolute control of the old Rebel leaders. +By 1876, they had almost succeeded in their entire programme. They had +captured all, save three, of the Southern States, and strained every +nerve and every resource of unprincipled ingenuity, of bribery and +perjury, after the Presidential election of that year had taken place, +in the effort to defeat the will of the People and "count in," the +Presidential candidate of the Democratic Party.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The shameful history of the "Tilden barrel" and the "Cipher + Dispatches" is too fresh in the public mind to be entirely + forgotten,]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>Failing in this effort, the very failure became a grievance. On the +principle of a fleeing thief diverting pursuit by shouting "Stop thief," +the cry of "fraud" was raised by the Democratic leaders, North and +South, against the Republican Party, and was iterated and reiterated so +long and loudly, that soon they actually began, themselves, to believe, +that President Hayes had been "counted in," by improper methods! At all +events, under cover of the hue and cry thus raised, the Southern leaders +hurried up their work of Southern solidification, by multiplied outrages +on the "Mississippi plan," so that, by 1880, they were ready to dictate, +and did dictate, the Democratic Presidential nominations.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [Senator Wallace, of Pennsylvania, telegraphed from Cincinnati his + congratulations to General Hancock, and added: "General Buell tells + me that Murat Halsted says Hancock's nomination by the Confederate + Brigadiers sets the old Rebel yell to the music of the Union." In + the Convention which nominated Hancock, Wade Hampton made a speech, + saying; "On behalf of the 'Solid South,' that South which once was + arrayed against the great soldier of Pennsylvania, I stand here to + pledge you its solid vote. [cheers] * * * There is no name which + is held in higher respect among the people of the South, than that + of the man you have given to us as our standard-bearer." And + afterward, in a speech at Staunton, Virginia, the same Southern + leader, in referring to the action of the Democratic Convention at + Cincinnati, said: "There was but one feeling among the Southern + delegates. That feeling was expressed when we said to our Northern + Democratic brethren 'Give us an available man.' They gave us that + man."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>While these old Rebel leaders of the South had insisted upon, and had +succeeded in, nominating a man whose record as a Union soldier would +make him popular in the North and West, and while their knowledge of his +availability for Southern purposes would help them in their work of +absolutely solidifying the South, they took very good care also to press +forward their pet Free-Trade issue—that principle so dear to the hearts +of the Rebel Cotton-lords that, as has already been hinted, they +incorporated it into their Constitution of Confederation in these words:</p> + +<p>"SEC. 8.—Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, +imposts and excises for revenue necessary to pay the debts, provide for +the common defense, and carry on the Government of the Confederate +States; but no bounty shall be granted from the Treasury, nor shall any +duty or tax on importation from Foreign Nations be laid to promote or +foster any branch of industry."</p> + +<p>It may also be remarked that, under the inspiration of those Southern +leaders who afterward rebelled, it had been laid down as Democratic +doctrine, in the National Democratic platform of 1856—and "reaffirmed" +as such, in 1860—that "The time has come for the People of the United +States to declare themselves in favor of * * * progressive Free-Trade. +* * * That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to +foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another." But, by +1864, the Republican Protective-Tariff of 1860, had so abundantly +demonstrated, to all our people engaged in industrial occupations, the +beneficence of the great principle of home industrial Protection, that +Tariff-agitation actually ceased, and the National Democratic platform +of that year had nothing to say in behalf of Free-Trade!</p> + +<p>After the close of the War, however, at the very first National +Democratic Convention, in 1868, at which there were delegations from the +lately rebellious States, the question was at once brought to the front, +and, under the inspiration of the old Rebel leaders aforesaid, the +Democratic platform again raised the banner of Free-Trade by declaring +for a Tariff for revenue. But the mass of the People, at that time +still freshly remembered the terrible commercial disasters and +industrial depressions which had befallen the Land, through the +practical operation of that baleful Democratic Free-Trade doctrine, +before the Rebellion broke out, and sharply contrasted the misery and +poverty and despair of those dark days of ruin and desolation, with the +comfort and prosperity and hopefulness which had since come to them +through the Republican Protective-Tariff Accordingly, the Republican +Presidential candidate, representing the great principle of Protection +to American Industries, was elected over the Democratic Free-Trade +candidate, by 214 to 71 electoral votes-or nearly three to one!