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+The Project Gutenberg EBook The Great Conspiracy, Complete, by Logan
+[A History of The Civil War in the United States of America]
+
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+Title: The Great Conspiracy, Complete
+
+Author: John Alexander Logan
+
+Release Date: December, 2004  [EBook #7140]
+[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
+[This file was first posted on March 14, 2003]
+
+Edition: 10
+
+Language: English
+
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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREAT CONSPIRACY, COMPLETE ***
+
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+This eBook was produced by David Widger, widger@cecomet.net
+
+
+
+
+
+                          THE GREAT CONSPIRACY
+
+                         Its Origin and History
+
+                                   BY
+
+                               JOHN LOGAN
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+In the preparation of this work it has been the writer's aim to present
+in it, with historical accuracy, authentic facts; to be fair and
+impartial in grouping them; and to be true and just in the conclusions
+necessarily drawn from them.  While thus striving to be accurate, fair,
+and just, he has not thought it his duty to mince words, nor to refrain
+from "calling things by their right names;" neither has he sought to
+curry favor, in any quarter, by fulsome adulation on the one side, nor
+undue denunciation on the other, either of the living, or of the dead.
+But, while tracing the history of the Great Conspiracy, from its obscure
+birth in the brooding brains of a few ambitious men of the earliest days
+of our Republic, through the subsequent years of its devolution, down to
+the evil days of Nullification, and to the bitter and bloody period of
+armed Rebellion, or contemplating it in its still more recent and,
+perhaps, more sinister development, of to-day, he has conscientiously
+dealt with it, throughout, in the clear and penetrating light of the
+voluminous records so readily accessible at the seat of our National
+Government.  So far as was practicable, he has endeavored to allow the
+chief characters in that Conspiracy-as well as the Union leaders, who,
+whether in Executive, Legislative, or Military service, devoted their
+best abilities and energies to its suppression--to speak for themselves,
+and thus while securing their own proper places in history, by a process
+of self-adjustment as it were, themselves to write down that history in
+their own language.  If then there be found within these covers aught
+which may seem harsh to those directly or indirectly, nearly or
+remotely, connected with that Conspiracy, he may not unfairly exclaim:
+"Thou canst not say I did it."  If he knows his own heart, the writer
+can truly declare, with his hand upon it, that it bears neither hatred,
+malice, nor uncharitableness, to those who, misled by the cunning
+secrecy of the Conspirators, and without an inkling or even a suspicion
+of their fell purposes, went manfully into the field, with a courage
+worthy of a better cause, and for four years of bloody conflict,
+believing that their cause was just, fought the armies of the Union, in
+a mad effort to destroy the best government yet devised by man upon this
+planet.  And, perhaps, none can better understand than he, how hard, how
+very hard, it must be for men of strong nature and intense feeling,
+after taking a mistaken stand, and especially after carrying their
+conviction to the cannon's mouth, to acknowledge their error before the
+world.  Hence, while he has endeavored truly to depict--or to let those
+who made history at the time help him to depict--the enormity of the
+offence of the armed Rebellion and of the heresies and plottings of
+certain Southern leaders precipitating it, yet not one word will be
+found, herein, condemnatory of those who, with manly candor, soldierly
+courage, and true patriotism, acknowledged that error when the ultimate
+arbitrament of the sword had decided against them.  On the contrary, to
+all such as accept, in good faith, the results of the war of the
+Rebellion, the writer heartily holds out the hand of forgiveness for the
+past, and good fellowship for the future.
+
+WASHINGTON, D. C.
+
+April 15, 1886.
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+[For detailed Table of Contents see below]
+
+
+
+CHAPTER.
+
+I.   A Preliminary Retrospect,
+
+II.       Protection, and Free Trade,
+
+III.      Growth of the Slavery Question,
+
+IV.       Popular Sovereignty,
+
+V.   Presidential Contest of 1860,
+
+VI.       The Great Conspiracy Maturing,
+
+VII.      "Secession" Arming,
+
+VIII.     The Rejected Olive Branch,
+
+IX.       Slavery's Setting Sun,
+
+X.   The War Drum--"On to Washington,"
+
+XI.       Causes of Secession
+
+XII.      Copperheadism vs. Union-Democracy,
+
+XIII.     The Storm of Battle,
+
+XIV.      The Colored Contraband,
+
+XV.       Freedom's Early Dawn,
+
+XVI.      Compensated, Gradual, Emancipation,
+
+XVII.     Border-State Opposition,
+
+XVIII.  Freedom Proclaimed to All,
+
+XIX.      Historical Review,
+
+XX.  Lincoln's Troubles and Temptations,
+
+XXI.      The Armed Negro
+
+XXII.     Freedom's Sun still Rising,
+
+XXIII.  Thirteenth Amendment Passes the Senate
+
+XXIV.     Treason in the Northern Camp,
+
+XXV.      The "Fire in the Rear,"
+
+XXVI.     Thirteenth Amendment Defeated in House,
+
+XXVII.  Slavery Doomed at the Polls,
+
+XXVIII. Freedom at last Assured,
+
+XXIX.     Lincoln's Second Inauguration,
+
+XXX.      Collapse of Armed Conspiracy,
+
+XXXI.     Assassination!
+
+XXXII.  Turning Back the Hands,
+
+XXXIII. What Next?
+
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+                       A PRELIMINARY RETROSPECT.
+
+AFRICAN SLAVERY IN AMERICA IN 1620--CONTROVERSY BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND
+ENGLAND IN 1699--GEORGIAN ABHORRENCE OF SLAVERY IN 1775--JEFFERSON AND
+THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE--SLAVERY A SOURCE OF WEAKNESS IN THE
+REVOLUTIONARY WAR--THE SESSION BY VIRGINIA OF THE GREAT NORTH-WEST--THE
+ORDINANCE OF 1784 AND ITS FAILURE--THE ORDINANCE OF 1787 AND ITS
+ADOPTION--THE GERM OF SLAVERY AGITATION PLANTED--THE QUESTION IN THE
+CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION--SUBTERFUGES OF THE OLD CONSTITUTION--THE
+BULLDOZING OF THE FATHERS--THE FIRST FEDERAL CONGRESS, 1789--CONDITIONS
+OF TERRITORIAL CESSIONS FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA, 1789-1802--THE
+"COLONY OF LOUISIANA" (MISSISSIPPI VALLEY) PURCHASE OF 1803--THE TREATY
+--CONDITIONS TOUCHING SLAVERY--THE COTTON INDUSTRY REVOLUTIONIZED--RAPID
+POPULATING OF THE GREAT VALLEY, BY SLAVEHOLDERS AND SLAVES--JEFFERSON'S
+APPARENT INCONSISTENCY EXPLAINED--THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE--
+MULTIPLICATION OF SLAVES--LOUISIANA ADMITTED, 1812, AS A STATE--THE
+TERRITORY OF MISSOURI--THE MISSOURI STRUGGLE (1818-1820) IN A NUTSHELL--
+THE "MISSOURI COMPROMISE"
+
+
+                              CHAPTER II.
+                       PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE.
+
+CHIEF CAUSE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION--OUR INDEPENDENCE, INDUSTRIAL AS
+WELL AS POLITICAL--FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERATION DUE TO LACK OF
+INDUSTRIAL PROTECTION--MADISON'S TARIFF ACT OF 1789--HAMILTON'S TARIFF
+OF 1790--SOUTHERN STATESMEN AND SOUTHERN VOTES FOR EARLY TARIFFS--
+WASHINGTON AND JEFFERSON ON "PROTECTION "--EMBARGO OF 1807-8--WAR OF
+1812-15--CONSEQUENT INCREASE OF AMERICAN MANUFACTURES--BROUGHAM'S PLAN--
+RUIN THREATENED BY GLUT OF BRITISH GOODS--TARIFF ACT OF 1816--CALHOUN'S
+DEFENSE OF "PROTECTION"--NEW ENGLAND AGAINST THAT ACT--THE SOUTH SECURES
+ITS PASSAGE--THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF ACTS OF 1824 AND 1828--SUBSEQUENT
+PROSPERITY IN FREE STATES--THE BLIGHT OF SLAVERY--BIRTH OF THE FREE
+TRADE HERESY IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1797--SIMULTANEOUS BIRTH OF THE
+HERESY OF STATE RIGHTS--KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS OF 1798--VIRGINIA
+RESOLUTIONS OF 1799--JEFFERSON'S REAL PURPOSE IN FORMULATING THEM--
+ACTIVITY OF THE FEW SOUTHERN FREE TRADERS--PLAUSIBLE ARGUMENTS AGAINST
+"PROTECTION"--INGENIOUS METHODS OF "FIRING THE SOUTHERN HEART"--SOUTHERN
+DISCONTENT WITH TARIFF OF 1824--INFLAMMATORY UTTERANCES--ARMED
+RESISTANCE URGED TO TARIFF OF 1828--WALTERBOROUGH ANTI-PROTECTIVE TARIFF
+ADDRESS--FREE TRADE AND NULLIFICATION ADVOCACY APPEARS IN CONGRESS--THE
+HAYNE-WEBSTER DEBATE--MODIFIED PROTECTIVE TARIFF OF 1832--SOUTH
+CAROLINA'S NULLIFICATION ORDINANCE--HAYNE ELECTED GOVERNOR OF SOUTH
+CAROLINA--HERESY OF "PARAMOUNT ALLEGIANCE TO THE STATE"--SOUTH CAROLINA
+ARMS HERSELF--PRESIDENT JACKSON STAMPS OUT SOUTHERN TREASON--CLAY'S
+COMPROMISE TARIFF OF 1833--CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL'S SOLEMN WARNING--
+JACKSON'S FORECAST
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+                    GROWTH OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
+
+"EMANCIPATION" IN NORTHERN AND MIDDLE STATES--VIRGINIA'S UNSUCCESSFUL
+EFFORT--CESSION OF THE FLORIDAS, 1819--BALANCE OF POWER--ADMISSION OF
+ARKANSAS,1836--SOUTHERN SLAVE HOLDERS' COLONIZATION OF TEXAS--TEXAN
+INDEPENDENCE, 1837--CALHOUN'S SECOND AND GREAT CONSPIRACY--DETERMINATION
+BEFORE 1839 TO SECEDE--PROTECTIVE TARIFF FEATURES AGAIN THE PRETEXT--
+CALHOUN, IN 1841, ASKING THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT FOR AID--NORTHERN
+OPPOSITION TO ACQUISITION OF TEXAS--RATIONALE OF THE LOUISIANA AND
+FLORIDA ACQUISITIONS--PROPOSED EXTENSION OF SLAVERY LIMITS--WEBSTER
+WARNS THE SOUTH--DISASTERS FOLLOWING COMPROMISE TARIFF OF 1833--
+INDUSTRIAL RUIN OF 1840--ELECTION AND DEATH OF HARRISON--PROTECTIVE
+TARIFF OF 1842--POLK'S CAMPAIGN OF 1844--CLAY'S BLUNDER AND POLK'S
+CRIME--SOUTHERN TREACHERY--THE NORTH HOODWINKED--POLK ELECTED BY
+ABOLITION VOTE--SLAVE-HOLDING TEXAS UNDER A SHAM "COMPROMISE"--WAR WITH
+MEXICO--FREE-TRADE TARIFF OF 1846--WILMOT PROVISO--TREATY OF GUADALUPE--
+HIDALGO--SLAVERY CONTEST IN CONGRESS STILL GROWING --COMPROMISE OF 1850
+--A LULL--FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW--NEBRASKA BILL OF 1852-3--KANSAS-NEBRASKA
+BILL, 1853-4, REPORTED--PARLIAMENTARY "JUGGLERY"--THE TRIUMPH OF
+SLAVERY, IN CONGRESS--BLEEDING KANSAS--TOPEKA CONSTITUTION, 1855--KANSAS
+LEGISLATURE DISPERSED, 1856, BY UNITED STATES TROOPS--LECOMPTON
+CONSTITUTION OF 1857--FRAUDULENT TRIUMPH OF SLAVERY CONSTITUTION--ITS
+SUBSEQUENT DEFEAT--ELECTION OF BUCHANAN, 1856--KANSAS ADMITTED--MISERY
+AND RUIN CAUSED BY FREE-TRADE TARIFF OF 1846--FILLMORE AND BUCHANAN
+TESTIFY
+
+
+                              CHAPTER IV.
+                         "POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY."
+
+DOUGLAS'S THEORY OF POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY--ILLINOIS LEGISLATIVE
+ENDORSEMENT OF IT, 1851--DOUGLAS'S POSITION ON KANSAS--NEBRASKA BILL,
+1854--DRED SCOTT DECISION--SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, REPUBLICAN CONVENTION
+OF 1858--LINCOLN'S REMARKABLE SPEECH TO THE CONVENTION--PIERCE AND
+BUCHANAN, TANEY AND DOUGLAS, CHARGED WITH PRO-SLAVERY CONSPIRACY--
+DOUGLAS'S GREAT SPEECH (JULY 9TH, 1858) AT CHICAGO, IN REPLY--LINCOLN'S
+POWERFUL REJOINDER, AT CHICAGO, (JULY 10TH)--THE ADMIXTURE OF RACES--THE
+VOTING "UP OR DOWN" OF SLAVERY--THE "ARGUMENTS OF KINGS"--TRUTHS OF THE
+DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE--DOUGLAS'S BLOOMINGTON SPEECH (JULY 16TH),
+OF VINDICATION AND ATTACK--HISTORY OF THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA STRUGGLE--THE
+UNHOLY ALLIANCE--THE TWO POINTS AT ISSUE--THE "WHITE MAN'S" COUNTRY--
+DOUGLAS'S PLEDGES TO WEBSTER AND CLAY--DOUGLAS'S SPRINGFIELD SPEECH,
+JULY 17TH--THE IRRECONCILABLE PRINCIPLES AT ISSUE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND
+HIMSELF--LINCOLN'S GREAT SPEECH, AT SPRINGFIELD, THE SAME EVENING--
+DOUGLAS'S TRIUMPHANT MARCHES AND ENTRIES--THE "OFFICES SEEN IN HIS
+ROUND, JOLLY, FRUITFUL FACE"--LINCOLN'S LEAN-FACED FIGHT, FOR PRINCIPLE
+ALONE--DOUGLAS'S VARIOUS SPEECHES REVIEWED--THE REAL QUESTION BETWEEN
+REPUBLICANS AND DOUGLAS MEN AND THE BUCHANAN MEN--JACKSON'S VETO OF THE
+NATIONAL BANK CHARTER--DEMOCRATIC REVOLT AGAINST THE SUPREME COURT
+DECISION--VINDICATION OF CLAY--"NEGRO EQUALITY"--MR. LINCOLN'S CHARGE,
+OF "CONSPIRACY AND DECEPTION" TO "NATIONALIZE SLAVERY," RENEWED--GREAT
+JOINT DEBATE OF 1858, BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS, ARRANGED
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+                   THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST OF 1860--
+                        THE CRISIS APPROACHING.
+
+
+HOW THE GREAT JOINT DEBATE OF 1858 RESULTED--THE "LITTLE GIANT" CAPTURES
+THE SENATORSHIP--THE "BIG GIANT" CAPTURES THE PEOPLE--THE RISING
+DEMOCRATIC STAR OF 1860--DOUGLAS'S GRAND TRIUMPHAL "PROGRESS" THROUGH
+THE LAND--A POPULAR DEMOCRATIC IDOL--FRESH AGGRESSIONS OF THE SLAVE
+POWER--NEW MEXICO'S SLAVE CODE OF 1859--HELPER'S "IMPENDING CRISIS"--
+JOHN BROWN AND HARPER'S FERRY--THE MEETING OF CONGRESS, DECEMBER, 1859--
+FORTY-FOUR BALLOTS FOR SPEAKER--DANGEROUSLY HEATED CONGRESSIONAL DEBATES
+ON SLAVERY--THE DEMOCRATIC SPLIT--JEFFERSON DAVIS'S ARROGANT DOUBLE-
+EDGED PRO-SLAVERY' RESOLUTIONS--DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION,
+CHARLESTON, S. C., 1860--DECLARATIONS OF THE MAJORITY AND MINORITY
+REPORTS AND BUTLER'S RECOMMENDATION, WITH VOTES THEREON--ADOPTION OF THE
+MINORITY (DOUGLAS) PLATFORM--SOUTHERN DELEGATES PROTEST AND "BOLT "--THE
+BOLTING CONVENTION ADJOURNS TILL JUNE AT RICHMOND--THE REGULAR
+CONVENTION BALLOTS AND ADJOURNS TO BALTIMORE--THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION--
+"THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADER A TRUE MISSIONARY"--MORE BOLTING--DOUGLAS'S
+NOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY--THE BOLTING CONVENTION NOMINATES
+BRECKINRIDGE--THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION AND PLATFORM--NOMINATIONS OF
+LINCOLN, AND BELL--COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE FOUR RIVAL PARTY
+PLATFORMS--THE OCTOBER ELECTIONS--THE SOUTH PREPARING GLEEFULLY FOR
+SECESSION--GOVERNOR GIST'S TREASONABLE MESSAGE TO S. C.  LEGISLATURE,
+NOV.  5--OTHER SIMILAR UTTERANCES
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VI.
+                     THE GREAT CONSPIRACY MATURING.
+
+LINCOLN'S ELECTION ASSURED--SOUTHERN EXULTATION--NORTHERN GLOOM--"FIRING
+THE SOUTHERN HEART"--RESIGNATIONS OF FEDERAL OFFICERS AND SENATORS OF
+SOUTH CAROLINA--GOVERNOR BROWN, OF GEORGIA, DEFIES "FEDERAL COERCION"--
+ALEXANDER H.  STEPHENS'S ARGUMENT AGAINST SECESSION--SOUTH CAROLINA
+CALLS AN "UNCONDITIONAL SECESSION CONVENTION"--THE CALL SETS THE SOUTH
+ABLAZE--PROCLAMATIONS OF THE GOVERNORS OF THE SOUTHERN STATES, FAVORING
+REVOLT--LOYAL ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN OF KENTUCKY--THE CLAMOR OF
+REVOLT SILENCES APPEALS FOR UNION--PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S PITIFUL
+WEAKNESS--CONSPIRATORS IN HIS CABINET--IMBECILITY OF HIS LAST ANNUAL
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DEC., 1860--ATTORNEY-GENERAL JEREMIAH BLACK'S
+OPINION AGAINST COERCION--CONTRAST AFFORDED BY GENERAL JACKSON'S LOYAL
+LOGIC--ENSUING DEBATES IN CONGRESS--SETTLED PURPOSE OF THE CONSPIRATORS
+TO RESIST PLACATION--FUTILE LABORS OF UNION MEN IN CONGRESS FOR A
+PEACEFUL SOLUTION--ABSURD DEMANDS OF THE IMPLACABLES--THE COMMERCIAL
+NORTH ON ITS KNEES TO THE SOUTH--CONCILIATION ABJECTLY BEGGED FOR--
+BRUTAL SNEERS AT THE NORTH, AND THREATS OF CLINGMAN, IVERSON, AND OTHER
+SOUTHERN FIREEATERS, IN THE U. S.  SENATE--THEIR BLUSTER MET BY STURDY
+REPUBLICANS--BEN WADE GALLANTLY STANDS BY THE "VERDICT OF THE PEOPLE"--
+PEACEFUL-SETTLEMENT PROPOSITIONS IN THE HOUSE--ADRIAN'S RESOLUTION, AND
+VOTE--LOVEJOY'S COUNTER-RESOLUTION, AND VOTE--ADOPTION OF MORRIS'S UNION
+RESOLUTION IN HOUSE
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+                           SECESSION ARMING.
+
+THE SOUTH CAROLINA SECESSION CONVENTION MEETS--SPEECHES AT "SECESSION
+HALL" OF PARKER, KEITT, INGLIS, BARNWELL, RHETT, AND GREGG, THE FIRST
+ORDINANCE OF SECESSION--ITS JUBILANT ADOPTION AND RATIFICATION--
+SECESSION STAMPEDE--A SOUTHERN CONGRESS PROPOSED--PICKENS'S PROCLAMATION
+OF SOVEREIGN INDEPENDENCE--SOUTH CAROLINA CONGRESSMEN WITHDRAW--
+DISSENSIONS IN BUCHANAN'S CABINET--COBB FLOYD, AND THOMPSON,
+DEMAND WITHDRAWAL OF FEDERAL TROOPS--BUCHANAN'S REPLY--
+SEIZURE OF FORTS, ETC.--THE "STAR OF THE WEST" FIRED ON--THE MAD
+RUSH OF REBELLIOUS EVENTS--SOUTH CAROLINA DEMANDS THE SURRENDER OF FORT
+SUMTER AND THE DEMAND REFUSED--SECRETARY HOLT'S LETTER TO CONSPIRING
+SENATORS AND REBEL AGENT--TROOP'S AT THE NATIONAL CAPITAL--HOLT'S
+REASONS THEREFOR--THE REVOLUTIONARY PROGRAMME--"ARMED OCCUPATION OF
+WASHINGTON CITY"--LINCOLN'S INAUGURATION TO BE PREVENTED--THE CRUMBLING
+AND DISSOLVING UNION--THE NORTH STANDS AGHAST--GREAT DEBATE IN CONGRESS,
+1860-1861--CLINGMAN ON THE SOUTHERN TARIFF-GRIEVANCE--DEFIANCE OF BROWN
+OF MISSISSIPPI--IVERSON'S BLOODY THREAT--WIGFALL'S UNSCRUPULOUS ADVICE--
+HIS INSULTING DEMANDS--BAKER'S GLORIOUSLY ELOQUENT RESPONSE--ANDY JOHNSON
+THREATENED WITH BULLETS--THE NORTH BULLIED--INSOLENT, IMPOSSIBLE TERMS OF
+PEACE--LINCOLN'S SPEECHES EN ROUTE FOR WASHINGTON--SAVE ARRIVAL--"I'LL
+TRY TO STEER HER THROUGH!"--THE SOUTH TAUNTS HIM--WIGFALL'S CHALLENGE
+TO THE BLOODY ISSUE OF ARMS!
+
+
+                             CHAPTER VIII.
+                       THE REJECTED OLIVE BRANCH.
+
+THE VARIOUS COMPROMISES OFFERED BY THE NORTH--"THE CRITTENDEN
+COMPROMISE"--THE PEACE CONFERENCE--COMPROMISE PROPOSITIONS OF THE
+SOUTHERN CONSPIRATORS--IRRECONCILABLE ATTITUDE OF THE PLOTTERS--HISTORY
+OF THE COMPROMISE MEASURES IN CONGRESS--CLARK'S SUBSTITUTE TO CRITTENDEN
+RESOLUTIONS IN THE SENATE--ANTHONY'S MORE THAN EQUITABLE PROPOSITIONS--
+HIS AFFECTING APPEAL TO STONY HEARTS--THE CONSPIRACY DEVELOPING--SIX
+SOUTHERN SENATORS REFUSE TO VOTE AGAINST THE CLARK SUBSTITUTE--ITS
+CONSEQUENT ADOPTION, AND DEFEAT OF THE CRITTENDEN RESOLUTIONS--LYING
+TELEGRAMS FROM CONSPIRING SENATORS TO FURTHER INFLAME REBELLION--
+SAULSBURY'S AFTERSTATEMENT (1862) AS TO CAUSES OF FAILURE OF
+CRITTENDEN'S COMPROMISE--LATHAM'S GRAPHIC PROOF OF THE CONSPIRATORS'
+"DELIBERATE, WILFUL DESIGN" TO KILL COMPROMISE--ANDREW JOHNSON'S
+EVIDENCE AS TO THEIR ULTIMATE OBJECT "PLACE AND EMOLUMENT FOR
+THEMSELVES"--"THE POWERS OF GOVERNMENT IN THE HANDS OF THE FEW"--THE
+CORWIN COMPROMISE RESOLUTION IN THE HOUSE--THE BURCH AMENDMENT--
+KELLOGG'S PROPOSITION--THE CLEMENS SUBSTITUTE--PASSAGE BY THE HOUSE OF
+CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PROHIBITING CONGRESSIONAL INTERFERENCE WITH
+SLAVERY WHERE IT EXISTS--ITS ADOPTION BY THE SENATE--THE CLARK
+SUBSTITUTE RECONSIDERED AND DEFEATED--PROPOSITIONS OF THE PEACE CONGRESS
+LOST--REJECTION OF THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE
+
+
+                              CHAPTER IX.
+                 SLAVERY'S SETTING AND FREEDOM'S DAWN.
+
+THE LAST NIGHT OF THE 36TH CONGRESS--MR. CRITTENDEN'S PATRIOTIC APPEAL--
+"THE SADDEST SPECTACLE EVER SEEN"--IMPOTENCY OF THE BETRAYED AND FALLING
+STATE--DOUGLAS'S POWERFUL PLEA--PATRIOTISM OF HIMSELF AND SUPPORTERS--
+LOGAN SUMMARIZES THE COMPROMISES, AND APPEALS TO PATRIOTISM ABOVE PARTY
+--STATESMANLIKE BREADTH OF DOUGLAS, BAKER AND SEWARD--HENRY WINTER DAVIS
+ELOQUENTLY CONDENSES "THE SITUATION" IN A NUTSHELL--"THE FIRST FRUITS OF
+RECONCILIATION" OFFERED BY THE NORTH, SCORNED BY THE CONSPIRATORS--
+WIGFALL AGAIN SPEAKS AS THE MOUTHPIECE OF THE SOUTH--HE RAVES VIOLENTLY
+AT THE NORTH--THE SOUTH REJECTS PEACE "EITHER IN THE UNION, OR OUT OF
+IT"--THE DAWN OF FREEDOM APPEARS (MARCH 4TH, 1861)--INAUGURATION OF
+PRESIDENT LINCOLN--LINCOLN'S FIRST INAUGURAL--GRANDEUR AND PATHOS OF HIS
+PATRIOTIC UTTERANCES--HIS FIRST SLEEPLESS AND PRAYERFUL NIGHT AT THE
+WHITE HOUSE--THE MORROW, AND ITS BITTER DISAPPOINTMENT--THE MESSAGE OF
+"PEACE AND GOOD WILL" REGARDED AS A "CHALLENGE TO WAR"--PRESIDENT
+LINCOLN'S CABINET
+
+
+                               CHAPTER X.
+                   THE WAR-DRUM--"ON TO WASHINGTON!"
+
+REBEL COMMISSIONERS AT WASHINGTON ON A "MISSION"--SEWARD "SITS DOWN" ON
+THEM--HE REFUSES TO RECOGNIZE "CONFEDERATE STATES"--THE REBEL
+COMMISSIONERS "ACCEPT THE GAGE OF BATTLE THUS THROWN DOWN TO THEM"--
+ATTEMPT TO PROVISION FORT SUMTER--THE REBELS NOTIFIED--THE FORT AND ITS
+SURROUNDINGS--THE FIRST GUN OF SLAVERY FIRED--TERRIFIC BOMBARDMENT OF
+THE FORT--THE GARRISON, STARVED AND BURNED OUT, EVACUATES, WITH ALL THE
+HONORS OF WAR--THE SOUTH CRAZY WITH EXULTATION--TE DEUMS SUNG, SALUTES
+FIRED, AND THE REBEL GOVERNMENT SERENADED--"ON TO WASHINGTON!"  THE
+REBEL CRY--"GRAY JACKETS OVER THE BORDER"--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S FIRST
+PROCLAMATION AND CALL FOR TROOPS--INSULTING RESPONSES OF GOVERNORS
+BURTON, HICKS, LETCHER, ELLIS, MAGOFFIN, HARRIS, JACKSON AND RECTOR--
+LOYAL RESPONSES FROM GOVERNORS OF THE FREE STATES--MAGICAL EFFECT OF THE
+CALL UPON THE LOYAL NORTH--FEELING IN THE BORDER-STATES--PRESIDENT
+LINCOLN'S CLEAR SUMMARY OF THE SITUATION AND ITS PHILOSOPHY--HIS PLAIN
+DUTY--THE WAR POWER--THE NATIONAL CAPITAL CUT OFF--EVACUATION OF
+HARPER'S FERRY--LOYAL TROOPS TO THE RESCUE--FIGHTING THEIR WAY THROUGH
+BALTIMORE--REBEL THREATS--"SCOTT THE ARCH--TRAITOR, AND LINCOLN THE
+BEAST"--BUTLER RELIEVES WASHINGTON--THE SECESSION OF VIRGINIA AND NORTH
+CAROLINA--SHAMEFUL EVACUATION OF NORFOLK NAVY YARD--SEIZURE OF MINTS AND
+ARSENALS--UNION AND REBEL FORCES CONCENTRATING--THE NATIONAL CAPITAL
+FORTIFIED--BLOCKADE OF SOUTHERN PORTS--DEATH OF ELLSWORTH--BUTLER
+CONFISCATES NEGRO PROPERTY AS "CONTRABAND OF WAR"--A REBEL YARN
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XI.
+                        THE CAUSES OF SECESSION.
+
+ABOUNDING EVIDENCES OF CONSPIRACY--MACLAY'S UNPUBLI1SHED DIARY 1787-
+1791--PIERCE BUTLER'S FIERCE DENUNCIATION OF THE TARIFF--SOUTH CAROLINA
+WILL "LIVE FREE OR DIE GLORIOUS"--JACKSON'S LETTER TO CRAWFORD, ON
+TARIFF AND SLAVERY--BENTON'S TESTIMONY--HENRY CLAY'S EVIDENCE--NATHAN
+APPLETON'S--A TREASONABLE CAUCUS OF SOUTHERN CONGRESSMEN--ALEXANDER H.
+STEPHEN'S EVIDENCE ON THE CAUSES OF SECESSION--WIGFALL'S ADMISSIONS--THE
+ONE "REGRETTED" CLAUSE IN THE CONSTITUTION PRECLUDING MONARCHIAL STATES
+--ADMISSIONS OF REBEL COMMISSIONERS TO WASHINGTON--ADMISSIONS IN ADDRESS
+OF SOUTH CAROLINA TO THE SLAVE-HOLDERS--JEFFERSON DAVIS'S STATEMENT IN
+SPECIAL MESSAGE OF APRIL 29, 1861--DECLARATIONS OF REBEL COMMISSIONERS,
+TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL--HIGH TARIFF AND "NOT SLAVERY" THE PRINCIPAL CAUSE
+--PERSONAL LIBERTY BILLS--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S DECLARATION OF THE
+UNDERLYING CAUSE OF REBELLION--A WAR UPON LABOR AND THE RIGHTS OF THE
+PEOPLE--ANDREW JOHNSON ON THE "DELIBERATE DESIGN" FOR A "CHANGE OF
+GOVERNMENT"--"TIRED OF FREE GOVERNMENT"--DOUGLAS ON THE "ENORMOUS
+CONSPIRACY"--THE REBEL PLOT TO SEIZE THE CAPITOL, AND HOLD IT--
+MCDOUGALL'S GRAPHIC EXPOSURE OF THE TREASONABLE CONSPIRACY--YANCEY'S
+FAMOUS "SLAUGHTER" LETTER--JEFFERSON DAVIS'S STANDARD OF REVOLT, RAISED
+IN 1858--LAMAR'S LETTER TO JEFF. DAVIS (186O)--CAUCUS OF TREASON, AT
+WASHINGTON--EVANS'S DISCLOSURES OF THE CAUCUS PROGRAMME OF SECESSION--
+CORROBORATING TESTIMONY--YULEE'S CAPTURED LETTER--CAUCUS RESOLUTIONS IN
+FULL
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XII.
+                   COPPERHEADISM VS. UNION DEMOCRACY.
+
+NORTHERN COMPLICITY WITH TREASON--MAYOR FERNANDO WOOD RECOMMENDS
+SECESSION OF NEW YORK CITY--THE REBEL JUNTA AT WASHINGTON INSPIRES HIM--
+HE OBEYS ORDERS, BUT SHAKES AT THE KNEES--KEITT BRAGS OF THE "MILLIONS
+OF DEMOCRATS IN THE NORTH," FURNISHING A "WALL OF FIRE" AGAINST
+COERCION--ATTEMPTED REBEL--SEDUCTION OF NEW JERSEY--THE PRICE-BURNETT
+CORRESPONDENCE--SECESSION RESOLUTIONS OF THE PHILADELPHIA DEMOCRACY AT
+NATIONAL HALL--LANE OF OREGON "SERVES NOTICE" OF "WAR ENOUGH AT HOME"
+FOR REPUBLICANS--"NORTHERN DEMOCRATS NEED NOT CROSS THE BORDER TO FIND
+AN ENEMY"--EX-PRESIDENT PIERCE'S CAPTURED TREASONABLE LETTER TO JEFF.
+DAVIS--THE "FIGHTING" TO BE "WITHIN OUR OWN BORDERS, IN OUR OWN
+STREETS"--ATTITUDE OF DOUGLAS, AND THE DOUGLAS DEMOCRACY, AFTER SUMTER--
+DOUGLAS CALLS ON MR. LINCOLN AT THE WHITE HOUSE--HE PATRIOTICALLY
+SUSTAINS THE UNION--HE RALLIES THE WHOLE NORTH TO STAND BY THE FLAG--
+THERE CAN BE "NO NEUTRALS IN THIS WAR; ONLY PATRIOTS AND TRAITORS"--
+LAMENTED DEATH OF "THE LITTLE GIANT"--TRIBUTES OF TRUMBULL AND MCDOUGALL
+TO HIS MEMORY--LOGAN'S ATTITUDE AT THIS TIME, AND HIS RELATIONS TO
+DOUGLAS--THEIR LAST PRIVATE INTERVIEW--DOUGLAS'S INTENTION TO "JOIN THE
+ARMY AND FIGHT"--HIS LAST EFFORTS IN CONGRESS--"CONCILIATION," BEFORE
+SUMTER--"NO HALF-WAY GROUND" AFTER IT
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XIII.
+                          THE STORM OF BATTLE.
+
+THE MILITARY SITUATION--THE GREAT UPRISING--POSITIONS AND NUMBERS OF THE
+UNION AND REBEL ARMIES--JOHNSTON EVACUATES HARPER'S FERRY, AND RETREATS
+UPON WINCHESTER--PATTERSON'S EXTRAORDINARY CONDUCT--HE DISOBEYS GENERAL
+SCOTT'S ORDERS TO "ATTACK AND WHIP THE ENEMY"--JOHNSTON CONSEQUENTLY
+FREE TO REINFORCE BEAUREGARD AT MANASSAS--FITZ JOHN PORTER'S
+ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THE DISASTROUS CONSEQUENCES--MCDOWELL'S ADVANCE UPON
+BEAUREGARD--PRELIMINARY BATTLE AT BLACKBURN'S FORD--JUNCTION OF JOHNSTON
+WITH BEAUREGARD--REBEL PLANS OF ADVANCE AND ATTACK--CHANGE IN MCDOWELL'S
+PLANS--GREAT PITCHED-BATTLE OF BULL RUN, OR MANASSAS, INCLUDING THE
+SECOND BATTLE AT BLACKBURN'S FORD--VICTORY, AT FIRST, WITH MCDOWELL--
+THE CHECK--THE LEISURELY RETREAT--THE PANIC AT, AND NEAR, THE NATIONAL
+CAPITAL--THE WAR FULLY INAUGURATED
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XIV.
+                        THE COLORED CONTRABAND.
+
+THE KNELL OF SLAVERY--THE "IMPLIED POWERS" OF CONGRESS IN THE
+CONSTITUTION--PATRICK HENRY'S PREDICTION--JOHN QUINCY ADAMS'S PROPHECY--
+JOHN SHERMAN'S NON-INTERFERENCE--WITH-SLAVERY RESOLUTIONS--JOHN Q. ADAMS
+ON EMANCIPATION--POWERS OF CONGRESS AND MILITARY COMMANDERS--GENERAL
+MCCLELLAN'S WEST VIRGINIA PROCLAMATION OF NONINTERFERENCE WITH SLAVES--
+GENERAL BUTLER'S CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL SCOTT AND SECRETARY
+CAMERON--CAMERON'S REPLY--MILITARY TENDERNESS FOR THE DOOMED
+INSTITUTION--CONGRESS, AFTER BULL RUN--CONFISCATION, AND EMANCIPATION,
+OF SLAVES USED TO AID REBELLION--RINGING WORDS OF TRUMBULL, WILSON,
+MCDOUGALL, AND TEN EYCK, IN THE SENATE--ROMAN COURAGE OF THE HOUSE--
+CRITTENDEN'S STATEMENTS--WAR RESOLUTIONS--BRECKINRIDGE'S TREASONABLE
+SPEECH UPON "THE SANCTITY" OF THE CONSTITUTION--BAKER'S GLORIOUS REPLY--
+HIS MATCHLESS APOSTROPHE TO FREEDOM--HIS SELF-SACRIFICING DEVOTION AND
+HEROIC DEATH AT BALL'S BLUFF
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XV.
+                         FREEDOM'S EARLY DAWN.
+
+THADDEUS STEVENS'S STARTLING UTTERANCES--CAPTURED SLAVES MUST BE FREE
+FOREVER--"NO TRUCES WITH THE REBELS"--HIS PROPHECY AS TO ARMING SLAVES
+TO FIGHT REBELLION--SECRETARY CAMERON'S LETTER TOUCHING FUGITIVES FROM
+SERVICE--GENERAL FREMONT'S PROCLAMATION OF CONFISCATION AND
+EMANCIPATION--ITS EFFECT NORTH AND SOUTH--JEFF. THOMPSON'S SAVAGE
+PROCLAMATION OF RETALIATION--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S EMBARRASSMENT--HE
+PRIVATELY SUGGESTS TO FREMONT CERTAIN MODIFICATIONS--FREMONT DEFENDS HIS
+COURSE--"STRONG AND VIGOROUS MEASURES NECESSARY TO SUCCESS"--THE
+PRESIDENT PUBLICLY ORDERS THE MODIFICATION OF FREMONT'S PROCLAMATION--
+THE MILITARY MIND GREATLY CONFUSED--GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS ISSUED BY THE
+WAR DEPARTMENT--GENERAL T. W. SHERMAN'S PORT ROYAL PROCLAMATION--GENERAL
+WOOL'S SPECIAL AND GENERAL ORDERS AS TO EMPLOYMENT OF "CONTRABANDS"--
+GENERAL DIX'S PROCLAMATION FOR REPULSION OF FUGITIVE SLAVES FROM HIS
+LINES--HALLECK ORDERS EXPULSION AS WELL AS REPULSION--HIS LETTER OF
+EXPLANATION TO FRANK P. BLAIR--SEWARD'S LETTER TO MCCLELLAN ON
+"CONTRABANDS" IN THE DISTRICT
+OF COLUMBIA
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XVI.
+                  "COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION."
+
+PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ATTITUDE--SACRIFICES OF PATRIOTISM--ASSERTION BY
+CONGRESS OF ITS EMANCIPATING WAR-POWERS--THE CAUSE OF FREEDOM SLOWLY
+"MARCHING ON"--ABANDONED SLAVES OF BEAUFORT, S. C.--SECRETARY CAMERON
+FAVORS ARMING THEM--THE PRESIDENT'S CAUTIOUS ADVANCES--HE MODIFIES
+CAMERON'S REPORT TO CONGRESS ON THE SUBJECT--THE MILITARY MIND, ALL "AT
+SEA"--COMMANDERS GUIDED BY POLITICAL BIAS--HALLECK'S ST. LOUIS
+PROCLAMATION, 1862--BUELL'S LETTER--CONTRARY ACTION OF DIX AND HALLECK,
+BUELL AND HOOKER, FREMONT AND DOUBLEDAY--LINCOLN'S MIDDLE COURSE--HE
+PROPOSES TO CONGRESS, COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION--INTERVIEW
+BETWEEN MR. LINCOLN AND THE BORDER-STATE REPRESENTATIVES--INTERESTING
+REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT--MR. LINCOLN BETWEEN TWO FIRES--VIEWS, ON
+COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION, OF MESSRS. NOELL, CRISFIELD, MENZIES,
+WICKLIFFE, AND HALL--ROSCOE CONKLING'S JOINT RESOLUTION, ADOPTED BY BOTH
+HOUSES--HOOKER'S "CAMP BAKER" ORDER--MARYLAND FUGITIVE--SLAVE HUNTERS
+PERMITTED TO SEARCH THE CAMP--UNION SOLDIERS ENRAGED--SICKLES ORDERS THE
+SLAVE HUNTERS OFF--DOUBLEDAY'S DISPATCH AS TO "ALL NEGROES" ENTERING HIS
+LINES--TO BE "TREATED AS PERSONS, NOT AS CHATTELS"
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XVII.
+                       BORDER--STATE OPPOSITION.
+
+APPOINTMENT OF A SELECT COMMITTEE, IN HOUSE, ON GRADUAL EMANCIPATION--
+DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA EMANCIPATION ACT--THE PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL MESSAGE
+OF APPROVAL--GEN. HUNTER'S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION--PRESIDENT LINCOLN
+PROMPTLY RESCINDS IT BY PROCLAMATION--HIS SOLEMN AND IMPASSIONED APPEAL
+TO PEOPLE OF THE BORDER-STATES--HE BEGS THEIR CONSIDERATION OF GRADUAL
+COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION--GEN. WILLIAMS'S ORDER EXPELLING RUNAWAY
+NEGROES FROM CAMP, AT BATON ROUGE--LIEUT.-COL. ANTHONY'S ORDER EXCLUDING
+FUGITIVE-SLAVE HUNTERS FROM "CAMP ETHERIDGE"--GEN. MCCLELLAN'S FAMOUS
+"HARRISON'S LANDING LETTER" TO THE PRESIDENT--"FORCIBLE ABOLITION OF
+SLAVERY" AND "A CIVIL AND MILITARY POLICY"--SLAVEHOLDING BORDER-STATE
+SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES AT THE WHITE HOUSE--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S
+ADDRESS TO THEM, JULY, 1862--GRADUAL EMANCIPATION THE THEME--
+COMPENSATION AND COLONIZATION TO ACCOMPANY IT--THE ABOLITION PRESSURE
+UPON THE PRESIDENT INCREASING--HE BEGS THE BORDER STATESMEN TO RELIEVE
+HIM AND THE COUNTRY IN ITS PERIL--THEIR VARIOUS RESPONSES
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XVIII.
+                       FREEDOM PROCLAIMED TO ALL.
+
+PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEAL TO COLORED FREEMEN--HE BEGS THEM TO
+HELP IN THE COLONIZATION OF THEIR RACE--PROPOSED AFRICAN COLONY IN
+CENTRAL AMERICA--EXECUTIVE ORDER OF JULY 2, 1862--EMPLOYMENT OF NEGROES
+FOR MILITARY PURPOSES OF THE UNION--JEFF. DAVIS RETALIATES--MCCLELLAN
+PROMULGATES THE EXECUTIVE ORDER WITH ADDENDA OF HIS OWN--HORACE
+GREELEY'S LETTER TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN--THE LATTER ACCUSED OF
+"SUBSERVIENCY" TO THE SLAVE HOLDERS--AN "UNGRUDGING EXECUTION OF THE
+CONFISCATION ACT" DEMANDED--MR. LINCOLN'S FAMOUS REPLY--HIS "PARAMOUNT
+OBJECT, TO SAVE THE UNION, AND NOT EITHER TO SAVE OR DESTROY SLAVERY"--
+VISIT TO THE WHITE HOUSE OF A RELIGIOUS DEPUTATION FROM CHICAGO--
+MEMORIAL ASKING FOR IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION, BY PROCLAMATION--THE
+PRESIDENT'S REPLY TO THE DEPUTATION--"THE POPE'S BULL AGAINST THE
+COMET"--VARIOUS OBJECTIONS STATED TENTATIVELY--"A PROCLAMATION OF
+LIBERTY TO THE SLAVES" IS "UNDER ADVISEMENT"--THE PROCLAMATION OF
+EMANCIPATION ISSUED--ITS POPULAR RECEPTION--MEETING OF LOYAL GOVERNORS
+AT ALTOONA--THEIR STIRRING ADDRESS--HOMAGE TO OUR SOLDIERS--PLEDGED
+SUPPORT FOR VIGOROUS PROSECUTION OF THE WAR TO TRIUMPHANT END--PRESIDENT
+LINCOLN'S HISTORICAL RESUME AND DEFENSE OF EMANCIPATION--HE SUGGESTS TO
+CONGRESS, PAYMENT FOR SLAVES AT ONCE EMANCIPATED BY BORDER STATES--
+ACTION OF THE HOUSE, ON RESOLUTIONS SEVERALLY REPREHENDING AND ENDORSING
+THE PROCLAMATION--SUPPLEMENTAL EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION OF JAN. 1, 1863
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XIX.
+                           HISTORICAL REVIEW.
+
+COURSE OF SOUTHERN OLIGARCHS THROUGHOUT--THEIR EVERLASTING GREED AND
+RAPACITY--BROKEN COVENANTS AND AGGRESSIVE METHODS--THEIR UNIFORM GAINS
+UNTIL 1861--UPS AND DOWNS OF THE TARIFF--FREE TRADE, SLAVERY, STATES-
+RIGHTS, SECESSION, ALL PARTS OF ONE CONSPIRACY--"INDEPENDENCE" THE FIRST
+OBJECT OF THE WAR--DREAMS, AMBITIONS, AND PLANS OF THE CONSPIRATORS--
+LINCOLN'S FAITH IN NORTHERN NUMBERS AND ENDURANCE--"RIGHT MAKES MIGHT"--
+THE SOUTH SOLIDLY-CEMENTED BY BLOOD--THE 37TH CONGRESS--ITS WAR
+MEASURES--PAVING THE WAY TO DOWNFALL OF SLAVERY AND REBELLION
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XX.
+                  LINCOLN'S TROUBLES AND TEMPTATIONS.
+
+INTERFERENCE WITH SLAVERY FORCED BY THE WAR--EDWARD EVERETT'S OPINION--
+BORDER-STATES DISTRUST OF LINCOLN--IMPOSSIBILITY OF SATISFYING THEIR
+REPRESENTATIVES--THEIR JEALOUS SUSPICIONS AND CONGRESSIONAL ACTION--
+PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE OF KINDLY WARNING--STORMY CONTENTION IN CONGRESS--
+CRITTENDEN'S ARGUMENT ON "PROPERTY" IN MAN--BORDER--STATES "BID" FOR
+MR. LINCOLN--THE "NICHE IN THE TEMPLE OF FAME" OFFERED HIM--LOVEJOY'S
+ELOQUENT COUNTERBLAST--SUMNER (JUNE, 1862,) ON LINCOLN AND EMANCIPATION
+--THE PRESIDENT HARRIED AND WORRIED--SNUBBED BY BORDER STATESMEN--
+MCCLELLAN'S THREAT--ARMY-MISMANAGEMENT--ARMING THE BLACKS--HOW THE
+EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION WAS WRITTEN--CABINET SUGGESTIONS--MILITARY
+SITUATION--REBEL ADVANCE NORTHWARD--LINCOLN, AND THE BREAST-WORKS--
+WASHINGTON AND BALTIMORE MENACED--ANTIETAM, AND THE FIAT OF FREEDOM--
+BORDER-STATE DENUNCIATION--KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE, ETC.
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XXI.
+                           THE ARMED--NEGRO.
+
+"WHO WOULD BE FREE, HIMSELF MUST STRIKE THE BLOW!"--THE COLORED TROOPS
+AT PORT HUDSON--THEIR HEROISM--STIRRING INCIDENTS--AT MILLIKEN'S BEND--
+AT FORT WAGNER--AT PETERSBURG AND ABOUT RICHMOND--THE REBEL CONSPIRATORS
+FURIOUS--OUTLAWRY OF GENERAL BUTLER, ETC.--JEFFERSON DAVIS'S MESSAGE TO
+THE REBEL CONGRESS--ATROCIOUS, COLD-BLOODED RESOLUTIONS OF THAT BODY--
+DEATH OR SLAVERY TO THE ARMED FREEMAN--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RETALIATORY
+ORDER--THE BLOODY BUTCHERY AT FORT PILLOW--SAVAGE MALIGNITY OF THE REBELS--
+A COMMON ERROR, CORRECTED--ARMING OF NEGROES COMMENCED BY THE REBELS--
+SIMILAR SCHEME OF A REVOLUTIONARY HERO, IN 1778--REBEL CONGRESSIONAL ACT,
+CONSCRIPTING NEGROES--JEFFERSON DAVIS'S POSITION--GENERAL LEE'S LETTER
+TO BARKSDALE ON THE SUBJECT
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXII.
+                      FREEDOM'S SUN STILL RISING.
+
+DEFINITE CONGRESSIONAL ACTION, ON EMANCIPATION, GERMINATING--GLORIOUS
+NEWS FROM THE WEST AND EAST--FALL OF VICKSBURG--GETTYSBURG--LINCOLN'S
+GETTYSBURG ORATION--THE DRAFT--THE REBEL "FIRE IN THE REAR"--DRAFT RIOTS
+IN NEW YORK--LINCOLN'S LETTER, AUGUST, 1863, ON THE SITUATION--
+CHATTANOOGA--THE CHEERING FALL-ELECTIONS--VALLANDIGHAM'S DEFEAT--
+EMANCIPATION AS A "POLITICAL" MEASURE--"THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" REPORTED
+IN THE SENATE--THADDEUS STEVENS'S RESOLUTIONS, AND TEST VOTE IN THE
+HOUSE--LOVEJOY'S DEATH--ELOQUENT TRIBUTES OF ARNOLD, WASHBURNE,
+GRINNELL, THADDEUS STEVENS, AND SUMNER
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXIII.
+                 "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" IN THE SENATE.
+
+GREAT DEBATE IN THE U. S. SENATE, ON EMANCIPATION--THE WHOLE VILLANOUS
+HISTORY OF SLAVERY, LAID BARE--SPEECHES OF TRUMBULL, HENRY WILSON,
+HARLAN, SHERMAN, CLARK, HALL, HENDERSON, SUMNER, REVERDY JOHNSON,
+MCDOUGALL, SAULSBURY, GARRETT DAVIS, POWELL, AND HENDRICKS--BRILLIANT
+ARRAIGNMENT AND DEFENSE OF "THE INSTITUTION"--U. S. GRANT, NOW "GENERAL
+IN CHIEF"--HIS PLANS PERFECTED, HE GOES TO THE VIRGINIA FRONT--MR.
+LINCOLN'S SOLICITUDE FOR THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT--BORDER--STATE
+OBSTRUCTIVE MOTIONS, AMENDMENTS, AND SUBSTITUTES, ALL VOTED DOWN--MR.
+LINCOLN'S LETTER TO HODGES, OF KENTUCKY, REVIEWING EMANCIPATION AS A WAR
+MEASURE--THE DECISIVE FIELD-DAY (APRIL 8, 1864)--THE DEBATE ABLY CLOSED
+--THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PASSED BY THE SENATE
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXIV.
+                     TREASON IN THE NORTHERN CAMPS.
+
+EMANCIPATION TEST--VOTES IN THE HOUSE--ARNOLD'S RESOLUTION--BLUE
+PROSPECTS FOR THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT--LINCOLN'S ANXIETY--CONGRESSIONAL
+COPPERHEADS--THINLY-DISGUISED TREASON--SPEECHES OF VOORHEES, WASHBURNE,
+AND KELLEY--SPRINGFIELD COPPERHEAD PEACE-CONVENTION--"THE UNION AS IT
+WAS"--PEACE ON ANY TERMS--VALLANDIGHAM'S LIEUTENANTS--ATTITUDE OF COX,
+DAVIS, SAULSBURY, WOOD, LONG, ALLEN, HOLMAN, AND OTHERS--NORTHERN
+ENCOURAGEMENT TO REBELS--CONSEQUENT SECOND INVASION, OF THE NORTH, BY
+LEE--500,000 TREASONABLE NORTHERN "SONS OF LIBERTY"--RITUAL AND OATHS OF
+THE "K. G. C."  AND "O. A. K."--COPPERHEAD EFFORTS TO SPLIT THE NORTH
+AND WEST, ON TARIFF-ISSUES--SPALDING AND THAD.  STEVENS DENOUNCE
+TREASON-BREEDING COPPERHEADS
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XXV.
+                        THE "FIRE IN THE REAR."
+
+THE REBEL MANDATE--"AGITATE THE NORTH!"--OBEDIENT COPPERHEADS--THEIR
+DENUNCIATIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT--BROOKS, FERNANDO WOOD, AND WHITE, ON
+THE "FOLLY" OF THE WAR FOR THE UNION--EDGERTON'S PEACE RESOLUTIONS--
+ECKLEY, ON COPPERHEAD MALIGNITY--ALEXANDER LONG GOES "A BOW-SHOT BEYOND
+THEM ALL"--HE PROPOSES THE ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF SOUTHERN INDEPENDENCE--
+GARFIELD ELOQUENTLY DENOUNCES LONG'S TREASON--LONG DEFIANTLY REITERATES
+IT--SPEAKER COLFAX OFFERS A RESOLUTION TO EXPEL LONG--COX AND JULIAN'S
+VERBAL DUEL--HARRIS'S TREASONABLE BID FOR EXPULSION--EXTRAORDINARY SCENE
+IN THE HOUSE--FERNANDO WOOD'S BID--HE SUBSEQUENTLY "WEAKENS"--EXCITING
+DEBATE--LONG AND HARRIS VOTED "UNWORTHY MEMBERS" OF THE HOUSE
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXVI.
+             "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE.
+
+GLANCE AT THE MILITARY SITUATION--"BEGINNING OF THE END"--THE
+CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT--HOLMAN "OBJECTS" TO "SECOND READING"--KELLOGG
+SCORES THE COPPERHEAD-DEMOCRACY--CONTINUOUS "FIRE IN THE REAR" IN BOTH
+HOUSES--THE PROPOSED AMENDMENT ATTACKED--THE ADMINISTRATION ATTACKED--
+THE TARIFF ATTACKED--SPEECHES OF GARRETT DAVIS, AND COX--PEACE-
+RESOLUTIONS OF LAZEAR AND DAVIS--GRINNELL AND STEVENS, SCORE COX AND
+WOOD--HENDRICKS ON THE DRAFT--"ON" TO RICHMOND AND ATLANTA--VIOLENT
+DIATRIBES OF WOOD, AND HOLMAN--FARNSWORTH'S REPLY TO ROSS, PRUYN, AND
+OTHERS--ARNOLD, ON THE ETHICS OF SLAVERY--INGERSOLL'S ELOQUENT BURST--
+RANDALL, ROLLINS, AND PENDLETON, CLOSING THE DEBATE--THE THIRTEENTH
+AMENDMENT DEFEATED--ASHLEY'S MOTION TO RECONSIDER--CONGRESS ADJOURNS
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXVII.
+                      SLAVERY DOOMED AT THE POLLS.
+
+THE ISSUE BETWEEN FREEDOM AND SLAVERY--MR. LINCOLN'S RENOMINATION--
+ENDORSED, AT ALL POINTS, BY HIS PARTY--HIS FAITH IN THE PEOPLE--HORATIO
+SEYMOUR'S COPPERHEAD DECLARATIONS--THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY DECLARE THE
+WAR "A FAILURE"--THEIR COPPERHEAD PLATFORM, AND UNION CANDIDATE--
+MCCLELLAN THEIR NOMINEE--VICTORIES AT ATLANTA AND MOBILE--FREMONT'S
+THIRD PARTY--SUCCESSES OF GRANT AND SHERIDAN--DEATH OF CHIEF-JUSTICE
+TANEY--MARYLAND BECOMES "FREE"--MORE UNION VICTORIES--REPUBLICAN "TIDAL-
+WAVE" SUCCESS--LINCOLN RE-ELECTED--HIS SERENADE-SPEECHES--AMAZING
+CONGRESSIONAL-RETURNS--THE DEATH OF SLAVERY INSURED--IT BECOMES SIMPLY A
+
+MATTER OF TIME
+
+
+                            CHAPTER XXVIII.
+                        FREEDOM AT LAST ASSURED.
+
+THE WINTER OF 1864--THE MILITARY SITUATION--THE "MARCH TO THE SEA"--
+THOMAS AND HOOD--LOGAN'S INTERVIEW WITH THE PRESIDENT--VICTORIES OF
+NASHVILLE AND SAVANNAH--MR. LINCOLN'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, ON THIRTEENTH
+AMENDMENT--CONGRESSIONAL RECESS--PRESIDENT LINCOLN STILL WORKING WITH,
+THE BORDER-STATE REPRESENTATIVES--ROLLINS'S INTERVIEW WITH HIM--THE
+THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT UP, IN THE HOUSE, AGAIN--VIGOROUS AND ELOQUENT
+DEBATE--SPEECHES OF COX, BROOKS, VOORHEES, MALLORY, HOLMAN, WOOD, AND
+PENDLETON, AGAINST THE AMENDMENT--SPEECHES OF CRESWELL, SCOFIELD,
+ROLLINS, GARFIELD, AND STEVENS, FOR IT--RECONSIDERATION OF ADVERSE VOTE
+--THE AMENDMENT ADOPTED--EXCITING SCENE IN THE HOUSE--THE GRAND SALUTE TO
+LIBERTY--SERENADE TO MR. LINCOLN--"THIS ENDS THE JOB"
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXIX.
+                     LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURATION.
+
+REBELLION ON ITS "LAST LEGS"--PEACE COMMISSIONS AND PROPOSITIONS--
+EFFORTS OF GREELEY, JACQUES, GILMORE, AND BLAIR--LINCOLN'S ADVANCES--
+JEFFERSON DAVIS'S DEFIANT MESSAGE TO HIM--THE PRESIDENT AND THE REBEL
+COMMISSIONERS AT HAMPTON ROADS--VARIOUS ACCOUNTS, OF THE SECRET
+CONFERENCE, BY PARTICIPANTS THE PROPOSITIONS ON BOTH SIDES--FAILURE--THE
+MILITARY OUTLOOK--THE REBEL CAUSE DESPERATE--REBEL DESERTIONS--
+"MILITARY" PEACE-CONVENTION PROPOSED BY REBELS--DECLINED--CORRESPONDENCE
+BETWEEN GRANT AND LEE, ETC.--THE SECOND INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT
+LINCOLN--A STRANGE OMEN--HIS IMMORTAL SECOND-INAUGURAL
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XXX.
+                   COLLAPSE OF THE ARMED CONSPIRACY.
+
+PROGRESS OF THE WAR--CAMPAIGN OF THE CAROLINAS, 1865--MEETING, AT CITY
+POINT, OF LINCOLN, GRANT, AND SHERMAN--SHERMAN'S ACCOUNT OF WHAT PASSED
+--GRANT NOW FEELS "LIKE ENDING THE MATTER"--THE BATTLES OF DINWIDDIE
+COURT HOUSE AND FIVE FORKS--UNION ASSAULT ON THE PETERSBURG WORKS--UNION
+VICTORY EVERYWHERE--PETERSBURG AND RICHMOND EVACUATED--LEE'S RETREAT CUT
+OFF BATTLE OF SAILOR'S CREEK--GRANT ASKS LEE TO SURRENDER--LEE DELAYS--
+SHERIDAN CATCHES HIM, AND HIS ARMY, IN A TRAP--THE REBELS SURRENDER, AT
+APPOMATTOX--GRANT'S GENEROUS AND MAGNANIMOUS TERMS--THE STARVING REBELS
+FED WITH UNION RATIONS--SURRENDER OF JOHNSTON'S ARMY--OTHER REBEL FORCES
+SURRENDER--THE REBELLION STAMPED OUT--CAPTURE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS--THE
+REBELS "YIELD EVERYTHING THEY HAD FOUGHT FOR"--THEY CRAVE PARDON AND
+OBLIVION FOR THEIR OFFENCES
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXXI.
+                             ASSASSINATION!
+
+PRESIDENT LINCOLN AT RICHMOND--HIS RECEPTIONS AT JEFFERSON DAVIS'S
+MANSION--RETURN TO WASHINGTON--THE NEWS OF LEE'S SURRENDER--LINCOLN'S
+LAST PUBLIC SPEECH--HIS THEME, "RECONSTRUCTION"--GRANT ARRIVES AT THE
+NATIONAL CAPITAL--PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S LAST CABINET MEETING--HIS FOND
+HOPES OF THE FUTURE--AN UNHEEDED PRESENTIMENT--AT FORD'S THEATRE--THE
+LAST ACCLAMATION OF THE PEOPLE--THE PISTOL SHOT THAT HORRIFIED THE
+WORLD--SCULKING, RED HANDED TREASON--THE ASSASSINATION PLOT-COMPLICITY
+OF THE REBEL AUTHORITIES, BELIEVED BY THE BEST INFORMED MEN--TESTIMONY
+AS TO THREE ATTEMPTS TO KILL LINCOLN--THE CHIEF REBEL-CONSPIRATORS
+"RECEIVE PROPOSITIONS TO ASSASSINATE"--A NATION'S WRATH--ANDREW
+JOHNSON'S VEHEMENT ASSEVERATIONS--"TREASON MUST BE MADE ODIOUS"--
+RECONSTRUCTION
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXXII.
+                         TURNING BACK THE HANDS
+
+"RECONSTRUCTION" OF THE SOUTH--MEMORIES OF THE WAR, DYING OUT--THE
+FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH AMENDMENTS--THE SOUTHERN STATES REHABILITATED
+BY ACCEPTANCE OF AMENDMENTS, ETC.--REMOVAL OF REBEL DISABILITIES--
+CLEMENCY OF THE CONQUERORS--THE OLD CONSPIRATORS HATCH A NEW CONSPIRACY
+--THE "LOST CAUSE" TO BE REGAINED--THE MISSISSIPPI SHOT-GUN PLAN--FRAUD,
+BARBARITY, AND MURDERS, EFFECT THE PURPOSE--THE "SOUTH" CEMENTED "SOLID"
+BY BLOOD--PEONAGE REPLACES SLAVERY--THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1876--
+THE TILDEN "BARREL," AND "CIPHER DISPATCHES"--THE "FRAUD" CRY--THE OLD
+LEADERS DICTATE THE DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENTIAL NOMINEE OF 1880--THEIR FREE-
+TRADE ISSUE TO THE FRONT AGAIN--SUCCESSIVE DEMOCRATIC EFFORTS TO FORCE
+FREE-TRADE THROUGH THE HOUSE, SINCE REBELLION--EFFECT OF SUCH EFFORTS--
+REPUBLICAN MODIFICATIONS OF THEIR OWN PROTECTIVE TARIFF--THE "SOLID
+SOUTH" SUCCEEDS, AT LAST, IN "ELECTING" ITS CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT--IS
+THIS STILL A REPUBLIC, OR IS IT AN OLIGARCHY?
+
+
+                            CHAPTER XXXIII.
+                               WHAT NEXT?
+
+THE PRESENT OUTLOOK--COMMERCIAL PROSPECTS, BRIGHT--WHAT THE PEOPLE OF
+THE NORTHERN AND WESTERN STATES SEE--WHAT IS A "REPUBLICAN FORM OF
+GOVERNMENT?"--WHAT DID THE FATHERS MEAN BY IT--THE REASON FOR THE
+GUARANTEE IN THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION--PURPOSES OF "THE PEOPLE" IN
+CREATING THIS REPUBLIC--THE "SOLID-SOUTHERN" OLIGARCHS DEFEAT THOSE
+PURPOSES--THE REPUBLICAN PARTY NOT BLAMELESS FOR THE PRESENT CONDITION
+OF THINGS--THE OLD REBEL-CHIEFTAINS AND COPPERHEADS, IN CONTROL--THEY
+GRASP ALMOST EVERYTHING THAT WAS LOST BY THE REBELLION--THEIR GROWING
+AGGRESSIVENESS--THE FUTURE--"WATCHMAN, WHAT OF THE NIGHT?"
+
+
+
+PORTRAITS.
+
+MAPS.
+
+SEAT OF WAR IN VIRGINIA.
+
+FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD.
+
+FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD, SHOWING POSITION OF ARMIES.
+
+
+EDWARD D. BAKER,
+BENJ. F. BUTLER,
+J. C. BRECKINRIDGE,
+JOHN C. CALHOUN,
+HENRY CLAY,
+J. J. CRITTENDEN,
+HENRY WINTER DAVIS,
+JEFFERSON DAVIS,
+SIMON CAMERON,
+STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS,
+JOHN C. FREMONT,
+H. W. HALLECK,
+ISAAC W. HAYNE,
+PATRICK HENRY,
+DAVID HUNTER,
+THOMAS JEFFERSON,
+ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
+GEO. B. MCCLELLAN,
+THAD. STEVENS,
+WM. H. SEWARD,
+LYMAN TRUMBULL,
+BENJ. F. WADE,
+DANIEL WEBSTER,
+LOUIS T. WIGFALL.
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER I.
+
+                       A PRELIMINARY RETROSPECT.
+
+
+To properly understand the condition of things preceding the great war
+of the Rebellion, and the causes underlying that condition and the war
+itself, we must glance backward through the history of the Country to,
+and even beyond, that memorable 30th of November, 1782, when the
+Independence of the United States of America was at last conceded by
+Great Britain.  At that time the population of the United States was
+about 2,500,000 free whites and some 500,000 black slaves.  We had
+gained our Independence of the Mother Country, but she had left fastened
+upon us the curse of Slavery.  Indeed African Slavery had already in
+1620 been implanted on the soil of Virginia before Plymouth Rock was
+pressed by the feet of the Pilgrim Fathers, and had spread, prior to the
+Revolution, with greater or less rapidity, according to the surrounding
+adaptations of soil, production and climate, to every one of the
+thirteen Colonies.
+
+But while it had thus spread more or less throughout all the original
+Colonies, and was, as it were, recognized and acquiesced in by all, as
+an existing and established institution, yet there were many, both in
+the South and North, who looked upon it as an evil--an inherited evil--
+and were anxious to prevent the increase of that evil.  Hence it was
+that even as far back as 1699, a controversy sprang up between the
+Colonies and the Home Government, upon the African Slavery question--a
+controversy continuing with more or less vehemence down to the
+Declaration of Independence itself.
+
+It was this conviction that it was not alone an evil but a dangerous
+evil, that induced Jefferson to embody in his original draft of that
+Declaration a clause strongly condemnatory of the African Slave Trade--a
+clause afterward omitted from it solely, he tells us, "in complaisance
+to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never* attempted to restrain the
+importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to
+continue it," as well as in deference to the sensitiveness of Northern
+people, who, though having few slaves themselves, "had been pretty
+considerable carriers of them to others" a clause of the great
+indictment of King George III., which, since it was not omitted for any
+other reason than that just given, shows pretty conclusively that where
+the fathers in that Declaration affirmed that "all men are created
+equal," they included in the term "men," black as well as white, bond as
+well as free; for the clause ran thus: "Determined to keep open a market
+where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for
+suppressing every Legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this
+execrable commerce.  And that this assemblage of horrors might want no
+fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people to rise
+in arms among us, and purchase that liberty of which he has deprived
+them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them; thus paying
+of former crimes committed against the LIBERTIES of our people with
+crimes which he urges them to commit against the LIVES of another."
+
+     [Prior to 1752, when Georgia surrendered her charter and became a
+     Royal Colony, the holding of slaves within its limits was expressly
+     prohibited by law; and the Darien (Ga.) resolutions of 1775
+     declared not only a "disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural
+     practice of Slavery in America" as "a practice founded in injustice
+     and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our Liberties (as well as
+     lives) but a determination to use our utmost efforts for the
+     manumission of our slaves in this colony upon the most safe and
+     equitable footing for the masters and themselves."]
+
+
+During the war of the Revolution following the Declaration of
+Independence, the half a million of slaves, nearly all of them in the
+Southern States, were found to be not only a source of weakness, but,
+through the incitements of British emissaries, a standing menace of
+peril to the Slaveholders.  Thus it was that the South was overrun by
+hostile British armies, while in the North-comparatively free of this
+element of weakness--disaster after disaster met them.  At last,
+however, in 1782, came the recognition of our Independence, and peace,
+followed by the evacuation of New York at the close of 1783.
+
+The lessons of the war, touching Slavery, had not been lost upon our
+statesmen.  Early in 1784 Virginia ceded to the United States her claims
+of jurisdiction and otherwise over the vast territory north-west of the
+Ohio; and upon its acceptance, Jefferson, as chairman of a Select
+Committee appointed at his instance to consider a plan of government
+therefor, reported to the ninth Continental Congress an Ordinance to
+govern the territory ceded already, or to be ceded, by individual States
+to the United States, extending from the 31st to the 47th degree of
+north latitude, which provided as "fundamental conditions between the
+thirteen original States and those newly described" as embryo States
+thereafter--to be carved out of such territory ceded or to be ceded to
+the United States, not only that "they shall forever remain a part of
+the United States of America," but also that "after the year 1800 of the
+Christian era, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude
+in any of the said States"--and that those fundamental conditions were
+"unalterable but by the joint consent of the United States in Congress
+assembled, and of the particular State within which such alteration
+is proposed to be made."
+
+But now a signal misfortune befell.  Upon a motion to strike out the
+clause prohibiting Slavery, six States: New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York and Pennsylvania, voted to retain
+the prohibitive clause, while three States, Maryland, Virginia and South
+Carolina, voted not to retain it.  The vote of North Carolina was
+equally divided; and while one of the Delegates from New Jersey voted to
+retain it, yet as there was no other delegate present from that State,
+and the Articles of Confederation required the presence of "two or more"
+delegates to cast the vote of a State, the vote of New Jersey was lost;
+and, as the same Articles required an affirmative vote of a majority of
+all the States--and not simply of those present--the retention of the
+clause prohibiting Slavery was also lost.  Thus was lost the great
+opportunity of restricting Slavery to the then existing Slave States,
+and of settling the question peaceably for all time.  Three years
+afterward a similar Ordinance, since become famous as "the Ordinance of
+'87," for the government of the North-west Territory (from which the
+Free States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin have
+since been carved and admitted to the Union) was adopted in Congress by
+the unanimous vote of all the eight States present.  And the sixth
+article of this Ordinance, or "Articles of Compact," which it was
+stipulated should "forever remain unalterable, unless by common
+consent," was in these words:
+
+"Art. 6.  There shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in
+the said Territory, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the
+party shall have been duly convicted; provided always that any person
+escaping into the same from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in
+any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed,
+and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor, or service, as
+aforesaid."
+
+But this Ordinance of '87, adopted almost simultaneously with the
+framing of our present Federal Constitution, was essentially different
+from the Ordinance of three years previous, in this: that while the
+latter included the territory south of the Ohio River as well as that
+north-west of it, this did not; and as a direct consequence of this
+failure to include in it the territory south of that river, the States
+of Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi, which were taken out of it, were
+subsequently admitted to the Union as Slave States, and thus greatly
+augmented their political power.  And at a later period it was this
+increased political power that secured the admission of still other
+Slave States--as Florida, Louisiana and Texas--which enabled the Slave
+States to hold the balance of such power as against the original States
+that had become Free, and the new Free States of the North-west.
+
+Hence, while in a measure quieting the great question of Slavery for the
+time being, the Ordinance of '87 in reality laid the ground-work for the
+long series of irritations and agitations touching its restrictions and
+extension, which eventually culminated in the clash of arms that shook
+the Union from its centre to its circumference.  Meanwhile, as we have
+seen--while the Ordinance of 1787 was being enacted in the last Congress
+of the old Confederation at New York--the Convention to frame the
+present Constitution was sitting at Philadelphia under the Presidency of
+George Washington himself.  The old Confederation had proved itself to
+be "a rope of sand."  A new and stronger form of government had become a
+necessity for National existence.
+
+To create it out of the discordant elements whose harmony was essential
+to success, was an herculean task, requiring the utmost forbearance,
+unselfishness, and wisdom.  And of all the great questions, dividing the
+framers of that Constitution, perhaps none of them required a higher
+degree of self abnegation and patriotism than those touching human
+Slavery.
+
+The situation was one of extreme delicacy.  The necessity for a closer
+and stronger Union of all the States was apparently absolute, yet this
+very necessity seemed to place a whip in the hands of a few States, with
+which to coerce the greater number of States to do their bidding.  It
+seemed that the majority must yield to a small minority on even vital
+questions, or lose everything.
+
+Thus it was, that instead of an immediate interdiction of the African
+Slave Trade, Congress was empowered to prohibit it after the lapse of
+twenty years; that instead of the basis of Congressional Representation
+being the total population of each State, and that of direct taxation
+the total property of each State, a middle ground was conceded, which
+regarded the Slaves as both persons and property, and the basis both of
+Representation and of Direct Taxation was fixed as being the total Free
+population "plus three-fifths of all other persons" in each State; and
+that there was inserted in the Constitution a similar clause to that
+which we have seen was almost simultaneously incorporated in the
+Ordinance of '87, touching the reclamation and return to their owners of
+Fugitive Slaves from the Free States into which they may have escaped.
+
+The fact of the matter is, that the Convention that framed our
+Constitution lacked the courage of its convictions, and was "bulldozed"
+by the few extreme Southern Slave-holding States--South Carolina and
+Georgia especially.  It actually paltered with those convictions and
+with the truth itself.  Its convictions--those at least of a great
+majority of its delegates--were against not only the spread, but the
+very existence of Slavery; yet we have seen what they unwillingly agreed
+to in spite of those convictions; and they were guilty moreover of the
+subterfuge of using the terms "persons" and "service or labor" when they
+really meant "Slaves" and "Slavery."  "They did this latter," Mr.
+Madison says, "because they did not choose to admit the right of
+property in man," and yet in fixing the basis of Direct Taxation as well
+as Congressional Representation at the total Free population of each
+State with "three-fifths of all other persons," they did admit the right
+of property in man!  As was stated by Mr. Iredell to the North Carolina
+Ratification Convention, when explaining the Fugitive Slave clause:
+"Though the word 'Slave' is not mentioned, this is the meaning of it."
+And he added: "The Northern delegates, owing to their peculiar scruples
+on the subject of Slavery, did not choose the word 'Slave' to be
+mentioned."
+
+In March, 1789, the first Federal Congress met at New York.  It at once
+enacted a law in accordance with the terms of the Ordinance of '87--
+adapting it to the changed order of things under the new Federal
+Constitution--prohibiting Slavery in the Territories of the North-west;
+and the succeeding Congress enacted a Fugitive-Slave law.
+
+In the same year (1789) North Carolina ceded her western territory (now
+Tennessee) south of the Ohio, to the United States, providing as one of
+the conditions of that cession, "that no regulation made, or to be made,
+by Congress, shall tend to emancipate Slaves."  Georgia, also, in 1802,
+ceded her superfluous territorial domain (south of the Ohio, and now
+known as Alabama and Mississippi), making as a condition of its
+acceptance that the Ordinance of '87 "shall, in all its parts, extend to
+the territory contained in the present act of cession, the article only
+excepted which forbids Slavery."
+
+Thus while the road was open and had been taken advantage of, at the
+earliest moment, by the Federal Congress to prohibit Slavery in all the
+territory north-west of the Ohio River by Congressional enactment,
+Congress considered itself barred by the very conditions of cession from
+inhibiting Slavery in the territory lying south of that river.  Hence it
+was that while the spread of Slavery was prevented in the one Section of
+our outlying territories by Congressional legislation, it was stimulated
+in the other Section by the enforced absence of such legislation.  As a
+necessary sequence, out of the Territories of the one Section grew more
+Free States and out of the other more Slave States, and this condition
+of things had a tendency to array the Free and the Slave States in
+opposition to each other and to Sectionalize the flames of that Slavery
+agitation which were thus continually fed.
+
+Upon the admission of Ohio to Statehood in 1803, the remainder of the
+North-west territory became the Territory of Indiana.  The inhabitants
+of this Territory (now known as the States of Indiana, Illinois,
+Michigan and Wisconsin), consisting largely of settlers from the Slave
+States, but chiefly from Virginia and Kentucky, very persistently (in
+1803, 1806 and 1807) petitioned Congress for permission to employ Slave
+Labor, but--although their petitions were favorably reported in most
+cases by the Committees to which they were referred--without avail,
+Congress evidently being of opinion that a temporary suspension in this
+respect of the sixth article of the Ordinance of '87 was "not
+expedient."  These frequent rebuffs by Congress, together with the
+constantly increasing emigration from the Free States, prevented the
+taking of any further steps to implant Slavery on the soil of that
+Territory.
+
+Meanwhile the vast territory included within the Valley of the
+Mississippi and known at that day as the "Colony of Louisiana," was, in
+1803, acquired to the United States by purchase from the French--to whom
+it had but lately been retroceded by Spain.  Both under Spanish and
+French rule, Slavery had existed throughout this vast yet sparsely
+populated region.  When we acquired it by purchase, it was already
+there, as an established "institution;" and the Treaty of acquisition
+not only provided that it should be "incorporated into the Union of the
+United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the
+principles of the Federal Constitution," but that its inhabitants in the
+meantime "should be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of
+their liberty, property, and the religion which they professed"--and,
+as "the right of property in man" had really been admitted in practice,
+if not in theory, by the framers of that Constitution itself--that
+institution was allowed to remain there.  Indeed the sparseness of its
+population at the time of purchase and the amazing fertility of its soil
+and adaptability of its climate to Slave Labor, together with the then
+recent invention by Eli Whitney, of Massachusetts, of that wonderful
+improvement in the separation of cotton-fibre from its seed, known as
+the "cotton-gin"--which with the almost simultaneous inventions of
+Hargreaves, and Arkwright's cotton-spinning machines, and Watt's
+application of his steam engine, etc., to them, marvelously increased
+both the cotton supply and demand and completely revolutionized the
+cotton industry--contributed to rapidly and thickly populate the whole
+region with white Slave-holders and black Slaves, and to greatly enrich
+and increase the power of the former.
+
+When Jefferson succeeded in negotiating the cession of that vast and
+rich domain to the United States, it is not to be supposed that either
+the allurements of territorial aggrandizement on the one hand, or the
+impending danger to the continued ascendency of the political party
+which had elevated him to the Presidency, threatening it from all the
+irritations with republican France likely to grow out of such near
+proximity to her Colony, on the other, could have blinded his eyes to
+the fact that its acquisition must inevitably tend to the spread of that
+very evil, the contemplation of which, at a later day, wrung from his
+lips the prophetic words, "I tremble for my Country when I reflect that
+God is just."  It is more reasonable to suppose that, as he believed the
+ascendency of the Republican party of that day essential to the
+perpetuity of the Republic itself, and revolted against being driven
+into an armed alliance with Monarchical England against what he termed
+"our natural friend," Republican France, he reached the conclusion that
+the preservation of his Republican principles was of more immediate
+moment than the question of the perpetuation and increase of human
+Slavery.  Be that as it may, it none the less remains a curious fact
+that it was to Jefferson, the far-seeing statesman and hater of African
+Slavery and the author of the Ordinance of 1784--which sought to exclude
+Slavery from all the Territories of the United States south of, as well
+as north-west of the Ohio River--that we also owe the acquisition of the
+vast territory of the Mississippi Valley burdened with Slavery in such
+shape that only a War, which nearly wrecked our Republic, could get rid
+of!
+
+Out of that vast and fertile, but Slave-ridden old French Colony of
+"Louisiana" were developed in due time the rich and flourishing Slave
+States of Louisiana, Missouri and Arkansas.
+
+It will have been observed that this acquisition of the Colony of
+Louisiana and the contemporaneous inventions of the cotton-gin, improved
+cotton-spinning machinery, and the application to it of steam power, had
+already completely neutralized the wisdom of the Fathers in securing, as
+they thought, the gradual but certain extinction of Slavery in the
+United States, by that provision in the Constitution which enabled
+Congress, after an interval of twenty years, to prohibit the African
+Slave Trade; and which led the Congress, on March 22, 1794, to pass an
+Act prohibiting it; to supplement it in 1800 with another Act in the
+same direction; and on March 2, 1807, to pass another supplemental Act--
+to take effect January 1, 1808--still more stringent, and covering any
+such illicit traffic, whether to the United States or with other
+countries.  Never was the adage that, "The best laid schemes o' mice an'
+men gang aft agley," more painfully apparent.  Slaves increased and
+multiplied within the land, and enriched their white owners to such a
+degree that, as the years rolled by, instead of compunctions of
+conscience on the subject of African Slavery in America, the Southern
+leaders ultimately persuaded themselves to the belief that it was not
+only moral, and sanctioned by Divine Law, but that to perpetuate it was
+a philanthropic duty, beneficial to both races!  In fact one of them
+declared it to be "the highest type of civilization."
+
+In 1812, the State of Louisiana, organized from the purchased Colony of
+the same name, was admitted to the Union, and the balance of the
+Louisiana purchase was thereafter known as the Territory of Missouri.
+
+In 1818 commenced the heated and protracted struggle in Congress over
+the admission of the State of Missouri--created from the Territory of
+that name--as a Slave State, which finally culminated in 1820 in the
+settlement known thereafter as the "Missouri Compromise."
+
+Briefly stated, that struggle may be said to have consisted in the
+efforts of the House on the one side, to restrict Slavery in the State
+of Missouri, and the efforts of the Senate on the other, to give it free
+rein.  The House insisted on a clause in the Act of admission providing,
+"That the introduction of Slavery or involuntary servitude be
+prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party has
+been duly convicted; and that all children born within the said State,
+after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be declared Free at
+the age of twenty-five years."  The Senate resisted it--and the Bill
+fell.  In the meantime, however, a Bill passed both Houses forming the
+Territory of Arkansas out of that portion of the Territory of Missouri
+not included in the proposed State of Missouri, without any such
+restriction upon Slavery.  Subsequently, the House having passed a Bill
+to admit the State of Maine to the Union, the Senate amended it by
+tacking on a provision authorizing the people of Missouri to organize a
+State Government, without restriction as to Slavery.  The House
+decidedly refused to accede to the Senate proposition, and the result of
+the disagreement was a Committee of Conference between the two Houses,
+and the celebrated "Missouri Compromise," which, in the language of
+another--[Hon.  John Holmes of Massachusetts, of said Committee on
+Conference, March 2, 1820.]--, was: "that the Senate should give up its
+combination of Missouri with Maine; that the House should abandon its
+attempt to restrict Slavery in Missouri; and that both Houses should
+concur in passing the Bill to admit Missouri as a State, with" a
+"restriction or proviso, excluding Slavery from all territory north and
+west of the new State"--that "restriction or proviso" being in these
+words: "That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States
+under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees,
+thirty minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof as is
+included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act,
+Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of
+crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is
+hereby forever prohibited; Provided always, that any person escaping
+into the same, from whom labor and service is lawfully claimed in any
+State or Territory of the United States, such Fugitive may be lawfully
+reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or
+service, as aforesaid."  At a subsequent session of Congress, at which
+Missouri asked admission as a State with a Constitution prohibiting her
+Legislature from passing emancipation laws, or such as would prevent the
+immigration of Slaves, while requiring it to enact such as would
+absolutely prevent the immigration of Free Negroes or Mulattoes, a
+further Compromise was agreed to by Congress under the inspiration of
+Mr. Clay, by which it was laid down as a condition precedent to her
+admission as a State--a condition subsequently complied with--that
+Missouri must pledge herself that her Legislature should pass no act "by
+which any of the citizens of either of the States should be excluded
+from the enjoyment of the privileges and immunities to which they are
+entitled under the Constitution of the United States."
+
+This, in a nut-shell, was the memorable Missouri Struggle, and the
+"Compromise" or Compromises which settled and ended it.  But during that
+struggle--as during the formation of the Federal Constitution and at
+various times in the interval when exciting questions had arisen--the
+bands of National Union were more than once rudely strained, and this
+time to such a degree as even to shake the faith of some of the firmest
+believers in the perpetuity of that Union.  It was during this bitter
+struggle that John Adams wrote to Jefferson: "I am sometimes Cassandra
+enough to dream that another Hamilton, another Burr, may rend this
+mighty fabric in twain, or perhaps into a leash, and a few more choice
+spirits of the same stamp might produce as many Nations in North America
+as there are in Europe."
+
+It is true that we had "sown the wind," but we had not yet "reaped the
+whirlwind."
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER II.
+
+                       PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE.
+
+We have seen that the first Federal Congress met at New York in March,
+1789.  It organized April 6th.  None knew better than its members that
+the war of the Americana Revolution chiefly grew out of the efforts of
+Great Britain to cripple and destroy our Colonial industries to the
+benefit of the British trader, and that the Independence conquered, was
+an Industrial as well as Political Independence; and none knew better
+than they, that the failure of the subsequent political Confederation of
+States was due mainly to its failure to encourage and protect the
+budding domestic manufactures of those States.  Hence they hastened,
+under the leadership of James Madison, to pass "An Act laying a duty on
+goods, wares and merchandize imported into the United States," with a
+preamble, declaring it to be "necessary" for the "discharge of the debt
+of the United States and the encouragement and protection of
+manufactures."  It was approved by President Washington July 4, 1789--a
+date not without its significance--and levied imports both specific and
+ad valorem.  It was not only our first Tariff Act, but, next to that
+prescribing the oath used in organizing the Government, the first Act of
+the first Federal Congress; and was passed in pursuance of the
+declaration of President Washington in his first Message, that "The
+safety and interest of the People" required it.  Under the inspiration
+of Alexander Hamilton the Tariff of 1790 was enacted at the second
+session of the same Congress, confirming the previous Act and increasing
+some of the protective duties thereby imposed.
+
+An analysis of the vote in the House of Representatives on this Tariff
+Bill discloses the fact that of the 39 votes for it, 21 were from
+Southern States, 13 from the Middle States, and 5 from New England
+States; while of the 13 votes against it, 9 were from New England
+States, 3 from Southern States, and 1 from Middle States.  In other
+words, while the Southern States were for the Bill in the proportion of
+21 to 3, and the Middle States by 13 to 1, New England was against it by
+9 to 5; or again, while 10 of the 13 votes against it were from the New
+England and Middle States, 21 (or more than half) of the 39 votes for it
+were from Southern States.
+
+It will thus be seen-singularly enough in view of subsequent events--
+that we not only mainly owe our first steps in Protective Tariff
+legislation to the almost solid Southern vote, but that it was thus
+secured for us despite the opposition of New England.  Nor did our
+indebtedness to Southern statesmen and Southern votes for the
+institution of the now fully established American System of Protection
+cease here, as we shall presently see.
+
+That Jefferson, as well as Washington and Madison, agreed with the views
+of Alexander Hamilton on Protection to our domestic manufactures as
+against those of foreign Nations, is evident in his Annual Message of
+December 14, 1806, wherein-discussing an anticipated surplus of Federal
+revenue above the expenditures, and enumerating the purposes of
+education and internal improvement to which he thinks the "whole surplus
+of impost" should during times of peace be applied; by which application
+of such surplus he prognosticates that "new channels of communication
+will be opened between the States; the lines of separation will
+disappear; their interests will be identified, and their Union cemented
+by new and indissoluble ties"--he says: "Shall we suppress the impost
+and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures.  On a few
+articles of more general and necessary use, the suppression in due
+season, will doubtless be right; but the great mass of the articles on
+which impost is paid is foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who
+are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them."  But his embargo
+and other retaliatory measures, put in force in 1807 and 1808, and the
+War of 1812-15 with Great Britain, which closely followed, furnished
+Protection in another manner, by shutting the door to foreign imports
+and throwing our people upon their own resources, and contributed
+greatly to the encouragement and increase of our home manufactures--
+especially those of wool, cotton, and hemp.
+
+At the close of that War the traders of Great Britain determined, even
+at a temporary loss to themselves, to glut our market with their goods
+and thus break down forever, as they hoped, our infant manufactures.
+Their purpose and object were boldly announced in the House of Commons
+by Mr. Brougham, when he said: "Is it worth while to incur a loss upon
+the first importation, in order by the glut to stifle in the cradle
+those rising manufactures in the United States which the War had forced
+into existence contrary to the natural course of things."  Against this
+threatened ruin, our manufacturers all over the United States--the sugar
+planters of Louisiana among them--clamored for Protection, and Congress
+at once responded with the Tariff Act of 1816.
+
+This law greatly extended and increased specific duties on, and
+diminished the application of the ad valorem principle to, foreign
+imports; and it has been well described as "the practical foundation of
+the American policy of encouragement of home manufactures--the practical
+establishment of the great industrial system upon which rests our
+present National wealth, and the power and the prosperity and happiness
+of our whole people."  While Henry Clay of Kentucky, William Loundes of
+South Carolina, and Henry St. George Tucker of Virginia supported the
+Bill most effectively, no man labored harder and did more effective
+service in securing its passage than John C. Calhoun of South Carolina.
+The contention on their part was not for a mere "incidental protection"
+--much less a "Tariff for revenue only"--but for "Protection" in its
+broadest sense, and especially the protection of their cotton
+manufactures.  Indeed Calhoun's defense of Protection, from the assaults
+of those from New England and elsewhere who assailed it on the narrow
+ground that it was inimical to commerce and navigation, was a notable
+one.  He declared that:
+
+"It (the encouragement of manufactures) produced a system strictly
+American, as much so as agriculture, in which it had the decided
+advantage of commerce and navigation.  The country will from this derive
+much advantage.  Again it is calculated to bind together more closely
+our wide-spread Republic.  It will greatly increase our mutual
+dependence and intercourse, and will, as a necessary consequence, excite
+an increased attention to internal improvements--a subject every way so
+intimately connected with the ultimate attainment of national strength
+and the perfection of our political institutions."
+
+He regarded the fact that it would make the parts adhere more closely;
+that it would form a new and most powerful cement far outweighing any
+political objections that might be urged against the system.  In his
+opinion "the liberty and the union of the country were inseparably
+united; that as the destruction of the latter would most certainly
+involve the former, so its maintenance will with equal certainty
+preserve it;" and he closed with an impressive warning to the Nation of
+a "new and terrible danger" which threatened it, to wit: "disunion."
+Nobly as he stood up then--during the last term of his service in the
+House of Representatives--for the great principles of, the American
+System of Protection to manufactures, for the perpetuity of the Union,
+and for the increase of "National strength," it seems like the very
+irony of fate that a few years later should find him battling against
+Protection as "unconstitutional," upholding Nullification as a "reserved
+right" of his State, and championing at the risk of his neck that very
+"danger" to the "liberties" and life of his Country against which his
+prophetic words had already given solemn warning.
+
+Strange was it also, in view of the subsequent attitudes of the South
+and New England, that this essentially Protective Tariff Act of 1816
+should have been vigorously protested and voted against by New England,
+while it was ably advocated and voted for by the South--the 25 votes of
+the latter which secured its passage being more than sufficient to have
+secured its defeat had they been so inclined.
+
+The Tariff Acts of 1824 and 1828 followed the great American principle
+of Protection laid down and supported by the South in the Act of 1816,
+while widening, increasing, and strengthening it.  Under their
+operation-especially under that of 1828, with its high duties on wool,
+hemp, iron, lead, and other staples--great prosperity smiled upon the
+land, and particularly upon the Free States.
+
+In the cotton-growing belt of the South, however, where the prosperity
+was relatively less, owing to the blight of Slavery, the very contrast
+bred discontent; and, instead of attributing it to the real cause, the
+advocates of Free Trade within that region insisted that the Protective
+Tariff was responsible for the condition of things existing there.
+
+A few restless and discontented spirits in the South had indeed agitated
+the subject of Free Trade as against Protected manufactures as early as
+1797, and, hand in hand with it, the doctrine of States Rights.  And
+Jefferson himself, although, as we have already seen, attached to the
+American System of Protection and believing in its Constitutionality,
+unwittingly played into the hands of these Free Traders by drawing up
+the famous Kentucky Resolutions of '98 touching States Rights, which
+were closely followed by the Virginia Resolutions of 1799 in the same
+vein by Madison, also an out-and-out Protectionist.  It was mainly in
+condemnation of the Alien and Sedition Laws, then so unpopular
+everywhere, that these resolutions were professedly fulminated, but they
+gave to the agitating Free Traders a States-Rights-Secession-weapon of
+which they quickly availed themselves.
+
+Their drift may be gathered from the first of the Kentucky Resolutions
+of '98, which was in these words: "Resolved, That the several States
+composing the United States of America are not united on the principle
+of unlimited submission to their General Government, but that, by a
+compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United
+States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government
+for special purposes--delegated to that Government certain definite
+powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to
+their own self-government; and that whensoever the General Government
+assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of
+no force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and as an
+integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party;
+that the Government created by this compact was not made the exclusive
+or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since
+that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the
+measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among
+powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge
+for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of
+redress."
+
+The Resolutions, after enumerating the Alien and Sedition and certain
+other laws as in point, conclude by calling upon the other States to
+join Kentucky in her opposition to such Federal usurpations of power as
+thus embodied, and express confidence: "That they will concur with this
+Commonwealth in considering the said Acts as so palpably against the
+Constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration that that
+compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General
+Government, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States,
+of all powers whatsoever; that they will view this as seizing the rights
+of the States, and consolidating them in the hands of the General
+Government, with the power assumed to bind the States (not merely as to
+the cases made federal (casus foederis) but) in all cases whatsoever, by
+laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent;
+that this would be to surrender the form of government we have chosen,
+and live under one deriving its powers from its own will, and not from
+our authority; and that the co-States, returning to their natural rights
+in cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these Acts void and
+of no force, and will each take measures of its own in providing that
+neither these Acts, nor any others of the General Government, not
+plainly and intentionally authorized by the Constitution, shall be
+exercised within their respective territories."
+
+The doctrine of States Rights as formulated in these Resolutions,
+including the assumed right of a State to nullify laws of the General
+Government, naturally led up, as we shall see, not only to threats of
+disunion, but ultimately to a dreadful sectional War waged in the effort
+to secure it.  That Jefferson, when he penned them, foresaw the terrible
+results to flow from these specious and pernicious doctrines, is not to
+be supposed for an instant; but that his conscience troubled him may be
+fairly inferred from the fact that he withheld from the World for twenty
+years afterward the knowledge that he was their author.  It is probable
+that in this case, as in others, he was a victim of that casuistry which
+teaches that "the end justifies the means;" that he hoped and believed
+that the assertion of these baleful doctrines would act solely as a
+check upon any tendency to further centralization of power in the
+General Government and insure that strict construction of the
+Constitution.
+
+Though afterward violated by himself at the same time that he for the
+moment threw aside his scruples touching African slavery, when he added
+to our domain the great French Slave Colony of Louisiana--was none the
+less the great aim of his commanding intellect; and that he fortuitously
+believed in the "saving common sense" of his race and country as capable
+of correcting an existing evil when it shall have developed into ill
+effects.
+
+     [Mr. Jefferson takes this very ground, in almost the same words, in
+     his letter, 1803, to Wilson C.  Nichols in the Louisiana Colony
+     purchase case, when, after proving by his own strict construction
+     of the Constitution that there was no power in that instrument to
+     make such purchase, and confessing the importance in that very case
+     of setting "an example against broad construction," he concludes:
+     "If, however, our friends shall think differently, certainly I
+     shall acquiesce with satisfaction; confiding that the good sense of
+     the country will correct the evil of construction when it shall
+     produce ill ejects."]
+
+Be that as it may, however, the fact remains that the seeds thus sown by
+the hands of Jefferson on the "sacred soil" of Virginia and Kentucky,
+were dragon's teeth, destined in after years to spring up as legions of
+armed men battling for the subversion of that Constitution and the
+destruction of that Union which he so reverenced, and which he was so
+largely instrumental in founding--and which even came back in his own
+life to plague him and Madison during his embargo, and Madison's war of
+1812-15, in the utterances and attitude of some of the New England
+Federalists.
+
+The few Free Traders of the South--the Giles's and John Taylor's and men
+of that ilk--made up for their paucity in numbers by their unscrupulous
+ingenuity and active zeal.  They put forth the idea that the American
+Protective Policy was a policy of fostering combinations by Federal
+laws, the effect of which was to transfer a considerable portion of the
+profits of slave labor from the Slave States to other parts of the Union
+where it was massed in the hands of a few individuals, and thus created
+a moneyed interest which avariciously influenced the General Government
+to the detriment of the entire community of people, who, made restive by
+the exactions of this power working through the Federal Government, were
+as a consequence driven to consider a possible dissolution of the Union,
+and make "estimates of resources and means of defense."  As a means also
+of inflaming both the poor whites and Southern slave-holders by arousing
+the apprehensions of the latter concerning the "peculiar institution" of
+Slavery, they craftily declared that "If the maxim advanced by the
+advocates of the protecting duty system will justify Congress in
+assuming, or rather in empowering a few capitalists to assume, the
+direction of manufacturing labor, it also invests that body with a power
+of legislating for the direction of every other species of labor and
+assigning all occupations whatsoever to the care of the intelligence of
+mercenary combinations"--and hence untold misery to labor.
+
+They charged as a further means of firing the Southern heart, that this
+moneyed power, born of Protection, "works upon the passion of the States
+it has been able to delude by computations of their physical strength
+and their naval superiority; and by boasting of an ability to use the
+weakening circumstance of negro slavery to coerce the defrauded and
+discontented States into submission."  And they declared as fundamental
+truths upon which they rested that "The Federal is not a National
+Government; it is a league between nations.  By this league, a limited
+power only over persons and property was given to the representatives of
+the united nations.  This power cannot be further extended, under the
+pretext of national good, because the league does not create a national
+government."
+
+It was the passage of the Tariff of 1824 that gave these crafty Free
+Traders their first great success in spreading their doctrine of Free
+Trade by coupling it with questions of slave labor, States Rights, and
+nullification, as laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions.
+These arguments created great excitement throughout the South--
+especially in South Carolina and Georgia--which was still further
+increased by the passage of the Tariff of 1828, since declared by
+eminent authority to have been "the highest and most protective ever
+adopted in this country."
+
+     [Mr. Greeley, in his "History of the American Conflict," 1864.]
+
+Prior to the passage of this Tariff Act, excited assemblages met in some
+of the Southern States, and protested against it as an outrage upon
+their rights--arraying the South in seditious and treasonable attitude
+against not only the North but the Union, with threats of Secession.  At
+one of these meetings in South Carolina, in 1827, one of their leaders--
+[Dr. Thomas Cooper, President of South Carolina College.]--declared that
+"a drilled and managed majority" in the House of Representatives had
+determined "at all hazards to support the claims of the Northern
+manufacturers, and to offer up the planting interest on the altar of
+monopoly."  He denounced the American system of Protection exemplified
+in that Tariff measure as "a system by which the earnings of the South
+are to be transferred to the North--by which the many are to be
+sacrificed to the few--under which powers are usurped that were never
+conceded--by which inequality of rights, inequality of burthens,
+inequality of protection, unequal laws, and unequal taxes are to be
+enacted and rendered permanent--that the planter and the farmer under
+this system are to be considered as inferior beings to the spinner, the
+bleacher, and the dyer--that we of the South hold our plantations under
+this system, as the serfs and operatives of the North, subject to the
+orders and laboring for the benefit of the master-minds of
+Massachusetts, the lords of the spinning jenny and peers of the power-
+loom, who have a right to tax our earnings for their emolument, and to
+burthen our poverty and to swell their riches;" and after characterizing
+Protection as "a system of fraud, robbery and usurpation," he continued
+"I have said that we shall ere long be compelled to calculate the value
+of our Union; and to enquire of what use to us is this most unequal
+alliance, by which the South has always been the loser and the North
+always the gainer.  Is it worth our while to continue this union of
+States, where the North demands to be our masters and we are required to
+be their tributaries? who with the most insulting mockery call the yoke
+they put upon our necks the 'American system!'  The question, however,
+is fast approaching the alternative of submission or separation."
+
+Only a few days after this inflammatory speech at Columbus, S. C.,
+inciting South Carolinians to resist the pending Protective Tariff even
+to the lengths of Secession, during a grand banquet at Richmond, Va.,
+William B. Giles--another Free Trade leader--proposed, and those present
+drank a toast to the "Tariff Schemer" in which was embodied a
+declaration that "The Southerners will not long pay tribute."  Despite
+these turbulent and treasonable mutterings, however, the "Jacksonian
+Congress" passed the Act--a majority of members from the Cotton and New
+England States voting against, while the vote of the Middle and Western
+Free States was almost solidly for, it.
+
+At a meeting held soon after the enactment of the Tariff of 1828, at
+Walterborough Court House, S. C., an address was adopted and issued
+which, after reciting the steps that had been taken by South Carolina
+during the previous year to oppose it, by memorials and otherwise, and
+stating that, despite their "remonstrances and implorations," a Tariff
+Bill had passed, not indeed, such as they apprehended, but "ten-fold
+worse in all its oppressive features," proceeded thus:
+
+"From the rapid step of usurpation, whether we now act or not, the day
+of open opposition to the pretended powers of the Constitution cannot be
+far off, and it is that it may not go down in blood that we now call
+upon you to resist.  We feel ourselves standing underneath its mighty
+protection, and declaring forth its free and recorded spirit, when we
+say we must resist.  By all the great principles of liberty--by the
+glorious achievements of our fathers in defending them--by their noble
+blood poured forth like water in maintaining them--by their lives in
+suffering, and their death in honor and in glory;--our countrymen! we
+must resist.  Not secretly, as timid thieves or skulking smugglers--not
+in companies and associations, like money chafferers or stock jobbers--
+not separately and individually, as if this was ours and not our
+country's cause--but openly, fairly, fearlessly, and unitedly, as
+becomes a free, sovereign and independent people.  Does timidity ask
+WHEN?  We answer NOW!"
+
+These inflammatory utterances, in South Carolina especially, stirred the
+Southern heart more or less throughout the whole cotton belt; and the
+pernicious principles which they embodied found ardent advocates even in
+the Halls of Congress.  In the Senate, Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, was
+their chief and most vehement spokesman, and in 1830 occurred that
+memorable debate between him and Daniel Webster, which forever put an
+end to all reasonable justification of the doctrine of Nullification,
+and which furnished the ground upon which President Jackson afterward
+stood in denouncing and crushing it out with the strong arm of the
+Government.
+
+In that great debate Mr. Hayne's propositions were that the Constitution
+is a "compact between the States," that "in case of a plain, palpable
+violation of the Constitution by the General Government, a State may
+interpose; and that this interposition is constitutional"--a proposition
+with which Mr. Webster took direct issue, in these words: "I say, the
+right of a State to annul a law of Congress cannot be maintained, but on
+the ground of the inalienable right of man to resist oppression; that is
+to say, upon the ground of revolution.  I admit that there is an
+ultimate violent remedy, above the Constitution and in defiance of the
+Constitution, which may be resorted to when a revolution is to be
+justified.  But I do not admit that, under the Constitution, and in
+conformity with it, there is any mode in which a State Government, as a
+member of the Union, can interfere and stop the progress of the general
+movement by force of her own laws under any circumstances whatever."
+Mr. Webster insisted that "one of two things is true: either the laws of
+the Union are beyond the discretion and beyond the control of the
+States, or else we have no Constitution of General Government, and are
+thrust back again to the days of the Confederation;" and, in concluding
+his powerful argument, he declared that "even supposing the Constitution
+to be a compact between the States," Mr. Hayne's doctrine was "not
+maintainable, because, first, the General Government is not a party to
+the compact, but a Government established by it, and vested by it with
+the powers of trying and deciding doubtful questions; and secondly,
+because, if the Constitution be regarded as a compact, not one State
+only, but all the States are parties to that compact, and one can have
+no right to fix upon it her own peculiar construction."
+
+While the comparatively miserable condition of the cotton-growing States
+of the South was attributed by most of the Southern Free Traders solely
+to the Protective Tariff of 1828, yet there were some Southerners
+willing to concede--as did Mr. Hayne, in the Senate (1832)--that there
+were "other causes besides the Tariff" underlying that condition, and to
+admit that "Slaves are too improvident, too incapable of that minute,
+constant, delicate attention, and that persevering industry which are
+essential to manufacturing establishments," the existence of which would
+have made those States prosperous.  But such admissions were unwilling
+ones, and the Cotton-lords held only with the more tenacity to the view
+that the Tariff was the chief cause of their condition.
+
+The Tariff Act of 1832, essentially modifying that of 1828, was passed
+with a view, in part, to quiet Southern clamor.  But the Southern Cotton
+States refused to be mollified.  On the contrary, the Free Traders of
+South Carolina proceeded to extreme measures, putting in action that
+which they had before but threatened.  On November 19, 1832, the leading
+men of South Carolina met in Convention, and a few days thereafter--
+[November 24,1882]--unanimously passed an Ordinance of Nullification
+which declared the Tariff Acts of 1828 and 1832 "Unauthorized by the
+Constitution," and "null, void, and no law, nor binding on this State,
+its officers, or citizens."  The people of the State were forbidden by
+it to pay, after the ensuing February 1st, the import-duties therein
+imposed.  Under the provisions of the Ordinance, the State Legislature
+was to pass an act nullifying these Tariff laws, and any appeal to the
+United States Supreme Court against the validity of such nullifying act
+was prohibited.  Furthermore, in the event of the Federal Government
+attempting to enforce these Tariff laws, the people of South Carolina
+would thenceforth consider themselves out of the Union, and will
+"forthwith proceed to organize a separate Government, and do all other
+acts and things which sovereign and independent States may of right do."
+
+At the subsequent meeting of the Legislature, Mr. Hayne, who had been a
+member of the Convention, having resigned his seat in the United States
+Senate, was elected Governor of the State.  He declared in his message
+that he recognized "No allegiance as paramount to that which the
+citizens of South Carolina owe to the State of their birth or their
+adoption"--that doctrine of "paramount allegiance to the State" which in
+after-years gave so much trouble to the Union and to Union-loving
+Southerners--and declared that he held himself "bound by the highest of
+all obligations to carry into effect, not only the Ordinance of the
+Convention, but every act of the Legislature, and every judgment of our
+own Courts, the enforcement of which may devolve upon the Executive,"
+and "if," continued he, "the sacred soil of Carolina should be polluted
+by the footsteps of an invader, or be stained with the blood of her
+citizens, shed in her defense, I trust in Almighty God * * * even should
+she stand alone in this great struggle for constitutional liberty,
+encompassed by her enemies, that there will not be found, in the wide
+limits of the State, one recreant son who will not fly to the rescue,
+and be ready to lay down his life in her defense."  In support of the
+contemplated treason, he even went to the length of calling for an
+enrolling of volunteer forces and of holding them ready for service.
+
+But while South Carolina stood in this treasonable and defiant attitude,
+arming for war against the Union, there happened to be in the
+Presidential chair one of her own sons--General Jackson.  Foreseeing
+what was coming, he had, prior to the meeting of the Convention that
+framed the Nullification Ordinance, ordered General Scott to Charleston
+to look after "the safety of the ports of the United States"
+thereabouts, and had sent to the Collector of that port precise
+instructions as to his duty to resist in all ways any and all attempts
+made under such Ordinance to defeat the operation of the Tariff laws
+aforesaid.  Having thus quietly prepared the arm of the General
+Government for the exercise of its power, he issued in December a
+Proclamation declaring his unalterable resolution to treat Nullification
+as Treason--and to crush it.
+
+In that famous document President Jackson said of Nullification: "If
+this doctrine had been established at an earlier day, the Union would
+have been dissolved in its infancy.  The Excise law in Pennsylvania, the
+Embargo and Non-intercourse law in the Eastern States, the Carriage-tax
+in Virginia, were all deemed unconstitutional, and were more unequal in
+their operation than any of the laws now complained of; but fortunately,
+none of those States discovered that they had the right now claimed by
+South Carolina.  * * * The discovery of this important feature in our
+Constitution was reserved for the present day.  To the statesmen of
+South Carolina belongs the invention, and upon the citizens of that
+State will unfortunately fall the evils of reducing it to practice.  * *
+* I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States,
+assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence of the Union,
+contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized
+by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which it was founded
+and destructive of the great object for which it was formed.  * * * To
+say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that
+the United States are not a Nation, because it would be a solecism to
+contend that any part of a Nation might dissolve its connection with the
+other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing any, offense."
+
+Farther on, in his moving appeal to the South Carolinians, he bids them
+beware of their leaders: "Their object is disunion; be not deceived by
+names.  Disunion, by armed force, is Treason."  And then, reminding them
+of the deeds of their fathers in the Revolution, he proceeds: "I adjure
+you, as you honor their memory, as you love the cause of freedom to
+which they dedicated their lives, as you prize the peace of your
+country, the lives of its best citizens, and your own fair fame, to
+retrace your steps.  Snatch from the archives of your State the
+disorganizing edict of its Convention--bid its members to reassemble and
+promulgate the decided expression of your will to remain in the path
+which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity, and honor--tell them
+that, compared to disunion, all other evils are light, because that
+brings with it an accumulation of all--declare that you will never take
+the field unless the Star-spangled banner of your country shall float
+over you--that you will not be stigmatized when dead, and dishonored and
+scorned while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the
+Constitution of your country!  Its destroyers you cannot be."
+
+After asserting his firm "determination to execute the laws-to preserve
+the Union by all constitutional means"--he concludes with the prayer,
+"May the great Ruler of Nations grant, that the signal blessings with
+which He has favored, ours may not, by the madness of party, or personal
+ambition be disregarded and lost; and may His wise providence bring
+those who have produced this crisis to see the folly before they feel
+the misery, of civil strife; and inspire a returning veneration for that
+Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs, He has chosen as
+the only means of attaining the high destinies to which we may
+reasonably aspire."
+
+The firm attitude of General Jackson, together with the wise
+precautionary measures he had already taken, and the practical unanimity
+with which his declaration to crush out the Treason was hailed in most
+of the Southern as well as the Northern States, almost at once broke the
+back of Nullification.
+
+
+     [In this connection the following letter, written at that time by
+     the great Chief Justice Marshall, to a cousin of his, on the
+     subject of State Sovereignty, is of interest, as showing how
+     clearly his penetrating intellect perceived the dangers to the
+     Union hidden in the plausible doctrine of State Rights:
+
+     RICHMOND, May 7, 1833.
+
+     "MY DEAR SIR:
+
+     "I am much indebted to you for your pamphlet on Federal Relations,
+     which I have read with much satisfaction.  No subject, as it seems
+     to me, is more misunderstood or more perverted.  You have brought
+     into view numerous important historical facts which, in my
+     judgment, remove the foundation on which the Nullifiers and
+     Seceders have erected that superstructure which overshadows our
+     Union.  You have, I think, shown satisfactorily that we never have
+     been perfectly distinct, independent societies, sovereign in the
+     sense in which the Nullifiers use the term.  When colonies we
+     certainly were not.  We were parts of the British empire, and
+     although not directly connected with each other so far as respected
+     government, we were connected in many respects, and were united to
+     the same stock.  The steps we took to effect separation were, as
+     you have fully shown, not only revolutionary in their nature, but
+     they were taken conjointly.  Then, as now, we acted in many
+     respects as one people.  The representatives of each colony acted
+     for all.  Their resolutions proceeded from a common source, and
+     operated on the whole mass.  The army was a continental army
+     commanded by a continental general, and supported from a
+     continental treasury.  The Declaration of Independence was made by
+     a common government, and was made for all the States.
+
+     "Everything has been mixed.  Treaties made by Congress have been
+     considered as binding all the States.  Some powers have been
+     exercised by Congress, some by the States separately.  The lines
+     were not strictly drawn.  The inability of Congress to carry its
+     legitimate powers into execution has gradually annulled those
+     powers practically, but they always existed in theory.
+     Independence was declared `in the name and by the authority of the
+     good people of these colonies.' In fact we have always been united
+     in some respects, separate in others.  We have acted as one people
+     for some purposes, as distinct societies for others.  I think you
+     have shown this clearly, and in so doing have demonstrated the
+     fallacy of the principle on which either nullification or the right
+     of peaceful, constitutional secession is asserted.
+
+     "The time is arrived when these truths must be more generally
+     spoken, or our Union is at an end.  The idea of complete
+     sovereignty of the State converts our government into a league,
+     and, if carried into practice, dissolves the Union.
+
+     "I am, dear sir,
+
+     "Yours affectionately,
+
+     "J. MARSHALL.
+
+     "HUMPHREY MARSHALL, ESQ.,
+
+     "FRANKFORT, KY."]
+
+
+The Nullifiers hailed with pretended satisfaction the report from the
+House Committee on Ways and Means of a Bill making great reductions and
+equalizations of Tariff duties, as a measure complying with their
+demands, and postponed the execution of the Ordinance of Nullification
+until the adjournment of Congress; and almost immediately afterward Mr.