</p> + +<p>Taught, by this lesson, that the People were not yet sufficiently +prepared for a successful appeal in behalf of anything like Free-Trade, +the next National Democratic Convention, (that of 1872), under the same +Southern inspiration, more cautiously declared, in its platform, that +"Recognizing that there are in our midst, honest but irreconcilable +differences of opinion, with regard to the respective systems of +Protection and Free-Trade, we remit the discussion of the subject to the +People in their Congressional districts, and to the decision of the +Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or dictation." +The People, however, rebuked the moral cowardice thus exhibited by the +Democracy—in avoiding a direct issue on the doctrine which Democracy +itself had galvanized at least into simulated life,—by giving 286 +electoral votes to the Republican candidate, to 63 for the +Democratic,—or in the proportion of nearly five to one.</p> + +<p>Warned, by this overwhelming defeat, not to flinch from, or avoid, or +try to convert the great National question of Tariff, into a merely +local one, the National Democratic platform of 1876, at the instigation +of the old Rebel leaders of the now fast solidifying South, came out +flat-footedly again with the "demand that all Custom-house taxation +shall be only for revenue." This time, the electoral vote stood almost +evenly divided, viz.: for the Republican candidate, 185; for the +Democratic candidate, 184;—a result so extremely close, as to lead to +the attempted perpetration of great frauds against the successful +candidate; the necessary settlement of the questions growing out of +them, by an Electoral commission—created by Congress at the instance of +the Democratic Party; great irritation, among the defeated Democracy, +over the just findings of that august Tribunal; and to the birth of the +alleged Democratic "grievance," aforesaid.</p> + +<p>The closeness of this vote—their almost triumph, in 1876,—encouraged +the Solid South to press upon the National Democratic Convention of +1880, the expediency of adopting a Free-Trade "plank" similar to that +with which, in 1876, they had so nearly succeeded. Hence the Democratic +platform of 1880, also declared decidedly for "A Tariff for revenue +only."</p> + +<p>The old Rebel leaders, at last in full control of the entire Democratic +Party, had now got things pretty much as they wanted them. They had +created that close corporation within the Union—that <i>imperium in +imperio</i> that oligarchically—governed league of States (within the +Republic of the United States) which they termed the "Solid South," and +which would vote as a unit, on all questions, as they directed; they had +dictated the nomination, by the Democratic Party, of a Presidential +candidate who would not dare to act counter to their wishes; and their +pet doctrine of Free-Trade was held up, to the whole Democratic front, +under the attractive disguise of a Tariff for revenue only.</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [As Ex-Senator Toombs, of Georgia, wrote: "The old boys of the + South will see that 'Hancock' does the fair thing by them. In + other words, he will run the machine to suit them, or they will run + the thing themselves. They are not going to be played with any + longer."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<p>In other words, they had already secured a "Solid South," an "available" +candidate, and an "expedient" Free-Trade platform. All that remained +for them, at this stage, to do, was to elect the candidate, and enact +their Free-Trade doctrine into legislation. This was their current +work, so to speak—to be first attended to—but not all their work; for +one of the most brilliant and candid of their coadjutors had said, only +a few months before: "We do not intend to stop until we have stricken +the last vestige of your War measures from the Statute-book."</p> + +<p>Unfortunately, however, for their plans, an attempt made by them, under +the lead of Mr. Morrison of Illinois, in 1876, to meddle with the +Republican Protective-Tariff, had caused considerable public alarm, and +had been credited with having much to do with a succeeding monetary +panic, and industrial depression. Another and more determined effort, +made by them in 1878, under the lead of their old Copperhead ally, +Fernando Wood, to cut down the wise Protective duties imposed by the +Tariff Act, about 15 per cent.,—together with the cold-blooded +Free-Trade declaration of Mr. Wood, touching his ruinous Bill, that "Its +reductions are trifling as compared with what they should be. * * * If +I had the power to commence de novo, I should reduce the duties 50 per +cent., instead of less than 15 per cent., upon an average +as now proposed,"—an effort which was narrowly, and with great +difficulty, defeated by the Republicans, aided by a mere handful of +others,—had also occasioned great excitement throughout the Country, +the suspension and failure of thousands of business firms, the +destruction of confidence in the stability and profitableness of +American industries, and great consequent suffering, and enforced +idleness, to the working men and working women of the Land.</p> + +<p>The sad recollection of these facts—made more poignant by the airy +declaration of the Democratic Presidential candidate, that the great +National question of the Tariff is a mere "local issue,"—was largely +instrumental, in connection with the insolent aggressiveness of the +Southern leaders, in Congress, in occasioning their defeat in the +Presidential contest of 1880, the Republican candidate receiving 214 +electoral votes, while the Democratic candidate received but 155 +electoral votes.</p> + +<p>In 1882, the House of Representatives was under Republican control, and, +despite determined Democratic resistance, created a Tariff-commission, +whose duty it was "to take into consideration, and to thoroughly +investigate, all the various questions relating to the agricultural, +commercial, mercantile, manufacturing, mining, and (other) industrial +interests of the United States, so far as the same may be necessary to +the establishment of a judicious Tariff, or a revision of the existing +Tariff, upon a scale of justice to all interests."</p> + +<p>That same year, in the face of most protracted and persistent opposition +by the great bulk of Democratic members, both of the Senate and House of +Representatives, and an effort to substitute for it the utterly ruinous +Democratic Free-Trade Tariff of 1846, the Bill recommended by this +Republican Tariff-commission, was enacted; and, in 1883, a modified +Tariff-measure, comprehending a large annual reduction of import duties, +while also carefully preserving the great Republican American principle +of Protection, was placed by the Republicans on the Statute-book, +despite the renewed and bitter opposition of the Democrats, who, as +usual, fought it desperately in both branches of Congress. But +Republican efforts failed in 1884, in the interest of the wool-growers +of the country, to restore the Protective-duties on wool, which had been +sacrificed, in 1883, to an exigency created by Democratic opposition to +them.</p> + +<p>Another Democratic effort, in the direction of Free-Trade, known as "the +Morrison Tariff-Bill of 1884," was made in the latter year, which, +besides increasing the free-list, by adding to it salt, coal, timber, +and wood unmanufactured, as well as many manufactures thereof, decreased +the import duties "horizontally" on everything else to the extent of +twenty per cent. The Republicans, aided by a few Democrats, killed this +undigested and indigestible Democratic Bill, by striking out its +enacting clause.</p> + +<p>By this time, however, by dint of the incessant special-pleading in +behalf of the obnoxious and un-American doctrine of Free-Trade,—or the +nearest possible approach to it, consistent with the absolutely +essential collection of revenues for the mere support of the Government +—indulged in (by some of the professors) in our colleges of learning; +through a portion of the press; upon the stump; and in Congress; +together with the liberal use of British gold in the wide distribution +of printed British arguments in its favor,—this pernicious but favorite +idea of the Solid South had taken such firm root in the minds of the +greater part of the Democratic Party in the North and West, as well as +the South, that a declaration in the National Democratic platform in its +favor was now looked for, as a matter of course. The "little leaven" of +this monstrous un-American heresy seemed likely to leaven "the whole +mass" of the Democracy.</p> + +<p>But, as in spite of the tremendous advantage given to that Party by the +united vote of the Solid South, the Presidential contest of 1884 was +likely to be so close that, to give Democracy any chance to win, the few +Democrats opposed to Free-Trade must be quieted, the utterances of the +Democratic National Platform of that year, on the subject, were so +wonderfully pieced, and ludicrously intermixed, that they could be +construed to mean "all things to all men."</p> + +<p>At last, after an exciting campaign, the Presidential election of 1884 +was held, and for the first time since 1856, the old Free-Trade +Democracy of the South could rejoice over the triumph of their +Presidential candidate.</p> + +<p>Great was the joy of the Solid South! At last, its numberless crimes +against personal Freedom, and political Liberty, would reap a generous +harvest. At last, participation in Rebellion would no more be regarded +as a blot upon the political escutcheon. At last, commensurate rewards +for all the long years of disconsolate waiting, and of hard work in +night ridings, and house-burnings, and "nigger"-whippings, and +"nigger"-shootings, and "nigger"-hangings, and ballot-box stuffings, and all the +other dreadful doings to which these old leaders were impelled by a +sense of Solid-Southern patriotism, and pride of race, and lust for +power, would come, and come in profusion.