+Clay's Compromise Tariff Act of 1833 "whereby  one tenth of the excess
+over twenty per cent. of each and every existing impost was to be taken
+off at the close of that year; another tenth two years thereafter; so
+proceeding until the 30th of June, 1842, when all duties should be
+reduced to a maximum of twenty per cent."--[Says Mr. Greeley, in his
+History aforesaid.]--agreed to by Calhoun and other Nullifiers, was
+passed, became a law without the signature of President Jackson, and
+South Carolina once more became to all appearances a contented, law-
+abiding State of the Union.
+
+But after-events proved conclusively that the enactment of this
+Compromise Tariff was a terrible blunder, if not a crime.  Jackson had
+fully intended to hang Calhoun and his nullifying coadjutors if they
+persisted in their Treason.  He knew that they had only seized upon the
+Tariff laws as a pretext with which to justify Disunion, and prophesied
+that "the next will be the Slavery or Negro question."  Jackson's
+forecast was correct.  Free Trade, Slavery and Secession were from that
+time forward sworn allies; and the ruin wrought to our industries by the
+disasters of 1840, plainly traceable to that Compromise Tariff measure
+of 1833, was only to be supplemented by much greater ruin and disasters
+caused by the Free Trade Tariff of 1846--and to be followed by the armed
+Rebellion of the Free Trade and Pro-Slavery States of the South in 1861,
+in a mad attempt to destroy the Union.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER III.
+
+                    GROWTH OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
+
+
+It will be remembered that during the period of the Missouri Struggle,
+1818-1820, the Territory of Arkansas was formed by an Act of Congress
+out of that part of the Missouri Territory not included in the proposed
+State of Missouri, and that the Act so creating the Territory of
+Arkansas contained no provision restricting Slavery.  Early in 1836, the
+people of Arkansas Territory met in Convention and formed a Constitution
+under which, "and by virtue of the treaty of cession by France to the
+United States, of the Province of Louisiana," they asked admission to
+the Union as a State.  Among other provisions of that Constitution was a
+section rendering the State Legislature powerless to pass laws for the
+emancipation of slaves without the consent of the owners, or to prevent
+emigrants to that State from bringing with them slaves.  On June 15th of
+the same year, Arkansas was, under that Constitution, admitted to the
+Union as a Slave State, with the sole reservation, that nothing in the
+Act of admission should be" construed as an assent by Congress to all or
+any of the propositions contained" in the said Constitution.
+
+Long ere this, all the Northern and Middle States had made provision for
+the emancipation of such slaves as remained within their borders, and
+only a few years previous (in 1829 and 1831-32) Virginia had made strong
+but insufficient efforts toward the same end.  The failure to free
+Virginia of Slavery--the effort to accomplish which had been made by
+some of the greatest of her statesmen--only served to rivet the chains
+of human bondage more securely throughout all the Slave States, and from
+that time on, no serious agitation occurred in any one of them, looking
+toward even the most gradual emancipation.  On the other hand, the
+advocates of the extension of the Slave-Power by the expansion of Slave-
+territory, were ever on the alert, they considered it of the last
+importance to maintain the balance of power between the Slave States and
+the Free States.  Hence, while they had secured in 1819 the cession from
+Spain to the United States of the Slave-holding Floridas, and the
+organization of the Slave Territory of Florida in 1822--which
+subsequently came in as a Slave State under the same Act (1845) that
+admitted the Free State of Iowa--their greedy eyes were now cast upon
+the adjoining rich territories of Mexico.
+
+Efforts had (in 1827-1829) been made to purchase from Mexico the domain
+which was known as Texas.  They had failed.  But already a part of Texas
+had been settled by adventurous Americans under Mexican grants and
+otherwise; and General Sam Houston, an adherent of the Slave Power,
+having become a leading spirit among them, fomented a revolution.  In
+March, 1836, Texas, under his guidance, proclaimed herself a Republic
+independent of Mexico.
+
+The War that ensued between Texas and Mexico ended in the flight of the
+Mexican Army and the capture of Santa Anna at San Jacinto, and a treaty
+recognizing Texan independence.  In October, 1836, General Houston was
+inaugurated President of the Republic of Texas.  Close upon this
+followed (in August, 1837) a proposition to our Government from the
+Texan envoy for the annexation of Texas to the United States.  President
+Van Buren declined the offer.  The Northern friends of Freedom were as
+much opposed to this annexation project as the advocates of Slavery were
+anxious for it.  Even such conservative Northern Statesmen as Daniel
+Webster strongly opposed the project.  In a speech delivered in New York
+[1837], after showing that the chief aim of our Government in the
+acquisition of the Territory of Louisiana was to gain command of the
+mouths of the great rivers to the sea, and that in the acquisition of
+the Floridas our policy was based on similar considerations, Mr. Webster
+declared that "no such necessity, no such policy, requires the
+annexation of Texas," and that we ought "for numerous and powerful
+reasons to be content with our present boundaries.  He recognized that
+Slavery already existed under the guarantees of the Constitution and
+those guarantees must be fulfilled; that "Slavery, as it exists in the
+States, is beyond the power of Congress.  It is a concern of the States
+themselves," but "when we come to speak of admitting new States, the
+subject assumes an entirely different aspect.  Our rights and our duties
+are then both different.  The Free States, and all the States, are then
+at liberty to accept or to reject;" and he added, "In my opinion the
+people of the United States will not consent to bring into the Union a
+new, vastly extensive and Slaveholding country, large enough for a half
+a dozen or a dozen States.  In my opinion, they ought not to consent to
+it."
+
+Farther on, in the same speech--after alluding to the strong feeling in
+the Northern States against the extension of Slavery, not only as a
+question of politics, but of conscience and religious conviction as
+well-he deems him a rash man indeed "who supposes that a feeling of this
+kind is to be trifled with or despised."  Said he: "It will assuredly
+cause itself to be respected.  It may be reasoned with; it may be made
+willing--I believe it is entirely willing--to fulfill all existing
+engagements and all existing duties--to uphold and defend the
+Constitution as it is established, with whatever regrets about some
+provisions which it does actually contain.  But to coerce it into
+silence, to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to
+compress and confine it, warm as it is, and more heated as such
+endeavors would inevitably render it,--should this be attempted, I know
+nothing, even in the Constitution or in the Union itself, which would
+not be endangered by the explosion which might follow."
+
+In 1840, General Harrison, the Whig candidate, was elected to the
+Presidency, but died within a few weeks after his inauguration in 1841,
+and was succeeded by John Tyler.  The latter favored the Slave Power;
+and on April 12th, 1844, John C.  Calhoun, his Secretary of State,
+concluded with Texas a treaty of annexation--which was, however,
+rejected by the Senate.  Meanwhile the public mind was greatly agitated
+over the annexation and other, questions.
+
+     [In the London Index, a journal established there by Jefferson
+     Davis's agents to support the cause of the rebellious States, a
+     communication appeared during the early part of the war, Dec.  4,
+     1861, supposed to have been written by Mr. Mason, of Virginia, in
+     which he said: "To tell the Norths, the Butes, the Wedderburns of
+     the present day, that previous to the year 1839 the sovereign
+     States of the South had unalterably resolved on the specific ground
+     of the violation of the Federal Constitution by the tariff of
+     spoliation which the New England States had imposed upon them--to
+     secede from the Union; to tell them that in that year the leader of
+     the South, Calhoun, urged an English gentleman, to whom he had
+     fully explained the position of the South, and the intolerable
+     tyranny which the North inflicted upon it, to be the bearer of
+     credentials from the chief persons of the South, in order to invite
+     the attention of the British Government to the coming event; that
+     on his death-bed (Washington, March 31, 1850), he called around him
+     his political friends--one of whom is now in England--warned them
+     that in no event could the Union survive the Presidential election
+     of 1860, though it might possibly break up before that urged them
+     to be prepared; leaving with his dying words the sacred cause of
+     Southern secession a solemn legacy in their hands--to have told
+     this to the Norths and Dartmouths of the present day, with more and
+     even stronger evidence of the coming events of November, 1860,
+     would have been like speaking to the stones of the street.  In
+     November, 1860, they were thoroughly ignorant of all the momentous
+     antecedents of secession--of their nature, their character, their
+     bearing, import, and consequences."
+
+     In the same correspondence the distinguished Rebel emissary
+     substantially let out the fact that Calhoun was indirectly, through
+     himself (Mason), in secret communication with the British
+     Government as far back as 1841, with a view to securing its
+     powerful aid in his aforesaid unalterable resolve to Secede from
+     the Union; and then Mr. Mason pleads--but pleads in vain--for the
+     armed intervention of England at this later day.  Said he:
+
+     "In the year 1841 the late Sir William Napier sent in two plans for
+     subduing the Union, to the War Office, in the first of which the
+     South was to be treated as an enemy, in the second as a friend and
+     ally.  I was much consulted by him as to the second plan and was
+     referred to by name in it, as he showed by the acknowledgment of
+     this in Lord Fitzroy Somerset's letter of reply.  This plan fully
+     provided for the contingency of an invasion of Canada, and its
+     application would, in eighteen or twenty months, have reduced the
+     North to a much more impotent condition than it exhibits at
+     present.  At this very moment the most difficult portion of that
+     plan has been perfectly accomplished by the South itself; and the
+     North, in accordance with Sir William Napier's expectations, now
+     lies helpless before England, and at our absolute mercy.  Nor is
+     there any doubt of this, and if Lord Palmerston is not aware of it
+     Mr. Seward certainly is.  We have nothing remaining to do but to
+     stretch out our arm in the way Sir William Napier proposed, and the
+     Northern power--power as we ignorantly call it--must come to an
+     end.  Sir William knew and well estimated the elements of which
+     that quasi power consisted; and he knew how to apply the
+     substantive power of England to dissolve it.  In the best interest
+     of humanity, I venture to say that it is the duty of England to
+     apply this power without further delay--its duty to itself, to its
+     starving operatives, to France, to Europe, and to humanity.  And in
+     the discharge of this great duty to the world at large there will
+     not even be the dignity of sacrifice or danger."]
+
+Threats and counter-threats of Disunion were made on either hand by the
+opponents and advocates of Slavery-extension through annexation; nor was
+it less agitated on the subject of a Protective Tariff.
+
+The Compromise Tariff of 1833, together with President Jackson's
+upheaval of our financial system, produced, as has already been hinted,
+terrible commercial disasters. "In 1840," says competent authority, "all
+prices had ruinously fallen; production had greatly diminished, and in
+many departments of industry had practically ceased; thousands of
+working men were idle, with no hope of employment, and their families
+suffering from want.  Our farmers were without markets, their products
+rotted in their barns, and their lands, teeming with rich harvests, were
+sold by the sheriff for debts and taxes.  The Tariff, which robbed our
+industries of Protection failed to supply Government with its necessary
+revenues.  The National Treasury in consequence was bankrupt, and the
+credit of the Nation had sunk very low."
+
+Mr. Clay himself stated "the average depression in the value of property
+under that state of things which existed before the Tariff of 1842 came
+to the rescue of the country, at fifty per cent."  And hence it was that
+Protection was made the chief issue of the Presidential campaign of
+1840, which eventuated in the election of Harrison and Tyler, and in the
+Tariff Act of August 30, 1842, which revived our trade and industries,
+and brought back to the land a full measure of prosperity.  With those
+disasters fresh in the minds of the people, Protection continued to be a
+leading issue in the succeeding Presidential campaign of 1844--but
+coupled with the Texas-annexation issue.  In that campaign Henry Clay
+was the candidate of the Whig party and James K. Polk of the Democratic
+party.  Polk was an ardent believer in the annexation policy and stood
+upon a platform declaring for the "re-occupation of Oregon and the re-
+annexation of Texas at the earliest practicable moment"--as if the
+prefix "re" legitimatized the claim in either case; Clay, on the other
+hand, held that we had "fairly alienated our title to Texas by solemn
+National compacts, to the fulfilment of which we stand bound by good
+faith and National honor;" that "Annexation and War with Mexico are
+identical," and that he was "not willing to involve this country in a
+foreign War for the object of acquiring Texas."
+
+     [In his letter of April 17, 1844, published in the National
+     Intelligencer.]
+
+As to the Tariff issue also, Clay was the acknowledged champion of the
+American system of Protection, while Polk was opposed to it, and was
+supported by the entire Free-trade sentiment, whether North or South.
+
+As the campaign progressed, it became evident that Clay would be
+elected.  Then occurred some of those fatalities which have more than
+once, in the history of Presidential campaigns, overturned the most
+reasonable expectations and defeated the popular will.  Mr. Clay
+committed a blunder and Mr. Polk an equivocation--to use the mildest
+possible term.  Mr. Clay was induced by Southern friends to write a
+letter--[Published in the North Alabamian, Aug.  16, 1844.]--in which,
+after stating that "far from having any personal objection to the
+annexation of Texas, I should be glad to see it--without dishonor,
+without War, with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and
+fair terms," he added: "I do not think that the subject of Slavery ought
+to affect the question, one way or the other."  Mr. Polk, on the other
+hand, wrote a letter in which he declared it to be "the duty of the
+Government to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do so, by its
+revenue laws and all other means within its power, fair and just
+Protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, embracing
+Agriculture, Manufactures, the Mechanic Arts, Commerce and Navigation."
+This was supplemented by a letter (August 8, 1844) from Judge Wilson
+McCandless of Pennsylvania, strongly upholding the Protective principle,
+claiming that Clay in his Compromise Tariff Bill had abandoned it, and
+that Polk and Dallas had "at heart the true interests of Pennsylvania."
+Clay, thus betrayed by the treachery of Southern friends, was greatly
+weakened, while Polk, by his beguiling letter, backed by the false
+interpretation put upon it by powerful friends in the North, made the
+North believe him a better Protectionist than Clay.
+
+Polk was elected, and rewarded the misplaced confidence by making Robert
+J.  Walker his Secretary of the Treasury, and, largely through that
+great Free Trader's exertions, secured a repeal by Congress of the
+Protective Tariff of 1842 and the enactment of the ruinous Free Trade
+Tariff of 1846.  Had Clay carried New York, his election was secure.  As
+it happened, Polk had a plurality in New York of but 5,106 in an immense
+vote, and that slim plurality was given to him by the Abolitionists
+throwing away some 15,000 on Birney.  And thus also it curiously
+happened that it was the Abolition vote which secured the election of
+the candidate who favored immediate annexation and the extension of the
+Slave Power!
+
+Emboldened and apparently sustained by the result of the election, the
+Slave Power could not await the inauguration of Mr. Polk, but proceeded
+at once, under whip and spur, to drive the Texas annexation scheme
+through Congress; and two days before the 4th of March, 1845, an Act
+consenting to the admission of the Republic of Texas as a State of the
+Union was approved by President Tyler.
+
+In that Act it was provided that "New States of convenient size, not
+exceeding four in number, in addition to the said State of Texas, and
+having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said
+State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled
+to admission under the provisions of the Federal Constitution; and such
+States as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying
+south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly
+known as the Missouri Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union
+with or without Slavery, as the people of each State asking admission
+may desire.  And in such State or States as shall be formed out of said
+territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, Slavery or involuntary
+servitude (except for crime) shall be prohibited."  As has been lucidly
+stated by another,--[Greeley's History]--"while seeming to curtail and
+circumscribe Slavery north of the above parallel (that of 36  30' north
+latitude), this measure really extended it northward to that parallel,
+which it had not yet approached, under the flag of Texas, within
+hundreds of miles.  But the chief end of this sham Compromise was the
+involving of Congress in an indirect indorsement of the claim of Texas
+to the entire left bank of the Rio Grande, from its mouth to its source;
+and this was effected."
+
+Texas quickly consented to the Act of annexation, and in December, 1845,
+a Joint Resolution formally admitting her as a State of the Union,
+reported by Stephen A.  Douglas, was duly passed.
+
+In May, 1846, the American forces under General Taylor, which had been
+dispatched to protect Texas from threatened assault, were attacked by
+the Mexican army, which at Palo Alto was badly defeated and at Resaca de
+la Palma driven back across the Rio Grande.
+
+Congress immediately declared that by this invasion a state of War
+existed between Mexico and the United States.  Thus commenced the War
+with Mexico--destined to end in the triumph of the American Army, and
+the acquisition of large areas of territory to the United States.  In
+anticipation of such triumph, President Polk lost little time in asking
+an appropriation of over two million dollars by Congress to facilitate
+negotiations for peace with, and territorial cession from, Mexico.  And
+a Bill making such appropriation was quickly passed by the House of
+Representatives--but with the following significant proviso attached,
+which had been offered by Mr. Wilmot: "Provided.  That as an express and
+fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the
+Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty that
+may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the
+moneys herein appropriated, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude
+shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime,
+whereof the party shall first be duly convicted."
+
+The debate in the Senate upon the Wilmot proviso, which immediately
+ensued, was cut short by the expiration of the Session of Congress--and
+the Bill accordingly failed of passage.
+
+In February, 1848, the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was made between
+Mexico and the United States, and Peace reigned once more.  About the
+same time a Bill was passed by the Senate providing Territorial
+Governments for Oregon, California and New Mexico, which provided for
+the reference of all questions touching Slavery in such Territories to
+the United States Supreme Court, for arbitration.  The Bill, however,
+failed in the House.  The ensuing Presidential campaign resulted in the
+election of General Taylor, the Whig candidate, who was succeeded upon
+his death, July 10, 1850, by Fillmore.  Meanwhile, on the Oregon
+Territory Bill, in 1848, a strong effort had been made by Mr. Douglas
+and others to incorporate a provision extending to the Pacific Ocean the
+Missouri Compromise line of 36  30' of north latitude and extending to
+all future organizations of Territories of the United States the
+principles of said Compromise.  This provision was adopted by the
+Senate, but the House struck it from the Bill; the Senate receded, and
+Oregon was admitted as a Free Territory.  But the conflict in Congress
+between those who would extend and those who would restrict Slavery
+still continued, and indeed gathered vehemence with time.  In 1850,
+California was clamoring for admission as a Free State to the Union, and
+New Mexico and Utah sought to be organized under Territorial
+Governments.
+
+In the heated discussions upon questions growing out of bills for these
+purposes, and to rectify the boundaries of Texas, it was no easy matter
+to reach an agreement of any sort.  Finally, however, the Compromise of
+1850, offered by Mr. Clay, was practically agreed to and carried out,
+and under it: California was admitted as a Free State; New Mexico and
+Utah were admitted to Territorial organization without a word pro or con
+on the subject of Slavery; the State of Texas was awarded a pecuniary
+compensation for the rectification of her boundaries; the Slave Trade in
+the District of Columbia was abolished; and a more effectual Fugitive
+Slave Act passed.
+
+By both North and South, this Compromise of 1850, and the measures
+growing out of it, were very generally acquiesced in, and for a while it
+seemed as though a permanent settlement of the Slavery question had been
+reached.  But in the Fugitive Slave law, thus hastily enacted, lay
+embedded the seed for further differences and excitements, speedily to
+germinate.  In its operation it proved not only unnecessarily cruel and
+harsh, in the manner of the return to bondage of escaped slaves, but
+also afforded a shield and support to the kidnapping of Free Negroes
+from Northern States.  The frequency of arrests in the Northern States,
+and the accompanying circumstances of cruelty and brutality in the
+execution of the law, soon made it especially odious throughout the
+North, and created an active feeling of commiseration for the unhappy
+victims of the Slave Power, which greatly intensified and increased the
+growing Anti-Slavery sentiment in the Free States.
+
+In 1852-53, an attempt was made in Congress to organize into the
+Territory of Nebraska, the region of country lying west of Iowa and
+Missouri.  Owing to the opposition of the South the Bill was defeated.
+In 1853-4 a similar Bill was reported to the Senate by Mr. Douglas, but
+afterward at his own instance recommitted to the Committee on
+Territories, and reported back by him again in such shape as to create,
+instead of one, two Territories, that portion directly west of Missouri
+to be called Kansas, and the balance to be known as Nebraska--one of the
+sections of the Bill enacting:
+
+"That in order to avoid all misconstruction it is hereby declared to be
+the true intent and meaning of this Act, so far as the question of
+Slavery is concerned, to carry into practical operation the following
+propositions and principles, established by the Compromise measures of
+1850, to wit:
+
+"First, That all questions pertaining to Slavery in the Territories, and
+the new States to be formed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of
+the people residing therein through their appropriate representatives.
+
+"Second, That 'all cases involving title to slaves,' and 'questions of
+personal freedom,' are referred to the adjudication of the local
+tribunals with the right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United
+States.
+
+"Third, That the provisions of the Constitution and laws of the United
+States, in respect to fugitives from service, are to be carried into
+faithful execution in all the `organized Territories,' the same as in
+the States."
+
+The sections authorizing Kansas and Nebraska to elect and send delegates
+to Congress also prescribed:
+
+"That the Constitution, and all laws of the United States which are not
+locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the
+said Territory, as elsewhere in the United States, except the section of
+the Act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union,
+approved March 6th, 1820, which was superseded by the principles of the
+Legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures, and is
+declared inoperative."
+
+And when "explaining this Kansas-Nebraska Bill" Mr. Douglas announced
+that, in reporting it, "The object of the Committee was neither to
+legislate Slavery in or out of the Territories; neither to introduce nor
+exclude it; but to remove whatever obstacle Congress had put there, and
+apply the doctrine of Congressional Non-intervention in accordance with
+the principles of the Compromise Measures of 1850, and allow the people
+to do as they pleased upon this as well as all other matters affecting
+their interests."
+
+A vigorous and able debate ensued.  A motion by Mr. Chase to strike out
+the words "which was superseded by the principles of the legislation of
+1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures," was defeated decisively.
+Subsequently Mr. Douglas moved to strike out the same words and insert
+in place of them, these: "which being inconsistent with the principles
+of Non-intervention by Congress with Slavery in the States and
+Territories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850 (commonly called
+the Compromise Measures), is hereby declared inoperative and void; it
+being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate Slavery
+into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave
+the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic
+institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the
+United States"--and the motion was agreed to by a vote of 35 yeas to 10
+nays.  Mr. Chase immediately moved to add to the amendment just adopted
+these words: "Under which, the people of the Territory, through their
+appropriate representatives, may, if they see fit, prohibit the
+existence of Slavery therein;" but this motion was voted down by 36 nays
+to 10 yeas.  This developed the rat in the meal-tub.  The people were to
+be "perfectly free" to act either way on the subject of Slavery, so long
+as they did not prohibit Slavery!  In this shape the Bill passed the
+Senate.
+
+Public sentiment in the North was greatly stirred by this direct attempt
+to repeal the Missouri Compromise.  But by the superior parliamentary
+tactics of Southern Representatives in the House, whereby the radical
+friends of Freedom were shut out from the opportunity of amendment, a
+House Bill essentially the same as the Senate Bill was subsequently
+passed by the House, under the previous question, and afterward rapidly
+passed the Senate, and was approved by the President.  At once commenced
+that long and terrible struggle between the friends of Free-Soil and the
+friends of Slavery, for the possession of Kansas, which convulsed the
+whole Country for years, and moistened the soil of that Territory with
+streams of blood, shed in numerous "border-ruffian" conflicts.
+
+The Territorial Government of Kansas was organized late in 1854, and an
+"election" for Delegate held, at which the Pro-Slavery candidate
+(Whitfield) was fraudulently elected.  On March 30, 1855, a Territorial
+Legislature was similarly chosen by Pro-Slavery voters "colonized" from
+Missouri.  That Legislature, upon its meeting, proceeded at once to
+enact most outrageous Pro-Slavery laws, which being vetoed by the Free-
+Soil Governor (Reeder), were passed over the veto, and the Free-Soil
+Governor had to give place to one who favored Slavery in Kansas.  But
+the Free-Soil settlers of Kansas, in Mass Convention at Big Springs,
+utterly repudiated the bogus Legislature and all its acts, to which they
+refused submission.
+
+In consequence of these radical differences, two separate elections for
+Delegate in Congress were held by the opposing factions, at one of which
+was elected the Pro-Slavery Whitfield, and at the other the Free-Soiler
+Reeder.  Furthermore, under a call issued by the Big Springs Convention,
+a Free-State Constitutional Convention was held in October, 1855, at
+Topeka, which framed a Free-State Constitution, and asked admission
+under it to the Union.
+
+In 1856, the House of Representatives--which, after a protracted
+struggle, had elected N. P. Banks Speaker--passed a Bill, by a bare
+majority, admitting Kansas under her Topeka Constitution; but the Senate
+defeated it.  July 4, 1856, by order of President Pierce, the Free-State
+Legislature, chosen under the Topeka Constitution to meet at Topeka, was
+dispersed by United States Troops.  Yet, despite all oppositions,
+discouragements, and outrages, the Free-State population of
+Kansas continued to increase from immigration.
+
+In 1857, the Pro-Slavery Legislature elected by the Pro-Slavery voters
+at their own special election--the Free-State voters declining to
+participate--called a Constitutional Convention at Lecompton, which
+formed a Pro-Slavery Constitution.  This was submitted to the people in
+such dexterous manner that they could only vote "For the Constitution
+with Slavery" or "For the Constitution without Slavery"--and, as the
+Constitution prescribed that "the rights of property in Slaves now in
+the Territory, shall in no manner be interfered with," to vote "for the
+Constitution Without Slavery" was an absurdity only paralleled by the
+course of the United States Senate in refusing to permit the people of
+Kansas "to prohibit Slavery" while at the same time declaring them
+"perfectly free to act" as they chose in the matter.
+
+The Constitution, with Slavery, was thus adopted by a vote of over
+6,000.  But in the meanwhile, at another general election held for the
+purpose, and despite all the frauds perpetrated by the Pro-Slavery men,
+a Free-State Legislature, and Free-State Delegate to Congress had been
+elected; and this Legislature submitted the Lecompton Pro-Slavery
+Constitution to the people, January 4, 1858, so that they could vote:
+"For the Lecompton Constitution with Slavery," "For the Lecompton
+Constitution without Slavery," or "Against the Lecompton Constitution."
+The consequence was that the Lecompton Constitution was defeated by a
+majority of over 10,000 votes--the Missouri Pro-Slavery colonists
+declining to recognize the validity of any further election on the
+subject.
+
+Meanwhile, in part upon the issues growing out of this Kansas conflict,
+the political parties of the Nation had passed through another
+Presidential campaign (1856), in which the Democratic candidate Buchanan
+had been elected over Fremont the "Republican," and Fillmore the
+"American," candidates.  Both Houses of Congress being now Democratic,
+Mr. Buchanan recommended them to accept and ratify the Lecompton Pro-
+Slavery Constitution.
+
+In March, 1858, the Senate passed a Bill--against the efforts of Stephen
+A.  Douglas--accepting it.  In the House, however, a substitute offered
+by Mr. Montgomery (Douglas Democrat) known as the Crittenden-Montgomery
+Compromise, was adopted.  The Senate refused to concur, and the report
+of a Committee of Conference--providing for submitting to the Kansas
+people a proposition placing limitations upon certain public land
+advantages stipulated for in the Lecompton Constitution, and in case
+they rejected the proposition that another Constitutional Convention
+should be held--was adopted by both Houses; and the proposition being
+rejected by the people of Kansas, the Pro-Slavery Lecompton Constitution
+fell with it.
+
+In 1859 a Convention, called by the Territorial Legislature for the
+purpose, met at Wyandot, and framed a Free State Constitution which was
+adopted by the people in October of that year, and at the ensuing State
+election in December the State went Republican.  In April, 1860, the
+House of Representatives passed a Bill admitting Kansas as a State under
+that Constitution, but the Democratic Senate adjourned without action on
+the Bill; and it was not until early in 1861 that Kansas was at last
+admitted.
+
+In the meantime, the Free Trade Tariff of 1846 had produced the train of
+business and financial disasters that its opponents predicted.  Instead
+of prosperity everywhere in the land, there was misery and ruin.  Even
+the discovery and working of the rich placer mines of California and the
+consequent flow, in enormous volume, of her golden treasure into the
+Eastern States, could not stay-the wide-spread flood of disaster.
+President Fillmore, who had succeeded General Taylor on the latter's
+death, frequently called the attention of Congress to the evils produced
+by this Free Trade, and to the necessity of protecting our manufactures
+"from ruinous competition from abroad."  So also with his successor,
+President Buchanan, who, in his Message of 1857, declared that "In the
+midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions and in all the
+elements of national wealth, we find our manufactures suspended, our
+public works retarded, our private enterprises of different kinds
+abandoned, and thousands of useful laborers thrown out of employment and
+reduced to want."  Further than this, the financial credit of the Nation
+was at zero.  It was financially bankrupt before the close of Buchanan's
+Presidential term.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER IV.
+
+                          POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY.
+
+But now occurred the great Presidential struggle of 1860 --which
+involved not alone the principles of Protection, but those of human
+Freedom, and the preservation of the Union itself-between Abraham
+Lincoln of Illinois, the candidate of the Republican party, as against
+Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, the National or Douglas-Democratic
+candidate, John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, the Administration or
+Breckinridge-Democratic candidate, and John Bell of Tennessee, the
+candidate of the Bell-Union party.  The great preliminary struggle which
+largely influenced the determination of the Presidential political
+conflict of 1860, had, however, taken place in the State of Illinois,
+two years previously.  To that preliminary political contest of 1858,
+therefore, we will now turn our eyes--and, in order to fully understand
+it, it may be well to glance back over a few years.  In 1851 the
+Legislature of Illinois had adopted--[The vote in the House being 65
+yeas to 4 nays.]--the following resolution: "Resolved, That our Liberty
+and Independence are based upon the right of the people to form for
+themselves such a government as they may choose; that this great
+principle, the birthright of freemen, the gift of Heaven, secured to us
+by the blood of our ancestors, ought to be secured to future
+generations, and no limitation ought to be applied to this power in the
+organization of any Territory of the United States, of either
+Territorial Government or State Constitution, provided the government so
+established shall be Republican and in conformity with the Constitution
+of the United States."  This resolution was a practical endorsement of
+the course of Stephen A. Douglas in supporting the Compromise measures
+of 1850, which he had defended as being "all founded upon the great
+principle that every people ought to possess the right to form and
+regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way," and that
+"the same principle" should be "extended to all of the Territories of
+the United States."
+
+In accordance with his views and the resolution aforesaid, Mr. Douglas
+in 1854, as we have already seen, incorporated in the Kansas-Nebraska
+Bill a clause declaring it to be "the true intent and meaning of the Act
+not to legislate Slavery into any State or Territory, or to exclude it
+therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and
+regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to
+the Constitution of the United States."
+
+His position, as stated by himself, was, substantially that the
+Lecompton Pro-Slavery Constitution was a fraud upon the people of
+Kansas, in that it did not embody the will of that people; and he denied
+the right of Congress to force a Constitution upon an unwilling people--
+without regard, on his part, to whether that Constitution allowed or
+prohibited Slavery or any other thing, whether good or bad.  He held
+that the people themselves were the sole judges of whether it is good or
+bad, and whether desirable or not.
+
+The Supreme Court of the United States had in the meantime made a
+decision in a case afterward known as the "Dred Scott case," which was
+held back until after the Presidential election of 1856 had taken place,
+and added fuel to the political fire already raging.  Dred Scott was a
+Negro Slave.  His owner voluntarily took him first into a Free State,
+and afterward into a Territory which came within the Congressional
+prohibitive legislation aforesaid.  That decision in brief was
+substantially that no Negro Slave imported from Africa, nor his
+descendant, can be a citizen of any State within the meaning of the
+Constitution; that neither the Congress nor any Territorial Legislature
+has under the Constitution of the United States, the power to exclude
+Slavery from any Territory of the United States; and that it is for the
+State Courts of the Slave State, into which the negro has been conveyed
+by his master, and not for the United States Courts, to decide whether
+that Negro, having been held to actual Slavery in a Free State, has, by
+virtue of residence in such State, himself become Free.
+
+Now it was, that the meaning of the words, "subject only to the
+Constitution," as used in the Kansas-Nebraska Act, began to be
+discerned.  For if the people of a Territory were to be "perfectly
+free," to deal with Slavery as they chose, "subject only to the
+Constitution" they were by this Judicial interpretation of that
+instrument "perfectly free" to deal with Slavery in any way so long as
+they did not attempt "to exclude" it!  The thing was all one-sided.  Mr.
+Douglas's attitude in inventing the peculiar phraseology in the Kansas-
+Nebraska Act--which to some seemed as if expressly "made to order" for
+the Dred Scott decision--was criticized with asperity; the popularity,
+however, of his courageous stand against President Buchanan on the
+Lecompton fraud, seemed to make it certain that, his term in the United
+States Senate being about to expire, he would be overwhelmingly re-
+elected to that body.
+
+But at this juncture occurred something, which for a long time held the
+result in doubt, and drew the excited attention of the whole Nation to
+Illinois as the great battle-ground.  In 1858 a Republican State
+Convention was held at Springfield, Ill., which nominated Abraham
+Lincoln as the Republican candidate for United States Senator to succeed
+Senator Douglas in the National Legislature.  On June 16th--after such
+nomination--Mr. Lincoln made to the Convention a speech--in which, with
+great and incisive power, he assailed Mr. Douglas's position as well as
+that of the whole Democratic Pro-Slavery Party, and announced in compact
+and cogent phrase, from his own point of view, the attitude, upon the
+Slavery question, of the Republican Party.
+
+In that remarkable speech--which at once attracted the attention of the
+Country--Mr. Lincoln said: "We are now far into the fifth year, since a
+policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of
+putting an end to Slavery agitation.  Under the operation of that
+policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly
+augmented.  In my opinion it will not cease, until a crisis shall have
+been reached and passed.  'A House divided against itself cannot stand.'
+I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half Slave and half
+Free.  I do not expect the Union to be dissolved--I do not expect the
+House to fall--but I do expect it will cease to be divided.  It will
+become all one thing, or all the other.  Either the opponents of Slavery
+will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind
+shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate
+extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become
+alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as
+South."
+
+     [Governor Seward's announcement of an "irrepressible conflict" was
+     made four months later.]
+
+He then proceeded to lay bare and closely analyze the history of all
+that had been done, during the four years preceding, to produce the
+prevailing condition of things touching human Slavery; describing it as
+resulting from that, "now almost complete legal combination-piece of
+machinery, so to speak--compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the Dred
+Scott decision."  After stating the several points of that decision, and
+that the doctrine of the "Sacred right of self-government" had been
+perverted by the Nebraska "Squatter Sovereignty," argument to mean that,
+"if any one man chose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed
+to object," he proceeded to show the grounds upon which he charged "pre-
+concert" among the builders of that machinery.  Said he: "The people
+were to be left perfectly free, 'subject only to the Constitution.'
+What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders could not see.
+Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche for the Dred Scott
+decision to afterward come in and declare the perfect freedom of the
+people to be just no freedom at all.  Why was the amendment, expressly
+declaring the right of the people, voted down?  Plainly enough now, the
+adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision.
+Why was the Court decision held up?  Why even a Senator's individual
+opinion withheld, till after the Presidential election?  Plainly enough
+now: the speaking out then would have damaged the 'perfectly free'
+argument upon which the election was to be carried.  Why the outgoing
+President's felicitation on the indorsement?  Why the delay of a re-
+argument?  Why the incoming President's advance exhortation in favor of
+the decision?  These things look like the cautious patting and petting
+of a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when it is dreaded
+that he may give the rider a fall.  And why the hasty after-indorsement
+of the decision, by the President and others?  We cannot absolutely know
+that all these exact adaptations are the result of pre-concert.  But
+when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know
+have been gotten out at different times and places and by different
+workmen--Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James--[Douglas, Pierce, Taney
+and Buchanan.]--for instance--and when we see these timbers joined
+together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all
+the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths and
+proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective
+places, and not a piece too many or too few--not omitting even the
+scaffolding, or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the
+frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in--in such a
+case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and
+Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all
+worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was
+struck."
+
+He drew attention also to the fact that by the Nebraska Bill the people
+of a State, as well as a Territory, were to be left "perfectly free,"
+"subject only to the Constitution," and that the object of lugging a
+"State" into this merely Territorial law was to enable the United States
+Supreme Court in some subsequent decision to declare, when the public
+mind had been sufficiently imbued with Judge Douglas's notion of not
+caring "whether Slavery be voted up or voted down," that "the
+Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude
+Slavery from its limits"--which would make Slavery "alike lawful in all
+the States."  That, he declared to be Judge Douglas's present mission:--
+"His avowed mission is impressing the 'public heart' to care nothing
+about it."  Hence Mr. Lincoln urged Republicans to stand by their cause,
+which must be placed in the hands of its friends, "Whose hands are free,
+whose hearts are in the work--who do care for the result;" for he held
+that "a living dog is better than a dead lion."
+
+On the evening of July 9, 1858, at Chicago, Mr. Douglas (Mr. Lincoln
+being present) spoke to an enthusiastic assemblage, which he fitly
+described as a "vast sea of human faces," and, after stating that he
+regarded "the Lecompton battle as having been fought and the victory
+won, because the arrogant demand for the admission of Kansas under the
+Lecompton Constitution unconditionally, whether her people wanted it or
+not, has been abandoned, and the principle which recognizes the right of
+the people to decide for themselves has been submitted in its place," he
+proceeded to vindicate his position throughout; declared that he opposed
+"the Lecompton monstrosity solely on the ground than it was a violation
+of the fundamental principles of free government; on the ground that it
+was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas; that it did not embody
+their will; that they were averse to it;" and hence he "denied the right
+of Congress to force it upon them, either as a Free State or a Slave
+State."
+
+Said he: "I deny the right of Congress to force a Slaveholding State
+upon an unwilling people.  I deny their right to force a Free State upon
+an unwilling people.  I deny their right to force a good thing upon a
+people who are unwilling to receive it.  The great principle is the
+right of every community to judge and decide for itself, whether a thing
+is right or wrong, whether it would be good or evil for them to adopt
+it; and the right of free action, the right of free thought, the right
+of free judgment upon the question is dearer to every true American than
+any other under a free Government.  * * *  It is no answer to this
+argument to say that Slavery is an evil, and hence should not be
+tolerated.  You must allow the people to decide for themselves whether
+it is good or evil."  He then adverted to the arraignment of himself by
+Mr. Lincoln, and took direct issue with that gentleman on his
+proposition that, as to Freedom and Slavery, "the Union will become all
+one thing or all the other;" and maintained on the contrary, that "it is
+neither desirable nor possible that there should be uniformity in the
+local institutions and domestic regulations of the different States of
+this Union."
+
+Upon the further proposition of Mr. Lincoln, which Mr. Douglas described
+as "a crusade against the Supreme Court of the United States on account
+of the Dred Scott decision," and as "an appeal from the decision" of
+that Court "upon this high Constitutional question to a Republican
+caucus sitting in the country," he also took "direct and distinct issue
+with him."  To "the reason assigned by Mr. Lincoln for resisting the
+decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case * * * because it
+deprives the Negro of the privileges, immunities and rights of
+citizenship which pertain, according to that decision, only to the White
+man," Mr. Douglas also took exception thus: "I am free to say to you
+that in my opinion this Government of ours is founded on the White
+basis.  It was made by the White man for the benefit of the White man,
+to be administered by White men, in such manner as they should
+determine.  It is also true that a Negro, an Indian, or any other man of
+inferior race to a White man, should be permitted to enjoy, and humanity
+requires that he should have, all the rights, privileges, and immunities
+which he is capable of exercising consistent with the safety of society.
+* * *  But you may ask me what are these rights and these privileges?
+My answer is, that each State must decide for itself the nature and
+extent of these rights. * * *  Without indorsing the wisdom of that
+decision, I assert that Virginia has the same power by virtue of her
+sovereignty to protect Slavery within her limits, as Illinois has to
+banish it forever from our own borders.  I assert the right of each
+State to decide for itself on all these questions, and I do not
+subscribe to the doctrine of my friend, Mr. Lincoln, that uniformity is
+either desirable or possible.  I do not acknowledge that the States must
+all be Free or must all be Slave.  I do not acknowledge that the Negro
+must have civil and political rights everywhere or nowhere.  * * *  I do
+not acknowledge any of these doctrines of uniformity in the local and
+domestic regulations in the different States.  * * *  Mr. Lincoln goes
+for a warfare upon the Supreme Court of the United States because of
+their judicial decision in the Dred Scott case.  I yield obedience to
+the decisions in that Court--to the final determination of the highest
+judicial tribunal known to our Constitution.  He objects to the Dred
+Scott decision because it does not put the Negro in the possession of
+the rights of citizenship on an equality with the White man.  I am
+opposed to Negro equality.  * * *  I would extend to the Negro, and the
+Indian, and to all dependent races every right, every privilege, and
+every immunity consistent with the safety and welfare of the White
+races; but equality they never should have, either political or social,
+or in any other respect whatever. * * *  My friends, you see that the
+issues are distinctly drawn."
+
+On the following evening (July 10th) at Chicago, Mr. Lincoln addressed
+another enthusiastic assemblage, in reply to Mr. Douglas; and, after
+protesting against a charge that had been made the previous night by the
+latter, of an "unnatural and unholy" alliance between Administration
+Democrats and Republicans to defeat him, as being beyond his own
+knowledge and belief, proceeded: "Popular Sovereignty!  Everlasting
+Popular Sovereignty!  Let us for a moment inquire into this vast matter
+of Popular Sovereignty.  What is Popular Sovereignty?  We recollect at
+an early period in the history of this struggle there was another name
+for the same thing--Squatter Sovereignty.  It was not exactly Popular
+Sovereignty, but Squatter Sovereignty.  What do those terms mean?  What
+do those terms mean when used now?  And vast credit is taken by our
+friend, the Judge, in regard to his support of it, when he declares the
+last years of his life have been, and all the future years of his life
+shall be, devoted to this matter of Popular Sovereignty.  What is it?
+Why it is the Sovereignty of the People!  What was Squatter Sovereignty?
+I suppose if it had any significance at all, it was the right of the
+people to govern themselves, to be sovereign in their own affairs while
+they were squatted down in a country not their own--while they had
+squatted on a territory that did not belong to them in the sense that a
+State belongs to the people who inhabit it--when it belonged to the
+Nation--such right to govern themselves was called 'Squatter
+Sovereignty.'
+
+"Now I wish you to mark.  What has become of that Squatter Sovereignty?
+What has become of it?  Can you get anybody to tell you now that the
+people of a Territory have any authority to govern themselves, in regard
+to this mooted question of Slavery, before they form a State
+Constitution?  No such thing at all, although there is a general running
+fire and although there has been a hurrah made in every speech on that
+side, assuming that that policy had given the people of a Territory the
+right to govern themselves upon this question; yet the point is dodged.
+To-day it has been decided--no more than a year ago it was decided by
+the Supreme Court of the United States, and is insisted upon to-day,
+that the people of a Territory have no right to exclude Slavery from a
+Territory, that if any one man chooses to take Slaves into a Territory,
+all the rest of the people have no right to keep them out.  This being
+so, and this decision being made one of the points that the Judge
+(Douglas) approved, * * *  he says he is in favor of it, and sticks to
+it, and expects to win his battle on that decision, which says there is
+no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty; but that any man may take Slaves
+into a Territory and all the other men in the Territory may be opposed
+to it, and yet by reason of the Constitution they cannot prohibit it;
+when that is so, how much is left of this vast matter of Squatter
+Sovereignty, I should like to know?  Again, when we get to the question
+of the right of the people to form a State Constitution as they please,
+to form it with Slavery or without Slavery--if that is anything new, I
+confess I don't know it * * *.
+
+"We do not remember that, in that old Declaration of Independence, it is
+said that 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are
+created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
+inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit
+of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted
+among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.'
+There, is the origin of Popular Sovereignty.  Who, then, shall come in
+at this day and claim that he invented it?  The Lecompton Constitution
+connects itself with this question, for it is in this matter of the
+Lecompton Constitution that our friend, Judge Douglas, claims such vast
+credit.  I agree that in opposing the Lecompton Constitution, so far as
+I can perceive, he was right.  * * *  All the Republicans in the Nation
+opposed it, and they would have opposed it just as much without Judge
+Douglas's aid as with it.  They had all taken ground against it long
+before he did.  Why, the reason that he urges against that Constitution,
+I urged against him a year before.  I have the printed speech in my hand
+now.  The argument that he makes, why that Constitution should not be
+adopted, that the people were not fairly represented nor allowed to
+vote, I pointed out in a speech a year ago which I hold in my hand now,
+that no fair chance was to be given to the people.  * * *  The Lecompton
+Constitution, as the Judge tells us, was defeated.  The defeat of it was
+a good thing or it was not.  He thinks the defeat of it was a good
+thing, and so do I, and we agree in that.  Who defeated it?  [A voice--
+'Judge Douglas.']  Yes, he furnished himself, and if you suppose he
+controlled the other Democrats that went with him, he furnished three
+votes, while the Republicans furnished twenty.  That is what he did to
+defeat it.  In the House of Representatives he and his friends furnished
+some twenty votes, and the Republicans furnished ninety odd.  Now, who
+was it that did the work?  * * *  Ground was taken against it by the
+Republicans long before Douglas did it.  The proportion of opposition to
+that measure is about five to one."
+
+Mr. Lincoln then proceeded to take up the issues which Mr. Douglas had
+joined with him the previous evening.  He denied that he had said, or
+that it could be fairly inferred from what he had said, in his
+Springfield speech, that he was in favor of making War by the North upon
+the South for the extinction of Slavery, "or, in favor of inviting the
+South to a War upon the North, for the purpose of nationalizing
+Slavery."  Said he: "I did not even say that I desired that Slavery
+should be put in course of ultimate extinction.  I do say so now,
+however; so there need be no longer any difficulty about that.  * * *  I
+am tolerably well acquainted with the history of the Country and I know
+that it has endured eighty-two years half Slave and half Free.  I
+believe--and that is what I meant to allude to there--I believe it has
+endured, because during all that time, until the introduction of the
+Nebraska Bill, the public mind did rest all the, time in the belief that
+Slavery was in course of ultimate extinction.  That was what gave us the
+rest that we had through that period of eighty-two years; at least, so I
+believe.
+
+"I have always hated Slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist--I
+have been an Old Line Whig--I have always hated it, but I have always
+been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the
+Nebraska Bill began.  I always believed that everybody was against it,
+and that it was in course of ultimate extinction.  * * *  The great mass
+of the Nation have rested in the belief that Slavery was in course of
+ultimate extinction.  They had reason so to believe.  The adoption of
+the Constitution and its attendant history led the People to believe so,
+and that such was the belief of the framers of the Constitution itself.
+Why did those old men about the time of the adoption of the Constitution
+decree that Slavery should not go into the new territory, where it had
+not already gone?  Why declare that within twenty years the African
+Slave Trade, by which Slaves are supplied, might be cut off by Congress?
+Why were all these acts?  I might enumerate more of these acts--but
+enough.  What were they but a clear indication that the framers of the
+Constitution intended and expected the ultimate extinction of that
+institution?
+
+"And now, when I say, as I said in my speech that Judge Douglas has
+quoted from, when I say that I think the opponents of Slavery will
+resist the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind
+shall rest with the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction,
+I only mean to say, that they will place it where the founders of this
+Government originally placed it.  I have said a hundred times, and I
+have now no inclination to take it back, that I believe there is no
+right, and ought to be no inclination in the people of the Free States,
+to enter into the Slave States, and interfere with the question of
+Slavery at all.  I have said that always; Judge Douglas has heard me say
+it--if not quite a hundred times, at least as good as a hundred times;
+and when it is said that I am in favor of interfering with Slavery where
+it exists, I know that it is unwarranted by anything I have ever
+intended, and as I believe, by anything I have ever said.  If, by any
+means, I have ever used language which could fairly be so construe (as,
+however, I believe I never have) I now correct it.  So much, then, for
+the inference that Judge Douglas draws, that I am in favor of setting
+the Sections at War with one another.
+
+"Now in relation to his inference that I am in favor of a general
+consolidation of all the local institutions of the various States * * *
+I have said, very many times in Judge Douglas's hearing, that no man
+believed more than I in the principle of self-government from beginning
+to end.  I have denied that his use of that term applies properly.  But
+for the thing itself, I deny that any man has ever gone ahead of me in
+his devotion to the principle, whatever he may have done in efficiency
+in advocating it.  I think that I have said it in your hearing--that I
+believe each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with
+himself and the fruit of his labor, so far as it in no wise interferes
+with any other man's rights--that each community, as a State, has a
+right to do exactly as it pleases with all the concerns within that
+State that interfere with the rights of no other State, and that the
+General Government, upon principle, has no right to interfere with
+anything other than that general class of things that does concern the
+whole.  I have said that at all times.
+
+"I have said, as illustrations, that I do not believe in the right of
+Illinois to interfere with the cranberry laws of Indiana, the oyster
+laws of Virginia, or the liquor laws of Maine.  I have said these things
+over and over again, and I repeat them here as my sentiments.  * *   *
+What can authorize him to draw any such inference?  I suppose there
+might be one thing that at least enabled him to draw such an inference
+that would not be true with me or many others, that is, because he looks
+upon all this matter of Slavery as an exceedingly little thing--this
+matter of keeping one-sixth of the population of the whole Nation in a
+state of oppression and tyranny unequaled in the World.
+
+"He looks upon it as being an exceedingly little thing only equal to the
+cranberry laws of Indiana--as something having no moral question in it--
+as something on a par with the question of whether a man shall pasture
+his land with cattle, or plant it with tobacco--so little and so small a
+thing, that he concludes, if I could desire that anything should be done
+to bring about the ultimate extinction of that little thing, I must be
+in favor of bringing about an amalgamation of all the other little
+things in the Union.
+
+"Now it so happens--and there, I presume, is the foundation of this
+mistake--that the Judge thinks thus; and it so happens that there is a
+vast portion of the American People that do not look upon that matter as
+being this very little thing.  They look upon it as a vast moral evil;
+they can prove it as such by the writings of those who gave us the
+blessings of Liberty which we enjoy, and that they so looked upon it,
+and not as an evil merely confining itself to the States where it is
+situated; while we agree that, by the Constitution we assented to, in
+the States where it exists we have no right to interfere with it,
+because it is in the Constitution; and we are by both duty and
+inclination to stick by that Constitution in all its letter and spirit,
+from beginning to end.  * * *  The Judge can have no issue with me on a
+question of establishing uniformity in the domestic regulations of the
+States.  * * *
+
+"Another of the issues he says that is to be made with me, is upon his
+devotion to the Dred Scott decision, and my opposition to it.  I have
+expressed heretofore, and I now repeat, my opposition to the Dred Scott
+decision; but I should be allowed to state the nature of that
+opposition.  * * *  What is fairly implied by the term Judge Douglas has
+used, 'resistance to the decision?'  I do not resist it.  If I wanted to
+take Dred Scott from his master, I would be interfering with property
+and that terrible difficulty that Judge Douglas speaks of, of
+interfering with property, would arise.  But I am doing no such thing as
+that, but all that I am doing is refusing to obey it, as a political
+rule.  If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on a question
+whether Slavery should be prohibited in a new Territory, in spite of the
+Dred Scott decision, I would vote that it should.  That is what I would
+do.
+
+"Judge Douglas said last night, that before the decision he might
+advance his opinion, and it might be contrary to the decision when it
+was made; but after it was made, he would abide by it until it was
+reversed.  Just so!  We let this property abide by the decision, but we
+will try to reverse that decision.  We will try to put it where Judge
+Douglas would not object, for he says he will obey it until it is
+reversed.  Somebody has to reverse that decision, since it is made, and
+we mean to reverse it, and we mean to do it peaceably.
+
+"What are the uses of decisions of Courts?  They have two uses.  As
+rules of property they have two uses.  First, they decide upon the
+question before the Court.  They decide in this case that Dred Scott is
+a Slave.  Nobody resists that.  Not only that, but they say to everybody
+else, that persons standing just as Dred Scott stands, are as he is.
+That is, they say that when a question comes up upon another person, it
+will be so decided again, unless the Court decides in another way--
+unless the Court overrules its decision.--Well, we mean to do what we
+can to have the Court decide the other way.  That is one thing we mean
+to try to do.
+
+"The sacredness that Judge Douglas throws around this decision is a
+degree of sacredness that has never before been thrown around any other
+decision.  I have never heard of such a thing.  Why, decisions
+apparently contrary to that decision, or that good lawyers thought were
+contrary to that decision, have been made by that very Court before.  It
+is the first of its kind; it is an astonisher in legal history.  It is a
+new wonder of the world.  It is based upon falsehood in the main as to
+the facts--allegations of facts upon which it stands are not facts at
+all in many instances; and no decision made on any question--the first
+instance of a decision made under so many unfavorable circumstances--
+thus placed, has ever been held by the profession as law, and it has
+always needed confirmation before the lawyers regarded it as settled
+law.  But Judge Douglas will have it that all hands must take this
+extraordinary decision, made under these extraordinary circumstances,
+and give their vote in Congress in accordance with it, yield to it and
+obey it in every possible sense.
+
+"Circumstances alter cases.  Do not gentlemen remember the case of that
+same Supreme Court, some twenty-five or thirty years ago, deciding that
+a National Bank was Constitutional?  * * *  The Bank charter ran out,
+and a recharter was granted by Congress.  That re-charter was laid
+before General Jackson.  It was urged upon him, when he denied the
+Constitutionality of the Bank, that the Supreme Court had decided that
+it was Constitutional; and General Jackson then said that the Supreme
+Court had no right to lay down a rule to govern a co-ordinate branch of
+the Government, the members of which had sworn to support the
+Constitution--that each member had sworn to support that Constitution as
+he understood it.  I will venture here to say, that I have heard Judge
+Douglas say that he approved of General Jackson for that act.  What has
+now become of all his tirade about 'resistance to the Supreme Court?'"
+
+After adverting to Judge Douglas's warfare on "the leaders" of the
+Republican party, and his desire to have "it understood that the mass of
+the Republican party are really his friends," Mr. Lincoln said: "If you
+indorse him, you tell him you do not care whether Slavery be voted up or
+down, and he will close, or try to close, your mouths with his
+declaration repeated by the day, the week, the month, and the year.  Is
+that what you mean?  * * *  Now I could ask the Republican party, after
+all the hard names that Judge Douglas has called them by, all his
+repeated charges of their inclination to marry with and hug negroes--all
+his declarations of Black Republicanism--by the way, we are improving,
+the black has got rubbed off--but with all that, if he be indorsed by
+Republican votes, where do you stand?  Plainly, you stand ready saddled,
+bridled, and harnessed, and waiting to be driven over to the Slavery-
+extension camp of the Nation--just ready to be driven over, tied
+together in a lot--to be driven over, every man with a rope around his
+neck, that halter being held by Judge Douglas.  That is the question.
+If Republican men have been in earnest in what they have done, I think
+that they has better not do it.  * * *
+
+"We were often--more than once at least--in the course of Judge
+Douglas's speech last night, reminded that this Government was made for
+White men--that he believed it was made for White men.  Well, that is
+putting it in a shape in which no one wants to deny it; but the Judge
+then goes into his passion for drawing inferences that are not
+warranted.  I protest, now and forever, against that counterfeit logic
+which presumes that because I do not want a Negro woman for a Slave I do
+necessarily want her for a wife.  My understanding is that I need not
+have her for either; but, as God has made us separate, we can leave one
+another alone, and do one another much good thereby.  There are White
+men enough to marry all the White women, and enough Black men to marry
+all the Black women, and in God's name let them be so married.  The
+Judge regales us with the terrible enormities that take place by the
+mixture of races; that the inferior race bears the superior down.  Why,
+Judge, if we do not let them get together in the Territories, they won't
+mix there.
+
+" * * * Those arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be
+treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that as
+much is to be done for them as their condition will allow--what are
+these arguments?  They are the arguments that Kings have made for
+enslaving the People in all ages of the World.  You will find that all
+the arguments in favor of king-craft were of this class; they always
+bestrode the necks of the People, not that they wanted to do it, but
+because the People were better off for being ridden!  That is their
+argument, and this argument of the Judge is the same old Serpent that
+says: you work, and I eat; you toil, and I will enjoy the fruits of it.
+
+"Turn it whatever way you will--whether it come from the mouth of a
+King, an excuse for enslaving the People of his Country, or from the
+mouth of men of one race as a reason for enslaving the men of another
+race, it is all the same old Serpent; and I hold, if that course of
+argumentation that is made for the purpose of convincing the public mind
+that we should not care about this, should be granted, it does not stop
+with the Negro.
+
+"I should like to know, taking this old Declaration of Independence,
+which declares that all men are equal upon principle, and making
+exceptions to it, where will it stop?  If one man says it does not mean
+a Negro, why not say it does not mean some other man?  If that
+Declaration is not the truth, let us get the Statute Book, in which we
+find it, and tear it out!  Who is so bold as to do it?  If it is not
+true, let us tear it out!"  [Cries of "No, no."]  "Let us stick to it
+then; let us stand firmly by it, then.  * * *
+
+" * * * The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any human creature
+could be perfect as the Father in Heaven; but He said, 'As your Father
+in Heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect.'  He set that up as a
+standard, and he who did most toward reaching that standard, attained
+the highest degree of moral perfection.  So I say, in relation to the
+principle that all men are created equal--let it be as nearly reached as
+we can.  If we cannot give Freedom to every creature, let us do nothing
+that will impose Slavery upon any other creature.  Let us then turn this
+Government back into the channel in which the framers of the
+Constitution originally placed it.  Let us stand firmly by each other.
+* * *  Let us discard all this quibbling * * *  and unite as one People
+throughout this Land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that
+all men are created equal."
+
+At Bloomington, July 16th (Mr. Lincoln being present), Judge Douglas
+made another great speech of vindication and attack.  After sketching
+the history of the Kansas-Nebraska struggle, from the introduction by
+himself of the Nebraska Bill in the United States Senate, in 1854, down
+to the passage of the "English" Bill--which prescribed substantially
+that if the people of Kansas would come in as a Slave-holding State,
+they should be admitted with but 35,000 inhabitants; but if they would
+come in as a Free State, they must have 93,420 inhabitants; which unfair
+restriction was opposed by Judge Douglas, but to which after it became
+law he "bowed in deference," because whatever decision the people of
+Kansas might make on the coming third of August would be "final and
+conclusive of the whole question"--he proceeded to compliment the
+Republicans in Congress, for supporting the Crittenden-Montgomery Bill--
+for coming "to the Douglas platform, abandoning their own, believing (in
+the language of the New York Tribune), that under the peculiar
+circumstances they would in that mode best subserve the interests of the
+Country;" and then again attacked Mr. Lincoln for his "unholy and
+unnatural alliance" with the Lecompton-Democrats to defeat him, because
+of which, said he: "You will find he does not say a word against the
+Lecompton Constitution or its supporters.  He is as silent as the grave
+upon that subject.  Behold Mr. Lincoln courting Lecompton votes, in
+order that he may go to the Senate as the representative of Republican
+principles!  You know that the alliance exists.  I think you will find
+that it will ooze out before the contest is over."  Then with many
+handsome compliments to the personal character of Mr. Lincoln, and
+declaring that the question for decision was "whether his principles are
+more in accordance with the genius of our free institutions, the peace
+and harmony of the Republic" than those advocated by himself, Judge
+Douglas proceeded to discuss what he described as "the two points at
+issue between Mr. Lincoln and myself."
+
+Said he: "Although the Republic has existed from 1789 to this day,
+divided into Free States and Slave States, yet we are told that in the
+future it cannot endure unless they shall become all Free or all Slave.
+* * *  He wishes to go to the Senate of the United States in order to
+carry out that line of public policy which will compel all the States in
+the South to become Free.  How is he going to do it?  Has Congress any
+power over the subject of Slavery in Kentucky or Virginia or any other
+State of this Union?  How, then, is Mr. Lincoln going to carry out that
+principle which he says is essential to the existence of this Union, to
+wit: That Slavery must be abolished in all the States of the Union or
+must be established in them all?  You convince the South that they must
+either establish Slavery in Illinois and in every other Free State, or
+submit to its abolition in every Southern State and you invite them to
+make a warfare upon the Northern States in order to establish Slavery
+for the sake of perpetuating it at home.  Thus, Mr. Lincoln invites, by
+his proposition, a War of Sections, a War between Illinois and Kentucky,
+a War between the Free States and the Slave States, a War between the
+North and South, for the purpose of either exterminating Slavery in
+every Southern State or planting it in every Northern State.  He tells
+you that the safety of the Republic, that the existence of this Union,
+depends upon that warfare being carried on until one Section or the
+other shall be entirely subdued.  The States must all be Free or Slave,
+for a house divided against itself cannot stand.  That is Mr. Lincoln's
+argument upon that question.  My friends, is it possible to preserve
+Peace between the North and the South if such a doctrine shall prevail
+in either Section of the Union?
+
+"Will you ever submit to a warfare waged by the Southern States to
+establish Slavery in Illinois?  What man in Illinois would not lose the
+last drop of his heart's blood before lie would submit to the
+institution of Slavery being forced upon us by the other States against
+our will?  And if that be true of us, what Southern man would not shed
+the last drop of his heart's blood to prevent Illinois, or any other
+Northern State, from interfering to abolish Slavery in his State?  Each
+of these States is sovereign under the Constitution; and if we wish to
+preserve our liberties, the reserved rights and sovereignty of each and
+every State must be maintained.  * * *  The difference between Mr.
+Lincoln and myself upon this point is, that he goes for a combination of
+the Northern States, or the organization of a sectional political party
+in the Free States, to make War on the domestic institutions of the
+Southern States, and to prosecute that War until they all shall be
+subdued, and made to conform to such rules as the North shall dictate to
+them.
+
+"I am aware that Mr. Lincoln, on Saturday night last, made a speech at
+Chicago for the purpose, as he said, of explaining his position on this
+question.  * * *  His answer to this point which I have been arguing,
+is, that he never did mean, and that I ought to know that he never
+intended to convey the idea, that he wished the people of
+the Free States to enter into the Southern States and interfere with
+Slavery.  Well, I never did suppose that he ever dreamed of entering
+into Kentucky, to make War upon her institutions, nor will any
+Abolitionist ever enter into Kentucky to wage such War.  Their mode of
+making War is not to enter into those States where Slavery exists, and
+there interfere, and render themselves responsible for the consequences.
+Oh, no!  They stand on this side of the Ohio River and shoot across.
+They stand in Bloomington and shake their fists at the people of
+Lexington; they threaten South Carolina from Chicago.  And they call
+that bravery!  But they are very particular, as Mr. Lincoln says, not to
+enter into those States for the purpose of interfering with the
+institution of Slavery there.  I am not only opposed to entering into
+the Slave States, for the purpose of interfering with their
+institutions, but I am opposed to a sectional agitation to control the
+institutions of other States.  I am opposed to organizing a sectional
+party, which appeals to Northern pride, and Northern passion and
+prejudice, against Southern institutions, thus stirring up ill feeling
+and hot blood between brethren of the same Republic.  I am opposed to
+that whole system of sectional agitation, which can produce nothing but
+strife, but discord, but hostility, and finally disunion.  * * *
+
+"I ask Mr. Lincoln how it is that he purposes ultimately to bring about
+this uniformity in each and all the States of the Union?  There is but
+one possible mode which I can see, and perhaps Mr. Lincoln intends to
+pursue it; that is, to introduce a proposition into the Senate to change
+the Constitution of the United States in order that all the State
+Legislatures may be abolished, State Sovereignty blotted out, and the
+power conferred upon Congress to make local laws and establish the
+domestic institutions and police regulations uniformly throughout the
+United States.
+
+"Are you prepared for such a change in the institutions of your country?
+Whenever you shall have blotted out the State Sovereignties, abolished
+the State Legislatures, and consolidated all the power in the Federal
+Government, you will have established a Consolidated Empire as
+destructive to the Liberties of the People and the Rights of the Citizen
+as that of Austria, or Russia, or any other despotism that rests upon
+the neck of the People.  * * *  There is but one possible way in which
+Slavery can be abolished, and that is by leaving a State, according to
+the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, perfectly free to form and
+regulate its institutions in its own way.  That was the principle upon
+which this Republic was founded, and it is under the operation of that
+principle that we have been able to preserve the Union thus far under
+its operation.  Slavery disappeared from New Hampshire, from Rhode
+Island, from Connecticut, from New York, from New Jersey, from
+Pennsylvania, from six of the twelve original Slave-holding States; and
+this gradual system of emancipation went on quietly, peacefully, and
+steadily, so long as we in the Free States minded our own business, and
+left our neighbors alone.
+
+"But the moment the Abolition Societies were organized throughout the
+North, preaching a violent crusade against Slavery in the Southern
+States, this combination necessarily caused a counter-combination in the
+South, and a sectional line was drawn which was a barrier to any further
+emancipation.  Bear in mind that emancipation has not taken place in any
+one State since the Free Soil Party was organized as a political party
+in this country.  Emancipation went on gradually, in State after State,
+so long as the Free States were content with managing their own affairs
+and leaving the South perfectly free to do as they pleased; but the
+moment the North said we are powerful enough to control you of the
+South, the moment the North proclaimed itself the determined master of
+the South, that moment the South combined to resist the attack, and thus
+sectional parties were formed and gradual emancipation ceased in all the
+Slave-holding States.
+
+"And yet Mr. Lincoln, in view of these historical facts, proposes to
+keep up this sectional agitation, band all the Northern States together
+in one political Party, elect a President by Northern votes alone, and
+then, of course, make a Cabinet composed of Northern men, and administer
+the Government by Northern men only, denying all the Southern States of
+this Union any participation in the administration of affairs
+whatsoever.  I submit to you, my fellow-citizens, whether such a line of
+policy is consistent with the peace and harmony of the Country?  Can the
+Union endure under such a system of policy?  He has taken his position
+in favor of sectional agitation and sectional warfare.  I have taken
+mine in favor of securing peace, harmony, and good-will among all the
+States, by permitting each to mind its own business, and
+discountenancing any attempt at interference on the part of one State
+with the domestic concerns of the others.  * * *
+
+"Mr. Lincoln tells you that he is opposed to the decision of the Supreme
+Court in the Dred Scott case.  Well, suppose he is; what is he going to
+do about it?  * * * Why, he says he is going to appeal to Congress.  Let
+us see how he will appeal to Congress.  He tells us that on the 8th of
+March, 1820, Congress passed a law called the Missouri Compromise,
+prohibiting Slavery forever in all the territory west of the Mississippi
+and north of the Missouri line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes;
+that Dred Scott, a slave in Missouri, was taken by his master to Fort
+Snelling, in the present State of Minnesota, situated on the west branch
+of the Mississippi River, and consequently in the Territory where
+Slavery was prohibited by the Act of 1820; and that when Dred Scott
+appealed for his Freedom in consequence of having been taken into that
+Territory, the Supreme Court of the United States decided that Dred
+Scott did not become Free by being taken into that Territory, but that
+having been carried back to Missouri, was yet a Slave.
+
+"Mr. Lincoln is going to appeal from that decision and reverse it.  He
+does not intend to reverse it as to Dred Scott.  Oh, no!  But he will
+reverse it so that it shall not stand as a rule in the future.  How will
+he do it?  He says that if he is elected to the Senate he will introduce
+and pass a law just like the Missouri Compromise, prohibiting Slavery
+again in all the Territories.  Suppose he does re-enact the same law
+which the Court has pronounced unconstitutional, will that make it
+Constitutional?  * * *  Will it be any more valid?  Will he be able to
+convince the Court that the second Act is valid, when the first is
+invalid and void?  What good does it do to pass a second Act?  Why, it
+will have the effect to arraign the Supreme Court before the People, and
+to bring them into all the political discussions of the Country.  Will
+that do any good?  * * *
+
+"The functions of Congress are to enact the Statutes, the province of
+the Court is to pronounce upon their validity, and the duty of the
+Executive is to carry the decision into effect when rendered by the
+Court.  And yet, notwithstanding the Constitution makes the decision of
+the Court final in regard to the validity of an Act of Congress, Mr.
+Lincoln is going to reverse that decision by passing another Act of
+Congress.  When he has become convinced of the Folly of the proposition,
+perhaps he will resort to the same subterfuge that I have found others
+of his Party resort to, which is to agitate and agitate until he can
+change the Supreme Court and put other men in the places of the present
+incumbents."
+
+After ridiculing this proposition at some length, he proceeded:
+
+"Mr. Lincoln is alarmed for fear that, under the Dred Scott decision,
+Slavery will go into all the Territories of the United States.  All I
+have to say is that, with or without this decision, Slavery will go just
+where the People want it, and not an inch further.  * * *  Hence, if the
+People of a Territory want Slavery, they will encourage it by passing
+affirmatory laws, and the necessary police regulations, patrol laws and
+Slave Code; if they do not want it, they will withhold that legislation,
+and, by withholding it, Slavery is as dead as if it was prohibited by a
+Constitutional prohibition, especially if, in addition, their
+legislation is unfriendly, as it would be if they were opposed to it."
+
+Then, taking up what he said was "Mr. Lincoln's main objection to the
+Dred Scott decision," to wit: "that that decision deprives the Negro of
+the benefits of that clause of the Constitution of the United States
+which entitles the citizens of each State to all the privileges and
+immunities of citizens of the several States," and admitting that such
+would be its effect, Mr. Douglas contended at some length that this
+Government was "founded on the White basis" for the benefit of the
+Whites and their posterity.  He did "not believe that it was the design
+or intention of the signers of the Declaration of Independence or the
+frames of the Constitution to include Negroes, Indians, or other
+inferior races, with White men as citizens;" nor that the former "had
+any reference to Negroes, when they used the expression that all men
+were created equal," nor to "any other inferior race."  He held that,
+"They were speaking only of the White race, and never dreamed that their
+language would be construed to apply to the Negro;" and after ridiculing
+the contrary view, insisted that, "The history of the Country shows that
+neither the signers of the Declaration, nor the Framers of the
+Constitution, ever supposed it possible that their language would be
+used in an attempt to make this Nation a mixed Nation of Indians,
+Negroes, Whites, and Mongrels."
+
+The "Fathers proceeded on the White basis, making the White people the
+governing race, but conceding to the Indian and Negro, and all inferior
+races, all the rights and all the privileges they could enjoy consistent
+with the safety of the society in which they lived.  That," said he, "is
+my opinion now.  I told you that humanity, philanthropy, justice, and
+sound policy required that we should give the Negro every right, every
+privilege, every immunity consistent with the safety and welfare of the
+State.  The question, then, naturally arises, what are those rights and
+privileges, and what is the nature and extent of them?  My answer is,
+that that is a question which each State and each Territory must decide
+for itself.  * * *  I am content with that position.  My friend Lincoln
+is not.  * * *  He thinks that the Almighty made the Negro his equal and
+his brother.  For my part I do not consider the Negro any kin to me, nor
+to any other White man; but I would still carry my humanity and my
+philanthropy to the extent of giving him every privilege and every
+immunity that he could enjoy, consistent with our own good."
+
+After again referring to the principles connected with non-interference
+in the domestic institutions of the States and Territories, and to the
+devotion of all his energies to them "since 1850, when," said he, "I
+acted side by side with the immortal Clay and the god-like Webster, in
+that memorable struggle in which Whigs and Democrats united upon a
+common platform of patriotism and the Constitution, throwing aside
+partisan feelings in order to restore peace and harmony to a distracted
+Country"--he alluded to the death-bed of Clay, and the pledges made by
+himself to both Clay and Webster to devote his own life to the
+vindication of the principles of that Compromise of 1850 as a means of
+preserving the Union; and concluded with this appeal: "This Union can
+only be preserved by maintaining the fraternal feeling between the North
+and the South, the East and the West.  If that good feeling can be
+preserved, the Union will be as perpetual as the fame of its great
+founders.  It can be maintained by preserving the sovereignty of the
+States, the right of each State and each Territory to settle its
+domestic concerns for itself, and the duty of each to refrain from
+interfering with the other in any of its local or domestic institutions.
+Let that be done, and the Union will be perpetual; let that be done, and
+this Republic, which began with thirteen States and which now numbers
+thirty-two, which when it began, only extended from the Atlantic to the
+Mississippi, but now reaches to the Pacific, may yet expand, North and
+South, until it covers the whole Continent, and becomes one vast ocean-
+bound Confederacy.  Then, my friends, the path of duty, of honor, of
+patriotism, is plain.  There are a few simple principles to be
+preserved.  Bear in mind the dividing line between State rights and
+Federal authority; let us maintain the great principles of Popular
+Sovereignty, of State rights and of the Federal Union as the
+Constitution has made it, and this Republic will endure forever."
+
+On the next evening, July 17th, at Springfield, both Douglas and Lincoln
+addressed separate meetings.
+
+After covering much the same ground with regard to the history of the
+Kansas-Nebraska struggle and his own attitude upon it, as he did in his
+previous speech, Mr. Douglas declined to comment upon Mr. Lincoln's
+intimation of a Conspiracy between Douglas, Pierce, Buchanan, and Taney
+for the passage of the Nebraska Bill, the rendition of the Dred Scott
+decision, and the extension of Slavery, but proceeded to dilate on the
+"uniformity" issue between himself and Mr. Lincoln, in much the same
+strain as before, tersely summing up with the statement that "there is a
+distinct issue of principles--principles irreconcilable--between Mr.
+Lincoln and myself.  He goes for consolidation and uniformity in our
+Government.  I go for maintaining the Confederation of the Sovereign
+States under the Constitution, as our fathers made it, leaving each
+State at liberty to manage its own affairs and own internal
+institutions."
+
+He then ridiculed, at considerable length, Mr. Lincoln's proposed
+methods of securing a reversal by the United States Supreme Court of the
+Dred Scott decision--especially that of an "appeal to the People to
+elect a President who will appoint judges who will reverse the Dred
+Scott decision," which he characterized as "a proposition to make that
+Court the corrupt, unscrupulous tool of a political party," and asked,
+"when we refuse to abide by Judicial decisions, what protection is there
+left for life and property?  To whom shall you appeal?  To mob law, to
+partisan caucuses, to town meetings, to revolution?  Where is the remedy
+when you refuse obedience to the constituted authorities?"  In other
+respects the speech was largely a repetition of his Bloomington speech.
+
+Mr. Lincoln in his speech, the same night, at Springfield, opened by
+contrasting the disadvantages under which, by reason of an unfair
+apportionment of State Legislative representation and otherwise, the
+Republicans of Illinois labored in this fight.  Among other
+disadvantages--whereby he said the Republicans were forced "to fight
+this battle upon principle and upon principle alone"--were those which
+he said arose "out of the relative positions of the two persons who
+stand before the State as candidates for the Senate."
+
+Said he: "Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown.  All the anxious
+politicians of his Party, or who have been of his Party for years past,
+have been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be the
+President of the United States.  They have seen in his round, jolly,
+fruitful face, Post-offices, Land-offices, Marshalships, and Cabinet
+appointments, Chargeships and Foreign Missions, bursting and sprouting
+out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy
+hands.  And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so
+long, they cannot, in the little distraction that has taken place in the
+party, bring themselves to give up the charming hope; but with greedier
+anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, and give him marches,
+triumphal entries, and receptions, beyond what even in the days of his
+highest prosperity they could have brought about in his favor.  On the
+contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be President.  In my poor,
+lean, lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting
+out."
+
+Then he described the main points of Senator Douglas's plan of campaign
+as being not very numerous.  "The first," he said, "is Popular
+Sovereignty.  The second and third are attacks upon my speech made on
+the 16th of June.  Out of these three points-drawing within the range of
+Popular Sovereignty the question of the Lecompton Constitution--he makes
+his principal assault.  Upon these his successive speeches are
+substantially one and the same."  Touching the first point, "Popular
+Sovereignty"--"the great staple" of Mr. Douglas's campaign--Mr. Lincoln
+affirmed that it was "the most arrant Quixotism that was ever enacted
+before a community."
+
+He said that everybody understood that "we have not been in a
+controversy about the right of a People to govern themselves in the
+ordinary matters of domestic concern in the States and Territories;"
+that, "in this controversy, whatever has been said has had reference to
+the question of Negro Slavery;" and "hence," said he, "when hereafter I
+speak of Popular Sovereignty, I wish to be understood as applying what I
+say to the question of Slavery only; not to other minor domestic matters
+of a Territory or a State."
+
+Having cleared away the cobwebs, Mr. Lincoln proceeded:
+
+"Does Judge Douglas, when he says that several of the past years of his
+life have been devoted to the question of 'Popular Sovereignty' * * *
+mean to say that he has been devoting his life to securing the People of
+the Territories the right to exclude Slavery from the Territories?  If
+he means so to say, he means to deceive; because he and every one knows
+that the decision of the Supreme Court, which he approves, and makes
+special ground of attack upon me for disapproving, forbids the People of
+a Territory to exclude Slavery.
+
+"This covers the whole ground from the settlement of a Territory till it
+reaches the degree of maturity entitling it to form a State
+Constitution.  * * *  This being so, the period of time from the first
+settlement of a Territory till it reaches the point of forming a State
+Constitution, is not the thing that the Judge has fought for, or is
+fighting for; but, on the contrary, he has fought for, and is fighting
+for, the thing that annihilates and crushes out that same Popular
+Sovereignty.  Well, so much being disposed of, what is left?  Why, he is
+contending for the right of the People, when they come to make a State
+Constitution, to make it for themselves, and precisely as best suits
+themselves.  I say again, that is Quixotic.  I defy contradiction when I
+declare that the Judge can find no one to oppose him on that
+proposition.  I repeat, there is nobody opposing that proposition on
+principle.  * * *  Nobody is opposing, or has opposed, the right of the
+People when they form a State Constitution, to form it for themselves.
+Mr. Buchanan and his friends have not done it; they, too, as well as the
+Republicans and the Anti-Lecompton Democrats, have not done it; but on
+the contrary, they together have insisted on the right of the People to
+form a Constitution for themselves.  The difference between the Buchanan
+men, on the one hand, and the Douglas men and the Republicans, on the
+other, has not been on a question of principle, but on a question of
+fact * * * whether the Lecompton Constitution had been fairly formed by
+the People or not.  * * *  As to the principle, all were agreed.
+
+"Judge Douglas voted with the Republicans upon that matter of fact.  He
+and they, by their voices and votes, denied that it was a fair emanation
+of the People.  The Administration affirmed that it was.  * * *  This
+being so, what is Judge Douglas going to spend his life for?  Is he
+going to spend his life in maintaining a principle that no body on earth
+opposes?  Does he expect to stand up in majestic dignity and go through
+his apotheosis and become a god, in the maintaining of a principle which
+neither man nor mouse in all God's creation is opposing?"
+
+After ridiculing the assumption that Judge Douglas was entitled to all
+the credit for the defeat of the Lecompton Constitution in the House of
+Representatives--when the defeating vote numbered 120, of which 6 were
+Americans, 20 Douglas (or Anti-Lecompton) Democrats, and 94 Republicans
+--and hinting that perhaps he placed "his superior claim to credit, on
+the ground that he performed a good act which was never expected of
+him," or "upon the ground of the parable of the lost sheep," of which it
+had been said, "that there was more rejoicing over the one sheep that
+was lost and had been found, than over the ninety and nine in the fold--
+" he added: "The application is made by the Saviour in this parable,
+thus: 'Verily, I say unto you, there is more rejoicing in Heaven over
+one sinner that repenteth, than over ninety and nine just persons that
+need no repentance.'  And now if the Judge claims the benefit of this
+parable, let him repent.  Let him not come up here and say: 'I am the
+only just person; and you are the ninety-nine sinners!'  Repentance
+before forgiveness is a provision of the Christian system, and on that
+condition alone will the Republicans grant his forgiveness."
+
+After complaining that Judge Douglas misrepresented his attitude as
+indicated in his 16th of June speech at Springfield, in charging that he
+invited "a War of Sections;"--that he proposed that "all the local
+institutions of the different States shall become consolidated and
+uniform," Mr. Lincoln denied that that speech could fairly bear such
+construction.
+
+In that speech he (Mr. L.) had simply expressed an expectation that
+"either the opponents of Slavery will arrest the further spread of it,
+and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is
+in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it
+forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well
+as new, North as well as South."  Since then, at Chicago, he had also
+expressed a "wish to see the spread of Slavery arrested, and to see it
+placed where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the
+course of ultimate extinction"--and, said he: "I said that, because I
+supposed, when the public mind shall rest in that belief, we shall have
+Peace on the Slavery question.  I have believed--and now believe--the
+public mind did rest on that belief up to the introduction of the
+Nebraska Bill.  Although I have ever been opposed to Slavery, so far I
+rested in the hope and belief that it was in the course of ultimate
+extinction.  For that reason, it had been a minor question with me.  I
+might have been mistaken; but I had believed, and now believe, that the
+whole public mind, that is, the mind of the great majority, had rested
+in that belief up to the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise.  But upon
+that event, I became convinced that either I had been resting in a
+delusion, or the institution was being placed on a new basis--a basis
+for making it Perpetual, National, and Universal.  Subsequent events
+have greatly confirmed me in that belief.
+
+"I believe that Bill to be the beginning of a Conspiracy for that
+purpose.  So believing, I have since then considered that question a
+paramount one.  So believing, I thought the public mind would never rest
+till the power of Congress to restrict the spread of it shall again be
+acknowledged and exercised on the one hand, or, on the other, all
+resistance be entirely crushed out.  I have expressed that opinion and I
+entertain it to-night."
+
+Having given some pieces of evidence in proof of the  "tendency," he had
+discovered, to the Nationalization of Slavery in these States, Mr.
+Lincoln continued: "And now, as to the Judge's inference, that because I
+wish to see Slavery placed in the course of ultimate extinction--placed
+where our fathers originally placed it--I wish to annihilate the State
+Legislatures--to force cotton to grow upon the tops of the Green
+Mountains--to freeze ice in Florida--to cut lumber on the broad Illinois
+prairies--that I am in favor of all these ridiculous and impossible
+things!  It seems to me it is a complete answer to all this, to ask if,
+when Congress did have the fashion of restricting Slavery from Free
+Territory; when Courts did have the fashion of deciding that taking a
+Slave into a Free, Country made him Free--I say it is a sufficient
+answer to ask, if any of this ridiculous nonsense, about consolidation
+and uniformity, did actually follow?  Who heard of any such thing,
+because of the Ordinance of '87? because of the Missouri Restriction
+because of the numerous Court decisions of that character?
+
+"Now, as to the Dred Scott decision; for upon that he makes his last
+point at me.  He boldly takes ground in favor of that decision.  This is
+one-half the onslaught and one-third of the entire plan of the campaign.
+I am opposed to that decision in a certain sense, but not in the sense
+which he puts on it.  I say that in so far as it decided in favor of
+Dred Scott's master, and against Dred Scott and his family, I do not
+propose to disturb or resist the decision.  I never have proposed to do
+any such thing.  I think, that in respect for judicial authority, my
+humble history would not suffer in comparison with that of Judge
+Douglas.  He would have the citizen conform his vote to that decision;
+the member of Congress, his; the President, his use of the veto power.
+He would make it a rule of political action for the People and all the
+departments of the Government.  I would not.  By resisting it as a
+political rule, I disturb no right of property, create no disorder,
+excite no mobs."
+
+After quoting from a letter of Mr. Jefferson (vol. vii., p. 177, of his
+Correspondence,) in which he held that "to consider the judges as the
+ultimate arbiters of all Constitutional questions," is "a very dangerous
+doctrine indeed; and one which would place us under the despotism of an
+Oligarchy," Mr. Lincoln continued: "Let us go a little further.  You
+remember we once had a National Bank.  Some one owed the Bank a debt; he
+was sued, and sought to avoid payment on the ground that the Bank was
+unconstitutional.  The case went to the Supreme Court, and therein it
+was decided that the Bank was Constitutional.  The whole Democratic
+party revolted against that decision.  General Jackson himself asserted
+that he, as President, would not be bound to hold a National Bank to be
+Constitutional, even though the Court had decided it to be so.  He fell
+in, precisely, with the view of Mr. Jefferson, and acted upon it under
+his official oath, in vetoing a charter for a National Bank.
+
+"The declaration that Congress does not possess this Constitutional
+power to charter a Bank, has gone into the Democratic platform, at their
+National Conventions, and was brought forward and reaffirmed in their
+last Convention at Cincinnati.  They have contended for that
+declaration, in the very teeth of the Supreme Court, for more than a
+quarter of a century.  In fact, they have reduced the decision to an
+absolute nullity.  That decision, I repeat, is repudiated in the
+Cincinnati platform; and still, as if to show that effrontery can go no
+further, Judge Douglas vaunts in the very speeches in which he denounces
+me for opposing the Dred Scott decision, that he stands on the
+Cincinnati platform.
+
+"Now, I wish to know what the Judge can charge upon me, with respect to
+decisions of the Supreme Court, which does not lie in all its length,
+breadth, and proportions, at his own door?  The plain truth is simply
+this: Judge Douglas is for Supreme Court decisions when he likes, and
+against them when he does not like them.  He is for the Dred Scott
+decision because it tends to Nationalize Slavery--because it is a part
+of the original combination for that object.  It so happens, singularly
+enough, that I never stood opposed to a decision of the Supreme Court
+till this.  On the contrary, I have no recollection that he was ever
+particularly in favor of one till this.  He never was in favor of any,
+nor (I) opposed to any, till the present one, which helps to Nationalize
+Slavery.  Free men of Sangamon--Free men of Illinois, Free men
+everywhere--judge ye between him and me, upon this issue!
+
+"He says this Dred Scott case is a very small matter at
+most--that it has no practical effect; that at best, or rather I suppose
+at worst, it is but an abstraction.  * * *  How has the planting of
+Slavery in new countries always been effected?  It has now been decided
+that Slavery cannot be kept out of our new Territories by any legal
+means.  In what do our new Territories now differ in this respect from
+the old Colonies when Slavery was first planted within them?
+
+"It was planted, as Mr. Clay once declared, and as history proves true,
+by individual men in spite of the wishes of the people; the Mother-
+Government refusing to prohibit it, and withholding from the People of
+the Colonies the authority to prohibit it for themselves.  Mr. Clay says
+this was one of the great and just causes of complaint against Great
+Britain by the Colonies, and the best apology we can now make for having
+the institution amongst us.  In that precise condition our Nebraska
+politicians have at last succeeded in placing our own new Territories;
+the Government will not prohibit Slavery within them, nor allow the
+People to prohibit it."
+
+Alluding to that part of Mr. Douglas's speech the previous night
+touching the death-bed scene of Mr. Clay, with Mr. Douglas's promise to
+devote the remainder of his life to "Popular Sovereignty"--and to his
+relations with Mr. Webster--Mr. Lincoln said: "It would be amusing, if
+it were not disgusting, to see how quick these Compromise breakers
+administer on the political effects of their dead adversaries.  If I
+should be found dead to-morrow morning, nothing but my insignificance
+could prevent a speech being made on my authority, before the end of
+next week.  It so happens that in that 'Popular Sovereignty' with which
+Mr. Clay was identified, the Missouri Compromise was expressly reserved;
+and it was a little singular if Mr. Clay cast his mantle upon Judge
+Douglas on purpose to have that Compromise repealed.  Again, the Judge
+did not keep faith with Mr. Clay when he first brought in the Nebraska
+Bill.  He left the Missouri Compromise unrepealed, and in his report
+accompanying the Bill, he told the World he did it on purpose.  The
+manes of Mr. Clay must have been in great agony, till thirty days later,
+when 'Popular Sovereignty' stood forth in all its glory."
+
+Touching Mr. Douglas's allegations of Mr. Lincoln's disposition to make
+Negroes equal with the Whites, socially and politically, the latter
+said: "My declarations upon this subject of Negro Slavery may be
+misrepresented, but cannot be misunderstood.  I have said that I do not
+understand the Declaration (of Independence) to mean that all men were
+created equal in all respects.  They are not equal in color; but I
+suppose that it does mean to declare that all men are equal in some
+respects; they are equal in their right to 'Life, Liberty, and the
+pursuit of Happiness.'  Certainly the Negro is not our equal in color--
+perhaps not in many other respects; still, in the right to put into his
+mouth the bread that his own hands have earned, he is the equal of every
+other man, White or Black.  In pointing out that more has been given
+you, you cannot be justified in taking away the little which has been
+given him.  All I ask for the Negro is that if you do not like him, let
+him alone.  If God gave him but little, that little let him enjoy.
+
+"The framers of the Constitution," continued Mr. Lincoln, "found the
+institution of Slavery amongst their other institutions at the time.
+They found that by an effort to eradicate it, they might lose much of
+what they had already gained.  They were obliged to bow to the
+necessity.  They gave Congress power to abolish the Slave Trade at the
+end of twenty years.  They also prohibited it in the Territories where
+it did not exist.  They did what they could, and yielded to the
+necessity for the rest.  I also yield to all which follows from that
+necessity.  What I would most desire would be the separation of the
+White and Black races."
+
+Mr. Lincoln closed his speech by referring to the "New Departure" of
+the Democracy--to the charge he had made, in his 16th of June speech,
+touching "the existence of a Conspiracy to Perpetuate and Nationalize
+Slavery"--which Mr. Douglas had not contradicted--and, said he, "on his
+own tacit admission I renew that charge.  I charge him with having been
+a party to that Conspiracy, and to that deception, for the sole purpose
+of Nationalizing Slavery."
+
+This closed the series of preliminary speeches in the canvass.  But they
+only served to whet the moral and intellectual and political appetite of
+the public for more.  It was generally conceded that, at last, in the
+person of Mr. Lincoln, the "Little Giant" had met his match.
+
+On July 24, Mr. Lincoln opened a correspondence with Mr. Douglas, which
+eventuated in an agreement between them, July 31st, for joint-
+discussions, to take place at Ottawa, Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston,
+Galesburgh, Quincy, and Alton, on fixed dates in August, September and
+October--at Ottawa, Mr. Douglas to open and speak one hour, Mr. Lincoln
+to have an hour and a half in reply, and Mr. Douglas to close in a half
+hour's speech; at Freeport, Mr. Lincoln to open and speak for one hour,
+Mr. Douglas to take the next hour and a half in reply, and Mr. Lincoln
+to have the next half hour to close; and so on, alternating at each
+successive place, making twenty-one hours of joint political debate.
+
+To these absorbingly interesting discussions, vast assemblages listened
+with breathless attention; and to the credit of all parties be it said,
+with unparalleled decorum.  The People evidently felt that the greatest
+of all political principles--that of Human Liberty--was hanging on the
+issue of this great political contest between intellectual giants, thus
+openly waged before the World--and they accordingly rose to the dignity
+and solemnity of the occasion, vindicating by their very example the
+sacredness with which the Right of Free Speech should be regarded at all
+times and everywhere.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER V.
+
+                   THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST OF 1860--
+                        THE CRISIS APPROACHING.
+
+The immediate outcome of the remarkable joint-debate between the two
+intellectual giants of Illinois was, that while the popular vote stood
+124,698 for Lincoln, to 121,130 for Douglas--showing a victory for
+Lincoln among the People--yet, enough Douglas-Democrats were elected to
+the Legislature, when added to those of his friends in the Illinois
+Senate, who had been elected two years before, and "held over," to give
+him, in all, 54 members of both branches of the Legislature on joint
+ballot, against 46 for Mr. Lincoln.  Lincoln had carried the people, but
+Douglas had secured the Senatorial prize for which they had striven--and
+by that Legislative vote was elected to succeed himself in the United
+States Senate.  This result was trumpeted throughout the Union as a
+great Douglas victory.
+
+During the canvass of Illinois, Douglas's friends had seen to it that
+nothing on their part should be wanting to secure success.  What with
+special car trains, and weighty deputations, and imposing processions,
+and flag raisings, the inspiration of music, the booming of cannon, and
+the eager shouts of an enthusiastic populace, his political journey
+through Illinois had been more like a Royal Progress than anything the
+Country had yet seen; and now that his reelection was accomplished, they
+proposed to make the most of it--to extend, as it were, the sphere of
+his triumph, or vindication, so that it would include not the State
+alone, but the Nation--and thus so accentuate and enhance his
+availability as a candidate for the Democratic Presidential nomination
+of 1860, as to make his nomination and election to the Presidency of the
+United States an almost foregone conclusion.
+
+The programme was to raise so great a popular tidal-wave in his
+interest, as would bear him irresistibly upon its crest to the White
+House.  Accordingly, as the idol of the Democratic popular heart,
+Douglas, upon his return to the National Capital, was triumphantly
+received by the chief cities of the Mississippi and the Atlantic sea-
+board.  Hailed as victor in the great political contest in Illinois-upon
+the extended newspaper reports of which, the absorbed eyes of the entire
+nation, for months, had greedily fed--Douglas was received with much
+ostentation and immense enthusiasm at St. Louis, Memphis, New Orleans,
+New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington.  Like the "Triumphs"
+decreed by Rome, in her grandest days, to the greatest of her victorious
+heroes, Douglas's return was a series of magnificent popular ovations,
+
+In a speech made two years before this period, Mr. Lincoln, while
+contrasting his own political career with that of Douglas, and modestly
+describing his own as "a flat failure" had said: "With him it has been
+one of splendid success.  His name fills the Nation, and is not unknown
+even in foreign lands.  I affect no contempt for the high eminence he
+has reached.  So reached, that the oppressed of my species might have
+shared with me in the elevation, I would rather stand on that eminence
+than wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow."  And
+now the star of Douglas had reached a higher altitude, nearing its
+meridian splendor.  He had become the popular idol of the day.
+
+But Douglas's partial victory--if such it was--so far from settling the
+public mind and public conscience, had the contrary effect.  It added to
+the ferment which the Pro-Slavery Oligarchists of the South--and
+especially those of South Carolina--were intent upon increasing, until
+so grave and serious a crisis should arrive as would, in their opinion,
+furnish a justifiable pretext in the eyes of the World for the
+contemplated Secession of the Slave States from the Union.
+
+Under the inspiration of the Slave Power, and in the direct line of the
+Dred Scott decision, and of the "victorious" doctrine of Senator
+Douglas, which he held not inconsistent therewith, that the people of
+any Territory of the United States could do as they pleased as to the
+institution of Slavery within their own limits, and if they desired the
+institution, they had the right by local legislation to "protect and
+encourage it," the Legislature of the Territory of New Mexico at once
+(1859) proceeded to enact a law "for the protection of property in
+Slaves," and other measures similar to the prevailing Slave Codes in the
+Southern States.
+
+The aggressive attitude of the South--as thus evidenced anew--naturally
+stirred, to their very core, the Abolition elements of the North; on the
+other hand, the publication of Hinton Rowan Helper's "Impending Crisis,"
+which handled the Slavery question without gloves, and supported its
+views with statistics which startled the Northern mind, together with
+its alleged indorsement by the leading Republicans of the North,
+exasperated the fiery Southrons to an intense degree.  Nor was the
+capture, in October, 1859, of Harper's Ferry, Virginia, by John Brown
+and his handful of Northern Abolitionist followers, and his subsequent
+execution in Virginia, calculated to allay the rapidly intensifying
+feeling between the Freedom-loving North and the Slaveholding South.
+When, therefore, the Congress met, in December, 1859, the sectional
+wrath of the Country was reflected in the proceedings of both branches
+of that body, and these again reacted upon the People of both the
+Northern and Southern States, until the fires of Slavery Agitation were
+stirred to a white heat.
+
+The bitterness of feeling in the House at this time, was shown, in part,
+by the fact that not until the 1st of February, 1860, was it able, upon
+a forty-fourth ballot, to organize by the election of a Speaker, and
+that from the day of its meeting on the 5th of December, 1859, up to
+such organization, it was involved in an incessant and stormy wrangle
+upon the Slavery question.
+
+So also in the Democratic Senate, the split in the Democratic Party,
+between the Lecompton and Anti-Lecompton Democracy, was widened, at the
+same time that the Republicans of the North were further irritated, by
+the significantly decisive passage of a series of resolutions proposed
+by Jefferson Davis, which, on the one hand, purposely and deliberately
+knifed Douglas's "Popular Sovereignty" doctrine and read out of the
+Party all who believed in it, by declaring "That neither Congress nor a
+Territorial Legislature, whether by direct legislation, or legislation
+of an indirect and unfriendly character, possesses power to annul or
+impair the Constitutional right of any citizen of the United States to
+take his Slave-property into the common Territories, and there hold and
+enjoy the same while the Territorial condition remains," and, on the
+other, purposely and deliberately slapped in the face the Republicans of
+the North, by declaring-among other things "That in the adoption of the
+Federal Constitution, the States adopting the same, acted severally as
+Free and Independent sovereignties, delegating a portion of their powers
+to be exercised by the Federal Government for the increased security of
+each against dangers, domestic as well as foreign; and that any
+intermeddling by any one or more States or by a combination of their
+citizens, with the domestic institutions of the others, on any pretext
+whatever, political, moral, or religious, with a view to their
+disturbance or subversion, is in violation of the Constitution,
+insulting to the States so interfered with, endangers their domestic
+peace and tranquillity--objects for which the Constitution was formed--
+and, by necessary consequence, tends to weaken and destroy the Union
+itself."
+
+Another of these resolutions declared Negro Slavery to be recognized in
+the Constitution, and that all "open or covert attacks thereon with a
+view to its overthrow," made either by the Non-Slave-holding States or
+their citizens, violated the pledges of the Constitution, "are a
+manifest breach of faith, and a violation of the most solemn
+obligations."
+
+This last was intended as a blow at the Freedom of Speech and of the
+Press in the North; and only served, as was doubtless intended, to still
+more inflame Northern public feeling, while at the same time endeavoring
+to place the arrogant and aggressive Slave Power in an attitude of
+injured innocence.  In short, the time of both Houses of Congress was
+almost entirely consumed during the Session of 1859-60 in the heated,
+and sometimes even furious, discussion of the Slavery question; and
+everywhere, North and South, the public mind was not alone deeply
+agitated, but apprehensive that the Union was founded not upon a rock,
+but upon the crater of a volcano, whose long-smouldering energies might
+at any moment burst their confines, and reduce it to ruin and
+desolation.
+
+On the 23rd of April, 1860, the Democratic National Convention met at
+Charleston, South Carolina.  It was several days after the permanent
+organization of the Convention before the Committee on Resolutions
+reported to the main body, and not until the 30th of April did it reach
+a vote upon the various reports, which had in the meantime been
+modified.  The propositions voted upon were three:
+
+First, The Majority Report of the Committee, which reaffirmed the
+Cincinnati platform of 1856--with certain "explanatory" resolutions
+added, which boldly proclaimed: That the Government of a Territory
+organized by an Act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and,
+during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal
+right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their
+rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by
+Congressional or Territorial Legislation;" that "it is the duty of the
+Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary,
+the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else
+its Constitutional authority extends;" that "when the settlers in a
+Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the
+right of Sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into
+the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other
+States, and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the
+Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the
+institution of Slavery;" and that "the enactments of State Legislatures
+to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile
+in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in
+effect."  The resolutions also included a declaration in favor of the
+acquisition of Cuba, and other comparatively minor matters.
+
+Second, The Minority Report of the Committee, which, after re-affirming
+the Cincinnati platform, declared that "Inasmuch as differences of
+opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the
+powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of
+Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the
+institution of Slavery within the Territories * * * the Democratic Party
+will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on
+the questions of Constitutional law."
+
+Third, The recommendation of Benjamin F. Butler, that the platform
+should consist simply of a re-affirmation of the Cincinnati platform,
+and not another word.
+
+The last proposition was first voted on, and lost, by 105 yeas to 198
+nays.  The Minority platform was then adopted by 165 yeas to 138 nays.
+
+The aggressive Slave-holders (Majority) platform, and the Butler
+Compromise do-nothing proposition, being both defeated, and the Douglas
+(Minority) platform adopted, the Alabama delegation, under instructions
+from their State Convention to withdraw in case the National Convention
+refused to adopt radical Territorial Pro-Slavery resolutions, at once
+presented a written protest and withdrew from the Convention, and were
+followed, in rapid succession, by; the delegates from Mississippi,
+Louisiana (all but two), South Carolina, Florida, Texas, Arkansas (in
+part), Delaware (mostly), and Georgia (mostly)--the seceding delegates
+afterwards organizing in another Hall, adopting the above Majority
+platform, and after a four days' sitting, adjourning to meet at
+Richmond, Virginia, on the 11th of June.
+
+Meanwhile, the Regular Democratic National Convention had proceeded to
+ballot for President--after adopting the two-thirds rule.  Thirty-seven
+ballots having been cast, that for Stephen A. Douglas being, on the
+thirty-seventh, 151, the Convention, on the 3d of May, adjourned to meet
+again at Baltimore, June 18th.
+
+After re-assembling, and settling contested election cases, the
+delegates (in whole or in part) from Virginia, North Carolina,
+Tennessee, California, Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland and Massachusetts,
+withdrew from the Convention, the latter upon the ground mainly that
+there had been "a withdrawal, in part, of a majority of the States,"
+while Butler, who had voted steadily for Jefferson Davis throughout all
+the balloting at Charleston, gave as an additional ground personal to
+himself, that "I will not sit in a convention where the African Slave
+Trade--which is piracy by the laws of my Country--is approvingly
+advocated"--referring thereby to a speech, that had been much applauded
+by the Convention at Charleston, made by a Georgia delegate (Gaulden),
+in which that delegate had said: "I would ask my friends of the South to
+come up in a proper spirit; ask our Northern friends to give us all our
+rights, and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply
+of Slaves from foreign lands.  * * *  I tell you, fellow Democrats, that
+the African Slave Trader is the true Union man (cheers and laughter).  I
+tell you that the Slave Trading of Virginia is more immoral, more
+unchristian in every possible point of view, than that African Slave
+Trade which goes to Africa and brings a heathen and worthless man here,
+makes him a useful man, Christianizes him, and sends him and his
+posterity down the stream of Time, to enjoy the blessings of
+civilization.  (Cheers and laughter.) * * *  I come from the first
+Congressional District of Georgia.  I represent the African Slave Trade
+interest of that Section.  (Applause.) I am proud of the position I
+occupy in that respect.  I believe that the African Slave Trader is a
+true missionary, and a true Christian.  (Applause.) * * *  Are you
+prepared to go back to first principles, and take off your
+unconstitutional restrictions, and leave this question to be settled by
+each State?  Now, do this, fellow citizens, and you will have Peace in
+the Country.  * * *  I advocate the repeal of the laws prohibiting the
+African Slave Trade, because I believe it to be the true Union movement.
+* * *  I believe that by re-opening this Trade and giving us Negroes to
+populate the Territories, the equilibrium of the two Sections will be
+maintained."
+
+After the withdrawal of the bolting delegates at Baltimore, the
+Convention proceeded to ballot for President, and at the end of the
+second ballot, Mr. Douglas having received "two-thirds of all votes
+given in the Convention" (183) was declared the "regular nominee of the
+Democratic Party, for the office of President of the United States."
+
+An additional resolution was subsequently adopted as a part of the
+platform, declaring that "it is in accordance with the true
+interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of
+the Territorial Governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may
+be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial
+Legislatures over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has
+been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of
+the United States, should be respected by all good citizens, and
+enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General
+Government."
+
+On the 11th of June, pursuant to adjournment, the Democratic Bolters'
+Convention met at Richmond, and, after adjourning to meet at Baltimore,
+finally met there on the 28th of that month--twenty-one States being, in
+whole or in part, represented.  This Convention unanimously readopted
+the Southern-wing platform it had previously adopted at Charleston, and,
+upon the first ballot, chose, without dissent, John C. Breckinridge of
+Kentucky, as its candidate for the Presidential office.
+
+In the meantime, however, the National Conventions of other Parties had
+been held, viz.: that of the Republican Party at Chicago, which, with a
+session of three days, May 16-18, had nominated Abraham Lincoln of
+Illinois and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, for President and Vice-President
+respectively; and that of the "Constitutional Union" (or Native
+American) Party which had severally nominated (May 19) for such
+positions, John Bell of Tennessee, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts.
+
+The material portion of the Republican National platform, adopted with
+entire unanimity by their Convention, was, so far as the Slavery and
+Disunion questions were concerned, comprised in these declarations:
+
+First, That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has
+fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and
+perpetuation of the Republican Party; and that the causes which called
+it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever
+before, demand its peaceful and Constitutional triumph.
+
+Second, That the maintenance of the principle, promulgated in the
+Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution,
+"that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator
+with certain inalienable rights; that among these are Life, Liberty and
+the pursuit of Happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are
+instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
+governed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican
+institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the
+States, and the Union of the States must and shall be preserved.
+
+Third, That to the Union of the States, this Nation owes its
+unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of
+material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at
+home, and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for
+Disunion, come from whatever source they may: And we congratulate the
+Country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or
+countenanced the threats of Disunion, so often made by Democratic
+members, without rebuke, and with applause, from their political
+associates; and we denounce those threats of Disunion, in case of a
+popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles
+of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated Treason, which it
+is the imperative duty of an indignant People, sternly to rebuke and
+forever silence.
+
+Fourth, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and
+especially the right of each State, to order and control its own
+domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is
+essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and
+endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless
+invasion, by armed force, of any State or Territory, no matter under
+what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
+
+Fifth, That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded our
+worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of
+a Sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions
+to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people
+of Kansas; in construing the personal relation between master and
+servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted
+enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of
+Congress and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a
+purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the
+power intrusted to it by a confiding People.
+
+*  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+Seventh, That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force,
+carries Slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States,
+is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit
+provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition,
+and with legislation and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its
+tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony of the Country.
+
+Eighth, That the normal condition of all the territory of the United
+States is that of Freedom; that as our Republican fathers, when they had
+abolished Slavery in all our National Territory, ordained that "No
+person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due
+process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such
+legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution
+against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of
+Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give
+legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of the United States.
+
+Ninth, That we brand the recent re-opening of the African Slave-trade
+under the cover of our National flag, aided by perversions of judicial
+power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our Country
+and Age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures
+for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.
+
+Tenth, That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal Governors, of the
+acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting Slavery in
+those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted
+Democratic principle of Non-Intervention and Popular Sovereignty
+embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and a demonstration of the
+deception and fraud involved therein.
+
+Eleventh, That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a
+State, under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by the House
+of Representatives.
+
+               *   *   *   *   *   *   *   *   *   *
+
+The National platform of the "Constitutional Union" Party, was adopted,
+unanimously, in these words:
+
+"Whereas, experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the
+partisan Conventions of the Country have had the effect to mislead and
+deceive the People, and at the same time to widen the political
+divisions of the Country, by the creation and encouragement of
+geographical and Sectional parties; therefore,
+
+"Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of
+duty to recognize no political principle other than the Constitution of
+the Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws,
+and that, as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the
+Country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to
+maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great
+principles of public liberty and national safety, against all enemies,
+at home and abroad; believing that thereby peace may once more be
+restored to the Country, the rights of the people and of the States re-
+established, and the Government again placed in that condition of
+justice, fraternity, and equality which, under the example and
+Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the
+United States to maintain a more perfect Union, establish justice,
+insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote
+the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves
+and our posterity."
+
+Thus, by the last of June, 1860, the four National Parties with their
+platforms and candidates were all in the political field prepared for
+the onset.
+
+Briefly, the attitude of the standard-bearers representing the platform-
+principles of their several Parties, was this:
+
+Lincoln, representing the Republicans, held that Slavery is a wrong, to
+be tolerated in the States where it exists, but which must be excluded
+from the Territories, which are all normally Free and must be kept Free
+by Congressional legislation, if necessary; and that neither Congress,
+nor the Territorial Legislature, nor any individual, has power to give
+to it legal existence in such Territories.
+
+Breckinridge, representing the Pro-Slavery wing of the Democracy, held
+that Slavery is a right, which, when transplanted from the Slave-States
+into the Territories, neither Congressional nor Territorial legislation
+can destroy or impair, but which, on the contrary, must, when necessary,
+be protected everywhere by Congress and all other departments of the
+Government.
+
+Douglas, representing the Anti-Lecompton wing of Democracy, held that
+whether Slavery be right or wrong, the white inhabitants of the
+Territories have the sole right to determine whether it shall or shall
+not exist within their respective limits, subject to the Constitution
+and Supreme Court decisions thereon; and that neither Congress nor any
+State, nor any outside persons, must interfere with that right.
+
+Bell, representing the remaining political elements, held that it was
+all wrong to have any principles at all, except "the Constitution of the
+Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws"--a
+platform which Horace Greeley well described as "meaning anything in
+general, and nothing in particular."
+
+The canvass that ensued was terribly exciting--Douglas alone, of all the
+Presidential candidates, bravely taking the field, both North and South,
+in person, in the hope that the magnetism of his personal presence and
+powerful intellect might win what, from the start--owing to the adverse
+machinations, in the Northern States, of the Administration or
+Breckinridge-Democratic wing--seemed an almost hopeless fight.  In the
+South, the Democracy was almost a unit in opposition to Douglas,
+holding, as they did, that "Douglas Free-Soilism" was "far more
+dangerous to the South than the election of Lincoln; because it seeks to
+create a Free-Soil Party there; while, if Lincoln triumphs, the result
+cannot fail to be a South united in her own defense;" while the old Whig
+element of the South was as unitedly for Bell.  In the North, the
+Democracy were split in twain, three-fourths of them upholding Douglas,
+and the balance, powerful beyond their numbers in the possession of
+Federal Offices, bitterly hostile to him, and anxious to beat him, even
+at the expense of securing the election of Lincoln.
+
+Douglas's fight was that the candidacy and platform of Bell were
+meaningless, those of both Lincoln and Breckinridge, Sectional, and that
+he alone bore aloft the standard of the entire Union; while, on the
+other hand, the supporters of Lincoln, his chief antagonist, claimed
+that--as the burden of the song from the lips of Douglas men, Bell men,
+and Breckinridge men alike, was the expression of a "fear that," in the
+language of Mr. Seward, "if the people elected Mr. Lincoln to the
+Presidency, they would wake up and find that they had no Country for him
+to preside over"--"therefore, all three of the parties opposing Mr.
+Lincoln were in the same boat, and hence the only true Union party, was
+the party which made no threats of Disunion, to wit, the Republican
+party."
+
+The October elections of 1860 made it plain that Mr. Lincoln would be
+elected.  South Carolina began to "feel good" over the almost certainty
+that the pretext for Secession for which her leaders had been hoping in
+vain for thirty years, was at hand.  On the 25th of October, at Augusta,
+South Carolina, the Governor, the Congressional delegation, and other
+leading South Carolinians, met, and decided that in the event of Mr.
+Lincoln's election, that State would secede.  Similar meetings, to the
+same end, were also held about the same time, in others of the Southern
+States.  On the 5th of November--the day before the Presidential
+election--the Legislature of South Carolina met at the special call of
+Governor Gist, and, having organized, received a Message from the
+Governor, in which, after stating that he had convened that Body in
+order that they might on the morrow "appoint the number of electors of
+President and Vice-President to which this State is entitled," he
+proceeded to suggest "that the Legislature remain in session, and take
+such action as will prepare the State for any emergency that may arise."
+He went on to "earnestly recommend that, in the event of Abraham
+Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a Convention of the people of this
+State be immediately called, to consider and determine for themselves
+the mode and measure of redress," and, he continued: "I am constrained
+to say that the only alternative left, in my judgment, is the Secession
+of South Carolina from the Federal Union.  The indications from many of
+the Southern States justify the conclusion that the Secession of South
+Carolina will be immediately followed, if not adopted simultaneously, by
+them, and ultimately by the entire South.  The long-desired cooperation
+of the other States having similar institutions, for which so many of
+our citizens have been waiting, seems to be near at hand; and, if we are
+true to ourselves, will soon be realized.  The State has, with great
+unanimity declared that she has the right peaceably to Secede, and no
+power on earth can rightfully prevent it."
+
+     [Referring to the Ordinance of Nullification adopted by the people
+     of South Carolina, November 24, 1832, growing out of the Tariff Act
+     of 1832--wherein it was declared that, in the event of the Federal
+     Government uudertaking to enforce the provisions of that Act: "The
+     people of this State will thenceforth hold themselves absolved from
+     all further obligation to maintain or preserve their political
+     connection with the people of the other States, and will forthwith
+     proceed to organize a separate government, and do all other acts
+     and things which Sovereign and independent States may of right
+     do."]
+
+He proceeded to say that "If, in the exercise of arbitrary power, and
+forgetful of the lessons of history, the Government of the United States
+should attempt coercion, it will become our solemn duty to meet force by
+force"--and promised that the decision of the aforesaid Convention
+"representing the Sovereignty of the State, and amenable to no earthly
+tribunal," should be, by him, "carried out to the letter."  He
+recommended the thorough reorganization of the Militia; the arming of
+every man in the State between the ages of eighteen and forty-five; and
+the immediate enrollment of ten thousand volunteers officered by
+themselves; and concluded with a confident "appeal to the Disposer of
+all human events," in whose keeping the "Cause" was to be entrusted.
+
+That same evening (November 5), being the eve of the election, at
+Augusta, South Carolina, in response to a serenade, United States
+Senator Chestnut made a speech of like import, in which, after
+predicting the election of Mr. Lincoln, he said: "Would the South submit
+to a Black Republican President, and a Black Republican Congress, which
+will claim the right to construe the Constitution of the Country, and
+administer the Government in their own hands, not by the law of the
+instrument itself, nor by that of the fathers of the Country, nor by the
+practices of those who administered seventy years ago, but by rules
+drawn from their own blind consciences and crazy brains?  * * *  The
+People now must choose whether they would be governed by enemies, or
+govern themselves."
+
+He declared that the Secession of South Carolina was an "undoubted
+right," a "duty," and their "only safety" and as to himself, he would
+"unfurl the Palmetto flag, fling it to the breeze, and, with the spirit
+of a brave man, live and die as became" his "glorious ancestors, and
+ring the clarion notes of defiance in the ears of an insolent foe!"
+
+So also, in Columbia, South Carolina, Representative Boyce of that
+State, and other prominent politicians, harangued an enthusiastic crowd
+that night--Mr. Boyce declaring: "I think the only policy for us is to
+arm, as soon as we receive authentic intelligence of the election of
+Lincoln.  It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by the
+most direct means, to withdraw from the Union.  Then we will not submit,
+whether the other Southern States will act with us or with our enemies.
+They cannot take sides with our enemies; they must take sides with us.
+When an ancient philosopher wished to inaugurate a great revolution, his
+motto was to dare! to dare!"
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VI.
+
+                     THE GREAT CONSPIRACY MATURING.
+
+THE 6th of November, 1860, came and passed; on the 7th, the prevailing
+conviction that Lincoln would be elected had become a certainty, and
+before the close of that day, the fact had been heralded throughout the
+length and breadth of the Republic.  The excitement of the People was
+unparalleled.  The Republicans of the North rejoiced that at last the
+great wrong of Slavery was to be placed "where the People could rest in
+the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction!"  The
+Douglas Democracy, naturally chagrined at the defeat of their great
+leader, were filled with gloomy forebodings touching the future of their
+Country; and the Southern Democracy, or at least a large portion of it,
+openly exulted that at last the long-wished-for opportunity for a revolt
+of the Slave Power, and a separation of the Slave from the Free States,
+was at hand.  Especially in South Carolina were the "Fire-eating"
+Southrons jubilant over the event.
+
+     ["South Carolina rejoiced over the election of Lincoln, with
+     bonfires and processions."  p. 172, Arnold's "Life of Abraham
+     Lincoln."
+
+     "There was great joy in Charleston, and wherever 'Fire Eaters' most
+     did congregate, on the morning of November 7th.  Men rushed to
+     shake hands and congratulate each other on the glad tidings of
+     Lincoln's election.  * * *  Men thronged the streets, talking,
+     laughing, cheering, like mariners long becalmed on a hateful,
+     treacherous sea, whom a sudden breeze had swiftly wafted within
+     sight of their longed-for haven."  p. 332, vol. i., Greeley's
+     American Conflict.]
+
+Meanwhile any number of joint resolutions looking to the calling of a
+Secession Convention, were introduced in the South Carolina Legislature,
+sitting at Columbia, having in view Secession contingent upon the
+"cooperation" of the other Slave States, or looking to immediate and
+"unconditional" Secession.
+
+On the evening of November 7th, Edmund Ruffin of Virginia--a Secession
+fanatic who had come from thence in hot haste--in response to a
+serenade, declared to the people of Columbia that: "The defense of the
+South, he verily believed, was only to be secured through the lead of
+South Carolina;" that, "old as he was, he had come here to join them in
+that lead;" and that "every day delayed, was a day lost to the Cause."
+He acknowledged that Virginia was "not as ready as South Carolina;" but
+declared that "The first drop of blood spilled on the soil of South
+Carolina would bring Virginia, and every Southern State, with them."  He
+thought "it was perhaps better that Virginia, and all other border
+States, remain quiescent for a time, to serve as a guard against the
+North.  * * *  By remaining in the Union for a time, she would not only
+prevent coercive legislation in Congress, but any attempt for our
+subjugation."
+
+That same evening came news that, at Charleston, the Grand Jury of the
+United States District Court had refused to make any presentments,
+because of the Presidential vote just cast, which, they said, had "swept
+away the last hope for the permanence, for the stability, of the Federal
+Government of these Sovereign States;" and that United States District
+Judge Magrath had resigned his office, saying to the Grand Jury, as he
+did so: "In the political history of the United States, an event has
+happened of ominous import to fifteen Slave-holding States.  The State
+of which we are citizens has been always understood to have deliberately
+fixed its purpose whenever that event should happen.  Feeling an
+assurance of what will be the action of the State, I consider it my
+duty, without delay, to prepare to obey its wishes.  That preparation is
+made by the resignation of the office I have held."
+
+The news of the resignations of the Federal Collector and District
+Attorney at Charleston, followed, with an intimation that that of the
+Sub-Treasurer would soon be forthcoming.  On November 9th, a joint
+resolution calling an unconditional Secession Convention to meet at
+Columbia December 17th, was passed by the Senate, and on the 12th of
+November went through the House; and both of the United States Senators
+from South Carolina had now resigned their seats in the United States
+Senate.
+
+Besides all these and many other incitements to Secession was the fact
+that at Milledgeville, Georgia, Governor Brown had, November 12th,
+addressed a Georgian Military Convention, affirming "the right of
+Secession, and the duty of other Southern States to sustain South
+Carolina in the step she was then taking," and declaring that he "would
+like to see Federal troops dare attempt the coercion of a seceding
+Southern State!  For every Georgian who fell in a conflict thus incited,
+the lives of two Federal Soldiers should expiate the outrage on State
+Sovereignty"--and that the Convention aforesaid had most decisively
+given its voice for Secession.
+
+It was about this time, however, that Alexander H.  Stephens vainly
+sought to stem the tide of Secession in his own State, in a speech
+(November 14) before the Georgia Legislature, in which he declared that
+Mr. Lincoln "can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress.
+The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him.  In
+the Senate he will also be powerless.  There will be a majority of four
+against him."  He also cogently said: "Many of us have sworn to support
+it (the Constitution).  Can we, therefore, for the mere election of a
+man to the Presidency--and that too, in accordance with the prescribed
+forms of the Constitution--make a point of resistance to the Government,
+and, without becoming the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves,
+withdraw ourselves from it?  Would we not be in the wrong?"
+
+But the occasional words of wisdom that fell from the lips of the few
+far-seeing statesmen of the South, were as chaff before the storm of
+Disunion raised by the turbulent Fire-eaters, and were blown far from
+the South, where they might have done some good for the Union cause,
+away up to the North, where they contributed to aid the success of the
+contemplated Treason and Rebellion, by lulling many of the people there,
+into a false sense of security.  Unfortunately, also, even the ablest of
+the Southern Union men were so tainted with the heretical doctrine of
+States-Rights, which taught the "paramount allegiance" of the citizen to
+the State, that their otherwise powerful appeals for the preservation of
+the Union were almost invariably handicapped by the added protestation
+that in any event--and however they might deplore the necessity--they
+would, if need be, go with their State, against their own convictions of
+duty to the National Union.
+
+Hence in this same speech we find that Mr. Stephens destroyed the whole
+effect of his weighty and logical appeal against Secession from the
+Union, by adding to it, that, "Should Georgia determine to go out of the
+Union I shall bow to the will of her people.  Their cause is my cause,
+and their destiny is my destiny; and I trust this will be the ultimate
+course of all."--and by further advising the calling of a Convention of
+the people to decide the matter; thus, in advance, as it were, binding
+himself hand and foot, despite his previous Union utterances, to do the
+fell bidding of the most rampant Disunionists.  And thus, in due time,
+it befell, as we shall see, that this "saving clause" in his "Union
+speech," brought him at the end, not to that posture of patriotic
+heroism to which he aspired when he adjured his Georgian auditors to
+"let us be found to the last moment standing on the deck (of the
+Republic), with the Constitution of the United States waving over our
+heads," but to that of an imprisoned traitor and defeated rebel against
+the very Republic and Constitution which he had sworn to uphold and
+defend!
+
+The action of the South Carolina Legislature in calling an Unconditional
+Secession Convention, acted among the Southern States like a spark in a
+train of gunpowder.  Long accustomed to incendiary resolutions of Pro-
+Slavery political platforms, as embodying the creed of Southern men;
+committed by those declarations to the most extreme action when, in
+their judgment, the necessity should arise; and worked up during the
+Presidential campaign by swarming Federal officials inspired by the
+fanatical Secession leaders; the entire South only needed the spark from
+the treasonable torch of South Carolina, to find itself ablaze, almost
+from one end to the other, with the flames of revolt.
+
+Governor after Governor, in State after State, issued proclamation after
+proclamation, calling together their respective Legislatures, to
+consider the situation and whether their respective States should join
+South Carolina in seceding from the Union.  Kentucky alone, of them all,
+seemed for a time to keep cool, and look calmly and reasonably through
+the Southern ferment to the horrors beyond.  In an address issued by
+Governor Magoffin of that State, to the people, he said:
+
+"To South Carolina and such other States as may wish to secede from the
+Union, I would say: The geography of this Country will not admit of a
+division; the mouth and sources of the Mississippi River cannot be
+separated without the horrors of Civil War.  We cannot sustain you in
+this movement merely on account of the election of Mr. Lincoln.  Do not
+precipitate by premature action into a revolution or Civil War, the
+consequences of which will be most frightful to all of us.  It may yet
+be avoided.  There is still hope, faint though it be.  Kentucky is a
+Border State, and has suffered more than all of you.  * * *  She has a
+right to claim that her voice, and the voice of reason, and moderation
+and patriotism shall be heard and heeded by you.  If you secede, your
+representatives will go out of Congress and leave us at the mercy of a
+Black Republican Government.  Mr. Lincoln will have no check.  He can
+appoint his Cabinet, and have it confirmed.  The Congress will then be
+Republican, and he will be able to pass such laws as he may suggest.
+The Supreme Court will be powerless to protect us.  We implore you to
+stand by us, and by our friends in the Free States; and let us all, the
+bold, the true, and just men in the Free and Slave States, with a united
+front, stand by each other, by our principles, by our rights, our
+equality, our honor, and by the Union under the Constitution.  I believe
+this is the only way to save it; and we can do it."
+
+But this "still small voice" of conscience and of reason, heard like a
+whisper from the mouths of Stephens in Georgia, and Magoffin in
+Kentucky, was drowned in the clamor and tumult of impassioned harangues
+and addresses, and the drumming and tramp of the "minute men" of South
+Carolina, and other military organizations, as they excitedly prepared
+throughout the South for the dread conflict at arms which they
+recklessly invited, and savagely welcomed.
+
+We have seen how President Andrew Jackson some thirty years before, had
+stamped out Nullification and Disunion in South Carolina, with an iron
+heel.
+
+But a weak and feeble old man--still suffering from the effects of the
+mysterious National Hotel poisoning--was now in the Executive Chair at
+the White House.  Well-meaning, doubtless, and a Union man at heart, his
+enfeebled intellect was unable to see, and hold firm to, the only true
+course.  He lacked clearness of perception, decision of character, and
+nerve.  He knew Secession was wrong, but allowed himself to be persuaded
+that he had no Constitutional power to prevent it.  He had surrounded
+himself in the Cabinet with such unbending adherents and tools of the
+Slave-Power, as Howell Cobb of Georgia, his Secretary of the Treasury,
+John B. Floyd of Virginia, as Secretary of War, Jacob Thompson of
+Mississippi, as Secretary of the Interior, and Isaac Toucy of
+Connecticut, as Secretary of the Navy, before whose malign influence the
+councils of Lewis Cass of Michigan, the Secretary of State, and other
+Union men, in and out of the Cabinet, were quite powerless.
+
+When, therefore, the Congress met (December 3, 1860) and he transmitted
+to it his last Annual Message, it was found that, instead of treating
+Secession from the Jacksonian standpoint, President Buchanan feebly
+wailed over the threatened destruction of the Union, weakly apologized
+for the contemplated Treason, garrulously scolded the North as being to
+blame for it, and, while praying to God to "preserve the Constitution
+and the Union throughout all generations," wrung his nerveless hands in
+despair over his own powerlessness--as he construed the Constitution--to
+prevent Secession!  Before writing his pitifully imbecile Message,
+President Buchanan had secured from his Attorney-General (Jeremiah S.
+Black of Pennsylvania) an opinion, in which the latter, after touching
+upon certain cases in which he believed the President would be justified
+in using force to sustain the Federal Laws, supposed the case of a State
+where all the Federal Officers had resigned and where there were neither
+Federal Courts to issue, nor officers to execute judicial process, and
+continued: "In that event, troops would certainly be out of place, and
+their use wholly illegal.  If they are sent to aid the Courts and
+Marshals there must be Courts and Marshals to be aided.  Without the
+exercise of these functions, which belong exclusively to the civil
+service, the laws cannot be executed in any event, no matter what may be
+the physical strength which the Government has at its command.  Under
+such circumstances, to send a military force into any State, with orders
+to act against the people, would be simply making War upon them."
+
+Resting upon that opinion of Attorney-General Black, President Buchanan,
+in his Message, after referring to the solemn oath taken by the
+Executive "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," and
+stating that there were now no longer any Federal Officers in South
+Carolina, through whose agency he could keep that oath, took up the laws
+of February 28, 1795, and March 3, 1807, as "the only Acts of Congress
+on the Statute-book bearing upon the subject," which "authorize the
+President, after he shall have ascertained that the Marshal, with his
+posse comitatus, is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any
+particular case, to call out the Militia and employ the Army and Navy to
+aid him in performing this service, having first, by Proclamation,
+commanded the insurgents to 'disperse and retire peaceably to their
+respective abodes, within a limited time'"--and thereupon held that
+"This duty cannot, by possibility, be performed in a State where no
+judicial authority exists to issue process, and where there is no
+Marshal to execute it; and where even if there were such an officer, the
+entire population would constitute one solid combination to resist him."
+And, not satisfied with attempting to show as clearly as he seemed to
+know how, his own inability under the laws to stamp out Treason, he
+proceeded to consider what he thought Congress also could not do under
+the Constitution.  Said he: "The question fairly stated, is: Has the
+Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce into submission a
+State which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from
+the Confederacy?  If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the
+principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and
+make War against a State.  After much serious reflection, I have arrived
+at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress or
+to any other department of the Federal Government."  And further:
+"Congress possesses many means of preserving it (the Union) by
+conciliation; but the sword was not placed in their hands to preserve it
+by force."
+
+Thus, in President Buchanan's judgment, while, in another part of his
+Message, he had declared that no State had any right, Constitutional or
+otherwise, to Secede from that Union, which was designed for all time--
+yet, if any State concluded thus wrongfully to Secede, there existed no
+power in the Union, by the exercise of force, to preserve itself from
+instant dissolution!  How imbecile the reasoning, how impotent the
+conclusion, compared with that of President Jackson, thirty years
+before, in his Proclamation against Nullification and Secession, wherein
+that sturdy patriot declared to the South Carolinians.  that "compared
+to Disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an
+accumulation of all;" that "Disunion by armed force, is Treason;" and
+that he was determined "to execute the Laws," and "to preserve the
+Union!"
+
+President Buchanan's extraordinary Message--or so much of it as related
+to the perilous condition of the Union--was referred, in the House of
+Representatives, to a Select Committee of Thirty-three, comprising one
+member from each State, in which there was a very large preponderance of
+such as favored Conciliation without dishonor.  But the debates in both
+Houses, in which the most violent language was indulged by the Southern
+Fire-eaters, as well as other events, soon proved that there was a
+settled purpose on the part of the Slave-Power and its adherents to
+resist and spit upon all attempts at placation.
+
+In the Senate also (December 5), a Select Committee of Thirteen was
+appointed, to consider the impending dangers to the Union, comprising
+Senators Powell of Kentucky, Hunter of Virginia, Crittenden of Kentucky,
+Seward of New York, Toombs of Georgia, Douglas of Illinois, Collamer of
+Vermont, Davis of Mississippi, Wade of Ohio, Bigler of Pennsylvania,
+Rice of Minnesota, Doolittle of Wisconsin, and Grimes of Iowa.  Their
+labors were alike without practical result, owing to the irreconcilable
+attitude of the Southrons, who would accept nothing less than a total
+repudiation by the Republicans of the very principles upon which the
+recent Presidential contest had by them been fought and won.  Nor would
+they even accept such a repudiation unless carried by vote of the
+majority of the Republicans.  The dose that they insisted upon the
+Republican Party swallowing must not only be as noxious as possible, but
+must absolutely be mixed by that Party itself, and in addition, that
+Party must also go down on its knees, and beg the privilege of so mixing
+and swallowing the dose!  That was the impossible attitude into which,
+by their bullying and threats, the Slave Power hoped to force the
+Republican Party--either that or "War."
+
+Project after project in both Houses of Congress looking to Conciliation
+was introduced, referred, reported, discussed, and voted on or not, as
+the case might be, in vain.  And in the meantime, in New York, in
+Philadelphia, and elsewhere in the North, the timidity of Capital showed
+itself in great Conciliation meetings, where speeches were applauded and
+resolutions adopted of the most abject character, in behalf of "Peace,
+at any price," regardless of the sacrifice of honor and principles and
+even decency.  In fact the Commercial North, with supplicating hands and
+beseeching face, sank on its knees in a vain attempt to propitiate its
+furious creditor, the South, by asking it not only to pull its nose, but
+to spit in its face, both of which it humbly and even anxiously offered
+for the purpose!*
+
+     [Thus, in Philadelphia, December 13, 1860, at a great meeting held
+     at the call of the Mayor, in Independence Square, Mayor Henry led
+     off the speaking--which was nearly all in the same line-by saying:
+     "I tell you that if in any portion of our Confederacy, sentiments
+     have been entertained and cherished which are inimical to the civil
+     rights and social institutions of any other portion, those
+     sentiments should be relinquished."  Another speaker, Judge George
+     W. Woodward, sneeringly asked: "Whence came these excessive
+     sensibilities that cannot bear a few slaves in a remote Territory
+     until the white people establish a Constitution?"  Another, Mr.
+     Charles E. Lex (a Republican), speaking of the Southern People,
+     said: "What, then, can we say to them? what more than we have
+     expressed in the resolutions we have offered?  If they are really
+     aggrieved by any laws upon our Statute-books opposed to their
+     rights--if upon examination any such are found to be in conflict
+     with the Constitution of these United States--nay, further, if they
+     but serve to irritate our brethren of the South, whether
+     Constitutional or not, I, for one, have no objection that they
+     should instantly be repealed."  Another said, "Let us repeal our
+     obnoxious Personal Liberty bills * * *; let us receive our brother
+     of the South, if he will come among us for a little time, attended
+     by his servant, and permit him thus to come."  And the resolutions
+     adopted were even still more abject in tone than the speeches.]
+
+But the South at present was too busy in perfecting its long-cherished
+plans for the disruption of the Union, to more than grimly smile at this
+evidence of what it chose to consider "a divided sentiment" in the
+North.  While it weakened the North, it strengthened the South, and
+instead of mollifying the Conspirators against the Union, it inspired
+them with fresh energy in their fell purpose to destroy it.
+
+The tone of the Republican press, too, while more dignified, was
+thoroughly conciliatory.  The Albany Evening Journal,--[November 30,
+1860]--the organ of Governor Seward, recognizing that the South, blinded
+by passion, was in dead earnest, but also recognizing the existence of
+"a Union sentiment there, worth cherishing," suggested "a Convention of
+the People, consisting of delegates appointed by the States, in which it
+would not be found unprofitable for the North and South, bringing their
+respective griefs, claims, and proposed reforms, to a common
+arbitrament, to meet, discuss, and determine upon a future"--before a
+final appeal to arms.  So, too, Horace Greeley, in the New York
+Tribune,--[November 9, 1860.]--after weakly conceding, on his own part,
+the right of peaceable Secession, said: "But while we thus uphold the
+practical liberty, if not the abstract right, of Secession, we must
+insist that the step be taken, if it ever shall be, with the
+deliberation and gravity befitting so momentous an issue.  Let ample
+time be given for reflection; let the subject be fully canvassed before
+the People; and let a popular vote be taken in every case, before
+Secession is decreed."  Other leading papers of the Northern press, took
+similar ground for free discussion and conciliatory action.
+
+In the Senate, as well as the House of Representatives--as also was
+shown by the appointment, heretofore mentioned, of Select Committees to
+consider the gravity of the situation, and suggest a remedy--the same
+spirit of Conciliation and Concession, and desire for free and frank
+discussion, was apparent among most of the Northern and Border-State
+members of those Bodies.  But these were only met by sneers and threats
+on the part of the Fire-eating Secession members of the South.  In the
+Senate, Senator Clingman of North Carolina, sneeringly said: "They want
+to get up a free debate, as the Senator (Mr. Seward) from New York
+expressed it, in one of his speeches.  But a Senator from Texas told me
+the other day that a great many of these free debaters were hanging from
+the trees of that country;" and Senator Iverson, of Georgia, said:
+"Gentlemen speak of Concession, of the repeal of the Personal Liberty
+bills.  Repeal them all to-morrow, and you cannot stop this revolution."
+After declaring his belief that "Before the 4th of March, five States
+will have declared their independence" and that "three other States will
+follow as soon as the action of the people can be had;" he proceeded to
+allude to the refusal of Governor Houston of Texas to call together the
+Texas Legislature for action in accord with the Secession sentiment, and
+declared that "if he will not yield to that public sentiment, some Texan
+Brutus will arise to rid his country of this hoary-headed incubus that
+stands between the people and their sovereign will!"  Then, sneering at
+the presumed cowardice of the North, he continued: "Men talk about their
+eighteen millions (of Northern population); but we hear a few days
+afterwards of these same men being switched in the face, and they
+tremble like sheep-stealing dogs!  There will be no War.  The North,
+governed by such far-seeing Statesmen as the Senator (Mr. Seward) from
+New York, will see the futility of this.  In less than twelve months, a
+Southern Confederacy will be formed; and it will be the most successful
+Government on Earth.  The Southern States, thus banded together, will be
+able to resist any force in the World.  We do not expect War; but we
+will be prepared for it--and we are not a feeble race of Mexicans
+either."
+
+On the other hand, there were Republicans in that Body who sturdily met
+the bluster of the Southern Fire-eaters with frank and courageous words
+expressing their full convictions on the situation and their belief that
+Concessions could not be made and that Compromises were mere waste
+paper.  Thus, Senator Ben Wade of Ohio, among the bravest and manliest
+of them all, in a speech in the Senate, December 17, the very day on
+which the South Carolina Secession Convention was to assemble, said to
+the Fire-eaters: "I tell you frankly that we did lay down the principle
+in our platform, that we would prohibit, if we had the power, Slavery
+from invading another inch of the Free Soil of this Government.  I stand
+to that principle to-day.  I have argued it to half a million of people,
+and they stand by it; they have commissioned me to stand by it; and, so
+help me God, I will! * * *  On the other hand, our platform repudiates
+the idea that we have any right, or harbor any ultimate intention to
+invade or interfere with your institutions in your own States.  * * *
+It is not, by your own confessions, that Mr. Lincoln is expected to
+commit any overt act by which you may be injured.  You will not even
+wait for any, you say; but, by anticipating that the Government may do
+you an injury, you will put an end to it--which means, simply and
+squarely, that you intend to rule or ruin this Government.  * * *  As to
+Compromises, I supposed that we had agreed that the Day of Compromises
+was at an end.  The most solemn we have made have been violated, and are
+no more.  * * *  We beat you on the plainest and most palpable issue
+ever presented to the American people, and one which every man
+understood; and now, when we come to the Capital, we tell you that our
+candidates must and shall be inaugurated--must and shall administer this
+Government precisely as the Constitution prescribes.  * * *  I tell you
+that, with that verdict of the people in my pocket, and standing on the
+platform on which these candidates were elected, I would suffer anything
+before I would Compromise in any way."
+
+In the House of Representatives, on December 10, 1860, a number of
+propositions looking to a peaceful settlement of the threatened danger,
+were offered and referred to the Select Committee of Thirty-three.  On
+the following Monday, December 17, by 154 yeas to 14 nays, the House
+adopted a resolution, offered by Mr. Adrian of New Jersey, in these
+words:
+
+"Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the
+Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly recommend the
+repeal of all Statutes by the State Legislatures in conflict with, and
+in violation of, that sacred instrument, and the laws of Congress passed
+in pursuance thereof."
+
+On the same day, the House adopted, by 135 yeas to no nays, a resolution
+offered by Mr. Lovejoy of Illinois, in these words:
+
+"Whereas, The Constitution of the United States is the Supreme law of
+the Land, and ready and faithful obedience to it a duty of all good and
+law-abiding citizens; Therefore:
+
+"Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the
+Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly recommend the
+repeal of all Nullification laws; and that it is the duty of the
+President of the United States to protect and defend the property of the
+United States."
+
+     [This resolution, before adoption, was modified by declaring it to
+     be the duty of all citizens, whether "good and law abiding" or not,
+     to yield obedience to the Constitution, as will be seen by
+     referring to the proceedings in the Globe of that date, where the
+     following appears:
+
+     "Mr. LOGAN.  I hope there will be no objection on this side of the
+     House to the introduction of the [Lovejoy] resolution.  I can see
+     no difference myself, between this resolution and the one
+     [Adrian's] just passed, except in regard to verbiage.  I can find
+     but one objection to the resolution, and that is in the use of the
+     words declaring that all' law abiding' citizens should obey the
+     Constitution.  I think that all men should do so.
+
+     "Mr. LOVEJOY.  I accept the amendment suggested by my Colleague.
+
+     "Mr. LOGAN.  It certainly should include members of Congress; but
+     if it is allowed to remain all 'good and law abiding' citizens, I
+     do not think it will include them.  [Laughter.]
+
+     "The resolution was modified by the omission of those words."]
+
+It also adopted, by 115 yeas to 44 nays, a resolution offered by Mr.
+Morris of Illinois, as follows:
+
+"Resolved by the House of Representatives: That we properly estimate the
+immense value of our National Union to our collective and individual
+happiness; that we cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment
+to it; that we will speak of it as the palladium of our political safety
+and prosperity; that we will watch its preservation with jealous
+anxiety; that we will discountenance whatever may suggest even a
+suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned, and indignantly frown
+upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our
+Country from the rest, or enfeeble the sacred ties which now link
+together the various parts; that we regard it as a main pillar in the
+edifice of our real independence, the support of tranquillity at home,
+our peace abroad, our safety, our prosperity, and that very liberty
+which we so highly prize; that we have seen nothing in the past, nor do
+we see anything in the present, either in the election of Abraham
+Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States, or from any other
+existing cause, to justify its dissolution; that we regard its
+perpetuity as of more value than the temporary triumph of any Party or
+any man; that whatever evils or abuses exist under it ought to be
+corrected within the Union, in a peaceful and Constitutional way; that
+we believe it has sufficient power to redress every wrong and enforce
+every right growing out of its organization, or pertaining to its proper
+functions; and that it is a patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in
+Peace and our defense in War."
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER VII.
+
+                           SECESSION ARMING.
+
+While Congress was encouraging devotion to the Union, and its Committees
+striving for some mode by which the impending perils might be averted
+without a wholesale surrender of all just principles, the South Carolina
+Convention met (December 17, 1860) at Columbia, and after listening to
+inflammatory addresses by commissioners from the States of Alabama and
+Mississippi, urging immediate and unconditional Secession, unanimously
+and with "tremendous cheering" adopted a resolution: "That it is the
+opinion of the Convention that the State of South Carolina should
+forthwith Secede from the Federal Union, known as the United States of
+America,"--and then adjourned to meet at Charleston, South Carolina.
+
+The next day, and following days, it met there, at "Secession Hall,"
+listening to stimulating addresses, while a committee of seven worked
+upon the Ordinance of Secession.  Among the statements made by orators,
+were several clear admissions that the rebellious Conspiracy had existed
+for very many years, and that Mr. Lincoln's election was simply the
+long-sought-for pretext for Rebellion.  Mr. Parker said: "It is no
+spasmodic effort that has come suddenly upon us; it has been gradually
+culminating for a long period of thirty years.  At last it has come to
+that point where we may say, the matter is entirely right."  Mr. Inglis
+said: "Most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last
+twenty years; and I presume that we have by this time arrived at a
+decision upon the subject."  Mr. Keitt said: "I have been engaged in
+this movement ever since I entered political life; * * *  we have
+carried the body of this Union to its last resting place, and now we
+will drop the flag over its grave."  Mr. Barnwell Rhett said: "The
+Secession of South Carolina is not an event of a day.  It is not
+anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of
+the Fugitive Slave Law.  It has been a matter which has been gathering
+head for thirty years."  Mr. Gregg said: "If we undertake to set forth
+all the causes, do we not dishonor the memory of all the statesmen of
+South Carolina, now departed, who commenced forty years ago a war
+against the tariff and against internal improvement, saying nothing of
+the United States Bank, and other measures which may now be regarded as
+obsolete."
+
+On the 20th of December, 1860--the fourth day of the sittings--the
+Ordinance of Secession was reported by the Committee, and was at once
+unanimously passed, as also was a resolution that "the passage of the
+Ordinance be proclaimed by the firing of artillery and ringing of the
+bells of the city, and such other demonstrations as the people may deem
+appropriate on the passage of the great Act of Deliverance and Liberty;"
+after which the Convention jubilantly adjourned to meet, and ratify,
+that evening.  At the evening session of this memorable Convention, the
+Governor and Legislature attending, the famous Ordinance was read as
+engrossed, signed by all the delegates, and, after announcement by the
+President that "the State of South Carolina is now and henceforth a Free
+and Independent Commonwealth;" amid tremendous cheering, the Convention
+adjourned.  This, the first Ordinance of Secession passed by any of the
+Revolting States, was in these words:
+
+"An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina
+and other States united with her, under the compact entitled the
+'Constitution of the United States of America.'
+
+"We the people of the State of South Carolina in Convention assembled,
+do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the
+Ordinance adopted by us in Convention on the 23rd day of May, in the
+year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of
+America was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General
+Assembly of this State ratifying the amendments of the said
+Constitution, are hereby repealed; and that the Union now subsisting
+between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United
+States of America, is hereby dissolved."
+
+Thus, and in these words, was joyously adopted and ratified, that solemn
+Act of Separation which was doomed to draw in its fateful train so many
+other Southern States, in the end only to be blotted out with the blood
+of hundreds of thousands of their own brave sons, and their equally
+courageous Northern brothers.
+
+State after State followed South Carolina in the mad course of Secession
+from the Union.  Mississippi passed a Secession Ordinance, January 9,
+1861.  Florida followed, January 10th; Alabama, January 11th; Georgia,
+January 18th; Louisiana, January 26th; and Texas, February 1st;
+Arkansas, North Carolina, and Virginia held back until a later period;
+while Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, Maryland, and Delaware, abstained
+altogether from taking the fatal step, despite all attempts to bring
+them to it.
+
+In the meantime, however, South Carolina had put on all the dignity of
+a Sovereign and Independent State.  Her Governor had a "cabinet"
+comprising Secretaries of State, War, Treasury, the Interior, and a
+Postmaster General. She had appointed Commissioners, to proceed to the
+other Slave-holding States, through whom a Southern Congress was
+proposed, to meet at Montgomery, Alabama; and had appointed seven
+delegates to meet the delegates from such other States in that proposed
+Southern Congress.  On the 21st of December, 1860, three Commissioners
+(Messrs.  Barnwell, Adams, and Orr) were also appointed to proceed to
+Washington, and treat for the cession by the United States to South
+Carolina, of all Federal property within the limits of the latter.  On
+the 24th, Governor Pickens issued a Proclamation announcing the adoption
+of the Ordinance of Secession, declaring "that the State of South
+Carolina is, as she has a right to be, a separate sovereign, free and
+independent State, and as such, has a right to levy war, conclude peace,
+negotiate treaties, leagues or covenants, and to do all acts whatsoever
+that rightfully appertain to a free and independent State;" the which
+proclamation was announced as "Done in the eighty-fifth year of the
+Sovereignty and Independence of South Carolina."  On the same day (the
+Senators from that State in the United States Senate having long since,
+as we have seen, withdrawn from that body) the Representatives of South
+Carolina in the United States House of Representatives withdrew.
+
+Serious dissensions in the Cabinet of President Buchanan, were now
+rapidly disintegrating the "official family" of the President.  Lewis
+Cass, the Secretary of State, disgusted with the President's cowardice
+and weakness, and declining to be held responsible for Mr. Buchanan's
+promise not to reinforce the garrisons of the National Forts, under
+Major Anderson, in Charleston harbor, retired from the Cabinet December
+12th--Howell Cobb having already, "because his duty to Georgia required
+it," resigned the Secretaryship of the Treasury, and left it bankrupt
+and the credit of the Nation almost utterly destroyed.
+
+On the 26th of December, Major Anderson evacuated Fort Moultrie,
+removing all his troops and munitions of war to Fort Sumter--whereupon a
+cry went up from Charleston that this was in violation of the
+President's promise to take no step looking to hostilities, provided the
+Secessionists committed no overt act of Rebellion, up to the close of
+his fast expiring Administration.  On the 29th, John B. Floyd, Secretary
+of War, having failed to secure the consent of the Administration to an
+entire withdrawal of the Federal garrison from the harbor of Charleston,
+also resigned, and the next day--he having in the meantime escaped in
+safety to Virginia--was indicted by the Grand Jury at Washington, for
+malfeasance and conspiracy to defraud the Government in the theft of
+$870,000 of Indian Trust Bonds from the Interior Department, and the
+substitution therefor of Floyd's acceptances of worthless army-
+transportation drafts on the Treasury Department.
+
+Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, also resigned, January 8th,
+1861, on the pretext that "additional troops, he had heard, have been
+ordered to Charleston" in the "Star of the West."--[McPherson's History
+of the Rebellion, p. 28.]
+
+Several changes were thus necessitated in Mr. Buchanan's cabinet, by
+these and other resignations, so that by the 18th of January, 1861,
+Jeremiah S. Black was Secretary of State; General John A. Dix, Secretary
+of the Treasury; Joseph Holt, Secretary of War; Edwin M. Stanton,
+Attorney General; and Horatio King, Postmaster General.  But before
+leaving the Cabinet, the conspiring Southern members of it, and their
+friends, had managed to hamstring the National Government, by scattering
+the Navy in other quarters of the World; by sending the few troops of
+the United States to remote points; by robbing the arsenals in the
+Northern States of arms and munitions of war, so as to abundantly supply
+the Southern States at the critical moment; by bankrupting the Treasury
+and shattering the public credit of the Nation; and by other means no
+less nefarious.  Thus swindled, betrayed, and ruined, by its degenerate
+and perfidious sons, the imbecile Administration stood with dejected
+mien and folded hands helplessly awaiting the coming catastrophe.
+
+On December 28th, 1860, the three Commissioners of South Carolina having
+reached Washington, addressed to the President a communication, in
+which--after reciting their powers and duties, under the Ordinance of
+Secession, and stating that they had hoped to have been ready to proceed
+to negotiate amicably and without "hostile collision," but that "the
+events--[The removal, to Fort Sumter, of Major Anderson's command, and
+what followed.]--of the last twenty-four hours render such an assurance
+impossible"--they declared that the troops must be withdrawn from
+Charleston harbor, as "they are a standing menace which render
+negotiation impossible," threatening speedily to bring the questions
+involved, to "a bloody issue."
+
+To this communication Mr. Buchanan replied at considerable length,
+December 30th, in an apologetic, self-defensive strain, declaring that
+the removal by Major Anderson of the Federal troops under his command,
+from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter was done "upon his own responsibility,
+and without authority," and that he (the President) "had intended to
+command him to return to his former position," but that events had so
+rapidly transpired as to preclude the giving of any such command;
+
+     [The seizure by the Secessionists, under the Palmetto Flag, of
+     Castle Pinckney and Fort Moultrie; the simultaneous raising of that
+     flag over the Federal Custom House and Post Office at Charleston;
+     the resignation of the Federal Collector, Naval Officer and
+     Surveyor of that Port--all of which occurred December 27th; and the
+     seizure "by force of arms," December 30th, of the United States
+     Arsenal at that point.]
+
+and concluding, with a very slight stiffening of backbone, by saying:
+"After this information, I have only to add that, whilst it is my duty
+to defend Fort Sumter as a portion of the public property of the United
+States against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by
+such means as I may possess for this purpose, I do not perceive how such
+a defense can be construed into a menace against the city of
+Charleston."  To this reply of the President, the Commissioners made
+rejoinder on the 1st of January, 1861; but the President "declined to
+receive" the communication.
+
+From this time on, until the end of President Buchanan's term of office,
+and the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln as President, March 4th, 1861,
+events crowded each other so hurriedly, that the flames of Rebellion in
+the South were continually fanned, while the public mind in the North
+was staggered and bewildered, by them.
+
+On January 2nd, prior to the Secession of Georgia, Forts Pulaski and
+Jackson, commanding Savannah, and the Federal Arsenal at Augusta,
+Georgia, with two 12 pound howitzers, two cannon, 22,000 muskets and
+rifles, and ammunition in quantity, were seized by Rebel militia.  About
+the same date, although North Carolina had not seceded, her Governor
+(Ellis) seized the Federal Arsenal at Fayetteville, Fort Macon, and
+other fortifications in that State, "to preserve them" from mob-seizure.
+
+January 4th, anticipating Secession, Alabama State troops seized Fort
+Morgan, with 5,000 shot and shell, and Mount Vernon Arsenal at Mobile,
+with 2,000 stand of arms, 150, 000 pounds of powder, some pieces of
+cannon, and a large quantity of other munitions of war.  The United
+States Revenue cutter, "Lewis Cass," was also surrendered to Alabama.
+
+On the 5th, the Federal steamer "Star of the West," with reinforcements
+and supplies for Fort Sumter, left New York in the night--and Secretary
+Jacob Thompson notified the South Carolina Rebels of the fact.
+
+On the 9th, the "Star of the West" appeared off Charleston bar, and
+while steaming toward Fort Sumter, was fired upon by Rebel batteries at
+Fort Moultrie and Morris Island, and struck by a shot, whereupon she
+returned to New York without accomplishing her mission.  That day the
+State of Mississippi seceded from the Union.
+
+On the 10th, the Federal storeship "Texas," with Federal guns and
+stores, was seized by Texans.  On the same day Florida seceded.
+
+On the 11th, Forts Jackson and St. Philip, commanding the mouth of the
+Mississippi River, and Fort Pike, dominating Lake Pontchartrain, were
+seized by Louisiana troops; also the Federal Arsenal at Baton Rouge,
+with 50,000 small arms, 4 howitzers, 20 heavy pieces of ordnance, 2
+batteries, 300 barrels of powder, and other stores.  The State of
+Alabama also seceded the same day.
+
+On the 12th--Fort Marion, the coast surveying schooner "Dana," the
+Arsenal at St. Augustine, and that on the Chattahoochee, with 500,000
+musket cartridges, 300,000 rifle cartridges and 50,000 pounds of powder,
+having previously been seized--Forts Barrancas and McRae, and the Navy
+Yard at Pensacola, were taken by Rebel troops of Florida, Alabama and
+Mississippi.  On the same day, Colonel Hayne, of South Carolina, arrived
+at Washington as Agent or Commissioner to the National Government from
+Governor Pickens of that State.
+
+On the 14th, the South Carolina Legislature resolved "that any attempt
+by the Federal Government to reinforce Fort Sumter will be regarded as
+an act of open hostility, and a Declaration of War."
+
+On the 16th, Colonel Hayne, of South Carolina, developed his mission,
+which was to demand of the President the surrender of Fort Sumter to the
+South Carolina authorities--a demand that had already been made upon,
+and refused by, Major Anderson.
+
+The correspondence concerning this demand, between Colonel Hayne and ten
+Southern United States Senators;--[Senators Wigfall, Hemphill, Yulee,
+Mallory, Jeff.  Davis, C. C. Clay, Fitzgerald, Iverson, Slidell, and
+Benjamin.]--the reply of the President, by Secretary Holt, to those
+Senators; Governor Pickens's review of the same; and the final demand;
+consumed the balance of the month of January; and ended, February 6th,
+in a further reply, through the Secretary of War, from the President,
+asserting the title of the United States to that Fort, and declining the
+demand, as "he has no Constitutional power to cede or surrender it."
+Secretary Holt's letter concluded by saying: "If, with all the
+multiplied proofs which exist of the President's anxiety for Peace, and
+of the earnestness with which he has pursued it, the authorities of that
+State shall assault Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the handful of
+brave and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our Common
+Country into the horrors of Civil War, then upon them and those they
+represent, must rest the responsibility."
+
+But to return from this momentary diversion: On the 18th of January,
+Georgia seceded; and on the 20th, the Federal Fort at Ship Island,
+Mississippi, and the United States Hospital on the Mississippi River
+were seized by Mississippi troops.
+
+On the 26th, Louisiana seceded.  On the 28th, Louisiana troops seized
+all the quartermaster's and commissary stores held by Federal officials;
+and the United States Revenue cutter "McClelland" surrendered to the
+Rebels.
+
+On February 1st, the Louisiana Rebels seized the National Mint and
+Custom House at New Orleans, with $599,303 in gold and silver.  On the
+same day the State of Texas seceded.
+
+On February 8th, the National Arsenal at Little Rock, Arkansas, with
+9,000 small arms, 40 cannon, and quantities of ammunition, was seized;
+and the same day the Governor of Georgia ordered the National Collector
+of the Port of Savannah to retain all collections and make no further
+payments to the United States Government.*
+
+
+     [It was during this eventful month that, certain United States
+     troops having assembled at the National Capital, and the House of
+     Representatives having asked the reason therefor, reply was made by
+     the Secretary of War as follows:
+
+     "WAR DEPARTMENT, February 18, 1861.
+          [Congressional Globe, August 8, 1861, pp.  457,458]
+     "SIR: On the 11th February, the House of Representatives adopted a
+     resolution requesting the President, if not incompatible with the
+     public interests, to communicate 'the reasons that had induced him
+     to assemble so large a number of troops in this city, and why they
+     are kept here; and whether he has any information of a Conspiracy
+     upon the part of any portion of the citizens of this Country to
+     seize upon the Capital and prevent the Inauguration of the
+     President elect.'
+
+     "This resolution having been submitted to this Department for
+     consideration and report, I have the honor to state, that the body
+     of troops temporarily transferred to this city is not as large as
+     is assumed by the resolution, though it is a well-appointed corps
+     and admirably adapted for the preservation of the public peace.
+     The reasons which led to their being assembled here will now be
+     briefly stated.
+
+     "I shall make no comment upon the origin of the Revolution which,
+     for the last three months, has been in progress in several of the
+     Southern States, nor shall I enumerate the causes which have
+     hastened its advancement or exasperated its temper.  The scope of
+     the questions submitted by the House will be sufficiently met by
+     dealing with the facts as they exist, irrespective of the cause
+     from which they have proceeded.  That Revolution has been
+     distinguished by a boldness and completeness of success rarely
+     equaled in the history of Civil Commotions.  Its overthrow of the
+     Federal authority has not only been sudden and wide-spread, but has
+     been marked by excesses which have alarmed all and been sources of
+     profound humiliation to a large portion of the American People.
+     Its history is a history of surprises and treacheries and ruthless
+     spoliations.  The Forts of the United States have been captured and
+     garrisoned, and hostile flags unfurled upon their ramparts.  Its
+     arsenals have been seized, and the vast amount of public arms they
+     contained appropriated to the use of the captors; while more than
+     half a million dollars, found in the Mint at New Orleans, has been
+     unscrupulously applied to replenish the coffers of Louisiana.
+     Officers in command of revenue cutters of the United States have
+     been prevailed on to violate their trusts and surrender the
+     property in their charge; and instead of being branded for their
+     crimes, they, and the vessels they betrayed, have been cordially
+     received into the service of the Seceded States.  These movements
+     were attended by yet more discouraging indications of immorality.
+     It was generally believed that this Revolution was guided and urged
+     on by men occupying the highest positions in the public service,
+     and who, with the responsibilities of an oath to support the
+     Constitution still resting upon their consciences, did not hesitate
+     secretly to plan and openly to labor for, the dismemberment of the
+     Republic whose honors they enjoyed and upon whose Treasury they
+     were living.  As examples of evil are always more potent than those
+     of good, this spectacle of demoralization on the part of States and
+     statesmen could not fail to produce the most deplorable
+     consequences.  The discontented and the disloyal everywhere took
+     courage.  In other States, adjacent to and supposed to sympathize
+     in sense of political wrong with those referred to, Revolutionary
+     schemes were set on foot, and Forts and arms of the United States
+     seized.  The unchecked prevalence of the Revolution, and the
+     intoxication which its triumphs inspired, naturally suggested
+     wilder and yet more desperate enterprises than the conquest of
+     ungarrisoned Forts, or the plunder of an unguarded Mint.  At what
+     time the armed occupation of Washington City became a part of the
+     Revolutionary Programme, is not certainly known.  More than six
+     weeks ago, the impression had already extensively obtained that a
+     Conspiracy for the accomplishment of this guilty purpose was in
+     process of formation, if not fully matured.  The earnest endeavors
+     made by men known to be devoted to the Revolution, to hurry
+     Virginia and Maryland out of the Union, were regarded as
+     preparatory steps for the subjugation of Washington.  This plan was
+     in entire harmony with the aim and spirit of those seeking the
+     subversion of the Government, since no more fatal blow at its
+     existence could be struck than the permanent and hostile possession
+     of the seat of its power.  It was in harmony, too, with the avowed
+     designs of the Revolutionists, which looked to the formation of a
+     Confederacy of all the Slave States, and necessarily to the
+     Conquest of the Capital within their limits.  It seemed not very
+     indistinctly prefigured in a Proclamation made upon the floor of
+     the Senate, without qualification, if not exultingly, that the
+     Union was already dissolved--a Proclamation which, however
+     intended, was certainly calculated to invite, on the part of men of
+     desperate fortunes or of Revolutionary States, a raid upon the
+     Capital.  In view of the violence and turbulent disorders already
+     exhibited in the South, the public mind could not reject such a
+     scheme as at all improbable.  That a belief in its existence was
+     entertained by multitudes, there can be no doubt, and this belief I
+     fully shared.  My conviction rested not only on the facts already
+     alluded to, but upon information, some of which was of a most
+     conclusive character, that reached the Government from many parts
+     of the Country, not merely expressing the prevalence of the opinion
+     that such an organization had been formed, but also often
+     furnishing the plausible grounds on which the opinion was based.
+     Superadded to these proofs, were the oft-repeated declarations of
+     men in high political positions here, and who were known to have
+     intimate affiliations with the Revolution--if indeed they did not
+     hold its reins in their hands--to the effect that Mr. Lincoln would
+     not, or should not be inaugurated at Washington.  Such
+     declarations, from such men, could not be treated as empty bluster.
+     They were the solemn utterances of those who well understood the
+     import of their words, and who, in the exultation of the temporary
+     victories gained over their Country's flag in the South, felt
+     assured that events would soon give them the power to verify their
+     predictions.  Simultaneously with these prophetic warnings, a
+     Southern journal of large circulation and influence, and which is
+     published near the city of Washington, advocated its seizure as a
+     possible political necessity.
+
+     "The nature and power of the testimony thus accumulated may be best
+     estimated by the effect produced upon the popular mind.
+     Apprehensions for the safety of the Capital were communicated from
+     points near and remote, by men unquestionably reliable and loyal.
+     The resident population became disquieted, and the repose of many
+     families in the city was known to be disturbed by painful
+     anxieties.  Members of Congress, too-men of calm and comprehensive
+     views, and of undoubted fidelity to their Country--frankly
+     expressed their solicitude to the President and to this Department,
+     and formally insisted that the defenses of the Capital should be
+     strengthened.  With such warnings, it could not be forgotten that,
+     had the late Secretary of War heeded the anonymous letter which he
+     received, the tragedy at Harper's Ferry would have been avoided;
+     nor could I fail to remember that, had the early admonitions which
+     reached here in regard to the designs of lawless men upon the Forts
+     of Charleston Harbor been acted on by sending forward adequate
+     reinforcements before the Revolution began, the disastrous
+     political complications that ensued might not have occurred.
+
+     "Impressed by these circumstances and considerations, I earnestly
+     besought you to allow the concentration, at this city, of a
+     sufficient military force to preserve the public peace from all the
+     dangers that seemed to threaten it.  An open manifestation, on the
+     part of the Administration, of a determination, as well as of the
+     ability, to maintain the laws, would, I was convinced, prove the
+     surest, as also the most pacific, means of baffling and dissolving
+     any Conspiracy that might have been organized.  It was believed too
+     that the highest and most solemn responsibility resting upon a
+     President withdrawing from the Government, was to secure to his
+     successor a peaceful Inauguration.  So deeply, in my judgment, did
+     this duty concern the whole Country and the fair fame of our
+     Institutions, that, to guarantee its faithful discharge, I was
+     persuaded no preparation could be too determined or too complete.
+     The presence of the troops alluded to in the resolution is the
+     result of the conclusion arrived at by yourself and Cabinet, on the
+     proposition submitted to you by this Department.  Already this
+     display of life and loyalty on the part of your Administration, has
+     produced the happiest effects.  Public confidence has been
+     restored, and the feverish apprehension which it was so mortifying
+     to contemplate has been banished.  Whatever may have been the
+     machinations of deluded, lawless men, the execution of their
+     purpose has been suspended, if not altogether abandoned in view of
+     preparations which announce more impressively than words that this
+     Administration is alike able and resolved to transfer in peace, to
+     the President elect, the authority that, under the Constitution,
+     belongs to him.  To those, if such there be, who desire the
+     destruction of the Republic, the presence of these troops is
+     necessarily offensive; but those who sincerely love our
+     Institutions cannot fail to rejoice that, by this timely precaution
+     they have possibly escaped the deep dishonor which they must have
+     suffered had the Capital, like the Forts and Arsenals of the South,
+     fallen into the hands of the Revolutionists, who have found this
+     great Government weak only because, in the exhaustless beneficence
+     of its spirit, it has refused to strike, even in its own defense,
+     lest it should wound the aggressor.
+
+     "I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
+
+                              "J. HOLT.
+                         "Secretary of War,
+
+     "THE PRESIDENT."]
+
+
+On February 20th, Forts Chadbourne and Belknap were seized by the Texan
+Rebels; and on the 22nd, the Federal General Twiggs basely surrendered
+to them all the fortifications under his control, his little Army, and
+all the Government stores in his possession--comprising $55,000 in
+specie, 35,000 stand of arms, 26 pieces of mounted artillery, 44
+dismounted guns, and ammunition, horses, wagons, forage, etc., valued at
+nearly $2,000,000.
+
+On the 2nd of March, the Texan Rebels seized the United States Revenue
+cutter "Dodge" at Galveston; and on the 6th, Fort Brown was surrendered
+to them.
+
+Thus, with surrender after surrender, and seizure after
+seizure, of its revenue vessels and fortifications and troops and arms
+and munitions of war in the Southern States--with Fort Sumter invested
+and at the mercy of any attack, and Fortress Monroe alone of all the
+National strongholds yet safe--with State after State seceding--what
+wonder that, while these events gave all encouragement to the Southern
+Rebels, the Patriots of the North stood aghast at the appalling
+spectacle of a crumbling and dissolving Union!
+
+During this period of National peril, the debates in both branches of
+Congress upon propositions for adjustment of the unfortunate differences
+between the Southern Seceders and the Union, as has been already hinted,
+contributed still further to agitate the public mind.  Speech after
+speech by the ablest and most brilliant Americans in public life, for or
+against such propositions, and discussing the rightfulness or
+wrongfulness of Secession, were made in Congress day after day, and, by
+means of the telegraph and the press, alternately swayed the Northern
+heart with feelings of hope, chagrin, elation or despair.
+
+The Great Debate was opened in the Senate on almost the very first day
+of its session (December 4th, 1860), by Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina,
+who, referring to South Carolina, declared that "Instead of being
+precipitate, she and the whole South have been wonderfully patient."  A
+portion of that speech is interesting even at this time, as showing how
+certain phases of the Tariff and Internal Improvement questions entered
+into the consideration of some of the Southern Secession leaders.  Said
+he, "I know there are intimations that suffering will fall upon us of
+the South, if we secede.  My people are not terrified by any such
+considerations.  * * *  They have no fears of the future if driven to
+rely on themselves.  The Southern States have more territory than all
+the Colonies had when they Seceded from Great Britain, and a better
+territory.  Taking its position, climate, and fertility into
+consideration, there is not upon Earth a body of territory superior to
+it.  * * *  The Southern States have, too, at this day, four times the
+population the Colonies had when they Seceded from Great Britain.  Their
+exports to the North and to Foreign Countries were, last year, more than
+$300,000,000; and a duty of ten per cent. upon the same amount of
+imports would give $30,000,000 of revenue--twice as much as General
+Jackson's administration spent in its first year.  Everybody can see,
+too, how the bringing in of $300,000,000 of imports into Southern ports
+would enliven business in our seaboard towns.  I have seen with some
+satisfaction, also, Mr. President, that the war made upon us has
+benefitted certain branches of industry in my State.  There are
+manufacturing establishments in North Carolina, the proprietors of which
+tell me that they are making fifty per cent. annually on their whole
+capital, and yet cannot supply one tenth of the demand for their
+production.  The result of only ten per cent. duties in excluding
+products from abroad, would give life and impetus to mechanical and
+manufacturing industry, throughout the entire South.  Our people
+understand these things, and they are not afraid of results, if forced
+to declare Independence.  Indeed I do not see why Northern Republicans
+should wish to continue a connection with us upon any terms.  * * *
+They want High Tariff likewise.  They may put on five hundred per cent.
+if they choose, upon their own imports, and nobody on our side will
+complain.  They may spend all the money they raise on railroads, or
+opening harbors, or anything on earth they desire, without interference
+from us; and it does seem to me that if they are sincere in their views
+they ought to welcome a separation."
+
+From the very commencement of this long three-months debate, it was the
+policy of the Southern leaders to make it appear that the Southern
+States were in an attitude of injured innocence and defensiveness
+against Northern aggression.  Hence, it was that, as early as December
+5th, on the floor of the Senate, through Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, they
+declared: "All we ask is to be allowed to depart in Peace.  Submit we
+will not; and if, because we will not submit to your domination, you
+choose to make War upon us, let God defend the Right!"
+
+At the same time it was esteemed necessary to try and frighten the North
+into acquiescence with this demand to be "let alone."  Hence such
+utterances as those of Clingman and Iverson, to which reference has
+already been made, and the especially defiant close of the latter's
+speech, when--replying to the temperate but firm Union utterances of Mr.
+Hale--the Georgia Senator said: "Sir, I do not believe there will be any
+War; but if War is to come, let it come; we will meet the Senator from
+New Hampshire and all the myrmidons of Abolitionism and Black
+Republicanism everywhere upon our own soil; and, in the language of a
+distinguished member from Ohio in relation to the Mexican War, we will
+'welcome you with bloody hands to hospitable graves.'"
+
+On the other hand, in order to encourage the revolting States to the
+speedy commission of overt acts of Rebellion and violence, that would
+precipitate War without a peradventure, utterances fell from Southern
+lips, in the National Senate Chamber, like those of Mr. Wigfall, when he
+said, during this first day of the debate: "Frederick the Great, on one
+occasion, when he had trumped up an old title to some of the adjacent
+territory, quietly put himself in possession and then offered to treat.
+Were I a South Carolinian, as I am a Texan, and I knew that my State was
+going out of the Union, and that this Government would attempt to use
+force, I would, at the first moment that that fact became manifest,
+seize upon the Forts and the arms and the munitions of war, and raise
+the cry 'To your tents, O Israel, and to the God of battles be this
+issue!"
+
+And, as we have already seen, the Rebels of the South were not slow in
+following the baleful advice to the letter.  But it was not many days
+after this utterance when the Conspirators against the Union evidently
+began to fear that the ground for Rebellion, upon which they had planted
+themselves, would be taken from under their feet by the impulse of
+Compromise and Concession which stirred so strongly the fraternal spirit
+of the North.  That peaceful impulse must be checked and exasperated by
+sneers and impossible demands.  Hence, on December 12th we find one of
+the most active and favorite mouthpieces of Treason, Mr. Wigfall,
+putting forth such demands, in his most offensive manner.
+
+Said he: "If the two Senators from New York (Seward and King), the
+Senator from Ohio (Wade), the two Senators from Illinois (Douglas and
+Trumbull), the Senator from New Hampshire (Hale), the Senator from
+Maine, and others who are regarded as representative men, who have
+denied that by the Constitution of the United States, Slaves are
+recognized as Property; who have urged and advocated those acts which we
+regard as aggressive on the part of the People--if they will rise here,
+and say in their places, that they desire to propose amendments to the
+Constitution, and beg that we will vote for them; that they will, in
+good faith, go to their respective constituencies and urge the
+ratification; that they believe, if these Gulf States will suspend their
+action, that those amendments will be ratified and carried out in good
+faith; that they will cease preaching this 'irrepressible conflict'; and
+if, in those amendments, it is declared that Slaves are Property, that
+they shall be delivered up upon demand; and that they will assure us
+that Abolition societies shall be abolished; that Abolition speeches
+shall no longer be made; that we shall have peace and quiet; that we
+shall not be called cut-throats and pirates and murderers; that our
+women shall not be slandered--these things being said in good faith, the
+Senators begging that we will stay our hand until an honest effort can
+be made, I believe that there is a prospect of giving them a fair
+consideration!"
+
+Small wonder is it, that this labored and ridiculous piece of
+impertinence was received with ironical laughter on the Republican side
+of the Senate Chamber.  And it was in reference to these threats, and
+these preposterous demands--including the suppression of the right of
+Free Discussion and Liberty of the Press--that, in the same chamber
+(January 7, 1861) the gallant and eloquent Baker said:
+
+"Your Fathers had fought for that right, and more than that, they had
+declared that the violation of that right was one of the great causes
+which impelled them to the Separation.  * * *  Sir, the Liberty of the
+Press is the highest safeguard to all Free Government.  Ours could not
+exist without it.  It is with us, nay, with all men, like a great
+exulting and abounding river, It is fed by the dews of Heaven, which
+distil their sweetest drops to form it.  It gushes from the rill, as it
+breaks from the deep caverns of the Earth.  It is fed by a thousand
+affluents, that dash from the mountaintop to separate again into a
+thousand bounteous and irrigating rills around.  On its broad bosom it
+bears a thousand barks.  There, Genius spreads its purpling sail.
+There, Poetry dips its silver oar.  There, Art, Invention, Discovery,
+Science, Morality, Religion, may safely and securely float.  It wanders
+through every land.  It is a genial, cordial source of thought and
+inspiration, wherever it touches, whatever it surrounds.  Sir, upon its
+borders, there grows every flower of Grace and every fruit of Truth.  I
+am not here to deny that that Stream sometimes becomes a dangerous
+Torrent, and destroys towns and cities upon its bank; but I am here to
+say that without it, Civilization, Humanity, Government, all that makes
+Society itself, would disappear, and the World would return to its
+ancient Barbarism.
+
+"Sir, if that were to be possible, or so thought for a moment, the fine
+conception of the great Poet would be realized.  If that were to be
+possible, though but for a moment, Civilization itself would roll the
+wheels of its car backward for two thousand years.  Sir, if that were
+so, it would be true that:
+
+          'As one by one in dread Medea's train,
+          Star after Star fades off th' ethereal plain,
+          Thus at her fell approach and secret might,
+          Art after art goes out, and all is night.
+          Philosophy, that leaned on Heaven before,
+          Sinks to her second cause, and is no more.
+          Religion, blushing, veils her sacred fires,
+          And, unawares, Morality expires.'
+
+"Sir, we will not risk these consequences, even for Slavery; we will not
+risk these consequences even for Union; we will not risk these
+consequences to avoid that Civil War with which you threaten us; that
+War which, you announce so deadly, and which you declare to be
+inevitable.  * * *  I will never yield to the idea that the great
+Government of this Country shall protect Slavery in any Territory now
+ours, or hereafter to be acquired.  It is, in my opinion, a great
+principle of Free Government, not, to be surrendered.
+
+"It is in my judgment, the object of the great battle which we have
+fought, and which we have won.  It is, in my poor opinion, the point
+upon which there is concord and agreement between the great masses of
+the North, who may agree in no other political opinion whatever.  Be he
+Republican, or Democrat, or Douglas man, or Lincoln man; be he from the
+North, or the West, from Oregon, or from Maine, in my judgment nine-
+tenths of the entire population of the North and West are devoted, in
+the very depths of their hearts, to the great Constitutional idea that
+Freedom is the rule, that Slavery is the exception, that it ought not to
+be extended by virtue of the powers of the Government of the United
+States; and, come weal, come woe, it never shall be.
+
+"But, sir, I add one other thing.  When you talk to me about Compromise
+or Concession, I am not sure that I always understand you.  Do you mean
+that I am to give up my convictions of right?  Armies cannot compel that
+in the breast of a Free People.  Do you mean that I am to concede the
+benefits of the political struggle through which we have passed,
+considered politically, only?  You are too just and too generous to ask
+that.  Do you mean that we are to deny the great principle upon which
+our political action has been based?  You know we cannot.  But if you
+mean by Compromise and Concession to ask us to see whether we have not
+been hasty, angry, passionate, excited, and in many respects violated
+your feelings, your character, your right of property, we will look;
+and, as I said yesterday, if we have, we will undo it.  Allow me to say
+again, if there be any lawyer or any Court that will advise us that our
+laws are unconstitutional, we will repeal them.
+
+"Now as to territory.  I will not yield one inch to Secession; but there
+are things that I will yield, and there are things to which I will
+yield.  It is somewhere told that when Harold of England received a
+messenger from a brother with whom he was at variance, to inquire on
+what terms reconciliation and peace could be effected between brothers,
+he replied in a gallant and generous spirit in a few words, 'the, terms
+I offer are the affection of a brother; and the Earldom of
+Northumberland.'  And, said the Envoy, as he marched up the Hall amid
+the warriors that graced the state of the King, 'if Tosti, thy brother,
+agree to this, what terms will you allow to his ally and friend,
+Hadrada, the giant.'  'We will allow,' said Harold, 'to Hadrada, the
+giant, seven feet of English ground, and if he be, as they say, a giant,
+some few inches more!' and, as he spake, the Hall rang with acclamation.
+
+"Sir, in that spirit I speak.  I follow, at a humble distance, the ideas
+and the words of Clay, illustrious, to be venerated, and honored, and
+remembered, forever.  * * *  He said--I say: that I will yield no inch,
+no word, to the threat of Secession, unconstitutional, revolutionary,
+dangerous, unwise, at variance with the heart and the hope of all
+mankind save themselves.  To that I yield nothing; but if States loyal
+to the Constitution, if people magnanimous and just, desiring a return
+of fraternal feeling, shall come to us and ask for Peace, for permanent,
+enduring peace and affection, and say, 'What will you grant?  I say to
+them, 'Ask all that a gentleman ought to propose, and I will yield all
+that a gentleman ought to offer.'  Nay, more: if you are galled because
+we claim the right to prohibit Slavery in territory now Free, or in any
+Territory which acknowledges our jurisdiction, we will evade--I speak
+but for myself--I will aid in evading that question; I will agree to
+make it all States, and let the People decide at once.  I will agree to
+place them in that condition where the prohibition of Slavery will never
+be necessary to justify ourselves to our consciences or to our
+constituents.  I will agree to anything which is not to force upon me
+the necessity of protecting Slavery in the name of Freedom.  To that I
+never can and never will yield."
+
+The speeches of Seward, of Douglas, of Crittenden, of Andrew Johnson, of
+Baker, and others, in behalf of the Union, and those of Benjamin, Davis,
+Wigfall, Lane, and others, in behalf of Secession, did much toward
+fixing the responsibility for the approaching bloody conflict where it
+belonged.  The speeches of Andrew Johnson of Tennessee--who, if he at a
+subsequent period of the Nation's history, proved himself not the
+worthiest son of the Republic, at this critical time, at all events, did
+grand service in the National Senate--especially had great and good
+effect on the public mind in the Northern and Border States.  They were,
+therefore, gall and wormwood to the Secession leaders, who hoped to drag
+the Border States into the great Southern Confederacy of States already
+in process of formation.
+
+Their irritation was shown in threats of personal violence to Mr.
+Johnson, as when Wigfall--replying February 7th, 1861, to the latter's
+speech, said, "Now if the Senator wishes to denounce Secession and
+Nullification eo nomine, let him go back and denounce Jefferson; let him
+denounce Jackson, if he dare, and go back and look that Tennessee
+Democracy in the face, and see whether they will content themselves with
+riddling his effigy!"
+
+It would seem also, from another part of Wigfall's reply, that the
+speeches of Union Senators had been so effective that a necessity was
+felt on the part of the Southern Conspirators to still further attempt
+to justify Secession by shifting the blame to Northern shoulders, for,
+while referring to the Presidential canvass of 1860--and the attitude of
+the Southern Secession leaders during that exciting period--he said:
+"We (Breckinridge-Democrats) gave notice, both North and South, that if
+Abraham Lincoln was elected, this Union was dissolved.  I never made a
+speech during the canvass without asserting that fact.  * * *  Then, I
+say, that our purpose was not to dissolve the Union; but the dire
+necessity has been put upon us.  The question is, whether we shall live
+longer in a Union in which a Party, hostile to us in every respect, has
+the power in Congress, in the Executive department, and in the Electoral
+Colleges--a Party who will have the power even in the Judiciary.  We
+think it is not safe.  We say that each State has the clear indisputable
+right to withdraw if she sees fit; and six of the States have already
+withdrawn, and one other State is upon the eve of withdrawing, if she
+has not already done so.  How far this will spread no man can tell!"
+
+As tending to show the peculiar mixture of brag, cajolery, and threats,
+involved in the attitude of the South, as expressed by the same favorite
+Southern mouthpiece, toward the Border-States on the one hand, and the
+Middle and New England States on the other, a further extract from this
+(February 7th) speech of the Texan Senator may be of interest.  Said he:
+
+"With exports to the amount of hundreds of millions of dollars, our
+imports must be the same.  With a lighter Tariff than any people ever
+undertook to live under, we could have larger revenue.  We would be able
+to stand Direct Taxation to a greater extent than any people ever could
+before, since the creation of the World.  We feel perfectly competent to
+meet all issues that may be presented, either by hostility from abroad
+or treason at home.  So far as the Border-States are concerned, it is a
+matter that concerns them alone.  Should they confederate with us,
+beyond all doubt New England machinery will be worked with the water
+power of Tennessee, of Kentucky, of Virginia and of Maryland; the Tariff
+laws that now give New England the monopoly in the thirty-three States,
+will give to these Border States a monopoly in the Slave-holding States.
+Should the non-Slave-holding States choose to side against us in
+organizing their Governments, and cling to their New England brethren,
+the only result will be, that the meat, the horses, the hemp, and the
+grain, which we now buy in Pennsylvania, in Ohio, in Indiana and
+Illinois, will be purchased in Kentucky and in Western Virginia and in
+Missouri.  Should Pennsylvania stand out, the only result will be, that
+the iron which is now dug in Pennsylvania, will be dug in the mountains
+of Tennessee and of Virginia and of Kentucky and of North Carolina.
+These things we know.
+
+"We feel no anxiety at all, so far as money or men are concerned.  We
+desire War with nobody; we intend to make no War; but we intend to live
+under just such a Government as we see fit.  Six States have left this
+Union, and others are going to leave it simply because they choose to do
+it; that is all.  We do not ask your consent; we do not wish it.  We
+have revoked our ratification of the Treaty commonly known as the
+Constitution of the United States; a treaty for common defense and
+general welfare; and we shall be perfectly willing to enter into another
+Treaty with you, of peace and amity.  Reject the olive branch and offer
+us the sword, and we accept it; we have not the slightest objection.
+Upon that subject we feel as the great William Lowndes felt upon another
+important subject, the Presidency, which he said was neither to be
+sought nor declined.  When you invade our soil, look to your own
+borders.  You say that you have too many people, too many towns, too
+dense a population, for us to invade you.  I say to you Senators, that
+there is nothing that ever stops the march of an invading force, except
+a desert.  The more populous a country, the more easy it is to subsist
+an army."
+
+After declaring that--"Not only are our non-Slaveholders loyal, but even
+our Negroes are.  We have no apprehensions whatever of insurrection--not
+the slightest.  We can arm our negroes, and leave them at home, when we
+are temporarily absent"--Mr. Wigfall proceeded to say: "We may as well
+talk plainly about this matter.  This is probably the last time I shall
+have an opportunity of addressing you.  There is another thing that an
+invading army cannot do.  It cannot burn up plantations.  You can pull
+down fences, but the Negroes will put them up the next morning.  The
+worst fuel that ever a man undertook to make fire with, is dirt; it will
+not burn.  Now I have told you what an invading army cannot do.  Suppose
+I reverse the picture and tell you what it can do.  An invading army in
+an enemy's country, where there is a dense population, can subsist
+itself at a very little cost; it does not always pay for what it gets.
+An invading army can burn down towns; an invading army can burn down
+manufactories; and it can starve operatives.  It can do all these
+things.  But an Invading army, and an army to defend a Country, both
+require a military chest.  You may bankrupt every man south of North
+Carolina, so that his credit is reduced to such a point that he could
+not discount a note for thirty dollars, at thirty days; but the next
+autumn those Cotton States will have just as much money and as much
+credit as they had before.  They pick money off the cotton plant.  Every
+time that a Negro touches a cotton-pod with his hand, he pulls a piece
+of silver out of it, and he drops it into the basket in which it is
+carried to the gin-house.  It is carried to the packing screw.  A bale
+of cotton rolls out-in other words, five ten-dollar pieces roll out-
+covered with canvas.  We shall never again make less than five million
+bales of cotton.  * * *  We can produce five million bales of cotton,
+every bale worth fifty dollars, which is the lowest market price it has
+been for years past.  We shall import a bale of something else, for
+every bale of cotton that we export, and that bale will be worth fifty
+dollars.  We shall find no difficulty under a War-Tariff in raising an
+abundance of money.  We have been at Peace for a very long time, We are
+very prosperous.  Our planters use their cotton, not to buy the
+necessaries of life, but for the superfluities, which they can do
+without.  The States themselves have a mine of wealth in the loyalty and
+the wealth of their citizens.  Georgia, Mississippi, any one of those
+States can issue its six per cent. bonds tomorrow, and receive cotton in
+payment to the extent almost of the entire crop.  They can first borrow
+from their own citizens; they can tax them to an almost unlimited
+extent; and they can raise revenue from a Tariff to an almost unlimited
+extent.
+
+"How will it be with New England?  where will their revenue come from?
+From your Custom-houses?  what do you export?  You have been telling us
+here for the last quarter of a century, that you cannot manufacture,
+even for the home market, under the Tariffs which we have given you.
+When this Tariff ceases to operate in your favor, and you have to pay
+for coming into our markets, what will you export?  When your machinery
+ceases to move, and your operatives are turned out, will you tax your
+broken capitalist or your starving operative?  When the navigation laws
+cease to operate, what will become of your shipping interest?  You are
+going to blockade our ports, you say.  That is a very innocent game; and
+you suppose we shall sit quietly down and submit to a blockade.  I speak
+not of foreign interference, for we look not for it.  We are just as
+competent to take Queen Victoria and Louis Napoleon under our
+protection, as they are to take us; and they are a great deal more
+interested to-day in receiving cotton from our ports than we are in
+shipping it.  You may lock up every bale of cotton within the limits of
+the eight Cotton States, and not allow us to export one for three years,
+and we shall not feel it further than our military resources are
+concerned.  Exhaust the supply of cotton in Europe for one week, and all
+Europe is in revolution.
+
+"These are facts.  You will blockade us!  Do you suppose we shall do
+nothing, even upon the sea?  How many letters of marque and reprisal
+would it take to put the whole of your ships up at your wharves to rot?
+Will any merchant at Havre, or Liverpool, or any other portion of the
+habitable globe, ship a cargo upon a New England, or New York, or
+Philadelphia clipper, or other ship, when he knows that the seas are
+swarming with letters of marque and reprisal?  Why the mere apprehension
+of such a thing will cut you out of the Carrying Trade of the civilized
+World.  * * *  I speak not of the absurdity of the position that you can
+blockade our ports, admitting at the same time that we are in the Union.
+Blockade is a remedy, as all writers on International law say, against a
+Foreign Power with whom you are at War.  You cannot use a blockade
+against your own people.  An embargo even, you cannot use.  That is a
+remedy against a Foreign Nation with whom you expect to be at War.  You
+must treat us as in the Union, or out of it.  We have gone out.  We are
+willing to live at peace with you; but, as sure as fate, whenever any
+flag comes into one of our ports, that has thirty-three stars upon it,
+that flag will be fired at.  Displaying a flag with stars which we have
+plucked from that bright galaxy, is an insult to the State within whose
+waters that flag is displayed.  You cannot enforce the laws without
+Coercion, and you cannot Coerce without War.
+
+"These matters, then, can be settled.  How?  By withdrawing your troops;
+admitting our right to Self-government clearly, unqualifiedly.  Do this,
+and there is no difficulty about it.  You say that you will not do it.
+Very well; we have no objection--none whatever.  That is Coercion.  When
+you have attempted it, you will find that you have made War.  These,
+Senators, are facts.  I come here to plead for Peace; but I have seen so
+much and felt so much, that I am becoming at last, to tell the plain
+truth of the matter, rather indifferent as to which way the thing turns.
+If you want War, you can have it.  If you want Peace, you can get it;
+but I plead not for Peace."
+
+Meanwhile the Seceding States of the South were strengthening their
+attitude by Confederation.  On February 4, 1861, the Convention of
+Seceding States, called by the South Carolina Convention at the time of
+her Secession, met, in pursuance of that call, at Montgomery, Alabama,
+and on the 9th adopted a Provisional Constitution and organized a
+Provisional Government by the election of Jefferson Davis of
+Mississippi, as President, and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, as
+Vice-President; to serve until a Presidential election could be held by
+the people of the Confederacy.
+
+     [At a later day, March 11, 1861, a permanent Constitution for the
+     "Confederate States" was adopted, and, in the Fall of the same
+     year, Messrs.  Davis and Stephens were elected by popular vote, for
+     the term of six years ensuing, as President and Vice-President,
+     respectively, of the Confederacy.]
+
+Mr. Davis almost at once left Jackson, Mississippi, for Montgomery,
+where he arrived and delivered his Inaugural, February 17, having
+received on his road thither a succession of ovations from the
+enthusiastic Rebels, to which he had responded with no less than twenty-
+five speeches, very similar in tone to those made in the United States
+Senate by Mr. Wigfall and others of that ilk-breathing at once defiance
+and hopefulness, while admitting the difficulties in the way of the new
+Confederacy.
+
+"It may be," said he, at Jackson, "that we will be confronted by War;
+that the attempt will be made to blockade our ports, to starve us out;
+but they (the Union men of the North) know little of the Southern heart,
+of Southern endurance.  No amount of privation could force us to remain
+in a Union on unequal terms.  England and France would not allow our
+great staple to be dammed up within our present limits; the starving
+thousands in their midst would not allow it.  We have nothing to
+apprehend from Blockade.  But if they attempt invasion by land, we must
+take the War out of our territory.  If War must come, it must be upon
+Northern, and not upon Southern soil.  In the meantime, if they were
+prepared to grant us Peace, to recognize our equality, all is well."
+
+And, in his speech at Stevenson, Alabama, said he "Your Border States
+will gladly come into the Southern Confederacy within sixty days, as we
+will be their only friends.  England will recognize us, and a glorious
+future is before us.  The grass will grow in the Northern cities, where
+the pavements have been worn off by the tread of Commerce.  We will
+carry War where it is easy to advance--where food for the sword and
+torch await our Armies in the densely populated cities; and though they
+may come and spoil our crops, we can raise them as before; while they
+cannot rear the cities which took years of industry and millions of
+money to build."
+
+Very different in tone to these, were the kindly and sensible utterances
+of Mr. Lincoln on his journey from Springfield to Washington, about the
+same time, for Inauguration as President of the United States.  Leaving
+Springfield, Illinois, February 11th, he had pathetically said:
+
+"My friends: No one, not in my position, can realize the sadness I feel
+at this parting.  To this people I owe all that I am.  Here I have lived
+more than a quarter of a century.  Here my children were born, and here
+one of them lies buried.  I know not how soon I shall see you again.  I
+go to assume a task more difficult than that which has devolved upon any
+other man since the days of Washington.  He never would have succeeded
+except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times
+relied.  I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine blessing
+which sustained him; and on the same Almighty Being I place my reliance
+for support.  And I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may
+receive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with
+which success is certain.  Again I bid you an affectionate farewell."
+
+At Indianapolis, that evening, the eve of his birthday anniversary,
+after thanking the assembled thousands for their "magnificent welcome,"
+and defining the words "Coercion" and "Invasion"--at that time so
+loosely used--he continued: "But if the United States should merely hold
+and retake her own Forts and other property, and collect the duties on
+foreign importation, or even withhold the mails from places where they
+were habitually violated, would any or all of these things be 'Invasion'
+or 'Coercion'?  Do our professed lovers of the Union, who spitefully
+resolve that they will resist Coercion and Invasion, understand that
+such things as these on the part of the United States would be
+'Coercion' or 'Invasion' of a State?  If so, their idea of means to
+preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be
+exceedingly thin and airy."
+
+At Columbus, Ohio, he spoke in a like calm, conservative, reasoning way
+--with the evident purpose of throwing oil on the troubled waters--when
+he said: "I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety.
+It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety; for there is
+nothing going wrong.  It is a consoling circumstance that, when we look
+out, there is nothing that really hurts anybody.  We entertain different
+views upon political questions; but nobody is suffering anything.  This
+is a consoling circumstance; and from it we may conclude that all we
+want is time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never
+forsaken this People."
+
+So, too, at Pittsburg, Pa., February 15th, he said, of "our friends," as
+he termed them, the Secessionists: "Take even their own views of the
+questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the course they are
+pursuing.  I repeat, then, there is no crisis, except such an one as may
+be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by designing
+politicians.  My advice to them, under the circumstances, is to keep
+cool.  If the great American People only keep their temper both sides of
+the line, the trouble will come to an end, and the question which now
+distracts the Country be settled, just as surely as all other
+difficulties, of a like character, which have been originated in this
+Government, have been adjusted.  Let the people on both sides keep their
+self-possession, and, just as other clouds have cleared away in due
+time, so will this great Nation continue to prosper as heretofore."
+
+And toward the end of that journey, on the 22nd of February--
+Washington's Birthday--in the Independence Hall at Philadelphia, after
+eloquently affirming his belief that "the great principle or idea that
+kept this Confederacy so long together was * * * that sentiment in the
+Declaration of Independence which gave Liberty not alone to the People
+of this Country, but" he hoped "to the World, for all future time * * *
+which gave promise that, in due time, the weight would be lifted from
+the shoulders of all men"--he added, in the same firm, yet temperate and
+reassuring vein: "Now, my friends, can this Country be saved on that
+basis?  If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the
+world, if I can help to save it.  If it cannot be saved on that basis,
+it will be truly awful.  But, if this Country cannot be saved without
+giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be
+assassinated on this spot than surrender it.  Now in my view of the
+present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or War.  There is
+no necessity for it.  I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say,
+in advance, that there will be no bloodshed, unless it be forced upon
+the Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defense.  *
+* * I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be
+the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by."
+
+Thus, as he progressed on that memorable journey from his home in
+Illinois, through Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Columbus, Pittsburgh,
+Cleveland, Erie, Buffalo, Albany, New York, Trenton, Newark,
+Philadelphia, and Harrisburg-amid the prayers and blessings and
+acclamations of an enthusiastic and patriotic people--he uttered words
+of wise conciliation and firm moderation such as beseemed the high
+functions and tremendous responsibilities to which the voice of that
+liberty--and-union-loving people had called him, and this too, with a
+full knowledge, when he made the Philadelphia speech, that the enemies
+of the Republic had already planned to assassinate him before he could
+reach Washington.
+
+The prudence of his immediate friends, fortunately defeated the
+murderous purpose--and by the simple device of taking the regular night
+express from Philadelphia instead of a special train next day--to
+Washington, he reached the National Capital without molestation early on
+the morning of the 23rd of February.
+
+That morning, after Mr. Lincoln's arrival, in company with Mr. Lovejoy,
+the writer visited him at Willard's Hotel.  During the interview both
+urged him to "Go right along, protect the property of the Country, and
+put down the Rebellion, no matter at what cost in men and money."  He
+listened with grave attention, and said little, but very clearly
+indicated his approval of all the sentiments thus expressed--and then,
+with the same firm and manly and cheerful faith in the outcome, he
+added: "As the Country has placed me at the helm of the Ship, I'll try
+to steer her through."
+
+The spirit in which he proposed to accomplish this superhuman task, was
+shown when he told the Southern people through the Civic authorities of
+Washington on the 27th of February--When the latter called upon him--
+that he had no desire or intention to interfere with any of their
+Constitutional rights--that they should have all their rights under the
+Constitution, "not grudgingly, but fully and fairly."  And what was the
+response of the South to this generous and conciliatory message?
+Personal sneers--imputations of Northern cowardice--boasts of Southern
+prowess--scornful rejection of all compromise--and an insolent challenge
+to the bloody issue of arms!
+
+Said Mr. Wigfall, in the United States Senate, on March 2d, alluding to
+Mr. Lincoln, "I do not think that a man who disguises himself in a
+soldier's cloak and a Scotch cap (a more thorough disguise could not be
+assumed by such a man) and makes his entry between day and day, into the
+Capital of the Country that he is to govern--I hardly think that he is
+going to look War sternly in the face.
+
+     [Had Mr. Wigfall been able at this time to look four years into the
+     future and behold the downfall of the Southern Rebellion, the
+     flight of its Chieftains, and the capture of Jefferson Davis while
+     endeavoring to escape, with his body enclosed in a wrapper and a
+     woman's shawl over his head, as stated by Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart
+     of Jefferson Davis's Staff, p. 756, vol. ii., Greeley's American
+     Conflict--he would hardly have retailed this slander.]
+
+"I look for nothing else than that the Commissioners from the
+Confederated States will be received here and recognized by Abraham
+Lincoln.  I will now predict that this Republican Party that is going to
+enforce the Laws, preserve the Union, and collect Revenue, will never
+attempt anything so silly; and that instead of taking Forts, the troops
+will be withdrawn from those which we now have.  See if this does not
+turn out to be so, in less than a week or ten days."
+
+In the same insulting diatribe, he said: "It is very easy for men to
+bluster who know there is going to be no danger.  Four or five million
+people living in a territory that extends from North Carolina down to
+the Rio Grande, who have exports to above three hundred million dollars,
+whose ports cannot be blockaded, but who can issue letters of marque and
+reprisal, and sweep your commerce from the seas, and who will do it, are
+not going to be trifled with by that sensible Yankee nation.  Mark my
+words.  I did think, at one time, there was going to be War; I do not
+think so now.  * * *  The Star of the West swaggered into Charleston
+harbor, received a blow planted full in the face, and staggered out.
+Your flag has been insulted; redress it if you dare!  You have submitted
+to it for two months, and you will submit to it for ever.  * * *  We
+have dissolved the Union; mend it if you can; cement it with blood; try
+the experiment! we do not desire War; we wish to avoid it.  * * *  This
+we say; and if you choose to settle this question by the Sword, we feel,
+we know, that we have the Right.  We interfere with you in no way.  We
+ask simply that you will not interfere with us.  * * *  You tell us you
+will keep us in the Union.  Try the experiment!"
+
+And then, with brutal frankness, he continued: "Now, whether what are
+called The Crittenden Resolutions will produce satisfaction in some of
+these Border States, or not, I am unaware; but I feel perfectly sure
+they would not be entertained upon the Gulf.  As to the Resolutions
+which the Peace Congress has offered us, we might as well make a clean
+breast of it.  If those Resolutions were adopted, and ratified by three
+fourths of the States of this Union, and no other cause ever existed, I
+make the assertion that the seven States now out of the Union, would go
+out upon that."
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER VIII.
+
+                       THE REJECTED OLIVE BRANCH.
+
+While instructive, it will also not be devoid of interest, to pause
+here, and examine the nature of the Crittenden Resolutions, and also the
+Resolutions of the Peace Congress, which, we have seen, were spurned by
+the Secession leaders, through their chief mouthpiece in the United
+States Senate.
+
+The Crittenden Compromise Resolutions * were in these words:
+
+"A Joint Resolution proposing certain Amendments to the Constitution of
+the United States:
+
+"Whereas, serious and alarming dissensions have arisen between the
+Northern and the Southern States, concerning the Rights and security of
+the Rights of the Slaveholding States, and especially their Rights in
+the common territory of the United States; and whereas, it is eminently
+desirable and proper that these dissensions, which now threaten the very
+existence of this Union, should be permanently quieted and settled by
+Constitutional provisions which shall do equal justice to all Sections,
+and thereby restore to the People that peace and good-will which ought
+to prevail between all the citizens of the United States; Therefore:
+
+Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America, in Congress assembled, (two thirds of both Houses
+concurring), the following articles be, and are hereby proposed and
+submitted as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which
+shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of said
+Constitution, when ratified by Conventions of three-fourths of the
+several States:
+
+"Article I.  In all the territory of the United States now held, or
+hereafter to be acquired, situate north of latitude 36  30', Slavery or
+involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is prohibited,
+while such territory shall remain under Territorial government.  In all
+the territory south of said line of latitude, Slavery of the African
+race is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with
+by Congress, but shall be protected as Property by all the departments
+of the Territorial government during its continuance.  And when any
+Territory, north or south of said line, within such boundaries as
+Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population requisite for a
+member of Congress, according to the then Federal ratio of
+representation of the People of the United States, it shall, if its own
+form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union, on an
+equal footing with the original States; with or without Slavery, as the
+Constitution of such new State may provide.
+
+"Article II.  Congress shall have no power to abolish Slavery in places
+under its exclusive jurisdiction, and situate within the limits of
+States that permit the holding of Slaves.
+
+"Article III.  Congress shall have no power to abolish Slavery within
+the District of Columbia; so long as it exists in the adjoining States
+of Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor without the consent of the
+inhabitants, nor without just compensation first made to such owners of
+Slaves as do not consent to such abolishment.  Nor shall Congress, at
+any time, prohibit officers of the Federal government, or members of
+Congress whose duties require them to be in said District, from bringing
+with them their Slaves, and holding them as such during the time their
+duties may require them to remain there, and afterward taking them from
+the District.
+
+"Article IV.  Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder the
+Transportation of Slaves from one State to another, or to a Territory in
+which Slaves are, by law, permitted to be held, whether that
+transportation be by land, navigable rivers, or by the sea.
+
+"Article V.  That in addition to the provisions of the third paragraph
+of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the
+United States, Congress shall have power to provide by law, and it shall
+be its duty to provide, that the United States shall pay to the owner
+who shall apply for it, the full value of his Fugitive Slaves in all
+cases where the Marshal, or other officer whose duty it was to arrest
+said Fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation,
+or where, after arrest, said Fugitive was rescued by force, and the
+owner thereby prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for
+the recovery of his Fugitive Slave under the said clause of the
+Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof.
+
+     ["No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws
+     thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any Law or
+     Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but
+     shall be delivered up on claim of the Party to whom such Service or
+     Labour may be due."--Art.  IV., Sec.  2, P 3, U. S. Constitution.]
+
+"And in all such cases, when the United States shall pay for such
+Fugitive, they shall have the Right, in their own name, to sue the
+county in which said violence, intimidation, or rescue, was committed,
+and recover from it, with interest and damages, the amount paid by them
+for said Fugitive Slave.  And the said county, after it has paid said
+amount to the United States, may, for its indemnity, sue and recover
+from the wrong-doers or rescuers by whom the owner was prevented from
+the recovery of his Fugitive Slave, in like manner as the owner himself
+might have sued and recovered.
+
+"Article VI.  No future amendment of the Constitution shall affect the
+five preceding articles; nor the third paragraph of the second section
+of the first article of the Constitution, nor the third paragraph  of
+the second section of the fourth article of said Constitution; and no
+amendment shall be made to the Constitution which shall authorize or
+give to Congress any power to abolish or interfere with Slavery in any
+of the States by whose laws it is or may be, allowed or permitted.
+
+     ["Representatives and Direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the
+     several States which may be included within this Union, according
+     to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to
+     the whole Number of Free Persons, including those bound to Service
+     for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not Taxed, three-fifths
+     of all Other Persons," etc.--Art. 1., Sec.  2, P 3, U. S.
+     Constitution.]
+
+"And whereas, also, besides those causes of dissension embraced in the
+foregoing amendments proposed to the Constitution of the United States,
+there are others which come within the jurisdiction of Congress, and may
+be remedied by its legislative power; And whereas it is the desire of
+Congress, as far as its power will extend, to remove all just cause for
+the popular discontent and agitation which now disturb the peace of the
+Country and threaten the stability of its Institutions; Therefore:
+
+"1.  Resolved by the Senate and house of Representatives in Congress
+assembled, that the laws now in force for the recovery of Fugitive
+Slaves are in strict pursuance of the plain and mandatory provisions of
+the Constitution, and have been sanctioned as valid and Constitutional
+by the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States; that the
+Slaveholding States are entitled to the faithful observance and
+execution of those laws; and that they ought not to be repealed, or so
+modified or changed as to impair their efficiency; and that laws ought
+to be made for the punishment of those who attempt, by rescue of the
+Slave, or other illegal means, to hinder or defeat the due execution of
+said laws.
+
+"2.  That all State laws which conflict with the Fugitive Slave Acts of
+Congress, or any other Constitutional Acts of Congress, or which, in
+their operation, impede, hinder, or delay, the free course and due
+execution of any of said Acts, are null and void by the plain provisions
+of the Constitution of the United States; yet those State laws, void as
+they are, have given color to practices, and led to consequences, which
+have obstructed the due administration and execution of Acts of
+Congress, and especially the Acts for the delivery of Fugitive Slaves;
+and have thereby contributed much to the discord and commotion now
+prevailing.  Congress, therefore, in the present perilous juncture, does
+not deem it improper, respectfully and earnestly, to recommend the
+repeal of those laws to the several States which have enacted them, or
+such legislative corrections or explanations of them as may prevent
+their being used or perverted to such mischievous purposes.
+
+"3.  That the Act of the 18th of September, 1850, commonly called the
+Fugitive Slave Law, ought to be so amended as to make the fee of the
+Commissioner, mentioned in the eighth section of the Act, equal in
+amount in the cases decided by him, whether his decision be in favor of,
+or against the claimant.  And, to avoid misconstruction, the last clause
+of the fifth section of said Act, which authorizes the person holding a
+warrant for the arrest or detention of a Fugitive Slave to summon to his
+aid the posse comitatus, and which declares it to be the duty of all
+good citizens to assist him in its execution, ought to be so amended as
+to expressly limit the authority and duty to cases in which there shall
+be resistance, or danger of resistance or rescue.
+
+"4.  That the laws for the suppression of the African Slave Trade, and
+especially those prohibiting the importation of Slaves into the United
+States, ought to be more effectual, and ought to be thoroughly executed;
+and all further enactments necessary to those ends ought to be promptly
+made."
+
+
+The Peace Conference, or "Congress," it may here be mentioned, was
+called, by action of the Legislature of Virginia, to meet at Washington,
+February 4, 1861.  The invitation was extended to all of such "States of
+this Confederacy * * *  whether Slaveholding or Non-Slaveholding, as are
+willing to unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the
+present unhappy controversies in the spirit in which the Constitution
+was originally formed, and consistently with its principles, so as to
+afford to the people of the Slaveholding States adequate guarantees for
+the security of their rights"--such States to be represented by
+Commissioners "to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon some
+suitable adjustment."
+
+The Conference, or "Congress," duly convened, at that place and time,
+and organized by electing ex-President John Tyler, of Virginia, its
+President.  This Peace Congress--which comprised 133 Commissioners,
+representing the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts,
+Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio,
+Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin and Kansas--remained in session until
+February 27, 1861--and then submitted the result of its labors to
+Congress, with the request that Congress "will submit it to Conventions
+in the States, as Article Thirteen of the Amendments to the Constitution
+of the United States, in the following shape:
+
+"Section 1.  In all the present territory of the United States, north of
+the parallel of 36  30' of north latitude, Involuntary Servitude, except
+in punishment of crime, is prohibited.  In all the present territory
+south of that line, the status of Persons held to Involuntary Service or
+Labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed; nor shall any law be
+passed by Congress or the Territorial Legislature to hinder or prevent
+the taking of such Persons from any of the States of this Union to said
+Territory, nor to impair the Rights arising from said relation; but the
+same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal Courts,
+according to the course of the common law.  When any Territory north or
+south of said line, within such boundary as Congress may prescribe,
+shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of
+Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted
+into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or
+without Involuntary Servitude, as the Constitution of such State may
+provide.
+
+"Section 2.  No territory shall be acquired by the United States, except
+by discovery and for naval and commercial stations, depots, and transit
+routes, without the concurrence of a majority of all the Senators from
+States which allow Involuntary Servitude, and a majority of all the
+Senators from States which prohibit that relation; nor shall Territory
+be acquired by treaty, unless the votes of a majority of the Senators
+from each class of States hereinbefore mentioned be cast as a part of
+the two-thirds majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty.
+
+"Section 3.  Neither the Constitution, nor any amendment thereof, shall
+be construed to give Congress power to regulate, abolish, or control,
+within any State, the relation established or recognized by the laws
+thereof touching Persons held to Labor or Involuntary Service therein,
+nor to interfere with or abolish Involuntary Service in the District of
+Columbia without the consent of Maryland, and without the consent of the
+owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation; nor
+the power to interfere with or prohibit Representatives and others from
+bringing with them to the District of Columbia, retaining, and taking
+away, Persons so held to Labor or Service; nor the power to interfere
+with or abolish Involuntary Service in places under the exclusive
+jurisdiction of the United States within those States and Territories
+where the same is established or recognized; nor the power to prohibit
+the removal or transportation of Persons held to Labor or Involuntary
+Service in any State or Territory of the United States to any other
+State or Territory thereof where it is established or recognized by law
+or usage; and the right during transportation, by sea or river, of
+touching at ports, shores, and landings, and of landing in case of
+distress, shall exist; but not the right of transit in or through any
+State or Territory, or of sale or traffic, against the laws thereof.
+Nor shall Congress have power to authorize any higher rate of taxation
+on Persons held to Labor or Service than on land.  The bringing into the
+District of Columbia of Persons held to Labor or Service, for sale, or
+placing them in depots to be afterwards transferred to other places for
+sale as merchandize, is prohibited.
+
+"Section 4.  The third paragraph of the second section of the fourth
+article of the Constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of the
+States, by appropriate legislation, and through the action of their
+judicial and ministerial officers, from enforcing the delivery of
+Fugitives from Labor to the person to whom such Service or Labor is due.
+
+"Section 5.  The Foreign Slave Trade is hereby forever prohibited; and
+it shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importation
+of Slaves, Coolies, or Persons held to Service or Labor, into the United
+States and the Territories from places beyond the limits thereof.
+
+"Section 6.  The first, third, and fifth sections, together with this
+section of these amendments, and the third paragraph of the second
+section of the first article of the Constitution, and the third
+paragraph of the second section of the fourth article thereof, shall not
+be amended or abolished without the consent of all the States.
+
+"Section 7.  Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall
+pay to the owner the full value of the Fugitive from Labor, in all cases
+where the Marshal, or other officer, whose duty it was to arrest such
+Fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation from
+mobs or riotous assemblages, or when, after arrest, such Fugitive was
+rescued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby deprived
+of the same; and the acceptance of such payment shall preclude the owner
+from further claim to such Fugitive.  Congress shall provide by law for
+securing to the citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of
+citizens in the several States."
+
+
+To spurn such propositions as these--with all the concessions to the
+Slave Power therein contained--was equivalent to spurning any and all
+propositions that could possibly be made; and by doing this, the
+Seceding States placed themselves--as they perhaps desired--in an
+utterly irreconcilable attitude, and hence, to a certain extent, which
+had not entered into their calculations, weakened their "Cause" in the
+eyes of many of their friends in the North, in the Border States, and in
+the World.  They had become Implacables.  Practically considered, this
+was their great mistake.  The Crittenden Compromise Resolutions covered
+and yielded to the Slaveholders of the South all and even more than they
+had ever dared seriously to ask or hope for, and had they been open to
+Conciliation, they could have undoubtedly carried that measure through
+both Houses of Congress and three-fourths of the States.
+
+     ["Its advocates, with good reason, claimed a large majority of the
+     People in its favor, and clamored for its submission to a direct
+     popular vote.  Had such a submission been accorded, it is very
+     likely that the greater number of those who voted at all would have
+     voted to ratify it.  * * *  The 'Conservatives,' so called, were
+     still able to establish this Crittenden Compromise by their own
+     proper strength, had they been disposed so to do.  The President
+     was theirs; the Senate strongly theirs; in the House, they had a
+     small majority, as was evidenced in their defeat of John Sherman
+     for Speaker.  Had they now come forward and said, with authority:
+     'Enable us to pass the Crittenden Compromise, and all shall be
+     peace and harmony,' they would have succeeded without difficulty.
+     It was only through the withdrawal of pro-slavery members that the
+     Republicans had achieved an unexpected majority in either House.
+     Had those members chosen to return to the seats still awaiting
+     them, and to support Mr. Crittenden's proposition, they could have
+     carried it without difficulty."--Vol. 360, Greeley's Am. Conflict.]
+
+But no, they wilfully withdrew their Congressional membership, State by
+State, as each Seceded, and refused all terms save those which involved
+an absolute surrender to them on all points, including the impossible
+claim of the "Right of Secession."
+
+Let us now briefly trace the history of the Compromise measures in the
+two Houses of Congress.
+
+The Crittenden-Compromise Joint-Resolution had been introduced in the
+Senate at the opening of its session and referred to a Select Committee
+of Thirteen, and subsequently, January 16th, 1861, having been reported
+back, came up in that body for action.  On that day it was amended by
+inserting the words "now held or hereafter to be acquired" after the
+words "In all the territory of the United States," in the first line of
+Article I., so that it would read as given above.  This amendment--by
+which not only in all territory then belonging to the United States, but
+also by implication in all that might thereafter be acquired, Slavery
+South of 36 30' was to be recognized--was agreed to by 29 yeas to 21
+nays, as follows:
+
+YEAS.--Messrs.  Baker, Bayard, Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright,
+Clingman, Crittenden, Douglas, Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hemphill, Hunter,
+Iverson, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce,
+Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury, Sebastian, Slidell and Wigfall--29.
+
+NAYS.--Messrs.  Anthony, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer,
+Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan,
+King, Latham, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade and
+Wilson--24.
+
+The question now recurred upon an amendment, in the nature of a
+substitute, offered by Mr. Clark, to strike out the preamble of the
+Crittenden proposition and all of the resolutions after the word
+"resolved," and insert:
+
+"That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the preservation
+of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests of the
+Country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that an
+extrication from our present dangers is to be looked for in strenuous
+efforts to preserve the peace, protect the public property, and enforce
+the laws, rather than in new Guarantees for particular interests,
+Compromises for particular difficulties, or Concessions to unreasonable
+demands.
+
+"Resolved, That all attempts to dissolve the present Union, or overthrow
+or abandon the present Constitution, with the hope or expectation of
+constructing a new one, are dangerous, illusory, and destructive; that
+in the opinion of the Senate of the United States no such Reconstruction
+is practicable; and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union
+and Constitution should be directed all the energies of all the
+departments of the Government, and the efforts of all good citizens."
+
+
+Before reaching a vote on this amendment, Mr. Anthony, (January 16th)
+made a most conciliatory speech, pointing out such practical objections
+to the Crittenden proposition as occurred to his mind, and then,
+continuing, said: "I believe, Mr. President, that if the danger which
+menaces us is to be avoided at all, it must be by Legislation; which is
+more ready, more certain, and more likely to be satisfactory, than
+Constitutional Amendment.  The main difficulty is the Territorial
+question.  The demand of the Senators on the other side of the Chamber,
+and of those whom they represent, is that the territory south of the
+line of the Missouri Compromise shall be open to their peculiar
+Property.  All this territory, except the Indian Reservation, is within
+the limits of New Mexico; which, for a part of its northern boundary,
+runs up two degrees above that line.  This is now a Slave Territory;
+made so by Territorial Legislation; and Slavery exists there, recognized
+and protected.  Now, I am willing, as soon as Kansas can be admitted, to
+vote for the admission of New Mexico as a State, with such Constitution
+as the People may adopt.  This disposes of all the territory that is
+adapted to Slave Labor or that is claimed by the South.  It ought to
+settle the whole question.  Surely if we can dispose of all the
+territory that we have, we ought not to quarrel over that which we have
+not, and which we have no very honest way of acquiring.  Let us settle
+the difficulties that threaten us now, and not anticipate those which
+may never come.  Let the public mind have time to cool * * *.  In
+offering to settle this question by the admission of New Mexico, we of
+the North who assent to it propose a great Sacrifice, and offer a large
+Concession.
+
+"* * *  But we make the offer in a spirit of Compromise and good
+feeling, which we hope will be reciprocated.  * * *  I appeal to
+Senators on the other side, when we thus offer to bridge over full
+seven-eighths of the frightful chasm that separates us, will you not
+build the other eighth?  When, with outstretched arms, we approach you
+so near that, by reaching out your hands you can clasp ours in the
+fraternal grasp from which they should never be separated, will you,
+with folded arms and closed eyes, stand upon extreme demands which you
+know we cannot accept, and for which, if we did, we could not carry our
+constituents?  * * * Together our Fathers achieved the Independence of
+their Country; together they laid the foundations of its greatness and
+its glory; together they constructed this beautiful system under which
+it is our privilege to live, which it is our duty to preserve and to
+transmit.  Together we enjoy that privilege; together we must perform
+that duty.  I will not believe that, in the madness of popular folly and
+delusion, the most benignant Government that ever blessed humanity is to
+be broken up.  I will not believe that this great Power which is
+marching with giant steps toward the first place among the Nations of
+the Earth, is to be turned 'backward on its mighty track.'  There are no
+grievances, fancied or real, that cannot be redressed within the Union
+and under the Constitution.  There are no differences between us that
+may not be settled if we will take them up in the spirit of those to
+whose places we have succeeded, and the fruits of whose labors we have
+inherited."
+
+And to this more than fair proposition to the Southerners--to this
+touching appeal in behalf of Peace--what was the response?  Not a word!
+It seemed but to harden their hearts.
+
+     [Immediately after Mr. Anthony's appeal to the Southern Senators, a
+     motion was made by Mr. Collamer to postpone the Crittenden
+     Resolutions and take up the Kansas Admission Bill.  Here was the
+     chance at once offered to them to respond to that appeal--to make a
+     first step, as it were.  They would not make it.  The motion was
+     defeated by 25 yeas to 30 nays--Messrs. Benjamin and Slidell of
+     Louisiana, Hemphill and Wigfall of Texas, Iverson of Georgia, and
+     Johnson of Arkansas, voting "nay."  The question at once recurred
+     on the amendment of Mr. Clark--being a substitute for the
+     Crittenden Resolutions, declaring in effect all Compromise
+     unnecessary.  To let that substitute be adopted, was to insure the
+     failure of the Crittenden proposition.  Yet these same six Southern
+     Senators though present, refused to vote, and permitted the
+     substitute to be adopted by 25 yeas to 23 nays.  The vote of Mr.
+     Douglas, who had been "called out for an instant into the ante-
+     room, and deprived of the opportunity of voting "--as he afterwards
+     stated when vainly asking unanimous consent to have his vote
+     recorded among the nays-would have made it 25 yeas to 24 nays, had
+     he been present and voting, while the votes of the six Southern
+     Senators aforesaid, had they voted, would have defeated the
+     substitute by 25 yeas to 30 nays.  Then upon a direct vote on the
+     Crittenden Compromise there would not only have been the 30 in its
+     favor, but the vote of at least one Republican (Baker) in addition,
+     to carry it, and, although that would not have given the necessary
+     two-thirds, yet it would have been a majority handsome enough to
+     have ultimately turned the scales, in both Houses, for a peaceful
+     adjustment of the trouble, and have avoided all the sad
+     consequences which so speedily befell the Nation.  But this would
+     not have suited the Treasonable purposes of the Conspirators.  Ten
+     days before this they had probably arranged the Programme in this,
+     as well as other matters.  Very certain it is that no time was lost
+     by them and their friends in making the best use for their Cause of
+     this vote, in the doubtful States of Missouri and North Carolina
+     especially.  In the St. Louis journals a Washington dispatch,
+     purporting (untruly however) to come from Senators Polk and Green,
+     was published to this effect.
+
+     "The Crittenden Resolutions were lost by a vote of 25 to 23.  A
+     motion of Mr. Cameron to reconsider was lost; and thus ends all
+     hope of reconciliation.  Civil War is now considered inevitable,
+     and late accounts declare that Fort Sumter will be attacked without
+     delay.  The Missouri delegation recommend immediate Secession."
+
+     This is but a sample of other similar dispatches sent elsewhere.
+     And the following dispatch, signed by Mr. Crittenden, and published
+     in the Raleigh, N.  C., Register, to quiet the excitement raised by
+     the telegrams of the Conspirators, serves also to indicate that the
+     friends of Compromise were not disheartened by their defeat:
+
+                    "WASHINGTON, Jan.  17th, 9 P. M.
+
+     "In reply the vote against my resolutions will be reconsidered.
+     Their failure was the result of the refusal of six Southern
+     Senators to vote.  There is yet good hope of success.
+
+                    "JOHN J. CRITTENDEN."
+
+
+     There is instruction also to be drawn from the speeches of Senators
+     Saulsbury, and Johnson of Tennessee, made fully a year afterward
+     (Jan. 29-31, 1862) in the Senate, touching the defeat of the
+     Crittenden Compromise by the Clark substitute at this time.
+     Speaking of the second session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, Mr.
+     Saulsbury said:
+
+     "At that session, while vainly striving with others for the
+     adoption of those measures, I remarked in my place in the Senate
+     that--
+
+     "'If any Gibbon should hereafter write the Decline and Fall of the
+     American Republic, he would date its fall from the rejection by the
+     Senate of the propositions submitted by the Senator from Kentucky.'
+
+     "I believed so then, and I believe so now.  I never shall forget,
+     Mr. President, how my heart bounded for joy when I thought I saw a
+     ray of hope for their adoption in the fact that a Republican
+     Senator now on this floor came to me and requested that I should
+     inquire of Mr. Toombs, who was on the eve of his departure for
+     Georgia to take a seat in the Convention of that State which was to
+     determine the momentous question whether she should continue a
+     member of the Union or withdraw from it, whether, if the Crittenden
+     propositions were adopted, Georgia would remain in the Union.
+
+     "Said Mr. Toombs:
+
+     "'Tell him frankly for me that if those resolutions are adopted by
+     the vote of any respectable number of Republican Senators,
+     evidencing their good faith to advocate their ratification by their
+     people, Georgia will not Secede.  This is the position I assumed
+     before the people of Georgia.  I told them that if the party in
+     power gave evidence of an intention to preserve our rights in the
+     Union, we were bound to wait until their people could act.'
+
+     "I communicated the answer.  The Substitute of the Senator from New
+     Hampshire [Mr. Clark] was subsequently adopted, and from that day
+     to this the darkness and the tempest and the storm have thickened,
+     until thousands like myself, as good and as true Union men as you,
+     Sir, though you may question our motives, have not only despaired
+     but are without hope in the future."
+
+     To this speech, Mr. Johnson of Tennessee subsequently replied as
+     follows in the United States Senate (Jan.  31, 1862)
+
+     "Sir, it has been said by the distinguished Senator from Delaware
+     [Mr. Saulsbury] that the questions of controversy might all have
+     been settled by Compromise.  He dealt rather extensively in the
+     Party aspect of the case, and seemingly desired to throw the onus
+     of the present condition of affairs entirely on one side.  He told
+     us that, if so and so had been done, these questions could have
+     been settled, and that now there would have been no War.  He
+     referred particularly to the resolution offered during the last
+     Congress by the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Clark], and upon
+     the vote on that he based his argument.  * * *  The Senator told us
+     that the adoption of the Clark amendment to the Crittenden
+     Resolutions defeated the settlement of the questions of
+     controversy; and that, but for that vote, all could have been peace
+     and prosperity now.  We were told that the Clark amendment defeated
+     the Crittenden Compromise, and prevented a settlement of the
+     controversy.  On this point I will read a portion of the speech of
+     my worthy and talented friend from California [Mr. Latham]; and
+     when I speak of him thus, I do it in no unmeaning sense I intend
+     that he, not I, shall answer the Senator from Delaware.  * * *  As
+     I have said, the Senator from Delaware told us that the Clark
+     amendment was the turning point in the whole matter; that from it
+     had flowed Rebellion, Revolution, War, the shooting and
+     imprisonment of people in different States--perhaps he meant to
+     include my own.  This was the Pandora's box that has been opened,
+     out of which all the evils that now afflict the Land have flown.  *
+     * *  My worthy friend from California [Mr. Latham], during the last
+     session of Congress, made one of the best speeches he ever made.  *
+     * * In the course of that speech, upon this very point he made use
+     of these remarks:
+
+     "'Mr. President, being last winter a careful eye-witness of all
+     that occurred, I soon became satisfied that it was a deliberate,
+     wilful design, on the part of some representatives of Southern
+     States, to seize upon the election of Mr. Lincoln merely as an
+     excuse to precipitate this revolution upon the Country.  One
+     evidence, to my mind, is the fact that South Carolina never sent
+     her Senators here.'
+
+     "Then they certainly were not influenced by the Clark amendment.
+
+     "'An additional evidence is, that when gentlemen on this floor, by
+     their votes, could have controlled legislation, they refused to
+     cast them for fear that the very Propositions submitted to this
+     body might have an influence in changing the opinions of their
+     constituencies.  Why, Sir, when the resolutions submitted by the
+     Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Clark], were offered as an
+     amendment to the Crittenden Propositions, for the manifest purpose
+     of embarrassing the latter, and the vote taken on the 16th of
+     January, 1861, I ask, what did we see?  There were fifty-five
+     Senators at that time upon this floor, in person.  The Globe of the
+     second Session, Thirty-Sixth Congress, Part I., page 409, shows
+     that upon the call of the yeas and nays immediately preceding the
+     vote on the substituting of Mr. Clark's amendment, there were
+     fifty-five votes cast.  I will read the vote from the Globe:
+
+     "'YEAS--Messrs.  Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark,
+     Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster,
+     Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck,
+     Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson--25.
+
+     "NAYS--Messrs.  Bayard, Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman,
+     Crittenden, Douglas, Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hemphill, Hunter, Iverson,
+     Johnson of Arkansas, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham,
+     Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury,
+     Sebastian, Slidell and Wigfall--30.
+
+     "The vote being taken immediately after, on the Clark Proposition,
+     was as follows:
+
+     "YEAS--Messrs.  Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark,
+     Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster,
+     Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck,
+     Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson and Wilson--25.
+
+     "NAYS-Messrs.  Bayard, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, Crittenden,
+     Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennefly, Lane,
+     Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice,
+     Saulsbury and Sebastian-23.
+
+     "'Six senators retained their seats and refused to vote, thus
+     themselves allowing the Clark Proposition to supplant the
+     Crittenden Resolution by a vote of twenty-five to twenty-three.
+     Mr. Benjamin of Louisiana, Mr. Hemphill and Mr. Wigfall of Texas,
+     Mr. Iverson of Georgia, Mr. Johnson of Arkansas, and Mr. Slidell of
+     Louisiana, were in their seats, but refused to cast their votes.'