</p> + +<p>Grand places in the Cabinet, and foreign Missions, for the old Rebels of +distinction, now Chiefs of the "Solid-Southern" Conspiracy, and for +those other able Northern Democrats who had helped them, during or since +the Rebellion; fat consulates abroad, for others of less degree; +post-offices, without stint, for the lesser lights; all this, and more, must +now come. The long-hidden light of a glorious day was about to break. +The "restoration of the Government to the principles and practices of +the earlier period," predicted by the unreconstructed "Rebel chieftains" +those "same principles for which they fought for four years" the +principles of Southern Independence, Slavery, Free Trade and Oligarchic +rule—were now plainly in sight, and within reach!</p> + +<p>The triumph of the Free-Trade Democracy, if continued to another +Presidential election, would make Free-Trade a certainty. The old forms +of Slavery, to be sure, were dead beyond reanimation—perhaps; but, in +their place, were other forms of Slavery, which attracted less attention +and reprobation from the World at large, and yet were quite as effectual +for all Southern purposes. The system of Peonage and contracted +convict-labor, growing out of the codes of Black laws, were +all-sufficient to keep the bulk of the Negro race in practical subjection +and bondage. The solidifying of the South had already made the South +not only practically independent within the Union, but the overshadowing +power, potential enough to make, and unmake, the rulers and policies of +the Democratic Party, and of that Union.</p> + +<p>This, indeed, was a grand outcome for the tireless efforts of the once +defeated Conspirators! And as to Oligarchal rule—the rule of the few +(and those the Southern chiefs) over the many,—was not that already +accomplished? For these old Rebel leaders and oligarchs who had secured +the supreme rule over the Solid South, had also, through their ability +to wield the power of that Solid South within the Union, actually +secured the power of practically governing the entire Union!</p> + +<p>That Union, then, which we have been wont to look upon as the grandest, +noblest, freest, greatest Republic upon Earth,—is it really such, in +all respects, at the present? Does the Free Republic of the United +States exist, in fact, to-day?</p> + +<br><br><br><br> +<a name="ch33"></a> +<br><br> +<center> +<h2> + CHAPTER XXXIII.<br><br> + + WHAT NEXT? +</h2> +</center> +<br> + +<p>And what next? Aye, what next? Do the patriotic, innocent-minded +lovers of a Republican form of Government imagine, for an instant, that +all danger to its continued existence and well-being has ceased to +threaten?—that all the crises perilous to that beneficent popular +governmental form have vanished?—that the climacteric came, and went, +with the breaking out, and suppression, of the Rebellion?—and that +there is nothing alarming in the outlook? Quite likely. The public +mind has not yet been aroused to a sense of the actual revolution +against Republican form of government that has already taken place in +many of the Southern States, much less as to the likelihood of things to +come. The people of any one of the Western, or Northern States,—take +New York, for example,—feel prosperous and happy under the beneficent +workings of the Republican Protective-Tariff system. Business, of all +sorts, recovering from the numerous attacks made upon that prime bulwark +of our American industries, if only let alone, will fairly hum, and look +bright, so far as "the Almighty dollar" is concerned. They know they +have their primaries and conventions, in their wards and counties +throughout their State, and their State Conventions, and their +elections. They know that the voice of the majority of their own +people, uttered through the sacred ballot-box, is practically the Vox +Dei—and that all bow to it. They know also, that this State government +of theirs, with all its ramifications—whether as to its Executive, its +Legislative, its Judicial, and other officials, either elective or +appointed—is a Republican form of government, in the American sense—in +the sense contemplated by the Fathers, when they incorporated into the +revered Constitution of our Country the vital words: "The United States +shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of +government." But they do not realize the vastly different condition of +things in many States of the Solid South, nor how it affects themselves.</p> + +<p>And what is this "republican" form of government, thus pledged? It is +true that there are not wanting respectable authorities whose +definitions of the words "republic," and "republican," are strongly +inharmonious with their true meaning, as correctly understood by the +great bulk of Americans. Thus, Brande asserts that "A republic may be +either a democracy or an aristocracy!"—and proceeds to say: "In the +former, the supreme power is vested in the whole body of the people, or +in representatives elected by the people; in the latter, it is vested in +a nobility, or a privileged class of comparatively a small number of +persons." John Adams also wrote: "The customary meanings of the words +republic and commonwealth have been infinite. They have been applied to +every Government under heaven; that of Turkey and that of Spain, as well +as that of Athens and of Rome, of Geneva and San Marino." But the true +meaning of the word "republican" as applied to a "form of government," +and as commonly and almost invariably understood by those who, above all +others in the wide World, should best understand and appreciate its +blessings—to wit: the American People has none of the looseness and +indefiniteness which these authorities throw about it.