+
+     "I sat right behind Mr. Benjamin, and I am not sure that my worthy
+     friend was not close by, when he refused to vote, and I said to
+     him, 'Mr. Benjamin, why do you not vote?  Why not save this
+     Proposition, and see if we cannot bring the Country to it?'  He
+     gave me rather an abrupt answer, and said he would control his own
+     action without consulting me or anybody else.  Said I: 'Vote, and
+     show yourself an honest man.'  As soon as the vote was taken, he
+     and others telegraphed South, 'We cannot get any Compromise.'  Here
+     were six Southern men refusing to vote, when the amendment would
+     have been rejected by four majority if they had voted.  Who, then,
+     has brought these evils on the Country?  Was it Mr. Clark?  He was
+     acting out his own policy; but with the help we had from the other
+     side of the chamber, if all those on this side had been true to the
+     Constitution and faithful to their constituents, and had acted with
+     fidelity to the Country, the amendment of the Senator from New
+     Hampshire could have been voted down, the defeat of which the
+     Senator from Delaware says would have saved the Country.  Whose
+     fault was it?  Who is responsible for it?  * * *  Who did it?
+     SOUTHERN TRAITORS, as was said in the speech of the Senator from
+     California.  They did it.  They wanted no Compromise.  They
+     accomplished their object by withholding their votes; and hence the
+     Country has been involved in the present difficulty.  Let me read
+     another extract from this speech of the Senator from California
+
+     "'I recollect full well the joy that pervaded the faces of some of
+     those gentlemen at the result, and the sorrow manifested by the
+     venerable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Crittenden].  The record shows
+     that Mr. Pugh, from Ohio, despairing of any Compromise between the
+     extremes of ultra Republicanism and Disunionists, working
+     manifestly for the same end, moved, immediately after the vote was
+     announced, to lay the whole subject on the table.  If you will turn
+     to page 443, same volume, you will find, when, at a late period,
+     Mr. Cameron, from Pennsylvania, moved to reconsider the vote,
+     appeals having been made to sustain those who were struggling to
+     preserve the Peace of the Country, that the vote was reconsidered;
+     and when, at last, the Crittenden Propositions were submitted on
+     the 2d day of March, these Southern States having 'nearly all
+     Seceded, they were then lost but by one vote.  Here is the vote:
+
+     "YEAS-Messrs.  Bayard, Bigler, Bright, Crittenden, Douglas, Gwin,
+     Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason,
+     Nicholson, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Thomson and Wigfall--19.
+
+     "'NAYS-Messrs.  Anthony, Bingham, Chandler, Clark, Dixon,
+     Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, King,
+     Morrill, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson and Wilson--
+     20.
+
+     "'If these Seceding Southern senators had remained, there would
+     have passed, by a large vote (as it did without them), an
+     amendment, by a two-third vote, forbidding Congress ever
+     interfering with Slavery in the States.  The Crittenden Proposition
+     would have been indorsed by a majority vote, the subject finally
+     going before the People, who have never yet, after consideration,
+     refused Justice, for any length of time, to any portion of the
+     Country.
+
+     "'I believe more, Mr. President, that these gentlemen were acting
+     in pursuance of a settled and fixed plan to break up and destroy
+     this Government.'
+
+     "When we had it in our power to vote down the amendment of the
+     Senator from New Hampshire, and adopt the Crittenden Resolutions,
+     certain Southern Senators prevented it; and yet, even at a late day
+     of the session, after they had Seceded, the Crittenden Proposition
+     was only lost by one vote.  If Rebellion and bloodshed and murder
+     have followed, to whose skirts does the responsibility attach?
+
+     "What else was done at the very same session?  The House of
+     Representatives passed, and sent to this body, a Proposition to
+     amend the Constitution of the United States, so as to prohibit
+     Congress from ever hereafter interfering with the Institution of
+     Slavery in the States, making that restriction a part of the
+     Organic law of the Land.  That Constitutional Amendment came here
+     after the Senators from seven States had Seceded; and yet it was
+     passed by a two-third vote in the Senate.  Have you ever heard of
+     any one of the States which had then Seceded, or which has since
+     Seceded, taking up that Amendment to the Constitution, and saying
+     they would ratify it, and make it a part of that instrument?  No.
+     Does not the whole history of this Rebellion tell you that it was
+     Revolution that the Leaders wanted, that they started for, that
+     they intended to have?  The facts to which I have referred show how
+     the Crittenden Proposition might have been carried; and when the
+     Senators from the Slave States were reduced to one-fourth of the
+     members of this body, the two Houses passed a Proposition to Amend
+     the Constitution, so as to guarantee to the States perfect security
+     in regard to the Institution of Slavery in all future time, and
+     prohibiting Congress from legislating on the subject.
+
+     "But what more was done?  After Southern Senators had treacherously
+     abandoned the Constitution and deserted their posts here, Congress
+     passed Bills for the Organization of three new Territories: Dakota,
+     Nevada, and Colorado; and in the sixth section of each of those
+     Bills, after conferring, affirmatively, power on the Territorial
+     Legislature, it went on to exclude certain powers by using a
+     negative form of expression; and it provided, among other things,
+     that the Legislature should have no power to legislate so as to
+     impair the right to private property; that it should lay no tax
+     discriminating against one description of Property in favor of
+     another; leaving the power on all these questions, not in the
+     Territorial Legislature, but in the People when they should come to
+     form a State Constitution.
+
+     "Now, I ask, taking the Amendment to the Constitution, and taking
+     the three Territorial Bills, embracing every square inch of
+     territory in the possession of the United States, how much of the
+     Slavery question was left?  What better Compromise could have been
+     made?  Still we are told that matters might have been Compromised,
+     and that if we had agreed to Compromise, bloody Rebellion would not
+     now be abroad in the Land.  Sir, Southern Senators are responsible
+     for it.  They stood here with power to accomplish the result, and
+     yet treacherously, and, I may say, tauntingly they left this
+     chamber, and announced that they had dissolved their connection
+     with the Government.  Then, when we were left in the hands of those
+     whom we had been taught to believe would encroach upon our Rights,
+     they gave us, in the Constitutional Amendment and in the three
+     Territorial Bills, all that had ever been asked; and yet gentlemen
+     talked Compromise!
+
+     "Why was not this taken and accepted?  No; it was not Compromise
+     that the Leaders wanted; they wanted Power; they wanted to Destroy
+     this Government, so that they might have place and emolument for
+     themselves.  They had lost confidence in the intelligence and
+     virtue and integrity of the People, and their capacity to govern
+     themselves; and they intended to separate and form a government,
+     the chief corner-stone of which should be Slavery, disfranchising
+     the great mass of the People, of which we have seen constant
+     evidence, and merging the Powers of Government in the hands of the
+     Few.  I know what I say.  I know their feelings and their
+     sentiments.  I served in the Senate here with them.  I know they
+     were a Close Corporation, that had no more confidence in or respect
+     for the People than has the Dey of Algiers.  I fought that Close
+     Corporation here.  I knew that they were no friends of the People.
+     I knew that Slidell and Mason and Benjamin and Iverson and Toombs
+     were the enemies of Free Government, and I know so now.  I
+     commenced the war upon them before a State Seceded; and I intend to
+     keep on fighting this great battle before the Country, for the
+     perpetuity of Free Government.  They seek to overthrow it, and to
+     establish a Despotism in its place.  That is the great battle which
+     is upon our hands.  * * *  Now, the Senator from Delaware tells us
+     that if that (Crittenden) Compromise had been made, all these
+     consequences would have been avoided.  It is a mere pretense; it is
+     false.  Their object was to overturn the Government.  If they could
+     not get the Control of this Government, they were willing to divide
+     the Country and govern part of it."]
+
+
+The Clark substitute was then agreed to, by 25 (Republican) yeas to 23
+Democratic and Conservative (Bell-Everett) nays--6 Pro-Slavery Senators
+not voting, although present; and then, without division, the Crittenden
+Resolutions were tabled--Mr. Cameron, however, entering a motion to
+reconsider.  Subsequently the action of the Senate, both on the
+Resolutions and Substitute, was reconsidered, and March 2d the matter
+came up again, as will hereafter appear.
+
+Two days prior to this action in the Senate, Mr. Corwin, Chairman of the
+Select Committee of Thirty-three, reported to the House (January 14th),
+from a majority of that Committee, the following Joint Resolution:
+
+"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America in Congress assembled, That all attempts on the parts
+of the Legislatures of any of the States to obstruct or hinder the
+recovery and surrender of Fugitives from Service or Labor, are in
+derogation of the Constitution of the United States, inconsistent with
+the comity and good neighborhood that should prevail among the several
+States, and dangerous to the Peace of the Union.
+
+"Resolved, That the several States be respectfully requested to cause
+their Statutes to be revised, with a view to ascertain if any of them
+are in conflict with or tend to embarrass or hinder the execution of the
+Laws of the United States, made in pursuance of the second section of
+the Fourth Article of the Constitution of the United States for the
+delivery up of Persons held to Labor by the laws of any State and
+escaping therefrom; and the Senate and House of Representatives
+earnestly request that all enactments having such tendency be forthwith
+repealed, as required by a just sense of Constitutional obligations, and
+by a due regard for the Peace of the Republic; and the President of the
+United States is requested to communicate these resolutions to the
+Governors of the several States, with a request that they will lay the
+same before the Legislatures thereof respectively.
+
+"Resolved, That we recognize Slavery as now existing in fifteen of the
+United States by the usages and laws of those States; and we recognize
+no authority, legally or otherwise, outside of a State where it so
+exists, to interfere with Slaves or Slavery in such States, in disregard
+of the Rights of their owners or the Peace of society.
+
+"Resolved, That we recognize the justice and propriety of a faithful
+execution of the Constitution, and laws made in pursuance thereof, on
+the subject of Fugitive Slaves, or Fugitives from Service or Labor, and
+discountenance all mobs or hindrances to the execution of such laws, and
+that citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and
+immunities of citizens in the several States.
+
+"Resolved, That we recognize no such conflicting elements in its
+composition, or sufficient cause from any source, for a dissolution of
+this Government; that we were not sent here to destroy, but to sustain
+and harmonize the Institutions of the Country, and to see that equal
+justice is done to all parts of the same; and finally, to perpetuate its
+existence on terms of equality and justice to all the States.
+
+"Resolved, That a faithful observance, on the part of all the States, of
+all their Constitutional obligations to each other and to the Federal
+Government, is essential to the Peace of the Country.
+
+"Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal Government to enforce the
+Federal Laws, protect the Federal property, and preserve the Union of
+these States.
+
+"Resolved, That each State be requested to revise its Statutes, and, if
+necessary, so to amend the same as to secure, without Legislation by
+Congress, to citizens of other States traveling therein, the same
+protection as citizens of such States enjoy; and also to protect the
+citizens of other States traveling or sojourning therein against popular
+violence or illegal summary punishment, without trial in due form of
+law, for imputed crimes.
+
+"Resolved, That each State be also respectfully requested to enact such
+laws as will prevent and punish any attempt whatever in such State to
+recognize or set on foot the lawless invasion of any other State or
+Territory.
+
+"Resolved, That the President be requested to transmit copies of the
+foregoing resolutions to the Governors of the several States, with a
+request that they be communicated to their respective Legislatures."
+
+
+This Joint Resolution, with amendments proposed to the same, came up in
+the House for action, on the 27th of February, 1861--the same day upon
+which the Peace Congress or Conference concluded its labors at
+Washington.
+
+The Proposition of Mr. Burch, of California, was the first acted upon.
+It was to amend the Select Committee's resolutions, as above given, by
+adding to them another resolution at the end thereof, as follows:
+
+"Resolved, etc., That it be, and is hereby, recommended to the several
+States of the Union that they, through their respective Legislatures,
+request the Congress of the United States to call a Convention of all
+the States, in accordance with Article Fifth of the Constitution, for
+the purpose of amending said Constitution in such manner and with regard
+to such subjects as will more adequately respond to the wants, and
+afford more sufficient Guarantees to the diversified and growing
+Interests of the Government and of the People composing the same."
+
+This (Burch) amendment, however, was defeated by 14 yeas to 109 nays.
+
+A Proposition of Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois, came up next for action.  It
+was a motion to strike out all after the first word "That" in the
+Crittenden Proposition--which had been offered by Mr. Clemens as a
+substitute for the Committee Resolutions--and insert the following:
+
+"The following articles be, and are hereby, proposed and submitted as
+Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which shall be
+valid, to all intents and purposes as part of said Constitution, when
+ratified by Conventions of three-fourths of the several States.
+
+"Article XIII.  That in all the territory now held by the United States
+situate north of latitude 36  30' Involuntary Servitude, except in the
+punishment for crime, is prohibited while such territory shall remain
+under a Territorial government; that in all the territory now held south
+of said line, neither Congress nor any Territorial Legislature shall
+hinder or prevent the emigration to said territory of Persons; held to
+Service from any State of this Union, when that relation exists by
+virtue of any law or usage of such State, while it shall remain in a
+Territorial condition; and when any Territory north or south of said
+line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain
+the population requisite for a member of Congress, according to the then
+Federal ratio of representation of the People of the United States, it
+may, if its form of government be Republican, be admitted into the Union
+on an equal footing with the original States, with or without the
+relation of Persons held to Service and Labor, as the Constitution of
+such new State may provide.
+
+"Article XIV.  That nothing in the Constitution of the United States, or
+any amendment thereto, shall be so construed as to authorize any
+Department of the Government to in any manner interfere with the
+relation of Persons held to Service in any State where that relation
+exists, nor in any manner to establish or sustain that relation in any
+State where it is prohibited by the Laws or Constitution of such State.
+And that this Article shall not be altered or amended without the
+consent of every State in the Union.
+
+"Article XV.  The third paragraph of the second section of the Fourth
+Article of the Constitution shall be taken and construed to authorize
+and empower Congress to pass laws necessary to secure the return of
+Persons held to Service or Labor under the laws of any State, who may
+have escaped therefrom, to the party to whom such Service or Labor may
+be due.
+
+"Article XVI.  The migration or importation of Persons held to Service
+or Involuntary Servitude, into any State, Territory, or place within the
+United States, from any place or country beyond the limits of the United
+States or Territories thereof, is forever prohibited.
+
+"Article XVII.  No territory beyond the present limits of the United
+States and the Territories thereof, shall be annexed to or be acquired
+by the United States, unless by treaty, which treaty shall be ratified
+by a vote of two-thirds of the Senate."
+
+The Kellogg Proposition was defeated by 33 yeas to 158
+nays.
+
+The Clemens Substitute was next voted on.  This embraced the whole of
+the Crittenden Compromise Proposition, as amended in the Senate by
+inserting the provision as to all territory "hereafter acquired," with
+the addition of another proposed Article of Amendment to the
+Constitution, as follows:
+
+"Article VII.  Section I.  The elective franchise and the Right to hold
+office, whether Federal, State, Territorial, or Municipal, shall not be
+exercised by Persons who are, in whole or in part, of the African Race.
+
+"Section II.  The United States shall have power to acquire from time to
+time districts of country in Africa and South America, for the
+colonization, at expense of the Federal Treasury, of such Free Negroes
+and Mulattoes as the several States may wish to have removed from their
+limits, and from the District of Columbia, and such other places as may
+be under the jurisdiction of Congress."
+
+The Clemens Substitute (or Crittenden Measure, with the addition of said
+proposed Article VII.), was defeated by 80 yeas to 113 nays, and then
+the Joint Resolution of the Select Committee as heretofore given--after
+a vain attempt to table it--was passed by 136 yeas to 53 nays.
+
+Immediately after this action, a Joint Resolution to amend the
+Constitution of the United States, which had also been previously
+reported by the Select Committee of Thirty-three, came before the House,
+as follows:
+
+"Be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses
+concurring), That the following Article be proposed to the Legislatures
+of the several States as an Amendment to the Constitution of the United
+States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures,
+shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said
+Constitution, namely:
+
+"Article XII.  No amendment of this Constitution having for its object
+any interference within the States with the relation between their
+citizens and those described in Section II. of the First Article of the
+Constitution as 'all other persons,' shall originate with any State that
+does not recognize that relation within its own limits, or shall be
+valid without the assent of every one of the States composing the
+Union."
+
+Mr. Corwin submitted an Amendment striking out all the words after
+"namely;" and inserting the following:
+
+"Article XII.  No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will
+authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within
+any State, with the Domestic Institutions thereof, including that of
+Persons held to Labor or Service by the laws of said State."
+
+Amid scenes of great disorder, the Corwin Amendment was adopted by 120
+yeas to 61 nays, and then the Joint Resolution as amended, was defeated
+(two-thirds not voting in the affirmative) by 123 yeas to 71 nays.  On
+the following day (February 28th), amid still greater confusion and
+disorder, which the Speaker, despite frequent efforts, was unable to
+quell, that vote was reconsidered, and the Joint Resolution passed by
+133 yeas to 65 nays--a result which, when announced was received with
+"loud and prolonged applause, both on the floor, and in the galleries."
+
+On the 2d of March, the House Joint Resolution just given, proposing an
+Amendment to the Constitution, prohibiting Congress from touching
+Slavery within any State where it exists, came up in the Senate for
+action.
+
+Mr. Pugh moved to substitute for it the Crittenden Proposition.
+
+Mr. Doolittle moved to amend the proposed substitute (the Crittenden
+Proposition), by the insertion of the following, as an additional
+Article:
+
+"Under this Constitution, as originally adopted, and as it now exists,
+no State has power to withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United
+States; but this Constitution, and all laws passed in pursuance of its
+delegated powers, are the Supreme Law of the Land, anything contained in
+any Constitution, Ordinance, or Act of any State, to the contrary
+notwithstanding."
+
+Mr. Doolittle's amendment was lost by 18 yeas to 28 nays.
+
+Mr. Pugh's substitute (the Crittenden Proposition), was lost by 14 yeas
+to 25 nays.
+
+Mr. Bingham moved to amend the House Joint Resolution, by striking out
+all after the word "resolved," and inserting the words of the Clark
+Proposition as heretofore given, but the amendment was rejected by 13
+yeas to 25 nays.
+
+Mr. Grimes moved to strike out all after the word "whereas" in the
+preamble of the House Joint Resolution, and insert the following:
+
+"The Legislatures of the States of Kentucky, New Jersey, and Illinois
+have applied to Congress to call a Convention for proposing Amendments
+to the Constitution of the United States: Therefore,
+
+"Be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America in Congress assembled, That the Legislatures of the
+other States be invited to take the subject of such a Convention into
+consideration, and to express their will on that subject to Congress, in
+pursuance of the Fifth Article of the Constitution."
+
+This amendment was also rejected, by 14 yeas to 25 nays.
+
+Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, offered, as an amendment to the House Joint
+Resolution, the propositions submitted by the Peace Congress or
+Conference, but the amendment was disagreed to by 3 yeas to 34 nays.
+
+The House Joint Resolution was then adopted by 24 yeas to 12 nays.
+
+Subsequently the Crittenden Proposition came up again as a separate
+order, with the Clark substitute to it (once carried, but reconsidered),
+pending.  The Clark substitute was then rejected by 14 yeas to 22 nays.
+
+Mr. Crittenden then offered the Propositions of the Peace
+Congress, as a substitute for his own-and they were rejected by 7 yeas
+to 28 nays.
+
+The Crittenden Proposition itself was then rejected, by
+19 yeas to 20 nays.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER IX.
+
+                 SLAVERY'S SETTING, AND FREEDOM'S DAWN.
+
+On that long last night of the 36th Congress--and of the Democratic
+Administration--to the proceedings of which reference was made in the
+preceding Chapter, several notable speeches were made, but there was
+substantially nothing done, in the line of Compromise.  The only thing
+that had been accomplished was the passage, as we have seen, by two-
+thirds majority in both Houses, of the Joint Resolution proposing a
+Constitutional Amendment prohibiting Congress from meddling with Slavery
+in Slave States.  There was no Concession nor Compromise in this,
+because Republicans, as well as Democrats, had always held that Congress
+had no such power.  It is true that the Pro-slavery men had charged the
+Republicans with ultimate designs, through Congress, upon Slavery in the
+Slave States; and Mr. Crittenden pleaded for its passage as exhibiting a
+spirit, on their part, of reconciliation; that was all.
+
+In his speech that night--that memorable and anxious night preceding the
+Inauguration of President Lincoln--the venerable Mr. Crittenden,
+speaking before the Resolution was agreed to, well sketched the
+situation when he said in the Senate: "It is an admitted fact that our
+Union, to some extent, has already been dismembered; and that further
+dismemberment is impending and threatened.  It is a fact that the
+Country is in danger.  This is admitted on all hands.  It is our duty,
+if we can, to provide a remedy for this.  We are, under the Constitution
+and by the election of the People, the great guardians, as well as the
+administrators of this Government.  To our wisdom they have trusted this
+great chart.  Remedies have been proposed; resolutions have been
+offered, proposing for adoption measures which it was thought would
+satisfy the Country, and preserve as much of the Union as remained to us
+at least, if they were not enough at once to recall the Seceding States
+to the Union.  We have passed none of these measures.  The differences
+of opinion among Senators have been such that we have not been able to
+concur in any of the measures which have been proposed, even by bare
+majorities, much less by that two-thirds majority which is necessary to
+carry into effect some of the pacific measures which have been proposed.
+We are about to adjourn.  We have done nothing.  Even the Senate of the
+United States, beholding this great ruin around them, beholding
+Dismemberment and Revolution going on, and Civil War threatened as the
+result, have been able to do nothing; we have absolutely done nothing.
+Sir, is not this a remarkable spectacle?  * * * How does it happen that
+not even a bare majority here, when the Country trusted to our hands is
+going to ruin, have been competent to devise any measure of public
+safety?  How does it happen that we have not had unanimity enough to
+agree on any measure of that kind?  Can we account for it to ourselves,
+gentlemen?  We see the danger; we acknowledge our duty, and yet, with
+all this before us, we are acknowledging before the world that we can do
+nothing; acknowledging before the world, or appearing to all the world,
+as men who do nothing!  Sir, this will make a strange record in the
+history of Governments and in the history of the world.  Some are for
+Coercion; yet no army has been raised, no navy has been equipped.  Some
+are for pacification; yet they have been able to do nothing; the dissent
+of their colleagues prevents them; and here we are in the midst of a
+falling Country, in the midst of a falling State, presenting to the eyes
+of the World the saddest spectacle it has ever seen.  Cato is
+represented by Addison as a worthy spectacle, 'a great man falling with
+a falling State,' but he fell struggling.  We fall with the ignominy on
+our heads of doing nothing, like the man who stands by and sees his
+house in flames, and says to himself, 'perhaps the fire will stop before
+it consumes all.'"
+
+One of the strong pleas made in the Senate that night, was by Mr.
+Douglas, when he said: "The great issue with the South has been that
+they would not submit to the Wilmot proviso.  The Republican Party
+affirmed the doctrine that Congress must and could prohibit Slavery in
+the Territories.  The issue for ten years was between Non-intervention
+on the part of Congress, and prohibition by Congress.  Up to two years
+ago, neither the Senator (Mason) from Virginia, nor any other Southern
+Senator, desired affirmative legislation to protect Slavery.  Even up to
+this day, not one of them has proposed affirmative legislation to
+protect it.  Whenever the question has come up, they have decided that
+affirmative legislation to protect it was unnecessary; and hence, all
+that the South required on the Territorial question was 'hands off;
+Slavery shall not be prohibited by Act of Congress.' Now, what do we
+find?  This very session, in view of the perils which surround the
+Country, the Republican Party, in both Houses of Congress, by a
+unanimous vote, have backed down from their platform and abandoned the
+doctrine of Congressional prohibition.  This very week three Territorial
+Bills have been passed through both Houses of Congress without the
+Wilmot proviso, and no man proposed to enact it; not even one man on the
+other side of the Chamber would rise and propose the Wilmot proviso."
+
+"In organizing three Territories," continued he, "two of them South of
+the very line where they imposed the Wilmot proviso twelve years ago, no
+one on the other side of the Chamber proposed it.  They have abandoned
+the doctrine of the President-elect upon that point.  He said, and it is
+on record, that he had voted for the Wilmot proviso forty-two times, and
+would do it forty-two times more if he ever had a chance.  Not one of
+his followers this year voted for it once.  The Senator from New York
+(Mr. Seward) the embodiment of the Party, sat quietly and did not
+propose it.  What more?  Last year we were told that the Slave Code of
+New Mexico was to be repealed.  I denounced the attempted interference.
+The House of Representatives passed the Bill, but the Bill remains on
+your table; no one Republican member has proposed to take it up and pass
+it.  Practically, therefore, the Chicago platform is abandoned; the
+Philadelphia platform is abandoned; the whole doctrine for which the
+Republican Party contended, as to the Territories, is abandoned,
+surrendered, given up.  Non-intervention is substituted in its place.
+Then, when we find that, on the Territorial question, the Republican
+Party, by a unanimous vote, have surrendered to the South all they ask,
+the Territorial question ought to be considered pretty well settled.
+The only question left was that of the States; and after having
+abandoned their aggressive policy as to the Territories, a portion of
+them are willing to unite with us, and deprive themselves of the power
+to do it in the States."
+
+"I submit," said he, "that these two great facts--these startling,
+tremendous facts--that they have abandoned their aggressive policy in
+the Territories, and are willing to give guarantees in the States, ought
+to be accepted as an evidence of a salutary change in Public Opinion at
+the North.  All I would ask now of the Republican Party is, that they
+would insert in the Constitution the same principle that they have
+carried out practically in the Territorial Bills for Colorado, Dakota,
+and Nevada, by depriving Congress of the power hereafter to do what
+there cannot be a man of them found willing to do this year; but we
+cannot ask them to back down too much.  I think they have done quite as
+much within one year, within three months after they have elected a
+President, as could be expected."
+
+That Douglas and his followers were also patriotically willing to
+sacrifice a favorite theory in the face of a National peril, was brought
+out, at the same time, by Mr. Baker, when he said to Mr. Douglas: "I
+desire to suggest (and being a little of a Popular Sovereignty man, it
+comes gracefully from me) that others of us have backed down too, from
+the idea that Congress has not the power to prohibit Slavery in the
+Territories; and we are proposing some of us in the Crittenden
+proposition, and some in the Amendment now before the Senate--to
+prohibit Slavery by the Constitution itself, in the Territories;"--and
+by Mr. Douglas, when he replied: "I think as circumstances change, the
+action of public men ought to change in a corresponding degree.  * * * I
+am willing to depart from my cherished theory, by an Amendment to the
+Constitution by which we shall settle this question on the principles
+prescribed in the Resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky."
+
+     In the House, Mr. Logan, had, on the 5th of February, 1861, said:
+
+     "Men, Sir, North and South, who love themselves far better than
+     their Country, have brought us to this unhappy condition.  * * *
+     Let me say to gentlemen, that I will go as far as any man in the
+     performance of a Constitutional duty to put down Rebellion, to
+     suppress Insurrection, and to enforce the laws; but when we
+     undertake the performance of these duties, let us act in such a
+     manner as will be best calculated to preserve and not destroy the
+     Government, and keep ourselves within the bounds of the
+     Constitution.  * * *  Sir, I have always denied, and do yet deny,
+     the Right of Secession.  There is no warrant for it in the
+     Constitution.  It is wrong, it is unlawful, unconstitutional, and
+     should be called by the right name, Revolution.  No good, Sir, can
+     result from it, but much mischief may.  It is no remedy for any
+     grievance.
+
+     "I hold that all grievances can be much easier redressed inside the
+     Union than out of it.  * * *  If a collision must ensue between
+     this Government and any of our own people, let it come when every
+     other means of settlement has been tried and exhausted; and not
+     then, except when the Government shall be compelled to repel
+     assaults for the protection of its property, flag, and the honor of
+     the Country.  * * *
+
+     "I have been taught to believe that the preservation of this
+     glorious Union, with its broad flag waving over us, as the shield
+     for our protection on land and on sea, is paramount to all the
+     Parties and platforms that ever have existed, or ever can exist.  I
+     would, to-day, if I had the power, sink my own Party, and every
+     other one, with all their platforms, into the vortex of ruin,
+     without heaving a sigh or shedding a tear, to save the Union, or
+     even stop the Revolution where it is."
+
+     After enumerating the various propositions for adjustment, then
+     pending in the House, to wit: that of Senator Crittenden; that of
+     Senator Douglas; that of the Committee of Thirty-three; that of the
+     Border States; and those of Representatives McClernand, Kellogg,
+     and Morris, of Illinois, Mr. Logan took occasion to declare that
+     "in a crisis like this" he was "willing to give his support to any
+     of them," but his preference was for that of Mr. Morris.
+
+     Said he: "He (Morris) proposes that neither Congress nor a
+     Territorial Legislature shall interfere with Slavery in the
+     Territories at all; but leaves the people, when they come to form
+     their State Constitution, to determine the question for themselves.
+     I think this is the best proposition, because it is a fair
+     concession on all sides.  The Republicans give up their
+     Congressional intervention; those who are styled 'Squatter
+     Sovereigns' give up their Territorial legislative policy; and the
+     Southern (Slave) protectionists give up their protection-
+     intervention policy; thus every Party yields something.  With this
+     proposition as an Article in the Constitution, it would satisfy
+     every conservative man in this Union, both North and South, I do
+     seriously and honestly believe.
+
+     "Having indicated my preference of these propositions, and my
+     reasons for that preference, I have said all I desire to say on the
+     point, except to repeat again, that I will willingly vote for any
+     of them, or make any other sacrifice necessary to save the Union.
+     It makes no kind of difference to me what the sacrifice; if it will
+     save my Country, I am ready to make it."  * * *
+
+     "There are some in this Hall," said he, "that are almost ready to
+     strike the Party fetters from their limbs, and assist in measures
+     of Peace.  Halt not; take the step; be independent and free at
+     once!  Let us overcome Party passion and error; allow virtue and
+     good sense in this fateful hour to be triumphant; let us invoke
+     Deity to interpose and prepare the way for our Country's escape
+     from the perils by which we are now surrounded; and in view of our
+     present greatness and future prospects, our magnificent and growing
+     cities, our many institutions of learning, our once happy and
+     prosperous People, our fruitful fields and golden forests, our
+     enjoyment of all civil and religious blessings--let Parties die
+     that these be preserved.  Such noble acts of patriotism and
+     concession, on your part, would cause posterity to render them
+     illustrious, and pause to contemplate the magnitude of the events
+     with which they were connected.  * * * In the name of the patriotic
+     sires who breasted the storms and vicissitudes of the Revolution;
+     by all the kindred ties of this Country; in the name of the many
+     battles fought for your Freedom; in behalf of the young and the
+     old; in behalf of the Arts and Sciences, Civilization, Peace,
+     Order, Christianity, and Humanity, I appeal to you to strike from
+     your limbs the chains that bind them!  Come forth from that
+     loathsome prison, Party Caucus; and in this hour--the most gloomy
+     and disheartening to the lovers of Free Institutions that has ever
+     existed during our Country's history--arouse the drooping spirits
+     of our countrymen, by putting forth your good strong arms to assist
+     in steadying the rocking pillars of the mightiest Republic that has
+     ever had an existence."
+
+     "Mr. Speaker," continued he, "a word or two more, and I am done.
+     Revolution stalks over the Land.  States have rebelled against the
+     constituted authorities of the Union, and now stand, sword in hand,
+     prepared to vindicate their new nationality.  Others are preparing
+     to take a similar position.  Rapidly transpiring events are
+     crowding on us with fearful velocity.  Soon, circumstances may
+     force us into an unnatural strife, in which the hand of brother
+     shall be uplifted against brother, and father against son.  My God,
+     what a spectacle!  If all the evils and calamities that have ever
+     happened since the World began, could be gathered in one great
+     Catastrophe, its horrors could not eclipse, in their frightful
+     proportions, the Drama that impends over us.  Whether this black
+     cloud that drapes in mourning the whole political heavens, shall
+     break forth in all the frightful intensity of War, and make
+     Christendom weep at the terrible atrocities that will be enacted--
+     or, whether it will disappear, and the sky resume its wonted
+     serenity, and the whole Earth be irradiated by the genial sunshine
+     of Peace once more--are the alternatives which this Congress, in my
+     judgment, has the power to select between."
+
+In this same broad spirit, Mr. Seward, in his great speech of January
+12th, had said: "Republicanism is subordinate to Union, as everything
+else is and ought to be--Republicanism, Democracy, every other political
+name and thing; all are subordinate-and they ought to disappear in the
+presence of the great question of Union."  In another part of it, he had
+even more emphatically said: "I therefore * * * avow my adherence to the
+Union in its integrity and with all its parts, with my friends, with my
+Party, with my State, with my Country, or without either, as they may
+determine, in every event, whether of Peace or War, with every
+consequence of honor or dishonor, of life or death.  Although I lament
+the occasion, I hail with cheerfulness the duty of lifting up my voice
+among distracted debates, for my whole Country and its inestimable
+Union."  And as showing still more clearly the kindly and conciliatory
+attitude of the great Republican leader, when speaking of those others
+who seemed to be about to invoke revolutionary action to oppose--and
+overthrow the Government--he said: "In such a case I can afford to meet
+prejudice with Conciliation, exaction with Concession which surrenders
+no principle, and violence with the right hand of Peace."
+
+In the House of Representatives, too, the voice of patriotism was often
+heard through the loud clamor and disorder of that most disorderly and
+Treason-uttering session--was heard from the lips of statesmen, who rose
+high above Party, in their devotion to the Union.  The calm,
+dispassionate recital by Henry Winter Davis (of Maryland), of the
+successive steps by which the Southern leaders had themselves created
+that very "North" of whose antagonism they complained, was one of the
+best of these, in some respects.  He was one of the great Select
+Committee of Thirty-three, and it was (February 5th) after the
+Resolutions, heretofore quoted, had been reported by it, that he
+condensed the history of the situation into a nutshell, as follows:
+
+"We are at the end of the insane revel of partisan license which, for
+thirty years, has, in the United States, worn the mask of Government.
+We are about to close the masquerade by the dance of death.  The Nations
+of the World look anxiously to see if the People, ere they tread that
+measure, will come to themselves.
+
+         *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+"Southern politicians have created a North.  Let us trace the process
+and draw the moral.
+
+"The laws of 1850 calmed and closed the Slavery agitation; and President
+Pierce, elected by the almost unanimous voice of the States, did not
+mention Slavery in his first two Messages.  In 1854, the repeal of the
+Missouri Compromise, at the instance of the South, reopened the
+agitation.
+
+"Northern men, deserted by Southern Whigs, were left to unite for self-
+defense.
+
+"The invasion of Kansas, in 1855 and 1856, from Missouri; the making a
+Legislature and laws for that Territory, by the invaders; still further
+united the Northern people.  The election of 1856 measured its extent.
+
+"The election of Mr. Buchanan and his opening policy in Kansas, soothed
+the irritation, and was rapidly demoralizing the new Party, when the
+Pro-Slavery Party in Kansas perpetrated, and the President and the South
+accepted, the Lecompton fraud, and again united the North more
+resolutely in resistance to that invasion of the rights of self-
+government.
+
+"The South for the first time failed to dictate terms; and the People
+vindicated by their votes the refusal of the Constitution.
+
+"Ere this result was attained, the opinions of certain Judges of the
+Supreme Court scattered doubts over the law of Slavery in the
+Territories; the South, while repudiating other decisions, instantly
+made these opinions the criterion of faithfulness to the Constitution;
+while the North was agitated by this new sanction of the extremest
+pretensions of their opponents.
+
+"The South did not rest satisfied with their Judicial triumph.
+
+"Immediately the claim was pressed for protection by Congress to
+Slavery, declared by the Supreme Court, they said, to exist in all the
+Territories.
+
+"This completed the union of the Free States in one great defensive
+league; and the result was registered in November.  That result is now
+itself become the starting point of new agitation--the demand of new
+rights and new guarantees.  The claim to access to the Territories was
+followed by the claim to Congressional protection, and that is now
+followed by the hitherto unheard of claim to a Constitutional Amendment
+establishing Slavery, not merely in territory now held, but in all
+hereafter held from the line of 36  30' to Cape Horn, while the debate
+foreshadows in the distance the claim of the right of transit and the
+placing of property in Slaves in all respects on the footing of other
+property--the topics of future agitation.  How long the prohibition of
+the importation of Slaves will be exempted from the doctrine of
+equality, it needs no prophet to tell.
+
+"In the face of this recital, let the imputation of autocratic and
+tyrannical aspirations cease to be cast on the people of the Free
+States; let the Southern people dismiss their fears, return to their
+friendly confidence in their fellow-citizens of the North, and accept,
+as pledges of returning Peace, the salutary amendments of the law and
+the Constitution offered as the first fruits of Reconciliation."
+
+But calmness, kindness, and courtesy were alike thrown away in both
+Houses upon the implacable Southern leaders.  As the last day of that
+memorable session, which closed in the failure of all peaceful measures
+to restore the Union, slowly dawned--with but a few hours lacking of the
+time when Mr. Lincoln would be inaugurated President of the United
+States--Mr. Wigfall thought proper, in the United States Senate, to
+sneer at him as "an ex-rail-splitter, an ex-grocery keeper, an ex-
+flatboat captain, and an ex-Abolition lecturer"--and proceeded to scold
+and rant at the North with furious volubility.
+
+"Then, briefly," said he, "a Party has come into power that represents
+the antagonism to my own Section of the Country.  It represents two
+million men who hate us, and who, by their votes for such a man as they
+have elected, have committed an overt act of hostility.  That they have
+done."
+
+"You have won the Presidency," said he, to the Republicans, "and you are
+now in the situation of the man who had won the elephant at a raffle.
+You do not know what to do with the beast now that you have it; and one-
+half of you to-day would give your right arms if you had been defeated.
+But you succeeded, and you have to deal with facts.  Our objection to
+living in this Union, and therefore the difficulty of reconstructing it,
+is not your Personal Liberty bills, not the Territorial question, but
+that you utterly and wholly misapprehend the Form of Government."
+
+"You deny," continued he, "the Sovereignty of the States; you deny the
+right of self-government in the People; you insist upon Negro Equality;
+your people interfere impertinently with our Institutions and attempt to
+subvert them; you publish newspapers; you deliver lectures; you print
+pamphlets, and you send them among us, first, to excite our Slaves to
+insurrection against their masters, and next, to array one class of
+citizens against the other; and I say to you, that we cannot live in
+peace, either in the Union or out of it, until you have abolished your
+Abolition societies; not, as I have been misquoted, abolish or destroy
+your school-houses; but until you have ceased in your schoolhouses
+teaching your children to hate us; until you have ceased to convert your
+pulpits into hustings; until you content yourselves with preaching
+Christ, and Him crucified, and not delivering political harangues on the
+Sabbath; until you have ceased inciting your own citizens to make raids
+and commit robberies; until you have done these things we cannot live in
+the same Union with you.  Until you do these things, we cannot live out
+of the Union at Peace."
+
+Such were the words--the spiteful, bitter words--with which this chosen
+spokesman of the South saluted the cold and cloudy dawn of that day
+which was to see the sceptre depart from the hands of the Slave Power
+forever.
+
+A few hours later, under the shadow of the main Pastern Portico of the
+Capitol at Washington--with the retiring President and Cabinet, the
+Supreme Court Justices, the Foreign Diplomatic Corps, and hundreds of
+Senators, Representatives and other distinguished persons filling the
+great platform on either side and behind them--Abraham Lincoln stood
+bareheaded before full thirty thousand people, upon whose uplifted faces
+the unveiled glory of the mild Spring sun now shone--stood reverently
+before that far greater and mightier Presence termed by himself, "My
+rightful masters, the American People"--and pleaded in a manly, earnest,
+and affectionate strain with "such as were dissatisfied," to listen to
+the "better angels" of their nature.
+
+Temperate, reasonable, kindly, persuasive--it seems strange that Mr.
+Lincoln's Inaugural Address did not disarm at least the personal
+resentment of the South toward him, and sufficiently strengthen the
+Union-loving people there, against the red-hot Secessionists, to put the
+"brakes" down on Rebellion.  Said he:
+
+"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States,
+that by the accession of a Republican Administration, their Property and
+their Peace and personal security are to be endangered.  There has never
+been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.  Indeed, the most ample
+evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to
+their inspection.  It is found in nearly all the published speeches of
+him who now addresses you.  I do but quote from one of those speeches,
+when I declare that 'I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to
+interfere with the Institution of Slavery in the States where it
+exists.'  I believe I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no
+inclination to do so.  Those who nominated and elected me, did so with
+the full knowledge that I had made this, and many similar declarations,
+and had never recanted them.  * * *
+
+"I now reiterate these sentiments; and in doing so, I only press upon
+the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is
+susceptible, that the Property, Peace, and Security of no Section are to
+be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.  I add,
+too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution
+and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States,
+when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one Section
+as to another.
+
+"I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with
+no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical
+rules.  * * *
+
+"A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now
+formidably attempted.  I hold that, in contemplation of Universal Law,
+and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual.
+Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all
+National Governments.  It is safe to assert that no Government proper
+ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.
+Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National
+Constitution, and the Union will endure forever--it being impossible to
+destroy it, except by some action not provided for in the instrument
+itself.
+
+"Again, if the United States be not a Government proper, but an
+Association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a
+contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it?
+One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak; but does
+it not require all, to lawfully rescind it?
+
+"Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that,
+in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history
+of the Union itself.  The Union is much older than the Constitution.  It
+was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.  It was
+matured and continued in the Declaration of Independence in 1776.  It
+was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States
+expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the
+Articles of Confederation, in 1778; and, finally, in 1787, one of the
+declared objects, for ordaining and establishing the Constitution, was
+'to form a more perfect Union.'  But, if destruction of the Union by
+one, or by a part only, of the States, be lawfully possible, the Union
+is less perfect than before, the Constitution having lost the vital
+element of perpetuity.
+
+"It follows, from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion,
+can lawfully get out of the Union; that Resolves and Ordinances to that
+effect, are legally void; and that acts of violence within any State or
+States against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary
+or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
+
+"I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws,
+the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take
+care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the
+laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States.  * * *
+
+"I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared
+purpose of the Union, that it will Constitutionally defend and maintain
+itself.
+
+"In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall
+be none, unless it is forced upon the National Authority.
+
+"The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the
+property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the
+duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be necessary for these objects,
+there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the People
+anywhere.
+
+"The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts
+of the Union.
+
+                   *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+"Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose
+a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed Secession?
+Plainly, the central idea of Secession is the essence of anarchy.  A
+majority, held in restraint by Constitutional checks and limitations and
+always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and
+sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a Free People.  Whoever
+rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy, or to despotism.
+Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent
+arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority
+principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.
+
+                    *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+"Physically speaking, we cannot separate.  We cannot remove our
+respective Sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall
+between them.  A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the
+presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of
+our Country cannot do this.  They cannot but remain face to face; and
+intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.  Is
+it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more
+satisfactory after separation than before?  Can aliens make treaties,
+easier than friends can make laws?  Can treaties be more faithfully
+enforced between aliens, than laws can among friends?  Suppose you go to
+War, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides,
+and no gain on either you cease fighting, the identical old questions,
+as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.
+
+"This Country, with its Institutions, belongs to the People who inhabit
+it.  Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can
+exercise their Constitutional right of amending it, or their
+Revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.  I cannot be ignorant
+of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of
+having the National Constitution amended.  While I make no
+recommendations of Amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority
+of the People over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the
+modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing
+circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opportunity being
+afforded the People to act upon it.  * * *
+
+"The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the People, and
+they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the
+States.  The People themselves can do this also, if they choose; but the
+Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it.  His duty is to
+administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to
+transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.
+
+                  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+" * * * While the People retain their virtue and vigilance, no
+Administration, by any extreme of weakness or folly, can very seriously
+injure the Government in the short space of four years.
+
+"My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole
+subject.  Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.  If there be an
+object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would
+never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time;
+but no good object can be frustrated by it.  Such of you as are now
+dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the
+sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new
+Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change
+either.  If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied, hold the
+right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for
+precipitate action.  Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm
+reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored Land, are still
+competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty.
+
+"In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is
+the momentous issue of Civil War.  The Government will not assault you.
+You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.  You
+have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Government, while I
+shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect, and defend it'.
+
+"I am loath to close.  We are not enemies, but friends.  We must not be
+enemies.  Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds
+of affection.  The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every
+battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone,
+all over this broad Land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when
+again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our
+nature."
+
+Strange, indeed, must have been the thoughts that crowded through the
+brain and oppressed the heart of Abraham Lincoln that night--his first
+at the White House!
+
+The city of Washington swarmed with Rebels and Rebel sympathizers, and
+all the departments of Government were honey-combed with Treason and
+shadowed with treachery and espionage.  Every step proposed or
+contemplated by the Government would be known to the so-called
+Government of the Confederate States almost as soon as thought of.  All
+means, to thwart and delay the carrying out of the Government's
+purposes, that the excuses of routine and red-tape admitted of, would be
+used by the Traitors within the camp, to aid the Traitors without.
+
+No one knew all this, better than Mr. Lincoln.  With no Army, no Navy,
+not even a Revenue cutter left--with forts and arsenals, ammunition and
+arms in possession of the Rebels, with no money in the National
+Treasury, and the National credit blasted--the position must, even to
+his hopeful nature, have seemed at this time desperate.  To be sure,
+despite threats, neither few nor secret, which had been made, that he
+should not live to be inaugurated, he had passed the first critical
+point--had taken the inaugural oath--and was now duly installed in the
+White House.  That was something, of course, to be profoundly thankful
+for.  But the matter regarded by him of larger moment--the safety of the
+Union--how about that?
+
+How that great, and just, and kindly brain, in the dim shadows of that
+awful first night at the White House, must have searched up and down and
+along the labyrinths of history and "corridors of time," everywhere in
+the Past, for any analogy or excuse for the madness of this Secession
+movement--and searched in vain!
+
+With his grand and abounding faith in God, how Abraham Lincoln must have
+stormed the very gates of Heaven that night with prayer that he might be
+the means of securing Peace and Union to his beloved but distracted
+Country!  How his great heart must have been racked with the
+alternations of hope and foreboding--of trustfulness and doubt!
+Anxiously he must have looked for the light of the morrow, that he might
+gather from the Press, the manner in which his Inaugural had been
+received.  Not that he feared the North--but the South; how would the
+wayward, wilful, passionate South, receive his proffered olive-branch?
+
+Surely, surely,--thus ran his thoughts--when the brave, and gallant, and
+generous people of that Section came to read his message of Peace and
+Good-will, they must see the suicidal folly of their course!  Surely
+their hearts must be touched and the mists of prejudice dissolved, so
+that reason would resume her sway, and Reconciliation follow!  A little
+more time for reflection would yet make all things right.  The young men
+of the South, fired by the Southern leaders' false appeals, must soon
+return to reason.  The prairie fire is terrible while it sweeps along,
+but it soon burns out.  When the young men face the emblem of their
+Nation's glory--the flag of the land of their birth--then will come the
+reaction and their false leaders will be hurled from place and power,
+and all will again be right.  Yea, when it comes to firing on the old,
+old flag, they will not, cannot, do it!  Between the Compromise within
+their reach, and such Sacrilege as this, they cannot waver long.
+
+So, doubtless, all the long night, whether waking or sleeping, the mind
+of this true-hearted son of the West, throbbed with the mighty weight of
+the problem entrusted to him for solution, and the vast responsibilities
+which he had just assumed toward his fellow-men, his Nation, and his
+God.
+
+And when, at last, the long lean frame was thrown upon the couch, and
+"tired Nature's sweet restorer" held him briefly in her arms, the smile
+of hopefulness on the wan cheek told that, despite all the terrible
+difficulties of the situation, the sleeper was sustained by a strong and
+cheerful belief in the Providence of God, the Patriotism of the People,
+and the efficacy of his Inaugural Peace-offering to the South. But alas,
+and alas, for the fallibility of human judgment and human hopes!
+Instead of a message of Peace, the South chose to regard it as a message
+of Menace;* and it was not received in a much better spirit by some of
+the Northern papers, which could see no good in it--"no Union spirit in
+it"--but declared that it breathed the spirit of Sectionalism and
+mischief, and "is the knell and requiem of the Union, and the death of
+hope."
+
+     ["Mr. Lincoln fondly regarded his Inaugural as a resistless
+     proffering of the olive branch to the South; the Conspirators
+     everywhere interpreted it as a challenge to War."--Greeley's Am.
+     Conflict, vol. i., p. 428.]
+
+
+Bitter indeed must have been President Lincoln's disappointment and
+sorrow at the reception of his Inaugural.  With the heartiest
+forgiveness, in the noblest spirit of paternal kindness, he had
+generously held out his arms, as far as they could reach, to clasp to
+his heart--to the great heart of the Union--the rash children of the
+South, if they would but let him.  It was more with sorrow, than in
+anger, that he looked upon their contemptuous repulsion of his advances;
+and his soul still reproachfully yearned toward these his Southern
+brethren, as did that of a higher than he toward His misguided brethren,
+when He cried: "O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets,
+and stonest them which are sent unto thee, how often would I have
+gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens
+under her wings, and ye would not!"
+
+On the day following his Inauguration, President Lincoln sent to the
+United States Senate the names of those whom he had chosen to constitute
+his Cabinet, as follows: William H. Seward, of New York, Secretary of
+State; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury; Simon
+Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, of
+Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B.  Smith, of Indiana,
+Secretary of the Interior; Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney General;
+and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Postmaster General.
+
+On the other hand, the President of the rebellious Confederacy,
+Jefferson Davis, had partly constituted his Cabinet already, as follows:
+Robert Toombs, of Georgia, Secretary of State; Charles G.  Memminger, of
+South Carolina, Secretary of the Treasury; Leroy Pope Walker, of
+Alabama, Secretary of War; to whom he afterwards added: Stephen R.
+Mallory, of Florida, Secretary of the Navy; and John H. Reagan, of
+Texas, Postmaster-General.
+
+
+
+
+                               CHAPTER X.
+
+                    THE WAR-DRUM "ON TO WASHINGTON"
+
+Scarcely one week had elapsed after the Administration of Mr. Lincoln
+began, when (March 11th) certain "Commissioners of the Southern
+Confederacy" (John Forsyth, of Alabama, and Martin J. Crawford, of
+Georgia), appeared at Washington and served a written request upon
+the State Department to appoint an early day when they might present to
+the President of the United States their credentials "from the
+Government of the Confederate States of America" to the Government of
+the United States, and open "the objects of the mission with which they
+are charged."
+
+Secretary Seward, with the President's sanction, declined official
+intercourse with Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, in a "Memorandum" (March
+15th) reciting their request, etc., in which, after referring to
+President Lincoln's Inaugural Address--forwarded to them with the
+"Memorandum" he says: "A simple reference will be sufficient to satisfy
+those gentlemen that the Secretary of State, guided by the principles
+therein announced, is prevented altogether from admitting or assuming
+that the States referred to by them have, in law or in fact, withdrawn
+from the Federal Union, or that they could do so in the manner described
+by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other manner than with the
+consent and concert of the People of the United States, to be given
+through a National Convention, to be assembled in conformity with the
+provisions of the Constitution of the United States.  Of course, the
+Secretary of State cannot act upon the assumption, or in any way admit,
+that the so-called Confederate States constitute a Foreign Power, with
+whom diplomatic relations ought to be established."
+
+On the 9th of April, Messrs. Forsyth, Crawford and Roman--as
+"Commissioners of the Southern Confederacy"--addressed to Secretary
+Seward a reply to the "Memorandum" aforesaid, in which the following
+passage occurs:
+
+"The undersigned, like the Secretary of State, have no purpose to
+'invite or engage in discussion' of the subject on which their two
+Governments are so irreconcilably at variance.  It is this variance that
+has broken up the old Union, the disintegration of which has only begun.
+
+"It is proper, however, to advise you that it were well to dismiss the
+hopes you seem to entertain that, by any of the modes indicated, the
+people of the Confederate States will ever be brought to submit to the
+authority of the Government of the United States.  You are dealing with
+delusions, too, when you seek to separate our people from our
+Government, and to characterize the deliberate, Sovereign act of that
+people as a 'perversion of a temporary and partisan excitement.'  If you
+cherish these dreams, you will be awakened from them, and find them as
+unreal and unsubstantial as others in which you have recently indulged.
+
+"The undersigned would omit the performance of an obvious duty were they
+to fail to make known to the Government of the United States that the
+people of the Confederate States have declared their independence with a
+full knowledge of all the responsibilities of that act, and with as firm
+a determination to maintain it by all the means with which nature has
+endowed them as that which sustained their fathers when they threw off
+the authority of the British Crown.
+
+"The undersigned clearly understand that you have declined to appoint a
+day to enable them to lay the objects of the mission with which they are
+charged, before the President of the United States, because so to do
+would be to recognize the independence and separate nationality of the
+Confederate States.  This is the vein of thought that pervades the
+memorandum before us.
+
+"The truth of history requires that it should distinctly appear upon the
+record, that the undersigned did not ask the Government of the United
+States to recognize the independence of the Confederate States.  They
+only asked audience to adjust, in a spirit of amity and peace, the new
+relations springing from a manifest and accomplished revolution in the
+Government of the late Federal Union.
+
+"Your refusal to entertain these overtures for a peaceful solution, the
+active naval and military preparation of this Government, and a formal
+notice to the Commanding General of the Confederate forces in the harbor
+of Charleston that the President intends to provision Fort Sumter by
+forcible means, if necessary, are viewed by the undersigned, and can
+only be received by the World, as a Declaration of War against the
+Confederate States; for the President of the United States knows that
+Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned without the effusion of blood.
+
+"The undersigned, in behalf of their Government and people, accept the
+gage of battle thus thrown down to them, and, appealing to God and the
+judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their Cause, the people of
+the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last, against
+this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to Sectional power."
+
+
+Let us now, for a moment, glance at the condition of Fort Sumter, and of
+the Government with regard to it:
+
+On the 5th of March, the day after President Lincoln had taken his oath
+of office, there was placed in his hands a letter of Major Anderson,
+commanding at Fort Sumter, in which that officer, under date of the 28th
+of February, expressed the opinion that "reinforcements could not be
+thrown into that fort within the time for his relief rendered necessary
+by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding
+possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good
+and well-disciplined men."
+
+     [President Lincoln's first Message, July 4, 1861.]
+
+Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott concurred in that opinion, and as the
+provisions in the Fort would be exhausted before any such force could be
+raised and brought to the ground, evacuation and safe withdrawal of the
+Federal garrison from the Fort became a Military necessity, and was so
+regarded by the Administration.
+
+"It was believed, however"--in the language of Mr. Lincoln himself, in
+his first Message to Congress--"that to so abandon that position, under
+the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous: that the necessity under
+which it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it
+would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it
+would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and
+go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that in fact it
+would be our National destruction consummated.  This could not be
+allowed.  Starvation was not yet upon the garrison; and ere it would be
+reached, Fort Pickens might be reinforced.  This last would be a clear
+indication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the
+evacuation of Fort Sumter as a Military necessity."
+
+Owing to misconception or otherwise, an order to reinforce Fort Pickens
+was not carried out, and an expedition to relieve Fort Sumter was then
+ordered to be dispatched.  On the 8th of April President Lincoln, by
+messenger, notified Governor Pickens of South Carolina, "that he might
+expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort; and that if the
+attempt should not be resisted there would be no effort to throw in men,
+arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack
+upon the fort."
+
+A crisis was evidently approaching, and public feeling all over the
+Country was wrought up to the highest degree of tension and stood tip-
+toe with intense expectancy.  The test of the doctrine of Secession was
+about to be made there, in the harbor of Charleston, upon which the eyes
+of Patriot and Rebel were alike feverishly bent.
+
+There, in Charleston harbor, grimly erect, stood the octagon-shaped Fort
+Sumter, mid-way of the harbor entrance, the Stars and Stripes proudly
+waving from its lofty central flagstaff, its guns bristling on every
+side through the casemates and embrasures, as if with a knowledge of
+their defensive power.
+
+About equidistant from Fort Sumter on either side of the harbor-
+entrance, were the Rebel works at Fort Moultrie and Battery Bee on
+Sullivan's Island, on the one side, and Cummings Point Battery, on
+Morris Island, on the other-besides a number of other batteries facing
+seaward along the sea-coast line of Morris Island.  Further in, on the
+same side of the harbor, and but little further off from Fort Sumter,
+stood Fort Johnson on James Island, while Castle Pinckney and a Floating
+Battery were between the beleagured Fort and the city of Charleston.
+
+Thus, the Federal Fort was threatened with the concentrated fire of
+these well-manned Rebel fortifications on all sides, and in its then
+condition was plainly doomed; for, while the swarming Rebels, unmolested
+by Fort Sumter, had been permitted to surround that Fort with frowning
+batteries, whose guns outnumbered those of the Fort, as ten to one, and
+whose caliber was also superior, its own condition was anything but that
+of readiness for the inevitable coming encounter.
+
+That the officers' quarters, barracks, and other frame-work wooden
+buildings should have been permitted to remain as a standing invitation
+to conflagration from bombardment, can only be accounted for on the
+supposition that the gallant officer in command, himself a Southerner,
+would not believe it possible that the thousands of armed Americans by
+whom he was threatened and encircled, could fire upon the flag of their
+own native Country.  He and his garrison of seventy men, were soon to
+learn the bitter truth, amid a tempest of bursting shot and shell, the
+furnace-heat of crackling walls, and suffocating volumes of dense smoke
+produced by an uncontrollable conflagration.
+
+The Rebel leaders at Washington had prevented an attack in January upon
+the forts in the harbor of Charleston, and at Pensacola.--[McPherson's
+History of the Rebellion, p.  112.]--In consequence of which failure to
+proceed to the last extremity at once, the energies of the Rebellion had
+perceptibly diminished.
+
+Said the Mobile Mercury: "The country is sinking into a fatal apathy,
+and the spirit and even the patriotism of the people is oozing out,
+under this do-nothing policy.  If something is not done pretty soon,
+decisive, either evacuation or expulsion, the whole country will become
+so disgusted with the sham of Southern independence that the first
+chance the people get at a popular election they will turn the whole
+movement topsy-turvy so bad that it never on Earth can be righted
+again."
+
+After the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, however, the Rebel authorities at
+Montgomery lost no time, but strained every nerve to precipitate War.
+They felt that there was danger to the cause of Secession in delay; that
+there were wavering States outside the Confederacy, like Virginia, that
+might be dragged into the Confederacy by prompt and bloody work; and
+wavering States within, like Alabama, that must be kept in by similar
+means.  Their emissaries were busy everywhere in the South, early in
+April, preaching an instant crusade against the old flag--inciting the
+people to demand instant hostilities against Fort Sumter--and to cross a
+Rubicon of blood, over which there could be no return.
+
+Many of the Rebel leaders seemed to be haunted by the fear (no doubt
+well founded) that unless blood was shed--unless an impassable barrier,
+crimsoned with human gore, was raised between the new Confederacy and
+the old Union--there would surely be an ever-present danger of that
+Confederacy falling to pieces.  Hence they were now active in working
+the people up to the required point of frenzy.
+
+As a specimen of their speeches, may be quoted that of Roger A. Pryor,
+of Virginia, who, at Charleston, April 10, 1861, replying to a serenade,
+said:--[Charleston Mercury's report.]
+
+'Gentlemen, I thank you, especially that you have at last annihilated
+this accursed Union [Applause] reeking with corruption, and insolent
+with excess of tyranny.  Thank God, it is at last blasted and riven by
+the lightning wrath of an outraged and indignant people.  [Loud
+applause.]  Not only is it gone, but gone forever.  [Cries of, 'You're
+right,' and applause.] In the expressive language of Scripture, it is
+water spilt upon the ground, which cannot be gathered up.  [Applause.]
+Like Lucifer, son of the morning, it has fallen, never to rise again.
+[Continued applause.]
+
+"For my part, gentlemen," he continued, as soon as he could be heard,
+"if Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to-morrow were to abdicate their
+offices and were to give me a blank sheet of paper to write the
+condition of re-annexation to the defunct Union, I would scornfully
+spurn the overture.  * * *  I invoke you, and I make it in some sort a
+personal appeal--personal so far as it tends to our assistance in
+Virginia--I do invoke you, in your demonstrations of popular opinion, in
+your exhibitions of official intent, to give no countenance to this idea
+of reconstruction.  [Many voices, emphatically, 'never,' and applause.]
+
+"In Virginia," resumed he, "they all say, if reduced to the dread
+dilemma of this memorable alternative, they will espouse the cause of
+the South as against the interest of the Northern Confederacy, but they
+whisper of reconstruction, and they say Virginia must abide in the
+Union, with the idea of reconstructing the Union which you have
+annihilated.  I pray you, gentlemen, rob them of that idea.  Proclaim to
+the World that upon no condition, and under no circumstances, will South
+Carolina ever again enter into political association with the
+Abolitionists of New England.  [Cries of 'never,' and applause.]
+
+"Do not distrust Virginia," he continued; "as sure as tomorrow's sun
+will rise upon us, just so sure will Virginia be a member of this
+Southern Confederation.  [Applause.]  And I will tell you, gentlemen,
+what will put her in the Southern Confederacy in less than an hour by
+Shrewsbury clock--STRIKE A BLOW!  [Tremendous applause.]  The very
+moment that blood is shed, old Virginia will make common cause with her
+sisters of the South.  [Applause.]  It is impossible she should do
+otherwise."
+
+The question of the necessity of "Striking a Blow"--of the immediate
+"shedding of blood"--was not only discussed before the Southern people
+for the purpose of inflaming their rebellious zeal, but was also the
+subject of excited agitation in the Confederate Cabinet at this time.
+
+In a speech made by ex-United States Senator Clemens of Alabama, at
+Huntsville, Alabama, at the close of the Rebellion, he told the
+Alabamians how their State, which, as we have seen, was becoming
+decidedly shaky in its allegiance to the "Sham of Southern
+Independence," was kept in the Confederacy.
+
+Said he: "In 1861, shortly after the Confederate Government was put in
+operation, I was in the city of Montgomery.  One day (April 11, 1861) I
+stepped into the office of the Secretary of War, General Walker, and
+found there, engaged in a very excited discussion, Mr. Jefferson Davis
+(the President), Mr. Memminger (Secretary of the Treasury), Mr. Benjamin
+(Attorney-General), Mr. Gilchrist, a member of our Legislature from
+Loundes county, and a number of other prominent gentlemen.  They were
+discussing the propriety of immediately opening fire on Fort Sumter, to
+which General Walker, the Secretary of War, appeared to be opposed.  Mr.
+Gilchrist said to him, 'Sir, unless you sprinkle blood in the face of
+the people of Alabama, they will be back in the old Union in less than
+ten days!'  THE NEXT DAY GENERAL BEAUREGARD OPENED HIS BATTERIES ON
+SUMTER, AND ALABAMA WAS SAVED TO THE CONFEDERACY."
+
+On the 8th of April, G. T. Beauregard, "Brigadier General Commanding"
+the "Provisional Army C. S. A."  at Charleston, S. C., notified the
+Confederate Secretary of War (Walker) at Montgomery, Ala., that "An
+authorized messenger from President Lincoln has just informed Gov.
+Pickens and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter
+peaceably, or otherwise by force."
+
+On the 10th, Confederate Secretary Walker telegraphed to Beauregard: "If
+you have no doubt of the authorized character of the agent who
+communicated to, you the intention of the Washington Government to
+supply Fort Sumter by force, you will at once demand its evacuation,
+and, if this is refused, proceed, in such manner as you may determine,
+to reduce it."  To this Beauregard at once replied: "The demand will be
+made to-morrow at 12 o'clock."  Thereupon the Confederate Secretary
+telegraphed again: "Unless there are special reasons connected with your
+own condition, it is considered proper that you should make the demand
+at an earlier hour."  And Beauregard answered: "The reasons are special
+for 12 o'clock."
+
+On the 11th General Beauregard notified Secretary Walker: "The demand
+was sent at 2 P. M., and until 6 was allowed for the answer."  The
+Secretary desiring to have the reply of Major Anderson, General
+Beauregard telegraphed: "Major Anderson replies: 'I have the honor to
+acknowledge the receipt of your communication demanding the evacuation
+of this Fort, and to say in reply thereto that it is a demand with which
+I regret that my sense of honor and of my obligation to my Government
+prevent my compliance.'  He adds, verbally, 'I will await the first
+shot, and, if you do not batter us to pieces, we will be starved out in
+a few days.'"
+
+To this, the Confederate Secretary at once responded with: "Do not
+desire needlessly to bombard Fort Sumter.  If Major Anderson will state
+the time at which, as indicated by himself, he will evacuate, and agree
+that, in the mean time, he will not use his guns against us unless ours
+should be employed against Fort Sumter, you are authorized thus to avoid
+the effusion of blood.  If this or its equivalent be refused, reduce the
+Fort, as your judgment decides to be the most practicable."
+
+At 11 o'clock that night (April 11) General Beauregard sent to Major
+Anderson, by the hands of his aides-de-camp, Messrs. Chesnut and Lee, a
+further communication, in which, after alluding to the Major's verbal
+observation, the General said: "If you will state the time at which you
+will evacuate Fort Sumter, and agree that in the mean time you will not
+use your guns against us unless ours shall be employed against Fort
+Sumter, we shall abstain from opening fire upon you.  Col. Chesnut and
+Capt. Lee are authorized by me to enter into such an agreement with you.
+You are therefore requested to communicate to them an open answer."
+
+To this, Major Robert Anderson, at 2.30 A.M. of the 12th, replied "that,
+cordially uniting with you in the desire to avoid the useless effusion
+of blood, I will, if provided with the necessary means of
+transportation, evacuate Fort Sumter by noon on the 15th inst., should I
+not receive prior to that time, controlling instructions from my
+Government, or additional supplies, and that I will not in the mean time
+open my fire upon your forces unless compelled to do so by some hostile
+act against this Fort or the flag of my Government, by the forces under
+your command, or by some portion of them, or by the perpetration of some
+act showing a hostile intention on your part against this Fort or the
+flag it bears."  Thereupon General Beauregard telegraphed Secretary
+Walker: "He would not consent.  I write to-day."
+
+At 3.20 A.M., Major Anderson received from Messrs.  Chesnut and Lee a
+notification to this effect: "By authority of Brigadier General
+Beauregard, commanding the Provisional Forces of the Confederate States,
+we have the honor to notify you that he will open the fire of his
+batteries on Fort Sumter in one hour from this time."  And a later
+dispatch from General Beauregard to Secretary Walker, April 12,
+laconically stated: "WE OPENED FIRE AT 4.30."
+
+At last the hour and the minute had come, for which the Slave Power of
+the South had for thirty years so impatiently longed.  At last the
+moment had come, when all the long-treasured vengeance of the South--
+outgrown from questions of Tariff, of Slavery, and of Secession--was to
+be poured out in blood and battle; when the panoplied powers and forces
+of rebellious confederated States, standing face to face with the
+resolute patriotism of an outraged Union, would belch forth flame and
+fury and hurtling missiles upon the Federal Fort and the old flag
+floating o'er it.
+
+And whose the sacrilegious hand that dared be first raised against his
+Country and his Country's flag?  Stevens's mortar battery at Sullivan's
+Island is ready to open, when a lean, long-haired old man, with eyes
+blazing in their deep fanatical sockets, totters hastily forward and
+ravenously seizing in his bony hands a lanyard, pulls the string, and,
+with a flash and roar, away speeds the shrieking shell on its mission of
+destruction; and, while shell after shell, and shot after shot, from
+battery after battery, screams a savage accompaniment to the boom and
+flash and bellow of the guns, that lean old man works his clutched
+fingers in an ecstasy of fiendish pleasure, and chuckles: "Aye, I told
+them at Columbia that night, that the defense of the South is only to be
+secured through the lead of South Carolina; and, old as I am, I had come
+here to join them in that lead--and I have done it."
+
+     [Edmund Ruffin, see p.  100.  This theory of the necessity of South
+     Carolina leading, had long been held, as in the following, first
+     published in the New York Tribune, July 3, 1862, which, among other
+     letters, was found in the house of William H.  Trescot, on
+     Barnwell's Island, South Carolina, when re-occupied by United
+     States troops:
+
+     "VIRGINIA CONVENTION, May 3, 1851
+
+     "My DEAR, SIR:--You misunderstood my last letter, if you supposed
+     that I intended to visit South Carolina this Spring.  I am
+     exceedingly obliged to you for your kind invitations, and it would
+     afford me the highest pleasure to interchange in person, sentiments
+     with a friend whose manner of thinking so closely agrees with my
+     own.  But my engagements here closely confine me to this city, and
+     deny me such a gratification.
+
+     "I would be especially glad to be in Charleston next week, and
+     witness the proceedings of your Convention of Delegates from the
+     Southern Rights Associations.  The condition of things in your
+     State deeply interests me.  Her wise foresight and manly
+     independence have placed her, as the head of the South, to whom
+     alone true-hearted men can look with any hope or pleasure.
+
+     "Momentous are the consequences which depend upon your action.
+     Which party will prevail?  The immediate Secessionists, or those
+     who are opposed to separate State action at this time?  For my part
+     I forbear to form a wish.  Were I a Carolinian, it would be very
+     different; but when I consider the serious effects the decision may
+     have on your future weal or woe, I feel that a citizen of a State
+     which has acted as Virginia, has no right to interfere, even by a
+     wish.
+
+     "If the General Government allows you peaceably and freely to
+     Secede, neither Virginia, nor any other Southern State, would, in
+     my opinion, follow you at present.  But what would be the effect
+     upon South Carolina?  Some of our best friends have supposed that
+     it would cut off Charleston from the great Western trade, which she
+     is now striking for, and would retard very greatly the progress of
+     your State.  I confess that I think differently.  I believe
+     thoroughly in our own theories, and that, even if Charleston did
+     not grow quite as fast in her trade with other States, yet the
+     relief from Federal taxation would vastly stimulate your
+     prosperity.  If so, the prestige of the Union would be destroyed,
+     and you would be the nucleus for a Southern Confederation at no
+     distant day.
+
+     "But I do not doubt, from all I have been able toe to learn that the
+     Federal Government would use force, beginning with the form most
+     embarrassing to you, and least calculated to excite sympathy.  I
+     mean a naval blockade.  In that event, could you stand the reaction
+     feeling which the suffering commerce of Charleston would probably
+     manifest?  Would you not lose that in which your strength consists,
+     the union of your people?  I do not mean to imply an opinion, I
+     only ask the question.
+
+     "If you could force this blockade, and bring the Government to
+     direct force, the feeling in Virginia would be very great.  I trust
+     in God it would bring her to your aid.  But it would be wrong in me
+     to deceive you by speaking certainly.  I cannot express the deep
+     mortification I have felt at her course this Winter.  But I do not
+     believe that the course of the Legislature is a fair expression of
+     popular feeling.  In the East, at least, the great majority
+     believes in the right of Secession, and feels the deepest sympathy
+     with Carolina in her opposition to measures which they regard as
+     she does.  But the West--Western Virginia--there is the rub!  Only
+     60,000 slaves to 494,000 whites!  When I consider this fact, and
+     the kind of argument which has been heard in this body, I cannot
+     but regard with the greatest fear the question whether Virginia
+     would assist Carolina in such an issue.
+
+     "I must acknowledge, my dear sir, that I look to the future with
+     almost as much apprehension as hope.  You well object to the term
+     Democrat.  Democracy, in its original philosophical sense, is
+     indeed incompatible with Slavery and the whole system of Southern
+     society.  Yet, if you look back, what change will you find made in
+     any of your State Constitutions, or in our legislation--that is, in
+     its general course--for the last fifty years, which was not in the
+     direction of this Democracy?  Do not its principles and theories
+     become daily more fixed in our practice?  (I had almost said in the
+     opinions of our people, did I not remember with pleasure the great
+     improvement of opinion in regard to the abstract question of
+     Slavery).  And if such is the case, what are we to hope in the
+     future?  I do not hesitate to say that if the question is raised
+     between Carolina and the Federal Government, and the latter
+     prevails, the last hope of republican government, and, I fear, of
+     Southern civilization, is gone.  Russia will then be a better
+     government than ours.
+
+     "I fear that the confusion and interruptions amid which I write
+     have made this rather a rambling letter.  Do you visit the North in
+     the Summer?  I would be very happy to welcome you to the Old
+     Dominion.
+
+     "I am much obliged to you for the offer to send me Hammond's Eulogy
+     on Calhoun, but I am indebted to the author for a copy.
+
+               "With esteem and friendship, yours truly,
+
+                                   "M. R. H. GARNETT.
+
+     "WM. H. TRESCOT, ESQ."]
+
+
+Next morning's New York herald, in its Charleston dispatch of April 12,
+announced to the World that "The first shot [fired at Fort Sumter] from
+Stevens's battery was fired by the venerable Edmund Ruffin, of
+Virginia," and added, "That ball will do more for the cause of
+Secession, in Virginia, than volumes of stump speeches."
+
+"Soon," says Greeley in his History, "the thunder of fifty heavy
+breaching cannon, in one grand volley, followed by the crashing and
+crumbling of brick, stone, and mortar around and above them, apprized
+the little garrison that their stay must necessarily be short."
+
+Says an eye-witness of the bombardment: "Shells burst with the greatest
+rapidity in every portion of the work, hurling the loose brick and stone
+in all directions, breaking the windows and setting fire to whatever
+woodwork they burst against.  * * *  The firing from the batteries on
+Cumming's Point was scattered over the whole of the gorge or rear of the
+Fort, till it looked like a sieve.  The explosion of shells, and the
+quantity of deadly missiles that were hurled in every direction and at
+every instant of time, made it almost certain death to go out of the
+lower tier of casemates, and also made the working of the barbette or
+upper (uncovered) guns, which contained all our heaviest metal, and by
+which alone we could throw shells, quite impossible.
+
+"During the first day there was hardly an instant of time that there was
+a cessation of the whizzing of balls, which were sometimes coming half a
+dozen at once.  There was not a portion of the work which was not taken
+in reverse from mortars.  * * *  During Friday, the officers' barracks
+were three times set on fire by the shells and three times put out under
+the most galling and destructive cannonade.
+
+"For the fourth time, the barracks were set on fire early on Saturday
+morning, and attempts were made to extinguish the flames; but it was
+soon discovered that red-hot shot were being thrown into the Fort with
+fearful rapidity, and it became evident that it would be impossible to
+put out the conflagration.  The whole garrison was then set to work, or
+as many as could be spared, to remove the powder from the magazines,
+which was desperate work, rolling barrels of powder through the fire.  *
+* *  After the barracks were well on fire, the batteries directed upon
+Fort Sumter increased their cannonading to a rapidity greater than had
+been attained before."
+
+"About this time, the shells and ammunition in the upper service-
+magazines exploded, scattering the tower and upper portions of the
+building in every direction.  The crash of the beams, the roar of the
+flames, and the shower of fragments of the Fort, with the blackness of
+the smoke, made the scene indescribably terrific and grand.  This
+continued for several hours.  * * * "
+
+=== Gutchecked to here
+
+"There was not a portion of the Fort where a breath of air could be got
+for hours, except through a wet cloth.  The fire spread to the men's
+quarters on the right hand and on the left, and endangered the powder
+which had been taken out of the magazines.  The men went through the
+fire, and covered the barrels with wet cloths, but the danger of the
+Fort's blowing up became so imminent that they were obliged to heave the
+barrels out of the embrasures."
+
+Major Anderson's official report tells the whole story briefly and well,
+in these words:
+
+               "STEAMSHIP BALTIC, OFF SANDY HOOK
+
+               "April 18, 1861, 10.30 A.M., VIA NEW YORK.
+
+"Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty-four hours, until the quarters
+were entirely burnt, the main gates destroyed by fire, the gorge walls
+seriously injured, the magazine surrounded by flames, and its door
+closed from the effects of heat; four barrels and three cartridges of
+powder only being available, and no provisions remaining but pork, I
+accepted terms of evacuation offered by General Beauregard--being the
+same offered by him on the 11th inst., prior to the commencement of
+hostilities--and marched out of the Fort on Sunday afternoon, the 14th
+instant, with colors flying and drums beating, bringing away company and
+private property, and saluting my flag with fifty guns.
+
+                         "ROBERT ANDERSON,
+                    "Major 1st Artillery, Commanding.
+
+"HON. SIMON CAMERON,
+"Secretary of War, Washington."
+
+
+During all this thirty-four hours of bombardment, the South rejoiced
+with exceeding great joy that the time had come for the vindication of
+its peculiar ideas of State and other rights, even though it be with
+flames and the sword.  At Charleston, the people were crazy with
+exultation and wine-feasting and drinking being the order of the day and
+night.  But for the surrender, Fort Sumter would have been stormed that
+Sunday night.  As it was, Sunday was turned into a day of general
+jubilation, and while the people cheered and filled the streets, all the
+Churches of Charleston celebrated, with more or less devotional fervor
+and ceremony, the bloodless victory.
+
+At Montgomery, the Chiefs of the Confederate Government were serenaded.
+"Salvos of artillery were fired, and the whole population seemed to be
+in an ecstasy of triumph."--[McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p.
+114]
+
+The Confederate Secretary of War, flushed with the success, predicted
+that the Confederate flag "will, before the first of May, float over the
+dome of the old Capitol at Washington" and "will eventually float over
+Faneuil Hall, in Boston."
+
+From Maryland to Mexico, the protests of Union men of the South were
+unheard in the fierce clamor of "On to Washington!"
+
+The Richmond Examiner said: "There never was half the unanimity among
+the people before, nor a tithe of the zeal upon any subject, that is now
+manifested to take Washington.  From the mountain tops and valleys to
+the shores of the sea, there is one wild shout of fierce resolve to
+capture Washington City at all and every human hazard."
+
+So also, the Mobile Advertiser enthusiastically exclaimed:
+
+"We are prepared to fight, and the enemy is not.  Now is the time for
+action, while he is yet unprepared.  Let the fife sound 'Gray Jackets
+over the Border,' and let a hundred thousand men, with such arms as they
+can snatch, get over the border as quickly as they can.  Let a division
+enter every Northern border State, destroy railroad connection to
+prevent concentration of the enemy, and the desperate strait of these
+States, the body of Lincoln's country, will compel him to a peace--or
+compel his successor, should Virginia not suffer him to escape from his
+doomed capital."
+
+It was on Friday morning, the 12th of April, as we have seen, that the
+first Rebel shot was fired at Fort Sumter.  It was on Saturday afternoon
+and evening that the terms of surrender were agreed to, and on Sunday
+afternoon that the Federal flag was saluted and hauled down, and the
+surrender completed.  On Monday morning, being the 15th of April, in all
+the great Northern Journals of the day appeared the following:
+
+"PROCLAMATION.
+
+"WHEREAS, the laws of the United States have been for some time past,
+and now are, opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the
+States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi,
+Louisiana, and Texas, by Combinations too powerful to be suppressed by
+the ordinary course of Judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in
+the Marshals by law; now, therefore I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the
+United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution
+and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth,
+the Militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate number
+of 75,000, in order to suppress said Combinations, and to cause the laws
+to be duly executed.
+
+"The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the
+State authorities through the War Department.  I appeal to all loyal
+citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the
+honor, the integrity, and existence of our National Union, and the
+perpetuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs already long
+enough endured.  I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned
+to the forces hereby called forth, will probably be to repossess the
+forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union; and
+in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the
+objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or
+interference with, property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens of
+any part of the Country; and I hereby command the persons composing the
+Combinations aforesaid, to disperse and retire peaceably to their
+respective abodes, within twenty days from this date.
+
+"Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an
+extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested
+by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress.  The Senators and
+Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble at their respective
+chambers at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the 4th day of July next,
+then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their
+wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand.
+
+"In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed.
+
+"Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the
+year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the
+independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.
+
+"By the President:  ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
+
+"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."
+
+
+While in the North the official responses to this Call for troops were
+prompt and patriotic, in the Border and Slave States, not yet in
+Rebellion, they were anything but encouraging.
+
+The reply of Governor Burton, of Delaware, was by the issue of a
+proclamation "recommending the formation of volunteer companies for the
+protection of the lives and property of the people of Delaware against
+violence of any sort to which they may be exposed; the companies not
+being subject to be ordered by the Executive into the United States
+service--the law not vesting him with such authority--but having the
+option of offering their services to the General Government for the
+defense of its capital and the support of the Constitution and laws of
+the Country."
+
+Governor Hicks, of Maryland, in like manner, issued a proclamation for
+Maryland's quota of the troops, but stated that her four regiments would
+be detailed to serve within the limits of Maryland--or, for the defense
+of the National Capital.
+
+Governor Letcher, of Virginia, replied: "The militia of Virginia will
+not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such use or purpose
+as they have in view.  Your object is to subjugate the Southern States,
+and a requisition made upon me for such an object--an object, in my
+judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the Act of 1795
+--will not be complied with.  You have chosen to inaugurate Civil War,
+and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the
+Administration has exhibited toward the South."
+
+Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, replied to Secretary Cameron: "Your
+dispatch is received, and, if genuine--which its extraordinary character
+leads me to doubt--I have to say in reply that I regard the levy of
+troops made by the Administration, for the purpose of subjugating the
+States of the South, as in violation of the Constitution and a
+usurpation of power.  I can be no party to this wicked violation of the
+laws of the country, and to this War upon the liberties of a free
+people.  You can get no troops from North Carolina.  I will reply more
+in detail when your Call is received by mail."
+
+Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, replied: "Your dispatch is received.  In
+answer I say emphatically, Kentucky will furnish no troops for the
+wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States."
+
+Governor Harris, of Tennessee, replied: "Tennessee will not furnish a
+single man for Coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessary, for the
+Defense of our rights or those of our Southern brethren."
+
+Governor Jackson, of Missouri, replied: "Your requisition is illegal,
+unconstitutional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical and cannot be
+complied with."
+
+Governor Rector, of Arkansas, replied: "None will be furnished.  The
+demand is only adding insult to injury."
+
+Discouraging and even insulting as were most of these replies, the
+responses of the Governors of the Free States were, on the other hand,
+full of the ring of true martial Patriotism evoked by the fall of Sumter
+and the President's first call for troops.  Twenty millions of Northern
+hearts were stirred by that Call, as they had never before been stirred.
+Party and faction became for the moment, a thing of the past.
+
+The Governors of the Free States made instant proclamation for
+volunteers, and the People responded not by thousands but by hundreds of
+thousands.  New York, the Empire State, by her Governor and her
+Legislature placed all her tremendous resources at the service of the
+Union; and the great State of Pennsylvania, through Governor Curtin, did
+the same.  Nor were the other States at all behind.
+
+The Loyal North felt that Law, Order, Liberty, the existence of the
+Nation itself was in peril, and must be both saved and vindicated.  Over
+half a million of men--from the prairies of the West and the hills and
+cities of the East--from farms and counting houses, from factories and
+mines and workshops--sprang to arms at the Call, and begged to be
+enrolled.  The merchants and capitalists throughout the North proffered
+to the Government their wealth and influence and best services.  The
+press and the people responded as only the press and people of a Free
+land can respond--with all their heart and soul.  "Fort Sumter," said
+one of the journals, "is lost, but Freedom is saved.  Henceforth, the
+Loyal States are a unit in uncompromising hostility to Treason, wherever
+plotted, however justified.  Fort Sumter is temporarily lost, but the
+Country is saved.  Live the Republic!"
+
+This, in a nutshell, was the feeling everywhere expressed, whether by
+the great crowds that marched through the streets of Northern cities
+with drums beating and banners flying--cheering wildly for the Union,
+singing Union songs, and compelling those of doubtful loyalty to throw
+out to the breeze from their homes the glorified Stars and Stripes--by
+the great majority of newspapers--by the pulpit, by the rostrum, by the
+bench, by all of whatever profession or calling in Northern life.  For
+the moment, the voice of the Rebel-sympathizer was hushed in the land,
+or so tremendously overborne that it seemed as if there was an absolute
+unanimity of love for the Union.
+
+Of course, in Border-States, bound to the South by ties of lineage and
+intermarriage and politics and business association, the feeling could
+not be the same as elsewhere.  There, they were, so to speak, drawn both
+ways at once, by the beckoning hands of kindred on the one side, and
+Country on the other!  Thus they long waited and hesitated, praying that
+something might yet happen to save the Union of their fathers, and
+prevent the shedding of brothers' blood, by brothers-hoping against
+hope-waited, in the belief that a position of armed neutrality might be
+permitted to them; and grieved, when they found this could not be.
+
+Each side to the great Conflict-at-arms naturally enough believed itself
+right, and that the other side was the first aggressor; but the judgment
+of Mankind has placed the blame where it properly belonged--on the
+shoulders of the Rebels.  The calm, clear statement of President
+Lincoln, in his July Message to Congress, touching the assault and its
+preceding history--together with his conclusions--states the whole
+matter in such authentic and convincing manner that it may be said to
+have settled the point beyond further controversy.  After stating that
+it "was resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina that he might
+expect an attempt would be made to provision the Fort; and that if the
+attempt should not be resisted there would be no effort to throw in men,
+arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack on
+the Fort," Mr. Lincoln continues: "This notice was accordingly given;
+whereupon the Fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even
+awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition."
+
+The President then proceeds: "It is thus seen that the assault upon and
+reduction of Fort Sumter was, in no sense, a matter of self-defense on
+the part of the assailants.  They well knew that the garrison in the
+Fort could, by no possibility, commit aggression upon them.  They knew--
+they were expressly notified--that the giving of bread to the few brave
+and hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be
+attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more.
+They knew that this Government desired to keep the garrison in the Fort
+--not to assail them--but merely to maintain visible possession, and
+thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate dissolution--
+trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-
+box for final adjustment; and they assailed and reduced the Fort for
+precisely the reverse object--to drive out the visible authority of the
+Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution.
+
+"That this was their object, the Executive well understood; and, having
+said to them, in the Inaugural Address, 'you can have no conflict
+without being yourselves the aggressors,' he took pains not only to keep
+this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power
+of ingenious sophistry as that the World should not be able to
+misunderstand it.
+
+"By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that
+point was reached.  Then and thereby the assailants of the Government
+began the Conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to
+return their fire, save only the few in the Fort sent to that harbor
+years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that
+protection in whatever was lawful.  In this act, discarding all else,
+they have forced upon the Country, the distinct issue: 'Immediate
+dissolution or blood.'
+
+"And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States.  It
+presents to the whole family of Man the question whether a
+Constitutional Republic or Democracy--a government of the People by the
+same People--can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against
+its own domestic foes.  It presents the question whether discontented
+individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to
+organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this
+case, or on any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence,
+break up their Government, and thus practically put an end to free
+government upon the earth.  It forces us to ask: 'Is there in all
+republics, this inherent and fatal weakness?'  'Must a Government of
+necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak
+to maintain its own existence?'
+
+"So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the War power
+of the Government; and so to resist force, employed for its destruction,
+by force, for its preservation."
+
+The Call for Troops was made, as we have seen, on the 15th day of April.
+On the evening of the following day several companies of a Pennsylvania
+Regiment reported for duty in Washington.  On the 18th, more
+Pennsylvania Volunteers, including a company of Artillery, arrived
+there.
+
+On the 19th of April, the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment--whose progress
+through New York city had been triumphal-was suddenly and unexpectedly
+assailed, in its passage through Baltimore, to the defense of the
+National Capital, by a howling mob of Maryland Secessionists--worked up
+to a pitch of States-rights frenzy by Confederate emissaries and
+influential Baltimore Secession-sympathizers, by news of the sudden
+evacuation of the Federal Arsenal at Harper's Ferry, and other exciting
+tidings--and had to fight its way through, leaving three soldiers of
+that regiment dead, and a number wounded, behind it.
+
+     [At a meeting of the "National Volunteer Association," at Monument
+     Square, Baltimore, the previous evening, says Greeley's History of
+     the American Conflict, page 462, "None of the speakers directly
+     advocated attacks on the Northern troops about to pass through the
+     city; but each was open in his hostility to 'Coercion,' and
+     ardently exhorted his hearers to organize, arm and drill, for the
+     Conflict now inevitable.  Carr (Wilson C. N. Carr) said: 'I do not
+     care how many Federal troops are sent to Washington; they will soon
+     find themselves surrounded by such an army from Virginia and
+     Maryland, that escape to their homes will be impossible; and when
+     the 75,000 who are intended to invade the South shall have polluted
+     that soil with their touch, the South will extermninate and sweep
+     them from the Earth.' (Frantic cheering and yelling).  The meeting
+     broke up with stentorian cheers for 'the South' and for 'President
+     Davis."']
+
+Ten companies of Philadelphia troops, reaching Baltimore at the same
+time, unarmed, were also violently assailed by the crazy mob, and, after
+a two hours' fight, reached the cars and returned to Philadelphia.
+
+Washington City--already, by the Secession of Virginia, cut off from the
+South--was thus practically cut off from the North as well; and to
+isolate it more completely, the telegraph wires were cut down and the
+railroad bridges burned.  A mere handful of regulars, the few volunteers
+that had got through before the outbreak in Baltimore, and a small
+number of Union residents and Government department clerks--these, under
+General Winfield Scott, constituted the paltry force that, for ten days
+after the Call for troops, held the National Capital.
+
+Informed, as the Rebels must have been, by their swarming spies, of the
+weakness of the Federal metropolis, it seems absolutely marvelous that
+instant advantage was not taken of it.
+
+The Richmond Examiner, of April 23d, said: "The capture of Washington
+City is perfectly within the power of Virginia and Maryland, if Virginia
+will only make the effort with her constituted authorities; nor is there
+a single moment to lose.  * * *  The fanatical yell for the immediate
+subjugation of the whole South is going up hourly from the united voices
+of all the North; and, for the purpose of making their work sure, they
+have determined to hold Washington City as the point whence to carry on
+their brutal warfare.  Our people can take it--they will take it--and
+Scott, the arch-traitor, and Lincoln, the Beast, combined, cannot
+prevent it.  The just indignation of an outraged and deeply injured
+people will teach the Illinois Ape to repeat his race and retrace his
+journey across the borders of the Free Negro States still more rapidly
+than he came.  * * *  Great cleansing and purification are needed and
+will be given to that festering sink of iniquity, that wallow of Lincoln
+and Scott--the desecrated city of Washington; and many indeed will be
+the carcasses of dogs and caitiff that will blacken the air upon the
+gallows before the great work is accomplished.  So let it be!"
+
+But despite all this fanfaronade of brutal bluster, and various
+movements that looked somewhat threatening, and this complete isolation
+for more than a week from the rest of the World, the city of Washington
+was not seized by the Rebels, after all.
+
+This nervous condition of affairs, however, existed until the 25th--and
+to General Benjamin F. Butler is due the chief credit of putting an end
+to it.  It seems he had reached the Susquehanna river at Perryville,
+with his Eighth Massachusetts Regiment on the 20th--the day after the
+Sixth Massachusetts had been mobbed at Baltimore--and, finding his
+further progress to Washington via Baltimore, barred by the destruction
+of the bridge across the Susquehanna, etc., he at once seized a large
+ferry steamer, embarked his men on her, steamed down the river and
+Chesapeake Bay to Annapolis, the capital of Maryland, took possession of
+the frigate Constitution, the Naval Academy, and the city itself,
+gathered supplies, and being reinforced by the arrival by water of the
+famous New York Seventh, and other regiments, repaired the branch
+railroad to Annapolis Junction (on the main line of railroad between
+Baltimore and Washington), and transferred his column from thence, by
+cars, on the 25th, to the National Capital--soon thereafter also taking
+military possession of Baltimore, which gave no further trouble to the
+Union Cause.  In the meantime, however, other untoward events to that
+Cause had happened.
+
+Two days after the Call for troops, the Virginia Convention (April 17th)
+secretly voted to Secede from the Union.  An expedition of Virginia
+troops was almost at once started to capture the Federal Arsenal at
+Harper's Ferry, which, as has already been intimated, was evacuated
+hastily on the night of the 18th, by the handful of Union regulars
+garrisoning it, after a futile effort to destroy the public property and
+stores it held.  Another expedition was started to seize the Federal
+Navy Yard at Norfolk--a rich prize, containing as it did, between 2,000
+and 3,000 pieces of heavy ordnance (300 of them Dahlgrens), three old
+line-of-battle ships and a number of frigates, including the Cumberland
+and the fine forty-gun steam frigate Merrimac, together with thousands
+of kegs of powder and immense stores of other munitions of war, and
+supplies--that had cost in all some $10,000,000.  Without an enemy in
+sight, however, this fine Navy Yard was shamefully evacuated, after
+partly scuttling and setting fire to the vessels--the Cumberland alone
+being towed away--and spiking the guns, and doing other not very
+material damage.
+
+So also, in North Carolina, Rebel influence was equally active.  On the
+20th of April Governor Ellis seized the Federal Branch Mint at,
+Charlotte, and on the 22d the Federal Arsenal at Fayetteville.  A few
+days thereafter his Legislature authorized him to tender to Virginia--
+which had already joined the Confederacy--or to the Government of the
+Confederate States itself, the volunteer forces of North Carolina.  And,
+although at the end of January the people of that State had decided at
+the polls that no Secession Convention be held, yet the subservient
+Legislature did not hesitate, on demand, to call one together which met
+in May and ordained such Secession.
+
+Thus, by the end of May, 1861, the Confederacy had grown to comprise
+nine instead of seven States, and the Confederate troops were
+concentrating on Richmond--whither the Rebel Government was soon to
+remove, from Montgomery.
+
+By this time also not only had the ranks of the regular Union Army been
+filled and largely added to, but 42,000 additional volunteers had been
+called out by President Lincoln; and the blockade of the Southern ports
+(including those of Virginia and North Carolina) that had been
+proclaimed by him, was, despite all obstacles, now becoming effectual
+and respected.
+
+Washington City and its suburbs, by the influx of Union volunteers, had
+during this month become a vast armed camp; the Potomac river had been
+crossed and the Virginia hills (including Arlington heights) which
+overlooked the Federal Capital, had been occupied and fortified by Union
+troops; the young and gallant Colonel Ellsworth had been killed by a
+Virginia Rebel while pulling down a Rebel flag in Alexandria; and
+General Benjamin F. Butler, in command at Fortress Monroe, had by an
+inspiration, solved one of the knottiest points confronting our armies,
+by declaring of three Negroes who had fled from their master so as to
+escape working on Rebel fortifications, that they should not be returned
+to that master--under the Fugitive Slave Law, as demanded by a Rebel
+officer with a flag of truce--but were confiscated "property," and would
+be retained, as "contraband of war."
+
+It was about this time, too, that the New Orleans Picayune fell into
+line with other unscrupulous Rebel sheets, by gravely declaring that:
+"All the Massachusetts troops now in Washington are Negroes, with the
+exception of two or three drummer boys.  General Butler, in command, is
+a native of Liberia.  Our readers may recollect old Ben, the barber, who
+kept a shop in Poydras street, and emigrated to Liberia with a small
+competence.  General Butler is his son."  Little did the writer of that
+paragraph dream how soon New Orleans would crouch at the very feet of
+that same General!
+
+And now, while the armed hosts on either side are assembling in hostile
+array, or resting on their arms, preliminary to the approaching fray of
+battle, let us glance at the alleged causes underlying this great
+Rebellion against the Union.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XI.
+
+                        THE CAUSES OF SECESSION.
+
+In preceding Chapters of this work, it has been briefly shown, that from
+the very hour in which the Republic of the United States was born, there
+have not been wanting, among its own citizens, those who hated it, and
+when they could not rule, were always ready to do what they could, by
+Conspiracy, Sedition, Mutiny, Nullification, Secession, or otherwise, to
+weaken and destroy it.  This fact, and the processes by which the
+Conspirators worked, is very well stated, in his documentary "History of
+the Rebellion," by Edward McPherson, when he says: "In the Slaveholding
+States, a considerable body of men have always been disaffected to the
+Union.  They resisted the adoption of the National Constitution, then
+sought to refine away the rights and powers of the General Government,
+and by artful expedients, in a series of years, using the excitements
+growing out of passing questions, finally perverted the sentiments of
+large masses of men, and prepared them for Revolution."
+
+Before giving further incontestable proofs establishing this fact, and
+before endeavoring to sift out the true cause or causes of Secession,
+let us first examine such evidences as are submitted by him in support
+of his proposition.
+
+The first piece of testimony, is an extract from an unpublished journal
+of U. S. Senator Maclay of Pennsylvania, from March 4, 1789, to March 3,
+1791--the period of the First Congress under the Federal Constitution.
+It runs thus:
+
+"1789, June 9.--In relation to the Tariff Bill, the affair of confining
+the East India Trade to the citizens of America had been negatived, and
+a committee had been appointed to report on this business.  The report
+came in with very high duties, amounting to a prohibition.  But a new
+phenomenon had made its appearance in the House (meaning the Senate)
+since Friday.
+
+"Pierce Butler, from South Carolina, had taken his seat, and flamed like
+a meteor.  He arraigned the whole Impost law, and then charged
+(indirectly) the whole Congress with a design of oppressing South
+Carolina.  He cried out for encouraging the Danes and Swedes, and
+foreigners of every kind, to come and take away our produce.  In fact he
+was for a Navigation Act reversed.
+
+"June 11.--Attended at the hall as usual.
+
+"Mr. Ralph Izard and Mr. Butler opposed the whole of the drawbacks in
+every shape whatever.
+
+"Mr. (William) Grayson, of Virginia, warm on this subject, said we were
+not ripe for such a thing.  We were a new Nation, and had no business
+for any such regulations--a Nation /sui generis/.
+
+"Mr. (Richard Henry) Lee (of Virginia) said drawbacks were right, but
+would be so much abused, he could not think of admitting them.
+
+"Mr. (Oliver) Ellsworth (of Connecticut) said New England rum would be
+exported, instead of West India, to obtain the drawback.
+
+"I thought it best to say a few words in reply to each.  We were a new
+Nation, it was true, but we were not a new People.  We were composed of
+individuals of like manners, habits, and customs with the European
+Nations.  What, therefore, had been found useful among them, came well
+recommended by experience to us.  Drawbacks stand as an example in this
+point of view to us.  If the thing was right in itself, there could be
+no just argument drawn against the use of a thing from the abuse of it.
+It would be the duty of Government to guard against abuses, by prudent
+appointments and watchful attention to officers.  That as to changing
+the kind of rum, I thought the collection Bill would provide for this,
+by limiting the exportation to the original casks and packages.  I said
+a great deal more, but really did not feel much interest either way.
+But the debates were very lengthy.
+
+"Butler flamed away, and THREATENED A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, with
+regard to his State, as sure as God was in the firmament.  He scattered
+his remarks over the whole Impost bill, calling it partial, oppressive,
+etc., and solely calculated to oppress South Carolina, and yet ever and
+anon declaring how clear of local views and how candid and dispassionate
+he was.  He degenerates into mere declamation.  His State would live
+free, or die glorious."
+
+The next piece of evidence is General Jackson's letter to Rev. A. J.
+Crawford, as follows:
+
+["Private."]
+
+"WASHINGTON, May 1, 1833.
+
+"MY DEAR SIR: * * * I have had a laborious task here, but Nullification
+is dead; and its actors and courtiers will only be remembered by the
+People to be execrated for their wicked designs to sever and destroy the
+only good Government on the globe, and that prosperity and happiness we
+enjoy over every other portion of the World.  Haman's gallows ought to
+be the fate of all such ambitious men who would involve their Country in
+Civil War, and all the evils in its train, that they might reign and
+ride on its whirlwinds and direct the storm.  The Free People of these
+United States have spoken, and consigned these wicked demagogues to
+their proper doom.  Take care of your Nullifiers; you have them among
+you; let them meet with the indignant frowns of every man who loves his
+Country.  The Tariff, it is now known, was a mere pretext--its burden
+was on your coarse woolens.  By the law of July, 1832, coarse woolen was
+reduced to five per cent., for the benefit of the South.  Mr. Clay's
+Bill takes it up and classes it with woolens at fifty per cent., reduces
+it gradually down to twenty per cent., and there it is to remain, and
+Mr. Calhoun and all the Nullifiers agree to the principle.  The cash
+duties and home valuation will be equal to fifteen per cent. more, and
+after the year 1842, you pay on coarse woolens thirty-five per cent.  If
+this is not Protection, I cannot understand; therefore the Tariff was
+only the pretext, and Disunion and a Southern Confederacy the real
+object.  The next pretext will be the Negro or Slavery question.
+
+"My health is not good, but is improving a little.  Present me kindly to
+your lady and family, and believe me to be your friend.  I will always
+be happy to hear from you.
+                         "ANDREW JACKSON."
+
+
+Another evidence is given in the following extract from Benton's "Thirty
+Years in the Senate," vol. ii., as follows:
+
+"The regular inauguration of this Slavery agitation dates from the year
+1835; but it had commenced two years before, and in this way:
+Nullification and Disunion had commenced in 1830, upon complaint against
+Protective Tariff.  That, being put down in 1833 under President
+Jackson's proclamation and energetic measures, was immediately
+substituted by the Slavery agitation.  Mr. Calhoun, when he went home
+from Congress in the spring of that year, told his friends that 'the
+South could never be united against the North on the Tariff question--
+that the sugar interest of Louisiana would keep her out--and that the
+basis of Southern Union must be shifted to the Slave question.'  Then
+all the papers in his interest, and especially the one at Washington,
+published by Mr. Duff Green, dropped Tariff agitation, and commenced
+upon Slavery, and in two years had the agitation ripe for inauguration,
+on the Slavery question.  And in tracing this agitation to its present
+stage, and to comprehend its rationale, it is not to be forgotten that
+it is a mere continuation of old Tariff Disunion, and preferred because
+more available."
+
+Again, from p. 490 of his private correspondence, Mr. Clay's words to an
+Alabamian, in 1844, are thus given:
+
+"From the developments now being made in South Carolina, it is perfectly
+manifest that a Party exists in that State seeking a Dissolution of the
+Union, and for that purpose employ the pretext of the rejection of Mr.
+Tyler's abominable treaty.  South Carolina, being surrounded by Slave
+States, would, in the event of a Dissolution of the Union, suffer only
+comparative evils; but it is otherwise with Kentucky.  She has the
+boundary of the Ohio extending four hundred miles on three Free States.
+What would our condition be in the event of the greatest calamity that
+could befall this Nation?"
+
+Allusion is also made to a letter written by Representative Nathan
+Appleton, of Boston, December 15, 1860, in which that gentleman said
+that when he was in Congress--in 1832-33--he had "made up his mind that
+Messrs. Calhoun, Hayne, McDuffie, etc., were desirous of a separation of
+the Slave States into a separate Confederacy, as more favorable to the
+security of Slave Property."
+
+After mentioning that "About 1835, some South Carolinians attempted a
+Disunion demonstration," our authority says: It is thus described by ex-
+Governor Francis Thomas of Maryland, in his speech in Baltimore, October
+29, 1861:
+
+"Full twenty years ago, when occupying my seat in the House of
+Representatives, I was surprised one morning, after the assembling of
+the House, to observe that all the members from the Slaveholding States
+were absent.  Whilst reflecting on this strange occurrence, I was asked
+why I was not in attendance on the Southern Caucus assembled in the room
+of the Committee on Claims.  I replied that I had received no
+invitation.
+
+"I then proposed to go to the Committee-room to see what was being done.
+When I entered, I found that little cock-sparrow, Governor Pickens, of
+South Carolina, addressing the meeting, and strutting about like a
+rooster around a barn-yard coop, discussing the following resolution:
+
+"' Resolved, That no member of Congress, representing a Southern
+constituency, shall again take his seat until a resolution is passed
+satisfactory to the South on the subject of Slavery.'
+
+"I listened to his language, and when he had finished, I obtained the
+floor, asking to be permitted to take part in the discussion.  I
+determined at once to kill the Treasonable plot hatched by John C.
+Calhoun, the Catiline of America, by asking questions.  I said to Mr.
+Pickens, 'What next do you propose we shall do? are we to tell the
+People that Republicanism is a failure?  If you are for that, I am not.
+I came here to sustain and uphold American institutions; to defend the
+rights of the North as well as the South; to secure harmony and good
+fellowship between all Sections of our common Country.' They dared not
+answer these questions.  The Southern temper had not then been gotten
+up.  As my questions were not answered, I moved an adjournment of the
+Caucus /sine die/.  Mr. Craig, of Virginia, seconded the motion, and the
+company was broken up.  We returned to the House, and Mr. Ingersoll, of
+Pennsylvania, a glorious patriot then as now, introduced a resolution
+which temporarily calmed the excitement."
+
+The remarks upon this statement, made November 4, 1861, by the National
+Intelligencer, were as follows:
+
+"However busy Mr. Pickens may have been in the Caucus after it met, the
+most active man in getting it up and pressing the Southern members to go
+into it, was Mr. R.  B. Rhett, also a member from South Carolina.  The
+occasion, or alleged cause of this withdrawal from the House into secret
+deliberation was an anti-Slavery speech of Mr. Slade, of Vermont, which
+Mr. Rhett violently denounced, and proposed to the Southern members to
+leave the House and go into Conclave in one of the Committee-rooms,
+which they generally did, if not all of them.  We are able to state,
+however, what may not have been known to Governor Thomas, that at least
+three besides himself, of those who did attend it, went there with a
+purpose very different from an intention to consent to any Treasonable
+measure.  These three men were Henry A.  Wise, Balie Peyton, and William
+Cost Johnson.  Neither of them opened his lips in the Caucus; they went
+to observe; and we can assure Governor Thomas, that if Mr. Pickens or
+Mr. Calhoun, (whom he names) or any one else had presented a distinct
+proposition looking to Disunion, or Revolt, or Secession, he would have
+witnessed a scene not soon to be forgotten.  The three whom we have
+mentioned were as brave as they were determined.  Fortunately, perhaps,
+the man whom they went particularly to watch, remained silent and
+passive."
+
+Let us, however, pursue the inquiry a little further.  On the 14th of
+November, 1860, Alexander H. Stephens addressed the Legislature of
+Georgia, and in a portion of that address--replying to a speech made
+before the same Body the previous evening by Mr. Toombs, in which the
+latter had "recounted the evils of this Government"--said:
+
+"The first [of these evils] was the Fishing Bounties, paid mostly to the
+sailors of New England.  Our friend stated that forty-eight years of our
+Government was under the administration of Southern Presidents.  Well,
+these Fishing Bounties began under the rule of a Southern President, I
+believe.  No one of them, during the whole forty-eight years, ever set
+his Administration against the principle or policy of them.  * * *
+
+"The next evil which my friend complained of, was the Tariff.  Well, let
+us look at that for a moment.  About the time I commenced noticing
+public matters, this question was agitating the Country almost as
+fearfully as the Slave question now is.  In 1832, when I was in college,
+South Carolina was ready to Nullify or Secede from the Union on this
+account.  And what have we seen?  The Tariff no longer distracts the
+public counsels.  Reason has triumphed!  The present Tariff was voted
+for by Massachusetts and South Carolina.  The lion and the lamb lay down
+together--every man in the Senate and House from Massachusetts and South
+Carolina, I think, voted for it, as did my honorable friend himself.
+And if it be true, to use the figure of speech of my honorable friend,
+that every man in the North that works in iron, and brass and wood, has
+his muscle strengthened by the protection of the Government, that
+stimulant was given by his vote and I believe (that of) every other
+Southern man.
+
+"Mr. TOOMBS--The Tariff lessened the duties.
+
+"Mr. STEPHENS--Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity voted with the
+South to lessen them, and they were made just as low as Southern men
+asked them to be, and that is the rate they are now at.  If reason and
+argument, with experience, produced such changes in the sentiments of
+Massachusetts from 1832 to 1857, on the subject of the Tariff, may not
+like changes be effected there by the same means--reason and argument,
+and appeals to patriotism on the present vexed question?  And who can
+say that by 1875 or 1890, Massachusetts may not vote with South Carolina
+and Georgia upon all those questions that now distract the Country and
+threaten its peace and existence.
+
+"Another matter of grievance alluded to by my honorable friend was the
+Navigation Laws.  This policy was also commenced under the
+Administration of one of these Southern Presidents who ruled so well,
+and has been continued through all of them since. * * * One of the
+objects (of these) was to build up a commercial American marine by
+giving American bottoms the exclusive Carrying Trade between our own
+ports.  This is a great arm of national power.  This object was
+accomplished.  We have now an amount of shipping, not only coastwise,
+but to foreign countries, which puts us in the front rank of the Nations
+of the World.  England can no longer be styled the Mistress of the Seas.
+What American is not proud of the result?  Whether those laws should be
+continued is another question.  But one thing is certain; no President,
+Northern or Southern, has ever yet recommended their repeal. * * *
+
+"These then were the true main grievances or grounds of complaint
+against the general system of our Government and its workings--I mean
+the administration of the Federal Government.  As to the acts of the
+federal States I shall speak presently: but these three were the main
+ones used against the common head.  Now, suppose it be admitted that all
+of these are evils in the system; do they overbalance and outweigh the
+advantages and great good which this same Government affords in a
+thousand innumerable ways that cannot be estimated?  Have we not at the
+South, as well as the North, grown great, prosperous, and happy under
+its operations?  Has any part of the World ever shown such rapid
+progress in the development of wealth, and all the material resources of
+national power and greatness, as the Southern States have under the
+General Government, notwithstanding all its defects?
+
+"Mr. TOOMBS--In spite of it.
+
+"Mr. STEPHENS--My honorable friend says we have, in spite of the General
+Government; that without it, I suppose he thinks, we might have done as
+well, or perhaps better, than we have done in spite of it.  * * *
+Whether we of the South would have been better off without the
+Government, is, to say the least, problematical.  On the one side we can
+only put the fact, against speculation and conjecture on the other.  * *
+*  The influence of the Government on us is like that of the atmosphere
+around us.  Its benefits are so silent and unseen that they are seldom
+thought of or appreciated.
+
+"We seldom think of the single element of oxygen in the air we breathe,
+and yet let this simple, unseen and unfelt agent be withdrawn, this
+life-giving element be taken away from this all-pervading fluid around
+us, and what instant and appalling changes would take place in all
+organic creation.
+
+"It may be that we are all that we are 'in spite of the General
+Government,' but it may be that without it we should have been far
+different from what we are now.  It is true that there is no equal part
+of the Earth with natural resources superior perhaps to ours.  That
+portion of this Country known as the Southern States, stretching from
+the Chesapeake to the Rio Grande, is fully equal to the picture drawn by
+the honorable and eloquent Senator last night, in all natural
+capacities.  But how many ages and centuries passed before these
+capacities were developed to reach this advanced age of civilization.
+There these same hills, rich in ore, same rivers, same valleys and
+plains, are as they have been since they came from the hand of the
+Creator; uneducated and uncivilized man roamed over them for how long no
+history informs us.
+
+"It was only under our institutions that they could be developed.  Their
+development is the result of the enterprise of our people, under
+operations of the Government and institutions under which we have lived.
+Even our people, without these, never would have done it.  The
+organization of society has much to do with the development of the
+natural resources of any Country or any Land.  The institutions of a
+People, political and moral, are the matrix in which the germ of their
+organic structure quickens into life--takes root, and develops in form,
+nature, and character.  Our institutions constitute the basis, the
+matrix, from which spring all our characteristics of development and
+greatness.  Look at Greece.  There is the same fertile soil, the same
+blue sky, the same inlets and harbors, the same AEgean, the same
+Olympus; there is the same land where Homer sung, where Pericles spoke;
+it is in nature the same old Greece--but it is living Greece no more.
+
+"Descendants of the same people inhabit the country; yet what is the
+reason of this vast difference?  In the midst of present degradation we
+see the glorious fragments of ancient works of art-temples, with
+ornaments and inscriptions that excite wonder and admiration--the
+remains of a once high order of civilization, which have outlived the
+language they spoke--upon them all, Ichabod is written--their glory has
+departed.  Why is this so?  I answer, their institutions have been
+destroyed.  These were but the fruits of their forms of government, the
+matrix from which their great development sprang; and when once the
+institutions of a People have been destroyed, there is no earthly power
+that can bring back the Promethean spark to kindle them here again, any
+more than in that ancient land of eloquence, poetry and song.
+
+"The same may be said of Italy.  Where is Rome, once the mistress of the
+World?  There are the same seven hills now, the same soil, the same
+natural resources; the nature is the same, but what a ruin of human
+greatness meets the eye of the traveler throughout the length and
+breadth of that most down-trodden land! why have not the People of that
+Heaven-favored clime, the spirit that animated their fathers?  Why this
+sad difference?
+
+"It is the destruction of their institutions that has caused it; and, my
+countrymen, if we shall in an evil hour rashly pull down and destroy
+those institutions which the patriotic hand of our fathers labored so
+long and so hard to build up, and which have done so much for us and the
+World, who can venture the prediction that similar results will not
+ensue?  Let us avoid it if we can.  I trust the spirit is among us that
+will enable us to do it.  Let us not rashly try the experiment, for, if
+it fails, as it did in Greece and Italy, and in the South American
+Republics, and in every other place wherever liberty is once destroyed,
+it may never be restored to us again.
+
+"There are defects in our government, errors in administration, and
+short-comings of many kinds; but in spite of these defects and errors,
+Georgia has grown to be a great State.  Let us pause here a moment.
+
+"When I look around and see our prosperity in everything, agriculture,
+commerce, art, science, and every department of education, physical and
+mental, as well as moral advancement--and our colleges--I think, in the
+face of such an exhibition, if we can, without the loss of power, or any
+essential right or interest, remain in the Union, it is our duty to
+ourselves and to posterity--let us not too readily yield to this
+temptation--to do so.  Our first parents, the great progenitors of the
+human race, were not without a like temptation, when in the Garden of
+Eden.  They were led to believe that their condition would be bettered--
+that their eyes would be opened--and that they would become as gods.
+They in an evil hour yielded--instead of becoming gods they only saw
+their own nakedness.
+
+"I look upon this Country, with our institutions, as the Eden of the
+World, the Paradise of the Universe.  It may be that out of it we may
+become greater and more prosperous, but I am candid and sincere in
+telling you that I fear if we rashly evince passion, and without
+sufficient cause shall take that step, that instead of becoming greater
+or more peaceful, prosperous, and happy--instead of becoming gods, we
+will become demons, and at no distant day commence cutting one another's
+throats.  This is my apprehension.
+
+"Let us, therefore, whatever we do, meet those difficulties, great as
+they are, like wise and sensible men, and consider them in the light of
+all the consequences which may attend our action.  Let us see first
+clearly where the path of duty leads, and then we may not fear to tread
+therein."
+
+
+Said Senator Wigfall, of Texas, March 4, 1861, in the United States
+Senate, only a few hours before Mr. Lincoln's Inauguration:
+
+"I desire to pour oil on the waters, to produce harmony, peace and quiet
+here.  It is early in the morning, and I hope I shall not say anything
+that may be construed as offensive.  I rise merely that we may have an
+understanding of this question.
+
+"It is not Slavery in the Territories, it is not expansion, which is the
+difficulty.  If the resolution which the Senator from Wisconsin
+introduced here, denying the right of Secession, had been adopted by
+two-thirds of each branch of this department of the Government, and had
+been ratified by three-fourths of the States, I have no hesitation in
+saying that, so far as the State in which I live and to which I owe my
+allegiance is concerned, if she had no other cause for a disruption of
+the Union taking place, she would undoubtedly have gone out.
+
+     [To insert as an additional article of amendment to the
+     Constitution, the following: "Under this Constitution, as
+     originally adopted, and as it now exists, no State has power to
+     withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United States: but this
+     Constitution, and all laws passed in pursuance of its delegated
+     powers, are the Supreme Law of the Land, anything contained in any
+     constitution, ordinance, or act of any State, to the contrary
+     notwithstanding."]
+
+"The moment you deny the right of self-government to the free White men
+of the South, they will leave the Government.  They believe in the
+Declaration of Independence.  They believe that:
+
+"'Governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from
+the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government
+becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the People to
+alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new Government, laying its
+foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as
+to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.'
+
+"That principle of the Declaration of Independence is the one upon which
+the free White men of the South predicated their devotion to the present
+Constitution of the United States; and it was the denial of that, as
+much as anything else, that has created the dissatisfaction in that
+Section of the Country.
+
+"There is no instrument of writing that has ever been written that has
+been more misapprehended and misunderstood and misrepresented than this
+same unfortunate Declaration of Independence, and no set of gentlemen
+have ever been so slandered as the fathers who drew and signed that
+Declaration.
+
+"If there was a thing on earth that they did not intend to assert, it
+was that a Negro was a White man.  As I said here, a short time ago, one
+of the greatest charges they made against the British Government was,
+that old King George was attempting to establish the fact practically
+that all men were created Free and Equal.  They charged him in the
+Declaration of Independence with inciting their Slaves to insurrection.
+That is one of the grounds upon which they threw off their allegiance to
+the British Parliament.
+
+"Another great misapprehension is, that the men who drafted that
+Declaration of Independence had any peculiar fancy for one form of
+government rather than another.  They were not fighting to establish a
+Democracy in this country; they were not fighting to establish a
+Republican form of government in this Country.  Nothing was further from
+their intention.
+
+"Alexander Hamilton, after he had fought for seven years, declared that
+the British form of government was the best that the ingenuity of man
+had ever devised; and when John Adams said to him, 'without its
+corruptions;'  'Why,' said he, 'its corruptions are its greatest
+excellence; without the corruptions, it would be nothing.'
+
+"In the Declaration of Independence, they speak of George III., after
+this fashion.  They say:
+
+"'A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define
+a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free People.'
+
+"Now, I ask any plain common-sense man what was the meaning of that?
+Was it that they were opposed to a Monarchical form of government?  Was
+it that they believed a Monarchical form of government was incompatible
+with civil liberty?  No, sir; they entertained no such absurd idea.
+None of them entertained it; but they say that George III, was a prince
+whose character was 'marked by every act which may define a tyrant' and
+that therefore he was 'unfit to be the ruler of a free People.'  Had his
+character not been so marked by every quality which would define a
+tyrant, he might have been the fit ruler of a free People; ergo, a
+monarchical form of Government was not incompatible with civil liberty.
+
+"That was clearly the opinion of those men.  I do not advocate it now;
+for I have said frequently that we are wiser than our fathers, and our
+children will be wiser than we are.  One hundred years hence, men will
+understand their own affairs much better than we do.  We understand our
+affairs better than those who preceded us one hundred years.  But what I
+assert is, that the men of the Revolution did not believe that a
+Monarchical form of Government was incompatible with civil liberty.
+
+"What I assert is, that when they spoke of 'all men being created
+equal,' they were speaking of the White men who then had unsheathed
+their swords--for what purpose?  To establish the right of self-
+government in themselves; and when they had achieved that, they
+established, not Democracies, but Republican forms of Government in the
+thirteen sovereign, separate and independent Colonies.  Yet the
+Declaration of Independence is constantly quoted to prove Negro
+equality.  It proves no such thing; it was intended to prove no such
+thing.
+
+"The 'glittering generalities' which a distinguished former Senator from
+Massachusetts (Mr. Choate) spoke of, as contained in the Declaration of
+Independence, one of them at least, about all men being created equal--
+was not original with Mr. Jefferson.  I recollect seeing a pamphlet
+called the Principles of the Whigs and Jacobites, published about the
+year 1745, when the last of the Stuarts, called 'the Pretender,' was
+striking a blow that was fatal to himself, but a blow for his crown, in
+which pamphlet the very phraseology is used, word for word and letter
+for letter.  I have not got it here to-night.  I sent the other day to
+the Library to try and find it, but could not find it; it was burnt, I
+believe, with the pamphlets that were burnt some time ago.
+
+"That Mr. Jefferson copied it or plagiarized it, is not true, I suppose,
+any more than the charge that the distinguished Senator from New York
+plagiarized from the Federalist in preparing his celebrated compromising
+speech which was made here a short time ago.  It was the cant phrase of
+the day in 1745, which was only about thirty years previous to the
+Declaration of Independence.  This particular pamphlet, which I have
+read, was published; others were published at the same time.  That sort
+of phraseology was used.
+
+"There was a war of classes in England; there were men who were
+contending for legitimacy; who were contending for the right of the
+Crown being inherent and depending on the will of God, 'the divine right
+of Kings,' for maintaining an hereditary landed-aristocracy; there was
+another Party who were contending against this doctrine of legitimacy,
+and the right of primogeniture.  These were called the Whigs; they
+established this general phraseology in denouncing the divine right and
+the doctrine of legitimacy, and it became the common phraseology of the
+Country; so that in the obscure county of Mecklenburg, in North
+Carolina, a declaration containing the same assertions was found as in
+this celebrated Declaration of Independence, written by the immortal
+Jefferson.
+
+"Which of us, I ask, is there upon this floor who has not read and re-
+read whatever was written within the last twenty-five or thirty years by
+the distinguished men of this country?  But enough of that.
+
+"As I said before, there ought not have been, and there did not
+necessarily result from our form of Government, any irrepressible
+conflict between the Slaveholding and the non-Slaveholding States.
+Nothing of the sort was necessary.
+
+"Strike out a single clause in the Constitution of the United States,
+that which secures to each State a Republican form of Government, and
+there is no reason why, under precisely such a Constitution as we have,
+States that are Monarchical and States that are Republican, could not
+live in peace and quiet.  They confederate together for common defense
+and general welfare, each State regulating its domestic concerns in its
+own way; those which preferred a Republican form of Government
+maintaining it, and those which preferred a Monarchical form of
+Government maintaining it.
+
+"But how long could small States, with different forms of Government,
+live together, confederated for common defense and general welfare, if
+the people of one Section were to come to the conclusion that their
+institutions were better than those of the other, and thereupon
+straightway set about subverting the institutions of the other?"
+
+
+In the reply of the Rebel "Commissioners of the Southern Confederacy"
+to Mr. Seward, April 9, 1861, they speak of our Government as being
+"persistently wedded to those fatal theories of construction of the
+Federal Constitution always rejected by the statesmen of the South, and
+adhered to by those of the Administration school, until they have
+produced their natural and often-predicted result of the destruction of
+the Union, under which we might have continued to live happily and
+gloriously together, had the spirit of the ancestry who framed the
+common Constitution animated the hearts of all their sons."
+
+In the "Address of the people of South Carolina, assembled in
+Convention, to the people of the Slaveholding States of the United
+States," by which the attempt was made to justify the passage of the
+South Carolina Secession Ordinance of 1860, it is declared that:
+
+"Discontent and contention have moved in the bosom of the Confederacy,
+for the last thirty-five years.  During this time South Carolina has
+twice called her people together in solemn Convention, to take into
+consideration, the aggressions and unconstitutional wrongs, perpetrated
+by the people of the North on the people of the South.  These wrongs
+were submitted to by the people of the South, under the hope and
+expectation that they would be final.  But such hope and expectation
+have proved to be vain.  Instead of producing forbearance, our
+acquiescence has only instigated to new forms of aggressions and
+outrage; and South Carolina, having again assembled her people in
+Convention, has this day dissolved her connection with the States
+constituting the United States.
+
+"The one great evil from which all other evils have flowed, is the
+overthrow of the Constitution of the United States.  The Government of
+the United States, is no longer the Government of Confederated
+Republics, but of a consolidated Democracy.  It is no longer a free
+Government, but a Despotism.  It is, in fact, such a Government as Great
+Britain attempted to set over our Fathers; and which was resisted and
+defeated by a seven years struggle for Independence.
+
+"The Revolution of 1776, turned upon one great principle, self-
+government,--and self-taxation, the criterion of self-government.
+
+"The Southern States now stand exactly in the same position towards the
+Northern States, that the Colonies did towards Great Britain.  The
+Northern States, having the majority in Congress, claim the same power
+of omnipotence in legislation as the British Parliament.  'The General
+Welfare' is the only limit to the legislation of either; and the
+majority in Congress, as in the British Parliament, are the sole judges
+of the expediency of the legislation this 'General Welfare' requires.
+Thus the Government of the United States has become a consolidated
+Government; and the people of the Southern States are compelled to meet
+the very despotism their fathers threw off in the Revolution of 1776.
+
+"The consolidation of the Government of Great Britain over the Colonies,
+was attempted to be carried out by the taxes.  The British Parliament
+undertook to tax the Colonies to promote British interests.  Our fathers
+resisted this pretension.  They claimed the right of self-taxation
+through their Colonial Legislatures.  They were not represented in the
+British Parliament, and, therefore, could not rightly be taxed by its
+legislation.  The British Government, however, offered them a
+representation in Parliament; but it was not sufficient to enable them
+to protect themselves from the majority, and they refused the offer.
+Between taxation without any representation, and taxation without a
+representation adequate to protection, there was no difference.  In
+neither case would the Colonies tax themselves.  Hence, they refused to
+pay the taxes laid by the British Parliament.
+
+"And so with the Southern States, towards the Northern States, in the
+vital matter of taxation.  They are in a minority in Congress.  Their
+representation in Congress is useless to protect them against unjust
+taxation; and they are taxed by the people of the North for their
+benefit, exactly as the people of Great Britain taxed our ancestors in
+the British Parliament for their benefit.  For the last forty years, the
+taxes laid by the Congress of the United States have been laid with a
+view of subserving the interests of the North.  The people of the South
+have been taxed by duties on imports, not for revenue, but for an object
+inconsistent with revenue--to promote, by prohibitions, Northern
+interests in the productions of their mines and manufactures.
+
+"There is another evil, in the condition of the Southern towards the
+Northern States, which our ancestors refused to bear towards Great
+Britain.  Our ancestors not only taxed themselves, but all the taxes
+collected from them were expended amongst them.  Had they submitted to
+the pretensions of the British Government, the taxes collected from
+them, would have been expended in other parts of the British Empire.
+They were fully aware of the effect of such a policy in impoverishing
+the people from whom taxes are collected, and in enriching those who
+receive the benefit of their expenditure.
+
+"To prevent the evils of such a policy, was one of the motives which
+drove them on to Revolution, yet this British policy has been fully
+realized towards the Southern States, by the Northern States.  The
+people of the Southern States are not only taxed for the benefit of the
+Northern States, but after the taxes are collected, three fourths of
+them are expended at the North.  This cause, with others, connected with
+the operation of the General Government, has made the cities of the
+South provincial.  Their growth is paralyzed; they are mere suburbs of
+Northern cities.  The agricultural productions of the South are the
+basis of the foreign commerce of the United States; yet Southern cities
+do not carry it on.  Our foreign trade is almost annihilated.  * * *
+
+"No man can for a moment believe, that our ancestors intended to
+establish over their posterity, exactly the same sort of Government they
+had overthrown.  * * *  Yet by gradual and steady encroachments on the
+part of the people of the North, and acquiescence on the part of the
+South, the limitations in the Constitution have been swept away; and the
+Government of the United States has become consolidated, with a claim of
+limitless powers in its operations.  * * *
+
+"A majority in Congress, according to their interested and perverted
+views, is omnipotent.  * * *  Numbers with them, is the great element of
+free Government.  A majority is infallible and omnipotent.  'The right
+divine to rule in Kings,' is only transferred to their majority.  The
+very object of all Constitutions, in free popular Government, is to
+restrain the majority.  Constitutions, therefore, according to their
+theory, must be most unrighteous inventions, restricting liberty.  None
+ought to exist; but the body politic ought simply to have a political
+organization, to bring out and enforce the will of the majority.  This
+theory is a remorseless despotism.  In resisting it, as applicable to
+ourselves, we are vindicating the great cause of free Government, more
+important, perhaps, to the World, than the existence of all the United
+States."
+
+
+In his Special Message to the Confederate Congress at Montgomery, April
+29, 1861, Mr. Jefferson Davis said:
+
+"From a period as early as 1798, there had existed in all the States a
+Party, almost uninterruptedly in the majority, based upon the creed that
+each State was, in the last resort, the sole judge, as well of its
+wrongs as of the mode and measure of redress.  * * *  The Democratic
+Party of the United States repeated, in its successful canvas of 1836,
+the declaration, made in numerous previous political contests, that it
+would faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the
+Kentucky and Virginia Legislatures of [1798 and] 1799, and that it
+adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of
+its political creed."
+
+In a letter addressed by the Rebel Commissioners in London (Yancey, Rost
+and Mann), August 14, 1861, to Lord John Russell, Secretary of Foreign
+Affairs, it appears that they said: "It was from no fear that the Slaves
+would be liberated, that Secession took place.  The very Party in power
+has proposed to guarantee Slavery forever in the States, if the South
+would but remain in the Union."  On the 4th of May preceding, Lord John
+had received these Commissioners at his house; and in a letter of May
+11, 1861, wrote, from the Foreign Office, to Lord Lyons, the British
+Minister at Washington, a letter, in which, alluding to his informal
+communication with them, he said: "One of these gentlemen, speaking for
+the others, dilated on the causes which had induced the Southern States
+to Secede from the Northern.  The principal of these causes, he said,
+was not Slavery, but the very high price which, for the sake of
+Protecting the Northern manufacturers, the South were obliged to pay for
+the manufactured goods which they required.  One of the first acts of
+the Southern Congress was to reduce these duties, and to prove their
+sincerity he gave as an instance that Louisiana had given up altogether
+that Protection on her sugar which she enjoyed by the legislation of the
+United States.  As a proof of the riches of the South.  He stated that
+of $350,000,000 of exports of produce to foreign countries $270,000,000
+were furnished by the Southern States."  * * *  They pointed to the new
+Tariff of the United States as a proof that British manufactures would
+be nearly excluded from the North, and freely admitted in the South.
+
+
+This may be as good a place as any other to say a few words touching
+another alleged "cause" of Secession.  During the exciting period just
+prior to the breaking out of the great War of the Rebellion, the Slave-
+holding and Secession-nursing States of the South, made a terrible
+hubbub over the Personal Liberty Bills of the Northern States.  And when
+Secession came, many people of the North supposed these Bills to be the
+prime, if not the only real cause of it.  Not so.  They constituted, as
+we now know, only a part of the mere pretext.  But, none the less, they
+constituted a portion of the history of that eventful time, and cannot
+be altogether ignored.
+
+In order then, that the reader may quickly grasp, not only the general
+nature, but also the most important details of the Personal Liberty
+Bills (in force, in 1860, in many of the Free States) so frequently
+alluded to in the Debates of Congress, in speeches on the stump, and in
+the fulminations of Seceding States and their authorized agents,
+commissioners, and representatives, it may be well now, briefly to refer
+to them, and to state that no such laws existed in California, Illinois,
+Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota, New York, Ohio and Oregon.
+
+Those of Maine provided that no officer of the State should in any way
+assist in the arrest or detention of a Fugitive Slave, and made it the
+duty of county attorneys to defend the Fugitive Slave against the claim
+of his master.  A Bill to repeal these laws passed the Maine Senate, but
+failed in the House.
+
+That of Massachusetts provided for commissioners in each county to
+defend alleged Fugitives from Service or Labor; for payment by the
+Commonwealth of all expenses of defense; prohibited the issue or service
+of process by State officers for arrest of alleged Fugitives, or the use
+of any prisons in the State for their detention, or that of any person
+aiding their escape; prohibited the kidnapping or removal of alleged
+Fugitive Slaves by any person; prohibited all officers within the State,
+down to Town officers, from arresting, imprisoning, detaining or
+returning to Service "any Person for the reason that he is claimed or
+adjudged to be a Fugitive from Service or Labor"--all such prohibitions
+being enforced by heavy fines and imprisonment.  The Act of March 25,
+1861, materially modified and softened the above provisions.
+
+New Hampshire's law, provided that all Slaves entering the State with
+consent of the master shall be Free, and made the attempt to hold any
+person as a Slave within the State a felony.
+
+Vermont's, prescribed that no process under the Fugitive Slave Law
+should be recognized by any of her Courts, officers, or citizens; nor
+any aid given in arresting or removing from the State any Person claimed
+as a Fugitive Slave; provided counsel for alleged Fugitives; for the
+issue of habeas corpus and trial by jury of issues of fact between the
+parties; ordained Freedom to all within the State who may have been held
+as Slaves before coming into it, and prescribed heavy penalties for any
+attempt to return any such to Slavery.  A bill to repeal these laws,
+proposed November, 1860, in the Vermont House of Representatives, was
+beaten by two to one.
+
+Connecticut's, provided that there must be two witnesses to prove that a
+Person is a Slave; that depositions are not evidence; that false
+testifying in Fugitive Slave cases shall be punishable by fine of $5,000
+and five years in State prison.
+
+In New Jersey, the only laws touching the subject, permitted persons
+temporarily sojourning in the State to bring and hold their Slaves, and
+made it the duty of all State officers to aid in the recovery of
+Fugitives from Service.
+
+In Pennsylvania, barring an old dead-letter Statute, they simply
+prohibited any interference by any of the Courts, Aldermen, or Justices
+of the Peace, of the Commonwealth, with the functions of the
+Commissioner appointed under the United States Statute in Fugitive Slave
+cases.
+
+In Michigan, the law required States' attorneys to defend Fugitive
+Slaves; prescribed the privileges of habeas corpus and jury trial for
+all such arrested; prohibited the use of prisons of the State for their
+detention; required evidence of two credible witnesses as to identity;
+and provided heavy penalties of fine and imprisonment for the seizure of
+any Free Person, with intent to have such Person held in Slavery.  A
+Bill to repeal the Michigan law was defeated in the House by about two
+to one.
+
+Wisconsin's Personal Liberty law was similar to that of Michigan, but
+with this addition, that no judgment recovered against any person in
+that State for violating the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 should be
+enforced by sale or execution of any real or personal property in that
+State.
+
+That of Rhode Island, forbade the carrying away of any Person by force
+out of the State; forbade the official aiding in the arrest or detention
+of a Fugitive Slave; and denied her jails to the United States for any
+such detention.
+
+Apropos of this subject, and before leaving it, it may be well to quote
+remarks of Mr. Simons of Rhode Island, in the United States Senate.
+Said he: "Complaint has been made of Personal Liberty Bills.  Now, the
+Massachusetts Personal Liberty Bill was passed by a Democratic House, a
+Democratic Senate, and signed by a Democratic Governor, a man who was
+afterwards nominated by Mr. Polk for the very best office in New
+England, and was unanimously confirmed by a Democratic United States
+Senate.  Further than this, the very first time the attention of the
+Massachusetts Legislature was called to the propriety of a repeal of
+this law was by a Republican Governor.  Now, on the other hand, South
+Carolina had repealed a law imprisoning British colored sailors, but
+retained the one imprisoning those coming from States inhabited by her
+own brethren!"
+
+These Personal Liberty Bills were undoubtedly largely responsible for
+some of the irritation on the Slavery question preceding open
+hostilities between the Sections.  But President Lincoln sounded the
+real depths of the Rebellion when he declared it to be a War upon the
+rights of the People.  In his First Annual Message, December 3, 1861, he
+said:
+
+"It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not
+exclusively, a War upon the first principle of popular government--the
+rights of the People.  Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most
+grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the
+general tone of the insurgents.  In those documents we find the
+abridgment of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the
+People of all right to participate in the selection of public officers,
+except the legislative, boldly advocated, with labored arguments to
+prove that large control of the People in government is the source of
+all political evil.  Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a
+possible refuge from the power of the People.
+
+"In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit
+raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.
+
+"It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general argument should be
+made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its
+connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask brief
+attention.  It is the effort to place Capital on an equal footing with,
+if not above Labor, in the structure of the Government.
+
+"It is assumed that Labor is available only in connection with Capital;
+that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning Capital, somehow by the
+use of it induces him to labor.  This assumed, it is next considered
+whether it is best that Capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce
+them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and drive them to it
+without their consent.  Having proceeded so far, it is naturally
+concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers, or what we call
+Slaves.  And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer
+is fixed in that condition for life.
+
+"Now, there is no such relation between Capital and Labor as assumed;
+nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life, in the
+condition of a hired laborer.  Both these assumptions are false, and all
+inferences from them are groundless.
+
+"Labor is prior to, and independent of Capital.  Capital is only the
+fruit of Labor, and could never have existed if Labor had not first
+existed.  Labor is the superior of Capital, and deserves much the higher
+consideration.  Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of
+protection as any other rights.  Nor is it denied that there is, and
+probably always will be, a relation between Labor and Capital, producing
+mutual benefits.  The error is in assuming that the whole Labor of the
+community exists within that relation.
+
+"A few men own Capital, and that few, avoid labor themselves, and with
+their Capital hire or buy another few to labor for them.  A large
+majority belong to neither class--neither work for others, nor have
+others working for them.
+
+"In most of the Southern States, a majority of the whole people of all
+colors are neither Slaves nor masters; while in the Northern, a large
+majority are neither hirers nor hired.  Men with their families--wives,
+sons, and daughters--work for themselves, on their farms, in their
+houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and
+asking no favors of Capital on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or
+Slaves on the other.
+
+"It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their
+own Labor with Capital--that is they labor with their own hands, and
+also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed, and
+not a distinct class.  No principle stated is disturbed by the existence
+of this mixed class.
+
+"Again, as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such
+thing as the free hired-laborer being fixed to that condition for life.
+Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in
+their lives, were hired laborers.
+
+"The prudent, penniless beginner in the World, labors for wages awhile,
+saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors
+on his own account another while, and at length hires another new
+beginner to help him.  This is the just and generous and prosperous
+system, which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent
+energy and progress, and improvement of condition to all.
+
+"No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from
+poverty--none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not
+honestly earned.  Let them beware of surrendering a political power
+which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be
+used to close the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix
+new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of Liberty shall be
+lost.  * * *  The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day-it is
+a vast future also.  * * * "
+
+
+So too, Andrew Johnson, in his speech before the Senate, January 31,
+1862, spake well and truly when he said that "there has been a
+deliberate design for years to change the nature and character and
+genius of this Government."  And he added: "Do we not know that these
+schemers have been deliberately at work, and that there is a Party in
+the South, with some associates in the North, and even in the West, that
+have become tired of Free Government, in which they have lost
+confidence."
+
+Said he: "They raise an outcry against 'Coercion,' that they may
+paralyze the Government, cripple the exercise of the great powers with
+which it was invested, finally to change its form and subject us to a
+Southern despotism.  Do we not know it to be so?  Why disguise this
+great truth?  Do we not know that they have been anxious for a change of
+Government for years?  Since this Rebellion commenced it has manifested
+itself in many quarters.
+
+"How long is it since the organ of the Government at Richmond, the
+Richmond Whig, declared that rather than live under the Government of
+the United States, they preferred to take the Constitutional Queen of
+Great Britain as their protector; that they would make an alliance with
+Great Britain for the purpose of preventing the enforcement of the Laws
+of the United States.  Do we not know this?"
+
+
+Stephen A. Douglas also, in his great Union speech at Chicago, May 1,
+1861--only a few days before his lamented death-said:
+
+"The election of Mr. Lincoln is a mere pretext.  The present Secession
+movement is the result of an enormous Conspiracy formed more than a year
+since formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve
+months ago.  They use the Slavery question as a means to aid the
+accomplishment of their ends.  They desired the election of a Northern
+candidate by a Sectional vote, in order to show that the two Sections
+cannot live together.
+
+"When the history of the two years from the Lecompton question down to
+the Presidential election shall be written, it will be shown that the
+scheme was deliberately made to break up this Union.
+
+"They desired a Northern Republican to be elected by a purely Northern
+vote, and then assign this fact as a reason why the Sections cannot live
+together.  If the Disunion candidate--(Breckinridge) in the late
+Presidential contest had carried the united South, their scheme was, the
+Northern candidate successful, to seize the Capital last Spring, and by
+a united South and divided North, hold it.
+
+"Their scheme was defeated, in the defeat of the Disunion candidates in
+several of the Southern States.
+
+"But this is no time for a detail of causes.  The Conspiracy is now
+known; Armies have been raised.  War is levied to accomplish it.  There
+are only two sides to the question.
+
+"Every man must be for the United States, or against it.  There can be
+no Neutrals in this War; only Patriots or Traitors!  [Cheer after
+Cheer]."
+
+
+In a speech made in the United States Senate, January 31, 1862, Senator
+McDougall of California--conceded to be intellectually the peer of any
+man in that Body--said:
+
+"We are at War.  How long have we been at War?  We have been engaged in
+a war of opinion, according to my historical recollection, since 1838.
+There has been a Systematic organized war against the Institutions
+established by our fathers, since 1832.  This is known of all men who
+have read carefully the history of our Country.  If I had the leisure,
+or had consulted the authorities, I would give it year by year, and date
+by date, from that time until the present, how men adversary to our
+Republican Institutions have been organizing War against us, because
+they did not approve of our Republican Institutions.
+
+"Before the Mexican War, it is well known that General Quitman, then
+Governor of Mississippi, was organizing to produce the same condition of
+things (and he hoped a better condition of things, for he hoped a
+successful Secession), to produce this same revolution that is now
+disturbing our whole Land.  The War with Mexico, fighting for a Southern
+proposition, for which I fought myself, made the Nation a unit until
+1849; and then again they undertook an Organization to produce
+Revolution.  These things are history.  This statement is true, and
+cannot be denied among intelligent men anywhere, and cannot be denied in
+this Senate.
+
+"The great men who sat in Council in this Hall, the great men of the
+Nation, men whose equals are not, and I fear will not be for many years,
+uniting their judgments, settled the controversy in 1850.  They did not
+settle it for the Conspirators of the South, for they were not parties
+to the compact.  Clay and Webster, and the great men who united with
+them, had no relation with the extremes of either extreme faction.  The
+Compromise was made, and immediately after it had been effected, again
+commenced the work of organization.  I had the honor to come from my
+State on the Pacific into the other branch of the Federal Congress, and
+there I learned as early as 1853, that the work of Treason was as
+industriously pursued as it is being pursued to-day.  I saw it; I felt
+it; I knew it.  I went home to the shores of the Pacific instructed
+somewhat on this subject.
+
+"Years passed by.  I engaged in my duties as a simple professional man,
+not connected with public affairs.  The question of the last
+Presidential election arose before the Country--one of those great
+questions that are not appreciated, I regret from my heart, by the
+American Nation, when we elect a President, a man who has more power for
+his time than any enthroned Monarch in Europe.  We organize a Government
+and place him in front as the head and the Chief of the Government.
+That question came before the American People.
+
+"At that time I was advised of this state of feeling--and I will state
+it in as exact form of words as I can state it, that it may be
+understood by Senators: Mr. Douglas is a man acceptable to the South.
+Mr. Douglas is a man to whom no one has just cause of exception
+throughout the South.  Mr. Douglas is more acceptable to Mississippi and
+Louisiana than Mr. Breckinridge.  Mr. Breckinridge is not acceptable to
+the South; or at least, if he is so, he is not in the same degree with
+Mr. Douglas.  Mr. Douglas is the accepted man of a great National Party,
+and if he is brought into the field he will be triumphantly elected.
+THAT MUST NOT BE DONE, because THE ORGANIZATION FOR SECESSION IS
+MATURED.  EVERYTHING IS PREPARED, and the election of Mr. Douglas would
+only postpone it for four years; and Now when we are PREPARED to carry
+out these things WE MUST INDULGE IN STRATAGEM, and the nomination of Mr.
+Breckinridge is a mere strategic movement to divide the great
+conservative Party of the Nation into two, so as to elect a Republican
+candidate AND CONSOLIDATE THE SOUTH BY THE CRY OF 'ABOLITIONIST!'
+
+"That is a mere simple statement of the truth, and it cannot be
+contradicted.  Now, in that scheme all the men of counsel of that Party
+were engaged.  * * *  I, on the far shores of the Pacific understood
+those things as long ago as a year last September (1860).  I was advised
+about this policy and well informed of it.  * * *
+
+"I was at war, in California, in January (1861) last; in the maintenance
+of the opinions that I am now maintaining, I had to go armed to protect
+myself from violence.  The country, whenever there was controversy, was
+agitated to its deepest foundations.  That is known, perhaps, not to
+gentlemen who live up in Maine or Massachusetts, or where you are
+foreign to all this agitation; but known to all people where disturbance
+might have been effective in consequences.  I felt it, and had to carry
+my life in my hand by the month, as did my friends surrounding me.
+
+"I say that all through last winter (that of 1860-61) War had been
+inaugurated in all those parts of the Country where disturbed elements
+could have efficient result.  In January (1861), a year ago, I stood in
+the hall of the House of Representatives of my State, and there was War
+then, and angry faces and hostile men were gathered; and we knew then
+well that the Southern States had determined to withdraw themselves from
+the Federal Union.
+
+"I happened to be one of those men who said, 'they shall not do it;' and
+it appears to me that the whole argument is between that class of men
+and the class of men who said they would let them do it.  * * *  When
+this doctrine was started here of disintegrating the Cotton States from
+the rest of the Confederacy, I opposed it at once.  I saw immediately
+that War was to be invoked.  * * *
+
+"I will not say these things were understood by gentlemen of the
+Republican Party * * * but I, having been accepted and received as a
+Democrat of the old school from the olden time, and HAVING FAST SOUTHERN
+SYMPATHIES, I DID KNOW ALL ABOUT THEM. * * * I KNOW THAT SECESSION WAS A
+THING DETERMINED UPON.  * * * I was advised of and understood the whole
+programme, KNEW HOW IT WAS TO BE DONE IN ITS DETAILS; and I being
+advised, made war against it.  * * *
+
+"War had been, in fact, inaugurated.  What is War?  Was it the firing on
+our flag at Sumter?  Was that the first adversary passage?  To say so,
+is trifling with men's judgments and information.  No, sir; when they
+organized a Government, and set us at defiance, they commenced War; and
+the various steps they took afterwards, by organizing their troops, and
+forming their armies, and advancing upon Sumter; all these were merely
+acts of War; but War was inaugurated whenever they undertook to say they
+would maintain themselves as a separate and independent government; and,
+after that time, every man who gave his assistance to them was a
+Traitor, according to the highest Law."
+
+The following letter, written by one of the most active of the Southern
+conspirators in 1858, during the great Douglas and Lincoln Debate of
+that year, to which extended reference has already been made, is of
+interest in this connection, not only as corroborative evidence of the
+fact that the Rebellion of the Cotton States had been determined on long
+before Mr. Lincoln was elected President, but as showing also that the
+machinery for "firing the Southern heart" and for making a "solid South"
+was being perfected even then.  The subsequent split in the Democratic
+Party, and nomination of Breckinridge by the Southern wing of it, was
+managed by this same Yancey, simply as parts of the deliberate programme
+of Secession and Rebellion long before determined on by the Cotton Lords
+of the Cotton States.
+
+
+                         "MONTGOMERY, June 15, 1858.
+
+"DEAR SIR:--Your kind favor of the 13th is received.
+
+"I hardly agree with you that a general movement can be made that will
+clean out the Augean Stable.  If the Democracy were overthrown it would
+result in giving place to a greedier and hungrier swarm of flies.
+
+"The remedy of the South is not in such a process.  It is in a diligent
+organization of her true men for prompt resistance to the next
+aggression.  It must come in the nature of things.  No National Party
+can save us.  No Sectional Party can ever do it.  But if we could do as
+our fathers did--organize 'Committees of Safety' all over the Cotton
+States (and it is only in them that we can hope for any effective
+movement), we shall fire the Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind,
+give courage to each other, and at the proper moment, by one organized,
+concerted action, we can precipitate the Cotton States into a
+revolution.
+
+"The idea has been shadowed forth in the South by Mr. Ruffin; has been
+taken up and recommended in the Advertiser under the name of 'League of
+United Southerners,' who, keeping up their old relations on all other
+questions, will hold the Southern issues paramount, and influence
+parties, legislatures and statesmen.  I have no time to enlarge, but to
+suggest merely.
+
+"In haste, yours, etc.
+                         "W. L. YANCEY.
+
+"To JAMES S. SLAUGHTER."
+
+
+At Jackson, Mississippi, in the fall of the same year (1858) just after
+the great Debate between Douglas and Lincoln had closed, Jefferson Davis
+had already raised the standard of Revolution, Secession and Disunion,
+during the course of a speech, in which he said: "If an Abolitionist be
+chosen President of the United States, you will have presented to you
+the question of whether you will permit the Government to pass into the
+hands of your avowed and implacable enemies?  Without pausing for an
+answer, I will state my own position to be, that such a result would be
+a species of revolution by which the purposes of the Government would be
+destroyed, and the observance of its mere forms entitled to no respect.
+In that event, in such a manner as should be most expedient, I should
+deem it your duty to provide for your safety, outside of the Union with
+those who have already shown the will, and would have acquired the power
+to deprive you of your birthright, and to reduce you to worse than the
+Colonial dependence of your fathers."
+
+The "birthright" thus referred to was of course, the alleged right to
+have Slaves; but what was this "worse than Colonial dependence" to
+which, in addition to the peril supposed to threaten the Southern
+"birthright," the Cotton States of Mississippi were reduced?
+"Dependence" upon whom, and with regard to what?  Plainly upon the
+North; and with regard, not to Slavery alone--for Jefferson Davis held,
+down to the very close of the War, that the South fought "not for
+Slavery"--but as to Tariff Legislation also.  There was the rub! These
+Cotton Lords believed, or pretended to believe, that the High Tariff
+Legislation, advocated and insisted upon both by the Whigs and
+Republicans for the Protection of the American Manufacturer and working
+man, built up and made prosperous the North, and elevated Northern
+laborers; at the expense of the South, and especially themselves, the
+Cotton Lords aforesaid.
+
+We have already seen from the utterances of leading men in the South
+Carolina, Secession Convention, "that"--as Governor Hicks, himself a
+Southern man, said in his address to the people of Maryland, after the
+War broke out "neither the election of Mr. Lincoln, nor the non-
+execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, nor both combined, constitute their
+grievances.  They declare that THE REAL CAUSE of their discontent DATES
+AS FAR BACK AS 1833."
+
+And what was the chief cause or pretext for discontent at that time?
+Nothing less than the Tariff.  They wanted Free Trade, as well as
+Slavery.  The balance of the Union wanted Protection, as well as
+Freedom.
+
+The subsequent War, then, was not a War waged for Slavery alone, but for
+Independence with a view to Free Trade, as set forth in the "Confederate
+Constitution," as soon as that Independence could be achieved.  And the
+War on our part, while for the integrity of the Union in all its parts--
+for the life of the Nation itself, and for the freedom of man, should
+also have brought the triumph of the American idea of a Protective
+Tariff, whose chief object is the building up of American manufactures
+and the Protection of the Free working-man, in the essential matters of
+education, food, clothing, rents, wages, and work.
+
+It is mentioned in McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p. 392, that in
+a letter making public his reasons for going to Washington and taking
+his seat in Congress, Mr. James L. Pugh, a Representative from Alabama,
+November 24, 1860, said: "The sole object of my visit is to promote the
+cause of Secession."
+
+From the manner in which they acted after reaching Washington, it is not
+unreasonable to suppose that most of those persons representing, in both
+branches of Congress, the Southern States which afterwards seceded, came
+to the National Capital with a similar object in view--taking their
+salaries and mileages for services supposed to be performed for the
+benefit of the very Government they were conspiring to injure, and
+swearing anew the sacred oath to support and defend the very
+Constitution which they were moving heaven and earth to undermine and
+destroy!
+
+     [As a part of the history of those times, the following letter is
+     not without interest:
+
+     "OXFORD, December 24, 1860.
+
+     "MY DEAR SIR:--I regretted having to leave Washington without
+     having with you a full conference as to the great events whose
+     shadows are upon us.  The result of the election here is what the
+     most sanguine among us expected; that is, its general result is so.
+     It is as yet somewhat difficult to determine the distinctive
+     complexion of the convention to meet on the 7th of January.  The
+     friends of Southern Independence, of firm and bona fide resistance,
+     won an overwhelming victory; but I doubt whether there is any
+     precise plan.
+
+     "No doubt a large majority of the Convention will be for separate
+     Secession.  But unless intervening events work important changes of
+     sentiment, not all of those elected as resistance men will be for
+     immediate and separate Secession.  Our friends in Pontotoc, Tippah,
+     De Soto and Pauola took grounds which fell far short of that idea,
+     though their resolutions were very firm in regard to Disunion and
+     an ultimate result.
+
+     "In the meantime the Disunion sentiment among the people is growing
+     every day more intense.
+
+     "Upon the whole, you have great cause for gratification in the
+     action of your State.
+
+     "The submissionists are routed, horse, foot, and dragoons, and any
+     concession by the North will fail to restore that sacred attachment
+     to the Union which was once so deeply radicated in the hearts of
+     our people.  What they want now, is wise and sober leading.  I
+     think that there might be more of dignity and prudent foresight in
+     the action of our State than have marked the proceedings of South
+     Carolina.  I have often rejoiced that we have you to rest upon and
+     confide in.  I do not know what we could do without you.  That God
+     may preserve you to us, and that your mind may retain all its vigor
+     to carry us through these perilous times, is my most fervent
+     aspiration.
+
+     "I am as ever, and forever, your supporter, ally and friend.
+
+                              "L. Q. C. LAMAR.
+
+     "COL. JEFF.  DAVIS, Washington, D. C."]
+
+
+This was but a part of the deliberate, cold-blooded plan mapped out in
+detail, early in the session succeeding the election of Mr. Lincoln, in
+a secret Caucus of the Chief Plotters of the Treason.  It was a secret
+conference, but the programme resolved on, soon leaked out.
+
+The following, which appeared in the Washington National Intelligencer
+on Friday, January 11, 1861, tells the story of this stage of the Great
+Conspiracy pretty clearly:
+
+"The subjoined communication, disclosing the designs of those who have
+undertaken to lead the movement now threatening a permanent dissolution
+of the Union, comes to us from a distinguished citizen of the South
+[understood to be Honorable Lemuel D. Evans, Representative from Texas
+in the 34th Congress, from March 4, 1855, to March 3, 1857] who formerly
+represented his State with great distinction in the popular branch of
+Congress.
+
+"Temporarily sojourning in this city he has become authentically
+informed of the facts recited in the subjoined letter, which he
+communicates to us under a sense of duty, and for the accuracy of which
+he makes himself responsible.
+
+"Nothing but assurances coming from such an intelligent, reliable source
+could induce us to accept the authenticity of these startling
+statements, which so deeply concern not only the welfare but the honor
+of the Southern people.
+
+"To them we submit, without present comment, the programme to which they
+are expected to yield their implicit adhesion, without any scruples of
+conscience as without any regard for their own safety.
+
+                    "'WASHINGTON, January 9, 1861.
+
+"'I charge that on last Saturday night (January 5th), a Caucus was held
+in this city by the Southern Secession Senators from Florida, Georgia,
+Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas.  It was then and
+there resolved in effect to assume to themselves the political power of
+the South, and, to control all political and military operations for the
+present, they telegraphed to complete the plan of seizing forts,
+arsenals, and custom-houses, and advised the Conventions now in session,
+and soon to assemble, to pass Ordinances for immediate Secession; but,
+in order to thwart any operations of the Government here, the
+Conventions of the Seceding States are to retain their representations
+in the Senate and the House.
+
+"'They also advised, ordered, or directed the assembling of a Convention
+of delegates from the Seceding States at Montgomery on the 13th of
+February.  This can of course only be done by the revolutionary
+Conventions usurping the powers of the people, and sending delegates
+over whom they will lose all control in the establishment of a
+Provisional Government, which is the plan of the dictators.
+
+"'This Caucus also resolved to take the most effectual means to dragoon
+the Legislatures of Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and
+Virginia into following the Seceding States.  Maryland is also to be
+influenced by such appeals to popular passion as have led to the
+revolutionary steps which promise a conflict with the State and Federal
+Governments in Texas.
+
+"'They have possessed themselves of all the avenues of information in
+the South--the telegraph, the press, and the general control of the
+postmasters.  They also confidently rely upon defections in the army and
+navy.
+
+"'The spectacle here presented is startling to contemplate.  Senators
+entrusted with the representative sovereignty of the States, and sworn
+to support the Constitution of the United States, while yet acting as
+the privy councillors of the President, and anxiously looked to by their
+constituents to effect some practical plan of adjustment, deliberately
+conceive a Conspiracy for the overthrow of the Government through the
+military organizations, the dangerous secret order, the 'Knights of the
+Golden Circle,' 'Committees of Safety,' Southern leagues, and other
+agencies at their command; they have instituted as thorough a military
+and civil despotism as ever cursed a maddened Country.
+
+"'It is not difficult to foresee the form of government which a
+Convention thus hurriedly thrown together at Montgomery will irrevocably
+fasten upon a deluded and unsuspecting people.  It must essentially be
+'a Monarchy founded upon military principles,' or it cannot endure.
+Those who usurp power never fail to forge strong chains.
+
+"'It may be too late to sound the alarm.  Nothing may be able to arrest
+the action of revolutionary tribunals whose decrees are principally in
+'secret sessions.'  But I call upon the people to pause and reflect
+before they are forced to surrender every principle of liberty, or to
+fight those who are becoming their masters rather than their servants.
+                                   "' EATON"
+
+"As confirming the intelligence furnished by our informant we may cite
+the following extract from the Washington correspondence of yesterday's
+Baltimore Sun:
+
+"'The leaders of the Southern movement are consulting as to the best
+mode of consolidating their interests into a Confederacy under a
+Provisional Government.  The plan is to make Senator Hunter, of
+Virginia, Provisional President, and Jefferson Davis Commander-in-Chief
+of the army of defense.  Mr. Hunter possesses in a more eminent degree
+the philosophical characteristics of Jefferson than any other statesman
+now living.  Colonel Davis is a graduate of West Point, was
+distinguished for gallantry at Buena Vista, and served as Secretary of
+War under President Pierce, and is not second to General Scott in
+military science or courage.'
+
+"As further confirmatory of the above, the following telegraphic
+dispatch in the Charleston Mercury of January 7, 1861, is given:
+
+"'[From our Own Correspondent.]
+
+"'WASHINGTON, January 6.--The Senators from those of the Southern States
+which have called Conventions of their people, met in caucus last night,
+and adopted the following resolutions:
+
+"'Resolved, That we recommend to our respective States immediate
+Secession.
+
+"'Resolved, That we recommend the holding of a General Convention of the
+said States, to be holden in the city of Montgomery, Alabama, at some
+period not later than the 15th day of February, 1861.'
+
+"These resolutions were telegraphed this evening to the Conventions of
+Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida.  A third resolution is also known to
+have been adopted, but it is of a confidential character, not to be
+divulged at present.  There was a good deal of discussion in the caucus
+on the question of whether the Seceding States ought to continue their
+delegations in Congress till the 4th of March, to prevent unfriendly
+legislation, or whether the Representatives of the Seceding States
+should all resign together, and leave a clear field for the opposition
+to pass such bills, looking to Coercion, as they may see fit.  It is
+believed that the opinion that they should remain prevailed."
+
+Furthermore, upon the capture of Fernandina, Florida, in 1862, the
+following letter was found and published.  Senator Yulee, the writer,
+was present and participated as one of the Florida Senators, in the
+traitorous "Consultation" therein referred to--and hence its especial
+value:
+
+
+"WASHINGTON, January 7, 1861.
+
+"My DEAR SIR:--On the other side is a copy of resolutions adopted at a
+consultation of the Senators from the Seceding States--in which Georgia,
+Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi, and Florida were
+present.
+
+"The idea of the meeting was that the States should go out at once, and
+provide for the early organization of a Confederate Government, not
+later than 15th February.  This time is allowed to enable Louisiana and
+Texas to participate.  It seemed to be the opinion that if we left here,
+force, loan, and volunteer Bills might be passed, which would put Mr.
+Lincoln in immediate condition for hostilities; whereas, by remaining in
+our places until the 4th of March, it is thought we can keep the hands
+of Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable the Republicans from effecting any
+legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming
+Administration.
+
+"The resolutions will be sent by the delegation to the President of the
+Convention.  I have not been able to find Mr. Mallory (his Senatorial
+colleague) this morning.  Hawkins (Representative from Florida) is in
+Connecticut.  I have therefore thought it best to send you this copy of
+the resolutions.
+
+               "In haste, yours truly
+                                   "D. L. YULEE.
+
+"JOSEPH FINEGAN, Esq.,
+"'Sovereignty Convention,' Tallahassee, Fla."
+
+
+
+The resolutions "on the other side" of this letter, to which he refers,
+are as follows:
+
+"Resolved, 1--That in our opinion each of the Southern States should, as
+soon as may be, Secede from the Union.
+
+"Resolved, 2--That provision should be made for a Convention to organize
+a Confederacy of the Seceding States, the Convention to meet not later
+than the 15th of February, at the city of Montgomery, in the State of
+Alabama.
+
+"Resolved, That in view of the hostile legislation that is threatened
+against the Seceding States, and which may be consummated before the 4th
+of March, we ask instructions whether the delegations are to remain in
+Congress until that date for the purpose of defeating such legislation.
+
+"Resolved, That a committee be and are hereby appointed, consisting of
+Messrs. Davis, Slidell, and Mallory, to carry out the objects of this
+meeting."
+
+
+In giving this letter to the World--from its correspondent accompanying
+the expedition--the New York Times of March 15, 1862, made these
+forcible and clear-headed comments:
+
+"The telegraphic columns of the Times of January 7, 1861, contained the
+following Washington dispatch: 'The Southern Senators last night
+(January 5th) held a conference, and telegraphed to the Conventions of
+their respective States to advise immediate Secession.'  Now, the
+present letter is a report by Mr. Yulee, who was present at this
+'consultation' as he calls it, of the resolutions adopted on this
+occasion, transmitted to the said Finegan, who by the way, was a member
+of the 'Sovereign Convention' of Florida, then sitting in the town of
+Tallahassee.
+
+"It will thus be seen that this remarkable letter, which breathes
+throughout the spirit of the Conspirator, in reality lets us into one of
+the most important of the numerous Secret Conclaves which the Plotters
+of Treason then held in the Capital.  It was then, as it appears, that
+they determined to strike the blow and precipitate their States into
+Secession.  But at the same time they resolved that it would be
+imprudent for them openly to withdraw, as in that case Congress might
+pass 'force, loan, and volunteer bills,' which would put Mr. Lincoln in
+immediate condition for hostilities.  No, no!  that would not do.  (So
+much patriotic virtue they half suspected, half feared, was left in the
+Country.)  On the contrary, 'by remaining in our places until the 4th of
+March it is thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied, and
+disable the Republicans from effecting any legislation which will
+strengthen the hands of the incoming Administration.'  Ah what a tragic
+back-ground, full of things unutterable, is there!
+
+"It appears, however, that events were faster than they, and instead of
+being able to retain their seats up to the 4th of March, they were able
+to remain but a very few weeks.  Mr. Davis withdrew on the 21st of
+January, just a fortnight after this 'consultation.'  But for the rest,
+mark how faithfully the programme here drawn up by this knot of Traitors
+in secret session was realized.  Each of the named States represented by
+this Cabal did, 'as soon as may be, Secede from the Union'--the
+Mississippi Convention passing its Ordinance on the heels of the receipt
+of these resolutions, on the 9th of January; Florida and Alabama on the
+11th; Louisiana on the 26th, and Texas on the 1st of February; while the
+'organization of the Confederate Government' took place at the very time
+appointed, Davis being inaugurated on the 18th of February.
+
+"And here is another Plot of the Traitors brought to light.  These very
+men, on withdrawing from the Senate, urged that they were doing so in
+obedience to the command of their respective States.  As Mr. Davis put
+it, in his parting speech, 'the Ordinance of Secession having passed the
+Convention of his State, he felt obliged to obey the summons, and retire
+from all official connection with the Federal Government.'  This letter
+of Mr. Yulee's clearly reveals that they had themselves pushed their
+State Conventions to the adoption of the very measure which they had the
+hardihood to put forward as an imperious 'summons' which they could not
+disobey.  It is thus that Treason did its Work."
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XII.
+
+                  COPPERHEADISM  VS. UNION DEMOCRACY.
+
+When we remember that it was on the night of the 5th of January, 1861,
+that the Rebel Conspirators in the United States Senate met and plotted
+their confederated Treason, as shown in the Yulee letter, given in the
+preceding Chapter of this work, and that on the very next day, January
+6, 1861, Fernando Wood, then Mayor of the great city of New York, sent
+in to the Common Council of that metropolis, his recommendation that New
+York city should Secede from its own State, as well as the United
+States, and become "a Free City," which, said he, "may shed the only
+light and hope of a future reconstruction of our once blessed
+Confederacy," it is impossible to resist the conviction that this
+extraordinary movement of his, was inspired and prompted, if not
+absolutely directed, by the secret Rebel Conclave at Washington.  It
+bears within itself internal evidences of such prompting.
+
+Thus, when Mayor Wood states the case in the following words, he seems
+to be almost quoting word for word an instruction received by him from
+these Rebel leaders--in connection with their plausible argument,
+upholding it.  Says he:
+
+"Much, no doubt, can be said in favor of the justice and policy of a
+separation.  It may be said that Secession or revolution in any of the
+United States would be subversive of all Federal authority, and, so far
+as the central Government is concerned, the resolving of the community
+into its original elements--that, if part of the States form new
+combinations and, Governments, other States may do the same.  Then it
+may be said, why should not New York city, instead of supporting by her
+contributions in revenue two-thirds of the expenses of the United
+States, become also equally independent?  As a Free City, with but
+nominal duty on imports, her local Government could be supported without
+taxation upon her people.  Thus we could live free from taxes, and have
+cheap goods nearly duty free.  In this she would have the whole and
+united support of the Southern States, as well as all the other States
+to whose interests and rights under the Constitution she has always been
+true."
+
+That is the persuasive casuistry peculiar to the minds of the Southern
+Secession leaders.  It is naturally followed by a touch of that self-
+confident bluster, also at that time peculiar to Southern lips-as
+follows:
+
+"It is well for individuals or communities to look every danger square
+in the face, and to meet it calmly and bravely.  As dreadful as the
+severing of the bonds that have hitherto united the States has been in
+contemplation, it is now apparently a stern and inevitable fact.  We
+have now to meet it, with all the consequences, whatever they may be.
+If the Confederacy is broken up the Government is dissolved, and it
+behooves every distinct community, as well as every individual, to take
+care of themselves.
+
+"When Disunion has become a fixed and certain fact, why may not New York
+disrupt the bands which bind her to a venal and corrupt master--to a
+people and a Party that have plundered her revenues, attempted to ruin
+her commerce, taken away the power of self-government, and destroyed the
+Confederacy of which she was the proud Empire City? * * *"
+
+After thus restating, as it were, the views and "arguments" of the Rebel
+Junta, as we may presume them to have been pressed on him, he becomes
+suddenly startled at the Conclave's idea of meeting "all the
+consequences, whatever they may be," and, turning completely around,
+with blanching pen, concludes:
+
+"But I am not prepared to recommend the violence implied in these views.
+In stating this argument in favor of freedom, 'peaceably if we can,
+forcibly if we must,' let me not be misunderstood.  The redress can be
+found only in appeals to the magnanimity of the people of the whole
+State." * * *
+
+If "these views" were his own, and not those of the Rebel Conclave, he
+would either have been "prepared to recommend the violence implied in
+them," or else he would have suppressed them altogether.  But his
+utterance is that of one who has certain views for the first time placed
+before him, and shrinks from the consequences of their advocacy--shrinks
+from "the violence implied" in them--although for some reason he dares
+not refuse to place those views before the people.
+
+And, in carrying out his promise to do so--"In stating this argument,"
+presumably of the Rebel Conclave, "in favor of freedom, 'peaceably if we
+can, forcibly if we must'"--the language used is an admission that the
+argument is not his own.  Were it his own, would he not have said in
+"making" it, instead of in "stating" it?  Furthermore, had he been
+"making" it of his own accord, he would hardly have involved himself in
+such singular contradictions and explanations as are here apparent.  He
+was plainly "stating" the Rebel Conclave's argument, not making one
+himself.  He was obeying orders, under the protest of his fears.  And
+those fears forced his trembling pen to write the saving-clause which
+"qualifies" the Conclave's second-hand bluster preceding it.
+
+That the Rebels hoped for Northern assistance in case of Secession, is
+very clear from many speeches made prior to and soon after the election
+of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency--and from other sources of information.
+Thus we find in a speech made by Representative L. M. Keitt, of South
+Carolina, in Charleston, November, 1860, the following language,
+reported by the Mercury:
+
+"But we have been threatened.  Mr. Amos Kendall wrote a letter, in which
+he said to Colonel Orr, that if the State went out, three hundred
+thousand volunteers were ready to march against her.  I know little
+about Kendall--and the less the better.  He was under General Jackson;
+but for him the Federal treasury seemed to have a magnetic attraction.
+
+"Jackson was a pure man, but he had too many around him who made
+fortunes far transcending their salaries.  [Applause.]  And this Amos
+Kendall had the same good fortune under Van Buren.  He (Kendall)
+threatened us on the one side, and John Hickman on the other.  John
+Hickman said, defiantly, that if we went out of the Union, eighteen
+millions of Northern men would bring us back.
+
+"Let me tell you, there are a million of Democrats in the North who,
+when the Black Republicans attempt to march upon the South, will be
+found a wall of fire in the front.  [Cries of 'that's so,' and
+applause.]"
+
+Harper's Weekly of May 28, 1864, commenting on certain letters of M. F.
+Maury and others, then just come to light, said:
+
+"How far Maury and his fellow-conspirators were justified in their hopes
+of seducing New Jersey into the Rebellion, may be gathered from the
+correspondence that took place, in the spring of 1861, between Ex-
+Governor Price, of New Jersey, who was one of the representatives from
+that State in the Peace Congress, and L. W. Burnet, Esq., of Newark.
+
+"Mr. Price, in answering the question what ought New Jersey to do, says:
+'I believe the Southern confederation permanent.  The proceeding has
+been taken with forethought and deliberation--it is no hurried impulse,
+but an irrevocable act, based upon the sacred, as was supposed, equality
+of the States; and in my opinion every Slave State will in a short
+period of time be found united in one Confederacy.  * * *  Before that
+event happens, we cannot act, however much we may suffer in our material
+interests.  It is in that contingency, then, that I answer the second
+part of your question:--What position for New Jersey will best accord
+with her interests, honor, and the patriotic instincts of her people?  I
+say emphatically she would go with the South from every wise,
+prudential, and patriotic reason.'
+
+"Ex-Governor Price proceeds to say that he is confident the States of
+Pennsylvania and New York will 'choose also to cast their lot with the
+South, and after them, the Western and Northwestern States.'"
+
+The following resolution,* was adopted with others, by a meeting of
+Democrats held January 16, 1861, at National Hall, Philadelphia, and has
+been supposed to disclose "a plan, of which ex-Governor Price was likely
+aware:"
+
+"Twelfth--That in the deliberate judgment of the Democracy of
+Philadelphia, and, so far as we know it, of Pennsylvania, the
+dissolution of the Union by the separation of the whole South, a result
+we shall most sincerely lament, may release this Commonwealth to a large
+extent from the bonds which now connect her with the Confederacy, except
+so far as for temporary convenience she chooses to submit to them, and
+would authorize and require her citizens, through a Convention, to be
+assembled for that purpose, to determine with whom her lot should be
+cast, whether with the North and the East, whose fanaticism has
+precipitated this misery upon us, or with our brethren of the South,
+whose wrongs we feel as our own; or whether Pennsylvania should stand by
+herself, as a distinct community, ready when occasion offers, to bind
+together the broken Union, and resume her place of loyalty and
+devotion."
+
+Senator Lane of Oregon, replying to Senator Johnson of Tennessee,
+December 19, 1860, in the United States Senate, and speaking of and for
+the Northern Democracy, said:
+
+"They will not march with him under his bloody banner, or Mr. Lincoln's,
+to invade the soil of the gallant State of South Carolina, when she may
+withdraw from a Confederacy that has refused her that equality to which
+she is entitled, as a member of the Union, under the Constitution.  On
+the contrary, when he or any other gentleman raises that banner and
+attempts to subjugate that gallant people, instead of marching with him,
+we will meet him there, ready to repel him and his forces.  He shall not
+bring with him the Northern Democracy to strike down a people contending
+for rights that have been refused them in a Union that ought to
+recognize the equality of every member of the Confederacy.  * * *  I now
+serve notice that, when War is made upon that gallant South for
+withdrawing from a Union which refuses them their rights, the Northern
+Democracy will not join in the crusade.  THE REPUBLICAN PARTY WILL HAVE
+WAR ENOUGH AT HOME.  THE DEMOCRACY OF THE NORTH NEED NOT CROSS THE
+BORDER TO FIND AN ENEMY."
+
+The following letter from Ex-President Pierce is in the same misleading
+strain:
+
+"CLARENDON HOTEL, January 6, 1860.--[This letter was captured, at Jeff.
+Davis's house in Mississippi, by the Union troops.]
+
+"MY DEAR FRIEND:--I wrote you an unsatisfactory note a day or two since.
+I have just had a pleasant interview with Mr. Shepley, whose courage and
+fidelity are equal to his learning and talents.  He says he would rather
+fight the battle with you as the standard-bearer in 1860, than under the
+auspices of any other leader.  The feeling and judgment of Mr. S. in
+this relation is, I am confident, rapidly gaining ground in New England.
+Our people are looking for 'the coming man,' one who is raised by all
+the elements of his character above the atmosphere ordinarily breathed
+by politicians, a man really fitted for this exigency by his ability,
+courage, broad statesmanship, and patriotism.  Colonel Seymour (Thomas
+H.) arrived here this morning, and expressed his views in this relation
+in almost the identical language used by Mr. Shepley.
+
+"It is true that, in the present state of things at Washington and
+throughout the country, no man can predict what changes two or three
+months may bring forth.  Let me suggest that, in the running debates in
+Congress, full justice seems to me not to have been done to the
+Democracy of the North.  I do not believe that our friends at the South
+have any just idea of the state of feeling, hurrying at this moment to
+the pitch of intense exasperation, between those who respect their
+political obligations and those who have apparently no impelling power
+but that which fanatical passion on the subject of Domestic Slavery
+imparts.
+
+"Without discussing the question of right, of abstract power to Secede,
+I have never believed that actual disruption of the Union can occur
+without blood; and if, through the madness of Northern Abolitionism,
+that dire calamity must come, THE FIGHTING WILL NOT BE ALONG MASON'S AND
+DIXON'S LINE MERELY.  IT [WILL] BE WITHIN OUR OWN BORDERS, IN OUR OWN
+STREETS, BETWEEN THE TWO CLASSES OF CITIZENS TO WHOM I HAVE REFERRED.
+Those who defy law and scout Constitutional obligations will, if we ever
+reach the arbitrament of arms, FIND OCCUPATION ENOUGH AT HOME.
+
+"Nothing but the state of Mrs. Pierce's health would induce me to leave
+the Country now, although it is quite likely that my presence at home
+would be of little service.
+
+"I have tried to impress upon our people, especially in New Hampshire
+and Connecticut, where the only elections are to take place during the
+coming spring, that while our Union meetings are all in the right
+direction, and well enough for the present, they will not be worth the
+paper upon which their resolutions are written unless we can overthrow
+political Abolitionism at the polls and repeal the Unconstitutional and
+obnoxious laws which, in the cause of 'personal liberty,' have been
+placed upon our statute-books.  I shall look with deep interest, and not
+without hope, for a decided change in this relation.
+
+                    "Ever and truly your friend,
+                                        "FRANKLIN PIERCE.
+
+"Hon. JEFF. DAVIS,
+"Washington, D. C."
+
+
+But let us turn from contemplating the encouragements to Southern
+Treason and Rebellion, held out by Northern Democratic Copperheads, to
+the more pleasing spectacle of Loyalty and Patriotism exhibited by the
+Douglas wing of Democracy.
+
+Immediately after Sumter, and while the President was formulating his
+Message, calling for 75,000 volunteers, Douglas called upon him at the
+White House, regretted that Mr. Lincoln did not propose to call for
+thrice as many; and on the 18th of April, having again visited the White
+House, wrote, and gave the following dispatch to the Associated Press,
+for circulation throughout the Country:
+
+"April 18, 1861, Senator Douglas called on the President, and had an
+interesting conversation on the present condition of the Country.  The
+substance of it was, on the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was
+unalterably opposed to the administration in all its political issues,
+he was prepared to fully sustain the President in the exercise of all
+his Constitutional functions, to preserve the Union, maintain the
+Government, and defend the Federal Capital.  A firm policy and prompt
+action was necessary.  The Capital was in danger and must be defended at
+all hazards, and at any expense of men and money.  He spoke of the
+present and future without any reference to the past."
+
+It is stated of this meeting and its immediate results: "The President
+was deeply gratified by the interview.  To the West, Douglas
+telegraphed, 'I am for my Country and against all its assailants.'  The
+fire of his patriotism spread to the masses of the North, and Democrat
+and Republican rallied to the support of the flag.  In Illinois the
+Democratic and Republican presses vied with each other in the utterance
+of patriotic sentiments.  * * *  Large and numerously attended Mass
+meetings met, as it were with one accord, irrespective of parties, and
+the people of all shades of political opinions buried their party
+hatchets.  Glowing and eloquent orators exhorted the people to ignore
+political differences in the present crisis, join in the common cause,
+and rally to the flag of the Union and the Constitution.  It was a noble
+truce.  From the many resolutions of that great outpouring of patriotic
+sentiment, which ignored all previous party ties, we subjoin the
+following:
+
+"'Resolved, that it is the duty of all patriotic citizens of Illinois,
+without distinction of party or sect, to sustain the Government through
+the peril which now threatens the existence of the Union; and of our
+Legislature to grant such aid of men and money as the exigency of the
+hour and the patriotism of our people shall demand.'
+
+"Governor Yates promptly issued his proclamation, dated the 15th of
+April, convening the Legislature for the 23rd inst. in Extraordinary
+Session.
+
+                     *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+"On the evening of the 25th of April, Mr. Douglas, who had arrived at
+the Capital the day before, addressed the General Assembly and a densely
+packed audience, in the Hall of Representatives, in that masterly
+effort, which must live and be enshrined in the hearts of his countrymen
+so long as our Government shall endure.  Douglas had ever delighted in
+the mental conflicts of Party strife; but now, when his Country was
+assailed by the red hand of Treason, he was instantly divested of his
+Party armor and stood forth panoplied only in the pure garb of a true
+Patriot.
+
+"He taught his auditory--he taught his Country, for his speeches were
+telegraphed all over it--the duty of patriotism at that perilous hour of
+the Nation's Life.  He implored both Democrats and Republicans to lay
+aside their Party creeds and Platforms; to dispense with Party
+Organizations and Party Appeals; to forget that they were ever divided
+until they had first rescued the Government from its assailants.  His
+arguments were clear, convincing, and unanswerable; his appeals for the
+Salvation of his Country, irresistible.  It was the last speech, but
+one, he ever made."
+
+Among other pithy and patriotic points made by him in that great speech
+--[July 9, 1861.]--were these: "So long as there was a hope of a
+peaceful solution, I prayed and implored for Compromise.  I have spared
+no effort for a peaceful solution of these troubles; I have failed, and
+there is but one thing to do--to rally under the flag."   "The South has
+no cause of complaint."  "Shall we obey the laws or adopt the Mexican
+system of War, on every election."  "Forget Party--all remember only
+your Country."  "The shortest road to Peace is the most tremendous
+preparation for War."  "It is with a sad heart and with a grief I have
+never before experienced, that I have to contemplate this fearful
+Struggle.  * * *  But it is our duty to protect the Government and the
+flag from every assailant, be he who he may."
+
+In Chicago, Douglas repeated his patriotic appeal for the preservation
+of the Union, and tersely declared that "There can be no Neutrals in
+this War--only Patriots and Traitors."  In that city he was taken with a
+mortal illness, and expired at the Tremont House, June 3, 1861--just one
+month prior to the meeting of the called Session of Congress.
+
+The wonderful influence wielded by Douglas throughout the North, was
+well described afterward by his colleague, Judge Trumbull, in the
+Senate, when he said: "His course had much to do in producing that
+unanimity in support of the Government which is now seen throughout the
+Loyal States.  The sublime spectacle of twenty million people rising as
+one man in vindication of Constitutional Liberty and Free Government,
+when assailed by misguided Rebels and plotting Traitors, is, to a
+considerable extent due to his efforts.  His magnanimous and patriotic
+course in this trying hour of his Country's destiny was the crowning act
+of his life."
+
+And Senator McDougall of California--his life-long friend--in describing
+the shock of the first intelligence that reached him, of his friend's
+sudden death, with words of even greater power, continued: "But, as,
+powerless for the moment to resist the tide of emotions, I bowed my head
+in silent grief, it came to me that the Senator had lived to witness the
+opening of the present unholy War upon our Government; that, witnessing
+it, from the Capital of his State, as his highest and best position, he
+had sent forth a War-cry worthy of that Douglass, who, as ancient
+legends tell, with the welcome of the knightly Andalusian King, was
+told,
+
+               '"Take thou the leading of the van,
+               And charge the Moors amain;
+               There is not such a lance as thine
+               In all the hosts of Spain.'
+
+"Those trumpet notes, with a continuous swell, are sounding still
+throughout all the borders of our Land.  I heard them upon the mountains
+and in the valleys of the far State whence I come.  They have
+communicated faith and strength to millions.  * * *  I ceased to grieve
+for Douglas.  The last voice of the dead Douglas I felt to be stronger
+than the voice of multitudes of living men."
+
+And here it may not be considered out of place for a brief reference to
+the writer's own position at this time; especially as it has been much
+misapprehended and misstated.  One of the fairest of these statements*
+runs thus:
+
+     [Lusk's History of the Politics of Illinois from 1856 to 1884, p.
+     175.]
+
+"It is said that Logan did not approve the great speech made by Senator
+Douglas, at Springfield, in April, 1861, wherein he took the bold ground
+that in the contest which was then clearly imminent to him, between the
+North and the South, that there could be but two parties, Patriots and
+Traitors.  But granting that there was a difference between Douglas and
+Logan at that time, it did not relate to their adhesion to the Cause of
+their Country Logan had fought for the Union upon the plains of Mexico,
+and again stood ready to give his life, if need be, for his Country,
+even amid the cowardly slanders that were then following his pathway.
+
+"The difference between Douglas and Logan was this: Mr. Douglas was
+fresh from an extended campaign in the dissatisfied Sections of the
+Southern States, and he was fully apprised of their intention to attempt
+the overthrow of the Union, and was therefore in favor of the most
+stupendous preparations for War.
+
+"Mr. Logan, on the other hand, believed in exhausting all peaceable
+means before a resort to Arms, and in this he was like President
+Lincoln; but when he saw there was no alternative but to fight, he was
+ready and willing for armed resistance, and, resigning his seat in
+Congress, entered the Army, as Colonel of the Thirty-first Illinois
+Infantry, and remained in the field in active service until Peace was
+declared."
+
+This statement is, in the main, both fair and correct.
+
+It is no more correct, however, in intimating that "Logan did not
+approve the great speech made by Senator Douglas, at Springfield, in
+April, 1861, wherein he took the bold ground that in the contest which
+was then clearly imminent to him, between the North and the South, that
+there could be but two parties, Patriots and Traitors," than others have
+been in intimating that he was disloyal to the Union, prior to the
+breaking out of hostilities--a charge which was laid out flat in the
+Senate Chamber, April 19, 1881.
+
+     [In Dawson's Life of Logan, pp. 348-353, this matter is thus
+     alluded to:
+
+     "In an early part of this work the base charge that Logan was not
+     loyal before the War has been briefly touched on.  It may be well
+     here to touch on it more fully.  As was then remarked, the only man
+     that ever dared insinuate to Logan's face that he was a Secession
+     sympathizer before the War, was Senator Ben Hill of Georgia, in the
+     United States Senate Chamber, March 30, 1881; and Logan instantly
+     retorted: 'Any man who insinuates that I sympathized with it at
+     that time insinuates what is false,' and Senator Hill at once
+     retracted the insinuation."
+
+     "Subsequently, April 19, 1881, Senator Logan, in a speech,
+     fortified with indisputable record and documentary evidence,
+     forever set at rest the atrocious calumny.  From that record it
+     appears that on the 17th December, 1860, while still a Douglas
+     Democrat, immediately after Lincoln's election, and long before his
+     inauguration, and before even the first gun of the war was fired,
+     Mr. Logan, then a Representative in the House, voted affirmatively
+     on a resolution, offered by Morris of Illinois, which declared an
+     'immovable attachment' to 'our National Union,' and 'that it is our
+     patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in peace and our defense
+     in war;' that on the 7th January, 1861, Mr. Adrian having offered
+     the following 'Resolved, That we fully approve of the bold and
+     patriotic act of Major Anderson in withdrawing from Fort Moultrie
+     to Fort Sumter, and of the determination of the President to
+     maintain that fearless officer in his present position; and that we
+     will support the President in all constitutional measures to
+     enforce the laws and preserve the Union'--Mr. Logan, in casting his
+     vote, said: 'As the resolution receives my unqualified approval, I
+     vote Aye;' and that further on the 5th of February, 1861, before
+     the inauguration of President Lincoln, in a speech made by Logan in
+     the House in favor of the Crittenden Compromise measures, he used
+     the following language touching Secession:
+
+     "'Sir, I have always denied, and do yet deny, the right of
+     Secession.  There is no warrant for it in the Constitution.  It is
+     wrong, it is unlawful, unconstitutional, and should be called by
+     the right name--revolution.  No good, sir, can result from it, but
+     much mischief may.  It is no remedy for any grievances.  I hold
+     that all grievances can be much easier redressed inside the Union
+     than out of it.'
+
+     "In that same speech he also * * * said:
+
+     "'I have been taught that the preservation of this glorious Union,
+     with its broad flag waving over us as the shield for our protection
+     on land and on sea, is paramount to all the parties and platforms
+     that ever have existed or ever can exist.  I would, to day, if I
+     had the power, sink my own party and every other one, with all
+     their platforms, into the vortex of ruin, without heaving a sigh or
+     shedding a tear, to save the Union, or even stop the revolution
+     where it is.'
+
+     "In this most complete speech of vindication--which Senator Logan
+     said he put upon record, 'First, that my children, after me, may
+     not have these slanders thrown in their faces without the power of
+     dispelling or refuting them; and second, that they may endure in
+     this Senate Chamber, so that it may be a notice to Senators of all
+     parties and all creeds that hereafter, while I am here in the
+     Senate, no insinuation of that kind will be submitted to by me,'--
+     the proofs of the falsity of the charge were piled mountain-high,
+     and among them the following voluntary statements from two
+     Democratic Senators, who were with him before the War, in the House
+     of Representatives:
+
+                    "'United States Senate Chamber,
+                         WASHINGTON, April 14, 1881.
+
+     "'DEAR SIR: In a discussion in the Senate a few weeks since you
+     referred to the fact that a Southern Senator, who had served with
+     you in Congress before the War, could testify that during your term
+     of service there you gave no encouragement to the Secession of the
+     Southern States, adding, however, that you did not ask such
+     testimony.  I was not sure at the time that your reference was to
+     me, as Senator Pugh of Alabama, was also a member of that Congress.
+
+     "'Since then, having learned that your reference was to me, I
+     propose on the floor of the Senate, should suitable occasion offer,
+     to state what I know of your position and views at the time
+     referred to.  But, as I may be absent from the Senate for some
+     time, I deem it best to give you this written statement, with full
+     authority to use it in any way that seems proper to you.
+
+     "'When you first came to Congress in ----, you were a very ardent
+     and impetuous Democrat.  In the division which took place between
+     Mr. Douglas and his friends, on the one hand, and the Southern
+     Democrats, on the other, you were a warm and uncompromising
+     supporter of Mr. Douglas; and in the course of that convention you
+     became somewhat estranged from your party associates in the South.
+     In our frequent discussions upon the subjects of difference, I
+     never heard a word of sympathy from your lips with Secession in
+     either theory or practice.  On the contrary, you were vehement in
+     your opposition to it.'
+
+     "'I remember well a conversation I had with you just before leaving
+     Washington to become a candidate for the Secession convention.  You
+     expressed the deep regret you felt at my proposed action, and
+     deplored the contemplated movement in terms as strong as any I
+     heard from any Republican.'
+                              Yours truly,
+                                   "'L. Q. C. LAMAR
+
+     "'Hon. JOHN A. LOGAN.
+     "United States Senate, Washington, D. C.'
+
+
+                              "Senate Chamber, April 14, 1881.
+
+     "'Having read the above statement of Senator Lamar, I fully concur
+     with him in my recollection of your expressions and action in
+     opposition to Secession.
+                         Truly yours,  J. L. PUGH.'
+
+     "At the conclusion of Senator Logan's speech of refutation, Senator
+     Brown of Georgia (Democrat) said:
+
+     "'Our newspapers may have misrepresented his position.  I am now
+     satisfied they did.  I have heard the Senator's statement with
+     great interest, and I take pleasure in saying--for I had some idea
+     before that there was some shadow of truth in this report--that I
+     think his vindication' is full, complete, and conclusive.'
+
+     "'I recollect very well during the war, when I was Governor of my
+     State and the Federal army was invading it, to have had a large
+     force of militia aiding the Confederate army, and that Gen. Logan
+     was considered by us as one of the ablest, most gallant, and
+     skillful leaders of the Federal army.  We had occasion to feel his
+     power, and we learned to respect him.'
+
+     "Senator Beck, of Kentucky (Democrat), referring to the fact that
+     he was kept out of the House at one time, and a great many
+     suggestions had been made to him as to General Logan, continued:
+
+     "'As I said the other day, I never proposed to go into such things,
+     and never have done so; but at that time General Frank Blair was
+     here, and I submitted many of the papers I received to him,--I
+     never thought of using any of them,--and I remember the remark that
+     he made to me: Beck, John Logan was one of the hardest fighters of
+     the war; and when many men who were seeking to whistle him down the
+     wind because of his politics when the war began, were snugly fixed
+     in safe places, he was taking his life in his hand wherever the
+     danger was greatest--and I tore up every paper I got, and burnt it
+     in the fire before his eyes.'
+
+     "Senator Dawes of Massachusetts (Republican), also took occasion to
+     say:
+
+     "Mr. President, I do not know that anything which can be said on
+     this side would be of any consequence to the Senator from Illinois
+     in this matter.  But I came into the House of Representatives at
+     the same session that the Senator did.
+
+     "'He was at that time one of the most intense of Democrats, and I
+     was there with him when the Rebellion first took root and
+     manifested itself in open and flagrant war; and I wish to say as a
+     Republican of that day, when the Senator from Illinois was a
+     Democrat, that at the earliest possible moment when the Republican
+     Party was in anxiety as to the position of the Northern Democracy
+     on the question of forcible assault on the Union, nothing did they
+     hail with more delight than the early stand which the Senator from
+     Illinois, from the Democratic side of the House, took upon the
+     question of resistance to the Government of the United States.
+
+     "I feel that it is right that I should state that he was among the
+     first, if not the very first, of the Northern Democrats who came
+     out openly and declared, whatever may have been their opinion about
+     the doctrines of the Republican Party, that when it came to a
+     question of forcible resistance, they should be counted on the side
+     of the Government, and in co-operation with the Republican Party in
+     the attempt to maintain its authority.'
+
+     "'I am very glad, whether it be of any service or not, to bear this
+     testimony to the early stand the Senator from Illinois took while
+     he was still a Democrat, and the large influence he exerted upon
+     the Northern Democracy, which kept it from being involved in the
+     condition and in the work of the Southern Democracy at that
+     time.'"]
+
+So far from this being the case, the fact is--and it is here mentioned
+in part to bring out the interesting point that, had he lived, Douglas
+would have been no idle spectator of the great War that was about to be
+waged--that when Douglas visited Springfield, Illinois, to make that
+great speech in the latter part of April, 1861, the writer went there
+also, to see and talk over with him the grave situation of affairs, not
+only in the Nation generally, but particularly in Illinois.  And on that
+occasion Mr. Douglas said to him, substantially: "The time has now
+arrived when a man must be either for or against his Country.  Indeed so
+strongly do I feel this, and that further dalliance with this question
+is useless, that I shall myself take steps to join the Array, and fight
+for the maintenance of the Union."
+
+To this the writer replied that he was "equally well convinced that each
+and every man must take his stand," and that he also "purposed at an
+early day to raise a Regiment and draw the sword in that Union's
+defense."
+
+This was after Sumter, and only seventy days before Congress was to meet
+in Called Session.  When that session met, Douglas had, weeks before,
+gone down to the grave amid the tears of a distracted Nation, with the
+solemn injunction upon his dying lips: "Obey the Laws and Defend the
+Constitution"--and the writer had returned to Washington, to take his
+seat in Congress, with that determination still alive in his heart.
+
+In fact there had been all along, substantial accord between Mr. Douglas
+and the writer.  There really was no "difference between Douglas and
+Logan" as to "preparations for War," or in "exhausting all Peaceable
+means before a resort to Arms," and both were in full accord with
+President Lincoln on these points.
+
+Let us see if this is not of record: Take the writer's speech in the
+House of Representatives, February 5, 1861, and it will be seen that he
+said: "I will go as far as any man in the performance of a
+Constitutional duty to put down Rebellion, to suppress Insurrection, and
+to enforce the Laws."  Again, he said, "If all the evils and calamities
+that have ever happened since the World began, could be gathered in one
+Great Catastrophe, its horrors could not eclipse, in their frightful
+proportions, the Drama that impends over us."
+
+From these extracts it is plain enough that even at this very early day
+the writer fully understood the "frightful proportions" of the impending
+struggle, and would "go as far as"--not only Mr. Douglas, but--"any man,
+to put down Rebellion"--which necessarily involved War, and
+"preparations for War."  But none the less, but rather the more, because
+of the horrors which he foresaw must be inseparable from so terrible a
+War, was he anxious by timely mutual Concessions--"by any sacrifice," as
+he termed it--if possible, to avert it.
+
+He was ready to sink Party, self, and to accept any of the Propositions
+to that end--Mr. Douglas's among them.
+
+     [See his speech of February 5, 1861, Congressional Globe]
+
+In this attitude also he was in accord with Mr. Douglas, who, as well as
+the writer, was ready to make any sacrifice, of Party or self; to
+"exhaust every effort at peaceful adjustment," before resorting to War.
+The fact is they were much of the time in consultation, and always in
+substantial accord.
+
+In a speech made in the Senate, March 15, 1861, Mr. Douglas had reduced
+the situation to the following three alternative points:
+
+"1. THE RESTORATION AND PRESERVATION OF THE UNION by such Amendments to
+the Constitution as will insure the domestic tranquillity, safety, and
+equality of all the States, and thus restore peace, unity, and
+fraternity, to the whole Country.
+
+"2. A PEACEFUL DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION by recognizing the Independence
+of such States as refuse to remain in the Union without such
+Constitutional Amendments, and the establishment of a liberal system of
+commercial and social intercourse with them by treaties of commerce and
+amity.
+
+"3. WAR, with a view to the subjugation and military occupation of those
+States which have Seceded or may Secede from the Union."
+
+As a thorough Union man, he could never have agreed to a "Peaceful
+Dissolution of the Union."  On the other hand he was equally averse to
+War, because he held that "War is Disunion.  War is final, eternal
+Separation."  Hence, all his energies and talents were given to carrying
+out his first-stated line of policy, and to persuading the Seceders to
+accept what in that line was offered to them by the dominant party.
+
+His speech in the Senate, March 25, 1861, was a remarkable effort in
+that respect.  Mr. Breckinridge had previously spoken, and had declared
+that: "Whatever settlement may be made of other questions, this must be
+settled upon terms that will give them [the Southern States] either a
+right, in common with others, to emigrate into all the territory, or
+will secure to them their rights on a principle of equitable division."
+
+Mr. Douglas replied: "Now, under the laws as they stand, in every
+Territory of the United States, without any exception, a Southern man
+can go with his Slave-property on equal terms with all other property.
+* * *  Every man, either from the North or South, may go into the
+Territories with his property on terms of exact equality, subject to the
+local law; and Slave-property stands on an equal footing with all other
+kinds of property in the Territories of the United States.  It now
+stands on an equal footing in all the Territories for the first time.
+
+"I have shown you that, up to 1859, little more than a year ago, it was
+prohibited in part of the Territories.  It is not prohibited anywhere
+now.  For the first time, under Republican rule, the Southern States
+have secured that equality of rights in the Territories for their Slave-
+property which they have been demanding so long."
+
+He held that the doctrine of Congressional prohibition in all the
+Territories, as incorporated in the Wilmot proviso, had now been
+repudiated by the Republicans of both Houses of Congress, who had "all
+come over to Non-intervention and Popular Sovereignty;" that the "Wilmot
+proviso is given up; that Congressional prohibition is given up; that
+the aggressive policy is repudiated; and hereafter the Southern man and
+the Northern man may move into the Territories with their Property on
+terms of entire equality, without excepting Slaves or any other kind of
+property."
+
+Continuing, he said: "What more do the Southern States want?  What more
+can any man demand?  Non-intervention is all you asked.  Will it be said
+the South required in addition to this, laws of Congress to protect
+Slavery in the Territories?  That cannot be said; for only last May, the
+Senate, by a nearly unanimous vote--a unanimous vote of the Southern
+men, with one or two exceptions--declared that affirmative legislation
+was not needed at this time.  * * * What cause is there for further
+alarm in the Southern States, so far as the Territories are concerned?
+* * *
+
+"I repeat, the South has got all they ever claimed in all the
+Territories.  * * *  Then, sir, according to law, the Slaveholding
+States have got equality in the Territories.  How is it in fact.  * * *
+Now, I propose to show that they have got the actual equitable
+partition, giving them more than they were disposed to demand.
+
+"The Senator from Kentucky, * * *  Mr. Crittenden, introduced a
+proposition for an equitable partition.  That proposition was, that
+north of 36  30' Slavery should be prohibited, and South of it should be
+protected, by Territorial law.  * * *  What is now the case?  It is true
+the Crittenden proposition has not yet become part of the Constitution;
+but it is also true that an equitable partition has been made by the
+vote of the people themselves, establishing, maintaining, and protecting
+Slavery in every inch of territory South of the thirty-seventh parallel,
+giving the South half a degree more than the Crittenden Proposition.
+
+"There stands your Slave-code in New Mexico protecting Slavery up to the
+thirty-seventh degree as effectually as laws can be made to protect it.
+There it stands the Law of the Land.  Therefore the South has all below
+the thirty-seventh parallel, while Congress has not prohibited Slavery
+even North of it.
+
+                    *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+"What more, then, is demanded?  Simply that a Constitutional Amendment
+shall be adopted, affirming--what?  Precisely what every Republican in
+both Houses of Congress has voted for within a month.  Just do, by
+Constitutional Amendment, what you have voted in the Senate and House of
+Representatives, that is all.  You are not even required to do that, but
+merely to vote for a proposition submitting the question to the People
+of the States whether they will make a Constitutional Amendment
+affirming the equitable partition of the Territories which the People
+have already made.  * * *
+
+"You may ask, why does the South want us to do it by Constitutional
+Amendment, when we have just done it voluntarily by Law?  The President
+of the United States, in his Inaugural, has told you the reason.  He has
+informed you that all of these troubles grow out of the absence of a
+Constitutional provision defining the power of Congress over the subject
+of Slavery.  * * *  He thinks that the trouble has arisen from the
+absence of such a Constitutional Provision, and suggests a National
+Convention to enable the People to supply the defect, leaving the People
+to say what it is, instead of dictating to them what it shall be."
+
+It may here be remarked that while Mr. Douglas held that "So far as the
+doctrine of Popular Sovereignty and Nonintervention is concerned, the
+Colorado Bill, the Nevada Bill, and the Dakota Bill, are identically the
+same with the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and in its precise language"--these
+former Bills having been passed at the last Session of the 36th
+Congress--the Republicans, on the contrary, held that neither in these
+nor other measures had they abandoned any distinctive Republican
+principle; while Breckinridge declared that they had passed those
+Territorial Bills, without the Wilmot proviso, because they felt
+perfectly secure in those Territories, with all the Federal patronage in
+Republican hands.
+
+However that may be, we have here, brought out in strong contrast, the
+conciliatory feeling which inspired such Union men as Douglas, and the
+strong and persistent efforts they made in behalf of Concession and
+Peace up to a period only a few weeks before the bombardment of Sumter;
+and the almost total revulsion in their sentiments after that event, as
+to the only proper means to preserve the Union.  For it was only then
+that the truth, as it fell from Douglas's lips at Springfield, was fully
+recognized, to wit: that there was no half-way ground betwixt Patriotism
+and Treason; that War was an existing fact; and that Patriots must arm
+to defend and preserve the Union against the armed Traitors assailing
+it.
+
+At last, July 4, 1861, the Congress met, and proceeded at once with
+commendable alacrity and patriotism, to the consideration and enactment
+of measures sufficient to meet the extraordinary exigency, whether as
+regards the raising and equipment of the vast bodies of Union volunteers
+needed to put down Rebellion, or in the raising of those enormous
+amounts of money which the Government was now, or might thereafter be,
+called upon to spend like water in preserving the Union.
+
+It was at this memorable Session, of little over one month, that the
+chief of the great "War Measures" as they were termed, were enacted.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XIII.
+
+                          THE STORM OF BATTLE
+
+We have seen how Fort Sumter fell; how the patriotic North responded to
+President Lincoln's Call, for 75,000 three-months volunteers, with such
+enthusiasm that, had there been a sufficiency of arms and accoutrements,
+he might have had, within three months of that Call, an Army of 500,000
+men in the field; how he had called for 42,000 three-years volunteers
+early in May, besides swelling what little there was of a regular Army
+by ten full regiments; and how a strict blockade of the entire Southern
+Coast-line had not only been declared, but was now enforced and
+respected.
+
+General Butler, promoted Major-General for his Military successes at
+Annapolis and Baltimore, was now in command of Fortress Monroe and
+vicinity, with some 12,000 volunteers under him, confronted, on the
+Peninsula, by a nearly equal number of Rebel troops, under Generals
+Huger and Magruder--General Banks, with less than 10,000 Union troops,
+occupying Baltimore, and its vicinage.
+
+General Patterson, with some 20,000 Union troops--mostly Pennsylvania
+militia--was at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, with about an equal number
+of the Enemy, under General Joseph E. Johnston, at Harper's Ferry, on
+the Potomac, watching him.
+
+Some 50,000 Union troops were in camp, in and about Washington, on the
+Virginia side, under the immediate command of Generals McDowell and
+Mansfield--Lieutenant General Scott, at Washington, being in Chief-
+command of the Union Armies--and, confronting these Union forces, in
+Virginia, near the National Capital, were some 30,000 Rebel troops under
+the command of General Beauregard, whose success in securing the
+evacuation of Fort Sumter by its little garrison of half-starved Union
+soldiers, had magnified him, in the eyes of the rebellious South, into
+the proportions of a Military genius of the first order.
+
+There had been no fighting, nor movements, worthy of special note, until
+June 7th, when General Patterson advanced from Chambersburg,
+Pennsylvania, to Hagerstown, Maryland.  General Johnston at once
+evacuated Harper's Ferry, and retreated upon Winchester, Virginia.
+
+General McClellan, in command of the Department of the Ohio, had,
+however, crossed the Ohio river, and by the 4th of July, being at
+Grafton, West Virginia, with his small Army of Union troops, to which a
+greatly inferior Rebel force was opposed, commenced that successful
+advance against it, which led, after Bull Run, to his being placed at
+the head of all the Armies of the United States.
+
+Subsequently Patterson crossed the Potomac, and after trifling away over
+one month's time, at last, on the 15th of July, got within nine miles of
+Winchester and Johnston's Army.  Barring a spiritless reconnaissance,
+Patterson--who was a fervent Breckinridge-Democrat in politics, and
+whose Military judgment, as we shall see, was greatly influenced, if not
+entirely controlled, by his Chief of staff, Fitz John Porter--never got
+any nearer to the Enemy!
+
+Instead of attacking the Rebel force, under Johnston, or at least
+keeping it "employed," as he was ordered to do by General Scott; instead
+of getting nearer, and attempting to get between Winchester and the
+Shenandoah River, as was suggested to him by his second in command,
+General Sanford; and instead of permitting Sanford to go ahead, as that
+General desired to, with his own 8,000 men, and do it himself; General
+Patterson ordered him off to Charlestown--twelve miles to the Union left
+and rear,--and then took the balance of his Army, with himself, to the
+same place!
+
+In other words, while he had the most positive and definite orders, from
+General Scott, if not to attack and whip Johnston, to at least keep him
+busy and prevent that Rebel General from forming a junction, via the
+Manassas Gap railroad or otherwise, with Beauregard, Patterson
+deliberately moved his Army further away from Winchester and gave to the
+Enemy the very chance of escaping and forming that junction which was
+essential to Rebel success in the vicinity of Manassas.
+
+But for this disobedience of orders, Bull Run would doubtless have been
+a great victory to the Union Arms, instead of a reverse, and the War,
+which afterward lasted four years, might have been over in as many
+months.
+
+It is foreign to the design of this work, to present in it detailed
+descriptions of the battles waged during the great War of the Rebellion
+--it being the present intention of the writer, at some later day, to
+prepare and publish another work devoted to such stirring Military
+scenes.  Yet, as it might seem strange and unaccountable for him to pass
+by, at this time, without any description or comment, the first pitched
+battle of the Rebellion, he is constrained to pause and view that
+memorable contest.  And first, it may be well to say a word of the
+general topography of the country about the battle-field.
+
+The Alleghany Mountains, or that part of them with which we have now to
+do, stretch in three almost equidistant parallel ridges, from North-East
+to South-West, through the heart of Old Virginia.  An occasional pass,
+or "Gap," through these ridges, affords communication, by good roads,
+between the enclosed parallel valleys and the Eastern part of that
+State.
+
+The Western of these Alleghany ridges bears the name of "Alleghany
+Mountains" proper; the Eastern is called the "Blue Ridge;" while the
+Middle Ridge, at its Northern end--which rests upon the Potomac, where
+that river sweeps through three parallel ridges almost at right angles
+to their own line of direction--is called the "Great North Mountain."
+
+The valley, between the Middle Ridge and the Blue Ridge, is known as the
+Shenandoah Valley, taking its name from the Shenandoah River, which, for
+more than one hundred miles, flows along the Western foot of the Blue
+Ridge, toward the North-East, until it empties into the Potomac, at
+Harper's Ferry.
+
+The Orange and Alexandria railroad runs from Alexandria,--on the
+opposite bank of the Potomac from Washington, and a few miles below the
+Capital,--in a general Southeasterly direction, to Culpepper Court-
+House; thence Southerly to Gordonsville, where it joins the Virginia
+Central--the Western branch of which runs thence through Charlotteville,
+Staunton, and Covington, across the ridges and valleys of the
+Alleghanies, while its Eastern branch, taking a general South-easterly
+direction, crosses the Richmond and Fredricksburg railroad at Hanover
+Junction, some twenty miles North of Richmond, and thence sweeps
+Southerly to the Rebel capital.
+
+It is along this Easterly branch of the Virginia Central that Rebel re-
+enforcements will be hurried to Beauregard, from Richmond to
+Gordonsville, and thence, by the Orange and Alexandria railroad, to
+Manassas Junction.
+
+Some twenty-five miles from Alexandria, a short railroad-feeder--which
+runs from Strasburg, in the Shenandoah Valley, through the Blue Ridge,
+at Manassas Gap, in an East-South-easterly direction--strikes the
+Alexandria and Orange railroad.  The point of contact is Manassas
+Junction; and it is along this Manassas-Gap feeder that Johnston, with
+his Army at Winchester--some twenty miles North-North-East of Strasburg-
+expects, in case of attack by Patterson, to be re-enforced by
+Beauregard; or, in case the latter is assailed, to go to his assistance,
+after shaking off Patterson.
+
+This little link of railroad, known as the Manassas Gap railroad, is
+therefore an important factor in the game of War, now commencing in
+earnest; and it had, as we shall see, very much to do, not only with the
+advance of McDowell's Union Army upon Bull Run, but also with the result
+of the first pitched battle thereabout fought.
+
+From Alexandria, some twelve miles to the Westward, runs a fine turnpike
+road to Fairfax Court-House; thence, continuing Westward, but gradually
+and slightly dipping award the South, it passes through Germantown,
+Centreville, and Groveton, to Warrenton.
+
+This "Warrenton Pike"--as it is termed--also plays a somewhat
+conspicuous part, before, during, and after the Battle of Bull Run.  For
+most of its length, from Fairfax Court-House to Warrenton, the Warrenton
+Pike pursues a course almost parallel with the Orange and Alexandria
+railroad aforesaid, while the stream of Bull Run, pursuing a South-
+easterly course, has a general direction almost parallel with that of
+the Manassas Gap railroad.
+
+We shall find that it is the diamond-shaped parallelogram, formed by the
+obtuse angle junction of the two railroads on the South, and the
+similarly obtuse-angled crossing of the stream of Bull Run by the
+Warrenton Pike on the North, that is destined to become the historic
+battle-field of the first "Bull Run," or "Manassas;" and it is in the
+Northern obtuse-angle of this parallelogram that the main fighting is
+done, upon a spot not much more than one mile square, three sides of the
+same being bounded respectively by the Bull Run stream, the Warrenton
+Pike, which crosses it on a stone bridge, and the Sudley Springs road,
+which crosses the Pike, at right-angles to it, near a stone house.
+
+On the 3rd of June, 1861, General McDowell, in command of the Department
+of North-Eastern Virginia, with head-quarters at Arlington, near
+Washington, receives from Colonel Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General
+with Lieutenant-General Scott--who is in Chief command of all the Union
+Forces, with Headquarters at Washington--a brief but pregnant
+communication, the body of which runs thus: "General Scott desires you
+to submit an estimate of the number and composition of a column to be
+pushed toward Manassas Junction, and perhaps the Gap, say in four or
+five days, to favor Patterson's attack on Harper's Ferry.  The rumor is
+that Arlington Heights will be attacked to-night."
+
+In response to this request, General McDowell submits, on the day
+following, an estimate that "the actual entire force at the head of the
+column should, for the purpose of carrying the position at Manassas and
+of occupying both the road to Culpepper, and the one to the Gap, be as
+much as 12,000 Infantry, two batteries of regular Artillery, and from
+six to eight companies of Cavalry, with an available reserve, ready to
+move forward from Alexandria by rail, of 5,000 Infantry and one heavy
+field battery, rifled if possible; these numbers to be increased or
+diminished as events may indicate."  This force of raw troops he
+proposes to organize into field brigades under the command of "active
+and experienced colonels" of the regular Army.  And while giving this
+estimate as to the number of troops necessary, he suggestively adds that
+"in proportion to the numbers used will be the lives saved; and as we
+have such numbers pressing to be allowed to serve, might it not be well
+to overwhelm and conquer as much by the show of force as by the use of
+it?"
+
+Subsequently McDowell presents to General Scott, and Mr. Lincoln's
+Cabinet, a project of advance and attack, which is duly approved and
+ordered to be put in execution.  In that project or plan of operations,
+submitted by verbal request of General Scott, near the end of June,--the
+success of which is made contingent upon Patterson's holding Johnston
+engaged at Winchester in the Shenandoah Valley, and also upon Butler's
+holding the Rebel force near Fortress Monroe from coming to Beauregard's
+aid at Manassas Junction,--McDowell estimates Beauregard's strength at
+25,000, with a possible increase, bringing it up to 35,000 men.  The
+objective point in McDowell's plan, is Manassas Junction, and he
+proposes "to move against Manassas with a force of 30,000 of all arms,
+organized into three columns, with a reserve of 10,000."
+
+McDowell is fully aware that the Enemy has "batteries in position at
+several places in his front, and defensive works on Bull Run, and
+Manassas Junction."  These batteries he proposes to turn.  He believes
+Bull Run to be "fordable at almost anyplace,"--an error which ultimately
+renders his plan abortive,--and his proposition is, after uniting his
+columns on the Eastern side of Bull Run, "to attack the main position by
+turning it, if possible, so as to cut off communications by rail with
+the South, or threaten to do so sufficiently to force the Enemy to leave
+his intrenchments to guard them."
+
+In other words, assuming the Enemy driven back, by minor flanking
+movements, or otherwise, upon his intrenched position at Bull Run, or
+Manassas, the plan is to turn his right, destroy the Orange and
+Alexandria railroad leading South, and the bridge at Bristol, so as to
+cut off his supplies.  This done, the Enemy--if nothing worse ensues for
+him--will be in a "bad box."
+
+McDowell, however, has no idea that the Enemy will stand still to let
+this thing be done.  On the contrary, he is well satisfied that
+Beauregard will accept battle on some chosen ground between Manassas
+Junction and Washington.
+
+On the afternoon of Tuesday, the 16th of July, the advance of McDowell's
+Army commences.  That Army is organized into five divisions--four of
+which accompany McDowell, while a fifth is left to protect the defensive
+works of Washington, on the South bank of the Potomac.  This latter, the
+Fourth Division, commanded by Brigadier-General Theodore Runyon,
+comprises eight unbrigaded New Jersey regiments of (three months, and
+three years) volunteers--none of which take part in the ensuing
+conflicts-at-arms.
+
+The moving column consists of the First Division, commanded by
+Brigadier-General Daniel Tyler, comprising four brigades, respectively
+under Brigadier-General R.  C. Schenck, and Colonels E. D. Keyes, W. T.
+Sherman, and I. B. Richardson; the Second Division, commanded by Colonel
+David Hunter, comprising two brigades, under Colonels Andrew Porter and
+A. E. Burnside respectively; the Third Division, commanded by Colonel S.
+P. Heintzelman, comprising three brigades, under Colonels W. B.
+Franklin, O. B. Wilcox, and O. O. Howard, respectively; and the Fifth
+Division, commanded by Colonel Dixon S. Miles, comprising two brigades,
+under Colonels Lewis Blenker, and Thomas A.  Davies, respectively.
+
+Tyler's Division leads the advance, moving along the Leesburg road to
+Vienna, on our right, with orders to cross sharply to its left, upon
+Fairfax Court House, the following (Wednesday) morning.  Miles's
+Division follows the turnpike road to Annandale, and then moves, by the
+Braddock road,--along which Braddock, a century before, had marched his
+doomed army to disaster,--upon Fairfax Court House, then known to be
+held by Bonham's Rebel Brigade of South Carolinians.  Hunter follows
+Miles, to Annandale, and thence advances direct upon Fairfax, by the
+turnpike road--McDowell's idea being to bag Bonham's Brigade, if
+possible, by a simultaneous attack on the front and both flanks.  But
+the advance is too slow, and the Enemy's outposts, both there and
+elsewhere, have ample opportunity of falling safely back upon their main
+position, behind the stream of Bull Run.
+
+     [McDowell in his testimony before the "Committee on the Conduct of
+     the War," said: "At Fairfax Court House was the South Carolina
+     Brigade.  And I do not suppose anything would have had a greater
+     cheering effect upon the troops, and perhaps upon the Country, than
+     the capture of that brigade.  And if General Tyler could have got
+     down there any time in the forenoon instead of in the afternoon,
+     the capture of that brigade was beyond question.  It was about
+     5,000 or 6,000 men, and Tyler had 12,000, at the same time that we
+     were pressing on in front.  He did not get down there until in the
+     afternoon; none of us got forward in time."]
+
+This slowness is due to various causes.  There is a pretty general
+dread, for example, among our troops, of threatened ambuscades, and
+hence the advance is more cautious than it otherwise would be.  It is
+thought the part of wisdom, as it were, to "feel the way."  The
+marching, moreover, is new to our troops.  General Scott had checked
+McDowell when the latter undertook to handle eight regiments together,
+near Washington, by intimating that he was "trying to make a show."
+Thus the very essential knowledge of how to manoeuvre troops in large
+bodies, has been withheld from our Union generals, while the volunteer
+regiments have either rusted in camp from inaction, or have been denied
+the opportunity of acquiring that endurance and hardiness and discipline
+which frequent movement of troops confers.  Hence, all unused to the
+discipline of the march, every moment some one falls out of line to
+"pick blackberries, or to get water."  Says McDowell, in afterward
+reporting this march: "They would not keep in the ranks, order as much
+as you pleased.  When they came where water was fresh, they would pour
+the old water out of their canteens and fill them with fresh water; they
+were not used to denying themselves much."
+
+Meantime, Heintzelman's Division is also advancing, by cross-roads, more
+to the left and South of the railroad line,--in accordance with
+McDowell's plan, which comprehends not only the bagging of Bonham, but
+an immediate subsequent demonstration, by Tyler, upon Centreville and
+beyond, while Heintzelman, supported by Hunter and Miles, shall swoop
+across Bull Run, at Wolf Run Shoals, some distance below Union Mills,
+turn the Enemy's right, and cut off his Southern line of railroad
+communications.  Thus, by the evening of Wednesday, the 17th,
+Heintzelman is at Sangster's Station, while Tyler, Miles, and Hunter,
+are at Fairfax.
+
+It is a rather rough experience that now befalls the Grand Army of the
+Union.  All unused, as we have seen, to the fatigues and other hardships
+of the march, the raw levies, of which it almost wholly consists, which
+started bright and fresh, strong and hopeful, full of the buoyant ardor
+of enthusiastic patriotism, on that hot July afternoon, only some thirty
+hours back, are now dust-begrimed, footsore, broken down, exhausted by
+the scorching sun, hungry, and without food,--for they have wasted the
+rations with which they started, and the supply-trains have not yet
+arrived.  Thus, hungry and physically prostrated, "utterly played out,"
+as many of them confess, and demoralized also by straggling and loss of
+organization, they bivouac that night in the woods, and dream uneasy
+dreams beneath the comfortless stars.
+
+A mile beyond Fairfax Court House, on the Warrenton Turnpike, is
+Germantown.  It is here that Tyler's Division has rested, on the night
+of the 17th.  At 7 o'clock on the morning of Thursday, the 18th, in
+obedience to written orders from McDowell, it presses forward, on that
+"Pike," to Centreville, five miles nearer to the Enemy's position behind
+Bull Run--Richardson's Brigade in advance--and, at 9 o'clock, occupies
+it.  Here McDowell has intended Tyler to remain, in accordance with the
+plan, which he has imparted to him in conversation, and in obedience to
+the written instructions to: "Observe well the roads to Bull Run and to
+Warrenton.  Do not bring on an engagement, but keep up the impression
+that we are moving on Manassas,"--this advance, by way of Centreville,
+being intended solely as a "demonstration" to mask the real movement,
+which, as we have seen, is to be made by the other divisions across Wolf
+Run Shoals, a point on Bull Run, some five or six miles below Union
+Mills, and some seven miles below Blackburn's Ford.
+
+Upon the arrival of Richardson's Brigade, Thursday morning, at
+Centreville, it is found that, under cover of the darkness of the
+previous night, the Enemy has retreated, in two bodies, upon Bull Run,
+the one along the Warrenton Pike, the other (the largest) down the
+ridge-road from Centreville to Blackburn's Ford.  Richardson's Brigade
+at once turns down the latter road and halts about a mile beyond
+Centreville, at a point convenient to some springs of water.  Tyler soon
+afterward rides up, and, taking from that brigade two companies of light
+Infantry and a squadron of Cavalry, proceeds, with Colonel Richardson,
+to reconnoitre the Enemy, finding him in a strong position on the
+opposite bank of Bull Run, at Blackburn's Ford.
+
+While this is going on, McDowell has ridden in a Southerly direction
+down to Heintzelman's Division, at Sangster's Station, "to make
+arrangements to turn the Enemy's right, and intercept his communications
+with the South," but has found, owing to the narrowness and crookedness
+of the roads, and the great distance that must be traversed in making
+the necessary detour, that his contemplated movement is too risky to be
+ventured.  Hence he at once abandons his original plan of turning the
+Enemy's right, and determines on "going around his left, where the
+country is more open, and the roads broad and good."
+
+McDowell now orders a concentration, for that night, of the four
+divisions, with two days cooked rations in their haversacks, upon and
+about Centreville,--the movement to commence as soon as they shall
+receive expected commissariat supplies.  But, later on the 18th,--
+learning that his advance, under Tyler, has, against orders, become
+engaged with the Enemy--he directs the concentration to be made at once.
+
+Let us examine, for a moment, how this premature engagement comes about.
+We left Tyler, accompanied by Richardson, with a squadron of Cavalry and
+a battalion of light Infantry making a reconnaissance, on Thursday
+morning the 18th, toward Blackburn's Ford.  They approach within a mile
+of the ford, when they discover a Rebel battery on the farther bank of
+Bull Run--so placed as to enfilade the road descending from their own
+position of observation down to the ford,--strong Rebel infantry pickets
+and skirmishing parties being in front.
+
+Tyler at once orders up his two rifled guns, Ayres' Battery, and
+Richardson's entire Brigade--and later, Sherman's Brigade as a reserve.
+As soon as they come up,--about noon-he orders the rifled guns into
+battery on the crest of the hill, about one mile from, and looking down
+upon, the Rebel battery aforesaid, and opens upon the Enemy; giving him
+a dozen shells,--one of them making it lively for a body of Rebel
+Cavalry which appears between the ford and Manassas.
+
+The Rebel battery responds with half a dozen shots, and then ceases.
+Tyler now orders Richardson to advance his brigade and throw out
+skirmishers to scour the thick woods which cover the Bull Run bottom-
+land.  Richardson at once rapidly deploys the battalion of light
+Infantry as skirmishers in advance of his brigade, pushes them forward
+to the edge of the woods, drives in the skirmishers of the Enemy in fine
+style, and supports their further advance into the woods, with the 1st
+Massachusetts Regiment.
+
+Meanwhile Tyler, discovering a favorable opening in the woods, "low down
+on the bottom of the stream," for a couple of howitzers in battery,
+sends Captain Ayres of the 5th U. S. Artillery, and a detached section
+(two 12-pound howitzers) of his battery, with orders to post it himself
+on that spot, and sends Brackett's squadron of the 2d Cavalry to his
+support.
+
+No sooner does Ayres open fire on the Enemy, than he awakens a Rebel
+hornet's-nest.  Volley after volley of musketry shows that the Bull Run
+bottom fairly swarms with Rebel troops, while another Rebel battery,
+more to the Rebel right, opens, with that already mentioned, a
+concentrated cross-fire upon him.
+
+And now Richardson orders up the 12th New York, Colonel Walrath, to the
+left of our battery.  Forming it into line-of-battle, Richardson orders
+it to charge through the woods upon the Enemy.  Gallantly the regiment
+moves forward, after the skirmishers, into the woods, but, being met by
+a very heavy fire of musketry and artillery along the whole line of the
+Enemy's position, is, for the most part, thrown back in confusion--a
+mere fragment* remaining in line, and retreating,--while the howitzers,
+and Cavalry also, are withdrawn.
+
+Meantime, however, Richardson has ordered up, and placed in line-of-
+battle, on the right of our battery, the 1st Massachusetts, the 2d
+Michigan (his own), and the 3d Michigan.  The skirmishers in the woods
+still bravely hold their ground, undercover, and these three regiments
+are plucky, and anxious to assault the Enemy.  Richardson proposes to
+lead them in a charge upon the Enemy's position, and drive him out of
+it; but Tyler declines to give permission, on the ground that this being
+"merely a reconnaissance," the object of which--ascertaining the
+strength and position of the Enemy--having been attained, a further
+attack is unnecessary.  He therefore orders Richardson to "fall back in
+good order to our batteries on the hill,"--which he does.
+
+Upon reaching these batteries, Richardson forms his 2d Michigan, in
+"close column by division," on their right, and the 1st Massachusetts
+and 3d Michigan, in "line of battle," on their left--the 12th New York
+re-forming, under cover of the woods at the rear, later on.  Then, with
+our skirmishers thrown into the woods in front, their scattering fire,
+and the musketry responses of the Rebels, are drowned in the volume of
+sound produced by the deafening contest which ensues between our
+Artillery, and that of the Enemy from his batteries behind Bull Run.
+
+This artillery-duel continues about one hour; and then seems to cease by
+mutual consent, about dusk--after 415 shots have been fired on the Union
+side, and have been responded to by an equal number from the Rebel
+batteries, "gun for gun"--the total loss in the engagement, on the Union
+side, being 83, to a total loss among the Enemy, of Thursday night,
+Richardson retires his brigade upon Centreville, in order to secure
+rations and water for his hungry and thirsty troops,--as no water has
+yet been found in the vicinity of the Union batteries aforesaid.  On the
+morrow, however, when his brigade re-occupies that position, water is
+found in abundance, by digging for it.
+
+This premature attack, at Blackburn's Ford, by Tyler, against orders,
+having failed, throws a wet blanket upon the martial spirit of
+McDowell's Army.  In like degree is the morale of the Rebel Army
+increased.