</p> + +<p>The prevailing and correct American idea is that "Republican" means: of, +or pertaining to, a Republic; that "Republic" means a thing, affair, or +matter, closely related to, and touching the "public;" and that the +"public" are the "people"—not a small proportion of them, but "the +people at large," the whole community, the Nation, the commonalty, the +generality. Hence, "a Republican form of government" is, in their +opinion, plainly that form which is most closely identified with, and +representative of, the generality or majority of the people; or, in the +language of Dr. J. E. Worcester, it is "That form of government or of a +State, in which the supreme power is vested in the people, or in +representatives elected by the people."</p> + +<p>It is obvious that there can be no such thing as "a republic," which is, +at the same time, "an aristocracy;" for the moment that which was "a +republic" becomes "an aristocracy," that moment it ceases to be "a +republic." So also can there be no such thing as "a republic" which is +"an oligarchy," for, as "a republic" is a government of the many, or, as +President Lincoln well termed it, "a government of the people, by the +people, for the people"—so it must cease to be "a republic," when the +supreme power is in the hands of the oligarchic few.</p> + +<p>There can be but two kinds of republics proper—one a democratic +republic, which is impossible for a great and populous Nation like ours, +but which may have answered for some of the small republics of ancient +Greece; the other, a representative republic, such as is boasted by the +United States. And this is the kind palpably meant by the Fathers, +when, for the very purpose of nipping in the bud any anti-republican +Conspiracy likely to germinate from Slavery, they inserted in the Great +Charter of American Liberties the solemn and irrevocable mandate: "The +United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican +Form of Government." That they meant this majority rule—this +government by the many, instead of the few—this rule of the People, as +against any possible minority rule, by, or through, oligarchs or +aristocrats, is susceptible of proof in other ways.</p> + +<p>It is a safe guide, in attempting to correctly expound the Constitution +of the United States, to be careful that the construction insisted on, +is compatible and harmonious with the spirit of that great instrument; +so that—as was said by an eloquent and distinguished Massachusetts +statesman of twenty years ago, in discussing this very point—"the +guarantee of a Republican form of government must have a meaning +congenial with the purposes of the Constitution." Those purposes, of +course, are expressed in its preamble, or in the body of the instrument, +or in both. The preamble itself, in this case, is sufficient to show +them. It commences with the significant words: "We THE PEOPLE of the +United States"—words, instinct with the very consciousness of the +possession of that supreme power by the People or public, which made +this not only a Nation, but a Republic; and, after stating the purposes +or objects sought by the People in thus instituting this Republic, +proceeds to use that supreme political power vested in them, by +ordaining and establishing "this CONSTITUTION for the United States of +America." And, from the very first article, down to the last, of that +"Constitution," or "structure," or "frame," or "form" of government, +already self-evidently and self-consciously and avowedly Republican, +that form is fashioned into a distinctively representative Republican +government.</p> + +<p>The purposes themselves, as declared in the preamble, for which the +People of the United States thus spake this representative Republic into +being, are also full of light. Those purposes were "to form a more +perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity, provide +for the common defense, promote the General Welfare, and secure the +Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity."</p> + +<p>How is it possible, for instance, that "the Blessings +of Liberty" are to be secured to "ourselves and our Posterity," if +citizens of the United States, despite the XVth Amendment of that +Constitution, find—through the machinations of political +organizations—their right to vote, both abridged and denied, in many of the States, +"on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude?" How, +if, in such States, "the right of the people to be secure in their +persons, houses, and effects, against unreasonable searches and +seizures," is habitually violated, despite the IVth Amendment of that +Constitution? How, if, in such States, persons are notoriously and +frequently "deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process +of law," in violation of the Vth Amendment of that Constitution? Yet +such is the state of affairs generally prevalent in many States of the +Solid South.