+
+It is true that Longstreet, in command of the Rebel troops at
+Blackburn's Ford, has not had things all his own way; that some of his
+artillery had to be "withdrawn;" that, as he acknowledges in his report,
+his brigade of three Virginia regiments (the 1st, 11th, and 17th) had
+"with some difficulty repelled" the Union assault upon his position;
+that he had to call upon General Early for re-enforcements; that Early
+re-enforced him with two Infantry regiments (the 7th Louisiana and 7th
+Virginia) at first; that one of these (the 7th Virginia) was "thrown
+into confusion;" that Early then brought up his own regiment (the 24th
+Virginia) under Lieutenant Colonel Hairston, and the entire seven guns
+of the "Washington Artillery;" and that but for the active "personal
+exertions" of Longstreet, in "encouraging the men under his command,"
+and the great numerical superiority of the Rebels, there might have been
+no Union "repulse" at all.  Yet still the attack has failed, and that
+failure, while it dispirits the Patriot Army, inspires the Rebel Army
+with renewed courage.
+
+Under these circumstances, Friday, the 19th of July, is devoted to
+reconnaissances by the Engineer officers of the Union Army; to the
+cooking of the supplies, which have at last arrived; and to resting the
+weary and road-worn soldiers of the Union.
+
+Let us take advantage of this halt in the advance of McDowell's "Grand
+Army of the United States"--as it was termed--to view the Rebel position
+at, and about Manassas, and to note certain other matters having an
+important and even determining bearing upon the issue of the impending
+shock-at-arms.
+
+Beauregard has received early information of McDowell's advance from
+Arlington, and of his plans.
+
+     [This he admits, in his report, when he says; "Opportunely informed
+     of the determination of the Enemy to advance on Manassas, my
+     advanced brigades, on the night of the 16th of July, were made
+     aware, from these headquarters, of the impending movement,"]
+
+On Tuesday the 16th, he notifies his advanced brigades.  On Wednesday,
+he sends a dispatch from Manassas, to Jefferson Davis, at Richmond,
+announcing that the Union troops have assailed his outposts in heavy
+force; that he has fallen back before them, on the line of Bull Run; and
+that he intends to make a stand at Mitchell's Ford (close to Blackburn's
+Ford) on that stream,--adding: if his (McDowell's) force is
+overwhelming, "I shall retire to the Rappahannock railroad bridge,
+saving my command for defense there, and future operations.  Please
+inform Johnston of this, via Staunton, and also Holmes.  Send forward
+any re-enforcements at the earliest possible instant, and by every
+possible means."
+
+In the meantime, however, Beauregard loses no time in advantageously
+posting his troops.  On the morning of the 18th of July, when the Union
+advance enters Centreville, he has withdrawn all his advanced brigades
+within the Rebel lines of Bull Run, resting them on the South side of
+that stream, from Union Mills Ford, near the Orange and Alexandria
+railroad bridge, up to the stone bridge over which the Warrenton Pike
+crosses the Run,--a distance of some six to eight miles.
+
+Between the Rebel left, at Stone Bridge, and the Rebel right, at Union
+Mills Ford, are several fords across Bull Run--the general course of the
+stream being from the North-West to South-East, to its confluence with
+the Occoquan River, some twelve miles from the Potomac River.
+
+Mitchell's Ford, the Rebel center, is about three miles to the South-
+West of, and about the same distance North-East from, Manassas Junction.
+But it may be well, right here, to locate all these fordable crossings
+of the rocky, precipitous, and well-wooded Bull Run stream, between the
+Stone Bridge and Union Mills Ford.  Thus, half a mile below the Stone
+Bridge is Lewis's Ford; half a mile below that, Ball's Ford; half a mile
+below that, Island Ford; one and one-half miles below that, Mitchell's
+Ford--one mile below that.
+
+Blackburn's Ford; three-quarters of a mile farther down, McLean's Ford;
+and nearly two miles lower down the stream, Union Mills Ford.
+
+By Thursday morning, the 18th of July, Beauregard has advantageously
+posted the seven brigades into which he has organized his forces, at
+these various positions along his extended front, as follows:
+
+At the Stone Bridge, Brigadier-General N. G. Evans's Seventh Brigade, of
+one regiment and one battalion of Infantry, two companies of Cavalry,
+and a battery of four six-pounders.
+
+At Lewis's, Balls, and Island Fords--Colonel P. St.  George Cocke's
+Fifth Brigade, of three regiments of Infantry, one battery of Artillery,
+and one company of Cavalry.
+
+At Mitchell's Ford, Brigadier-General M. L. Bonham's First Brigade, of
+four Infantry regiments, two batteries, and six companies of Cavalry.
+
+At Blackburn's Ford, Brigadier-General J. Longstreet's Fourth Brigade,
+of four Infantry regiments, with two 6-pounders.
+
+At McLean's Ford, Brigadier-General D. R. Jones's Third Brigade of three
+Infantry regiments, one Cavalry company, and two 6-pounders.
+
+At Union Mills Ford, Brigadier-General R. S. Ewell's Second Brigade, of
+three Infantry regiments, three Cavalry companies, and four 12-powder
+howitzers--Colonel Jubal A. Early's Sixth Brigade, of three Infantry
+regiments and three rifled pieces of Walton's Battery, being posted in
+the rear of, and as a support to, Ewell's Brigade.
+
+     [Johnston also found, on the 20th, the Reserve Brigade of Brig.
+     Gen. T. H. Holmes--comprising two regiments of Infantry, Walker's
+     Battery of Artillery, and Scott's Cavalry-with Early's Brigade, "in
+     reserve, in rear of the right."]
+
+The disposition and strength of Beauregard's forces at these various
+points along his line of defense on Bull Run stream, plainly shows his
+expectation of an attack on his right; but he is evidently suspicious
+that it may come upon his centre; for, as far back as July 8th, he had
+issued special orders to the effect that:
+
+"Should the Enemy march to the attack of Mitchell's Ford, via
+Centreville, the following movements will be made with celerity:
+
+"I. The Fourth Brigade will march from Blackburn's Ford to attack him on
+the flank and centre.
+
+"II. The Third Brigade will be thrown to the attack of his centre and
+rear toward Centreville.
+
+"III.  The Second and Sixth Brigades united will also push forward and
+attack him in the rear by way of Centreville, protecting their own right
+flanks and rear from the direction of Fairfax Station and Court House.
+
+"IV.  In the event of the defeat of the Enemy, the troops at Mitchell's
+Ford and Stone Bridge, especially the Cavalry and Artillery, will join
+in the pursuit, which will be conducted with vigor but unceasing
+prudence, and continued until he shall have been driven beyond the
+Potomac."
+
+And it is not without interest to note Beauregard's subsequent
+indorsement on the back of these Special Orders, that: "The plan of
+attack prescribed within would have been executed, with modifications
+affecting First and Fifth Brigades, to meet the attack upon Blackburn's
+Ford, but for the expected coming of General Johnston's command, which
+was known to be en route to join me on [Thursday] the 18th of July."
+
+The knowledge thus possessed on Thursday, the 18th, by Beauregard, that
+Johnston's Army is on its way to join him, is of infinite advantage to
+the former.  On the other hand, the complete ignorance, at this time, of
+McDowell on this point,--and the further fact that he has been lulled
+into a feeling of security on the subject, by General Scott's emphatic
+assurance to him that "if Johnston joins Beauregard, he shall have
+Patterson on his heels"--is a great disadvantage to the Union general.
+
+Were McDowell now aware of the real Military situation, he would
+unquestionably make an immediate attack, with the object of crushing
+Beauregard before Johnston can effect a junction with him.  It would
+then be a mere matter of detail for the armies of McDowell, McClellan,
+and Patterson, to bag Johnston, and bring the armed Rebellion to an
+inglorious and speedy end.  But Providence--through the plottings of
+individuals within our own lines--wills it otherwise.
+
+Long before this, Patterson has been informed by General Winfield Scott
+of the proposed movement by McDowell upon Manassas,--and of its date.
+
+On Saturday, July 13th, General Scott telegraphed to Patterson: "I
+telegraphed to you yesterday, if not strong enough to beat the Enemy
+early next week, make demonstrations so as to detain him in the Valley
+of Winchester; but if he retreats in force toward Manassas, and it be
+too hazardous to follow him, then consider the route via Keys Ferry,
+Leesburg, etc."
+
+On Wednesday, the 17th, Scott telegraphs to Patterson: "I have nothing
+official from you since Sunday (14th), but am glad to learn, through
+Philadelphia papers, that you have advanced.  Do not let the Enemy amuse
+and delay you with a small force in front whilst he re-enforces the
+Junction with his main body.  McDowell's first day's work has driven the
+Enemy beyond Fairfax Court House.  The Junction will probably be carried
+by to-morrow."
+
+On Thursday, the 18th, Patterson replies that to attack "the greatly
+superior force at Winchester "when the three months volunteers' time was
+about up, and they were threatening to leave him--would be "most
+hazardous" and then he asks: "Shall I attack?"
+
+Scott answers the same day: "I have certainly been expecting you to beat
+the Enemy.  If not, to hear that you had felt him strongly, or, at
+least, had occupied him by threats and demonstrations.  You have been at
+least his equal, and, I suppose, superior in numbers.  Has he not stolen
+a march and sent re-enforcements toward Manassas Junction?  A week is
+enough to win victories," etc.
+
+Patterson retorts, on the same day: "The Enemy has stolen no march upon
+me.  I have kept him actively employed, and by threats, and
+reconnaissances in force, caused him to be re-enforced.  I have
+accomplished in this respect more than the General-in-Chief asked, or
+could well be expected, in face of an Enemy far superior in numbers,
+with no line of communication to protect."
+
+In another dispatch, to Assistant Adjutant-General Townsend (with
+General Scott), he says, that same afternoon of Thursday, the 18th: "I
+have succeeded, in accordance with the wishes of the General-in-Chief,
+in keeping General Johnston's Force at Winchester.  A reconnaissance in
+force, on Tuesday, caused him to be largely re-enforced from Strasburg."
+
+Again, on Friday, the 19th, he informs Colonel Townsend that: "The
+Enemy, from last information, are still at Winchester, and being re-
+enforced every night."
+
+It is not until Saturday, the 20th of July, that he telegraphs to
+Townsend: "With a portion of his force, Johnston left Winchester, by the
+road to Millwood, on the afternoon of the 18th."  And he adds the
+ridiculous statement: "His whole force was about 35,200."
+
+Thus, despite all the anxious care of General Scott, to have Johnston's
+Army detained in the Shenandoah Valley, it has escaped Patterson so
+successfully, and entirely, that the latter does not even suspect its
+disappearance until the day before the pitched Battle of Bull Run is
+fought!  Its main body has actually reached Manassas twenty-four hours
+before Patterson is aware that it has left Winchester!
+
+And how is it, that Johnston gets away from Patterson so neatly?  And
+when does he do it?
+
+     [The extraordinary conduct of General Patterson at this critical
+     period, when everything seemed to depend upon his exertions, was
+     afterward the subject of inquiry by the Joint-Committee on the
+     Conduct of the War.  The testimony taken by that Committee makes it
+     clear, to any unprejudiced mind, that while Patterson himself may
+     have been loyal to the Union, he was weak enough to be swayed from
+     the path of duty by some of the faithless and unpatriotic officers
+     with whom he had partly surrounded himself--and especially by Fitz
+     John Porter, his Chief-of-staff.  Let us examine the sworn
+     testimony of two or three witnesses on this point.
+
+     General CHARLES W. SANFORD, who was second in command under
+     Patterson, and in command of Patterson's Left Wing, testified [see
+     pages 54-66, Report on Conduct of the War, Vol. 3, Part 2,] that he
+     was at a Council of War held at the White House, June 29th, when
+     the propriety of an attack on the Rebel lines at Manassas was
+     discussed; that he objected to any such movement until Patterson
+     was in such a position as to prevent the junction between General
+     Johnston's Army and the troops at Manassas; that on the 6th of
+     July, he was sent by General Scott, with four picked New York
+     regiments, to Patterson, and (waiving his own seniority rank)
+     reported to that General, at Williamsport; that Patterson gave him
+     command of a division of 8,000 men (and two batteries) out of a
+     total in his Army of 22,000; that he "delivered orders from General
+     Scott to General Patterson, and urged a forward movement as soon as
+     possible;" that there was "Some delay at Martinsburg,
+     notwithstanding the urgency of our matter," but they "left there on
+     [Monday] the 15th of July, and went in the direction of
+     Winchester,"--down to Bunker Hill,--Patterson with two divisions
+     going down the turnpike, and Sanford taking his division a little
+     in advance and more easterly on the side roads so as to be in a
+     position to flank Johnston's right; that on that afternoon (Monday,
+     July 15) General Patterson rode up to where Sanford was locating
+     his camp.
+
+     Continuing his testimony, General Sanford said: "I was then within
+     about nine miles of Johnston's fortified camp at Winchester.
+     Patterson was complimenting me upon the manner in which my
+     regiments were located, and inquiring about my pickets, which I had
+     informed him I had sent down about three miles to a stream below.
+     I had driven out the Enemy's skirmishers ahead of us.  They had
+     some cavalry there.  In answer to his compliments about the
+     comfortable location I had made, I said: 'Very comfortable,
+     General, when shall we move on?' * * *  He hesitated a moment or
+     two, and then said: 'I don't know yet when we shall move.  And if I
+     did I would not tell my own father.' I thought that was rather a
+     queer speech to make to me under the circumstances.  But I smiled
+     and said: 'General, I am only anxious that we shall get forward,
+     that the Enemy shall not escape us.'  He replied: 'There is no
+     danger of that.  I will have a reconnaissance to-morrow, and we
+     will arrange about moving at a very early period.'  He then took
+     his leave.
+
+     "The next day [Tuesday, July 16th], there was a reconnaissance on
+     the Winchester turnpike, about four or five miles below the
+     General's camp.  He sent forward a section of artillery and some
+     cavalry, and they found a post-and-log fence across the Winchester
+     turnpike, and some of the Enemy's cavalry on the other side of it.
+     They gave them a round of grape.  The cavalry scattered off, and
+     the reconnaissance returned.  That was the only reconnaissance I
+     heard of while we were there.  My own pickets went further than
+     that.  But it was understood, the next afternoon, that we were to
+     march forward at daylight.  I sent down Col. Morell, with 40 men,
+     to open a road down to Opequan Creek, within five miles of the camp
+     at Winchester, on the side-roads I was upon, which would enable me,
+     in the course of three hours, to get between Johnston and the
+     Shenandoah River, and effectually bar his way to Manassas.  I had
+     my ammunition all distributed, and ordered my men to have 24 hours'
+     rations in their haversacks, independent of their breakfast.  We
+     were to march at 4 o'clock the next morning.  I had this road to
+     the Opequan completed that night.  I had then with me, in addition
+     to my eight regiments amounting to about 8,000 men and a few
+     cavalry, Doubleday's heavy United States battery of 20 and 30
+     pounders, and a very good Rhode Island battery.  And I was willing
+     to take the risk, whether Gen. Patterson followed me up or not, of
+     placing myself between Johnston and the Shenandoah River, rather
+     than let Johnston escape.  And, at 4 o'clock [July 17th] I should
+     have moved over that road for that purpose, if I had had no further
+     orders.  But, a little after 12 o'clock at night [July 16th-17th,]
+     I received a long order of three pages from Gen. Patterson,
+     instructing me to move on to Charlestown, which is nearly at right
+     angles to the road I was going to move on, and twenty-two miles
+     from Winchester.  This was after I had given my orders for the
+     other movement."
+
+               *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+     'Question [by the Chairman].--And that left Johnston free?
+     "Answer--Yes, Sir; left him free to make his escape, which he did.
+     * * *"
+
+     'Question.--In what direction would Johnston have had to move to
+     get by you?
+     "Answer--Right out to the Shenandoah River, which he forded.  He
+     found out from his cavalry, who were watching us, that we were
+     actually leaving, and he started at 1 o'clock that same day, with
+     8,000 men, forded the Shenandoah where it was so deep that he
+     ordered his men to put their cartridge-boxes on their bayonets, got
+     out on the Leesburg road, and went down to Manassas."
+
+     "Question [by the Chairman].--Did he [Patterson] assign any reason
+     for that movement?
+     "Answer.--I was, of course, very indignant about it, and so were
+     all my officers and men; so much so that when, subsequently, at
+     Harper's Ferry, Patterson came by my camp, there was a universal
+     groan--against all discipline, of course, and we suppressed it as
+     soon as possible.  The excuse given by Gen.  Patterson was this:
+     that he had received intelligence that he could rely upon, that
+     Gen.  Johnston had been re-enforced by 20,000 men from Manassas,
+     and was going to make an attack upon him; and in the order which I
+     received that night--a long order of three pages--I was ordered to
+     occupy all the communicating roads, turning off a regiment here,
+     and two or three regiments there, and a battery at another place,
+     to occupy all the roads from Winchester to the neighborhood of
+     Charlestown, and all the cross-roads, and hold them all that day,
+     until Gen. Patterson's whole army went by me to Charlestown; and I
+     sat seven hours in the saddle near a place called Smithfield, while
+     Patterson, with his whole army, went by me on their way to
+     Charlestown, he being apprehensive, as he said, of an attack from
+     Johnston's forces."
+
+     "Question [by Mr. Odell].--You covered his movement?
+     "Answer--Yes, Sir.  Now the statement that he made, which came to
+     me through Colonel Abercrombie, who was Patterson's brother-in-law,
+     and commanded one division in that army, was, that Johnston had
+     been re-enforced; and Gen. Fitz-John Porter reported the same thing
+     to my officers.  Gen. Porter was then the chief of Patterson's
+     staff, and was a very excellent officer, and an accomplished
+     soldier.  They all had got this story, which was without the
+     slightest shadow of foundation; for there had not a single man
+     arrived at the camp since we had got full information that their
+     force consisted of 20,000 men, of whom 1,800 were sick with the
+     measles.  The story was, however, that they had ascertained, by
+     reliable information, of this re-enforcement.  Where they got their
+     information, I do not know.  None such reached me; and I picked up
+     deserters and other persons to get all the information I could; and
+     we since have learned, as a matter of certainty, that Johnston's
+     forces never did exceed 20,000 men there.  But the excuse Patterson
+     gave was, that Johnson had been re-enforced by 20,000 men from
+     Manassas, and was going to attack him.  That was the reason he gave
+     then for this movement.  But in this paper he has lately published,
+     he hints at another reason--another excuse--which was that it was
+     by order of Gen. Scott.  Now, I know that the peremptory order of
+     Gen. Scott to Gen. Patterson, repeated over and over again, was
+     this--I was present on several occasions when telegraphic
+     communications went from Gen. Scott to Gen. Patterson: Gen. Scott's
+     orders to Gen. Patterson were that, if he were strong enough, he
+     was to attack and beat Johnston.  But if not, then he was to place
+     himself in such a position as to keep Johnston employed, and
+     prevent him from making a junction with Beauregard at Manassas.
+     That was the repeated direction of Gen. Scott to Gen.  Patterson;
+     and it was because of Patterson's hesitancy, and his hanging back,
+     and keeping so far beyond the reach of Johnston's camp, that I was
+     ordered to go up there and re-enforce him, and assist him in any
+     operations necessary to effect that object.  The excuse of Gen.
+     Patterson now is, that he had orders from Gen. Scott to move to
+     Charlestown.  Now, that is not so.  But this state of things
+     existed: Before the movement was made from Martinsburg, General
+     Patterson suggested to General Scott that Charlestown would be a
+     better base of operations than Martinsburg and suggested that he
+     had better move on Charlestown, and thence make his approaches to
+     Winchester; that it would be better to do that than to move
+     directly to Winchester from Martinsburg; and General Scott wrote
+     back to say that, if he found that movement a better one, he was at
+     liberty to make it.  But Gen. Patterson had already commenced his
+     movement on Winchester direct from Martinsburg, and had got as far
+     as Bunker Hill; so that the movement which he had formerly
+     suggested, to Charlestown, was suppressed by his own act.  But that
+     is the pretence now given in his published speech for making the
+     movement from Bunker Hill to Charlestown, which was a retreat,
+     instead of the advance which the movement to Charlestown he first
+     proposed to Gen. Scott was intended to be."
+
+                   *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+     "Question [by the Chairman].--Was not that change of direction and
+     movement to Charlestown a total abandonment of the object which you
+     were pursuing?
+     "Answer.--Entirely an abandonment of the main principles of the
+     orders he was acting under."
+
+     "Question.--And of course an abandonment of the purpose for which
+     you were there?
+     "Answer.--Yes, Sir.
+
+     "Question [by Mr. Odell].-Was it not your understanding in leaving
+     here, and was it not the understanding also of Gen. Scott, that
+     your purpose in going there was to check Johnston with direct
+     reference to the movement here?
+     "Answer--Undoubtedly.  It was in consequence of the suggestion made
+     by me at the Council at the President's house.  * * *  And upon the
+     suggestion of General Scott they wanted me to go up there and
+     assist Patterson in this movement against Johnston, so as to carry
+     out the point I had suggested of first checkmating Johnston before
+     the movement against Manassas was made here."
+
+                    *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+     Question [by the Chairman].--Would there have been any difficulty
+     in preventing Johnston from going to Manassas?
+     "Answer.--None whatever."
+
+                    *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+     "Question [by the Chairman.]--I have heard it suggested that he
+     (Patterson) undertook to excuse this movement on the ground that
+     the time of many of his troops had expired, and they refused to
+     accompany him.
+     "Answer.--That to my knowledge, is untrue.  The time of none of
+     them had expired when this movement was made.  All the troops that
+     were there were in the highest condition for the service.  These
+     three-months' men, it may be well to state to you who are not
+     Military men, were superior to any other volunteer troops that we
+     had, in point of discipline.  They were the disciplined troops of
+     the Country.  The three-months' men were generally the organized
+     troops of the different States--New York, Pennsylvania, etc.  We
+     had, for instance, from Patterson's own city, Philadelphia, one of
+     the finest regiments in the service, which was turned over to me,
+     at their own request; and the most of my regiments were disciplined
+     and organized troops.  They were all in fine condition, anxious,
+     zealous, and earnest for a fight.  They thought they were going to
+     attack Johnston's camp at Winchester.  Although I had suggested to
+     Gen. Patterson that there was no necessity for that, the camp being
+     admirably fortified with many of their heavy guns from Norfolk, I
+     proposed to him to place ourselves between Johnston and the
+     Shenandoah, which would have compelled him to fight us there, or to
+     remain in his camp, either of which would have effected General
+     Scott's object.  If I had got into a fight, it was very easy, over
+     this road I had just been opening, for Patterson to have re-
+     enforced me and to have come up to the fight in time.  The
+     proposition was to place ourselves between Johnston's fortified
+     camp and the Shenandoah, where his fortified camp would have been
+     of no use to him."
+
+     "Question.--Even if you had received a check there, it would have
+     prevented his junction with the forces at Manassas?
+     "Answer.--Yes, Sir; I would have risked a battle with my own
+     division rather than Johnston should have escaped.  If he had
+     attacked me, I could have taken a position where I could have held
+     it, while Patterson could have fallen upon him and repulsed him."
+
+     "Question [by Mr. Odell].--Had you any such understanding with
+     Patterson?
+     "Answer.--I told him I would move down on this side-road in
+     advance, leaving Gen. Patterson to sustain me if I got into a
+     fight.  So, on the other hand, if he should attack Patterson, I was
+     near enough to fall upon Johnston's flank and to support Patterson.
+     By using this communication of mine to pass Opequan Creek--where, I
+     had informed Patterson, I had already pushed forward my pickets,
+     [200 men in the day and 400 more at night,] to prevent the Enemy
+     from burning the bridge--it would have enabled me to get between
+     Johnston and the Shenandoah River.  On the morning [Wednesday, July
+     17th] of our march to Charlestown, Stuart's cavalry, which figured
+     so vigorously at Bull Run, was upon my flank all day.  They were
+     apparently about 800 strong.  I saw them constantly on my flank for
+     a number of miles.  I could distinguish them, with my glass, with
+     great ease.  Finally, they came within about a mile of the line of
+     march I was pursuing and I sent a battery around to head them off,
+     and the 12th Regiment across the fields in double-quick time to
+     take them in the rear.  I thought I had got them hemmed in.  But
+     they broke down the fences, and went across the country to
+     Winchester, and I saw nothing more of them.  They were then about
+     eight miles from Winchester, and must have got there in the course
+     of a couple of hours.  That day [Wednesday, the 17th] at 10
+     o'clock--as was ascertained from those who saw him crossing the
+     Shenandoah--Johnston started from Winchester with 8,000 men, forded
+     the Shenandoah, and got to Manassas on Friday night; and his second
+     in command started the next day with all the rest of the available
+     troops--something like 9,000 men; leaving only the sick, and a few
+     to guard them, in the camp at Winchester--and they arrived at the
+     battle-field in the midst of the fight, got out of the cars, rushed
+     on the battle-field, and turned the scale.  I have no doubt that,
+     if we had intercepted Johnston, as we ought to have done, the
+     battle of Bull Run would have been a victory for us instead of a
+     defeat.  Johnston was undoubtedly the ablest general they had in
+     their army."
+
+     Colonel CRAIG BIDDLE, testified that he was General Patterson's
+     aide-de-camp at the time.  In answer to a question by the Chairman,
+     he continued:
+
+     "Answer.--I was present, of course, at all the discussions.  The
+     discussion at Martinsburg was as to whether or not General
+     Patterson should go on to Winchester.  General Patterson was very
+     full of that himself.  He was determined to go to Winchester; but
+     the opinions of all the regular officers who were with him, were
+     against it.  The opinions of all the men in whose judgment I had
+     any confidence, were against it.  They seemed to have the notion
+     that General Patterson had got his Irish blood up by the fight we
+     had had at Falling Waters, and was bound to go ahead.  He decided
+     upon going ahead, against the remonstrances of General [Fitz John]
+     Porter, who advised against it.  He told me he considered he had
+     done his duty, and said no more.  The movement was delayed in
+     consequence of General Stone's command not being able to move right
+     away.  It was then evident that there was so much opposition to it
+     that the General was induced to call a council of the general
+     officers in his command, at which I was present.  They were
+     unanimously opposed to the advance.  That was at Martinsburg."
+
+                   *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+     "Question.--While at Bunker Hill, the night before you left there,
+     were any orders issued to march in the evening?
+     "Answer.--I think there were such orders."
+
+     "Question.--Did not General Patterson issue orders at Bunker Hill,
+     the night before you marched to Charlestown, for an attack on the
+     Enemy?
+     "Answer.-I think such orders were written.  I do not think they
+     were issued.  I think General Patterson was again persuaded not to
+     make an advance."
+
+     Colonel R. BUTLER PRICE, Senior aide to Patterson, testified as
+     follows:
+
+                    *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+     "Question [by Mr. Gooch].--Was it not the intention to move from
+     Bunker Hill to Winchester?
+     "Answer.--Yes, Sir.  At one time General Patterson had given an
+     order to move from Bunker Hill to Winchester.  He was very
+     unwilling to leave Johnston even at Winchester without attacking
+     him; and on the afternoon before we left Bunker Hill he decided to
+     attack him, notwithstanding his strong force."
+
+     "Question.--Behind his intrenchments?
+     "Answer.--Yes, Sir; it went so far that his order was written by
+     his adjutant, General [Fitz John] Porter.  It was very much against
+     the wishes of General [Fitz John] Porter; and he asked General
+     Patterson if he would send for Colonel Abercrombie and Colonel
+     Thomas and consult them on the movement.  General Patterson
+     replied: No, Sir; for I know they will attempt to dissuade me from
+     it, and I have made up my mind to fight Johnston under all
+     circumstances.  That was the day before we left Bunker Hill.  Then
+     Colonel [Fitz John] Porter asked to have Colonel Abercrombie and
+     Colonel Thomas sent for and consulted as to the best manner to
+     carry out his wishes.  He consented, and they came, and after half
+     an hour they dissuaded him from it."
+
+     "Question.--At that time General Patterson felt it was so important
+     to attack Johnston that he had determined to do it?
+     "Answer.--Yes, Sir; the order was not published, but it was
+     written."
+
+     "Question.--You understood General Patterson to be influenced to
+     make that attempt because he felt there was a necessity for
+     detaining Johnston?
+     "Answer.--Yes, Sir; to detain him as long as he possibly could."
+
+     "Question.--That order was not countermanded until late on Tuesday,
+     the 16th, was it?
+     "Answer.--That order never was published.  It was written; but, at
+     the earnest solicitation of Colonel [Fitz John] Porter, it was
+     withheld until he could have a consultation with Colonel
+     Abercrombie and Colonel Thomas."]
+
+It is about 1 o'clock on the morning of Thursday, July 18th,--that same
+day which witnesses the preliminary Battle of Blackburn's Ford--that
+Johnston, being at Winchester, and knowing of Patterson's peculiarly
+inoffensive and timid movement to his own left and rear, on Charlestown,
+receives from the Rebel Government at Richmond, a telegraphic dispatch,
+of July 17th, in these words: "General Beauregard is attacked.  To
+strike the Enemy a decisive blow, a junction of all your effective force
+will be needed.  If practicable, make the movement.  * * *  In all the
+arrangements exercise your discretion."
+
+Johnston loses no time in deciding that it is his duty to prevent, if
+possible, disaster to Beauregard's Army; that to do this he must effect
+a junction with him; and that this necessitates either an immediate
+fight with, and defeat of, Patterson,--which may occasion a fatal
+delay--or else, that Union general must be eluded.  Johnston determines
+on the latter course.
+
+Leaving his sick, with some militia to make a pretense of defending the
+town in case of attack, Johnston secretly and rapidly marches his Army,
+of 9,000 effective men, Southeasterly from Winchester, at noon of
+Thursday, the 18th; across by a short cut, wading the Shenandoah River,
+and then on through Asby's Gap, in the Blue Ridge, that same night;
+still on, in the same direction, to a station on the Manassas Gap
+railroad, known as Piedmont, which is reached by the next (Friday)
+morning,--the erratic movements of Stuart's Cavalry entirely concealing
+the manoeuvre from the knowledge of Patterson.
+
+From Piedmont, the Artillery and Cavalry proceed to march the remaining
+twenty-five miles, or so, to Manassas Junction, by the roads.  The 7th
+and 8th Georgia Regiments of Bartow's Brigade, with Jackson's Brigade,--
+comprising the 2d, 4th, 5th, 27th and 33d Virginia Regiments--are
+embarked on the cars, and hurriedly sent in advance, by rail, to
+Manassas, reaching there on that same (Friday) afternoon and evening.
+These are followed by General Johnston, with Bee's Brigade--comprising
+the 4th Alabama, 2d Mississippi, and a battalion of the 11th
+Mississippi--which arrive at Manassas about noon of Saturday, the 20th
+of July, the balance of Johnston's Infantry being billed for arrival
+that same day, or night.
+
+Upon Johnston's own arrival at Manassas, Saturday noon,--the very day
+that Patterson ascertains that "the bird has flown,"--after assuming
+command, by virtue of seniority, he proceeds to examine Beauregard's
+position.  This he finds "too extensive, and the ground too densely
+wooded and intricate," to be learned quickly, and hence he is impelled
+to rely largely upon Beauregard for information touching the strength
+and positions of both the Rebel and Union Armies.
+
+Beauregard has now 21,833 men, and 29 pieces of artillery of his own
+"Army of the Potomac."  Johnston's and Holmes's junction with him has
+raised the Rebel total to 32,000 effectives, and 55 guns.  McDowell, on
+the other hand, who started with 30,000 effectives, finds himself on the
+19th--owing to the departure of one of his regiments and a battery of
+Artillery, because of the expiration of their term of enlistment,--with
+but "28,000 men at the utmost."--[Comte de Paris.]
+
+On the evening of Saturday, the 20th of July, Johnston and Beauregard
+hold an important consultation.  The former feels certain that
+Patterson, with his more than 20,000 effectives, will now lose no time
+in essaying a junction with McDowell's Army, and that such junction will
+probably be effected by July 22nd.  Hence he perceives the necessity of
+attacking McDowell, and if possible, with the combined Rebel Forces,
+whipping him before Patterson can come up to his assistance.
+
+At this consultation it is agreed by the two Rebel generals to assume
+the offensive, at once.  Beauregard proposes a plan of battle--which is
+an immediate general advance of the Rebel centre and left,
+concentrating, from all the fords of Bull Run, upon Centreville, while
+the Rebel right advances toward Sangster's cross-roads, ready to fall
+either on Centreville, or upon Fairfax Court House, in its rear,
+according to circumstances.
+
+The plan proposed, is accepted at once by Johnston.  The necessary order
+is drawn up by Beauregard that night; and at half past four o'clock on
+Sunday morning, July 21st, Johnston signs the written order.  Nothing
+now remains, apparently, but the delivery of the order to the Rebel
+brigade commanders, a hurried preparation for the forward movement, and
+then the grand attack upon McDowell, at Centreville.
+
+Already, no doubt, the fevered brain of Beauregard pictures, in his
+vivid imagination, the invincible thunders of his Artillery, the
+impetuous advance of his Infantry, the glorious onset of his Cavalry,
+the flight and rout of the Union forces, his triumphal entry into
+Washington--Lincoln and Scott and the Congress crouching at his feet--
+and the victorious South and conquered North acclaiming him Dictator!
+The plan is Beauregard's own, and Beauregard is to have command.  Hence
+all the glory of capturing the National Capital, must be Beauregard's.
+Why not?  But "man proposes, and God disposes."  The advance and attack,
+are, in that shape, never to be made.
+
+McDowell, in the meantime, all unconscious of what has transpired in the
+Shenandoah Valley, and between there and Manassas; never dreaming for an
+instant that Patterson has failed to keep Johnson there--even if he has
+not attacked and defeated him; utterly unsuspicious that his own
+lessened Union Army has now to deal with the Forces of Johnston and
+Beauregard combined--with a superior instead of an inferior force; is
+executing a plan of battle which he has decided upon, and announced to
+his general officers, on that same Saturday evening, at his Headquarters
+in Centreville.
+
+Instead of attempting to turn the Enemy's right, and cut off his
+communications with Richmond and the South, McDowell has now determined
+to attack the Enemy's left, cut his communication, via the Manassas Gap
+railroad, with Johnston's Army,--still supposed by him to be in the
+Valley of the Shenandoah--and, taking him in the left flank and rear,
+roll him upon Manassas, in disorder and defeat--with whatever might
+follow.
+
+That is the plan--in its general features.  In executing it, Blenker's
+Brigade of Miles's Division is to remain at Centreville as a reserve,
+throwing up intrenchments about its Heights, upon which to fall back, in
+case of necessity; Davies's Brigade of the same Division, with
+Richardson's Brigade of Tyler's Division--as the Left Wing--are to
+demonstrate at Blackburn's Ford, toward the Enemy's right; Tyler's other
+three brigades, under Keyes, Schenck, and Sherman, are to feign an
+attack on the Enemy's left, posted behind the strongly-defended Stone
+Bridge over which the Warrenton turnpike, running Westward, on its way
+from Centreville to Warrenton, crosses Bull Run stream; while the strong
+divisions under Hunter and Heintzelman--forming McDowell's Right Wing--
+are to follow Tyler's Division Westward down the turnpike to a point
+within one mile and a half of the Stone Bridge, thence, by cross-road,
+diverge several miles to the North, then sweep around gradually to the
+West, and then Southwardly over Bull Run at Sudley Springs Ford,
+swooping down the Sudley road upon the Enemy's left flank and rear, near
+Stone Bridge, rolling it back toward his center, while Tyler's remaining
+three brigades cross the bridge and join in the assault.  That is the
+whole plan in a nutshell.
+
+It has been McDowell's intention to push forward, from Centreville along
+the Warrenton Pike a few miles, on the evening of this Military
+conference; but he makes his first mistake, in allowing himself to be
+dissuaded from that, by those, who, in his own words, "have the greatest
+distance to go," and who prefer "starting early in the morning and
+making but one move."
+
+The attacking divisions now have orders to march at 2:30 A. M., in order
+"to avoid the heat," which is excessive.  Tyler's three immediate
+brigades--or some of them--are slow in starting Westward, along the
+Warrenton Pike, to the Stone Bridge; and this leads to a two or three
+hours delay of the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman, before they can
+follow that Pike beyond Centreville, and commence the secret detour to
+their right, along the cross-road leading to Sudley Springs.
+
+At 6:30 A.M., Tyler's Artillery gets into position, to cannonade the
+Enemy's batteries, on the West Bank of Bull Run, commanding the Stone
+Bridge, and opens fire.  Half an hour before this, (at 6 A.M.), the
+Rebel artillerists, posted on a hill South of the Pike, and 600 yards
+West of the bridge, have caught sight of Tyler's Union blue-jackets.
+Those of the Rebel gunners whose eyes are directed to the North-East,
+soon see, nearly a mile away, up the gradual slope, a puff of blue
+smoke.  Immediately the bang of a solitary rifle cannon is heard, and
+the scream of a rifled shot as it passes over their heads.  At
+intervals, until past 9 A.M., that piece and others in the same
+position, keep hammering away at the Rebel left, under Evans, at Stone
+Bridge.
+
+The Rebel response to this cannonade, is very feeble.  McDowell observes
+this.  He suspects there has been a weakening of the Enemy's force at
+the bridge, in order to strengthen his right for some purpose.  And what
+can that purpose be, but to throw his augmented right upon our left, at
+Blackburn's Ford, and so, along the ridge-road, upon Centreville?  Thus
+McDowell guesses, and guesses well.  To be in readiness to protect his
+own left and rear, by reenforcing Miles's Division, at Centreville and
+along the ridge to Blackburn's Ford, he temporarily holds back Howard's
+Brigade of Heintzelman's Division at the point where the cross-road to
+Sudley Springs Ford-along which Hunter's Division, followed by the
+Brigades of Franklin and Wilcox, of Heintzelman's Division, have already
+gone-intersects the Warrenton Pike.
+
+It is 9 o'clock.  Beauregard, as yet unaware of McDowell's new plan,
+sends an order to Ewell, on his right, to hold himself ready "to take
+the offensive, at a moment's notice,"--and directing that Ewell be
+supported in his advance, toward Sangster's cross-roads and the rear of
+Centreville, by Holmes's Brigade.  In accordance with that order, Ewell,
+who is "at Union Mills and its neighborhood," gets his brigade ready,
+and Holmes moves up to his support.  After waiting two hours, Ewell
+receives another order, for both Ewell and Holmes "to resume their
+places."  Something must have occurred since 9 o'clock, to defeat
+Beauregard's plan of attack on Centreville--with all its glorious
+consequences!  What can it be?  We shall see.
+
+While Tyler's Artillery has been cannonading the Rebel left, under
+Evans, at Stone Bridge,--fully impressed with the prevailing Union
+belief that the bridge is not only protected by strong masked batteries,
+heavy supports of Infantry, and by abatis as well as other defenses, but
+is also mined and ready to be blown up at the approach of our troops,
+when in reality the bridge is not mined, and the Rebel force in men and
+guns at that point has been greatly weakened in anticipation of
+Beauregard's projected advance upon Centreville,--the Union column,
+under Hunter and Heintzelman, is advancing from Centreville, in the
+scorching heat and suffocating dust of this tropical July morning,
+slowly, but surely, along the Warrenton Pike and the cross-road to
+Sudley Springs Ford--a distance of some eight miles of weary and
+toilsome marching for raw troops in such a temperature--in this order:
+Burnside's Brigade, followed by Andrew Porter's Brigade,--both of
+Hunter's Division; then Franklin's Brigade, followed by Willcox's
+Brigade,--both of Heintzelman's Division.
+
+It is half past 9 o'clock; before Burnside's Brigade has crossed the
+Bull Run stream, at Sudley's Ford, and the head of Andrew Porter's
+Brigade commences to ford it.  The troops are somewhat slow in crossing.
+They are warm, tired, thirsty, and as to dust,--their hair and eyes and
+nostrils and mouths are full of it, while most of the uniforms, once
+blue, have become a dirty gray.  The sky is clear.  The sun already is
+fiercely hot.  The men stop to drink and fill their canteens.  It is
+well they do.
+
+McDowell, who has been waiting two or three hours at the turn, impatient
+at the delay, has ridden over to the front of the Flanking column, and
+now reaches Sudley's Ford.  He feels that much valuable time is already
+lost.  His plan has, in a measure, been frustrated by delay.  He had
+calculated on crossing Bull Run, at Sudley's Ford, and getting to the
+rear of the Enemy's position, at Stone Bridge, before a sufficient Rebel
+force could be assembled to contest the Union advance.  He sends back an
+aide with orders to the regimental commanders in the rear, to "break
+from column, and hurry forward separately, as fast as possible."
+Another aide he sends, with orders to Howard to bring his brigade
+across-fields.  To Tyler he also sends orders to "press forward his
+attack, as large bodies of the Enemy are passing in front of him to
+attack the division (Hunter's) which has passed over."
+
+It may here be explained, that the Sudley road, running about six miles
+South-Southeasterly from Sudley Springs Ford to Manassas Junction, is
+crossed at right angles, about two miles South of the Springs, by the
+Warrenton Pike, at a point about one mile and a half West of the Stone
+Bridge.  For nearly a mile South of Sudley Ford, the Sudley road passes
+through thick woods on the left, and alternate patches of wooded and
+cleared lands on the right.  The country farther South, opens into
+rolling fields, occasionally cut by transverse gullies, and patched with
+woods.  This is what Burnside's Brigade beholds, as it marches
+Southward, along the Sudley road, this eventful morning.
+
+Thus far, the cannonade of Tyler's batteries, and the weak return-fire
+of the Rebel Artillery, at Stone Bridge, over two miles South-East of
+Sudley Ford, is about the only music by which the Union march has kept
+time.
+
+But now, as Burnside's foremost regiment emerges from the woods, at half
+past 10 o'clock, the Artillery of the Enemy opens upon it.
+
+Let us see how this happens.  Evans's Brigade, defending the Stone
+Bridge, and constituting the Enemy's extreme left, comprises, as has
+already been mentioned, Sloan's 4th South Carolina Regiment, Wheat's
+Louisiana battalion, Terry's squadron of Virginia Cavalry, and
+Davidson's section of Latham's Battery of six-pounders.
+
+Earlier in the morning Evans has supposed, from the cannonade of Tyler's
+batteries among the pines on the hills obliquely opposite the Enemy's
+left, as well as from the sound of the cannonade of the Union batteries
+away down the stream on the Enemy's right, near Blackburn's Ford, that
+McDowell is about to make an attack upon the whole front of the Rebel
+line of defense along Bull Run-by way of the Stone Bridge, and the
+various fords below it, which cross that stream.  But by 10 o'clock,
+that Rebel general begins to feel doubtful, suspicious, and uneasy.
+Despite the booming of Tyler's guns, he has caught in the distance the
+rumbling sounds of Hunter's Artillery wheels.
+
+Evans finds himself pondering the meaning of those long lines of dust,
+away to his left; and then, like a flash, it bursts upon him, that all
+this Military hubbub in his front, and far away to his right, is but a
+feint; that the real danger is somehow connected with that mysterious
+far-away rumble, and those lines of yellow dust; that the main attack is
+to be on the unprepared left and rear of the Rebel position!
+
+No sooner has the Rebel brigade-commander thus divined the Union plan of
+attack, than he prepares, with the limited force at his command, to
+thwart it.  Burnside and he are about equidistant, by this time, from
+the intersection of the Sudley road, running South, with the Warrenton
+Pike, running West.  Much depends upon which of them shall be the first
+to reach it,--and the instinctive, intuitive knowledge of this, spurs
+Evans to his utmost energy.  He leaves four of his fifteen companies,
+and Rogers's section of the Loudoun Artillery,--which has come up from
+Cocke's Brigade, at the ford below--to defend the approaches to the
+Stone Bridge, from the East side of Bull Run,--and, with the other
+eleven companies, and Latham's half-battery, he hurries Westward, along
+the Warrenton Pike, toward the Sudley road-crossing, to resist the
+impending Union attack.
+
+It is now 10:30 o'clock, and, as he hurries along, with anxious eyes,
+scanning the woods at the North, he suddenly catches the glitter of
+Burnside's bayonets coming down through them, East of the Sudley road,
+in "column of regiments" toward Young's Branch--a small stream turning,
+in a Northern and Southern loop, respectively above and below the
+Warrenton Pike, much as the S of a prostrate dollar-mark twines above
+and below its horizontal line, the vicinity of which is destined to be
+hotly-contested ground ere night-fall.
+
+     [Says Captain D.  P.  Woodbury, U.  S.  corps of engineers, and
+     who, with Captain Wright, guided the divisions of Hunter and
+     Heintzelman in making the detour to the upper part of Bull Run: "At
+     Sudley's Mills we lingered about an hour to give the men and horses
+     water and a little rest before going into action, our advance guard
+     in the mean time going ahead about three quarters of a mile.
+     Resuming our march, we emerged from the woods about one mile South
+     of the ford, and came upon a beautiful open valley about one and a
+     quarter miles square, bounded on the right or West by a wooded
+     ridge, on the Fast by the rough spurs or bluffs of Bull Run, on the
+     North by an open plain and ridge, on which our troops began to
+     form, and on the South by another ridge, on which the Enemy was
+     strongly posted, with woods behind their backs.  The Enemy was also
+     in possession of the bluffs of Bull Run on our left."]
+
+Sending word to Headquarters, Evans pushes forward and gaining Buck
+Ridge, to the North of the Northern loop of Young's Branch, forms his
+line-of-battle upon that elevation--which somewhat compensates him for
+the inferiority of his numbers--nearly at right angles to the Bull Run
+line; rapidly puts his Artillery in position; the Rebel guns open on
+Burnside's advance--their hoarse roar soon supplemented by the rattle of
+Rebel musketry, and the answering roar and rattle of the Union onset;
+and the Battle of Bull Run has commenced!
+
+It is after 10:30 A.M., and Beauregard and Johnston are upon an eminence
+in the rear of the centre of the Enemy's Bull Run line.  They have been
+there since 8 o'clock.  An hour ago, or more, their Signal Officer has
+reported a large body of Union troops crossing the Bull Run Valley, some
+two or three miles above the Stone Bridge; upon the strength of which,
+Johnston has ordered Bee's Brigade from near Cocke's position, with
+Hampton's Legion and Stonewall Jackson's Brigade from near Bonham's
+left, to move to the Rebel left, at Stone Bridge; and these troops are
+now hastening thither, guided by the sound of the guns.
+
+The artillery-firing is also heard by Johnston and Beauregard, but
+intervening wooded slopes prevent them from determining precisely whence
+it comes.  Beauregard, with a badly-organized staff, is chaffing over
+the delay that has occurred in carrying out his own plan of battle.  He
+is waiting to hear of the progress of the attack which he has ordered
+upon the Union Army,--supposed by him to be at Centreville,--and
+especially as to the advance of his right toward Sangster's Station.  In
+the meantime also,--from early morning,--the Rebel commanders have heard
+heavy firing in the direction of Blackburn's Ford, toward their right,
+where the Artillery attached to the brigades of Davies and Richardson,
+constituting McDowell's Left Wing, is demonstrating in a lively manner,
+in accordance with McDowell's plan.
+
+It is 11 o'clock.  Beauregard has become satisfied that his orders for
+the Rebel advance and attack on Centreville, have failed or miscarried.
+His plan is abandoned, and the orders countermanded.  At the same time
+the growing volume of artillery-detonations upon the left of the Bull
+Run line of defense--together with the clouds of dust which indicate the
+route of march of Hunter's and Heintzelman's Divisions from near
+Centreville to the point of conflict, satisfies both Johnston and
+Beauregard, that a serious attack is imperilling the Rebel left.
+
+Beauregard at once proposes to Johnston "a modification of the abandoned
+plan," viz.: "to attack with the" Rebel "right, while the left stands on
+the defensive."  But rapidly transpiring events conspire to make even
+the modified plan impracticable.
+
+Johnston, convinced by the still growing volume of battlesounds on the
+Rebel left, that the main attack of McDowell is being made there, urges
+Beauregard to strengthen the left, as much as possible; and, after that
+general has sent orders to this end,--to Holmes and Early to come up
+with their Brigades from Union Mills Ford, moving "with all speed to the
+sound of the firing," and to Bonham to promptly send up, from Mitchell's
+Ford, a battery and two of his regiments--both he and Beauregard put
+spurs to their horses, and gallop at full speed toward the firing, four
+miles away on their left,--stopping on the way only long enough for
+Johnston to order his Chief-of-artillery, Colonel Pendleton, to "follow,
+with his own, and Alburtis's Batteries."
+
+Meanwhile let us return and witness the progress of the battle, on the
+Rebel left,--where we were looking on, at 10:30 o'clock.  Evans had then
+just posted his eleven companies of Infantry on Buck Ridge, with one of
+his two guns on his left, near the Sudley road, and the other not far
+from the Robinson House, upon the Northern spur of the elevated plateau
+just South of Young's Branch, and nearly midway between the Sudley road
+and Stone Bridge.
+
+The battle, as we have seen, has opened.  As Burnside's Brigade appears
+on the slope, to the North of Buck Ridge (or Hill), it is received by a
+rapid, well-sustained, and uncomfortable, but not very destructive fire,
+from Evans's Artillery, and, as the Union regiments press forward, in
+column, full of impulsive ardor, the Enemy welcomes the head of the
+column with a hot musketry-fire also, delivered from the crest of the
+elevation behind which the Rebel Infantry lie flat upon the ground.
+
+This defense by Evan's demi-Brigade still continues, although half an
+hour, or more, has elapsed.  Burnside has not yet been able to dislodge
+the Enemy from the position.  Emboldened to temerity by this fact, Major
+Wheat's Louisiana battalion advances through the woods in front, upon
+Burnside, but is hurled back by a galling fire, which throws it into
+disorder and flight.
+
+At this moment, however, the brigades of Bee and Bartow--comprising the
+7th and 8th Georgia, 2nd Mississippi, 4th Alabama, 6th North Carolina,
+and two companies of the 11th Mississippi, with Imboden's Battery of
+four pieces--recently arrived with Johnston from Winchester, come up,
+form on the right of Sloan's 4th South Carolina Regiment, while Wheat
+rallies his remnant on Sloan's left, now resting on the Sudley road, and
+the whole new Rebel line opens a hot fire upon Burnside's Brigade.
+
+Hunter, for the purpose of better directing the Union attack, is at this
+moment rapidly riding to the left of the Union line,--which is advancing
+Southwardly, at right angles to Bull Run stream and the old line of
+Rebel defense thereon.  He is struck by the fragment of a shell, and
+carried to the rear.
+
+Colonel John S. Slocum's, 2nd Rhode Island, Regiment, with Reynold's
+Rhode Island Battery (six 13-pounders), having been sent to the front of
+Burnside's left, and being closely pressed by the Enemy, Burnside's own
+regiment the 1st Rhode Island, is gallantly led by Major Balch to the
+support of the 2nd, and together they handsomely repulse the Rebel
+onset.  Burnside now sends forward Martin's 71st New York, with its two
+howitzers, and Marston's 2nd New Hampshire,--his whole Brigade, of four
+regiments and a light artillery battery, being engaged with the heavy
+masked battery (Imboden's and two other pieces), and nearly seven full
+regiments of the Enemy.
+
+The regiments of Burnside's Brigade are getting considerably cut up.
+Colonels Slocum and Marston, and Major Balch, are wounded.  There is
+some confusion in the ranks, and the Rhode Island Battery is in danger
+of capture, when General Andrew Porter--whose own brigade has just
+reached the field and is deploying to the right of Burnside's--succeeds
+Hunter in command of the division, and rides over to his left.  Burnside
+asks him for Sykes's battalion of regulars, which is accordingly
+detached from the extreme right of Andrew Porter's Division, rapidly
+forms on the left, in support of the Rhode Island Battery, and opens a
+hot and effective fire which, in connection with the renewed fire of
+Burnside's rallied regiments, and the opening artillery practice of
+Griffin's Battery--that has just come up at a gallop and gone into a
+good position upon an eminence to the right of Porter's Division, and to
+the right of the Sudley road looking South--fairly staggers the Enemy.
+
+And now the brigades of Sherman and Keyes, having been ordered across
+Bull Run by General Tyler, are seen advancing from Poplar Ford, at the
+rear of our left,--Sherman's Brigade, headed by Corcoran's 69th New York
+Regiment, coming up on Burnside's left, while Keves's Brigade is
+following, to the left again of, Sherman.
+
+     [Sherman, in his Official Report, after mentioning the receipt by
+     him of Tyler's order to "cross over with the whole brigade to the
+     assistance of Colonel Hunter"--which he did, so far as the Infantry
+     was concerned, but left his battery under Ayres behind, on account
+     of the impassability of the bluff on the Western bank of Bull Run-
+     says: "Early in the day, when reconnoitering the ground, I had seen
+     a horseman descend from a bluff in our front, cross the stream, and
+     show himself in the open field, and, inferring we could cross over
+     at the same point, I sent forward a company as skirmishers, and
+     followed with the whole brigade, the New York Sixty-ninth leading."
+
+     This is evidently the ford at the elbow of Bull Run, to the right
+     of Sherman's front, which is laid down on the Army-maps as "Poplar
+     Ford," and which McDowell's engineers had previously discovered and
+     mapped; and to which Major Barnard of the U. S.  Engineer Corps
+     alludes when, in his Official Report, he says: "Midway between the
+     Stone Bridge and Sudley Spring our maps indicated another ford,
+     which was said to be good."
+
+     The Comte de Paris, at page 241, vol. I. of his admirable "History
+     of the Civil War in America," and perhaps other Military
+     historians, having assumed and stated--upon the strength of this
+     passage in Sherman's Report--that "the Military instinct" of that
+     successful soldier had "discovered" this ford; and the impression
+     being thus conveyed, however undesignedly, to their readers, that
+     McDowell's Engineer corps, after spending two or three days in
+     reconnaissances, had failed to find the ford which Sherman had in a
+     few minutes "discovered" by "Military instinct;" it is surely due
+     to the truth of Military history, that the Engineers be fairly
+     credited with the discovery and mapping of that ford, the existence
+     of which should also have been known to McDowell's brigade
+     commanders.
+
+     If, on the other hand, the Report of the Rebel Captain Arthur L.
+     Rogers, of the Loudoun Artillery, to General Philip St. George
+     Cocke, be correct, it would seem that Sherman attempted to cross
+     Bull Run lower down than Poplar Ford, which is "about one mile
+     above the Stone Bridge," but was driven back by the fire of
+     Rogers's guns to cross at that particular ford; for Rogers, in that
+     Report, says that about 11 o'clock A. M., the first section of the
+     Loudoun Artillery, under his command, "proceeded to the crest of
+     the hill on the West Side of Bull Run, commanding Stone Bridge.  *
+     * * Here."  continues he, "I posted my section of Artillery, and
+     opened a brisk fire upon a column of the Enemy's Infantry, supposed
+     to be two regiments, advancing towards me, and supported by his
+     battery of rifled cannon on the hills opposite.  These poured into
+     my section a steady fire of shot and shell.  After giving them some
+     fifty rounds, I succeeded in heading his column, and turned it up
+     Bull Run to a ford about one mile above Stone Bridge, where, with
+     the regiments which followed, they crossed, and proceeded to join
+     the rest of the Enemy's forces in front of the main body of our
+     Army."]
+
+Before this developing, expanding, and advancing attack of the Union
+forces, the Rebel General Bee, who--since his coming up to support
+Evans, with his own and Bartow's Brigades, to which had since been added
+Hampton's Legion,--has been in command of this new Rebel line of defense
+upon the left of the Bull Run line, concludes that that attack is
+getting too strong for him, and orders his forces to retreat to the
+Southward, and re-form on a second line, parallel to their present line,
+and behind the rising ground at their rear.  They do so, somewhat faster
+than he desires.  The whole line of the Rebel centre gives way, followed
+by the wings, as far as the victorious Union troops can see.
+
+We must be blind if we cannot perceive that thus far, the outlook, from
+the Union point of view,--despite numberless mistakes of detail, and
+some, perhaps, more general in their character--is very good.  The "Boys
+in Blue" are irresistibly advancing, driving the "Rebel Gray" back and
+back, without let or hindrance, over the Buck Hill ridge, over Young's
+Branch, back to, and even over, the Warrenton Pike.  Time, to be sure,
+is flying--valuable time; but the Enemy also is retiring.--There is some
+slight confusion in parts of our own ranks; but there is much more in
+his.  At present, we have decidedly the best of it.  McDowell's plan has
+been, thus far, successful.  Will that success continue?  We shall see.
+
+Heintzelman's Division is coming, up from the rear, to the Union right--
+Franklin's Brigade, made up of the 5th and 11th Massachusetts, and 1st
+Minnesota, with Ricketts's splendid battery of six 10-pounder Parrotts,
+forming on the right of Andrew Porter's Brigade and Division; while
+Willcox's demi-Brigade, with its 11th ("Fire Zouaves") and 38th New
+York--having left Arnold's Battery of four pieces, with the 1st Michigan
+as its support, posted on a hill commanding Sudley's Ford--comes in, on
+the right of Franklin, thus forming the extreme right of the advancing
+Union line of attack.
+
+As our re-enforcing brigades come up, on our right, and on our left, the
+Enemy falls back, more and more discouraged and dismayed.  It seems to
+him, as it does to us, "as though nothing can stop us."  Jackson,
+however, is now hurrying up to the relief of the flying and disordered
+remnants of Bee's, Bartow's, and Evans's Brigades; and these
+subsequently rally, with Hampton's Legion, upon Jackson's strong brigade
+of fresh troops, so that, on a third new line, to which they have been
+driven back, they soon have--6,500 Infantry, 13 pieces of Artillery, and
+Stuart's cavalry-posted in a belt of pines which fringes the Southern
+skirt of the Henry House plateau--in a line-of-battle which, with its
+left resting upon the Sudley road, three-quarters of a mile South of its
+intersection with the Warrenton Pike, is the irregular hypothenuse of a
+right-angled triangle, formed by itself and those two intersecting
+roads, to the South-East of such intersection.  It is within this right-
+angled triangular space that the battle, now proceeding, bids fair to
+rage most fiercely.
+
+Johnston and Beauregard, riding up from their rear, reach this new
+(third) line to which the Rebel troops have been driven, about noon.
+They find the brigades of Bee, Bartow, and Evans, falling back in great
+disorder, and taking shelter in a wooded ravine, South of the Robinson
+House and of the Warrenton Pike.  Hampton's Legion, which has just been
+driven backward over the Pike, with great loss, still holds the Robinson
+House.  Jackson, however, has reached the front of this line of defense,
+with his brigade of the 2nd, 4th, 5th, 27th, and 33rd Virginia Infantry,
+and Pendleton's Battery--all of which have been well rested, since their
+arrival, with other brigades of Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, from
+Winchester, a day or two back.
+
+As Jackson comes up, on the left of "the ravine and woods occupied by
+the mingled remnants of Bee's, Bartow's and Evans's commands," he posts
+Imboden's, Stanard's, and Pendleton's Batteries in line, "below the brim
+of the Henry House plateau," perhaps one-eighth of a mile to the East-
+Southeastward of the Henry House, at his centre; Preston's 4th Virginia,
+and Echol's 27th Virginia, at the rear of the battery-line; Harper's 5th
+Virginia, with Radford's Cavalry, at its right; and, on its left,
+Allen's 2nd Virginia; with Cumming's 33rd Virginia to the left of that
+again, and Stuart's Cavalry covering the Rebel left flank.
+
+It is about this time that the chief Rebel generals find their position
+so desperate, as to necessitate extraordinary measures, and personal
+exposure, on their part.  Now it is, that Jackson earns the famous
+sobriquet which sticks to him until he dies.
+
+
+     [Bee approaches Jackson--so goes the story, according to Swinton;
+     he points to the disordered remnants of his own brigade mingled
+     with those of the brigades of Bartow and Evans huddled together in
+     the woods, and exclaims: "General, they are beating us back!"
+     "Sir," responds Jackson, drawing himself up, severely, "We'll give
+     them the bayonet!" And Bee, rushing back among his confused troops,
+     rallies them with the cry: "There is Jackson, standing like a Stone
+     wall!  Let us determine to die here, and we will conquer."]
+
+Now it is, that Johnston and Beauregard, accompanied by their staffs,
+ride backward and forward among the Rebel ranks, rallying and
+encouraging them.  Now it is, that, Bee and Bartow and Hampton being
+wounded, and the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Hampton Legion killed,
+Beauregard leads a gallant charge of that legion in person.  And now it
+is, that Johnston himself, finding all the field-officers of the 4th
+Alabama disabled, "impressively and gallantly charges to the front" with
+the colors of that regiment at his side!
+
+These conspicuous examples of bravery, inspire the Rebel troops with
+fresh courage, at this admittedly "critical" moment.
+
+Johnston now assigns to Beauregard the chief "command of the left" of
+the Bull Run line,--that is to say, the chief command of the Enemy's new
+line of defense, which, as we have seen, is on the left of, and at right
+angles to, the old Bull Run line--while he himself, riding back to the
+Lewis House, resumes "the command of the whole field."
+
+On his way to his rear, Johnston orders Cocke to send reenforcements to
+Beauregard.  He also dispatches orders to hurry up to that Rebel
+general's support, the brigades of Holmes and Early from near the Union
+Mills Ford, and that of Bonham  from Mitchell's Ford,--Ewell with his
+brigade,  being also directed to "follow with all speed" from Union
+Mills Ford-making a total of over 10,000 fresh troops.
+
+From the "commanding elevation" of the Lewis House, Johnston can observe
+the position of the Union forces beyond Bull Run, at Blackburn's Ford
+and Stone Bridge; the coming of his own re-enforcing brigades from far
+down the valley, toward Manassas; and the manoeuvres of our advancing
+columns under McDowell.
+
+As the battle proceeds, the Enemy's strength on the third new line of
+defense increases, until he has 22 guns, 260 Cavalry, and 12 regiments
+of Infantry, now engaged.  It is interesting to observe also, that, of
+these, 16 of the guns, 9 of the regiments, and all of the Cavalry
+(Stuart's), belong to Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, while only 6
+guns and 3 Infantry regiments thus engaged, belong to Beauregard's Army
+of the Potomac.  Thus the burden of the battle has been, and is being,
+borne by Johnston's, and not Beauregard's troops--in the proportion of
+about three of the former, to one of the latter,--which, for over two
+hours, maintain their position despite many successive assaults we make
+upon them.
+
+It is after 2 o'clock P.M., when Howard's Brigade, of Heintzelman's
+Division, reaches the battle-field, almost broken down with exhaustion.
+By order of Heintzelman it has moved at double-quick for a mile of the
+way, until, under the broiling heat, it can do so no longer.  The last
+two miles of the weary tramp, while the head of the brigade has moved at
+quick time, the rear, having lost distances, moves, much of the time, at
+a double-quick.  As a consequence, many of Howard's men drop out, and
+absolutely faint from exhaustion.
+
+As Howard's Brigade approaches the field, besides the ambulances and
+litters, conveying to the rear the wounded and dying, crowds of
+retreating stragglers meet and tell it to hurry along; that the Enemy
+has been driven back a mile; but, as it marches along, its regiments do
+not feel particularly encouraged by the disorganization so prevalent;
+and the fact that as they come into action, the thunders of the Rebel
+Artillery do not seem to meet an adequately voluminous response--from
+the Union side, seems to them, a portent of evil.  Weary and fagged out,
+they are permitted to rest, for a while, under cover.
+
+Up to this time, our line, increased, as it has been, by the brigades of
+Sherman and Keyes, on the left of Burnside, and of Franklin and Wilcox,
+on the right of Porter, has continued to advance victoriously.  Our
+troops are, to be sure, considerably scattered, having been "moved from
+point to point" a good deal.  On our left, the Enemy has been driven
+back nearly a mile, and Keyes's Brigade is pushing down Bull Run, under
+shelter of the bluffs, trying to turn the right of the Enemy's new line,
+and give Schenck's Brigade a better chance for crossing the Stone
+Bridge, still commanded by some of the Rebel guns.
+
+Having "nothing to do" there, "several of the Union regiments" are
+coming over, from our left toward our right, with a view of overlapping,
+and turning, the Enemy's left.
+
+It is about half past 2 o'clock.  The batteries of Griffin and Ricketts
+have already been advanced as far as the eminence, upon our right, upon
+which stands the Dogan House.  Supported by Lyons's gallant 14th New
+York Chasseurs, Griffin's and Ricketts's Batteries are still pouring a
+terribly destructive fire into the batteries and columns of the Enemy,
+now behind the brow of the Henry House hill, wherever exposed, while
+Palmer's seven companies of Union Cavalry are feeling the Enemy's left
+flank, which McDowell proposes to turn.  The flags of eight Union
+regiments, though "borne somewhat wearily" now point toward the hilly
+Henry House plateau, beyond which "disordered masses of Rebels" have
+been seen "hastily retiring."
+
+There is a lull in the battle.  The terrible heat is exhausting to the
+combatants on both sides.  Griffin and Ricketts have wrought such havoc
+with their guns, that "nothing remains to be fired at."  Victory seems
+most surely to be ours.
+
+Away down at his headquarters at the Lewis House, the Rebel General
+Johnston stands watching the progress of the battle, as it goes against
+him.  Nervously he glances, every now and then, over his left shoulder,
+as if expecting something.  An officer is galloping toward him, from
+Manassas.  He comes from the office of Beauregard's Adjutant-General, at
+that point.  He rides up and salutes.  "General," says he, breathlessly,
+"a United States Army has reached the line of the Manassas Gap railroad,
+and is now but three or four miles from our left flank!"
+
+Johnston clenches his teeth nervously.  Thick beads of perspiration
+start from his forehead.  He believes it is Patterson's Army that has
+followed "upon his heels" from before Winchester, faster than has been
+anticipated; and, as he thinks of Kirby Smith, who should long since
+have arrived with Elzey's Brigade--all, of his own "Army of the
+Shenandoah," that has not yet followed him to Manassas,--the exclamation
+involuntarily bursts from his lips: "Oh, for four regiments!"
+
+     [Says a correspondent and eye-witness of the battle, writing to the
+     Richmond Dispatch, from the battle-field, July 23d: "Between two
+     and three o'clock large numbers of men were leaving the field, some
+     of them wounded, others exhausted by the long struggle, who gave us
+     gloomy reports; but, as the firing on both sides continued
+     steadily, we felt sure that our brave Southerners had not been
+     conquered by the overwhelming hordes of the North.  It is, however,
+     due to truth to say that the result at this hour hung trembling in
+     the balance.  We had lost numbers of our most distinguished
+     officers.  Gens. Barlow and Bee had been stricken down; Lieut; Col.
+     Johnson of the Hampton Legion had been killed; Col. Hampton had
+     been wounded.  But there was at hand a fearless general whose
+     reputation was staked on this battle: Gen. Beauregard promptly
+     offered to lead the Hampton Legion into action, which he executed
+     in a style unsurpassed and unsurpassable.  Gen. Beauregard rode up
+     and down our lines, between the Enemy and his own men, regardless
+     of the heavy fire, cheering and encouraging our troops.  About this
+     time, a shell struck his horse, taking its head off, and killing
+     the horses of his aides, Messrs. Ferguson and Hayward.  * * *  Gen.
+     Johnston also threw himself into the thickest of the fight, seizing
+     the colors of a Georgia (Alabama) regiment, and rallying then to
+     the charge.  * * *  Your correspondent heard Gen.  Johnston exclaim
+     to Gen. Cocke, just at the critical moment, 'Oh, for four
+     regiments!'  His wish was answered; for in the distance our re-
+     enforcements appeared.  The tide of battle was turned in our favor
+     by the arrival of Gen. Kirby Smith, from Winchester, with 4,000 men
+     of Gen. Johnston's Division.  Gen. Smith heard, while on the
+     Manassas Railroad cars, the roar of battle.  He stopped the train,
+     and hurried his troops across the fields to the point just where he
+     was most needed.  They were at first supposed to be the Enemy,
+     their arrival at that point of the field being entirely unexpected.
+     The Enemy fell back, and a panic seized them.  Cheer after cheer
+     from our men went up, and we knew the battle had been won."
+
+     Another Rebel correspondent who, as an officer of the Kentucky
+     battalion of General Johnston's Division of the Rebel Army,
+     participated in the battle, wrote to the Louisville Courier from
+     Manassas, July 22, an account of it, in which, after mentioning
+     that the Rebel Army had been forced back for two miles, he
+     continues; "The fortunes of the day were evidently against us.
+     Some of our best officers had been slain, and the flower of our
+     Army lay strewn upon the field, ghastly in death or gaping with
+     wounds.  At noon, the cannonading is described as terrific.  It was
+     an incessant roar for more than two hours, the havoc and
+     devastation at this time being fear ful.  McDowell * * * had nearly
+     outflanked us, and they were just in the act of possessing
+     themselves of the Railway to Richmond.  Then all would have been
+     lost.  But most opportunely--I may say Providentially--at this
+     juncture, Gen. Johnston, [Kirby Smith it should be] with the
+     remnant of Johnston's Division--our Army, as we fondly call it, for
+     we have been friends and brothers in camp and field for three
+     months--reappeared, and made one other desperate struggle to obtain
+     the vantage-ground.  Elzey's Brigade of Marylanders and Virginians
+     led the charge; and right manfully did they execute the work,"]
+
+"The prayer of the wicked availeth not," 'tis said; yet never was the
+prayer of the righteous more quickly answered than is that of the Rebel
+General-in-chief!  Johnston himself, alluding to this exigent moment,
+afterward remarks, in his report: "The expected reenforcements appeared
+soon after."  Instead of Patterson's Union Army, it is Kirby Smith,
+coming up, with Elzey's Brigade, from Winchester!
+
+Satisfied of the safe arrival of Kirby Smith, and ordering him up, with
+Elzey's Brigade, Johnston directs Kershaw's 2nd and Cash's 8th South
+Carolina Regiments, which have just come up, with Kemper's Battery, from
+Bonham's Brigade, to strengthen the Rebel left, against the attempt
+which we are still making to reach around it, about the Sudley road, to
+take it in reverse.  Fisher's 6th North Carolina Regiment arriving about
+the same time, is also hurried along to help Beauregard.
+
+But during the victorious lull, heretofore alluded to, something is
+happening on our side, that is of very serious moment.  Let us see what
+it is:
+
+The batteries of Griffin and Ricketts, at the Dogan House, having
+nothing to fire at, as we have seen, are resting, pleased with the
+consciousness of their brilliant and victorious service against the
+Rebel batteries and Infantry columns, when they are ordered by McDowell
+--who, with his staff, is upon elevated ground to the rear of our
+right,--to advance 1,000 yards further to the front, "upon a hill near
+the Henry House."
+
+Ricketts considers this a perilous job--but proceeds to execute the
+order as to his own battery.  A small ravine is in his front.  With
+Ricketts gallantly leading, the battery dashes across the ravine at full
+gallop, breaking one wheel as it goes, which is at once replaced.  A
+fence lies across the way.  The cannoniers demolish it.  The battery
+ascends the hill near the Henry House, which is full of the Enemy's
+sharpshooters.
+
+     [For this, and what immediately follows, see the testimony of
+     Ricketts and others, before the Committee on the Conduct of the
+     War.]
+
+Soon as Ricketts gets his guns in battery, his men and horses begin to
+fall, under the fire of these sharpshooters.  He turns his guns upon the
+Henry House,--and "literally riddles it."  Amid the moans of the
+wounded, the death scream of a woman is heard!  The Enemy had permitted
+her to remain in her doomed house!
+
+But the execution is not all on one side, by any means.  Ricketts is in
+a very hot place--the hottest, he afterward declares, that he has ever
+seen in his life--and he has seen fighting before this.
+
+The Enemy is behind the woods, at the front and right of Ricketts's
+Battery.  This, with the added advantage of the natural slope of the
+ground, enables him to deliver upon the brave Union artillerists a
+concentrated fire, which is terribly destructive, and disables so many
+of Rickett's horses that he cannot move, if he would.  Rickett's own
+guns, however, are so admirably served, that a smooth-bore battery of
+the Enemy, which has been stubbornly opposing him, is driven back,
+despite its heavy supports.
+
+And Griffin's Battery now comes rapidly up into position on the left of,
+and in line with, Ricketts.  For Griffin also has been ordered from the
+Dogan House hill, to this new, and dangerously exposed, position.
+
+But when Major Barry, General McDowell's Chief of Artillery, brings him
+the order, Griffin hesitates--for he has no Infantry support.
+
+"The Fire Zouaves--[The 11th New York]--will support you," says Barry,"
+They are just ready to follow you at the double-quick!"
+
+"Then why not let them go and get in position on the hill," says
+Griffin; "then, let Ricketts's and my batteries come into battery
+behind; and then, let them (the Zouaves) fall back?"
+
+Griffin advises, also, as a better position for his own battery, a hill
+500 yards in the rear of the Henry House hill.  But advice is thrown
+away.  His artillery-chief is inflexible.
+
+"I tell you," says Griffin again, "the Fire Zouaves won't support us."
+
+"They will," replies Barry.  "At any rate it is General McDowell's order
+to go there!"
+
+That settles the business.  "I will go," responds Griffin; "but mark my
+words, they will not support us!"
+
+Griffin's Battery, indeed, starts first, but, owing to the mistake of
+one of his officers, it has to be countermarched, so that Ricketts's is
+thrown to the front, and, as we have seen, first reaches the crest of
+the Henry House hill.
+
+Griffin, as he comes up with his guns, goes into battery on the left of
+Ricketts, and at once opens briskly on the Enemy.  One of Griffin's guns
+has a ball lodged in the bore, which cannot be got in or out.  His other
+five guns, with the six guns of Ricketts, make eleven pieces, which are
+now side by side-all of them driving away at the Enemy's (Stonewall
+Jackson's) strong batteries, not more than 300 yards away.
+
+They have been at it half an hour perhaps, when Griffin moves two of his
+pieces to the right of Ricketts, and commences firing with them.  He has
+hardly been there five minutes, when a Rebel regiment coming out of the
+woods at Griffin's right front, gets over a rail fence, its Colonel
+steps out between his regiment (now standing up to the knees in rank
+grass) and the battery, and commences a speech to his men!
+
+Griffin orders one of his officers to load with canister, and let drive
+at them.  The guns are loaded, and ready to fire, when up gallops Barry,
+exclaiming: "Captain, don't fire there; those are your battery-
+supports!"
+
+At this supreme moment, Reynolds's gorgeous looking Marines are sitting
+down in close column, on the ground, to the left of the Union batteries.
+The showy 11th New York "Fire Zouaves" are a little to the rear of the
+right of the guns.  The gallant 14th New York Chasseurs, in their dust-
+covered red uniforms, who had followed Griffin's Battery, at some
+distance, have, only a little while since, pushed finely up, from the
+ravine at the rear of our batteries, into the woods, to the right of
+Griffin and Ricketts, at a double-quick.  To the left of the batteries,
+close to the battalion of Marines, Heintzelman bestrides his horse, near
+some of his own Division.
+
+To Major Barry's startling declaration, Captain Griffin excitedly
+shouts: "They are Confederates!  Sure as the world, they are
+Confederates!"
+
+But Barry thinks he knows better, and hastily responds: "I know they are
+your battery-support."
+
+Griffin spurs toward his pieces, countermands his previous order, and-
+firing is resumed in the old direction.
+
+Andew Porter, has just ridden up to Heintzelman's side, and now catches
+sight of the Rebel regiment.  "What troops are those?" he asks of
+General Hientzelman, pointing in their direction.
+
+While Heintzelman is replying, and just as Averell drops his reins and
+levels his field-glass at them, "down come their pieces-rifles and
+muskets,--and probably," as Averell afterward said, "there never was
+such a destructive fire for a few minutes.  It seemed as though every
+man and horse of that battery just laid right down, and died right off!"
+
+It is a dreadful mistake that has been made.  And there seems to have
+been no excuse for it either.  The deliberateness of the Rebel colonel
+has given Barry abundant time to have discovered his error.  For Griffin
+subsequently declared, under oath, that, "After the officer who had been
+talking to the regiment had got through, he faced them to the left,
+marched them about fifty yards to the woods, then faced them to the
+right again, marched them about forty yards toward us, then opened fire
+upon us--and that was the last of us!"
+
+It is a terrible blunder.  For, up to this moment, the battle is
+undeniably ours.  And, while the Rebel colonel has been haranguing his
+brave men, there has been plenty of time to have "passed the word" along
+the line of our batteries, and poured canister into the Rebel regiment
+from the whole line of eleven guns, at point-blank range, which must
+inevitably have cut it all to pieces.  The fate of the day hung balanced
+right there and then--with all the chances in favor of McDowell.  But
+those chances are now reversed.  Such are the fickle changes in the
+fortunes of battle!
+
+Instead of our batteries cutting to pieces the Rebel Infantry regiment,
+the Rebel Infantry regiment has mowed down the gallant artillerists of
+our batteries.  Hardly a man of them escapes.  Death and destruction
+reap a wondrous and instant harvest.  Wounded, dying, or dead, lie the
+brave cannoniers at their guns, officers and men alike hors du combat,
+while wounded horses gallop wildly back, with bounding caissons, down
+the gentle declivity, carrying disorder, and further danger, in their
+mad flight.
+
+The supporting Fire Zouaves and Marines, on the right and left of our
+line of guns, stand, with staring eyes and dumb open-mouths, at the
+sudden turn of affairs.  They are absolutely paralyzed with
+astonishment.  They do not run at first.  They stand, quaking and panic-
+stricken.  They are urged to advance upon the Rebel regiment--"to give
+them a volley, and then try the bayonet."  In vain!  They fire perhaps
+100 scattering shots; and receive in return, as they break and run down
+the hill to the rear, volley after volley, of deadly lead, from the
+Rebel muskets.
+
+But, as this Rebel regiment (Cummings's 33rd Virginia) advances to seize
+the crippled and defenceless guns, it is checked, and driven back, by
+the 1st Michigan Regiment of Willcox's Brigade, which has pushed forward
+in the woods at our extreme right.
+
+Meanwhile, having been ordered by McDowell to support Ricketts's
+Battery, Howard has formed his four tired regiments into two lines--
+Berry's 4th Maine, and Whitney's 2nd Vermont, on the right and left of
+the first; and Dunnell's 5th, and his own 3rd Maine, under Staples, in
+the second line.  Howard himself leads his first line up the elevated
+plateau of the Henry House.  Reaching the crest, the line delivers its
+fire, volley after volley, despite the concentrated hail of the Enemy's
+Artillery and muskets.  As the second line advances, a Rebel cannon-
+ball, and an unfortunate charge of our own Cavalry, scatters most of the
+5th Maine.  The 2nd Vermont, which has advanced 200 yards beyond the
+crest, rapidly firing, while the Enemy retires, is now, in turn, forced
+back by the Enemy's hot fire, and is replaced by the 3rd Maine, while
+the remnant of the 5th moves up to the extreme right of Howard's now
+single line.  But the Rebel fire grows hotter and hotter, and owing to
+this, and a misunderstood order, Howard's line begins to dissolve, and
+then retires in confusion,--Howard and others vainly striving to rally
+his own utterly exhausted men.
+
+Sherman's Brigade, too, has come over from our left, and now advances
+upon the deadly plateau, where lie the disabled Union batteries--the
+prizes, in full sight of both Armies, for which each seems now to be so
+desperately striving.
+
+Quinby's 13th New York Rifles, in column of companies, leads the
+brigade, followed by Lieutenant-Colonel Peck's 2d Wisconsin, Cameron's
+79th New York (Highlanders), and Corcoran's 69th New York (Irish), "in
+line of battle."  Down the slope, across the ravine, and up, on the
+other side, steadily presses Quinby, till he reaches the crest.  He
+opens fire.  An advancing Rebel regiment retires, as he pushes up to
+where the Union batteries and cannoniers lie wounded and dying--the
+other three regiments following in line-of-battle until near the crest,
+when the fire of the Enemy's rifles and musketry, added to his heavy
+cannonading, grows so severe that the brigade is forced back to shelter
+in a roadway leading up the plateau.
+
+Peck's 2nd Wisconsin, now emerges from this sheltered roadway, and
+steadily mounts the elevation, in the face of the Enemy's severe fire-
+returning it, with spirit, as it advances.  But the Rebel fire becomes
+too galling.  The gray-clad Wisconsin boys return to the sheltered road
+again, while the cry goes up from Sherman's ranks: "Our own men are
+firing at them!"  Rallying at the road, the 2nd Wisconsin again returns,
+with desperate courage, to the crest of the hill, delivers its fire, and
+then, unable to withstand the dreadful carnage, falls back once more, in
+disorder.
+
+At this, the 79th (Highland) Regiment springs forward, to mount the brow
+of the fatal hill, swept as it is, with this storm of shot and shell and
+musket-balls.  Up, through the lowering smoke, lit with the Enemy's
+incessant discharges in the woods beyond, the brave Highlanders jauntily
+march, and, with Cameron and their colors at their head, charge
+impetuously across the bloody hill-crest, and still farther, to the
+front.  But it is not in human nature to continue that advance in the
+teeth of the withering fire from Jackson's batteries, strengthened, as
+they are, by Pelham's and Kemper's.  The gallant fellows fall back,
+rally again, advance once more, retire again, and at last,--the heroic
+Cameron being mortally wounded,--fall back, in confusion, under the
+cover of the hill.
+
+And now, while Quinby's Regiment, on another ridge, more to the left, is
+also again engaging the Enemy, the 69th New York, led by the fearless
+Corcoran, dashes forward, up the Henry House hill, over the forbidding
+brow, and beyond.  As the brave Irishmen reach the abandoned batteries,
+the hoarse roar of cannon, the sharp rattle of musketry-volleys, the
+scream of shot and shell, and the whistling of bullets, is at once
+deafening and appalling, while the air seems filled with the iron and
+leaden sleet which sweeps across the scorched and blasted plateau of the
+Henry House.  Nobly the Irish Regiment holds its ground for a time; but,
+at last, it too falls back, before the hurtling tempest.
+
+The fortunes of the day are plainly turning against us.  Time is also
+against us--as it has been all along--while it is with the Enemy.  It is
+past 3 o'clock.
+
+Since we last looked at Beauregard's third new defensive line, there
+have been material accessions to it.  The remains of the brigades of
+Bee, Evans, and Bartow, have been reformed on the right of Jackson's
+Brigade--Bee on his immediate right, Evans to the right of Bee, and
+Bartow to the right of Evans, with a battery which has been engaging
+Schenck's Brigade on the other side of Bull Run near the Stone Bridge;
+while Cocke's Brigade watches Bull Run to the rear of Bartow.  On the
+left of Jackson's.  Brigade, is now to be seen a part of Bonham's
+Brigade (Kershaw's 2nd South Carolina, and Cash's 8th South Carolina)
+with Kemper's Battery on its left.  Kirby Smith has reached the front,
+from Manassas, and--in advancing from his position on the left of
+Bonham's demi-Brigade, just West of the Sudley road, with Elzey's
+Brigade, in a counter-attack upon our right-is wounded, and carried to
+the rear, leaving his command to Elzey.  Stuart's Cavalry are in the
+woods, still farther to the Enemy's left, supporting Beckham's Battery.
+Early's Brigade is also coming up, from Union Mills Ford, not far to the
+rear of the Enemy's left, with the design of coming into line between
+Elzey's Brigade and Beckham's Battery, and out-flanking and attacking
+our right.  But let us bring our eyes back to the bloody contest, still
+going on, for the possession of the batteries of Griffin and Ricketts.
+
+Arnold's Battery has raced up on our right, and is delivering shot,
+shell, spherical case, and canister, with effect, although exposed to a
+severe and accurate fire from the Enemy.  Wilcox, with what is left of
+the 1st Michigan, after once retaking the batteries on the plateau, from
+the 7th Georgia, has got around the Enemy's left flank and is actually
+engaged with the Enemy's rear, while that Enemy's front is engaged with
+Franklin and Sherman!  But Hobart Ward's 38th New York, which Wilcox has
+ordered up to support the 1st Michigan, on our extreme right, in this
+flanking movement, has been misdirected, and is now attacking the
+Enemy's centre, instead of his left; and Preston's 28th Virginia--which,
+with Withers's 18th Virginia, has come up to the Rebel left, from
+Cocke's Brigade, on the Enemy's right--finding the 1st Michigan broken,
+in the woods, attacks it, and wounds and captures Wilcox.  Withers's
+Regiment has, with a yell--the old "Rebel yell," now rising everywhere
+from Rebel throats, and so often heard afterward,--charged the 14th New
+York Chasseurs, in the woods; and the Chasseurs, though retiring, have
+fired upon it with such precision as to throw some of their assailants
+into disorder.
+
+     [Says General Keyes, who had kept on down the Run, "on the extreme
+     left of our advance--having separated from Sherman on his right:--I
+     thought the day was won about 2 o'clock; but about half past 3
+     o'clock a sudden change in the firing took place, which, to my ear,
+     was very ominous.  I knew that the moment the shout went up from
+     the other side, there appeared to be an instantaneous change in the
+     whole sound of the battle.  * * *  That, as far as I can learn, was
+     the shout that went up from the Enemy's line when they found out
+     for certain that it was Johnston [Kirby Smith] and not Patterson,
+     that had come."]
+
+Meanwhile McDowell is making one more effort to retrieve the misfortunes
+of the day.  Lawrence's 5th, and Clark's 11th Massachusetts, with
+Gorman's 1st Minnesota,--all belonging to Franklin's Brigade--together
+with Corcoran's 69th New York, of Sherman's Brigade, have been brought
+into line-of-battle, by the united efforts of Franklin, Averell, and
+other officers, at our centre, and with the remnants of two or three
+other regiments, are moving against the Enemy's centre, to support the
+attack of the Chasseurs-rallied and led forward again by Heintzelman
+upon the Rebel left, and that of the 38th New York upon the Rebel left
+centre,--in another effort to recapture the abandoned batteries.
+
+Charge after charge, is made by our gallant regiments, and counter-
+charge after counter-charge, is made by the fresh troops of the Enemy.
+For almost half an hour, has the contest over the batteries rolled
+backward and forward.  Three several times have the batteries been
+taken, and re-taken,--much of the determined and desperate struggle
+going on, over the prostrate and bleeding bodies of the brave Union
+artillerists,--but without avail.  Regiment after regiment, has been
+thrown back, by the deadly fusillade of the Enemy's musketry from the
+skirt of woods at his front and left, and the canister, case, and
+bursting shells, of his rapidly-served Artillery.
+
+It is now near upon 4 o'clock.  Our last effort to recapture the
+batteries has failed.  The Union line of advance has been seriously
+checked.  Some of our own guns in those batteries are turned on us.  The
+Enemy's Infantry make a rush over the blood-soaked brow of the fatal
+plateau, pouring into our men a deadly fire, as they advance,--while
+over to our right and rear, at the same moment, are seen the fresh
+regiments of Early's Brigade coming out of the woods--deploying rapidly
+in several lines--with Stuart's handful of Rebel Cavalry, while
+Beckham's guns, in the same quarter, open an oblique enfilading reverse
+fire upon us, in a lively manner.
+
+At once the minds of the fagged-out Union troops become filled with the
+dispiriting idea that the exhausting fight which they have made all day
+long, has been simply with Beauregard's Army of the Potomac, and that
+these fresh Rebel troops, on the Union right and rear, are the vanguard
+of Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah!  After all the hard marching and
+fighting they have done during the last thirteen hours,--with empty
+stomachs, and parched lips, under a scorching sun that still, as it
+descends in the West, glowers down upon them, through the murky air,
+like a great, red, glaring eye,--the very thought is terrible!
+
+Without fear, yet equally without hope, the Union troops crumble to
+groups, and then to individuals.  The attempt of McDowell to turn the
+left of the Enemy's Bull Run line, has failed.
+
+McDowell and his officers heroically but vainly strive, at great
+personal risk to themselves, to stem the tide of confusion, and
+disorder.  Sykes's battalion of regulars, which has been at our left,
+now steadily moves obliquely across the field of battle toward our
+right, to a hill in the midground, which it occupies, and, with the aid
+of Arnold's Battery and Palmer's Cavalry, holds, while the exhausted and
+disorganized troops of the Union Army doggedly and slowly retire toward
+Sudley Ford, their rear covered by an irregular square of Infantry,
+which, mainly by the exertions of Colonel Corcoran, has been formed to
+resist a threatened charge of Stuart's Cavalry.
+
+     [At the rate of "not more than two, or two and a half, miles an
+     hour," and not "helter-skelter," as some narrators state.]
+
+It is not fear, that has got the better of our Union troops.  It is
+physical exhaustion for one thing; it is thirst for another.  Men must
+drink,--even if they have foolishly thrown away their canteens,--and
+many have retired to get water.  It is the moral effect also--the
+terrible disappointment--of seeing what they suppose are Johnston's
+fresh troops from the Shenandoah Valley, without Patterson "on their
+heels," suddenly appear on their flank and rear.  It is not fear; though
+some of them are panic-stricken, and, as they catch sight of Stuart's
+mounted men,--no black horse or uniform among them,--raise the cry of
+"The Black Horse Cavalry!--The Black Horse Cavalry!"
+
+The Union attack has been repulsed, it is true; but the Union soldiers,
+though disorganized, discouraged, and disappointed, are not dismayed.
+Their officers not yet having learned how to fight, and themselves
+lacking the cohesion of discipline, the men have lost their regimental
+organizations, and owing to the causes mentioned, slowly retire across
+Sudley Ford of Bull Run, in a condition of disintegration, their retreat
+being bravely covered by the 27th and 69th New York, (which have rallied
+and formed there), Sykes's Infantry battalion, Arnold's Battery, and
+Palmer's Cavalry.
+
+     [In his report to Major Barnard, Capt. D. P.  Woodbury, of the
+     corps of Engineers, says: "It is not for me to give a history of
+     the battle.  The Enemy was driven on our left, from cover to cover,
+     a mile and a half.  Our position for renewing the action the next
+     morning was excellent; whence, then, our failure?  It will not be
+     out of place, I hope, for me to give my own opinion of the cause of
+     this failure.  An old soldier feels safe in the ranks, unsafe out
+     of the ranks, and the greater the danger the more pertinaciously he
+     clings to his place.  The volunteer of three months never attains
+     this instinct of discipline.  Under danger, and even under mere
+     excitement, he flies away from his ranks, and looks for safety in
+     dispersion.  At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 21st, there
+     were more than twelve thousand volunteers on the battle-field of
+     Bull Run, who had entirely lost their regimental organizations.
+     They could no longer be handled as troops, for the officers and men
+     were not together.  Men and officers mingled together
+     promiscuously; and it is worthy of remark that this disorganization
+     did not result from defeat or fear, for up to four o'clock we had
+     been uniformly successful.  The instinct of discipline, which keeps
+     every man in his place, had not been acquired.  We cannot suppose
+     that the troops of the Enemy had attained a higher degree of
+     discipline than our own, but they acted on the defensive, and were
+     not equally exposed to disorganization."]
+
+While the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman, which came down in the
+morning across Sudley Ford, are now, with one brigade (Sherman's) of
+Tyler's Division, retiring again, in this disordered condition, by that
+ford; two other brigades of Tyler's Division, viz., that of Schenck--
+which, at 4 o'clock, was just in the act of advancing upon, and across,
+the Stone Bridge, to join in the Union attack, and of Keyes, which was,
+at the same time, just succeeding in its effort to turn the right flank
+of the Enemy's third new line,--are withdrawing from the field, across
+Bull Run stream, by the Warrenton Pike, and other roads leading them
+directly toward Centreville.  The brigades of both Keyes and Schenck are
+retiring in good order; that of Keyes, at "an ordinary pace," following
+close after McDowell, who, with his staff, has ridden across the
+battlefield and Bull Run; while part of that of Schenck, united with the
+2nd Maine (of Keyes' Brigade) and Ayres's Battery, "promptly and
+effectively" repulses a charge of the Enemy's Cavalry, and covers the
+rear of Tyler's Division.  Both of these brigades reach Centreville,
+hungry and weary, but otherwise, for the most part, in good shape.
+
+But during this grand all-day attack, by two of McDowell's divisions,
+directly aided by part of a third, upon the left of the Enemy's original
+Bull Run line of defense--which attack, while it has failed in its
+purpose, has also utterly upset and defeated the Enemy's purpose to
+carry out Beauregard's plan of attacking Centreville that same morning--
+what has the Left Wing of McDowell's Army been doing?  Let us go back to
+Sunday morning, and ascertain:
+
+All the Army of McDowell, save his Left Wing--which, comprising the two
+brigades (Blenker's and Davies's) of Miles's Division, and Richardson's
+Brigade of Tyler's Division that fought the preliminary battle of
+Blackburn's Ford, is now under the command of Miles,--moved away from
+Centreville, down the Warrenton Pike, as we have seen, very early in the
+morning.
+
+Blenker remains with his brigade as a reserve, on the heights a little
+East of Centreville, to throw up intrenchments; which, however, he does
+not do, for lack of trenching implements.  Richardson and Davies are to
+make a feint, at Blackburn's Ford, so as to draw the Enemy's troops
+there, while the heavy blow of McDowell's Right Wing and Centre falls
+upon the left flank and rear of the Enemy's Bull Run line.
+
+Richardson's Brigade is already down the ridge, in his old position at
+Blackburn's Ford, when Davies with his brigade reaches it, from
+Centreville, and, by virtue of seniority, takes command of the two
+brigades.  Leaving Richardson's Brigade and Greene's Battery exactly on
+the battle-ground of the 18th July, Davies posts two regiments (the 18th
+and 32nd New York) of his own brigade, with Hunt's Battery, on the brow
+of a hill, in an open wheat field, some eighty yards to the South-
+Eastward of Richardson, distant some 1,500 yards from Longstreet's
+batteries on the Western side of Bull Run,--and commences a rapid fire,
+upon the Enemy's position at Blackburn's Ford, from both of the Union
+batteries.
+
+At 10 o'clock, there is a lull in this Union fire.  The Artillery
+ammunition is running short.  The demonstration, however, seems, thus
+far, to be successful--judging by the movement of Rebel troops toward
+Blackburn's Ford.  The lull continues until 11 o'clock.  At that time
+Miles arrives at his front, in a towering rage.
+
+On his way down the ridge, that morning, early, Davies had made a
+discovery.  While passing a roadway, his guide had casually remarked:
+"There is a road that leads around to the Enemy's camp, direct."  "Ah!"
+--said Davies--"and can they get through that road?"  "Oh, yes," replied
+the guide.  Davies had at once halted, and, after posting his 16th and
+31st New York Regiments, with two guns of Hunt's Battery, near this
+road, at its junction with the ridge road running up to Centreville and
+Black burn's Ford, had proceeded, with the rest of his regiments and
+guns, to the position where Miles finds him.
+
+But Miles has discovered what Davies has done, in this matter of the
+flanking roadway; and--without knowing, or apparently caring to know,
+the reason underlying the posting of the two regiments and two guns in
+its vicinity,--flies into "a terrible passion" because of it; in "no
+very measured language," gives Davies "a severe dressing down;" and
+orders him to bring both regiments and guns down to the front.  Davies
+complies, and says nothing.  Miles also orders him to continue the
+firing from his batteries, without regard to the quantity of ammunition.
+This order, also, Davies obeys--and the firing proceeds, for two solid
+hours, until another order comes, about 1 o'clock P.M., to stop firing.
+
+The fact is, that Miles is not at all himself--but is suffering under
+such a strain of mental excitement, he afterward claims, that he is not
+responsible.
+
+Miles, however, returns to Centreville about noon; and no sooner is he
+gone, than Davies at once sends back pioneers to obstruct that road
+which would bring the Enemy around his left flank and rear, to
+Centreville.  These, work so industriously, that they cut down a quarter
+of a mile of trees, and block the road up completely.  Davies also posts
+a few pickets there, in case of accidents.  It is well he does so.  It
+is not long before the Enemy makes an attempt to get around to his rear,
+by that road; but, finding it both obstructed and picketed, retires
+again.  Davies does not see the Rebels making that attempt, but catches
+sight of them on their return, and gives them a severe shelling for
+their pains.
+
+Davies keeps up his firing, more or less-according to the condition of
+the Enemy and of his own ammunition--until 4 o'clock, when the firing
+occasioned by the Union flanking movement, six miles to his right,
+ceases.  Then there reaches him a note from Richardson, so badly
+penciled that he can only make out the one word "beaten,"--but cannot,
+for the life of him, make out, whether the beaten one is our Right Wing,
+or the Enemy!
+
+Of what followed, he tells the story himself,--under oath, before the
+Committee on the Conduct of the War--so graphically, that the temptation
+to give it, in his own words, is irresistible.  "I saw unmistakable
+evidence," said he, "that we were going to be attacked on our Left Wing.
+I got all ready for the attack, but did not change my front.
+
+"About 5 o'clock, I think, the Rebels made their appearance back upon
+this very road up which they had gone before; but instead of keeping up
+the road, they turned past a farm-house, went through the farm-yard, and
+came down and formed right in front of me, in a hollow, out of my sight.
+Well, I let them all come down there, keeping a watch upon their
+movements.  I told the Artillery not to fire any shot at them until they
+saw the rear column go down, so as to get them all down in the little
+hollow or basin, there.  There was a little basin there, probably a
+quarter of a mile every way.  I should think that, maybe, 3,000 men
+filed down, before I changed front.
+
+"We lay there, with two regiments back, and the Artillery in front,
+facing Bull Run.  As soon as about 3,000 of the Enemy got down in this
+basin, I changed the front of the Artillery around to the left, in face
+of the Enemy, and put a company of Infantry between each of the pieces
+of Artillery, and then deployed the balance of the regiments right and
+left, and made my line-of-battle.
+
+"I gave directions to the Infantry not to fire a shot, under any
+circumstances, until they got the word of command from me.  I
+furthermore said I would shoot the first man that fired a shot before I
+gave the command to do so.
+
+"I gave them orders all to lie down on their faces.  They, (the Rebels)
+were just over the brow of the hill, so that, if they came up in front
+of us, they could not hit a man.
+
+"As soon as I saw the rear column, I told * * * Lieutenant Benjamin to
+fire.  * * *  He fired the first shot when the rear column presented
+itself.  It just went over their heads, and hit a horse and rider in
+their rear.  As soon as the first shot was fired, I gave the order for
+the whole six pieces of Artillery to open with grape and canister.  The
+effect was terrible.  They were all there, right before us, about 450
+yards off, and had not suspected that we were going to fire at all,
+though they did not know what the reason was.  Hunt's Battery (belonging
+to Richardson--who had by mistake got Greene's) performed so well, that,
+in thirty minutes, we dispersed every one of them!
+
+"I do not know how many were killed, but we so crippled their entire
+force that they never came after us an inch.  A man, who saw the effect
+of the firing, in the valley, said it was just like firing into a wheat
+field; the column gave way at once, before the grape and canister; they
+were just within available distance.  I knew very well that if they but
+got into that basin, the first fire would cut them all to pieces; and it
+did.  We continued to fire for thirty minutes, when there was nothing
+more to fire at, and no more shots were returned."
+
+At a later hour--while remaining victorious at their well defended
+position, with the Enemy at their front, dispersed and silenced,--these
+two brigades of the Left Wing, receive orders to fall back on
+Centreville, and encamp.  With the brigade of Richardson, and Greene's
+Battery in advance, Davies's own brigade and Hunt's Battery following,
+they fall back on the heights of Centreville "without the least
+confusion and in perfect order"--reaching them at 7 P.M.
+
+Meantime Miles has been relieved from command, and McDowell has ordered
+Blenker's Brigade to take position a mile or more in advance of
+Centreville, toward Bull Run, on both sides of the Warrenton Pike, to
+protect the retreat, now being made, in "a few collected bodies," but
+mainly in great disorder--owing partly to the baggage-wagons choking the
+road, along which both venturesome civilians and fagged-out troops are
+retreating upon Centreville.  This confused retreat passes through
+Blenker's lines until 9 o'clock P.M.--and then, all is secure.
+
+At midnight, McDowell has decided to make no stand at Centreville, but
+to retire upon the defensive works at Washington.  The order to retreat,
+is given, and, with the rear well guarded by Richardson's and Blenker's
+Brigades, is carried out, the van of the retreat, with no Enemy
+pursuing, degenerating finally into a "mob," which carries more or less
+panic into Washington itself, as well as terrible disappointment and
+chagrin to all the Loyal States of the Union.
+
+Knowing what we now do, concerning the Battle of Bull Run, it is
+somewhat surprising, at this day, to read the dispatches sent by
+McDowell to General Scott's headquarters at Washington, immediately
+after it.  They are in these words:
+
+               "CENTREVILLE, July 21, 1861--5:45 P.M.
+
+"We passed Bull Run, engaged the Enemy, who, it seems, had just been
+re-enforced by General Johnston.  We drove them for several hours, and
+finally routed them."
+
+     ["No one who did not share in the sad experience will be able to
+     realize the consternation which the news of this discomfiture--
+     grossly exaggerated--diffused over the loyal portion of our
+     Country.  Only the tidings which had reached Washington up to four
+     o'clock--all presaging certain and decisive victory--were permitted
+     to go North by telegraph that day and evening; so that, on Monday
+     morning, when the crowd of fugitives from our grand Army was
+     pouring into Washington, a heedless, harmless, worthless mob, the
+     Loyal States were exulting over accounts of a decisive triumph.
+     But a few hours brought different advices; and these were as much
+     worse than the truth as the former had been better: our Army had
+     been utterly destroyed-cut to pieces, with a loss of twenty-five to
+     thirty thousand men, besides all its artillery and munitions, and
+     Washington lay at the mercy of the Enemy, who were soon to advance
+     to the capture and sack of our great commercial cities.  Never
+     before had so black a day as that black Monday lowered upon the
+     loyal hearts of the North; and the leaden, weeping skies reflected
+     and heightened, while they seemed to sympathize with, the general
+     gloom.  It would have been easy, with ordinary effort and care, to
+     have gathered and remanded to their camps or forts around
+     Alexandria or Arlington, all the wretched stragglers to whom fear
+     had lent wings, and who, throwing away their arms and equipments,
+     and abandoning all semblance of Military order or discipline, had
+     rushed to the Capital to hide therein their shame, behind a cloud
+     of exaggerations and falsehoods.  The still effective batteries,
+     the solid battalions, that were then wending their way slowly back
+     to their old encampments along the South bank of the Potomac,
+     depressed but unshaken, dauntless and utterly unassailed, were
+     unseen and unheard from; while the panic-stricken racers filled and
+     distended the general ear with their tales of impregnable
+     intrenchments and masked batteries, of regiments slaughtered,
+     brigades utterly cut to pieces, etc., making out their miserable
+     selves to be about all that was left of the Army.  That these men
+     were allowed thus to straggle into Washington, instead of being
+     peremptorily stopped at the bridges and sent back to the
+     encampments of their several regiments, is only to be accounted for
+     on the hypothesis that the reason of our Military magnates had been
+     temporarily dethroned, so as to divest them of all moral
+     responsibility," Greeley's Am. Conflict, pp.  552-53., vol. I.]
+
+"They rallied and repulsed us, but only to give us again the victory,
+which seemed complete.  But our men, exhausted with fatigue and thirst,
+and confused by firing into each other, were attacked by the Enemy's
+reserves, and driven from the position we had gained, overlooking
+Manassas.  After this, the men could not be rallied, but slowly left the
+field.  In the meantime the Enemy outflanked Richardson at Blackburn's
+Ford, and we have now to hold Centreville till our men can get behind
+it.  Miles's Division is holding the town.  It is reported that Colonel
+Cameron is killed, Hunter and Heintzelman wounded, neither dangerously.
+                         "IRWIN MCDOWELL,
+                    "Brigadier-General, Commanding.
+
+"Lieutenant-Colonel TOWNSEND."
+
+
+                    "FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE, July 21, 1861.
+
+"The men having thrown away their haversacks in the battle, and left
+them behind, they are without food; have eaten nothing since breakfast.
+We are without artillery ammunition.  The larger part of the men are a
+confused mob, entirely demoralized.  It was the opinion of all the
+commanders that no stand could be made this side of the Potomac.  We
+will, however, make the attempt at Fairfax Court House.  From a prisoner
+we learn that 20,000 from Johnston joined last night, and they march on
+us to-night.
+                              "IRWIN MCDOWELL.
+
+"Colonel TOWNSEND"
+
+
+               "FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE, [July] 22, 1861.
+
+"Many of the volunteers did not wait for authority to proceed to the
+Potomac, but left on their own decision.  They are now pouring through
+this place in a state of utter disorganization.  They could not be
+prepared for action by to-morrow morning even were they willing.  I
+learn from prisoners that we are to be pressed here to-night and
+tomorrow morning, as the Enemy's force is very large, and they are
+elated.  I think we heard cannon on our rear-guard.  I think now, as all
+of my commanders thought at Centreville, there is no alternative but to
+fall back to the Potomac, and I shall proceed to do so with as much
+regularity as possible.
+                                   "IRWIN MCDOWELL.
+
+"Colonel TOWNSEND."
+
+
+                    "ARLINGTON, July 22, 1861.
+
+"I avail myself of the re-establishing of telegraph to report my
+arrival.  When I left the forks of the Little River turnpike and
+Columbia turnpike, where I had been for a couple of hours turning
+stragglers and parties of regiments upon this place and Alexandria, I
+received intelligence that the rear-guard, under Colonel Richardson, had
+left Fairfax Court House, and was getting along well.  Had not been
+attacked.  I am now trying to get matters a little organized over here.
+                         "IRWIN MCDOWELL.
+                         "Brigadier-General.
+"E. D. TOWNSEND."
+
+
+McDowell had unquestionably been repulsed, in his main attack, with his
+Right Wing, and much of his Army was badly demoralized; but, on the
+other hand, it may be well to repeat that the Enemy's plan of attack
+that same morning had been frustrated, and most of his forces so badly
+shattered and demoralized that he dared not follow up the advantage
+which, more by our own blunders than by his prowess, he had gained.
+
+If the Union forces--or at least the Right Wing of them--were whipped,
+the Enemy also was whipped.  Jackson himself confesses that while he
+had, at the last moment, broken our centre, our forces had turned both
+of his flanks.  The Enemy was, in fact, so badly used up, that he not
+only dared not pursue us to Washington--as he would have down had he
+been able--but he was absolutely afraid McDowell would resume the
+attack, on the right of the original Bull Run line, that very night!
+For, in a letter to General Beauregard; dated Richmond, Virginia, August
+4, 1861, Jefferson Davis,--who was on the ground at Bull Run, July
+21st,--alluding to the Battle of Bull Run, and Beauregard's excuses for
+not pursuing the Union troops, says:
+
+"I think you are unjust to yourself in putting your failure to pursue
+the Enemy to Washington, to the account of short supplies of subsistence
+and transportation.  Under the circumstances of our Army, and in the
+absence of the knowledge since acquired--if, indeed, the statements be
+true--it would have been extremely hazardous to have done more than was
+performed.  You will not fail to remember that, so far from knowing that
+the Enemy was routed, a large part of our forces was moved by you, in
+the night of the 21st, to repel a supposed attack upon our right, and
+the next day's operations did not fully reveal what has since been
+reported of the Enemy's panic."
+
+And Jefferson Davis's statement is corroborated by the Report of Colonel
+Withers, of the 18th Virginia, who, after starting with other regiments,
+in an attempt to cut off the Union retreat, was recalled to the Stone
+Bridge,--and who says: "Before reaching the point we designed to occupy
+(near the Stone Bridge) we were met by another order to march
+immediately to Manassas Junction, as an attack was apprehended that
+night.  Although it was now after sunset, and my men had had no food all
+day, when the command to march to Manassas was given, they cheerfully
+took the route to that place."
+
+Colonel Davies, who, as we have seen, commanded McDowell's stubborn Left
+Wing, was after all, not far wrong, when, in his testimony before the
+Committee on the Conduct of the War, he declared, touching the story of
+the Bull Run Battle: "It ought to have read that we were victorious with
+the 13,000 troops of the Left Wing, and defeated in the 18,000 of the
+Right Wing.  That is all that Bull Run amounts to."
+
+In point of fact, the Battle of Bull Run--the first pitched battle of
+the War--was a drawn battle.
+
+War was now fully inaugurated--Civil War--a stupendous War between two
+great Sections of one common Country; those of our People, on the one
+side, fighting for the dissolution of the Union--and incidentally for
+Free Trade, and for Slavery; those on the other side, fighting for the
+preservation of the Union--and incidentally for Protection to our Free
+Industries, and for the Freedom of the Slave.
+
+As soon as the Republican Party controlled both Houses of Congress it
+provided Protection to our Free Industries, and to the Free Labor
+engaged in them, by the Morill Tariff Act of 1860--the foundation Act of
+all subsequent enactments on the subject.  In subsequent pages of this
+work we shall see how the Freedom of the Slave was also accomplished by
+the same great Party.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XIV.
+
+                        THE COLORED CONTRABAND.
+
+When the first gun was fired at Fort Sumter, its sullen echoes sounded
+the funeral knell of Slavery.  Years before, it had been foretold, and
+now it was to happen. Years before, it bad been declared, by competent
+authority, that among the implications of the Constitution was that of
+the power of the General Government to Emancipate the Slaves, as a War
+measure.  Hence, in thus commencing the War of the Rebellion, the South
+marched with open eyes upon this, as among other of the legitimate and
+logical results of such a War.
+
+Patrick Henry, in opposing the ratification by Virginia of the Federal
+Constitution, had declared to the Slaveholders of that State that "Among
+ten thousand implied powers" which Congress may assume, "they may, if we
+be engaged in War, liberate every one of your Slaves, if they please, *
+* * Have they not power to provide for the General Defense and Welfare?
+May they not think that these call for the abolition of Slavery?  May
+they not pronounce all Slaves Free? and will they not be warranted by
+that power?  * * *  They have the power, in clear, unequivocal terms,
+and will clearly and certainly exercise it."
+
+So, too, in his great speech of May 25, 1836, in the House of
+Representatives, John Quincy Adams had declared that in "the last great
+conflict which must be fought between Slavery and Emancipation,"
+Congress "must and will interfere" with Slavery, "and they will not only
+possess the Constitutional power so to interfere, but they will be bound
+in duty to do it, by the express provisions of the Constitution itself."
+And he followed this declaration with the equally emphatic words: "From
+the instant that your Slave-holding States become the theatre of War-
+civil, servile, or foreign--from that instant, the War powers of
+Congress extend to interference with the Institution of Slavery in every
+Way by which it can be interfered with."
+
+The position thus announced by these expounders of the Constitution--the
+one from Virginia, the other from Massachusetts--was not to be shaken
+even by the unanimous adoption, February 11, 1861, by the House of
+Representatives on roll call, of the resolution of Mr. Sherman, of Ohio,
+in these words:
+
+"Resolved, That neither the Congress of the United States nor the people
+or governments of the non-Slaveholding States have the Constitutional
+right to legislate upon or interfere with Slavery in any of the
+Slaveholding States in the Union."
+
+Ex-President J. Q. Adams's cogent exposition of the Constitution,
+twenty-five years before, in that same House, demonstrating not only
+that Congress had the right but the Constitutional power to so
+interfere--and his further demonstration April 15, 1842, of his
+statement that under the laws of War, "when a Country is invaded, and
+two hostile armies are set in martial array, the Commanders of both
+Armies have power to Emancipate all the Slaves in the invaded
+territory"--as not to be overcome by a mere vote of one House, however
+unanimous.  For the time being, however, it contributed, with other
+circumstances, to confuse the public mind and conscience.  Indeed as
+early as May of 1861, the attitude of our Government and its troops
+toward Negro Slaves owned or used by Rebels in rebellious States, began
+to perturb the public, bother the Administration, and worry the Military
+officers.
+
+For instance, in Major-General McClellan's proclamation to the Union men
+of West Virginia, issued May 26, 1861, he said:
+
+"The General Government cannot close its ears to the demand you have
+made for assistance.  I have ordered troops to cross the river.  They
+come as your friends and brothers--as enemies only to armed Rebels, who
+are preying upon you; your homes, your families, and your property are
+safe under our protection.  All your rights shall be religiously
+respected, notwithstanding all that has been said by the Traitors to
+induce you to believe our advent among you will be signalized by an
+interference with your Slaves.  Understand one thing clearly: not only
+will we abstain from all such interference, but we will, on the
+contrary, with an iron hand crush any attempt at insurrection on their
+part."
+
+On the other hand, the very next day, May 27, 1861, Major-General
+Butler, in command of the "Department of  A Virginia," wrote to
+Lieutenant-General Scott as follows:
+
+"Since I wrote my last dispatch the question in regard to Slave property
+is becoming one of very serious magnitude.  The inhabitants of Virginia
+are using their Negroes in the batteries, and are preparing to send the
+women and children South.  The escapes from them are very numerous, and
+a squad has come in this morning to my pickets bringing their women and
+children.  Of course these cannot be dealt with upon the theory on which
+I designed to treat the services of able-bodied men and women who might
+come within my lines, and of which I gave you a detailed account in my
+last dispatch.  I am in the utmost doubt what to do with this species of
+Property.
+
+"Up to this time I have had come within my lines men and women with
+their children, entire families, each family belonging to the same
+owner.  I have, therefore, determined to employ, as I can do very
+profitably, the able-bodied persons in the party, issuing proper food
+for the support of all, and charging against their services the expense
+of care and sustenance of the non-laborers, keeping a strict and
+accurate account as well of the services as of the expenditure, having
+the worth of the services, and the cost of the expenditure, determined
+by a Board of Survey, to be hereafter detailed.  I know of no other
+manner in which to dispose of this subject and the questions connected
+therewith.
+
+"As a matter of Property to the Insurgents, it will be of very great
+moment, the number that I now have amounting, as I am informed, to what,
+in good times, would be of the value of sixty thousand dollars.  Twelve
+of these Negroes, I am informed, have escaped from the batteries on
+Sewall's Point, which, this morning, fired upon my expedition as it
+passed by out of range.  As a means of offense, therefore, in the
+Enemy's hands, these Negroes, when able-bodied, are of the last
+importance.  Without them the batteries could not have been erected, at
+least for many weeks.
+
+"As a Military question it would seem to be a measure of necessity to
+deprive their masters of their services.  How can this be done?  As a
+political question and a question of humanity, can I receive the
+services of a father and mother, and not take the children?  Of the
+humanitarian aspect I have no doubt.  Of the political one I have no
+right to judge.  I therefore submit all this to your better judgment,
+and as the questions have a political aspect, I have ventured, and I
+trust I am not wrong in so doing, to duplicate the parts of my dispatch
+relating to this subject, and forward them to the Secretary of War."
+
+In reply to the duplicate copy of this letter received by him, Secretary
+Cameron thus answered:
+
+                         "WASHINGTON, May 30, 1861.
+
+"SIR: Your action in respect to the Negroes who came within your lines
+from the service of the Rebels is approved.  The Department is sensible
+of the embarrassments which must surround officers conducting Military
+operations in a State by the laws of which Slavery is sanctioned.
+
+"The Government cannot recognize the rejection by any State of the
+Federal obligations, nor can it refuse the performance of the Federal
+obligations resting upon itself.  Among these Federal obligations,
+however, none can be more important than that of suppressing and
+dispersing armed combinations formed for the purpose of overthrowing its
+whole Constitutional authority.
+
+"While, therefore, you will permit no interference by the persons under
+your command, with the relations of Persons held to Service under the
+laws of any State, you will, on the other hand, so long as any State,
+within which your Military operations are conducted, is under the
+control of such armed combinations, refrain from surrendering to alleged
+masters any Person who may come within your lines.
+
+"You will employ such Persons in the services to which they may be best
+adapted, keeping an account of the labor by them performed, of the value
+of it, and the expenses of their maintenance.  The question of their
+final disposition will be reserved for future determination.
+
+                              "SIMON CAMERON,
+                              "Secretary of War.
+
+"To Major General BUTLER."
+
+
+Great tenderness, however, was exhibited by many of the Union Generals
+for the doomed Institution.  On June 3, 1861, from Chambersburg, Pa., a
+proclamation signed "By order of Major General Patterson, F. J. Porter,
+Asst.  Adj. General," was issued from "Headquarters Department of
+Pennsylvania," "To the United States troops of this Department," in
+which they are admonished "that, in the coming campaign in Virginia,
+while it is your duty to punish Sedition, you must protect the Loyal,
+and, should the occasion offer, at once suppress Servile Insurrection."
+
+
+"General Orders No. 33," issued from "Headquarters Department of
+Washington," July 17, 1861, "By command of Brigadier General Mansfield,
+Theo. Talbot, Assistant Adjutant General," were to this effect:
+"Fugitive Slaves will under no pretext whatever, be permitted to reside,
+or be in any way harbored, in the quarters or camps of the troops
+serving in this Department.  Neither will such Slaves be allowed to
+accompany troops on the march.  Commanders of troops will be held
+responsible for a strict observance of this order."  And early in August
+a Military order was issued at Washington "that no Negroes, without
+sufficient evidence of their being Free or of their right to travel, are
+permitted to leave the city upon the cars."
+
+But Bull Run did much to settle the Military as well as public mind in
+proper grooves on this subject.
+
+Besides employing Negro Slaves to aid Rebellion, by the digging of
+ditches, the throwing up of intrenchments, and the erection of
+batteries, their Rebel masters placed in their hands arms with which to
+shoot down Union soldiers at the Battle of Bull Run, which, as we have
+seen, occurred on Sunday, July 21, 1861--and resulted in a check to the
+Union Cause.
+
+The terror and confusion and excitement already referred to, that
+prevailed in Washington all that night and the next day, as the panic-
+stricken crowd of soldiers and civilians poured over the Long Bridge,
+footsore with running, faint with weariness, weak with hunger, and
+parched with thirst and the dust of the rout, can hardly be described.
+
+But, however panicky the general condition of the inhabitants of the
+National Capital, the Congress bravely maintained its equanimity.
+
+In the Senate, on the day following the disaster, a bill  touching the
+Confiscation of Property used for insurrectionary purposes being up for
+consideration, the following amendment was offered to it:
+
+"And be it further enacted, That whenever any person claiming to be
+entitled to the Service or Labor of any other Person under the laws of
+any State, shall employ such Person in aiding or promoting any
+Insurrection, or in resisting the Laws of the United States, or shall
+permit him to be so employed, he shall forfeit all right to such Service
+or Labor, and the Person whose Labor or Service is thus claimed shall be
+thenceforth discharged therefrom, any law to the contrary
+notwithstanding."
+
+This amendment, emancipating Slaves employed by their masters to aid
+Rebellion, was adopted by 33 yeas to 6 nays.
+
+As showing the feeling expressed right upon the very heels of what
+seemed to be a great disaster, and when rumor, at any rate, placed the
+victorious Enemy at the very gates of the Capital City, a few lines from
+the debate may be interesting.
+
+Mr. Trumbull said: "I am glad the yeas and nays have been called to let
+us see who is willing to vote that the Traitorous owner of a Negro shall
+employ him to shoot down the Union men of the Country, and yet insist
+upon restoring him to the Traitor that owns him.  I understand that
+Negroes were in the fight which has recently occurred.  I take it that
+Negroes who are used to destroy the Union, and to shoot down the Union
+men by the consent of Traitorous masters, ought not to be restored to
+them.  If the Senator from Kentucky is in favor of restoring them, let
+him vote against the amendment."
+
+Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, said: "I shall vote with more heart
+than I vote for ordinary measures, for this proposition.  I hope the
+Senate and the House of Representatives will sustain it, and that this
+Government will carry it out with an inflexibility that knows no change.
+The idea that men who are in arms destroying their Country shall be
+permitted to use others for that purpose, and that we shall stand by and
+issue orders to our Commanders, that we should disgrace our Cause and
+our Country, by returning such men to their Traitorous masters, ought
+not longer to be entertained.  The time has come for that to cease; and,
+by the blessing of God, so far as I am concerned, I mean it shall cease.
+
+"If there is anybody in this Chamber that chooses to take the other
+path, let him do it; let him know what our purpose is.  Our purpose is
+to save this Government and save this Country, and to put down Treason;
+and if Traitors use bondsmen to destroy this Country, my doctrine is
+that the Government shall at once convert these bondsmen into men that
+cannot be used to destroy our Country.  I have no apologies to make for
+this position, I take it proudly.
+
+"I think the time has come when this Government, and the men who are in
+arms under the Government, should cease to return to Traitors their
+Fugitive Slaves, whom they are using to erect batteries to murder brave
+men who are fighting under the flag of their Country.  The time has come
+when we should deal with the men who are organizing Negro companies, and
+teaching them to shoot down loyal men for the only offence of upholding
+the flag of their Country.
+
+"I hope further, Sir, that there is a public sentiment in this Country
+that will blast men who will rise, in the Senate or out it, to make
+apologies for Treason, or to defend or to maintain the doctrine that
+this Government is bound to protect Traitors in converting their Slaves
+into tools for the destruction of the Republic."
+
+Senator McDougall, of California, said: "I regard this as a Confiscation
+for Treason, and I am for the proposition."
+
+Mr. Ten Eyck, said: "No longer ago than Saturday last I voted in the
+Judiciary Committee against this amendment, for two reasons: First, I
+did not believe that persons in Rebellion against this Government would
+make use of such means as the employment of Persons held to Labor or
+Service, in their Armies; secondly, because I did not know what was to
+become of these poor wretches if they were discharged.  God knows we do
+not want them in our Section of the Union.  But, Sir, having learned and
+believing that these persons have been employed with arms in their hands
+to shed the blood of the Union-loving men of this Country, I shall now
+vote in favor of that amendment with less regard to what may become of
+these people than I had on Saturday.  I will merely instance that there
+is a precedent for this.  If I recollect history aright, General
+Jackson, in the Seminole War, declared that every Slave who was taken in
+arms against the United States should be set Free,"
+
+So, too, in the House of Representatives, the retrograde of a badly
+demoralized Army, its routed fragments still coming in with alarming
+stories of a pursuing Enemy almost at the gates of the city, had no
+terrors for our legislators; and there was something of Roman dignity,
+patriotism, and courage, in the adoption, on that painfully memorable
+Blue Monday, (the first--[Offered by Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky]--with
+only two dissenting votes, on a yea and nay vote; and, the second--
+[Offered by Mr. Vandever, of Iowa.]--with entire unanimity) of the
+following Resolutions:
+
+"Resolved by the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
+States, That the present deplorable Civil War has been forced upon the
+Country by the Disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against
+the Constitutional Government, and in arms around the Capital; that in
+this National emergency, Congress, banishing all feelings of mere
+passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole
+Country; that this War is not waged on their part in any spirit of
+oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of
+overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established Institutions
+of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the
+Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality,
+and rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon as these
+objects are accomplished, the War ought to cease."
+
+"Resolved, That the maintenance of the Constitution, the preservation of
+the Union, and the enforcement of the Laws, are sacred trusts which must
+be executed; that no disaster shall discourage us from the most ample
+performance of this high duty; and that we pledge to the Country and the
+World, the employment of every resource, National and individual, for
+the suppression, overthrow, and punishment of Rebels in arms."
+
+The first of these Resolutions was intended to calm the fears of the
+Border States--excited by Rebel emissaries; the second, to restore
+confidence and courage to the patriot hearts of Union-men, everywhere.
+Both were effectual.
+
+And here it will hardly be amiss to glance, for an instant, toward the
+Senate Chamber; and especially at one characteristic incident.  It was
+the afternoon of August the 1st, 1861,--scarce ten days since the check
+to the Union arms at Bull Run; and Breckinridge, of Kentucky, not yet
+expelled from the United States Senate, was making in that Body his
+great speech against the "Insurrection and Sedition Bill," and upon "the
+sanctity of the Constitution."
+
+Baker, of Oregon,--who, as Sumner afterward said: "with a zeal that
+never tired, after recruiting men drawn by the attraction of his name,
+in New York and Philadelphia and elsewhere, held his Brigade in camp,
+near the Capitol, so that he passed easily from one to the other, and
+thus alternated the duties of a Senator and a General," having reached
+the Capitol, direct from his Brigade-camp, entered the Senate Chamber,
+in his uniform, while Breckinridge was speaking.
+
+When the Kentucky Senator "with Treason in his heart, if not on his
+lips," resumed his seat, the gray-haired soldier-Senator at once rose to
+reply.  "He began,"--said Charles Sumner, in alluding to the incident--
+"simply and calmly; but as he proceeded, his fervid soul broke forth in
+words of surpassing power.  As on a former occasion he had presented the
+well-ripened fruits of study, so now he spoke with the spontaneous
+utterance of his own mature and exuberant eloquence--meeting the
+polished Traitor at every point with weapons keener and brighter than
+his own."
+
+After demolishing Breckinridge's position touching the alleged
+Unconstitutionality of the measure, and characterzing his other
+utterances as "reproof, malediction, and prediction combined," the
+Patriot from the Far-West turned with rising voice and flashing eye upon
+the gloomy Kentuckian:
+
+"I would ask him," said he, "what would you have us do now--a
+Confederate Army within twenty miles of us, advancing, or threatening to
+advance, to overwhelm your Government; to shake the pillars of the
+Union, to bring it around your head, if you stay here, in ruins?  Are we
+to stop and talk about an uprising sentiment in the North against the
+War?  Are we to predict evil, and retire from what we predict?  Is it
+not the manly part to go on as we have begun, to raise money, and levy
+Armies, to organize them, to prepare to advance; when we do advance, to
+regulate that advance by all the laws and regulations that civilization
+and humanity will allow in time of battle?  Can we do anything more?  To
+talk to us about stopping, is idle; we will never stop.  Will the
+Senator yield to Rebellion?  Will he shrink from armed Insurrection?
+Will his State justify it?  Will its better public opinion allow it?
+Shall we send a flag of Truce?  What would he have?  Or would he conduct
+this War so feebly, that the whole World would smile at us in derision?"
+
+And then cried the orator-his voice rising to a higher key, penetrating,
+yet musical as the blast from a silver trumpet: "What would he have?
+These speeches of his, sown broadcast over the Land, what clear distinct
+meaning have they?  Are they not intended for disorganization in our
+very midst?  Are they not intended to dull our weapons?  Are they not
+intended to destroy our zeal?  Are they not intended to animate our
+enemies?  Sir, are they not words of brilliant, polished Treason, even
+in the very Capitol of the Nation?
+
+"What would have been thought, if, in another Capitol, in another
+Republic, in a yet more martial age, a Senator as grave, not more
+eloquent or dignified than the Senator from Kentucky, yet with the Roman
+purple flowing over his shoulder, had risen in his place, surrounded by
+all the illustrations of Roman glory, and declared that the cause of
+advancing Hannibal was just, and that Carthage ought to be dealt with in
+terms of peace?  What would have been thought if, after the battle of
+Cannae, a Senator there had risen in his place and denounced every levy
+of the Roman People, every expenditure of its treasure, and every appeal
+to the old recollections and the old glories?"
+
+The speaker paused.  The sudden and intent silence was broken by another
+voice: "He would have been hurled from the Tarpeian rock."
+
+"Sir," continued the soldier-orator, "a Senator, himself learned far
+more than myself in such lore, [Mr. Fessenden,] tells me, in a voice
+that I am glad is audible, that he would have been hurled from the
+Tarpeian Rock!  It is a grand commentary upon the American Constitution
+that we permit these words [Senator Breckinridge's] to be uttered.
+
+"I ask the Senator to recollect, too, what, save to send aid and comfort
+to the Enemy, do these predictions of his amount to?  Every word thus
+uttered falls as a note of inspiration upon every Confederate ear.
+Every sound thus uttered is a word, (and, falling from his lips, a
+mighty word) of kindling and triumph to a Foe that determines to
+advance.
+
+"For me, I have no such word as a Senator, to utter.  For me"--and here
+his eyes flashed again while his martial voice rang like a clarion-call
+to battle--"amid temporary defeat, disaster, disgrace, it seems that my
+duty calls me to utter another word, and that word is, bold, sudden,
+forward, determined, WAR, according to the laws of War, by Armies, by
+Military Commanders clothed with full power, advancing with all the past
+glories of the Republic urging them on to conquest!
+
+                     *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+"I tell the Senator," continued the inspired Patriot, "that his
+predictions, sometimes for the South, sometimes for the Middle States,
+sometimes for the North-East, and then wandering away in airy visions
+out to the Far Pacific, about the dread of our people, as for loss of
+blood and treasure, provoking them to Disloyalty, are false in
+sentiment, false in fact, and false in Loyalty.  The Senator from
+Kentucky is mistaken in them all.
+
+"Five hundred million dollars!  What then?  Great Britain gave more than
+two thousand million in the great Battle for Constitutional Liberty
+which she led at one time almost single-handed against the World.  Five
+hundred thousand men!  What then?  We have them; they are ours; they are
+the children of the Country; they belong to the whole Country; they are
+our sons; our kinsmen; and there are many of us who will give them all
+up before we will abate one word of our just demand, or will retreat one
+inch from the line which divides right from wrong.
+
+"Sir, it is not a question of men or of money in that sense.  All the
+money, all the men, are, in our judgment, well bestowed in such a cause.
+When we give them, we know their value.  Knowing their value well, we
+give them with the more pride and the, more joy.  Sir, how can we
+retreat?  Sir, how can we make Peace?  Who shall treat?  What
+Commissioners?  Who would go?  Upon what terms?  Where is to be your
+boundary line?  Where the end of the principles we shall have to give
+up?  What will become of Constitutional Government?  What will become of
+public Liberty?  What of past glories?  What of future hopes?
+
+"Shall we sink into the insignificance of the grave--a degraded,
+defeated, emasculated People, frightened by the results of one battle,
+and scared at the visions raised by the imagination of the Senator from
+Kentucky on this floor?  No, Sir! a thousand times, no, Sir!  We will
+rally--if, indeed, our words be necessary--we will rally the People, the
+Loyal People, of the whole Country.  They will pour forth their
+treasure, their money, their men, without stint, without measure.  The
+most peaceable man in this body may stamp his foot upon this Senate
+Chamber floor, as of old a warrior and a Senator did, and from that
+single tramp there will spring forth armed Legions.
+
+"Shall one battle determine the fate of empire, or a dozen?--the loss of
+one thousand men, or twenty thousand?  or one hundred million or five
+hundred million dollars?  In a year's Peace--in ten years, at most, of
+peaceful progress--we can restore them all.  There will be some graves
+reeking with blood, watered by the tears of affection.  There will be
+some privation; there will be some loss of luxury; there will be
+somewhat more need for labor to procure the necessaries of life.  When
+that is said, all is said.  If we have the Country, the whole Country,
+the Union, the Constitution, Free Government--with these there will
+return all the blessings of well-ordered civilization; the path of the
+Country will be a career of greatness and of glory such as, in the olden
+time, our Fathers saw in the dim visions of years yet to come, and such
+as would have been ours now, to-day, if it had not been for the Treason
+for which the Senator too often seeks to apologize."
+
+This remarkable speech was the last utterance of that glorious and
+courageous soul, in the National Senate.  Within three months, his
+lifeless body, riddled by Rebel rifle balls, was borne away from the
+fatal field of Ball's Bluff--away, amid the lamentations of a Nation--
+away, across land and ocean--to lie beside his brave friend Broderick,
+on that Lone Mountain whose solemn front looks out upon the calm
+Pacific.
+
+He had not lived in vain.  In his great speech at the American Theatre
+in San Francisco, after his election by Oregon (1860) to represent her
+in the United States Senate, he had aroused the people to a sense of
+shame, that, as he said: "Here, in a land of written Constitutional
+Liberty it is reserved for us to teach the World that, under the
+American Stars and Stripes, Slavery marches in solemn procession; that,
+under the American flag, Slavery is protected to the utmost verge of
+acquired territory; that under the American banner, the name of Freedom
+is to be faintly heard, the songs of Freedom faintly sung; that, while
+Garibaldi, Victor Emanuel, every great and good man in the World,
+strives, struggles, fights, prays, suffers and dies, sometimes on the
+scaffold, sometimes in the dungeon, often on the field of battle,
+rendered immortal by his blood and his valor; that, while this triumphal
+procession marches on through the arches of Freedom--we, in this land,
+of all the World, shrink back trembling when Freedom is but mentioned!"
+
+And never was a shamed people more suddenly lifted up from that shame
+into a grand frenzy of patriotic devotion than were his auditors, when,
+with the inspiration of his matchless genius, he continued:
+
+"As for me, I dare not, will not, be false to Freedom.  Where the feet
+of my youth were planted, there, by Freedom, my feet shall ever stand.
+I will walk beneath her banner.  I will glory in her strength.  I have
+watched her in history struck down on an hundred chosen fields of
+battle.  I have seen her friends fly from her; her foes gather around
+her.  I have seen her bound to the stake; I have seen them give her
+ashes to the winds.  But when they turned to exult, I have seen her
+again meet them face to face, resplendent in complete steel, brandishing
+in her strong right hand a flaming sword, red with Insufferable light!
+I take courage.  The People gather around her.  The genius of America
+will, at last, lead her sons to Freedom."
+
+Never were grander utterances delivered by man in all the ages; never
+was there exhibited a more sublime faith; never a truer spirit of
+prophecy; never a more heroic spirit.
+
+He was then on his way to Washington; on his way to perform the last
+acts in the drama of his own career--on his way to death.  He knew the
+time had come, of which, ten years before, he had prophetically spoken
+in the House of Representatives, when he said: "I have only to say that,
+if the time should come when Disunion rules the hour, and discord is to
+reign supreme, I shall again be ready to give the best blood in my veins
+to my Country's Cause.  I shall be prepared to meet all antagonists with
+lance in rest, to do battle in every land, in defense of the
+Constitution of the Country which I have sworn to support, to the last
+extremity, against Disunionists, and all its Enemies, whether of the
+South or North; to meet them everywhere, at all times, with speech or
+hand, with word or blow, until thought and being shall be no longer
+mine."  And right nobly did he fulfil in all respects his promise; so
+that at the end--as was afterward well said of him by Mr. Colfax--he had
+mounted so high, that, "doubly crowned, as statesman, and as warrior--
+
+     'From the top of Fame's ladder he stepped to the Sky!'"
+
+     [This orator and hero was a naturalized Englishman, and commanded
+     an American regiment in the Mexican War.]
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XV.
+
+                         FREEDOM'S EARLY DAWN.
+
+On the day following Baker's great reply to Breckinridge, another
+notable speech was made, in the House of Representatives--notable,
+especially, in that it foreshadowed Emancipation, and, coming so soon
+after Bull Run, seemed to accentuate a new departure in political
+thought as an outgrowth of that Military reverse.  It was upon the
+Confiscation Act, and it was Thaddeus Stevens who made it.  Said he:
+
+"If we are justified in taking property from the Enemy in War, when you
+have rescued an oppressed People from the oppression of that Enemy, by
+what principle of the Law of Nations, by what principle of philanthropy,
+can you return them to the bondage from which you have delivered them,
+and again rivet the chains you have once broken?  It is a disgrace to
+the Party which advocates it.  It is against the principle of the Law of
+Nations.  It is against every principle of philanthropy.  I for one,
+shall never shrink from saying when these Slaves are once conquered by
+us, 'Go and be Free.'  God forbid that I should ever agree that they
+should be returned again to their masters!  I do not say that this War
+is made for that purpose.  Ask those who made the War, what is its
+object.  Do not ask us.  * * *  Our object is to subdue the Rebels.
+
+"But," continued he, "it is said that if we hold out this thing, they
+will never submit--that we cannot conquer them--that they will suffer
+themselves to be slaughtered, and their whole country to be laid waste.
+Sir, War is a grievous thing at best, and Civil War more than any other;
+but if they hold this language, and the means which they have suggested
+must be resorted to; if their whole country must be laid waste, and made
+a desert, in order to save this Union from destruction, so let it be.  I
+would rather, Sir, reduce them to a condition where their whole country
+is to be re-peopled by a band of freemen than to see them perpetrate the
+destruction of this People through our agency.  I do not say that it is
+time to resort to such means, and I do not know when the time will come;
+but I never fear to express my sentiments.  It is not a question with me
+of policy, but a question of principle.
+
+"If this War is continued long, and is bloody, I do not believe that the
+free people of the North will stand by and see their sons and brothers
+and neighbors slaughtered by thousands and tens of thousands by Rebels,
+with arms in their hands, and forbear to call upon their enemies to be
+our friends, and to help us in subduing them; I for one, if it continues
+long, and has the consequences mentioned, shall be ready to go for it,
+let it horrify the gentleman from New York (Mr. Diven) or anybody else.
+That is my doctrine, and that will be the doctrine of the whole free
+people of the North before two years roll round, if this War continues.
+
+"As to the end of the War, until the Rebels are subdued, no man in the
+North thinks of it.  If the Government are equal to the People, and I
+believe they are, there will be no bargaining, there will be no
+negotiation, there will be no truces with the Rebels, except to bury the
+dead, until every man shall have laid down his arms, disbanded his
+organization, submitted himself to the Government, and sued for mercy.
+And, Sir, if those who have the control of the Government are not fit
+for this task and have not the nerve and mind for it, the People will
+take care that there are others who are--although, Sir, I have not a bit
+of fear of the present Administration, or of the present Executive.
+
+"I have spoken more freely, perhaps, than gentlemen within my hearing
+might think politic, but I have spoken just what I felt.  I have spoken
+what I believe will be the result; and I warn Southern gentlemen, that
+if this War is to continue, there will be a time when my friend from New
+York (Mr. Diven) will see it declared by this free Nation, that every
+bondman in the South--belonging to a Rebel, recollect; I confine it to
+them--shall be called upon to aid us in War against their masters, and
+to restore this Union."
+
+The following letter of instruction from Secretary Cameron, touching the
+Fugitive Slave question, dated seven days after Thaddeus Stevens'
+speech, had also an interesting bearing on the subject:
+
+                         "WASHINGTON, August 8, 1861.
+
+"GENERAL: The important question of the proper disposition to be made of
+Fugitives from Service in States in Insurrection against the Federal
+Government, to which you have again directed my attention in your letter
+of July 30, has received my most attentive consideration.
+
+"It is the desire of the President that all existing rights, in all the
+States, be fully respected and maintained.  The War now prosecuted on
+the part of the Federal Government is a War for the Union, and for the
+preservation of all Constitutional rights of States, and the citizens of
+the States, in the Union.  Hence, no question can arise as to Fugitives
+from Service within the States and Territories in which the authority of
+the Union is fully acknowledged.  The ordinary forms of Judicial
+proceeding, which must be respected by Military and Civil authorities
+alike, will suffice for the enforcement of all legal claims.
+
+"But in States wholly or partially under Insurrectionary control, where
+the Laws of the United States are so far opposed and resisted that they
+cannot be effectually enforced, it is obvious that rights dependent on
+the execution of those laws must, temporarily, fail; and it is equally
+obvious that rights dependent on the laws of the States within which
+Military operations are conducted must be necessarily subordinated to
+the Military exigences created by the Insurrection, if not wholly
+forfeited by the Treasonable conduct of parties claiming them.  To this
+general rule, rights to Services can form no exception.
+
+"The Act of Congress, approved August 6, 1861, declares that if Persons
+held to Service shall be employed in hostility to the United States, the
+right to their services shall be forfeited, and such Persons shall be
+discharged therefrom.  It follows, of necessity, that no claim can be
+recognized by the Military authorities of the Union to the services of
+such Persons when fugitives.
+
+"A more difficult question is presented in respect to Persons escaping
+from the Service of Loyal masters.  It is quite apparent that the laws
+of the State, under which only the services of such fugitives can be
+claimed, must needs be wholly, or almost wholly, suspended, as to
+remedies, by the Insurrection and the Military measures necessitated by
+it.  And it is equally apparent that the substitution of Military for
+Judicial measures for the enforcement of such claims must be attended by
+great inconveniences, embarrassments, and injuries.
+
+"Under these circumstances it seems quite clear that the substantial
+rights of Loyal masters will be best protected by receiving such
+fugitives, as well as fugitives from Disloyal masters, into the service
+of the United States, and employing them under such organizations and in
+such occupations as circumstances may suggest or require.
+
+"Of course a record should be kept showing the name and description of
+the fugitives, the name and the character, as Loyal or Disloyal, of the
+master, and such facts as may be necessary to a correct understanding of
+the circumstances of each case after tranquillity shall have been
+restored.  Upon the return of Peace, Congress will, doubtless, properly
+provide for all the persons thus received into the service of the Union,
+and for just compensation to Loyal masters.  In this way only, it would
+seem, can the duty and safety of the Government and the just rights of
+all be fully reconciled and harmonized.
+
+"You will therefore consider yourself as instructed to govern your
+future action, in respect to Fugitives from Service, by the principles
+here stated, and will report from time to time, and at least twice in
+each month, your action in the premises to this Department.
+
+"You will, however, neither authorize, nor permit any interference, by
+the troops under your command, with the servants of peaceful citizens in
+house or field; nor will you, in any way, encourage such servants to
+leave the lawful Service of their masters; nor will you, except in cases
+where the Public Safety may seem to require, prevent the voluntary
+return of any Fugitive, to the Service from which he may have escaped."
+
+"I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
+
+                              "SIMON CAMERON,
+                              "Secretary of War.
+
+"Major-General B. F. BUTLER,
+"Commanding Department of Virginia,
+"Fortress Monroe."
+
+
+Whether or not inspired by the prophetic speech of Thaddeus Stevens,
+aforesaid, the month of August was hardly out before its prophecy seemed
+in a fair way of immediate fulfilment.  Major-General John Charles
+Fremont at that time commanded the Eastern Department--comprising the
+States of Missouri, Kansas, Illinois, and Kentucky-and he startled the
+Country by issuing the following Emancipation proclamation:
+
+
+               "HEADQUARTERS OF THE WESTERN DEPARTMENT.
+
+                    "St. Louis, August 30, 1861.
+
+"Circumstances, in my judgment, of sufficient urgency, render it
+necessary that the commanding general of this Department should assume
+the administrative powers of the State.  Its disorganized condition, the
+helplessness of the civil authority, the total insecurity of life, and
+the devastation of property by bands of murderers and marauders, who
+infest nearly every county of the State, and avail themselves of the
+public misfortunes and the vicinity of a hostile force to gratify
+private and neighborhood vengeance, and who find an enemy wherever they
+find plunder, finally demand the severest measures to repress the daily
+increasing crimes and outrages which are driving off the inhabitants and
+ruining the State.
+
+"In this condition, the public safety and the success of our arms
+require unity of purpose, without let or hinderance, to the prompt
+administration of affairs.
+
+"In order, therefore, to suppress disorder, to maintain as far as now
+practicable the public peace, and to give security and protection to the
+persons and property of loyal citizens, I do hereby extend and declare
+established Martial Law throughout the State of Missouri.
+
+"The lines of the Army of Occupation in this State are for the present
+declared to extend from Leavenworth by way of the posts of Jefferson
+City, Rolla, and Ironton, to Cape Girardeau, on the Mississippi river.
+
+"All persons who shall betaken with arms in their hands within these
+lines shall be tried by Court-Martial, and if found guilty will be shot.
+
+"The property, real and personal, of all persons, in the State of
+Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall
+be directly proven to have taken an active part with their Enemies in
+the field, is declared to be confiscated to the public use, and their
+Slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared Free men.
+
+"All persons who shall be proven to have destroyed, after the
+publication of this order, railroad tracks, bridges, or telegraphs,
+shall suffer the extreme penalty of the law.
+
+"All persons engaged in Treasonable correspondence, in giving or
+procuring aid to the Enemies of the United States, in fomenting tumults,
+in disturbing the public tranquillity by creating and circulating false
+reports or incendiary documents, are in their own interests warned that
+they are exposing themselves to sudden and severe punishment.
+
+"All persons who have been led away from their allegiance, are required
+to return to their homes forthwith; any such absence, without sufficient
+cause, will be held to be presumptive evidence against them.
+
+"The object of this declaration is to place in the hands of the Military
+authorities the power to give instantaneous effect to existing laws, and
+to supply such deficiencies as the conditions of War demand.  But this
+is not intended to suspend the ordinary Tribunals of the Country, where
+the Law will be administered by the Civil officers in the usual manner,
+and with their customary authority, while the same can be peaceably
+exercised.
+
+"The commanding general will labor vigilantly for the public Welfare,
+and in his efforts for their safety hopes to obtain not only the
+acquiescence, but the active support of the Loyal People of the Country.
+
+                              "J. C. FREMONT,
+                         "Major-General Commanding."
+
+
+Fremont's Proclamation of Confiscation and Emancipation, was hailed with
+joy by some Patriots in the North, but was by others looked upon as rash
+and premature and inexpedient; while it bitterly stirred the anger of
+the Rebels everywhere.
+
+The Rebel Jeff. Thompson, then in command of the Rebel forces about St.
+Louis, at once issued the following savage proclamation of retaliation:
+
+
+     "HEADQUARTERS FIRST MILITARY DISTRICT, M. S. G.
+
+               'St. Louis, August 31, 1861.
+
+"To all whom it may concern:
+
+"Whereas Major-General John C.  Fremont, commanding the minions of
+Abraham Lincoln in the State of Missouri, has seen fit to declare
+Martial Law throughout the whole State, and has threatened to shoot any
+citizen-soldier found in arms within certain limits; also, to Confiscate
+the property and Free the Negroes belonging to the members of the
+Missouri State Guard:
+
+"Therefore, know ye, that I, M. Jeff.  Thompson, Brigadier-General of
+the First Military District of Missouri, having not only the Military
+authority of Brigadier-General, but certain police powers granted by
+Acting-Governor Thomas C. Reynolds, and confirmed afterward by Governor
+Jackson, do most solemnly promise that for every member of the Missouri
+State Guard, or soldier of our allies, the Armies of the Confederate
+States, who shall be put to death in pursuance of the said order of
+General Fremont, I will hang, draw, and quarter a minion of said Abraham
+Lincoln.
+
+"While I am anxious that this unfortunate War shall be conducted, if
+possible, upon the most liberal principles of civilized warfare--and
+every order that I have issued has been with that object--yet, if this
+rule is to be adopted (and it must first be done by our Enemies) I
+intend to exceed General Fremont in his excesses, and will make all
+tories that come within my reach rue the day that a different policy was
+adopted by their leaders.
+
+"Already mills, barns, warehouses, and other private property have been
+wastefully and wantonly destroyed by the Enemy in this district, while
+we have taken nothing except articles strictly contraband or absolutely
+necessary.  Should these things be repeated, I will retaliate ten-fold,
+so help me God!"
+
+                              "M. JEFF. THOMPSON,
+                    "Brigadier-General Commanding."
+
+
+
+"President Lincoln, greatly embarrassed by the precipitate action of his
+subordinate, lost no time in suggesting to General Fremont certain
+modifications of his Emancipation proclamation-as follows:
+
+"[PRIVATE.]
+               "WASHINGTON, D.  C., September 2, 1861.
+
+"MY DEAR SIR: Two points in your proclamation of August 30th give me
+some anxiety:
+
+"First.  Should you shoot a man according to the proclamation, the
+Confederates would very certainly shoot our best man in their hands, in
+retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely.  It is, therefore, my
+order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without
+first having my approbation or consent.
+
+"Second.  I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in
+relation to the Confiscation of Property, and the liberating Slaves of
+Traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends, and turn them
+against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky.
+
+"Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion,
+modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections
+of the Act of Congress entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for
+Insurrectionary purposes,' approved August 6, 1861, a copy of which Act
+I herewith send you.
+
+"This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure.
+
+"I send it by a special messenger, in that it may certainly and speedily
+reach you.
+                              "Yours very truly,
+                              "A. LINCOLN.
+
+"Major-General FREMONT."
+
+
+General Fremont replied to President Lincoln's suggestions, as follows:
+
+                    "HEADQUARTERS WESTERN DEPARTMENT,
+                    "St.  Louis, September 8, 1861.
+
+"MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the second, by special
+messenger, I know to have been written before you had received my
+letter, and before my telegraphic dispatches and the rapid developments
+of critical conditions here had informed you of affairs in this quarter.
+I had not written to you fully and frequently, first, because in the
+incessant change of affairs I would be exposed to give you contradictory
+accounts; and., secondly, because the amount of the subjects to be laid
+before you would demand too much of your time.
+
+"Trusting to have your confidence, I have been leaving it to events
+themselves to show you whether or not I was shaping affairs here
+according to your ideas.  The shortest communication between Washington
+and St. Louis generally involves two days, and the employment of two
+days, in time of War, goes largely toward success or disaster.  I
+therefore went along according to my own judgment, leaving the result of
+my movement to justify me with you.
+
+"And so in regard to my proclamation of the thirtieth.  Between the
+Rebel Armies, the Provisional Government, and the home Traitors, I felt
+the position bad, and saw danger.  In the night I decided upon the
+proclamation and the form of it--I wrote it the next morning and printed
+it the same day.  I did it without consultation or advice with any one,
+acting solely with my best judgment to serve the Country and yourself,
+and perfectly willing to receive the amount of censure which should be
+thought due, if I had made a false movement.
+
+"This is as much a movement in the War, as a battle, and, in going into
+these, I shall have to act according to my judgment of the ground before
+me, as I did on this occasion.  If upon reflection, your better judgment
+still decides that I am wrong in the article respecting the Liberation
+of Slaves, I have to ask that you will openly direct me to make the
+correction.  The implied censure will be received as a soldier always
+should the reprimand of his chief.
+
+"If I were to retract of my own accord, it would imply that I myself
+thought it wrong, and that I had acted without the reflection which the
+gravity of the point demanded.  But I did not.  I acted with full
+deliberation, and upon the certain conviction that it was a measure
+right and necessary, and I think so still.
+
+"In regard to the other point of the proclamation to which you refer, I
+desire to say that I do not think the Enemy can either misconstrue or
+urge anything against it, or undertake to make unusual retaliation.  The
+shooting of men who shall rise in arms against an Army in the Military
+occupation of a Country, is merely a necessary measure of defense, and
+entirely according to the usages of civilized warfare.  The article does
+not at all refer to prisoners of war, and certainly our Enemies have no
+grounds for requiring that we should waive in their benefit any of the
+ordinary advantages which the usages of War allow to us.
+
+"As promptitude is itself an advantage in War, I have also to ask that
+you will permit me to carry out upon the spot the provisions of the
+proclamation in this respect.
+
+"Looking at affairs from this point of view, I am satisfied that strong
+and vigorous measures have now become necessary to the success of our
+Arms; and hoping that my views may have the honor to meet your approval,
+
+     "I am, with respect and regard, very truly yours,
+                         "J. C. FREMONT.
+
+"THE PRESIDENT."
+
+
+President Lincoln subsequently rejoined, ordering a modification of the
+proclamation.  His letter ran thus:
+
+"WASHINGTON, September 11, 1861.
+
+"SIR: Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just
+received.  Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the
+necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing
+your Proclamation of August 30th, I perceived no general objection to
+it.
+
+"The particular clause, however, in relation to the Confiscation of
+Property and the Liberation of Slaves, appeared to me to be
+objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Congress, passed the
+6th of last August, upon the same subjects; and hence I wrote you
+expressing my wish that that clause should be modified accordingly.
+
+"Your answer, just received, expresses the preference, on your part,
+that I should make an open order for the modification, which I very
+cheerfully do.
+
+"It is therefore Ordered, that the said clause of said proclamation be
+so modified, held, and construed as to conform to, and not to transcend,
+the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress
+entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary
+Purposes,' approved August 6, 1861, and that said Act be published at
+length with this Order.
+
+                         "Your obedient servant,
+                                   "A. LINCOLN.
+
+"Major-General JOHN C. FREMONT."
+
+
+In consequence, however, of the agitation on the subject, the extreme
+delicacy with which it was thought advisable in the earliest stages of
+the Rebellion to treat it, and the confusion of ideas among Military men
+with regard to it, the War Department issued the following General
+Instructions on the occasion of the departure of the Port Royal
+Expedition, commanded by General T. W. Sherman:
+
+
+                    "WAR DEPARTMENT, October 14, 1861.
+
+"SIR: In conducting Military Operations within States declared by the
+Proclamation of the President to be in a State of Insurrection, you will
+govern yourself, so far as Persons held to Service under the laws of
+such States are concerned, by the principles of the letters addressed by
+me to Major-General Butler on the 30th of May and the 8th of August,
+copies of which are herewith furnished to you.
+
+"As special directions, adapted to special circumstances, cannot be
+given, much must be referred to your own discretion as Commanding
+General of the Expedition.  You will, however, in general avail yourself
+of the services of any Persons, whether Fugitives from Labor or not, who
+may offer them to the National Government; you will employ such Persons
+in such services as they may be fitted for, either as ordinary
+employees, or, if special circumstances seem to require it, in any other
+capacity with such organization, in squads, companies, or otherwise, as
+you deem most beneficial to the service.  This, however, not to mean a
+general arming of them for Military service.
+
+"You will assure all Loyal masters that Congress will provide just
+compensation to them for the loss of the services of the Persons so
+employed.
+
+"It is believed that the course thus indicated will best secure the
+substantial rights of Loyal masters, and the benefits to the United
+States of the services of all disposed to support the Government, while
+it avoids all interference with the social systems or local Institutions
+of every State, beyond that which Insurrection makes unavoidable and
+which a restoration of peaceful relations to the Union, under the
+Constitution, will immediately remove.
+                              "Respectfully,
+                                   "SIMON CAMERON,
+                                   "Secretary of War.
+
+"Brigadier-General T. W. SHERMAN,
+"Commanding Expedition to the Southern Coast."
+
+
+Brigadier-General Thomas W.  Sherman, acting upon his own interpretation
+of these instructions, issued a proclamation to the people of South
+Carolina, upon occupying the Forts at Port Royal, in which he said:
+
+"In obedience to the orders of the President of these United States of
+America, I have landed on your shores with a small force of National
+troops.  The dictates of a duty which, under these circumstances, I owe
+to a great sovereign State, and to a proud and hospitable people, among
+whom I have passed some of the pleasantest days of my life, prompt me to
+proclaim that we have come amongst you with no feelings of personal
+animosity, no desire to harm your citizens, destroy your property, or
+interfere with any of your lawful rights or your social or local
+Institutions, beyond what the causes herein alluded to may render
+unavoidable."
+
+Major-General Wool, at Fortress Monroe, where he had succeeded General
+Butler, likewise issued a Special Order on the subject of Contrabands,
+as follows:
+
+
+"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF VIRGINIA,
+"FORT MONROE, October 14, 1861.
+"[Special Orders No. 72.]
+
+"All Colored Persons called Contrabands, employed as servants by
+officers and others residing within Fort Monroe, or outside of the Fort
+at Camp Hamilton and Camp Butler, will be furnished with their
+subsistence and at least eight dollars per month for males, and four
+dollars per month for females, by the officers or others thus employing
+them.
+
+"So much of the above-named sums, as may be necessary to furnish
+clothing, to be decided by the Chief Quartermaster of the Department,
+will be applied to that purpose, and the remainder will be paid into his
+hands to create a fund for the support of those Contrabands who are
+unable to work for their own support.
+
+"All able-bodied Colored Persons who are under the protection of the
+troops of this Department, and who are not employed as servants, will be
+immediately put to work in either the Engineer's or Quartermaster's
+Department.
+
+"By command of Major-General Wool:
+
+"[Signed]  WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE,
+"Assistant Adjutant General."
+
+
+He subsequently also issued the following General Order:
+
+"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF VIRGINIA,
+"FORT MONROE, November 1, 1861.
+"[General Orders No. 34.]
+
+"The following pay and allowances will constitute the valuation of the
+Labor of the Contrabands at work in the Engineer, Ordnance,
+Quartermaster, Commissary, and Medical Departments at this Post, to be
+paid as hereinafter mentioned;
+
+"Class 1st.--Negro man over eighteen years of age, and able-bodied, ten
+dollars per month, one ration and the necessary amount of clothing.
+
+"Class 2d.--Negro boys from 12 to 18 years of age, and sickly and infirm
+Negro men, five dollars per month, one ration, and the necessary amount
+of clothing.
+
+"The Quartermaster will furnish all the clothing.  The Department
+employing these men will furnish the subsistence specified above, and as
+an incentive to good behavior (to be withheld at the direction of the
+chiefs of the departments respectively), each individual of the first
+class will receive $2 per month, and each individual of the second class
+$1 per month, for their own use.  The remainder of the money valuation
+of their Labor, will be turned over to the Quartermaster, who will
+deduct from it the cost of the clothing issued to them; the balance will
+constitute a fund to be expended by the Quartermaster under the
+direction of the Commanding officer of the Department of Virginia for
+the support of the women and children and those that are unable to work.
+
+"For any unusual amount of Labor performed, they may receive extra pay,
+varying in amount from fifty cents to one dollar, this to be paid by the
+departments employing them, to the men themselves, and to be for their
+own use.
+
+"Should any man be prevented from working, on account of sickness, for
+six consecutive days, or ten days in any one month, one-half of the
+money value will be paid.  For being prevented from laboring for a
+longer period than ten days in any one month all pay and allowances
+cease.
+
+"By command of Major-General Wool:
+
+"[Signed]  "WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE,
+"Assistant Adjutant General."
+
+
+On November 13, 1861, Major-General Dix, in a proclamation addressed to
+the people of Accomac and Northampton Counties, Va., ordered the
+repulsion of Fugitive Slaves seeking to enter the Union lines, in these
+words:
+
+"The Military Forces of the United States are about to enter your
+Counties as a part of the Union.  They will go among you as friends, and
+with the earnest hope that they may not, by your own acts, be forced to
+become your enemies.  They will invade no rights of person or property.
+On the contrary, your Laws, your Institutions, your Usages, will be
+scrupulously respected.  There need be no fear that the quietude of any
+fireside will be disturbed, unless the disturbance is caused by
+yourselves.
+
+"Special directions have been given not to interfere with the condition
+of any Person held to domestic service; and, in order that there may be
+no ground for mistake or pretext for misrepresent action, Commanders of
+Regiments and Corps have been instructed not to permit any such Persons
+to come within their lines."
+
+On the 20th of November, 1861, Major General Halleck issued the
+following Genera., Order--which went even further, in that it expelled,
+as well as repelled Fugitive Slaves from our lines:
+
+
+"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF MISSOURI,
+"St. Louis, November 20, 1861.
+"[General Orders No. 3.]
+
+"I.  It has been represented that important information respecting the
+number and condition of our Forces, is conveyed to the Enemy by means of
+Fugitive Slaves who are admitted within our lines.  In order to remedy
+this evil, it is directed that no such Persons be hereafter permitted to
+enter the lines of any camp, or of any forces on the march; and that any
+now within such lines be immediately excluded therefrom."
+
+This Order was subsequently explained in a letter, of December 8, 1861,
+from General Halleck to Hon. F. P.  Blair, in which he said:
+
+" * * * Order No. 3 was in my mind, clearly a Military necessity.
+Unauthorized persons, black or white, Free or Slaves, must be kept out
+of our camps, unless we are willing to publish to the Enemy everything
+we do or intend to do.  It was a Military and not a political order.  I
+am ready to carry out any lawful instructions in regard to Fugitive
+Slaves which my superiors may give me, and to enforce any law which
+Congress may pass.  But I cannot make law, and will not violate it.  You
+know my private opinion on the policy of Confiscating the Slave Property
+of Rebels in Arms.  If Congress shall pass it, you may be certain that I
+shall enforce it.  Perhaps my policy as to the treatment of Rebels and
+their property is as well set out in Order No. 13, issued the day
+(December 4, 1861), your letter was written, as I could now describe
+it."
+
+It may be well also to add here, as belonging to this period of
+doubtfulness touching the status of escaped Slaves, the following
+communication sent by Secretary Seward to General McClellan, touching
+"Contrabands" in the District of Columbia:
+
+
+"DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
+"WASHINGTON, December 4, 1861.
+
+"To Major-General GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, Washington:
+
+"GENERAL: I am directed by the President to call your attention to the
+following subject:
+
+"Persons claimed to be held to Service or Labor under the laws of the
+State of Virginia, and actually employed in hostile service against the
+Government of the United States, frequently escape from the lines of the
+Enemy's Forces and are received within the lines of the Army of the
+Potomac.
+
+"This Department understands that such Persons afterward coming into the
+city of Washington are liable to be arrested by the city police, upon
+the presumption, arising from color, that they are Fugitives from
+Service or Labor.
+
+"By the 4th section of the Act of Congress approved August 6, 1861,
+entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary
+purposes,' such hostile employment is made a full and sufficient answer
+to any further claim to Service or Labor.  Persons thus employed and
+escaping are received into the Military protection of the United States,
+and their arrest as Fugitives from Service or Labor should be
+immediately followed by the Military arrest of the parties making the
+seizure.
+
+"Copies of this communication will be sent to the Mayor of the city of
+Washington and to the Marshal of the District of Columbia, that any
+collision between the Civil and Military authorities may be avoided.
+
+"I am, General, your very obedient,
+
+                              "WILLIAM H. SEWARD."
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XVI.
+
+                  "COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION."
+
+Thus far the reader's eye has been able to review in their successive
+order some of the many difficulties and perplexities which beset the
+pathway of President Lincoln as he felt his way in the dark, as it were,
+toward Emancipation.  It must seem pretty evident now, however, that his
+chief concern was for the preservation of the Union, even though all
+other things--Emancipation with them--had to be temporarily sacrificed.
+
+Something definite, however, had been already gained.  Congress had
+asserted its right under the War powers of the Constitution, to release
+from all claim to Service or Labor those Slaves whose Service or Labor
+had been used in hostility to the Union.  And while some of the Union
+Generals obstructed the execution of the Act enforcing that right, by
+repelling and even as we have seen, expelling, from the Union lines all
+Fugitive Slaves--whether such as had or had not been used in hostility
+to us--yet still the cause of Freedom to all, was slowly and silently
+perhaps, yet surely and irresistibly, marching on until the time when,
+becoming a chief factor in the determination of the question of "whether
+we should have a Country at all," it should triumph coincidently with
+the preservation of the Republic.
+
+But now a new phase of the Slave question arose--a question not
+involving what to do with Fugitive Slaves of any sort, whether engaged
+or not engaged in performing services hostile to the Union cause, but
+what to do with Slaves whom their panic-stricken owners had, for the
+time being, abandoned in the presence of our Armies.
+
+This question was well discussed in the original draft of the report of
+the Secretary of War, December 1, 1861 in which Secretary Cameron said:
+
+"It has become a grave question for determination what shall be done
+with the Slaves abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops
+into Southern territory, as in the Beaufort district of South Carolina.
+The whole White population therein is six thousand, while the number of
+Negroes exceeds thirty-two thousand.  The panic which drove their
+masters in wild confusion from their homes, leaves them in undisputed
+possession of the soil.  Shall they, armed by their masters, be placed
+in the field to fight against us, or shall their labor be continually
+employed in reproducing the means for supporting the Armies of
+Rebellion?
+
+"The War into which this Government has been forced by rebellious
+Traitors is carried on for the purpose of repossessing the property
+violently and treacherously seized upon by the Enemies of the
+Government, and to re-establish the authority and Laws of the United
+States in the places where it is opposed or overthrown by armed
+Insurrection and Rebellion.  Its purpose is to recover and defend what
+is justly its own.
+
+"War, even between Independent Nations, is made to subdue the Enemy, and
+all that belongs to that Enemy, by occupying the hostile country, and
+exercising dominion over all the men and things within its territory.
+This being true in respect to Independent Nations at war with each
+other, it follows that Rebels who are laboring by force of arms to
+overthrow a Government, justly bring upon themselves all the
+consequences of War, and provoke the destruction merited by the worst of
+crimes.  That Government would be false to National trust, and would
+justly excite the ridicule of the civilized World, that would abstain
+from the use of any efficient means to preserve its own existence, or to
+overcome a rebellious and traitorous Enemy, by sparing or protecting the
+property of those who are waging War against it.
+
+"The principal wealth and power of the Rebel States is a peculiar
+species of Property, consisting of the service or labor of African
+Slaves, or the descendants of Africans.  This Property has been
+variously estimated at the value of from seven hundred million to one
+thousand million dollars.
+
+"Why should this Property be exempt from the hazards and consequences of
+a rebellious War?
+
+"It was the boast of the leader of the Rebellion, while he yet had a
+seat in the Senate of the United States, that the Southern States would
+be comparatively safe and free from the burdens of War, if it should be
+brought on by the contemplated Rebellion, and that boast was accompanied
+by the savage threat that 'Northern towns and cities would become the
+victims of rapine and Military spoil,' and that 'Northern men should
+smell Southern gunpowder and feel Southern steel.'
+
+"No one doubts the disposition of the Rebels to carry that threat into
+execution.  The wealth of Northern towns and cities, the produce of
+Northern farms, Northern workshops and manufactories would certainly be
+seized, destroyed, or appropriated as Military spoil.  No property in
+the North would be spared from the hands of the Rebels, and their rapine
+would be defended under the laws of War.  While the Loyal States thus
+have all their property and possessions at stake, are the insurgent
+Rebels to carry on warfare against the Government in peace and security
+to their own property?
+
+"Reason and justice and self-preservation forbid that such should be;
+the policy of this Government, but demand, on the contrary, that, being
+forced by Traitors and Rebels to the extremity of war, all the rights
+and powers of war should be exercised to bring it to a speedy end.
+
+"Those who war against the Government justly forfeit all rights of
+property, privilege, or security, derived from the Constitution and
+Laws, against which they are in armed Rebellion; and as the labor and
+service of their Slaves constitute the chief Property of the Rebels,
+such Property should share the common fate of War to which they have
+devoted the property of Loyal citizens.
+
+"While it is plain that the Slave Property of the South is justly
+subjected to all the consequences of this Rebellious War, and that the
+Government would be untrue to its trust in not employing all the rights
+and powers of War to bring it to a speedy close, the details of the plan
+for doing so, like all other Military measures, must, in a great degree,
+be left to be determined by particular exigencies.  The disposition of
+other property belonging to the Rebels that becomes subject to our arms
+is governed by the circumstances of the case.
+
+"The Government has no power to hold Slaves, none to restrain a Slave of
+his Liberty, or to exact his service.  It has a right, however, to use
+the voluntary service of Slaves liberated by War from their Rebel
+masters, like any other property of the Rebels, in whatever mode may be
+most efficient for the defense of the Government, the prosecution of the
+War, and the suppression of Rebellion.  It is clearly a right of the
+Government to arm Slaves when it may become necessary, as it is to take
+gunpowder from the Enemy; whether it is expedient to do so, is purely a
+Military question.  The right is unquestionable by the laws of War.  The
+expediency must be determined by circumstances, keeping in view the
+great object of overcoming the Rebels, reestablishing the Laws, and
+restoring Peace to the Nation.
+
+"It is vain and idle for the Government to carry on this War, or hope to
+maintain its existence against rebellious force, without employing all
+the rights and powers of War.  As has been said, the right to deprive
+the Rebels of their Property in Slaves and Slave Labor is as clear and
+absolute as the right to take forage from the field, or cotton from the
+warehouse, or powder and arms from the magazine.  To leave the Enemy in
+the possession of such property as forage and cotton and military
+stores, and the means of constantly reproducing them, would be madness.
+It is, therefore, equal madness to leave them in peaceful and secure
+possession of Slave Property, more valuable and efficient to them for
+war than forage, cotton, military stores.  Such policy would be National
+suicide.
+
+"What to do with that species of Property is a question that time and
+circumstances will solve, and need not be anticipated further than to
+repeat that they cannot be held by the Government as Slaves.  It would
+be useless to keep them as prisoners of War; and self-preservation, the
+highest duty of a Government, or of individuals, demands that they
+should be disposed of or employed in the most effective manner that will
+tend most speedily to suppress the Insurrection and restore the
+authority of the Government.  If it shall be found that the men who have
+been held by the Rebels as Slaves, are capable of bearing arms and
+performing efficient Military service, it is the right, and may become
+the duty, of this Government to arm and equip them, and employ their
+services against the Rebels, under proper Military regulations,
+discipline, and command.
+
+"But in whatever manner they may be used by the Government, it is plain
+that, once liberated by the rebellious act of their masters they should
+never again be restored to bondage.  By the master's Treason and
+Rebellion he forfeits all right to the labor and service of his Slave;
+and the Slave of the rebellious master, by his service to the
+Government, becomes justly entitled to Freedom and protection.
+
+"The disposition to be made of the Slaves of Rebels, after the close of
+the War, can be safely left to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress.
+The Representatives of the People will unquestionably secure to the
+Loyal Slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the
+Constitution of the Country."
+
+This original draft of the report was modified, at the instance of
+President Lincoln, to the following--and thus appeared in Secretary
+Cameron's report of that date, as printed:
+
+"It is already a grave question what shall be done with those Slaves who
+were abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops into
+Southern territory, as at Beaufort district, in South Carolina.  The
+number left within our control at that point is very considerable, and
+similar cases will probably occur.  What should be done with them?  Can
+we afford to send them forward to their masters, to be by them armed
+against us, or used in producing supplies to sustain the Rebellion?
+
+"Their labor may be useful to us; withheld from the Enemy it lessens his
+Military resources, and withholding them has no tendency to induce the
+horrors of Insurrection, even in the Rebel communities.  They constitute
+a Military resource, and, being such, that they should not be turned
+over to the Enemy is too plain to discuss.  Why deprive him of supplies
+by a blockade, and voluntarily give him men to produce them?
+
+"The disposition to be made of the Slaves of Rebels, after the close of
+the War, can be safely left to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress.
+The Representatives of the People will unquestionably secure to the
+Loyal Slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the
+Constitution of the Country.
+
+SIMON CAMERON.
+"Secretary of War."
+
+
+The language of this modification is given to show that the President,
+at the close of the year 1861, had already reached a further step
+forward toward Emancipation--and the sound reasoning upon which he made
+that advance.  He was satisfying his own mind and conscience as he
+proceeded, and thus, while justifying himself to himself, was also
+simultaneously carrying conviction to the minds and consciences of the
+People, whose servant and agent he was.
+
+That these abandoned Slaves would "constitute a Military resource" and
+"should not be turned over to the Enemy" and that "their labor may be
+useful to us" were propositions which could not be gainsaid.  But to
+quiet uncalled-for apprehensions, and to encourage Southern loyalty, he
+added, in substance, that at the close of this War--waged solely for the
+preservation of the Union--Congress would decide the doubtful status of
+the Slaves of Rebels, while the rights of Union Slave-holders would be
+secured.
+
+The Contraband-Slave question, however, continued to agitate the public
+mind for many months--owing to the various ways in which it was treated
+by the various Military commanders, to whose discretion its treatment,
+in their several commands, was left--a discretion which almost
+invariably leaned toward the political bias of the commander.  Thus, in
+a proclamation, dated St. Louis, February 23, 1862, Halleck, commanding
+the Department of Missouri, said:
+
+"Soldiers! let no excess on your part tarnish the glory of our arms!
+
+"The order heretofore issued in this department, in regard to pillaging
+and marauding, the destruction of private property, and the stealing or
+concealment of Slaves, must be strictly enforced.  It does not belong to
+the Military to decide upon the relation of Master and Slave.  Such
+questions must be settled by the civil Courts.  No Fugitive Slaves will
+therefore be admitted within our lines or camps, except when especially
+ordered by the General Commanding.  * * * "
+
+And Buell, commanding the Department of the Ohio, in response to a
+communication on the subject from the Chairman of the Military Committee
+of the Kentucky Legislature, wrote, March 6, 1862:
+
+"It has come to my knowledge that Slaves sometimes make their way
+improperly into our lines, and in some instances they may be enticed
+there, but I think the number has been magnified by report.  Several
+applications have been made to me by persons whose servants have been
+found in our camps, and in every instance that I know of the master has
+recovered his servant and taken him away."
+
+Thus, while some of our Commanders, like Dix and Halleck, repelled or
+even expelled the Fugitive Slave from their lines; and others, like
+Buell and Hooker, facilitated the search for, and restoration to his
+master, of the black Fugitive found within our lines; on the other hand,
+Fremont, as we have seen, and Doubleday and Hunter, as we shall yet see,
+took totally different ground on this question.
+
+President Lincoln, however, harassed as he was by the extremists on both
+sides of the Slavery question, still maintained that calm statesman-like
+middle-course from which the best results were likely to flow.  But he
+now thought the time had come to broach the question of a compensated,
+gradual Emancipation.
+
+Accordingly, on March 6, 1862, he sent to Congress the following
+message:
+
+"Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
+
+"I recommend the adoption of a joint Resolution by your honorable
+bodies, which shall be substantially as follows:
+
+"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State
+which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State
+pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to compensate
+for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of
+system.
+
+"If the proposition contained in the Resolution does not meet the
+approval of Congress and the Country, there is the end; but if it does
+command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and
+people immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of
+the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject
+it, The Federal Government would find its highest interest in such a
+measure, as one of the most efficient means of self preservation.
+
+"The leaders of the existing Insurrection entertain the hope that this
+Government will ultimately be forced to acknowledge the Independence of
+some part of the disaffected region, and that all the Slave States North
+of such part will then say, 'the Union for which we have struggled being
+already gone, we now choose to go with the Southern Section.'
+
+"To deprive them of this hope, substantially ends the Rebellion; and the
+initiation of Emancipation completely deprives them of it, as to all the
+States initiating it.  The point is not that all the States tolerating
+Slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate Emancipation; but that,
+while the offer is equally made to all, the more Northern shall, by such
+initiation, make it certain to the more Southern that in no event will
+the former ever join the latter in their proposed Confederacy.  I say,
+'initiation,' because in my judgment, gradual, and not sudden
+Emancipation, is better for all.
+
+"In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with
+the census tables and Treasury reports before him, can readily see for
+himself how very soon the current expenditures of this War would
+purchase, at fair valuation, all the Slaves in any named State.
+
+"Such a proposition on the part of the General Government sets up no
+claim of a right by Federal authority to interfere with Slavery within
+State limits, referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject
+in each case to the State and its people immediately interested.  It is
+proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them.
+
+"In the Annual Message last December, I thought fit to say, 'the Union
+must be preserved; and hence all indispensable means must be employed.'
+I said this, not hastily, but deliberately.  War has been made, and
+continues to be an indispensable means to this end.  A practical
+reacknowledgment of the National authority would render the War
+unnecessary, and it would at once cease.  If, however, resistance
+continues, the War must also continue; and it is impossible to foresee
+all the incidents which may attend, and all the ruin which may follow
+it.  Such as may seem indispensable, or may obviously promise great
+efficiency toward ending the struggle, must and will come.
+
+"The proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope it may be
+esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered
+would not be of more value to the States and private persons concerned,
+than are the Institution, and Property in it, in the present aspect of
+affairs?
+
+"While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be
+merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is
+recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical
+results.  In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my
+Country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the People to the
+subject.
+
+"March 6, 1862."
+
+
+In compliance with the above suggestion from the President, a Joint
+Resolution, in the precise words suggested, was introduced into the
+House, March 10, by Roscoe Conkling, and on the following day was
+adopted in the House by 97 yeas to 36 nays.
+
+Of the 36 members of the House who voted against this Resolution, were
+34 Democrats, and among them were Messrs. Crisfield of Maryland, and
+Messrs. Crittenden, Mallory, and Menzies of Kentucky.  These gentleman
+afterward made public a report, drawn by themselves, of an interesting
+interview they had held with President Lincoln on this important
+subject, in the words following:
+
+
+"MEMORANDUM OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER SLAVE-
+STATE REPRESENTATIVES MARCH 10, 1862.
+
+"'DEAR SIR:--I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to
+come to the White House to-morrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring
+such of your colleagues as are in town.'"
+
+
+"'WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862.
+
+"Yesterday on my return from church I found Mr. Postmaster General Blair
+in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and
+verbally communicated the President's invitation; and stated that the
+President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations
+of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation
+of his Message of the 6th inst.
+
+"This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town,
+assembled at the White House at the appointed time, and after some
+little delay were admitted to an audience.
+
+"After the usual salutations and we were seated, the President said, in
+substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation
+with us in explanation of his Message of the 6th; that since he had sent
+it in, several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had
+avoided any allusion to the Message, and he therefore inferred that the
+import of the Message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as
+inimical to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would
+talk with us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion.
+
+"The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or
+wound the sensibilities of the Slave States.  On the contrary, his
+purpose was to protect the one and respect the other; that we were
+engaged in a terrible, wasting, and tedious War; immense Armies were in
+the field, and must continue in the field as long as the War lasts; that
+these Armies must, of necessity, be brought into contact with Slaves in
+the States we represented and in other States as they advanced; that
+Slaves would come to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up;
+that he was constantly annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic
+complaints; on the one side, a certain class complained if the Slave was
+not protected by the Army; persons were frequently found who,
+participating in these views, acted in a way unfriendly to the
+Slaveholder; on the other hand, Slaveholders complained that their
+rights were interfered with, their Slaves induced to abscond, and
+protected within the lines, these complaints were numerous, loud, and
+deep; were a serious annoyance to him and embarrassing to the progress
+of the War; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the Government in the
+States we represented; strengthened the hopes of the Confederates that
+at some day the Border States would unite with them, and thus tend to
+prolong the War; and he was of opinion, if this Resolution should be
+adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, these causes of
+irritation and these hopes would be removed, and more would be
+accomplished towards shortening the War than could be hoped from the
+greatest victory achieved by Union Armies; that he made this proposition
+in good faith, and desired it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily,
+and in the same patriotic spirit in which it was made; that Emancipation
+was a subject exclusively under the control of the States, and must be
+adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim nor had
+this Government any right to coerce them for that purpose; that such was
+no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and he wished it to
+be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there to be prepared to
+give him an answer, but he hoped we would take the subject into serious
+consideration; confer with one another, and then take such course as we
+felt our duty and the interests of our constituents required of us.
+
+"Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State, Slavery was not
+considered a permanent Institution; that natural causes were there in
+operation which would, at no distant day, extinguish it, and he did not
+think that this proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that,
+he and his friends felt solicitous as to the Message on account of the
+different constructions which the Resolution and Message had received.
+The New York Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must
+accept gradual Emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get
+something worse.
+
+"The President replied, he must not be expected to quarrel with the New
+York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to do it; he
+would not anticipate events.  In respect to Emancipation in Missouri, he
+said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but the
+operation of these natural causes had not prevented the irritating
+conduct to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the
+Confederates that Missouri would at some time range herself alongside of
+them, which, in his judgment, the passage of this Resolution by
+Congress, and its acceptance by Missouri, would accomplish.
+
+"Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the
+refusal of the State to accept this proposal, and desired to know if the
+President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of
+this scheme.
+
+"The President replied that he had no designs beyond the action of the
+States on this particular subject.  He should lament their refusal to
+accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it.
+
+"Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was
+any power, except in the States themselves, to carry out his scheme of
+Emancipation?
+
+"The President replied, he thought there could not be.  He then went off
+into a course of remark not qualifying the foregoing declaration, nor
+material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning.
+
+"Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon
+Slavery as a permanent Institution; and he did not know that they would
+be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss,
+and they could be rid of the race; but they did not like to be coerced
+into Emancipation, either by the direct action of the Government or by
+indirection, as through the Emancipation of Slaves in this District, or
+the Confiscation of Southern Property as now threatened; and he thought
+before they would consent to consider this proposition they would
+require to be informed on these points.
+
+"The President replied that 'unless he was expelled by the act of God or
+the Confederate Armies, he should occupy that house for three years, and
+as long as he remained there, Maryland had nothing to fear, either for
+her Institutions or her interests, on the points referred to.'
+
+"Mr. Crisfield immediately added: 'Mr. President, what you now say could
+be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your proposition
+with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will be inclined
+to do.'
+
+"The President: 'That (meaning a publication of what he said), will not
+do; it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time;' and again
+intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the 'Greeley
+faction' was impending, he said, 'he did not wish to encounter it before
+the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided.'
+
+"Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the
+Constitutionality of his scheme.
+
+"The President replied: 'As you may suppose, I have considered that; and
+the proposition now submitted does not encounter any Constitutional
+difficulty.  It proposes simply to co-operate with any State by giving
+such State pecuniary aid;' and he thought that the Resolution, as
+proposed by him, would be considered rather as the expression of a
+sentiment than as involving any Constitutional question.
+
+"Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at
+all, it should be by the votes of the Free States, and come as a
+proposition from them to the Slave States, affording them an inducement
+to put aside this subject of discord; that it ought not to be expected
+that members representing Slaveholding Constituencies should declare at
+once, and in advance of any proposition to them, for the Emancipation of
+Slaves.
+
+"The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was a
+fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best;
+that he did not know how this scheme was received by the Members from
+the Free States; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly;
+but for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been,
+and he could not tell how they would vote.
+
+"And, in reply to some expression of Mr. Hall as to his own opinion
+regarding Slavery, he said he did not pretend to disguise his Anti-
+Slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong and should continue to
+think so; but that was not the question we had to deal with now.
+Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North, as of
+the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it, the North, as well as the
+South, was morally bound to do its full and equal share.  He thought the
+Institution, wrong, and ought never to have existed; but yet he
+recognized the rights of Property which had grown out of it, and would
+respect those rights as fully as similar rights in any other property;
+that Property can exist, and does legally exist.  He thought such a law,
+wrong, but the rights of Property resulting must be respected; he would
+get rid of the odious law, not by violating the right, but by
+encouraging the proposition, and offering inducements to give it up."
+
+"Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by
+Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that whatever might be our final
+action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriotism and sincere
+devotion to the happiness and glory of his Country; and with that
+conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he
+had made.
+
+"After some conversation on the current war news we retired, and I
+immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper.
+                              "J. W. CRISFIELD."
+
+"We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of
+Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the
+occasion is in this paper, faithfully and fully given.
+
+"J. W. MENZIES,
+"J. J. CRITTENDEN,
+"R. MALLORY.
+"March 10, 1862."
+
+
+Upon the passage of the Joint-Resolution in the House only four
+Democrats (Messrs.  Cobb, Haight, Lehman, and Sheffield) voted in the
+affirmative, and but two Republicans (Francis Thomas, and Leary) in the
+negative.  On the 2nd of April, it passed the Senate by a vote of 32
+yeas--all Republicans save Messrs. Davis and Thomson--to 10 nays, all
+Democrats.
+
+Meantime the question of the treatment of the "Contraband" in our
+Military camps, continued to grow in importance.
+
+On March 26, 1862, General Hooker issued the following order touching
+certain Fugitive Slaves and their alleged owners:
+
+"HEADQUARTERS, HOOKER'S DIVISION, CAMP BAKER,
+"LOWER POTOMAC, March 26, 1862.
+
+"To BRIGADE AND REGIMENTAL COMMANDERS OF THIS DIVISION:
+
+"Messrs.  Nally, Gray, Dummington, Dent, Adams, Speake, Price, Posey,
+and Cobey, citizens of Maryland, have Negroes supposed to be with some
+of the regiments of this Division; the Brigadier General commanding
+directs that they be permitted to visit all the camps of his command, in
+search of their Property, and if found, that they be allowed to take
+possession of the same, without any interference whatever.  Should any
+obstacle be thrown in their way by any officer or soldier in the
+Division, they will be at once reported by the regimental commanders to
+these headquarters.
+
+"By command of Brigadier General Hooker;
+
+"JOSEPH DICKINSON,
+"Assistant Adjutant General."
+
+
+On the following day, by direction of General Sickles, the following
+significant report was made touching the above order:
+
+"HEADQUARTERS, SECOND REGIMENT, EXCELSIOR BRIGADE.
+"CAMP HALL, March 27, 1862.
+
+"LIEUTENANT:--In compliance with verbal directions from Brigadier
+General D. E. Sickles, to report as to the occurrence at this camp on
+the afternoon of the 26th instant, I beg leave to submit the following:
+
+"At about 3:30 o'clock P. M., March 26, 1862, admission within our lines
+was demanded by a party of horsemen (civilians), numbering, perhaps,
+fifteen.  They presented the lieutenant commanding the guard, with an
+order of entrance from Brigadier General Joseph Hooker, Commanding
+Division (copy appended), the order stating that nine men should be
+admitted.
+
+"I ordered that the balance of the party should remain without the
+lines; which was done.  Upon the appearance of the others, there was
+visible dissatisfaction and considerable murmuring among the soldiers,
+to so great an extent that I almost feared for the safety of the
+Slaveholders.  At this time General Sickles opportunely arrived, and
+instructed me to order them outside the camp, which I did, amidst the
+loud cheers of our soldiers.
+
+"It is proper to add, that before entering our lines, and within about
+seventy-five or one hundred yards of our camp, one of their number
+discharged two pistol shots at a Negro, who was running past them, with
+an evident intention of taking his life.  This justly enraged our men.
+
+          "All of which is respectfully submitted.
+
+                    "Your obedient servant,
+                    "JOHN TOLEN.
+               "Major Commanding Second Regiment, E. B.
+
+"To Lieutenant J. L. PALMER, Jr.,
+"A. D. C. and A. A. A.  General."
+
+
+On April 6, the following important dispatch, in the nature of an order,
+was issued by General Doubleday to one of his subordinate officers:
+
+"HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DEFENSES,
+"NORTH OF THE POTOMAC,
+"WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862.
+
+"SIR:--I am directed by General Doubleday to say, in answer to your
+letter of the 2d instant, that all Negroes coming into the lines of any
+of the camps or forts under his command, are to be treated as persons,
+and not as chattels.
+
+"Under no circumstances has the Commander of a fort or camp the power of
+surrendering persons claimed as Fugitive Slaves, as it cannot be done
+without determining their character.
+
+"The Additional Article of War recently passed by Congress positively
+prohibits this.
+
+"The question has been asked, whether it would not be better to exclude
+Negroes altogether from the lines.  The General is of the opinion that
+they bring much valuable information, which cannot be obtained from any
+other source.  They are acquainted with all the roads, paths, fords, and
+other natural features of the country, and they make excellent guides.
+They also know and frequently have exposed the haunts of Secession spies
+and Traitors and the existence of Rebel organizations.  They will not,
+therefore, be excluded.
+
+"The General also directs me to say that civil process cannot be served
+directly in the camps or forts of his command, without full authority be
+obtained from the Commanding Officer for that purpose.
+
+"I am very respectfully, your obedient servant,
+
+"E. P. HALSTED,
+"Assistant Adjutant General.
+
+"Lieut. Col. JOHN D. SHANE,
+"Commanding 76th Reg.  N. Y. Vols."
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XVII.
+
+                        BORDER-STATE OPPOSITION.
+
+On April 3, 1862, the United States Senate passed a Bill to liberate all
+Persons of African descent held to Service or Labor within the District
+of Columbia, and prohibiting Slavery or involuntary servitude in the
+District except as a punishment for crime--an appropriation being made
+to pay to loyal owners an appraised value of the liberated Slaves not to
+exceed $300 for each Slave.  The vote on its passage in the Senate was
+29 yeas to 14 nays--all the yeas being Republican, and all but two of
+the nays Democratic.
+
+April 11th, the Bill passed the House by 92 yeas to 39 nays--all the
+yeas save 5 being Republican, and all the nays, save three, being
+Democratic.
+
+April 7, 1862, the House adopted a resolution, by 67 yeas to 52 nays--
+all the yeas, save one, Republican, and all the nays, save 12,
+Democratic--for the appointment of a Select Committee of nine, to
+consider and report whether any plan could be proposed and recommended
+for the gradual Emancipation of all the African Slaves, and the
+extinction of Slavery in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky,
+Tennessee, and Missouri, by the people or local authorities thereof, and
+how far and in what way the Government of the United States could and
+ought equitably to aid in facilitating either of those objects.
+
+On the 16th President Lincoln sent the following Message to Congress:
+
+"Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:
+
+"The Act entitled 'An Act for the release of certain Persons held to
+Service or Labor in the District of Columbia,' has this day been
+approved and signed.
+
+"I have never doubted the Constitutional authority of Congress to
+abolish Slavery in this District; and I have ever desired to see the
+National Capital freed from the Institution in some satisfactory way.
+Hence there has never been in my mind any question upon the subject
+except the one of expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances.
+
+"If there be matters within and about this Act which might have taken a
+course or shape more satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to
+specify them.  I am gratified that the two principles of compensation
+and colonization are both recognized and practically applied in the Act.
+
+"In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be
+presented within ninety days from the passage of the Act, 'but not
+thereafter;' and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane,
+or absent persons.  I presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and
+I recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or Supplemental Act.
+
+"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
+"April 16, 1862."
+
+
+Subsequently, in order to meet the President's views, such an amendatory
+or Supplemental Act was passed and approved.
+
+But now, Major General Hunter having taken upon himself to issue an
+Emancipation proclamation, May 9, 1862, the President, May 19, 1862,
+issued a proclamation rescinding it as follows:
+
+"Whereas there appears in the public prints what purports to be a
+proclamation of Major General Hunter, in the words and figures
+following, to wit:
+
+"'HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH,
+'HILTON HEAD, S. C., May 9, 1862.
+'[General Orders No.  11.]
+
+'The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising
+the Military Department of the South, having deliberately declared
+themselves no longer under the protection of the United States of
+America, and having taken up arms against the said United States, it
+becomes a Military necessity to declare them under Martial Law.  This
+was accordingly done on the 25th day of April, 1862.  Slavery and
+Martial Law, in a Free Country, are altogether incompatible; the Persons
+in these three States--Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina-heretofore
+held as Slaves, are therefore declared forever Free.
+
+'DAVID HUNTER,
+'Major-General Commanding.
+
+'Official:
+ED. W. SMITH,
+'Acting Assistant Adjutant General.'
+
+
+"And whereas the same is producing some excitement and misunderstanding,
+
+"Therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, proclaim
+and declare, that the Government of the United States had no knowledge,
+information, or belief, of an intention on the part of General Hunter to
+issue such a proclamation; nor has it yet any authentic information that
+the document is genuine.  And further, that neither General Hunter, nor
+any other Commander, or person, has been authorized by the Government of
+the United States to make proclamations declaring the Slaves of any
+State Free; and that the supposed proclamation, now in question, whether
+genuine or false, is altogether void, so far as respects such
+declaration.
+
+"I further make known that whether it be competent for me, as Commander-
+in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to declare the Slaves of any State or
+States free, and whether, at any time, in any case, it shall have become
+a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the Government, to
+exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my
+responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified
+in leaving to the decision of Commanders in the field.  These are
+totally different questions from those of police regulations in armies
+and camps.
+
+"On the sixth day of March last, by a Special Message, I recommended to
+Congress the adoption of a Joint Resolution to be substantially as
+follows:
+
+"' Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State
+which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State
+pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to
+compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such
+change of system.'
+
+"The Resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large
+majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic,
+definite, and solemn proposal of the Nation to the States and people
+most immediately interested in the subject-matter.  To the people of
+those States I now earnestly appeal--I do not argue--I beseech you to
+make the argument for yourselves--you cannot, if you would, be blind to
+the signs of the times--I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration
+of them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partisan
+politics.  This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting
+no reproaches upon any.  It acts not the Pharisee.  The changes it
+contemplates would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or
+wrecking anything.  Will you not embrace it?  So much good has not been
+done, by one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it
+is now your high privilege to do.  May the vast future not have to
+lament that you have neglected it.
+
+"In witness thereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed.
+
+"Done at the city of Washington this nineteenth day of May, in the year
+of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the
+Independence of the United States the eighty-sixth.
+
+"By the President.  ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
+
+"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."
+
+
+On June 5th, 1862, General T. Williams issued the following Order:
+
+"HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE,
+"BATON ROUGE, June 5, 1862.
+"[General Orders No.  46.]
+
+"In consequence of the demoralizing and disorganizing tendencies to the
+troops, of harboring runaway Negroes, it is hereby ordered that the
+respective Commanders of the camps and garrisons of the several
+regiments, Second Brigade, turn all such Fugitives in their camps or
+garrisons out beyond the limits of their respective guards and
+sentinels.
+
+"By order of Brigadier-General T.  Williams:
+
+"WICKHAM HOFFMAN,
+"Assistant-Adjutant General."
+
+
+Lieutenant-Colonel D.  R.  Anthony, of the Seventh Kansas Volunteers,
+commanding a Brigade, issued the following order, at a date subsequent
+to the Battle of Pittsburg Landing and the evacuation of Corinth:
+
+"HEADQUARTERS MITCHELL'S BRIGADE,
+"ADVANCE COLUMN, FIRST BRIGADE, FIRST DIVISION,
+"GENERAL ARMY OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
+"CAMP ETHERIDGE, TENNESSEE, June 18, 1862.
+"[General Orders No. 26.]
+
+"1. The impudence--and impertinence of the open and armed Rebels,
+Traitors, Secessionists, and Southern-Rightsmen of this section of the
+State of Tennessee, in arrogantly demanding the right to search our camp
+for Fugitive Slaves, has become a nuisance, and will no longer be
+tolerated.  "Officers will see that this class of men, who visit our
+camp for this purpose, are excluded from our lines.
+
+"2.  Should any such persons be found within our lines, they will be
+arrested and sent to headquarters.
+
+"3.  Any officer or soldier of this command who shall arrest and deliver
+to his master a Fugitive Slave, shall be summarily and severely
+punished, according to the laws relative to such crimes.
+
+"4.  The strong Union sentiment in this Section is most gratifying, and
+all officers and soldiers, in their intercourse with the loyal, and
+those favorably disposed, are requested to act in their usual kind and
+courteous manner and protect them to the fullest extent.
+
+"By order of D. R. Anthony, Lieutenant-Colonel Seventh Kansas
+Volunteers, commanding:
+
+"W. W. H. LAWRENCE,
+"Captain and Assistant-Adjutant General."
+
+
+Lieutenant-Colonel Anthony was subsequently placed under arrest for
+issuing the above order.
+
+It was about this time, also, that General McClellan addressed to
+President Lincoln a letter on "forcible Abolition of Slavery," and "a
+Civil and Military policy"--in these terms:
+
+"HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC,
+"CAMP NEAR HARRISON'S LANDING, VA., July 7, 1862.
+
+"MR. PRESIDENT:--You have been fully informed that the Rebel Army is in
+the front, with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our
+positions or reducing us by blocking our river communications.  I cannot
+but regard our condition as critical, and I earnestly desire, in view of
+possible contingencies, to lay before your Excellency, for your private
+consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the
+Rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the situation of this
+Army, or strictly come within the scope of my official duties.  These
+views amount to convictions, and are deeply impressed upon my mind and
+heart.
+
+"Our cause must never be abandoned; it is the cause of Free institutions
+and Self-government.  The Constitution and the Union must be preserved,
+whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and blood.
+
+"If Secession is successful, other dissolutions are clearly to be seen
+in the future.  Let neither Military disaster, political faction, nor
+Foreign War shake your settled purpose to enforce the equal operation of
+the Laws of the United States upon the people of every State.
+
+"The time has come when the Government must determine upon a Civil and
+Military policy, covering the whole ground of our National trouble.
+
+"The responsibility of determining, declaring, and supporting such Civil
+and Military policy, and of directing the whole course of National
+affairs in regard to the Rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised by
+you, or our Cause will be lost.  The Constitution gives you power, even
+for the present terrible exigency.
+
+"This Rebellion has assumed the character of a War; as such it should be
+regarded, and it should be conducted upon the highest principles known
+to Christian civilization.  It should not be a War looking to the
+subjugation of the people of any State, in any event.  It should not be
+at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political
+organizations.  Neither Confiscation of property, political executions
+of persons, territorial organizations of States, or forcible Abolition
+of Slavery, should be contemplated for a moment.
+
+"In prosecuting the War, all private property and unarmed persons should
+be strictly protected, subject only to the necessity of Military
+operations; all private property taken for Military use should be paid
+or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high crimes;
+all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited and offensive demeanor by
+the military towards citizens promptly rebuked.
+
+"Military arrests should not be tolerated, except in places where active
+hostilities exist; and oaths, not required by enactments,
+Constitutionally made, should be neither demanded nor received.
+
+"Military Government should be confined to the preservation of public
+order and the protection of political right.  Military power should not
+be allowed to interfere with the relations of Servitude, either by
+supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for
+repressing disorder, as in other cases.  Slaves, contraband under the
+Act of Congress, seeking Military protection, should receive it.
+
+"The right of the Government to appropriate permanently to its own
+service claims to Slave-labor should be asserted, and the right of the
+owner to compensation therefor should be recognized.
+
+"This principle might be extended, upon grounds of Military necessity
+and security, to all the Slaves of a particular State, thus working
+manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia
+also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure is
+only a question of time.
+
+"A system of policy thus Constitutional, and pervaded by the influences
+of Christianity and Freedom, would receive the support of almost all
+truly Loyal men, would deeply impress the Rebel masses and all foreign
+nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend itself to
+the favor of the Almighty.
+
+"Unless the principles governing the future conduct of our Struggle
+shall be made known and approved, the effort to obtain requisite forces
+will be almost hopeless.  A declaration of radical views, especially
+upon Slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present Armies.
+
+"The policy of the Government must be supported by concentrations of
+Military power.  The National Forces should not be dispersed in
+expeditions, posts of occupation, and numerous armies, but should be
+mainly collected into masses, and brought to bear upon the Armies of the
+Confederate States.  Those Armies thoroughly defeated, the political
+structure which they support would soon cease to exist,
+
+"In carrying out any system of policy which you may form, you will
+require a Commander-in-chief of the Army, one who possesses your
+confidence, understands your views, and who is competent to execute your
+orders, by directing the Military Forces of the Nation to the
+accomplishment of the objects by you proposed.  I do not ask that place
+for myself, I am willing to serve you in such position as you may assign
+me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever subordinate served superior.
+
+"I may be on the brink of Eternity; and as I hope forgiveness from my
+Maker, I have written this letter with sincerity towards you and from
+love for my Country.
+
+"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
+
+"GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN,
+"Major-General Commanding.
+
+"His Excellency A. LINCOLN, President."
+
+
+July 12, 1862, Senators and Representatives of the Border Slave-holding
+States, having been specially invited to the White House for the
+purpose, were addressed by President Lincoln, as follows:
+
+"GENTLEMEN:--After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have
+no opportunity of seeing you for several months.  Believing that you of
+the Border States hold more power for good than any other equal number
+of members, I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive, to make
+this appeal to you.
+
+"I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my
+opinion, if you all had voted for the Resolution in the Gradual
+Emancipation Message of last March, the War would now be substantially
+ended.  And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and
+swift means of ending it.  Let the States which are in Rebellion see
+definitely and certainly that in no event will the States you represent
+ever join their proposed Confederacy, and they cannot much longer
+maintain the contest.
+
+"But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with
+them so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the Institution
+within your own States.  Beat them at elections, as you have
+overwhelmingly done, and nothing daunted, they still claim you as their
+own.  You and I know what the lever of their power is.  Break that lever
+before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever.
+
+"Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I
+trust you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively your
+own, when, for the sake of the whole Country, I ask, 'Can you, for your
+States, do better than to take the course I urge?' Discarding punctilio
+and maxims adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to the
+unprecedentedly stern facts of our case, can you do better in any
+possible event?
+
+"You prefer that the Constitutional relations of the States to the
+Nation shall be practically restored without disturbance of the
+Institution; and, if this were done, my whole duty, in this respect,
+under the Constitution and my oath of office, would be performed.  But
+it is not done, and we are trying to accomplish it by War.
+
+"The incidents of the War cannot be avoided.  If the War continues long,
+as it must, if the object be not sooner attained, the Institution in
+your States will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion--by the
+mere incidents of the War.  It will be gone, and you will have nothing
+valuable in lieu of it.  Much of its value is gone already.
+
+"How much better for you and for your people to take the step which at
+once shortens the War and secures substantial compensation for that
+which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event!  How much better to
+thus save the money which else we sink forever in the War!  How: much
+better to do it while we can, lest the War ere long render us
+pecuniarily unable to do it!  How much better for you, as seller, and
+the Nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy out that without which the War
+could never have been, than to sink both the thing to be sold and the
+price of it in cutting one another's throats!
+
+"I do not speak of Emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to
+Emancipate gradually.  Room in South America for colonization can be
+obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large
+enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed people
+will not be so reluctant to go.
+
+"I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned; one which threatens
+division among those who, united, are none too strong.  An instance of
+it is known to you.  General Hunter is an honest man.  He was, and I
+hope still is, my friend.  I value him none the less for his agreeing
+with me in the general wish that all men everywhere could be freed.  He
+proclaimed all men Free within certain States, and I repudiated the
+proclamation.  He expected more good and less harm from the measure than
+I could believe would follow.
+
+"Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to many
+whose support the Country cannot afford to lose.  And this is not the
+end of it.  The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is
+increasing.  By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much
+more, can relieve the Country in this important point.
+
+"Upon these considerations I have again begged your attention to the
+Message of March last.  Before leaving the Capitol, consider and discuss
+it among yourselves.  You are Patriots and Statesmen, and as such I pray
+you consider this proposition; and, at the least, commend it to the
+consideration of your States and people.  As you would perpetuate
+popular Government for the best people in the World, I beseech you that
+you do in nowise omit this.
+
+"Our common Country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views and
+boldest action to bring a speedy relief.  Once relieved, its form of
+Government is saved to the World, its beloved history and cherished
+memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully assured and rendered
+inconceivable grand.  To you, more than to any others, the privilege is
+given to assure that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to link your
+own names therewith forever."
+
+The gentlemen representing in Congress the Border-States, to whom this
+address was made, subsequently met and discussed its subject matter, and
+made written reply in the shape of majority and minority replies, as
+follows:
+
+THE MAJORITY REPLY:
+
+"WASHINGTON, July 14, 1862.
+
+"TO THE PRESIDENT:
+
+"The undersigned, Representatives of Kentucky, Virginia, Missouri, and
+Maryland, in the two Houses of Congress, have listened to your address
+with the profound sensibility naturally inspired by the high source from
+which it emanates, the earnestness which marked its delivery, and the
+overwhelming importance of the subject of which it treats.  We have
+given it a most respectful consideration, and now lay before you our
+response.  We regret that want of time has not permitted us to make it
+more perfect.
+
+"We have not been wanting, Mr. President, in respect to you, and in
+devotion to the Constitution and the Union.  We have not been
+indifferent to the great difficulties surrounding you, compared with
+which all former National troubles have been but as the summer cloud;
+and we have freely given you our sympathy and support.  Repudiating the
+dangerous heresies of the Secessionists, we believed, with you, that the
+War on their part is aggressive and wicked, and the objects for which it
+was to be prosecuted on ours, defined by your Message at the opening of
+the present Congress, to be such as all good men should approve.
+
+"We have not hesitated to vote all supplies necessary to carry it on
+vigorously.  We have voted all the men and money you have asked for, and
+even more; we have imposed onerous taxes on our people, and they are
+paying them with cheerfulness and alacrity; we have encouraged
+enlistments, and sent to the field many of our best men; and some of our
+number have offered their persons to the enemy as pledges of their
+sincerity and devotion to the Country.
+
+"We have done all this under the most discouraging circumstances, and in
+the face of measures most distasteful to us and injurious to the
+interests we represent, and in the hearing of doctrines avowed by those
+who claim to be your friends, must be abhorrent to us and our
+constituents.
+
+"But, for all this, we have never faltered, nor shall we as long as we
+have a Constitution to defend and a Government which protects us.  And
+we are ready for renewed efforts, and even greater sacrifices, yea, any
+sacrifice, when we are satisfied it is required to preserve our
+admirable form of Government and the priceless blessings of
+Constitutional Liberty.
+
+"A few of our number voted for the Resolution recommended by your
+Message of the 6th of March last, the greater portion of us did not, and
+we will briefly state the prominent reasons which influenced our action.
+
+"In the first place, it proposed a radical change of our social system,
+and was hurried through both Houses with undue haste, without reasonable
+time for consideration and debate, and with no time at all for
+consultation with our constituents, whose interests it deeply involved.
+It seemed like an interference by this Government with a question which
+peculiarly and exclusively belonged to our respective States, on which
+they had not sought advice or solicited aid.
+
+"Many of us doubted the Constitutional power of this Government to make
+appropriations of money for the object designated, and all of us thought
+our finances were in no condition to bear the immense outlay which its
+adoption and faithful execution would impose upon the National Treasury.
+If we pause but a moment to think of the debt its acceptance would have
+entailed, we are appalled by its magnitude.  The proposition was
+addressed to all the States, and embraced the whole number of Slaves.
+
+"According to the census of 1860 there were then nearly four million
+Slaves in the Country; from natural increase they exceed that number
+now.  At even the low average of $300, the price fixed by the
+Emancipation Act for the Slaves of this District, and greatly below
+their real worth, their value runs up to the enormous sum of
+$1,200,000,000; and if to that we add the cost of deportation and
+colonization, at $100 each, which is but a fraction more than is
+actually paid--by the Maryland Colonization Society, we have
+$400,000,000 more.
+
+"We were not willing to impose a tax on our people sufficient to pay the
+interest on that sum, in addition to the vast and daily increasing debt
+already fixed upon them by exigencies of the War, and if we had been
+willing, the Country could not bear it.  Stated in this form the
+proposition is nothing less than the deportation from the Country of
+$1,600,000,000 worth of producing labor, and the substitution, in its
+place, of an interest-bearing debt of the same amount.
+
+"But, if we are told that it was expected that only the States we
+represent would accept the proposition, we respectfully submit that even
+then it involves a sum too great for the financial ability of this
+Government at this time.  According to the census of 1860:
+
+                                   Slaves
+          Kentucky had ........... 225,490
+          Maryland ...............  87,188
+          Virginia ............... 490,887
+          Delaware ...............   1,798
+          Missouri ............... 114,965
+          Tennessee .............. 275,784
+
+          Making in the whole .. 1,196,112
+
+          At the same rate of valuation these would
+          amount to ......... $358,933,500
+
+          Add for deportation and colonization $100
+          each ............... 118,244,533
+
+          And we have the
+          enormous sum of ... $478,038,133
+
+
+"We did not feel that we should be justified in voting for a measure
+which, if carried out, would add this vast amount to our public debt at
+a moment when the Treasury was reeling under the enormous expenditure of
+the War.
+
+"Again, it seemed to us that this Resolution was but the annunciation of
+a sentiment which could not or was not likely to be reduced to an actual
+tangible proposition.  No movement was then made to provide and
+appropriate the funds required to carry it into effect; and we were not
+encouraged to believe that funds would be provided.  And our belief has
+been fully justified by subsequent events.
+
+"Not to mention other circumstances, it is quite sufficient for our
+purpose to bring to your notice the fact that, while this resolution was
+under consideration in the Senate, our colleague, the Senator from
+Kentucky, moved an amendment appropriating $500,000 to the object
+therein designated, and it was voted down with great unanimity.
+
+"What confidence, then, could we reasonably feel that if we committed
+ourselves to the policy it proposed, our constituents would reap the
+fruits of the promise held out; and on what ground could we, as fair
+men, approach them and challenge their support?
+
+"The right to hold Slaves, is a right appertaining to all the States of
+this Union.  They have the right to cherish or abolish the Institution,
+as their tastes or their interests may prompt, and no one is authorized
+to question the right or limit the enjoyment.  And no one has more
+clearly affirmed that right than you have.  Your Inaugural Address does
+you great honor in this respect, and inspired the Country with
+confidence in your fairness and respect for the Law.  Our States are in
+the enjoyment of that right.
+
+"We do not feel called on to defend the Institution or to affirm it is
+one which ought to be cherished; perhaps, if we were to make the
+attempt, we might find that we differ even among ourselves.  It is
+enough for our purpose to know that it is a right; and, so knowing, we
+did not see why we should now be expected to yield it.
+
+"We had contributed our full share to relieve the Country at this
+terrible crisis; we had done as much as had been required of others in
+like circumstances; and we did not see why sacrifices should be expected
+of us from which others, no more loyal, were exempt.  Nor could we see
+what good the Nation would derive from it.
+
+"Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would not have strengthened the arm
+of this Government or weakened that of the Enemy.  It was not necessary
+as a pledge of our Loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a
+reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every place possible.  There was
+not the remotest probability that the States we represent would join in
+the Rebellion, nor is there now, or of their electing to go with the
+Southern Section in the event of a recognition of the Independence of
+any part of the disaffected region.
+
+"Our States are fixed unalterably in their resolution to adhere to and
+support the Union.  They see no safety for themselves, and no hope for
+Constitutional Liberty, but by its preservation.  They will, under no
+circumstances, consent to its dissolution; and we do them no more than
+justice when we assure you that, while the War is conducted to prevent
+that deplorable catastrophe, they will sustain it as long as they can
+muster a man, or command a dollar.
+
+"Nor will they ever consent, in any event, to unite with the Southern
+Confederacy.  The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of that region
+will forever prevent them from placing their security and happiness in
+the custody of an association which has incorporated in its Organic Law
+the seeds of its own destruction.
+
+"We cannot admit, Mr. President, that if we had voted for the Resolution
+in the Emancipation Message of March last, the War would now be
+substantially ended.  We are unable to see how our action in this
+particular has given, or could give, encouragement to the Rebellion.
+The Resolution has passed; and if there be virtue in it, it will be
+quite as efficacious as if we had voted for it.
+
+"We have no power to bind our States in this respect by our votes here;
+and, whether we had voted the one way or the other, they are in the same
+condition of freedom to accept or reject its provisions.
+
+"No, Sir, the War has not been prolonged or hindered by our action on
+this or any other measure.  We must look for other causes for that
+lamented fact.  We think there is not much difficulty, not much
+uncertainty, in pointing out others far more probable and potent in
+their agencies to that end.
+
+"The Rebellion derives its strength from the Union of all classes in the
+Insurgent States; and while that Union lasts the War will never end
+until they are utterly exhausted.  We know that, at the inception of
+these troubles, Southern society was divided, and that a large portion,
+perhaps a majority, were opposed to Secession.  Now the great mass of
+Southern people are united.
+
+"To discover why they are so, we must glance at Southern society, and
+notice the classes into which it has been divided, and which still
+distinguish it.  They are in arms, but not for the same objects; they
+are moved to a common end, but by different and even inconsistent
+reasons.
+
+"The leaders, which comprehend what was previously known as the State
+Rights Party, and is much the lesser class, seek to break down National
+Independence and set up State domination.  With them it is a War against
+Nationality.
+
+"The other class is fighting, as it supposes, to maintain and preserve
+its rights of Property and domestic safety, which it has been made to
+believe are assailed by this Government.  This latter class are not
+Disunionists per se; they are so only because they have been made to
+believe that this Administration is inimical to their rights, and is
+making War on their domestic Institutions.  As long as these two classes
+act together they will never assent to a Peace.
+
+"The policy, then, to be pursued, is obvious.  The former class will
+never be reconciled, but the latter may be.  Remove their apprehensions;
+satisfy them that no harm is intended to them and their Institutions;
+that this Government is not making War on their rights of Property, but
+is simply defending its legitimate authority, and they will gladly
+return to their allegiance as soon as the pressure of Military dominion
+imposed by the Confederate authority is removed from them.
+
+"Twelve months ago, both Houses of Congress, adopting the spirit of your
+Message, then but recently sent in, declared with singular unanimity the
+objects of the War, and the Country instantly bounded to your side to
+assist you in carrying it on.  If the spirit of that Resolution had been
+adhered to, we are confident that we should before now have seen the end
+of this deplorable conflict.  But what have we seen?
+
+"In both Houses of Congress we have heard doctrines subversive of the
+principles of the Constitution, and seen measure after measure, founded
+in substance on those doctrines, proposed and carried through, which can
+have no other effect than to distract and divide loyal men, and
+exasperate and drive still further from us and their duty the people of
+the rebellious States.
+
+"Military officers, following these bad examples, have stepped beyond
+the just limits of their authority in the same direction, until in
+several instances you have felt the necessity of interfering to arrest
+them.  And even the passage of the Resolution to which you refer has
+been ostentatiously proclaimed as the triumph of a principle which the
+people of the Southern States regard as ruinous to them.  The effect of
+these measures was foretold, and may now be seen in the indurated state
+of Southern feeling.
+
+"To these causes, Mr. President, and not to our omission to vote for the
+Resolution recommended by you, we solemnly believe we are to attribute
+the terrible earnestness of those in arms against the Government, and
+the continuance of the War.  Nor do we (permit us to say, Mr. President,
+with all respect to you) agree that the Institution of Slavery is 'the
+lever of their power,' but we are of the opinion that 'the lever of
+their power' is the apprehension that the powers of a common Government,
+created for common and equal protection to the interests of all, will be
+wielded against the Institutions of the Southern States.
+
+"There is one other idea in your address we feel called on to notice.
+After stating the fact of your repudiation of General Hunter's
+Proclamation, you add:
+
+"'Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to
+many whose support the Country cannot afford to lose.  And this is not
+the end of it.  The pressure in this direction is still upon me and is
+increasing.  By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much
+more, can relieve the Country, in this important point,'
+
+"We have anxiously looked into this passage to discover its true import,
+but we are yet in painful uncertainty.  How can we, by conceding what
+you now ask, relieve you and the Country from the increasing pressure to
+which you refer?  We will not allow ourselves to think that the
+proposition is, that we consent to give up Slavery, to the end that the
+Hunter proclamation may be let loose on the Southern people, for it is
+too well known that we would not be parties to any such measure, and we
+have too much respect for you to imagine you would propose it.
+
+"Can it mean that by sacrificing our interest in Slavery we appease the
+spirit that controls that pressure, cause it to be withdrawn, and rid
+the Country of the pestilent agitation of the Slavery question?  We are
+forbidden so to think, for that spirit would not be satisfied with the
+liberation of 100,000 Slaves, and cease its agitation while 3,000,000
+remain in bondage.  Can it mean that by abandoning Slavery in our States
+we are removing the pressure from you and the Country, by preparing for
+a separation on the line of the Cotton States?
+
+"We are forbidden so to think, because it is known that we are, and we
+believe that you are, unalterably opposed to any division at all.  We
+would prefer to think that you desire this concession as a pledge of our
+support, and thus enable you to withstand a pressure which weighs
+heavily on you and the Country.
+
+"Mr. President, no such sacrifice is necessary to secure our support.
+Confine yourself to your Constitutional authority; confine your
+subordinates within the same limits; conduct this War solely for the
+purpose of restoring the Constitution to its legitimate authority;
+concede to each State and its loyal citizens their just rights, and we
+are wedded to you by indissoluble ties.  Do this, Mr. President, and you
+touch the American heart, and invigorate it with new hope.  You will, as
+we solemnly believe, in due time restore Peace to your Country, lift it
+from despondency to a future of glory, and preserve to your countrymen,
+their posterity, and man, the inestimable treasure of a Constitutional
+Government.
+
+"Mr. President, we have stated with frankness and candor the reasons on
+which we forbore to vote for the Resolution you have mentioned; but you
+have again presented this proposition, and appealed to us with an
+earnestness and eloquence which have not failed to impress us, to
+'consider it, and at the least to commend it to the consideration of our
+States and people.'
+
+"Thus appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of our beloved Country, in the
+hour of its greatest peril, we cannot wholly decline.  We are willing to
+trust every question relating to their interest and happiness to the
+consideration and ultimate judgment of our own people.
+
+"While differing from you as to the necessity of Emancipating the Slaves
+of our States as a means of putting down the Rebellion, and while
+protesting against the propriety of any extra-territorial interference
+to induce the people of our States to adopt any particular line of
+policy on a subject which peculiarly and exclusively belongs to them,
+yet, when you and our brethren of the Loyal States sincerely believe
+that the retention of Slavery by us is an obstacle to Peace and National
+harmony, and are willing to contribute pecuniary aid to compensate our
+States and people for the inconveniences produced by such a change of
+system, we are not unwilling that our people shall consider the
+propriety of putting it aside.
+
+"But we have already said that we regard this Resolution as the
+utterance of a sentiment, and we had no confidence that it would assume
+the shape of a tangible practical proposition, which would yield the
+fruits of the sacrifice it required.  Our people are influenced by the
+same want of confidence, and will not consider the proposition in its
+present impalpable form.  The interest they are asked to give up is, to
+them, of immense importance, and they ought not to be expected even to
+entertain the proposal until they are assured that when they accept it
+their just expectations will not be frustrated.
+
+"We regard your plan as a proposition from the Nation to the States to
+exercise an admitted Constitutional right in a particular manner, and
+yield up a valuable interest.  Before they ought to consider the
+proposition, it should be presented in such a tangible, practical,
+efficient shape, as to command their confidence that its fruits are
+contingent only upon their acceptance.  We cannot trust anything to the
+contingencies of future legislation.
+
+"If Congress, by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide
+sufficient funds and place them at your disposal to be applied by you to
+the payment of any of our States, or the citizens thereof, who shall
+adopt the Abolishment of Slavery, either gradual or immediate, as they
+may determine, and the expense of deportation and colonization of the
+liberated Slaves, then will our States and people take this proposition
+into careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is
+demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole
+Country.  We have the honor to be, with great respect,
+
+"C. A. WICKLIFFE, Ch'man,
+CHAS. B. CALVERT,
+GARRETT DAVIS,
+C. L. L. LEARY,
+R. WILSON,
+EDWIN H. WEBSTER,
+J. J. CRITTENDEN,
+R. MALLORY,
+JOHN S. CARLILE,
+AARON HARDING,
+J. W. CRISFIELD,
+JAMES S. ROLLINS,
+J. S. JACKSON,
+J. W. MENZIES,
+H. GRIDER,
+THOMAS L. PRICE,
+JOHN S. PHELPS,
+G.  W.  DUNLAP,
+FRANCIS THOMAS,
+WILLIAM A. HALL."
+
+
+THE MINORITY REPLY.
+
+"WASHINGTON, July 15, 1863.
+
+"MR. PRESIDENT:--The undersigned, members of Congress from the Border
+States, in response to your address of Saturday last, beg leave to say
+that they attended a meeting, on the same day the address was delivered,
+for the purpose of considering the same.  The meeting appointed a
+Committee to report a response to your address.  That report was made on
+yesterday, and the action of the majority indicated clearly that the
+response, or one in substance the same, would be adopted and presented
+to you.
+
+"Inasmuch as we cannot, consistently with our own sense of duty to the
+Country, under the existing perils which surround us, concur in that
+response, we feel it to be due to you and to ourselves to make to you a
+brief and candid answer over our own signatures.
+
+"We believe that the whole power of the Government, upheld and sustained
+by all the influences and means of all loyal men in all Sections, and of
+all Parties, is essentially necessary to put down the Rebellion and
+preserve the Union and the Constitution.  We understand your appeal to
+us to have been made for the purpose of securing this result.
+
+"A very large portion of the People in the Northern States believe that
+Slavery is the 'lever-power of the Rebellion.'  It matters not whether
+this belief be well-founded or not.  The belief does exist, and we have
+to deal with things as they are, and not as we would have them be.
+
+"In consequence of the existence of this belief, we understand that an
+immense pressure is brought to bear for the purpose of striking down
+this Institution through the exercise of Military authority.  The
+Government cannot maintain this great struggle if the support and
+influence of the men who entertain these opinions be withdrawn.  Neither
+can the Government hope for early success if the support of that element
+called "Conservative" be withdrawn.
+
+"Such being the condition of things, the President appeals to the
+Border-State men to step forward and prove their patriotism by making
+the first sacrifice.  No doubt, like appeals have been made to extreme
+men in the North to meet us half-way, in order that the whole moral,
+political, pecuniary, and physical force of the Nation may be firmly and
+earnestly united in one grand effort to save the Union and the
+Constitution.
+
+"Believing that such were the motives that prompted your Address, and
+such the results to which it looked, we cannot reconcile it to our sense
+of duty, in this trying hour, to respond in a spirit of fault-finding or
+querulousness over the things that are past.
+
+"We are not disposed to seek for the cause of present misfortunes in the
+errors and wrongs of others who now propose to unite with us in a common
+purpose.
+
+"But, on the other hand, we meet your address in the spirit in which it
+was made, and, as loyal Americans, declare to you and to the World that
+there is no sacrifice that we are not ready to make to save the
+Government and institutions of our fathers.  That we, few of us though
+there may be, will permit no man, from the North or from the South, to
+go further than we in the accomplishment of the great work before us.
+That, in order to carry out these views, we will, so far as may be in
+our power, ask the people of the Border States calmly, deliberately, and
+fairly to consider your recommendations.
+
+"We are the more emboldened to assume this position from the fact, now
+become history, that the leaders of the Southern Rebellion have offered
+to abolish Slavery among them as a condition to foreign intervention in
+favor of their Independence as a Nation.
+
+"If they can give up Slavery to destroy the Union, we can surely ask our
+people to consider the question of Emancipation to save the Union.
+
+"With great respect, your obedient servants,
+
+"JOHN W. NOELL,
+"SAMUEL L. CASEY,
+"GEORGE P. FISHER,
+"A. J. CLEMENTS,
+"WILLIAM G. BROWN,
+"JACOB B. BLAIR,
+"W. T. WILLEY."
+
+
+     [The following separate replies, subsequently made, by
+     Representative Maynard of Tennessee, and Senator Henderson of
+     Missouri, are necessarily given to complete this part of the Border
+     State record.]
+
+                           MR. MAYNARD'S REPLY.
+
+"HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, July 16, 1862.
+
+"SIR:--The magnitude and gravity of the proposition submitted by you to
+Representatives from the Slave States would naturally occasion
+diversity, if not contrariety, of opinion.  You will not, therefore, be
+surprised that I have not been able to concur in view with the majority
+of them.
+
+"This is attributable, possibly, to the fact that my State is not a
+Border State, properly so called, and that my immediate constituents are
+not yet disenthralled from the hostile arms of the Rebellion.  This fact
+is a physical obstacle in the way of my now submitting to their
+consideration this, or any other proposition looking to political
+action, especially such as, in this case, would require a change in the
+Organic Law of the State.
+
+"But do not infer that I am insensible to your appeal.  I am not; you
+are surrounded with difficulties far greater than have embarrassed any
+of your predecessors.  You need the support of every American citizen,
+and you ought to have it--active, zealous and honest.  The union of all
+Union men to aid you in preserving the Union, is the duty of the time.
+Differences as to policy and methods must be subordinated to the common
+purpose.
+
+"In looking for the cause of this Rebellion, it is natural that each
+Section and each Party should ascribe as little blame as possible to
+itself, and as much as possible to its opponent Section and Party.
+Possibly you and I might not agree on a comparison of our views.  That
+there should be differences of opinion as to the best mode of conducting
+our Military operations, and the best men to lead our Armies, is equally
+natural.  Contests on such questions weaken ourselves and strengthen our
+enemies.  They are unprofitable, and possibly unpatriotic.  Somebody
+must yield, or we waste our strength in a contemptible struggle among
+ourselves.
+
+"You appeal to the loyal men of the Slave States to sacrifice something
+of feeling and a great deal of interest.  The sacrifices they have
+already made and the sufferings they have endured give the best
+assurance that the appeal will not have been made in vain.  He who is
+not ready to yield all his material interests, and to forego his most
+cherished sentiments and opinions for the preservation of his Country,
+although he may have periled his life on the battle-field in her
+defense, is but half a Patriot.  Among the loyal people that I
+represent, there are no half-patriots.
+
+"Already the Rebellion has cost us much, even to our undoing; we are
+content, if need be, to give up the rest, to suppress it.  We have stood
+by you from the beginning of this struggle, and we mean to stand by you,
+God willing, till the end of it.
+
+"I did not vote for the Resolution to which you allude, solely for the
+reason that I was absent at the Capital of my own State.  It is right.
+
+"Should any of the Slave States think proper to terminate that
+Institution, as several of them, I understand, or at least some of their
+citizens propose, justice and a generous comity require that the Country
+should interpose to aid in lessening the burden, public and private,
+occasioned by so radical a change in its social and industrial
+relations.
+
+"I will not now speculate upon the effect, at home or abroad, of the
+adoption of your policy, nor inquire what action of the Rebel leaders
+has rendered something of the kind important.  Your whole administration
+gives the highest assurancee that you are moved, not so much from a
+desire to see all men everywhere made free, as from a higher desire to
+preserve free institutions for the benefit of men already free; not to
+make Slaves, Freemen, but to prevent Freemen from being made Slaves; not
+to destroy an Institution, which a portion of us only consider bad, but
+to save institutions which we all alike consider good.  I am satisfied
+you would not ask from any of your fellow-citizens a sacrifice not, in
+your judgment, imperatively required by the safety of the Country.
+
+"This is the spirit of your appeal, and I respond to it in the same
+spirit.
+
+"I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
+
+                              "HORACE MAYNARD.
+
+"To the PRESIDENT."
+
+
+
+                        SENATOR HENDERSON'S REPLY.