</p> + +<p>These provisions in the Constitution were, with others, placed there for +the very purpose of securing "the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and +our Posterity," of promoting the "General Welfare," of establishing +"Justice," of insuring "domestic Tranquillity" and making "a more +perfect Union"—and the violation of those provisions, or any one of +them, in any part of our Land, by any part of our People, in any one of +the States, is not only subversive of the Constitution, and +revolutionary, but constitutes a demand, in itself, upon the National +Government, to obey that imperative mandate of the Constitution (Sec. 4, +article IV.) comprehended in the words: "The United States SHALL +guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government."</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> [The meaning of these words is correctly given in an opinion of + Justice Bronson of New York (4 Hill's Reports, 146) in these words:</p> + +<p> "The meaning of the section then seems to be, that no member of the + State shall be disfranchised or deprived of any of his rights or + privileges unless the matter shall be adjudged against him upon + trial had according to the course of common law. The words 'due + process of law' cannot mean less than a prosecution or suit + instituted and conducted according to the prescribed forms and + solemnities for ascertaining guilt or determining the title to + property."]</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> + +<p>It is well that the truth should be spoken out, and known of all men. +The blame for this condition of things belongs partly to the Republican +Party. The question is sometimes asked: "If these outrages against +citizenship, against the purity of the ballot, against humanity, against +both the letter and spirit of the Constitution of our Republic, are +perpetrated, why is it that the Republican Party—so long in power +during their alleged perpetration—did not put a stop to them?" The +answer is: that while there are remedial measures, and measures of +prevention, fully warranted by the Constitution—while there are +Constitutional ways and means for the suppression of such outrages—yet, +out of exceeding tenderness of heart, which prompted the hope and belief +that the folly of continuing them must ere long come home to the +Southern mind and conscience, the Republican Party has been loath to put +them in force. The—best remedy of all, and the best manner of +administering it, lies with the people themselves, of those States where +these outrages are perpetrated. Let them stop it. The People of the +United States may be long-suffering, and slow to wrath; but they will +not permit such things to continue forever.</p> + +<p>When the Rebellion was quelled, the evil spirit which brought it about +should have been utterly crushed out, and none of the questions involved +in it should have been permitted to be raised again. But the Republican +Party acted from its heart, instead of its head. It was merciful, +forgiving, and magnanimous. In the magnificent sweep of its generosity +to the erring son, it perhaps failed to insure the exact justice to the +other sons which was their right. For, as has already been shown in +these pages, Free-Trade, imbedded in the Rebel Constitution, as well as +Slavery, entered into and became a part, and an essential part, of the +Rebellion against the Union—to triumph with Slavery, if the Rebellion +succeeded—to fall with Slavery, if the Rebellion failed. And, while +Slavery and Free-Trade, were two leading ideas inspiring the Southern +Conspirators and leaders in their Rebellion; Freedom to Man, and +Protection to Labor, were the nobler ideas inspiring those who fought +for the Union.</p> + +<p>The Morrill-Tariff of 1860, with modifications to it subsequently made +by its Republican friends, secured to the Nation, through the triumph of +the Union arms, great and manifold blessings and abundant prosperity +flowing from the American Protective policy; while the Emancipation +proclamations, together with the Constitutional amendments, and +Congressional legislation, through the same triumph, and the acceptance +of the legitimate results of the War, gave Freedom to all within the +Nation's bound aries. This, at least, was the logical outcome of the +failure of the Rebellion. Such was the general understanding, on all +sides, at the conclusion of the War. Yet the Republican Party, in +failing to stigmatize the heresy of Free Trade—which had so large an +agency in bringing about the equally heretical doctrines of State +Sovereignty and the right of Secession, and Rebellion itself,—as an +issue or question settled by the War, as a part and parcel of the +Rebellion, was guilty of a grave fault of omission, some of the +ill-effects of which have already been felt, while others are yet to come. +For, quickly after the War of the Rebellion closed,—as has been already +mentioned—the defeated Rebel leaders, casting in their lot with their +Democratic friends and allies, openly and without special rebuke, +prevailed upon the National Democracy to adopt the Rebel Free-Trade +Shibboleth of "a Tariff for revenue;" and that same Democracy, obtaining +power and place, through violence and fraud and falsehood at the +so-called "elections" in the Solid Southern States, now threatens the +Country once more with iniquitous Free-Trade legislation, and all its +attendant train of commercial disasters and general industrial ruin.</p> + +<p>Were Abraham Lincoln able bodily to revisit the United States to-day, +how his keen gray eyes would open in amazement, to find that many +legitimate fruits of our Union victories had been filched from us; that +—save the honorable few, who, accepting the legitimate results of the +War, were still honestly striving for the success of principles +harmonizing with such results, and inuring to the general welfare—they +who strove with all their might to wreck the Government,—were +now,—through the fraudulent and forcible restriction of voters in their right +to vote—at the helm of State; that these, who sought to ruin the +Nation, had thus wrongfully usurped its rule; that Free-Trade—after +"running-a-muck" of panic and disaster, from the birth of the Republic, +to the outbreak of the Rebellion, with whose failure it should naturally +have expired—was now reanimated, and stood, defiantly threatening all +the great industries of our Land; that all his own painstaking efforts, +and those of the band of devoted Patriots who stood by him to free the +Southern Slaves, had mainly resulted in hiding from sight the repulsive +chains of enforced servitude, under the outward garb of Freedom; that +the old Black codes had simply been replaced by enactments adapted to +the new conditions; that the old system of African Slavery had merely +been succeeded by the heartless and galling system of African Peonage; +that the sacrifices made by him—including that of his martyrdom—had, +to a certain extent, been made in vain; that all the sacrifices, the +sorrows, the sufferings, of this Nation, made in blood, in tears, and in +vast expenditures of time and treasure, had, in some degree, and in a +certain sense, been useless; that the Union, to be sure, was saved—but +saved to be measurably perverted from its grand purpose; that the power +which animated Rebellion and which was supposed to have expired in the +"last ditch" with the "Lost Cause" had, by political legerdemain and +jugglery and violence, been regained; that the time had actually come +for Patriots to take back seats, while unrepentant Rebels came to the +front; that the Republic still lived, but only by sufferance, with the +hands of Southern oligarchs about its palpitating throat—a Republic, +not such as he expected, where all men are equal before the law, and +protected in their rights, but where the rights of a certain class are +persistently trampled under foot; that the people of the Northern, +Middle, and Western States, observing nothing beyond their own vicinage, +so to speak, and finding that each of their own States is still +Republican in its form of government, persistently, and perversely, shut +their eyes to the election terrorism practiced in the Solid South by, +which the 16 solid, Southern States were, and are, solidified by these +conspiring oligarchs into one compact, and powerful, political mass, +ever ready to be hurled, in and out of Congress, against the best +interests of the Nation—16 States, not all "Republican" in form, but +many of them Despotisms, in substance,—16 States, misnamed +"Democratic," many of them ruled not by a majority, but by an +Oligarch-ridden minority—16 States, leagued, banded, bound solidly together, as +one great controlling Oligarchy, to hold, in its merciless and selfish +hands, the balance of power within this Republican Union; and that these +confederated Southern States are now actually able to dictate to all the +other States of the Union, the particular man, or men, to whose rule the +Nation must submit, and the particular policy, or policies, which the +Nation must adopt and follow:</p> + +<p>"What next?"—you ask—"What next?" Alas, it is not difficult to +predict! Power, lawlessly gained, is always mercilessly used. Power, +usurped, is never tamely surrendered. The old French proverb, that +"revolutions never go backward," is as true to-day, as when it was +written. Already we see the signs of great preparations throughout the +Solid South. Already we hear the shout of partisan hosts marshalled +behind the leaders of the disarmed Rebellion, in order that the same old +political organization which brought distress upon this Land shall again +control the Government. Already the spirit of the former aggressiveness +is defiantly bestirring itself. The old chieftains intend to take no +more chances. They feel that their Great Conspiracy is now assured of +success, inside the Union. They hesitate not to declare that the power +once held by them, and temporarily lost, is regained. Like the Old Man +of the Sea, they are now on top, and they:</p> +<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote><blockquote><blockquote> +<p> MEAN TO KEEP THERE—IF THEY CAN.</p> +</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote> +<br><br> + + + +<center> +<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3> +<tr><td> + + <a href="p6.htm">Previous Part</a> +</td><td> + <a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a> + +</td></tr> +</table> +</center> + + + + + +</body> +</html> + + |