+
+"WASHINGTON CITY, July 21, 1862.
+
+"MR. PRESIDENT:--The pressure of business in the Senate during the last
+few days of the session prevented my attendance at the meeting of the
+Border-State members, called to consider your proposition in reference
+to gradual emancipation in our States.
+
+"It is for this reason only, and not because I fail to appreciate their
+importance or properly respect your suggestions, that my name does not
+appear to any of the several papers submitted in response.  I may also
+add that it was my intention, when the subject came up practically for
+consideration in the Senate, to express fully my views in regard to it.
+This of course would have rendered any other response unnecessary.  But
+the want of time to consider the matter deprived me of that opportunity,
+and, lest now my silence be misconstrued, I deem it proper to say to you
+that I am by no means indifferent to the great questions so earnestly,
+and as I believe so honestly, urged by you upon our consideration.
+
+"The Border States, so far, are the chief sufferers by this War, and the
+true Union men of those States have made the greatest sacrifices for the
+preservation of the Government.  This fact does not proceed from
+mismanagement on the part of the Union authorities, or a want of regard
+for our people, but it is the necessary result of the War that is upon
+us.
+
+"Our States are the battle-fields.  Our people, divided among
+themselves, maddened by the struggle, and blinded by the smoke of
+battle, invited upon our soil contending armies--the one to destroy the
+Government, the other to maintain it.  The consequence to us is plain.
+The shock of the contest upturns Society and desolates the Land.  We
+have made sacrifices, but at last they were only the sacrifices demanded
+by duty, and unless we are willing to make others, indeed any that the
+good of the Country, involved in the overthrow of Treason, may expect at
+our hands, our title to patriotism is not complete.
+
+"When you submitted your proposition to Congress, in March last, 'that
+the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a
+gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to
+be used by such State in its discretion, to compensate for the
+inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system,'
+I gave it a most cheerful support, and I am satisfied it would have
+received the approbation of a large majority of the Border States
+delegations in both Branches of Congress, if, in the first place, they
+had believed the War, with its continued evils--the most prominent of
+which, in a material point of view, is its injurious effect on the
+Institution of Slavery in our States--could possibly have been
+protracted for another twelve months; and if, in the second place, they
+had felt assured that the party having the majority in Congress would,
+like yourself, be equally prompt in practical action as in the
+expression of a sentiment.
+
+"While scarcely any one doubted your own sincerity in the premises, and
+your earnest wish speedily to terminate the War, you can readily
+conceive the grounds for difference of opinion where conclusions could
+only be based on conjecture.
+
+"Believing, as I did, that the War was not so near its termination as
+some supposed, and feeling disposed to accord to others the same
+sincerity of purpose that I should claim for myself under similar
+circumstances, I voted for the proposition.  I will suppose that others
+were actuated by no sinister motives.
+
+"In doing so, Mr. President, I desire to be distinctly understood by you
+and by my constituents.  I did not suppose at the time that I was
+personally making any sacrifice by supporting the Resolution, nor that
+the people of my State were called upon to make any sacrifices, either
+in considering or accepting the proposition, if they saw fit.
+
+"I agreed with you in the remarks contained in the Message accompanying
+the Resolution, that 'the Union must be preserved, and hence all
+indispensable means must be employed.  * * * War has been and continues
+to be an indispensable means to this end.  A practical reacknowledgment
+of the National authority would render the War unnecessary, and it would
+at once cease.  If, however, resistance continues, the War must also
+continue; and it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may
+attend and all the ruin which may follow it.'
+
+"It is truly 'impossible' to foresee all the evils resulting from a War
+so stupendous as the present.  I shall be much rejoiced if something
+more dreadful than the sale of Freedom to a few Slaves in the Border
+States shall not result from it.
+
+"If it closes with the Government of our Fathers secure, and
+Constitutional Liberty in all its purity guaranteed to the White man,
+the result will be better than that having a place in the fears of many
+good men at present, and much better than the past history of such
+revolutions can justify us in expecting.
+
+"In this period of the Nation's distress, I know of no human institution
+too sacred for discussion; no material interest belonging to the citizen
+that he should not willingly place upon the altar of his Country, if
+demanded by the public good.
+
+"The man who cannot now sacrifice Party and put aside selfish
+considerations is more than half disloyal.  Such a man does not deserve
+the blessings of good government.  Pride of opinion, based upon
+Sectional jealousies, should not be permitted to control the decision of
+any political question.  These remarks are general, but apply with
+peculiar force to the People of the Border States at present.
+
+"Let us look at our condition.  A desolating War is upon us.  We cannot
+escape it if we would.  If the Union Armies were to-day withdrawn from
+the Border States without first crushing the Rebellion in the South, no
+rational man can doubt for a moment that the adherents of the Union
+Cause in those States would soon be driven in exile from their homes by
+the exultant Rebels, who have so long hoped to return and take vengeance
+upon us.
+
+"The People of the Border States understand very well the unfriendly and
+selfish spirit exercised toward them by the leaders of this Cotton-State
+Rebellion, beginning some time previous to its outbreak.  They will not
+fail to remember their insolent refusal to counsel with us, and their
+haughty assumption of responsibility upon themselves for their misguided
+action.
+
+"Our people will not soon forget that, while declaiming against
+Coercion, they closed their doors against the exportation of Slaves from
+the Border States into the South, with the avowed purpose of forcing us
+into Rebellion through fears of losing that species of Property.  They
+knew very well the effect to be produced on Slavery by a Civil War,
+especially in those States into which hostile Armies might penetrate,
+and upon the soil of which the great contests for the success of
+Republican Government were to be decided.
+
+"They wanted some intermediate ground for the conflict of arms-territory
+where the population would be divided.  They knew, also, that by keeping
+Slavery in the Border States the mere 'friction and abrasion' to which
+you so appropriately allude, would keep up a constant irritation,
+resulting necessarily from the frequent losses to which the owners would
+be subjected.
+
+"They also calculated largely, and not without reason, upon the
+repugnance of Non-Slaveholders in those States to a Free Negro
+population.  In the meantime they intended persistently to charge the
+overthrow of Slavery to be the object of the Government, and hostility
+to this Institution the origin of the War.  By this means the
+unavoidable incidents of the strife might easily he charged as the
+settled purposes of the Government.
+
+"Again, it was well understood, by these men, that exemplary conduct on
+the part of every officer and soldier employed by the Government could
+not in the nature of things be expected, and the hope was entertained,
+upon the most reasonable grounds, that every commission of wrong and
+every omission of duty would produce a new cause for excitement and a
+new incentive to Rebellion.
+
+"By these means the War was to be kept in the Border States, regardless
+of our interests, until an exhausted Treasury should render it necessary
+to send the tax-gatherer among our people, to take the little that might
+be left them from the devastations of War.
+
+"They then expected a clamor for Peace by us, resulting in the
+interference of France and England, whose operatives in the meantime
+would be driven to want, and whose aristocracy have ever been ready to
+welcome a dissolution of the American Union.
+
+"This cunningly-devised plan for securing a Gulf-Confederacy, commanding
+the mouths of the great Western rivers, the Gulf of Mexico, and the
+Southern Atlantic ocean, with their own territory unscathed by the
+horrors of war, and surrounded by the Border States, half of whose
+population would be left in sympathy with them, for many years to come,
+owing to the irritations to which I have alluded, has, so far, succeeded
+too well.
+
+"In Missouri they have already caused us to lose a third or more of the
+Slaves owned at the time of the last census.  In addition to this, I can
+make no estimate of the vast amount of property of every character that
+has been destroyed by Military operations in the State.  The loss from
+general depreciation of values, and the utter prostration of every
+business-interest of our people, is wholly beyond calculation.
+
+"The experience of Missouri is but the experience of other Sections of
+the Country similarly situated.  The question is therefore forced upon
+us, 'How long is this War to continue; and, if continued, as it has
+been, on our soil, aided by the Treason and folly of our own citizens,
+acting in concert with the Confederates, how long can Slavery, or, if
+you please, any other property-interest, survive in our States?'
+
+"As things now are, the people of the Border-States yet divided, we
+cannot expect an immediate termination of the struggle, except upon
+condition of Southern Independence, losing thereby control of the lower
+Mississippi.  For this, we in Missouri are not prepared, nor are we
+prepared to become one of the Confederate States, should the terrible
+calamity of Dissolution occur.
+
+"This, I presume, the Union men of Missouri would resist to the death.
+And whether they should do so or not, I will not suppose for an instant,
+that the Government of the United States would, upon any condition,
+submit to the loss of territory so essential to its future commercial
+greatness as is the State of Missouri.
+
+"But should all other reasons fail to prevent such a misfortune to our
+people of Missouri, there is one that cannot fail.  The Confederates
+never wanted us, and would not have us.  I assume, therefore, that the
+War will not cease, but will be continued until the Rebellion shall be
+overcome.  It cannot and will not cease, so far as the people of
+Missouri are concerned, except upon condition of our remaining in the
+Union, and the whole West will demand the entire control of the
+Mississippi river to the Gulf.
+
+"Our interest is therefore bound up with the interests of those States
+maintaining the Union, and especially with the great States of the West
+that must be consulted in regard to the terms of any Peace that may be
+suggested, even by the Nations of Europe, should they at any time
+unfortunately depart from their former pacific policy and determine to
+intervene in our affairs.
+
+"The War, then, will have to be continued until the Union shall be
+practically restored.  In this alone consists the future safety of the
+Border-States themselves.  A separation of the Union is ruinous to them.
+The preservation of the Union can only be secured by a continuation of
+the War.  The consequences of that continuation may be judged of by the
+experience of the last twelve months.  The people of my State are as
+competent to pass judgment in the premises as I am.  I have every
+confidence in their intelligence, their honesty, and their patriotism.
+
+"In your own language, the proposition you make 'sets up no claim of a
+right by Federal authority to interfere with Slavery within State
+limits,' referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject in
+each case to the State and its people immediately interested.  It is
+proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them.
+
+"In this view of the subject I can frankly say to you that, personally,
+I never could appreciate the objections so frequently urged against the
+proposition.  If I understood you properly, it was your opinion, not
+that Slavery should be removed in order to secure our loyalty to the
+Government, for every personal act of your administration precludes such
+an inference, but you believe that the peculiar species of Property was
+in imminent danger from the War in which we were engaged, and that
+common justice demanded remuneration for the loss of it.
+
+"You then believe, and again express the opinion, that the peculiar
+nature of the contest is such that its loss is almost inevitable, and
+lest any pretext for a charge of injustice against the Government be
+given to its enemies, you propose to extend to the people of those
+States standing by the Union, the choice of payment for their Slaves or
+the responsibility of loss, should it occur, without complaint against
+the Government.
+
+"Placing the matter in this light, (a mere remuneration for losses
+rendered inevitable by the casualties of War), the objection of a
+Constitutional character may be rendered much less formidable in the
+minds of Northern Representatives whose constituents will have to share
+in the payment of the money; and, so far as the Border States are
+concerned, this objection should be most sparingly urged, for it being a
+matter entirely of their 'own free choice,' in case of a desire to
+accept, no serious argument will likely be urged against the receipt of
+the money, or a fund for Colonization.
+
+"But, aside from the power derived from the operations of war, there may
+be found numerous precedents in the legislation of the past, such as
+grants of land and money to the several States for specified objects
+deemed worthy by the Federal Congress.  And in addition to this may be
+cited a deliberate opinion of Mr. Webster upon this very subject, in one
+of the ablest arguments of his life.
+
+"I allude to this question of power merely in vindication of the
+position assumed by me in my vote for the Resolution of March last.
+
+"In your last communication to us, you beg of us 'to commend this
+subject to the consideration of our States and people.'  While I
+entirely differ with you in the opinion expressed, that had the members
+from the Border States approved of your Resolution of March last 'the
+War would now be substantially ended,' and while I do not regard the
+suggestion 'as one of the most potent and swift means of ending' the
+War, I am yet free to say that I have the most unbounded confidence in
+your sincerity of purpose in calling our attention to the dangers
+surrounding us.
+
+"I am satisfied that you appreciate the troubles of the Border States,
+and that your suggestions are intended for our good.  I feel the force
+of your urgent appeal, and the logic of surrounding circumstances brings
+conviction even to an unwilling believer.
+
+"Having said that, in my judgment, you attached too much importance to
+this measure as a means for suppressing the Rebellion, it is due to you
+that I shall explain.
+
+"Whatever may be the status of the Border States in this respect, the
+War cannot be ended until the power of the Government is made manifest
+in the seceded States.  They appealed to the sword; give them the sword.
+They asked for War; let them see its evils on their own soil.
+
+"They have erected a Government, and they force obedience to its
+behests.  This structure must be destroyed; this image, before which an
+unwilling People have been compelled to bow, must be broken.  The
+authority of the Federal Government must be felt in the heart of the
+rebellious district.  To do this, let armies be marched upon them at
+once, and let them feel what they have inflicted on us in the Border.
+Do not fear our States; we will stand by the Government in this work.
+
+"I ought not to disguise from you or the people of my State, that
+personally I have fixed and unalterable opinions on the subject of your
+communication.  Those opinions I shall communicate to the people in that
+spirit of frankness that should characterize the intercourse of the
+Representative with his constituents.
+
+"If I were to-day the owner of the lands and Slaves of Missouri, your
+proposition, so far as that State is concerned, would be immediately
+accepted.  Not a day would be lost.  Aside from public considerations,
+which you suppose to be involved in the proposition, and which no
+Patriot, I agree, should disregard at present, my own personal interest
+would prompt favorable and immediate action.
+
+"But having said this, it is proper that I say something more.  The
+Representative is the servant and not the master of the People.  He has
+no authority to bind them to any course of action, or even to indicate
+what they will, or will not, do when the subject is exclusively theirs
+and not his.
+
+"I shall take occasion, I hope honestly, to give my views of existing
+troubles and impending dangers, and shall leave the rest to them,
+disposed, as I am, rather to trust their judgment upon the case stated
+than my own, and at the same time most cheerfully to acquiesce in their
+decision.
+
+"For you, personally, Mr. President, I think I can pledge the kindest
+considerations of the people of Missouri, and I shall not hesitate to
+express the belief that your recommendation will be considered by them
+in the same spirit of kindness manifested by you in its presentation to
+us, and that their decision will be such as is demanded 'by their
+interests, their honor, and their duty to the whole Country.'
+
+"I am very respectfully, your obedient servant,
+
+                              "J. B. HENDERSON.
+
+"To his Excellency,
+"A. LINCOLN, PRESIDENT."
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XVIII.
+
+                       FREEDOM PROCLAIMED TO ALL.
+
+
+While mentally revolving the question of Emancipation--now, evidently
+"coming to a head,"--no inconsiderable portion of Mr. Lincoln's thoughts
+centered upon, and his perplexities grew out of, his assumption that the
+"physical difference" between the Black and White--the  African and
+Caucasian races, precluded the idea of their living together in the one
+land as Free men and equals.
+
+In his speeches during the great Lincoln-Douglas debate we have seen
+this idea frequently advanced, and so, in his later public utterances as
+President.
+
+As in his appeal to the Congressional delegations from the Border-States
+on the 12th of July, 1862, he had held out to them the hope that "the
+Freed people will not be so reluctant to go" to his projected colony in
+South America, when their "numbers shall be large enough to be company
+and encouragement for one another," so, at a later date--on the 14th of
+August following--he appealed to the Colored Free men themselves to help
+him found a proposed Negro colony in New Granada, and thus aid in the
+solution of this part of the knotty problem, by the disenthrallment of
+the new race from its unhappy environments here.
+
+The substance of the President's interesting address, at the White
+House, to the delegation of Colored men, for whom he had sent, was thus
+reported at the time:
+
+"Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary
+observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by
+Congress, and placed at his disposition, for the purpose of aiding the
+colonization in some country of the people, or a portion of them, of
+African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time
+been his inclination, to favor that cause; and why, he asked, should the
+people of your race be colonized, and where?
+
+"Why should they leave this Country?  This is perhaps the first question
+for proper consideration.  You and we are different races.  We have
+between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two
+races.  Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss; but this
+physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think.
+Your race suffers very greatly, many of them by living among us, while
+ours suffers from your presence.  In a word we suffer on each side.  If
+this is admitted, it affords a reason, at least, why we should be
+separated.  You here are Freemen, I suppose?
+
+"A VOICE--Yes, Sir.
+
+"THE PRESIDENT--Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives.
+Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on
+any people.  But even when you cease to be Slaves, you are yet far
+removed from being placed on an equality with the White race.  You are
+cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoys.  The
+aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free; but on
+this broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of
+a single man of ours.  Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is
+still upon you.  I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it as
+a fact, with which we have to deal.  I cannot alter it if I would.  It
+is a fact about which we all think and feel alike, I and you.  We look
+to our condition.
+
+"Owing to the existence of the two races on this continent, I need not
+recount to you the effects upon White men, growing out of the
+institution of Slavery.  I believe in its general evil effects on the
+White race.  See our present condition--the Country engaged in War!  our
+white men cutting one another's throats--none knowing how far it will
+extend--and then consider what we know to be the truth.  But for your
+race among us there could not be War, although many men engaged on
+either side do not care for you one way or the other.  Nevertheless, I
+repeat, without the institution of Slavery, and the Colored race as a
+basis, the War could not have an existence.  It is better for us both,
+therefore, to be separated.
+
+"I know that there are Free men among you who, even if they could better
+their condition, are not as much inclined to go out of the Country as
+those who, being Slaves, could obtain their Freedom on this condition.
+I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization
+is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be
+advanced by it.  You may believe that you can live in Washington, or
+elsewhere in the United States, the remainder of your life; perhaps more
+so than you can in any foreign country, and hence you may come to the
+conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a
+foreign country.
+
+"This is, (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the
+case.  But you ought to do something to help those who are not so
+fortunate as yourselves.  There is an unwillingness on the part of our
+People, harsh as it may be, for you free Colored people to remain with
+us.  Now if you could give a start to the White people you would open a
+wide door for many to be made free.  If we deal with those who are not
+free at the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by Slavery, we
+have very poor material to start with.
+
+"If intelligent Colored men, such as are before me, could move in this
+matter, much might be accomplished.  It is exceedingly important that we
+have men at the beginning capable of thinking as White men, and not
+those who have been systematically oppressed.  There is much to
+encourage you.
+
+"For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your
+present comfort for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the
+White people.  It is a cheering thought throughout life, that something
+can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subject
+to the hard usages of the World.  It is difficult to make a man
+miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred to
+the great God who made him.
+
+"In the American Revolutionary War, sacrifices were made by men engaged
+in it, but they were cheered by the future.  General Washington himself
+endured greater physical hardships than if he had remained a British
+subject, yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in benefiting
+his race, in doing something for the children of his neighbors, having
+none of his own.
+
+"The Colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time.  In a certain
+sense it is a success.  The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just
+been with me the first time I ever saw him.  He says they have, within
+the bounds of that Colony, between three and four hundred thousand
+people, or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island, or
+Delaware, or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of our
+larger ones.  They are not all American colonists or their descendants.
+Something less than 12,000 have been sent thither from this Country.
+Many of the original settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere,
+their offspring outnumber those deceased.
+
+"The question is, if the Colored people are persuaded to go anywhere,
+why not there?  One reason for unwillingness to do so is that some of
+you would rather remain within reach of the country of your nativity.  I
+do not know how much attachment you may have toward our race.  It does
+not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them.  But still
+you are attached to them at all events.
+
+"The place I am thinking about having for a colony, is in Central
+America.  It is nearer to us than Liberia--not much more than one-fourth
+as far as Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers.  Unlike
+Liberia, it is a great line of travel--it is a highway.  The country is
+a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural resources
+and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of climate with
+your native soil, thus being suited to your physical condition.
+
+"The particular place I have in view, is to be a great highway from the
+Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and this particular
+place has all the advantages for a colony.  On both sides there are
+harbors among the finest in the World.  Again, there is evidence of very
+rich coal mines.  A certain amount of coal is valuable in any country.
+Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford an
+opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get
+ready to settle permanently in their homes.
+
+"If you take colonists where there is no good landing, there is a bad
+show; and so, where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which to make
+a farm.  But if something is started so that you can get your daily
+bread as soon as you reach there, it is a great advantage.  Coal land is
+the best thing I know of, with which to commence an enterprise.
+
+"To return--you have been talked to upon this subject, and told that a
+speculation is intended by gentlemen who have an interest in the
+country, including the coal mines.  We have been mistaken all our lives
+if we do not know Whites, as well as Blacks, look to their self-
+interest.  Unless among those deficient of intellect, everybody you
+trade with makes something.  You meet with these things here and
+everywhere.  If such persons have what will be an advantage to them, the
+question is, whether it cannot be made of advantage to you?
+
+"You are intelligent, and know that success does not as much depend on
+external help, as on self-reliance.  Much, therefore, depends upon
+yourselves.  As to the coal mines, I think I see the means available for
+your self-reliance.  I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you
+engaged, have provision made that you shall not be wronged.  If you will
+engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the money intrusted to
+me.  I am not sure you will succeed.  The Government may lose the money,
+but we cannot succeed unless we try; but we think, with care, we can
+succeed.
+
+"The political affairs in Central America are not in quite as
+satisfactory condition as I wish.  There are contending factions in that
+quarter; but it is true, all the factions are agreed alike on the
+subject of colonization, and want it; and are more generous than we are
+here.  To your Colored race they have no objection.  Besides, I would
+endeavor to have you made equals, and have the best assurance that you
+should be the equals of the best.
+
+"The practical thing I want to ascertain is, whether I can get a number
+of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to
+go, when I present evidence of encouragement and protection.  Could I
+get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children,
+and able to 'cut their own fodder' so to speak?  Can I have fifty?  If I
+could find twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and
+children--good things in the family relation, I think I could make a
+successful commencement.
+
+"I want you to let me know whether this can be done or not.  This is the
+practical part of my wish to see you.  These are subjects of very great
+importance--worthy of a month's study, of a speech delivered in an hour.
+I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not as pertaining to yourselves
+merely, nor for your race, and ours, for the present time, but as one of
+the things, if successfully managed, for the good of mankind--not
+confined to the present generation, but as:
+
+              "From age to age descends the lay
+               To millions yet to be,
+               Till far its echoes roll away
+               Into eternity."'
+
+President Lincoln's well-meant colored colonization project, however,
+fell through, owing partly to opposition to it in Central America, and
+partly to the very natural and deeply-rooted disinclination of the
+Colored free men to leave the land of their birth.
+
+Meanwhile, limited Military Emancipation of Slaves was announced and
+regulated, on the 22d July, 1862, by the following Executive
+Instructions, which were issued from the War Department by order of the
+President--the issue of which was assigned by Jefferson Davis as one
+reason for his Order of August 1, 1862, directing "that the commissioned
+officers of Pope's and Steinwehr's commands be not entitled, when
+captured, to be treated as soldiers and entitled to the benefit of the
+cartel of exchange:"
+
+
+"WAR DEPARTMENT,
+"WASHINGTON, D.C., July 22, 1862.
+
+"First.  Ordered that Military Commanders within the States of Virginia,
+North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana,
+Texas, and Arkansas, in an orderly manner seize and use any property,
+real or personal, which may be necessary or convenient for their several
+commands, for supplies, or for other Military purposes; and that while
+property may be destroyed for proper Military objects, none shall be
+destroyed in wantonness or malice.
+
+"Second.  That Military and Naval Commanders shall employ as laborers,
+within and from said States, so many Persons of African descent as can
+be advantageously used for Military or Naval purposes, giving them
+reasonable wages for their labor.
+
+"Third.  That, as to both property, and Persons of African descent,
+accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show
+quantities and amounts, and from whom both property and such Persons
+shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation can be made in
+proper cases; and the several departments of this Government shall
+attend to and perform their appropriate parts towards the execution of
+these orders.
+
+"By Order of the President:
+
+                         "EDWIN M. STANTON,
+                         "Secretary of War."
+
+
+On the 9th of August, 1862, Major General McClellan promulgated the
+Executive Order of July 22, 1862, from his Headquarters at Harrison's
+Landing, Va., with certain directions of his own, among which were the
+following:
+
+"Inhabitants, especially women and children, remaining peaceably at
+their homes, must not be molested; and wherever commanding officers find
+families peculiarly exposed in their persons or property to marauding
+from this Army, they will, as heretofore, so far as they can do with
+safety and without detriment to the service, post guards for their
+protection.
+
+"In protecting private property, no reference is intended to Persons
+held to service or labor by reason of African Descent.  Such Persons
+will be regarded by this Army, as they heretofore have been, as
+occupying simply a peculiar legal status under State laws, which
+condition the Military authorities of the United States are not required
+to regard at all in districts where Military operations are made
+necessary by the rebellious action of the State governments.
+
+"Persons subject to suspicion of hostile purposes, residing or being
+near our Forces, will be, as heretofore, subject to arrest and
+detention, until the cause or necessity is removed.  All such arrested
+parties will be sent, as usual, to the Provost-Marshal General, with a
+statement of the facts in each case.
+
+"The General Commanding takes this occasion to remind the officers and
+soldiers of this Army that we are engaged in supporting the Constitution
+and the Laws of the United States and suppressing Rebellion against
+their authority; that we are not engaged in a War of rapine, revenge, or
+subjugation; that this is not a contest against populations, but against
+armed forces and political organizations; that it is a struggle carried
+on with the United States, and should be conducted by us upon the
+highest principles known to Christian civilization.
+
+"Since this Army commenced active operations, Persons of African
+descent, including those held to service or labor under State laws, have
+always been received, protected, and employed as laborers at wages.
+Hereafter it shall be the duty of the Provost-Marshal General to cause
+lists to be made of all persons of African descent employed in this Army
+as laborers for Military purposes--such lists being made sufficiently
+accurate and in detail to show from whom such persons shall have come.
+
+"Persons so subject and so employed have always understood that after
+being received into the Military service of the United States, in any
+capacity, they could never be reclaimed by their former holders.  Except
+upon such understanding on their part, the order of the President, as to
+this class of Persons, would be inoperative.  The General Commanding
+therefore feels authorized to declare to all such employees, that they
+will receive permanent Military protection against any compulsory return
+to a condition of servitude."
+
+Public opinion was now rapidly advancing, under the pressure of Military
+necessity, and the energetic efforts of the immediate Emancipationists,
+to a belief that Emancipation by Presidential Proclamation would be wise
+and efficacious as an instrumentality toward subduing the Rebellion;
+that it must come, sooner or later--and the sooner, the better.
+
+Indeed, great fault was found, by some of these, with what they
+characterized as President Lincoln's "obstinate slowness" to come up to
+their advanced ideas on the subject.  He was even accused of failing to
+execute existing laws touching confiscation of Slaves of Rebels coming
+within the lines of the Union Armies.  On the 19th of August, 1862, a
+letter was addressed to him by Horace Greeley which concluded thus:
+
+"On the face of this wide Earth, Mr. President, there is not one
+disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union Cause who
+does not feel that all attempts to put down the Rebellion, and at the
+same time uphold its inciting cause, are preposterous and futile--that
+the Rebellion, if crushed out to-morrow, would be renewed within a year
+if Slavery were left in full vigor--that Army officers, who remain to
+this day devoted to Slavery, can at best be but half-way loyal to the
+Union--and that every hour of deference to Slavery is an hour of added
+and deepened peril to the Union.
+
+"I appeal to the testimony of your embassadors in Europe.  It is freely
+at your service, not mine.  Ask them to tell you candidly whether the
+seeming subserviency of your policy to the Slaveholding, Slavery-
+upholding interest, is not the perplexity, the despair, of Statesmen of
+all parties; and be admonished by the general answer.
+
+"I close, as I began, with the statement that what an immense majority
+of the loyal millions of your countrymen require of you, is a frank,
+declared, unqualified, ungrudging execution of the Laws of the Land,
+more especially of the Confiscation Act.  That Act gives Freedom to the
+Slaves of Rebels coming within our lines, or whom those lines may at any
+time inclose.  We ask you to render it due obedience by publicly
+requiring all your subordinates to recognize and obey it.
+
+"The Rebels are everywhere using the late Anti-Negro riots in the North
+--as they have long used your officers' treatment of Negroes in the
+South--to convince the Slaves that they have nothing to hope from a
+Union success--that we mean in that case to sell them into a bitter
+Bondage to defray the cost of the War.
+
+"Let them impress this as a truth on the great mass of their ignorant
+and credulous Bondmen, and the Union will never be restored--never.  We
+can not conquer ten millions of people united in solid phalanx against
+us, powerfully aided by Northern sympathizers and European allies.
+
+"We must have scouts, guides, spies, cooks, teamsters, diggers, and
+choppers, from the Blacks of the South--whether we allow them to fight
+for us or not--or we shall be baffled and repelled.
+
+"As one of the Millions who would gladly have avoided this struggle, at
+any sacrifice but that of principle and honor, but who now feel that the
+triumph of the Union is indispensable not only to the existence of our
+Country, but to the well-being of mankind, I entreat you to render a
+hearty and unequivocal obedience to the Law of the Land.
+                         "Yours,
+                              "HORACE GREELEY."
+
+
+To this letter, President Lincoln at once made the following memorable
+reply:
+
+                         "EXECUTIVE MANSION,
+               "WASHINGTON, Friday, August 22, 1862.
+
+"HON. HORACE GREELEY
+
+"DEAR SIR:--I have just read yours of the 19th inst. addressed to myself
+through the New York Tribune.
+
+"If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may
+know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them.
+
+"If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I
+do not now and here argue against them.
+
+"If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I
+waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always
+supposed to be right.
+
+"As to the policy I 'seem to be pursuing,' as you say, I have not meant
+to leave any one in doubt.  I would save the Union.  I would save it in
+the shortest way under the Constitution.
+
+"The sooner the National authority can be restored, the nearer the Union
+will be--the Union as it was.
+
+"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the
+same time save Slavery, I do not agree with them.
+
+"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the
+same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree, with them.
+
+"My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or
+destroy Slavery.
+
+"If I could save the Union without freeing any Slave, I would do it--and
+if I could save it by freeing all the Slaves, I would do it--and if I
+could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do
+that.
+
+"What I do about Slavery and the Colored race, I do because I believe it
+helps to save the Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not
+believe it would help to save the Union.
+
+"I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the
+cause, and shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the
+cause.
+
+"I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall
+adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.
+
+"I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty,
+and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all
+men everywhere could be free.
+                         "Yours,
+                                   "A. LINCOLN."
+
+
+On the 13th of September, 1862, a deputation from all the religious
+denominations of Chicago presented to President Lincoln a memorial for
+the immediate issue of a Proclamation of Emancipation, to which, and the
+Chairman's remarks, he thus replied:
+
+"The subject presented in the Memorial is one upon which I have thought
+much for weeks past, and I may even say, for months.  I am approached
+with the most opposite opinions, and advice, and that by religious men,
+who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will.  I am sure
+that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and
+perhaps, in some respects, both.  I hope it will not be irreverent for
+me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal His will to
+others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed He
+would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself
+than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence
+in this matter.  And if I can learn what it is, I will do it!
+
+"These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be
+granted that I am not to expect a direct Revelation; I must study the
+plain physical aspects of the case, ascertain what is possible, and
+learn what appears to be wise and right!
+
+"The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree.  For instance, the
+other day, four gentlemen, of standing and intelligence, from New York,
+called, as a delegation, on business connected with the War; but, before
+leaving, two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general
+Emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them.
+
+"You know also that the last Session of Congress had a decided majority
+of Anti-Slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy.  And the
+same is true of the religious people; why the Rebel soldiers are praying
+with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and
+expecting God to favor their side; for one of our soldiers, who had been
+taken prisoner, told Senator Wilson, a few days since, that he met
+nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among,
+in their prayers.  But we will talk over the merits of the case.
+
+"What good would a Proclamation of Emancipation from me do, especially
+as we are now situated?  I do not want to issue a document that the
+whole World will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's
+Bull against the Comet!  Would my word free the Slaves, when I cannot
+even enforce the Constitution in the Rebel States?  Is there a single
+Court or Magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there?
+And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon
+the Slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved and which
+offers protection and Freedom to the Slaves of Rebel masters who came
+within our lines?  Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single
+Slave to come over to us.
+
+"And suppose they could be induced by a Proclamation of Freedom from me
+to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them?  How can we
+feed and care for such a multitude?  General Butler wrote me a few days
+since that he was issuing more rations to the Slaves who have rushed to
+him, than to all the White troops under his command.  They eat, and that
+is all; though it is true General Butler is feeding the Whites also, by
+the thousand; for it nearly amounts to a famine there.
+
+"If, now, the pressure of the War should call off our forces from New
+Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from
+reducing the Blacks to Slavery again; for I am told that whenever the
+Rebels take any Black prisoners, Free or Slave, they immediately auction
+them off!  They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground
+in the Tennessee river a few days ago.
+
+"And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it!  For instance, when,
+after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from
+Washington, under a flag of truce, to bury the dead and bring in the
+wounded, and the Rebels seized the Blacks who went along to help, and
+sent them into Slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the
+Government would probably do nothing about it.  What could I do?
+
+"Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would
+follow the issuing of such a Proclamation as you desire?  Understand, I
+raise no objections against it on legal or Constitutional grounds, for,
+as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, in time of War, I suppose I
+have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the Enemy, nor do
+I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of
+insurrection and massacre at the South.  I view this matter as a
+practical War measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or
+disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the Rebellion.
+
+                *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+"I admit that Slavery is at the root of the Rebellion, or, at least, its
+sine qua non.  The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to
+act, but they would have been impotent without Slavery as their
+instrument.  I will also concede that Emancipation would help us in
+Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than
+ambition.  I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North,
+though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine.
+
+"Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the War,
+and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the Rebels by drawing off
+their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we
+could do much with the Blacks.  If we were to arm them, I fear that in
+a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the Rebels; and, indeed,
+thus far, we have not had arms enough to equip our White troops.
+
+"I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and
+contempt.  There are 50,000 bayonets in the Union Army from the Border
+Slave States.  It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a
+Proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the Rebels.  I
+do not think they all would--not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as
+six months ago--not so many to-day, as yesterday.  Every day increases
+their Union feeling.  They are also getting their pride enlisted, and
+want to beat the Rebels.
+
+"Let me say one thing more: I think you should admit that we already
+have an important principle to rally and unite the People, in the fact
+that Constitutional Government is at stake.  This is a fundamental idea
+going down about as deep as anything!
+
+               *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+"Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections.
+They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in
+some such way as you desire.
+
+"I have not decided against a Proclamation of Liberty to the Slaves, but
+hold the matter under advisement.  And I can assure you that the subject
+is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other.  Whatever shall
+appear to be God's will I will do.
+
+"I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I
+have not in any respect injured your feelings."
+
+
+On the 22d day of September, 1862, not only the Nation, but the whole
+World, was electrified by the publication--close upon the heels of the
+Union victory of Antietam--of the Proclamation of Emancipation--weighted
+with consequences so wide and far-reaching that even at this late day
+they cannot all be discerned.  It was in these words:
+
+
+
+"I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and
+Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and
+declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the War will be prosecuted for
+the object of practically restoring the Constitutional relation between
+the United States and each of the States and the people thereof, in
+which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.
+
+"That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again
+recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to
+the free acceptance or rejection of all Slave States, so called, the
+people whereof may not then be in Rebellion against the United States,
+and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may
+voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of Slavery within
+their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize Persons of
+African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere,
+with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there,
+will be continued.
+
+"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand
+eight hundred and sixty-three, all Persons held as Slaves within any
+State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in
+Rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and
+forever Free; and the Executive Government of the United States,
+including the Military and Naval authority thereof, will recognize and
+maintain the Freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to
+repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for
+their actual Freedom.
+
+"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by
+Proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which
+the people thereof respectively, shall then be in Rebellion against the
+United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall
+on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United
+States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the
+qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the
+absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive
+evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not in Rebellion
+against the United States.
+
+"That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled 'An Act
+to make an additional Article of War,' approved March 31, 1862, and
+which Act is in the words and figures following:
+
+"'Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following
+shall be promulgated as an additional Article of War, for the government
+of the Army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as
+such.
+
+"ARTICLE--All officers or persons in the Military or Naval service of
+the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under
+their respective commands for the purpose of returning Fugitives from
+service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such
+service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be
+found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be
+dismissed from the service.
+
+"'SECTION 2.--And be it further enacted, That this Act shall take effect
+from and after its passage.'
+
+"Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an Act entitled 'An Act to
+suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and Rebellion, to seize and
+confiscate property of Rebels, and for other purposes,' approved July
+17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following:
+
+"'SEC. 9.--And be it further enacted, That all Slaves of persons who
+shall hereafter be engaged in Rebellion against the Government of the
+United States or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto,
+escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the
+Army; and all Slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and
+coming under the control of the Government of the United States; and all
+Slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied by
+Rebel forces and afterward occupied by the forces of the United States,
+shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever Free of their
+servitude, and not again held as Slaves.
+
+"'SEC. 10.--And be it further enacted, That no Slave escaping into any
+State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State,
+shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty,
+except for crime, or some offense against the laws, unless the person
+claiming said Fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the
+labor or service of such Fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful
+owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present
+Rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person
+engaged in the Military or Naval service of the United States shall,
+under any pretense whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the
+claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or
+surrender up any such Person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed
+from the service."
+
+"And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the
+Military and Naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and
+enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the Act and
+sections above recited.
+
+"And the Executive will in due time recommend that all
+citizens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto
+throughout the Rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the
+Constitutional relation between the United States and their respective
+States and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or
+disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States,
+including the loss of Slaves.
+
+"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed.
+
+"Done at the city of Washington this twenty-second day of September, in
+the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of
+the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.
+
+"By the President:
+"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
+
+"WILLIAM H.  SEWARD, Secretary of State."
+
+
+This Proclamation, promising Freedom to an Enslaved race, was hailed
+with acclamations everywhere save in the rebellious Southern-Slave
+States, and in the Border-Slave States.
+
+At a meeting of Governors of Loyal States, held at Altoona,
+Pennsylvania, to take measures for the more active support of the
+Government, an Address was adopted, on the very day that the
+Proclamation was promulgated, which well expressed the general feeling
+prevailing throughout the Northern States, at this time.  It was in
+these patriotic words:
+
+"After nearly one year and a half spent in contest with an armed and
+gigantic Rebellion against the National Government of the United States,
+the duty and purpose of the Loyal States and people continue, and must
+always remain as they were at its origin--namely to restore and
+perpetuate the authority of this Government and the life of the Nation.
+No matter what consequences are involved in our fidelity, this work of
+restoring the Republic, preserving the institutions of democratic
+Liberty, and justifying the hopes and toils of our Fathers, shall not
+fail to be performed.
+
+"And we pledge, without hesitation, to the President of the United
+States, the most loyal and cordial support, hereter as heretofore, in
+the exercise of the functions of his great office.  We recognize in him
+the chief Executive magistrate of the Nation, the Commander-in-Chief of
+the Army and Navy of the United States, their responsible and
+constitutional head, whose rightful authority and power, as well as the
+Constitutional powers of Congress, must be rigorously and religiously
+guarded and preserved, as the condition on which alone our form of
+Government and the constitutional rights and liberties of the People
+themselves can be saved from the wreck of anarchy or from the gulf
+'despotism.
+
+"In submission to the laws which may have been or which may be duly
+enacted, and to the lawful orders of the President, cooperating always
+in our own spheres with the National Government, we mean to continue in
+the most rigorous exercise of all our lawful and proper powers,
+contending against Treason, Rebellion, and the public Enemies, and,
+whether in public life or in private station, supporting the arms of the
+Union, until its Cause shall conquer, until final victory shall perch
+upon its standard, or the Rebel foe will yield a dutiful, rightful, and
+unconditional submission.  And, impressed with the conviction that an
+Army of reserve ought, until the War shall end, to be constantly kept on
+foot, to be raised, armed, equipped, and trained at home, and ready for
+emergencies, we respectfully ask the President to call such a force of
+volunteers for one year's service, of not less than one hundred thousand
+in the aggregate, the quota of each State to be raised after it shall
+have led its quota of the requisitions already made, both for volunteers
+and militia.  We believe that this would be a Leasure of Military
+prudence, while it would greatly promote the Military education of the
+People.
+
+"We hail with heartfelt gratitude and encouraged hope the Proclamation
+of the President, issued on the 22nd instant, declaring Emancipated from
+their bondage all Persons held to Service or Labor as Slaves in the
+Rebel States, whose Rebellion shall last until the first day of January
+next ensuing.
+
+"The right of any person to retain authority to compel any portion of
+the subjects of the National Government to rebel against it, or to
+maintain its Enemies, implies in those who are allowed possession of
+such authority the right to rebel themselves; and therefore, the right
+to establish Martial Law or Military Government in a State or Territory
+in Rebellion implies the right and the duty of the Government to
+liberate the minds of all men living therein by appropriate
+Proclamations and assurances of protection, in order that all who are
+capable, intellectually and morally, of loyalty and obedience, may not
+be forced into Treason as the unwilling tools of rebellious Traitors.
+
+"To have continued indefinitely the most efficient cause, support, and
+stay of the Rebellion, would have been, in our judgment, unjust to the
+Loyal people whose treasure and lives are made a willing sacrifice on
+the altar of patriotism--would have discriminated against the wife who
+is compelled to surrender her husband, against the parent who is to
+surrender his child, to the hardships of the camp and the perils of
+battle, in favor of Rebel masters permitted to retain their Slaves.  It
+would have been a final decision alike against humanity, justice, the
+rights and dignity of the Government, and against sound and wise
+National policy.
+
+"The decision of the President to strike at the root of the Rebellion
+will lend new vigor to efforts, and new life and hope to the hearts of
+the People.  Cordially tendering to the President our respectful
+assurances of personal and official confidence, we trust and believe
+that the policy now inaugurated will be crowned with success, will give
+speedy and triumphant victories over our enemies, and secure to this
+Nation and this People the blessing and favor of Almighty God.
+
+"We believe that the blood of the heroes who have already fallen, and
+those who may yet give their lives to their Country, will not have been
+shed in vain.
+
+"The splendid valor of our soldiers, their patient endurance, their
+manly patriotism, and their devotion to duty, demand from us and from
+all their countrymen the homage of the sincerest gratitude and the
+pledge of our constant reinforcement and support.  A just regard for
+these brave men, whom we have contributed to place in the field, and for
+the importance of the duties which may lawfully pertain to us hereafter,
+has called us into friendly conference.
+
+"And now, presenting to our National Chief Magistrate this conclusion of
+our deliberations, we devote ourselves to our Country's service, and we
+will surround the President with our constant support, trusting that the
+fidelity and zeal of the Loyal States and People will always assure him
+that he will be constantly maintained in pursuing, with the utmost
+vigor, this War for the preservation of the National life and hope of
+humanity.
+
+"A. G. CURTIN,
+"JOHN A. ANDREW,
+"RICHARD YATES,
+"ISRAEL WASHBURNE, Jr.,
+"EDWARD SOLOMON,
+"SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD,
+"O. P. MORTON,--By D.  G.  ROSE, his Representative,
+"WM. SPRAGUE,
+"F. H. PEIRPOINT,
+"DAVID TOD,
+"N. S. BERRY,
+"AUSTIN BLAIR."
+
+
+Some two months after the issue of his great Proclamation of Liberty,
+President Lincoln (in his Second Annual Message to Congress, December 1,
+1862), took occasion again to refer to compensated Emancipation, and,
+indeed, to the entire matter of Slavery and Freedom, in most instructive
+and convincing manner, as follows:
+
+"On the 22d day of September last, a Proclamation was issued by the
+Executive, a copy of which is herewith  submitted.
+
+"In accordance with the purpose in the second paragraph of that paper, I
+now respectfully recall your attention to what may be called
+'compensated Emancipation.'
+
+"A Nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its
+laws.  The territory is the only part which is of certain durability.
+'One generation passeth away, and another generation cometh, but the
+Earth abideth forever.'  It is of the first importance to duly consider
+and estimate this ever-enduring part.
+
+"That portion of the Earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the
+People of the United States, is well adapted to be the home of one
+National family; and it is not well adapted for two, or more.  Its vast
+extent, and its variety of climate and productions, are of advantage, in
+this age, for one People, whatever they might have been in former ages.
+Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence, have brought these to be an
+advantageous combination for one united People.
+
+"In the Inaugural Address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of
+Disunion, as a remedy for the differences between the people of the two
+Sections.  I did so in language which I cannot improve, and which,
+therefore, I beg to repeat:
+
+"'One Section of our Country believes Slavery is right, and ought to be
+extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be
+extended.  This is the only substantial dispute.  The Fugitive Slave
+clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the
+foreign Slave Trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can
+ever be in a community where the moral sense of the People imperfectly
+supports the law itself.
+
+"The great body of the People abide by the dry legal obligation in both
+cases, and a few break over in each.  This, I think, cannot be perfectly
+cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the
+Sections, than before.  The foreign Slave Trade, now imperfectly
+suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one
+Section; while Fugitive Slaves, now only partially surrendered, would
+not be surrendered at all by the other.
+
+"Physically speaking, we cannot separate.  We cannot remove our
+respective Sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall
+between them.  A husband and wife may be divorced, and each go out of
+the presence and beyond the reach of the other; but the different parts
+of our Country cannot do this.  They cannot but remain face to face; and
+intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.
+
+"'Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or
+more satisfactory after separation than before?  Can aliens make
+treaties easier than friends can make laws?  Can treaties be more
+faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? suppose
+you go to War, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on
+both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old
+questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.'
+
+"There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a National boundary
+upon which to divide.  Trace through, from East to West, upon the line
+between the Free and Slave Country, and we shall find a little more than
+one third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated,
+or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while nearly all its
+remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk
+back and forth without any consciousness of their presence.
+
+"No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass, by writing
+it down on paper or parchment as a National boundary.  The fact of
+separation, if it comes, gives up, on the part of the seceding Section,
+the Fugitive Slave clause, along with all other Constitutional
+obligations upon the Section seceded from, while I should expect no
+treaty stipulations would ever be made to take its place.
+
+"But there is another difficulty.  The great interior region, bounded
+East by the Alleghanies, North by the British dominions, West by the
+Rocky Mountains, and South by the line along which the culture of corn
+and cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of
+Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin,
+Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of
+Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above ten million
+people, and will have fifty millions within fifty years, if not
+prevented by any political folly or mistake.
+
+"It contains more than one-third of the country owned by the United
+States-certainly more than one million square miles.  Once half as
+populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more than seventy-
+five million people.  A glance at the map shows that, territorially
+speaking, it is the great body of the Republic.  The other parts are but
+marginal borders to it, the magnificent region sloping West, from the
+Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest and also the richest
+in undeveloped resources.  In the production of provisions, grains,
+grasses, and all which proceed from them, this great interior region is
+naturally one of the most important in the World.
+
+"Ascertain from the statistics the small proportion of the region which
+has, as yet, been brought into cultivation, and also the large and
+rapidly increasing amount of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed
+with the magnitude of the prospect presented.  And yet this region has
+no sea coast, touches no ocean anywhere.  As part of one Nation, its
+people now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York,
+to South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San
+Francisco.
+
+"But separate our common Country into two nations, as designed by the
+present Rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is
+thereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets, not, perhaps, by
+a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations.
+
+"And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed.
+Place it between the now Free and Slave country, or place it South of
+Kentucky, or North of Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none South
+of it can trade to any port or place North of it, and none North of it
+can trade to any port or place South of it except upon terms dictated by
+a Government foreign to them.
+
+"These outlets, East, West, and South, are indispensable to the well-
+being of the people inhabiting, and to inhabit, this vast interior
+region.  Which of the three may be the best, is no proper question.
+All, are better than either; and all, of right belong to that People,
+and to their successors forever.  True to themselves, they will not ask
+where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there
+shall be no such line.
+
+"Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to
+and through them, to the great outside World.  They too, and each of
+them, must have access to this Egypt of the West without paying toll at
+the crossing of any National boundary.
+
+"Our National strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the
+Land we inhabit; not from our National homestead.  There is no possible
+severing of this, but would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among us.
+In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands Union, and abhors
+separation.  In fact it would, ere long, force reunion, however much of
+blood and treasure the separation might have cost.
+
+"Our strife pertains to ourselves--to the passing generations of men;
+and it can, without convulsion, be hushed forever--with the passing of
+one generation.
+
+"In this view I recommend the adoption of the following Resolution and
+Articles Amendatory of the Constitution of the United States.
+
+"'Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America, in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses
+concurring).  That the following Articles be proposed to the
+Legislatures (or Conventions) of the several States, as Amendments to
+the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which Articles when
+ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures (or Conventions) to
+be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, namely:
+
+"'ARTICLE--Every State wherein Slavery now exists, which shall abolish
+the same therein, at any time, or times, before the first day of
+January, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall
+receive compensation from the United States, as follows, to wit;
+
+"'The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State,
+bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of per cent.
+per annum, to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of for each Slave
+shown to have been therein by the eighth census of the United States,
+said bonds to be delivered to such States by installments, or in one
+parcel, at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same
+shall have been gradual, or at one time, within such State; and interest
+shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its
+delivery as aforesaid.  Any State having received bonds as aforesaid,
+and afterward reintroducing or tolerating Slavery therein, shall refund
+to the United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and
+all interest paid thereon.
+
+"'ARTICLE--All Slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the
+chances of the War at any time before the end of the Rebellion, shall be
+forever Free; but all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal,
+shall be compensated for them, at the same rates as is provided for
+States adopting abolishment of Slavery, but in such way that no Slave
+shall be twice accounted for.
+
+"'ARTICLE--Congress may appropriate money, and otherwise provide for
+colonizing Free Colored Persons, with their own consent, at any place or
+places within the United States.'
+
+
+"I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed Articles at some length.
+Without Slavery the Rebellion could never have existed; without Slavery
+it could not continue.
+
+"Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment
+and of policy in regard to Slavery, and the African race among us.  Some
+would perpetuate Slavery; some would abolish it suddenly, without
+compensation; some would abolish it gradually, and with compensation;
+some would remove the Freed people from us; and some would retain them
+with us; and there are yet other minor diversities.  Because of these
+diversities, we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves.
+
+"By mutual Concession we should harmonize and act together.  This would
+be Compromise; but it would be Compromise among the friends, and not
+with the enemies of the Union.  These Articles are intended to embody a
+plan of such mutual concessions.  If the plan shall be adopted, it is
+assumed that Emancipation will follow, at least, in several of the
+States.
+
+"As to the first Article, the main points are: first, the Emancipation;
+secondly, the length of time for consummating it--thirty-seven years;
+and, thirdly, the compensation.
+
+"The Emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual
+Slavery; but the length of time should greatly mitigate their
+dissatisfaction.  The time spares both races from the evils of sudden
+derangement--in fact from the necessity of any derangement--while most
+of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the
+measure will have passed away before its consummation.  They will never
+see it.
+
+"Another class will hail the prospect of Emancipation, but will
+deprecate the length of time.  They will feel that it gives too little
+to the now living Slaves.  But it really gives them much.  It saves them
+from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate
+Emancipation in localities where their numbers are very great; and it
+gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be Free
+forever.
+
+"The plan leaves to each State, choosing to act under it, to abolish
+Slavery now, or at the end of the century, or at any intermediate time,
+or by degrees, extending over the whole or any part of the period; and
+it obliges no two States to proceed alike.  It also provides for
+compensation,--and generally, the mode of making it.  This, it would
+seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor
+perpetual Slavery, and especially of those who are to receive the
+compensation.  Doubtless some of those who are to pay, and not to
+receive, will object.  Yet the measure is both just and economical.
+
+"In a certain sense, the liberation of Slaves is the destruction of
+Property--Property acquired by descent, or by purchase, the same as any
+other property.  It is no less true for having been often said, that the
+people of the South are not more responsible for the original
+introduction of this Property than are the people of the North; and when
+it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar, and
+share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say
+that the South has been more responsible than the North for its
+continuance.
+
+"If, then, for a common object, this Property is to be sacrificed, is it
+not just that it be done at a common charge?
+
+"And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the
+benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the War alone, is it
+not also economical to do it?  Let us consider it then.  Let us
+ascertain the sum we have expended in the War since compensated
+Emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether, if that
+measure had been promptly accepted, by even some of the Slave States,
+the same sum would not have done more to close the War than has been
+otherwise done.  If so, the measure would save money, and, in that view,
+would be a prudent and economical measure.
+
+"Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing;
+but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one.  And
+it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it
+before we are able.  The War requires large sums, and requires them at
+once.
+
+"The aggregate sum necessary for compensated Emancipation of course
+would be large.  But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds,
+even, any faster than the Emancipation progresses.  This might not, and
+probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven years.  At
+that time we shall probably have a hundred million people to share the
+burden, instead of thirty-one millions, as now.  And not only so, but
+the increase of our population may be expected to continue, for a long
+time after that period, as rapidly as before; because our territory will
+not have become full.
+
+"I do not state this inconsiderately.  At the same ratio of increase
+which we have maintained, on an average, from our first National census
+in 1790, until that of 1860, we should, in 1900, have a population of
+103,208,415.  And why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that
+period?
+
+"Our abundant room--our broad National homestead--is our ample resource.
+Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly
+our population could not expand as stated.  Instead of receiving the
+foreign born, as now, we should be compelled to send part of the Native-
+born away.
+
+"But such is not our condition.  We have two million nine hundred and
+sixty-three thousand square miles.  Europe has three million and eight
+hundred thousand, with a population averaging seventy-three and one-
+third persons to the square mile.  Why may not our Country at some time,
+average as many?  Is it less fertile?  Has it more waste surface by
+mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes?  Is it inferior to
+Europe in any natural advantage?
+
+"If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how soon?
+As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present; as to
+when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union.
+
+"Several of our States are already above the average of Europe--seventy-
+three and a third to the square mile.  Massachusetts has 157; Rhode
+Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and New Jersey, each, 80.  Also
+two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the
+former having 63, and the latter 59.  The States already above the
+European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio,
+since passing that point, as ever before; while no one of them is equal
+to some other parts of our Country in natural capacity for sustaining a
+dense population.
+
+"Taking the Nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and
+ratio of increase, for the several decennial periods, to be as follows:
+
+YEAR.  POPULATION. RATIO OF INCREASE
+
+1790   3,929,827
+
+1800   5,305,937   35.02 Per Cent.
+
+1810   7,239,814   36.45
+
+1820   9,638,131   33.13
+
+1830  12,866,020   33.49
+
+1840  17,069,453   32.67
+
+1850  23,191,876   35.87
+
+1860  31,443,790   35.58
+
+"This shows an average Decennial Increase of 34.69 per cent. in
+population through the seventy years from our first to our last census
+yet taken.  It is seen that the ratio of increase, at no one of these
+seven periods, is either two per cent. below or two per cent. above the
+average; thus showing how inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable,
+the law of Increase, in our case, is.
+
+"Assuming that it will continue, gives the following results:
+
+YEAR.  POPULATION.
+
+1870   42,323,041
+
+1880   56,967,216
+
+1890   76,677,872
+
+1900  103,208,415
+
+1910  138,918,526
+
+1920  186,984,335
+
+1930  251,680,914
+
+"These figures show that our Country may be as populous as Europe now is
+at some point between 1920 and 1930--say about 1925--our territory, at
+seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile, being of capacity
+to contain 217,186,000.
+
+"And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the
+chance by the folly and evils of Disunion or by long and exhausting War
+springing from the only great element of National discord among us.
+While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of
+Secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population,
+civilization and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it
+would be very great and injurious.
+
+"The proposed Emancipation would shorten the War, perpetuate Peace,
+insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of
+the Country.  With these, we should pay all the Emancipation would cost,
+together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt
+without it.
+
+"If we had allowed our old National debt to run at six per cent. per
+annum, simple interest, from the end of our Revolutionary Struggle until
+to-day, without paying anything on either principal or interest, each
+man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it
+then; and this because our increase of men through the whole period has
+been greater than six per cent.; has run faster than the interest upon
+the debt.  Thus, time alone, relieves a debtor Nation, so long as its
+population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its
+debt.
+
+"This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly
+due, but it shows the great importance of time in this connection--the
+great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we
+number a hundred millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to
+pay now, when we number but thirty-one millions.  In a word, it shows
+that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the War, than will be a
+dollar for Emancipation on the proposed plan.  And then the latter will
+cost no blood, no precious life.  It will be a saving of both.
+
+"As to the Second Article, I think it would be impracticable to return
+to Bondage the class of Persons therein contemplated.  Some of them,
+doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners and hence
+provision is made in this Article for compensating such.
+
+"The Third Article relates to the future of the Freed people.  It does
+not oblige, but merely authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such as
+may consent.  This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one
+hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing, unless by the
+mutual consent of the people to be deported, and the American voters,
+through their Representatives in Congress.
+
+"I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly favor
+colonization.  And yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against
+free Colored persons remaining in the Country which is largely
+imaginary, if not sometimes malicious.
+
+"It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace White
+labor and White laborers.  If there ever could be a proper time for mere
+catch arguments, that time surely is not now.  In times like the present
+men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be
+responsible through Time and in Eternity.
+
+"Is it true, then, that Colored people can displace any more White labor
+by being Free, than by remaining Slaves?  If they stay in their old
+places, they jostle no White laborers; if they leave their old places,
+they leave them open to White laborers.  Logically, there is neither
+more nor less of it.
+
+"Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the
+wages of White labor, and, very surely would not reduce them.  Thus, the
+customary amount of labor would still have to be performed; the freed
+people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it and,
+very probably, for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to
+White laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and
+consequently enhancing the wages of it.
+
+"With deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to White
+labor is mathematically certain.  Labor is like any other commodity in
+the market-increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it.
+Reduce the supply of Black labor by colonizing the Black laborer out of
+the Country, and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and
+wages of White labor.
+
+"But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the
+whole Land!  Are they not already in the Land?  Will liberation make
+them any more numerous?  Equally distributed among the Whites of the
+whole Country, there would be but one Colored, in seven Whites.  Could
+the one, in any way, greatly disturb the seven?
+
+"There are many communities now, having more than one free Colored
+person to seven Whites; and this, without any apparent consciousness of
+evil from it.  The District of Columbia, and the States of Maryland and
+Delaware, are all in this condition.  The District has more than one
+free Colored to six Whites; and yet, in its frequent petitions to
+Congress I believe it has never presented the presence of free Colored
+persons as one of its grievances.
+
+"But why should Emancipation South, send the freed people North? people
+of any color, seldom run, unless there be something to run from.
+Heretofore, Colored people, to some extent, have fled North from
+bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution.  But if
+gradual Emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither
+to flee from.
+
+"Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can
+be procured; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly give their labor
+for the wages, till new homes can be found for them, in congenial
+climes, and with people of their own blood and race.
+
+"This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved.  And,
+in any event, cannot the North decide for itself, whether to receive
+them?
+
+"Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case, has there been
+any irruption of Colored people Northward because of the abolishment of
+Slavery in this District last Spring?  What I have said of the
+proportion of free Colored persons to the Whites in the District is from
+the census of 1860, having no reference to persons called Contrabands,
+nor to those made free by the Act of Congress abolishing Slavery here.
+
+"The plan consisting of these Articles is recommended, not but that a
+restoration of the National authority would be accepted without its
+adoption.
+
+"Nor will the War, nor proceedings under the Proclamation of September
+22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan.  Its
+timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay
+both.
+
+"And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress
+provides by law for compensating any State which may adopt Emancipation
+before this plan shall have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly
+renewed.  Such would be only an advance part of the plan, and the same
+arguments apply to both.
+
+"This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but
+additional to, all others, for restoring and preserving the National
+authority throughout the Union.  The subject is presented exclusively in
+its economical aspect.
+
+"The plan would, I am confident, secure Peace more speedily, and
+maintain it more permanently, than can be done by force alone; while all
+it would cost, considering amounts, and manner of payment, and times of
+payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the
+War, if we rely solely upon force.  It is much, very much, that it would
+cost no blood at all.
+
+"The plan is proposed as permanent Constitutional Law.  It cannot become
+such without the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and
+afterward, three-fourths of the Slave States.  The requisite three-
+fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the Slave
+States.  Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their
+severally adopting Emancipation at no very distant day upon the new
+Constitutional terms.  This assurance would end the struggle now and
+save the Union forever.
+
+"I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed
+to the Congress of the Nation by the Chief Magistrate of the Nation.
+Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you
+have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs.  Yet I
+trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me, you will
+perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may
+seem to display.
+
+"Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten
+the War, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood?  Is it
+doubted that it would restore the National authority and National
+prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely?  Is it doubted that we
+here--Congress and Executive--can secure its adoption; will not the good
+people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us?  Can we, can
+they, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital
+objects; we can succeed only by concert.
+
+"It is not, 'Can any of us imagine better?' but,'Can we all do better?'
+Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs, 'Can we do
+better?  The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy
+present.  The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise
+with the occasion.  As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act
+anew.  We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our
+Country.
+
+"Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history.  We, of this Congress and
+this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves.  No
+personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of
+us.  The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor
+or dishonor, to the latest generation.
+
+"We say we are for the Union.  The World will not forget that we say
+this.  We know how to save the Union.
+
+"The World knows we do know how to save it.  We even we here--hold the
+power, and bear the responsibility.
+
+"In giving Freedom to the Slave, we assure Freedom to the Free-Honorable
+alike in what we give and what we preserve.  We shall nobly save, or
+meanly lose, the last, best hope of Earth.  Other means may succeed;
+this could not fail.  The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just--a way
+which, if followed, the World would forever applaud, and God must
+forever bless.
+
+                              "ABRAHAM LINCOLN."
+
+
+The popular Branch of Congress responded with heartiness to what Mr.
+Lincoln had done.  On December 11, 1862, resolutions were offered by Mr.
+Yeaman in the House of Representatives, as follows:
+
+"Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate Concurring), That
+the Proclamation of the President of the United States, of date the 22d
+of September, 1862, is not warranted by the Constitution.
+
+"Resolved, That the policy of Emancipation as indicated in that
+Proclamation, is not calculated to hasten the restoration of Peace, was
+not well chosen as a War measure, and is an assumption of power
+dangerous to the rights of citizens and to the perpetuity of a Free
+People."
+
+These resolutions were laid on the table by 95 yeas to 47 nays--the yeas
+all Republicans, save three, and the nays all Democrats save five.
+
+On December 15, 1862, Mr. S. C. Fessenden, of Maine, offered resolutions
+to the House, in these words:
+
+"Resolved, That the Proclamation of the President of the United States,
+of the date of 22d September, 1862, is warranted by the Constitution.
+
+"Resolved, That the policy of Emancipation, as indicated in that
+Proclamation, is well adapted to hasten the restoration of Peace, was
+well chosen as a War measure, and is an exercise of power with proper
+regard for the rights of the States, and the perpetuity of Free
+Government."
+
+These resolutions were adopted by 78 yeas to 52 nays--the yeas all
+Republicans, save two, and the nays all Democrats, save seven.
+
+The Proclamation of September 22d, 1862, was very generally endorsed and
+upheld by the People at large; and, in accordance with its promise, it
+was followed at the appointed time, January 1st, 1863, by the
+supplemental Proclamation specifically Emancipating the Slaves in the
+rebellious parts of the United States--in the following terms:
+
+"WHEREAS, On the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord
+one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a Proclamation was issued by
+the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the
+following, to wit:
+
+"'That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand
+eight hundred and sixty-three, all Persons held as Slaves within any
+State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be
+in Rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward,
+and forever Free; and the Executive Government of the United States,
+including the Military and Naval Authority thereof, will recognize and
+maintain the Freedom of such Persons, and will do no act or acts to
+repress such Persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for
+their actual Freedom.
+
+"'That the Executive will, on the First day of January aforesaid, by
+Proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which
+the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in Rebellion against the
+United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall
+on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United
+States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the
+qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the
+absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive
+evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in
+Rebellion against the United States.'
+
+"Now, therefore, I ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, by
+virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
+Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed Rebellion against the
+authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and
+necessary War measure for suppressing said Rebellion, do, on this First
+day of January, in the Year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
+sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly
+proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first
+above mentioned, Order and designate as the States and parts of States
+wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in Rebellion
+against the United States, the following, to wit:
+
+"Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St.  Bernard,
+Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension,
+Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafouche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans,
+including the City of New Orleans,) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida,
+Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the
+forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties
+of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann,
+and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which
+excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this
+Proclamation were not issued.
+
+"And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do Order
+and declare that all Persons held as Slaves within said designated
+States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, Free; and
+that the Executive Government of the United States, including the
+Military and Naval authorities thereof; will recognize and maintain the
+Freedom of said Persons.
+
+"And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be Free, to abstain
+from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to
+them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for
+reasonable wages.
+
+"And I further declare and make known that such Persons, of suitable
+condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States
+to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man
+vessels of all sorts in said service.
+
+"And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice,
+warranted by the Constitution upon Military necessity, I invoke the
+considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.
+
+"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed.
+
+"Done at the City of Washington, this First day of January, in the year
+of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the
+Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.
+
+"By the President:
+"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
+
+"WILLIAM H.  SEWARD,  Secretary of State."
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XIX.
+
+                           HISTORICAL REVIEW.
+
+
+Let us now refresh recollection by glancing backward over the history of
+our Country, and we shall see, as recorded in these pages, that, from
+the first, there existed in this Nation a class of individuals greedily
+ambitious of power and determined to secure and maintain control of this
+Government; that they left unturned no stone which would contribute to
+the fostering and to the extension of African Slavery; that, hand in
+hand with African Slavery--and as a natural corollary to it--they
+advocated Free Trade as a means of degrading Free White labor to the
+level of Black Slave labor, and thus increasing their own power; that
+from the first, ever taking advantage of the general necessities of the
+Union, they arrogantly demanded and received from a brow-beaten People,
+concession after concession, and compromise after compromise; that every
+possible pretext and occasion was seized by them to increase,
+consolidate, and secure their power, and to extend the territorial
+limits over which their peculiar Pro-Slavery and Pro-Free-Trade
+doctrines prevailed; and that their nature was so exacting, and their
+greed so rapacious, that it was impossible ever to satisfy them.
+
+Nor were they burdened with over-much of that high sense of honor--a
+quality of which they often vaunted themselves--which impelled others to
+stand by their agreements.  It seemed as though they considered the most
+sacred promises and covenants of no account, and made only to be
+trampled upon, when in the way of their Moloch.
+
+We remember the bitter Slavery agitation in Congress over the admission
+of the State of Missouri, and how it eventuated in the Missouri
+Compromise.  That compromise, we have seen, they afterward trod upon,
+and broke, with as little compunction as they would have stepped upon
+and crushed a toad.
+
+They felt their own growing power, and gloried in their strength and
+arrogance; and Northern timidity became a scoff and by-word in their
+mouths.
+
+The fact is, that from its very conception, as well as birth, they hated
+and opposed the Union, because they disliked a Republican and preferred
+a Monarchical form of Government.  Their very inability to prevent the
+consummation of that Union, imbittered them.  Hence their determinaion
+to seize every possible occasion and pretext afterward to destroy it,
+believing, as they doubtless did, that upon the crumbled and mouldering
+ruins of a dissevered Union and ruptured Republic, Monarchical ideas
+might the more easily take root and grow.  But experience had already
+taught them that it would be long before their real object could even be
+covertly hinted at, and that in the meantime it must be kept out of
+sight by the agitation of other political issues.  The formulation and
+promulgation therefore, by Jefferson, in the Kentucky Resolutions of
+1798, and by Madison, in the Virginia Resolutions of 1799, of the
+doctrine of States Rights already referred to, was a perfect "God-send"
+to these men.  For it not only enabled them to keep from public view and
+knowledge their ultimate aim and purpose, but constituted the whip which
+they thenceforth everlastingly flourished and cracked over the shrinking
+heads of other and more patriotic people--the whip with which, through
+the litter of their broken promises, they ruthlessly rode into, and, for
+so long a period of years held on to, supreme power and place in the
+Land.
+
+Including within the scope of States Rights, the threats of
+Nullification, Disunion and Secession--ideas abhorrent to the Patriot's
+mind--small wonder is it that, in those days, every fresh demand made by
+these political autocrats was tremblingly acceded to, until patience and
+concession almost utterly exhausted themselves.
+
+Originally disturbing only South Carolina and Georgia to any extent,
+these ambitious men, who believed in anything rather than a Republic,
+and who were determined to destroy the Union, gradually spread the
+spirit of jealousy and discontent into other States of the South; their
+immediate object being to bring the Southern States into the closest
+possible relations the one with the other; to inspire them all with
+common sympathies and purposes; to compact and solidify them, so that in
+all coming movements against the other States of the Union, they might
+move with proportionately increased power, and force, and effect,
+because of such unity of aim and strength.
+
+This spirit of Southern discontent, and jealousy of the Northern States,
+was, as we have seen, artfully fanned by the Conspirators, in heated
+discussions over the Tariff Acts of 1824, and 1828, and 1832, until, by
+the latter date, the people of the Cotton-States were almost frantic,
+and ready to fight over their imaginary grievances.  Then it was that
+the Conspirators thought the time had come, for which they had so long
+and so earnestly prayed and worked, when the cotton Sampson should wind
+his strong arms around the pillars of the Constitution and pull down the
+great Temple of our Union--that they might rear upon its site another
+and a stronger edifice, dedicated not to Freedom, but to Free-Trade and
+to other false gods.
+
+South Carolina was to lead off, and the other Cotton States would
+follow.  South Carolina did lead off--but the other Cotton-States did
+not follow.
+
+It has been shown in these pages how South Carolina declared the Tariff
+Acts aforesaid, null and void, armed herself to resist force, and
+declared that any attempt of the general Government to enforce those
+Acts would cause her to withdraw from the Union.  But Jackson as we know
+throttled the treason with so firm a grip that Nullification and
+Secession and Disunion were at once paralyzed.
+
+The concessions to the domineering South, in Clay's Compromise Tariff of
+1833, let the Conspirators down easily, so to speak; and they pretended
+to be satisfied.  But they were satisfied only as are the thirsty sands
+of Africa with the passing shower.
+
+The Conspirators had, however, after all, made substantial gains.  They
+had established a precedent for an attempt to secede.  That was
+something.  They had demonstrated that a single Southern State could
+stand up, armed and threatening, strutting, blustering, and bullying,
+and at least make faces at the general Government without suffering any
+very dreadful consequences.  That was still more.
+
+They had also ascertained that, by adopting such a course, a single
+Southern State could force concessions from the fears of the rest of the
+United States.  That was worth knowing, because the time might come,
+when it might be desirable not only for one but for all the Southern
+States to secede upon some other pretext, and when it would be awkward,
+and would interfere with the Disunion programme, to have the other
+States either offer or make concessions.
+
+They had also learned the valuable lesson that the single issue of Free-
+Trade was not sufficiently strong of itself to unite all the Southern
+States in a determination to secede, and thus dissolve the Union.  They
+saw they must agitate some other issue to unify the South more
+thoroughly and justify Disunion.  On looking over the whole field they
+concluded that the Slavery question would best answer their purpose, and
+they adopted it.
+
+It was doubtless a full knowledge of the fact that they had adopted it,
+that led Jackson to make the declaration, heretofore in these pages
+given, which has been termed "prophetic."  At any rate, thenceforth the
+programme of the Conspirators was to agitate the Slavery question in all
+ways possible, so as to increase, extend and solidify the influence and
+strength of the Slave power; strain the bonds uniting them with the Free
+States; and weaken the Free States by dividing them upon the question.
+At the same time the Free-Trade question was to be pressed forward to a
+triumphal issue, so that the South might be enriched and strengthened,
+and the North impoverished and weakened, by the result.
+
+That was their programme, in the rough, and it was relentlessly adhered
+to.  Free-Trade and Slavery by turns, if not together, from that time
+onward, were ever at the front, agitating our People both North and
+South, and not only consolidating the Southern States on those lines, as
+the Conspirators designed, but also serving ultimately to consolidate,
+to some extent--in a manner quite unlooked for by the Conspirators--
+Northern sentiment, on the opposite lines of Protection and Freedom.
+
+The Compromise Tariff Act of 1833--which Clay was weak enough to
+concede, and even stout old Jackson to permit to become law without his
+signature--gave to the Conspirators great joy for years afterward, as
+they witnessed the distress and disaster brought by it to Northern homes
+and incomes--not distress and disaster alone, but absolute and
+apparently irreparable ruin.
+
+The reaction occasioned by this widespread ruin having brought the Whigs
+into power, led to the enactment of the Protective-Tariff of 1842 and--
+to the chagrin of the Conspirators--industrial prosperity and plenty to
+the Free North again ensued.
+
+Even as Cain hated his brother Abel because his sacrifices were
+acceptable in the sight of God, while his own were not, so the Southern
+Conspirators, and other Slave-owners also, had, by this time, come to
+hate the Northern free-thinking, free-acting, freedom-loving mechanic
+and laboring man, because the very fact and existence of his Godgiven
+Freedom and higher-resulting civilization was a powerful and perpetual
+protest against the--abounding iniquities and degradations of Slavery as
+practiced by themselves.
+
+Hence, by trickery, by cajoling the People With his, and their own,
+assurances that he was in favor of Protection--they secured the election
+in 1844 of a Free-Trade President, the consequent repeal of the
+Protective-Tariff of 1842--which had repaired the dreadful mischief
+wrought by the Compromise Act of 1833--and the enactment of the infamous
+Free-Trade Tariff of 1846, which blasted the manufacturing and farming
+and trade industries of the Country again, as with fire.
+
+The discovery of the great gold fields of California, and the enormous
+amount of the precious metal poured by her for many succeeding years
+into the lap of the Nation, alone averted what otherwise would
+inevitably have been total ruin.  As it was, in 1860, the National
+credit had sunk to a lower point than ever before in all its history.
+It was confessedly bankrupt, and ruin stalked abroad throughout the
+United States.
+
+But while, with rapid pen, the carrying out of that part of the Southern
+Conspirators' Disunion programme which related to Free-Trade, is thus
+brought again to mind, the other part of that programme, which related
+to Slavery, must not be neglected or overlooked.  On this question they
+had determined, as we have seen, to agitate without ceasing--having in
+view, primarily, as already hinted, the extension of Slave territory and
+the resulting increase of Slave power in the Land; and, ulteriorly, the
+solidifying of that power, and Disunion of the Republic, with a view to
+its conversion into an Oligarchy, if not a Monarchy.
+
+The bitterness of the struggle over the admission of Missouri as a Slave
+State in 1820, under the Missouri Compromise, was to be revived by the
+Conspirators, at the earliest possible moment.
+
+Accordingly in 1836--only three years after the failure of Nullification
+in South Carolina, the Territory, of Arkansas was forced in as a Slave
+State, and simultaneously the Slave-owning henchmen of the Conspirators,
+previously settled there for the purpose, proclaimed the secession from
+Mexico, and independence, of Texas.  This was quickly followed, in 1844,
+by Calhoun's hastily negotiated treaty of annexation with Texas; its
+miscarriage in the Senate; and the Act of March 2, 1845--with its sham
+compromise--consenting to the admission of Texas to the Union of States.
+
+Then came the War with Mexico; the attempt by means of the Wilmot
+proviso to check the growing territorial-greed and rapacity of the
+Slave-power; and the acquisition by the United States, of California and
+New Mexico, under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, which brought
+Peace.
+
+Then occurred the agitation over the organization of  Territorial
+governments for Oregon, California, and New Mexico, and the strong
+effort to extend to the Pacific Ocean the Missouri-Compromise line of
+36  30', and to extend to all future Territorial organizations the
+principles of that compromise.
+
+Then came the struggle in 1850, over the admission of California as a
+State, and New Mexico and Utah to Territorial organization--ending in
+the passage of Clay's Compromise measures of 1850.
+
+Yet still the Southern Conspirators--whose forces, both in Congress and
+out, were now well-disciplined, compacted, solidified, experienced, and
+bigotedly enthusiastic and overbearing--were not satisfied.  It was not
+their intention to be satisfied with anything less than the destruction
+of the Union and of our Republican form of Government.  The trouble was
+only beginning, and, so far, almost everything had progressed to their
+liking.  The work must proceed.
+
+In 1852-3 they commenced the Kansas-Nebraska agitation; and, what with
+their incessant political and colonizing movements in those Territories;
+the frequent and dreadful atrocities committed by their tools, the
+Border-ruffians; the incessant turmoil created by cruelties to their
+Fugitive-slaves; their persistent efforts to change the Supreme Court to
+their notions; these-with the decision and opinion of the Supreme Court
+in the Dred Scott case--together worked the Slavery question up to a
+dangerous degree of heat, by the year 1858.
+
+And, by 1860--when the people of the Free States, grown sick unto death
+of the rule of the Slave-power in the General Government, arose in their
+political might, and shook off this "Old Man of the Sea," electing,
+beyond cavil and by the Constitutional mode, to the Presidential office,
+a man who thoroughly represented in himself their conscience, on the one
+hand, which instinctively revolted against human Slavery as a wrong
+committed against the laws of God, and their sense of justice and equity
+on the other, which would not lightly overlook, or interfere with vested
+rights under the Constitution and the laws of man--the Conspirators had
+reached the point at which they had been aiming ever since that failure
+in 1832 of their first attempt at Disunion, in South Carolina.
+
+They had now succeeded in irritating both the Free and the Slave-holding
+Sections of our Country against each other, to an almost unbearable
+point; had solidified the Southern States on the Slavery and Free-Trade
+questions; and at last--the machinations of these same Conspirators
+having resulted in a split in the Democratic Party, and the election of
+the Republican candidate to the Presidency, as the embodiment of the
+preponderating National belief in Freedom and equality to all before the
+Law, with Protection to both Labor and Capital--they also had the
+pretext for which they had both been praying and scheming and preparing
+all those long, long years--they, and some of their fathers before them.
+
+It cannot be too often repeated that to secure a Monarchy, or at least
+an Oligarchy, over which the leading Conspirators should rule for life--
+whether that Monarchy or that Oligarchy should comprise the States of
+the South by themselves, or all the States on a new basis of Union--was
+the great ultimate aim of the Conspirators; and this could be secured
+only by first disrupting the then existing Republican Union of
+Republican States.
+
+The doctrine of the right of Secession had now long been taught, and had
+become a part of the Southern Slave-holders' Democratic creed, as fully
+as had the desirability of Slavery and Free-Trade--and even many of the
+Northern Democrats, and some Republicans as well, were not much inclined
+to dispute, although they cared not to canvass, the point.
+
+The programme of action was therefore much the same as had been laid
+down in the first attempt in 1832:--first South Carolina would secede
+and declare her independence; then the other Slave States in quick
+succession would do likewise; then a new Constitution for a solid
+Southern Union; then, if necessary, a brief War to cement it--which
+would end, of course, in the independence of the South at least, but
+more probably in the utter subjugation and humiliation of the Free
+States.
+
+When the time should come, during, or after this War--as come, in their
+belief, it would--for a change in the form of Government, then they
+could seize the first favorable occasion and change it.  At present,
+however, the cry must be for "independence."  That accomplished, the
+rest would be easy.  And until that independence was accomplished, no
+terms of any sort, no settlement of any kind, were either to be proposed
+or accepted by them.
+
+These were their dreams, their ambitions, their plans; and the tenacious
+courage with which they stuck to them "through thick and thin," through
+victory and disaster, were worthy of a better cause.
+
+While, therefore, the pretexts for Secession were "Slavery" and "Free-
+Trade"--both of which were alleged to be jeopardized in the election and
+inauguration of Abraham Lincoln--yet, no sooner had hostilities
+commenced between the seceding States and the Union, than they declared
+to the World that their fight was not for Slavery, but for Independence.
+
+They dared not acknowledge to the World that they fought for Slavery,
+lest the sympathies of the World should be against them.  But it was
+well understood by the Southern masses, as well as the other people of
+the Union, that both Slavery and Free-Trade were involved in the fight--
+as much as independence, and the consequent downfall of the Union.
+
+President Lincoln, however, had made up his mind to do all he properly
+could to placate the South.  None knew better than he, the history of
+this Secession movement, as herein described.  None knew better than he,
+the fell purpose and spirit of the Conspirators.  Yet still, his kindly
+heart refused to believe that the madness of the Southern leaders was so
+frenzied, and their hatred of Free men, Free labor, and Free
+institutions, so implacable, that they would wilfully refuse to listen
+to reason and ever insist on absolutely inadmissible terms of
+reconcilation.
+
+From the very beginning of his Administration, he did all that was
+possible to mollify their resentment and calm their real or pretended
+fears.  Nor was this from any dread or doubt as to what the outcome of
+an armed Conflict would be; for, in his speech at Cincinnati, in the
+Autumn of 1859, he had said, while addressing himself to Kentuckians and
+other Southern men: "Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as
+brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, man
+for man, as any other people living; that you have shown yourselves
+capable of this upon various occasions; but man for man, you are not
+better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us.
+You will never make much of a hand at whipping us.  If we were fewer in
+numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal it
+would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will
+make nothing by attempting to master us."
+
+And early in 1860, in his famous New York Cooper Institute speech he had
+said "Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let
+us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it."  He plainly
+believed to the end, that "right makes might;" and he believed in the
+power of numbers--as also did Napoleon, if we may judge from his famous
+declaration that "The God of battles is always on the side of the
+heaviest battalions."  Yet, so believing, President Lincoln exerted
+himself in all possible ways to mollify the South. His assurances,
+however, were far from satisfying the Conspirators.  They never had been
+satisfied with anything in the shape of concession.  They never would
+be.  They had been dissatisfied with and had broken all the compacts and
+compromises, and had spit upon all the concessions, of the past; and
+nothing would now satisfy them, short of the impossible.
+
+They were not satisfied now with Lincoln's promise that the Government
+would not assail them--organized as, by this time, they were into a so-
+called Southern "Confederacy" of States--and they proceeded accordingly
+to assail that Government which would not assail them.  They opened fire
+on Fort Sumter.
+
+This was done, as has duly appeared, in the hope that the shedding of
+blood would not only draw the States of the Southern Confederacy more
+closely together in their common cause, and prevent the return of any of
+them to their old allegiance, but also to so influence the wavering
+allegiance to the Union, of the Border States, as to strengthen that
+Confederacy and equivalently weaken that Union, by their Secession.
+
+Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, of the Border States
+that were wavering, were thus gathered into the Confederate fold, by
+this policy of blood-spilling--carried bodily thither, by a desperate
+and frenzied minority, against the wishes of a patriotic majority.
+
+Virginia, especially, was a great accession to the Rebel cause.  She
+brought to it the prestige of her great name.  To secure the active
+cooperation of "staid old Virginia," "the Mother of Statesmen," in the
+struggle, was, in the estimation of the Rebels, an assurance of victory
+to their cause.  And the Secession of Virginia for a time had a
+depressing influence upon the friends of the Union everywhere.
+
+The refusal of West Virginia to go with the rest of the State into
+Rebellion, was, to be sure, some consolation; and the checkmating of the
+Conspirators' designs to secure to the Confederacy the States of
+Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, helped the confidence of Union men.  In
+fact, as long as the National Capital was secure, it was felt that the
+Union was still safe.
+
+But while the Confederacy, by the firing upon Fort Sumter, and thus
+assailing that Government which Lincoln had promised would not assail
+the Rebels, had gained much in securing the aid of the States mentioned,
+yet the Union Cause, by that very act, had gained more.  For the echoes
+of the Rebel guns of Fort Moultrie were the signal for such an uprising
+of the Patriots of the North and West and Middle States, as, for the
+moment, struck awe to the hearts of Traitors and inspired with courage
+and hopefulness the hearts of Union men throughout the Land.
+
+Moreover it put the Rebels in their proper attitude, in the eyes of the
+World--as the first aggressors--and thus deprived them, to a certain
+extent, of that moral support from the outside which flows from
+sympathy.
+
+Those echoes were the signal, not only of that call to arms which led to
+such an uprising, but for the simultaneous calling together of the
+Thirty-seventh Congress of the United States in Extra Session--the
+Congress whose measures ultimately enabled President Lincoln and the
+Union Armies to subdue the Rebellion and save the Union--the Congress
+whose wise and patriotic deliberations resulted in the raising of those
+gigantic Armies and Navies, and in supplying the unlimited means,
+through the Tariff and National Bank Systems and otherwise, by which
+those tremendous Forces could be both created and effectively operated--
+the Congress which cooperated with President Lincoln and those Forces in
+preparing the way for the destruction of the very corner-stone of the
+Confederacy, Slavery itself.
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XX.
+
+                  LINCOLN'S TROUBLES AND TEMPTATIONS.
+
+The Rebels themselves, as has already been noted, by the employment of
+their Slaves in the construction of earthworks and other fortifications,
+and even in battle, at Bull Run and elsewhere, against the Union Forces,
+brought the Thirty-seventh Congress, as well as the Military Commanders,
+and the President, to an early consideration of the Slavery question.
+But it was none the less a question to be treated with the utmost
+delicacy.
+
+The Union men, as well as the Secession-sympathizers, of Kentucky and
+Tennessee and Missouri and Maryland, largely believed in Slavery, or at
+least were averse to any interference with it.  These, would not see
+that the right to destroy that unholy Institution could pertain to any
+authority, or be justified by any exigency; much less that, as held by
+some authorities, its existence ceased at the moment when its hands, or
+those of the State in which it had existed, were used to assail the
+General Government.
+
+They looked with especial suspicion and distrust upon the guarded
+utterances of the President upon all questions touching the future of
+the Colored Race.
+
+     [At Faneuil Hall, Edward Everett is reported to have said, in
+     October of 1864:
+
+     "It is very doubtful whether any act of the Government of the
+     United States was necessary to liberate the Slaves in a State which
+     is in Rebellion.  There is much reason for the opinion that, by the
+     simple act of levying War against the United States, the relation
+     of Slavery was terminated; certainly, so far as concerns the duty
+     of the United States to recognize it, or to refrain from
+     interfering with it.
+
+     "Not being founded on the Law of Nature, and resting solely on
+     positive Local Law--and that, not of the United States--as soon as
+     it becomes either the motive or pretext of an unjust War against
+     the Union--an efficient instrument in the hands of the Rebels for
+     carrying on the War--source of Military strength to the Rebellion,
+     and of danger to the Government at home and abroad, with the
+     additional certainty that, in any event but its abandonment, it
+     will continue, in all future time to work these mischiefs, who can
+     suppose it is the duty of the United States to continue to
+     recognize it.
+
+     "To maintain this would be a contradiction in terms.  It would be
+     two recognize a right in a Rebel master to employ his Slave in acts
+     of Rebellion and Treason, and the duty of the Slave to aid and abet
+     his master in the commission of the greatest crime known to the
+     Law.  No such absurdity can be admitted; and any citizen of the
+     United States, from thee President down, who should, by any overt
+     act, recognize the duty of a Slave to obey a Rebel master in a
+     hostile operation, would himself be giving aid and comfort to the
+     Enemy."]
+
+They believed that when Fremont issued the General Order-heretofore
+given in full--in which that General declared that "The property, real
+and personal, of all persons, in the State of Missouri, who shall take
+up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to
+have taken an active part with their enemies in the field, is declared
+to be confiscated to the public use, and their Slaves, if any they have,
+are hereby declared Free men," it must have been with the concurrence,
+if not at the suggestion, of the President; and, when the President
+subsequently, September 11,1861, made an open Order directing that this
+clause of Fremont's General Order, or proclamation, should be "so
+modified, held, and construed, as to conform to, and not to transcend,
+the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress
+entitled 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary
+Purposes,' approved August 6, 1861," they still were not satisfied.
+
+     [The sections of the above Act, bearing upon the matter, are the
+     first and fourth, which are in these words:
+
+     "That if, during the present or any future insurrection against the
+     Government of the United States, after the President of the United
+     States shall have declared, by proclamation, that the laws of the
+     United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by
+     combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course
+     of judicial proceedings, or by the power vested in the marshals by
+     law, any person or persons, his, her, or their agent, attorney, or
+     employee, shall purchase or acquire, sell or give, any property of
+     whatsoever kind or description, with intent to use or employ the
+     same, or suffer the same to be used or employed, in aiding,
+     abetting, or promoting such insurrection or resistance to the laws,
+     or any persons engaged therein; or if any person or persons, being
+     the owner or owners of any such property, shall knowingly use or
+     employ, or consent to the use or employment of the same as
+     aforesaid, all such property is hereby declared to be lawful
+     subject of prize and capture wherever found; and it shall be the
+     duty of the President of the United States to cause the same to be
+     seized, confiscated and condemned."
+
+                     *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *
+
+     "SEC. 4.  That whenever hereafter, during the present insurrection
+     against the Government of the United States, any person claimed to
+     be held to Labor or Service under the law of any State shall be
+     required or permitted by the person to whom such Labor or Service
+     is claimed to be due, or by the lawful agent of such person, to
+     take up arms against the United States; or shall be required or
+     permitted by the person to whom such Labor or Service is claimed to
+     be due, or his lawful agent, to work or to be employed in or upon
+     any fort, navy-yard, dock, armory, ship, entrenchment, or in any
+     Military or Naval service whatsoever, against the Government and
+     lawful authority of the United States, then, and in every such
+     case, the person to whom such Labor or Service is claimed to be
+     due, shall forfeit his claim to such Labor, any law of the State or
+     of the United States to the contrary notwithstanding.  And whenever
+     thereafter the person claiming such Labor or Service shall seek to
+     enforce his claim, it shall be a full and sufficient answer to such
+     claim that the person whose Service or Labor is claimed had been
+     employed in hostile service against the Government of the United
+     States, contrary to the provisions of this act."
+
+It seemed as impossible to satisfy these Border-State men as it had been
+to satisfy the Rebels themselves.
+
+The Act of Congress, to which President Lincoln referred
+in his Order modifying Fremont's proclamation, had itself been opposed
+by them, under the lead of their most influential Representative and
+spokesman, Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, in its passage through that
+Body.  It did not satisfy them.
+
+Neither had they been satisfied, when, within one year and four days
+after "Slavery opened its batteries of Treason, upon Fort Sumter," that
+National curse and shame was banished from the Nation's Capital by
+Congressional enactment.
+
+They were not satisfied even with Mr. Lincoln's conservative suggestions
+embodied in the Supplemental Act.
+
+Nor were they satisfied with the General Instructions, of October 14,
+1861, from the War Department to its Generals, touching the employment
+of Fugitive Slaves within the Union Lines, and the assurance of just
+compensation to loyal masters, therein contained, although all avoidable
+interference with the Institution was therein reprobated.
+
+Nothing satisfied them.  It was indeed one of the most curious of the
+many phenomena of the War of the Rebellion, that when--as at the end of
+1861--it had become evident, as Secretary Cameron held, that it "would
+be National suicide" to leave the Rebels in "peaceful and secure
+possession of Slave Property, more valuable and efficient to them for
+War, than forage, cotton, and Military stores," and that the Slaves
+coming within our lines could not "be held by the Government as Slaves,"
+and should not be held as prisoners of War--still the loyal people of
+these Border-States, could not bring themselves to save that Union,
+which they professed to love, by legislation on this tender subject.
+
+On the contrary, they opposed all legislation looking to any
+interference with such Slave property.  Nothing that was proposed by Mr.
+Lincoln, or any other, on this subject, could satisfy them.
+
+Congress enacted a law, approved March 13, 1862, embracing an additional
+Article of War, which prohibited all officers "from employing any of the
+forces under their respective Commands for the purpose of returning
+Fugitives from Service or Labor who may have escaped from
+any persons to whom such Service or Labor is claimed to be due," and
+prescribed that "Any officer who shall be found guilty by Court-Martial
+of violating this Article shall be dismissed from the Service." In both
+Houses, the loyal Border-State Representatives spoke and voted against
+its passage.
+
+One week previously (March 6, 1862), President Lincoln, in an admirable
+Message, hitherto herein given at length, found himself driven to broach
+to Congress the subject of Emancipation.  He had, in his First Annual
+Message (December, 1861), declared that "the Union must be preserved;
+and hence all indispensable means must be employed;" but now, as a part
+of the War Policy, he proposed to Congress the adoption of a Joint
+Resolution declaring "That the United States ought to cooperate with any
+State which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such
+State, pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to
+compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such
+change of System."
+
+It was high time, he thought, that the idea of a gradual, compensated
+Emancipation, should begin to occupy the minds of those interested, "so
+that," to use his own words, "they may begin to consider whether to
+accept or reject it," should Congress approve the suggestion.
+
+Congress did approve, and adopt, the Joint-Resolution, as we know--
+despite the opposition from the loyal element of the Border States--an
+opposition made in the teeth of their concession that Mr. Lincoln, in
+recommending its adoption, was "solely moved by a high patriotism and
+sincere devotion to the glory of his Country."
+
+But, consistently with their usual course, they went to the House of
+Representatives, fresh from the Presidential presence, and, with their
+ears still ringing with the common-sense utterances of the President,
+half of them voted against the Resolution, while the other half
+refrained from voting at all.  And their opposition to this wise and
+moderate proposition was mainly based upon the idea that it carried with
+it a threat--a covert threat.
+
+It certainly was a warning, taking it in connection with the balance of
+the Message, but a very wise and timely one.
+
+These loyal Border-State men, however, could not see its wisdom, and at
+a full meeting held upon the subject decided to oppose it, as they
+afterward did.  Its conciliatory spirit they could not comprehend; the
+kindly, temperate warning, they would not heed.  The most moderate of
+them all,--[Mr. Crittenden of Kentucky.]--in the most moderate of his
+utterances, could not bring himself to the belief that this Resolution
+was "a measure exactly suited to the times."
+
+     [And such was the fatuity existing among the Slave-holders of the
+     Border States, that not one of those Slave States had wisdom enough
+     to take the liberal offer thus made by the General Government, of
+     compensation.  They afterward found their Slaves freed without
+     compensation.]
+
+So, also, one month later, (April 11, 1862), when the Senate Bill
+proposing Emancipation in the District of Columbia, was before the
+House, the same spokesman and leader of the loyal Border-State men
+opposed it strenuously as not being suited to the times.  For, he
+persuasively protested: "I do not say that you have not the power; but
+would not that power be, at such a time as this, most unwisely and
+indiscreetly exercised.  That is the point.  Of all the times when an
+attempt was ever made to carry this measure, is not this the most
+inauspicious?  Is it not a time when the measure is most likely to
+produce danger and mischief to the Country at large?  So it seems to
+me."
+
+It was not now, nor would it ever be, the time, to pass this, or any
+other measure, touching the Institution of Slavery, likely to benefit
+that Union to which these men professed such love and loyalty.
+
+Their opposition, however, to the march of events, was of little avail--
+even when backed, as was almost invariably the case, by the other
+Democratic votes from the Free States.  The opposition was obstructive,
+but not effectual.  For this reason it was perhaps the more irritating
+to the Republicans, who were anxious to put Slavery where their great
+leader, Mr. Lincoln, had long before said it should be placed--"in
+course of ultimate extinction."
+
+This very irritation, however, only served to press such Anti-Slavery
+Measures more rapidly forward.  By the 19th of June, 1862, a Bill "to
+secure Freedom to all persons within the Territories of the United
+States"--after a more strenuous fight against it than ever, on the part
+of Loyal and Copperhead Democrats, both from the Border and Free
+States,--had passed Congress, and been approved by President Lincoln.
+It provided, in just so many words, "That, from and after the passage of
+this Act, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in
+any of the Territories of the United States now existing, or which may
+at any time hereafter be formed or acquired by the United States,
+otherwise than in punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been
+duly convicted."
+
+Here, then, at last, was the great end and aim, with which Mr. Lincoln
+and the Republican Party started out, accomplished.  To repeat his
+phrase, Slavery was certainly now in course of ultimate extinction.
+
+But since that doctrine had been first enunciated by Mr. Lincoln, events
+had changed the aspect of things.  War had broken out, and the Slaves of
+those engaged in armed Rebellion against the authority of the United
+States Government, had been actually employed, as we have seen, on Rebel
+works and fortifications whose guns were trailed upon the Armies of the
+Union.
+
+And now, the question of Slavery had ceased to be simply whether it
+should be put in course of ultimate extinction, but whether, as a War
+Measure--as a means of weakening the Enemy and strengthening the Union--
+the time had not already come to extinguish it, so far, at least, as the
+Slaves of those participating in the Rebellion, were concerned.
+
+Congress, as has been heretofore noted, had already long and heatedly
+debated various propositions referring to Slavery and African
+Colonization, and had enacted such of them as, in its wisdom, were
+considered necessary; and was now entering a further stormy period of
+contention upon various other projects touching the Abolition of the
+Fugitive Slave Laws, the Confiscation of Rebel Property, and the
+Emancipation of Slaves--all of which, of course, had been, and would be,
+vehemently assailed by the loyal Border-States men and their Free-State
+Democratic allies.
+
+This contention proceeded largely upon the lines of construction of that
+clause in the Constitution of the United States and its Amendments,
+which provides that no person shall be deprived of Life, Liberty, or
+Property, without due process of Law, etc.  The one side holding that,
+since the beginning of our Government, Slaves had been, under this
+clause, Unconstitutionally deprived of their Liberty; the other side
+holding that Slaves being "property," it would be Unconstitutional under
+the same clause, to deprive the Slave-owner of his Slave property.
+
+Mr. Crittenden, the leader of the loyal Border-States men in Congress,
+was at this time especially eloquent on this latter view of the
+Constitution.  In his speech of April 23, 1862, in the House of
+Representatives, he even undertook to defend American Slavery under the
+shield of English Liberty!
+
+Said he: "It is necessary for the prosperity of any Government, for
+peace and harmony, that every man who acquires property shall feel that
+he shall be protected in the enjoyment of it, and in his right to hold
+it.  It elevates the man; it gives him a feeling of dignity.  It is the
+great old English doctrine of Liberty.  Said Lord Mansfield, the rain
+may beat against the cabin of an Englishman, the snow may penetrate it,
+but the King dare not enter it without the consent of its owner.  That
+is the true English spirit.  It is the source of England's power."
+
+And again: "The idea of property is deeply seated in our minds.  By the
+English Law and by the American Law you have the right to take the life
+of any man who attempts, by violence, to take your property from you.
+So far does the Spirit of these Laws go.  Let us not break down this
+idea of property.  It is the animating spirit of the Country.  Indeed it
+is the Spirit of Liberty and Freedom."
+
+There was at this time, a growing belief in the minds of these loyal
+Border-States men, that this question of Slavery-abolition was reaching
+a crisis.  They saw "the handwriting on the wall," but left no stone
+unturned to prevent, or at least to avert for a time, the coming
+catastrophe.  They egged Congress, in the language of the distinguished
+Kentuckian, to "Let these unnecessary measures alone, for the present;"
+and, as to the President, they now, not only volunteered in his defense,
+against the attacks of others, but strove also to capture him by their
+arch flatteries.
+
+"Sir,"--said Mr. Crittenden, in one of his most eloquent bursts, in the
+House of Representatives,--"it is not my duty, perhaps, to defend the
+President of the United States.  * * * I voted against Mr. Lincoln, and
+opposed him honestly and sincerely; but Mr. Lincoln has won me to his
+side.  There is a niche in the Temple of Fame, a niche near to
+Washington, which should be occupied by the statue of him who shall,
+save this Country.  Mr. Lincoln has a mighty destiny.  It is for him, if
+he will, to step into that niche.  It is for him to be but President of
+the People of the United States, and there will his statue be.  But, if
+he choose to be, in these times, a mere sectarian and a party man, that
+niche will be reserved for some future and better Patriot.  It is in his
+power to occupy a place next Washington,--the Founder, and the
+Preserver, side by side.  Sir, Mr. Lincoln is no coward.  His not doing
+what the Constitution forbade him to do, is no proof of his cowardice."
+
+On the other hand, Owen Lovejoy, the fiery Abolitionist, the very next
+day after the above remarks of Mr. Crittenden were delivered in the
+House, made a great speech in reply, taking the position that "either
+Slavery, or the Republic, must perish; and the question for us to decide
+is, which shall it be?"
+
+He declared to the House: "You cannot put down the rebellion and restore
+the Union, without destroying Slavery."  He quoted the sublime language
+of Curran touching the Spirit of the British Law, which consecrates the
+soil of Britain to the genius of Universal Emancipation,
+
+     [In these words:
+
+     "I speak in the Spirit of the British law, which makes Liberty
+     commensurate with, and inseparable from, the British soil; which
+     proclaims even to the stranger and the sojourner the moment he sets
+     his foot upon British earth, that the ground on which he treads is
+     holy, and consecrated by the genius Of UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION.
+
+     "No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no
+     matter what complexion incompatible with Freedom, an Indian or an
+     African sun may have burnt upon him; no matter in what disastrous
+     battle his Liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with what
+     solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of Slavery; the
+     first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and
+     the god sink together in the dust; his Soul walks abroad in her own
+     majesty; his Body swells beyond the measure of his chains, that
+     burst from around him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated, and
+     disenthralled by the irresistible genius of UNIVERSAL
+     EMANCIPATION."]
+
+And Cowper's verse, wherein the poet says:
+
+     "Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs
+     Receive our air, that moment they are Free,"
+
+--and, after expressing his solicitude to have this true of America, as
+it already was true of the District of Columbia, he proceeded to say:
+
+"The gentleman from Kentucky says he has a niche for Abraham Lincoln.
+Where is it?  He pointed upward!  But, Sir, should the President follow
+the counsels of that gentleman, and become the defender and perpetuator
+of human Slavery, he should point downward to some dungeon in the Temple
+of Moloch, who feeds on human blood and is surrounded with fires, where
+are forged manacles and chains for human limbs--in the crypts and
+recesses of whose Temple, woman is scourged, and man tortured, and
+outside whose walls are lying dogs, gorged with human flesh, as Byron
+describes them stretched around Stamboul.  That is a suitable place for
+the statue of one who would defend and perpetuate human Slavery."
+
+And then--after saying that "the friends of American Slavery need not
+beslime the President with their praise.  He is an Anti-Slavery man.  He
+hates human Bondage "--the orator added these glowing words:
+
+"I, too, have a niche for Abraham Lincoln; but it is in Freedom's Holy
+Fane, and not in the blood-besmeared Temple of human Bondage; not
+surrounded by Slaves, fetters and chains, but with the symbols of
+Freedom; not dark with Bondage, but radiant with the light of Liberty.
+In that niche he shall stand proudly, nobly, gloriously, with shattered
+fetters and broken chains and slave-whips beneath his feet.  If Abraham
+Lincoln pursues the path, evidently pointed out for him in the
+providence of God, as I believe he will, then he will occupy the proud
+position I have indicated.  That is a fame worth living for; ay, more,
+that is a fame worth dying for, though that death led through the blood
+of Gethsemane and the agony of the Accursed Tree.  That is a fame which
+has glory and honor and immortality and Eternal Life.  Let Abraham
+Lincoln make himself, as I trust he will, the Emancipator, the
+Liberator, as he has the opportunity of doing, and his name shall not
+only be enrolled in this Earthly Temple, but it will be traced on the
+living stones of that Temple which rears itself amid the Thrones and
+Hierarchies of Heaven, whose top-stone is to be brought in with shouting
+of 'Grace, grace unto it!'"
+
+We have seen how the loyal Border-State men, through their chosen
+Representative--finding that their steady and unfaltering opposition to
+all Mr. Lincoln's propositions, while quite ineffectual, did not serve
+by any means to increase his respect for their peculiar kind of loyalty
+--offered him posthumous honors and worship if he would but do as they
+desired.  Had they possessed the power, no doubt they would have taken
+him up into an exceeding high mountain and have offered to him all the
+Kingdoms of the Earth to do their bidding.  But their temptations were
+of no avail.
+
+President Lincoln's duty, and inclination alike--no less than the
+earnest importunities of the Abolitionists--carried him in the opposite
+direction; but carried him no farther than he thought it safe, and wise,
+to go.  For, in whatever he might do on this burning question of
+Emancipation, he was determined to secure that adequate support from the
+People without which even Presidential Proclamations are waste paper.
+
+But now, May 9, 1862, was suddenly issued by General Hunter, commanding
+the "Department of the South," comprising Georgia, Florida and South
+Carolina, his celebrated Order announcing Martial Law, in those States,
+as a Military Necessity, and--as "Slavery and Martial Law in a Free
+Country are altogether incompatible"--declaring all Slaves therein,
+"forever Free."
+
+This second edition, as it were, of Fremont's performance, at once threw
+the loyal Border-State men into a terrible ferment.  Again, they, and
+their Copperhead and other Democratic friends of the North, meanly
+professed belief that this was but a part of Mr. Lincoln's programme,
+and that his apparent backwardness was the cloak to hide his Anti-
+Slavery aggressiveness and insincerity.
+
+How hurtful the insinuations, and even direct charges, of the day, made
+by these men against President Lincoln, must have been to his honest,
+sincere, and sensitive nature, can scarcely be conceived by those who
+did not know him; while, on the other hand, the reckless impatience of
+some of his friends for "immediate and universal Emancipation," and
+their complaints at his slow progress toward that goal of their hopes,
+must have been equally trying.
+
+True to himself, however, and to the wise conservative course which he
+had marked out, and, thus far, followed, President Lincoln hastened to
+disavow Hunter's action in the premises, by a Proclamation, heretofore
+given, declaring that no person had been authorized by the United States
+Government to declare the Slaves of any State, Free; that Hunter's
+action in this respect was void; that, as Commander-in-chief he reserved
+solely to himself, the questions, first, as to whether he had the power
+to declare the Slaves of any State or States, Free, and, second, whether
+the time and necessity for the exercise of such supposed power had
+arrived.  And then, as we may remember, he proceeded to cite the
+adoption, by overwhelming majorities in Congress, of the Joint
+Resolution offering pecuniary aid from the National Government to "any
+State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery;" and to make a
+most earnest appeal, for support, to the Border-States and to their
+people, as being "the most interested in the subject matter."
+
+In his Special Message to Congress,--[Of March 6, 1862.]--recommending
+the passage of that Joint Resolution, he had plainly and emphatically
+declared himself against sudden Emancipation of Slaves.  He had therein
+distinctly said: "In my judgment, gradual, and not immediate,
+Emancipation, is better for all."  And now, in this second appeal of his
+to the Border-States men, to patriotically close with the proposal
+embraced in that.  Resolution, he said: "The changes it contemplates
+would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or wrecking
+anything.  Will you not embrace it?  So much good has not been done, by
+one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it is now
+your high privilege to do!  May the vast future not have to lament that
+you have neglected it!"
+
+     [The following letter, from Sumner, shows the impatience of some of
+     the President's friends, the confidence he inspired in others
+     nearer in his counsels, and how entirely, at this time, his mind
+     was absorbed in his project for gradual and compensated
+     Emancipation.]
+
+                         "SENATE CHAMBER, June 5, 1862.
+
+     "MY DEAR SIR.--Your criticism of the President is hasty.  I am
+     confident that, if you knew him as I do, you would not make it.  Of
+     course the President cannot be held responsible for the
+     misfeasances of subordinates, unless adopted or at least tolerated
+     by him.  And I am sure that nothing unjust or ungenerous will be
+     tolerated, much less adopted, by him.
+
+     "I am happy to let you know that he has no sympathy with Stanly in
+     his absurd wickedness, closing the schools, nor again in his other
+     act of turning our camp into a hunting ground for Slaves.  He
+     repudiates both--positively.  The latter point has occupied much of
+     his thought; and the newspapers have not gone too far in recording
+     his repeated declarations, which I have often heard from his own
+     lips, that Slaves finding their way into the National lines are
+     never to be Re-enslaved--This is his conviction, expressed without
+     reserve.
+
+     "Could you have seen the President--as it was my privilege often--
+     while he was considering the great questions on which he has
+     already acted--the invitation to Emancipation in the States,
+     Emancipation in the District of Columbia, and the acknowledgment of
+     the Independence of Hayti and Liberia--even your zeal would have
+     been satisfied, for you would have felt the sincerity of his
+     purpose to do what he could to carry forward the principles of the
+     Declaration of Independence.
+
+     "His whole soul was occupied, especially by the first proposition,
+     which was peculiarly his own.  In familiar intercourse with him, I
+     remember nothing more touching than the earnestness and
+     completeness with which he embraced this idea.  To his mind, it was
+     just and beneficent, while it promised the sure end of Slavery.  Of
+     course, to me, who had already proposed a bridge of gold for the
+     retreating fiend, it was most welcome.  Proceeding from the
+     President, it must take its place among the great events of
+     history.
+
+     "If you are disposed to be impatient at any seeming
+     shortcomings, think, I pray you, of what has been done in a brief
+     period, and from the past discern the sure promise of the future.
+     Knowing something of my convictions and of the ardor with which I
+     maintain them, you may, perhaps, derive some assurance from my
+     confidence; I may say to you, therefore, stand by the
+     Administration.  If need be, help it by word and act, but stand by
+     it and have faith in it.
+
+     "I wish that you really knew the President, and had heard the
+     artless expression of his convictions on those questions which
+     concern you so deeply.  You might, perhaps, wish that he were less
+     cautious, but you would be grateful that he is so true to all that
+     you have at heart.  Believe me, therefore, you are wrong, and I
+     regret it the more because of my desire to see all our friends
+     stand firmly together.
+
+     "If I write strongly it is because I feel strongly; for my constant
+     and intimate intercourse with the President, beginning with the 4th
+     of March, not only binds me peculiarly to his Administration, but
+     gives me a personal as well as a political interest in seeing that
+     justice is done him.
+
+     "Believe me, my dear Sir, with much regard, ever faithfully yours,
+                              "CHARLES SUMNER."
+
+But stones are not more deaf to entreaty than were the ears of the loyal
+Border-State men and their allies to President Lincoln's renewed appeal.
+"Ephraim" was "wedded to his idols."
+
+McClellan too--immediately after his retreat from the Chickahominy to
+the James River--seized the opportunity afforded by the disasters to our
+arms, for which he was responsible, to write to President Lincoln a
+letter (dated July 7, 1862) in which he admonished him that owing to the
+"critical" condition of the Army of the Potomac, and the danger of its
+being "overwhelmed" by the Enemy in front, the President must now
+substantially assume and exercise the powers of a Dictator, or all would
+be lost; that "neither Confiscation of property * * * nor forcible
+Abolition of Slavery, should be contemplated for a moment;" and that "A
+declaration of Radical views, especially upon Slavery, will rapidly
+disintegrate our present Armies."
+
+Harried, and worried, on all sides,--threatened even by the Commander of
+the Army of the Potomac,--it is not surprising, in view of the
+apparently irreconcilable attitude of the loyal Border-State men to
+gradual and compensated Emancipation, that the tension of President
+Lincoln's mind began to feel a measure of relief in contemplating
+Military Emancipation in the teeth of all such threats.
+
+He had long since made up his mind that the existence of Slavery was not
+compatible with the preservation of the Union.  The only question now
+was, how to get rid of it?  If the worst should come to the worst--
+despite McClellan's threat--he would have to risk everything on the turn
+of the die--would have to "play his last card;" and that "last card" was
+Military Emancipation.  Yet still he disliked to play it.  The time and
+necessity for it had not yet arrived--although he thought he saw them
+coming.
+
+     [In the course of an article in the New York Tribune, August, 1885,
+     Hon.  George S.  Boutwell tells of an interview in "July or early
+     in August" of 1862, with President Lincoln, at which the latter
+     read two letters: one from a Louisiana man "who claimed to be a
+     Union man," but sought to impress the President with "the dangers
+     and evils of Emancipation;" the other, Mr. Lincoln's reply to him,
+     in which, says Mr. B., "he used this expression: 'you must not
+     expect me to give up this Government without playing my last card.'
+     Emancipation was his last card."]
+
+Things were certainly, at this time, sufficiently unpromising to chill
+the sturdiest Patriot's heart.  It is true, we had scored some important
+victories in the West; but in the East, our arms seemed fated to
+disaster after disaster.  Belmont, Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, and
+Pittsburg Landing, were names whose mention made the blood of Patriots
+to surge in their veins; and Corinth, too, had fallen.  But in the East,
+McClellan's profitless campaign against Richmond, and especially his
+disastrous "change of base" by a "masterly" seven days' retreat,
+involving as many bloody battles, had greatly dispirited all Union men,
+and encouraged the Rebels and Rebel-sympathizers to renewed hopes and
+efforts.
+
+And, as reverses came to the Union Arms, so seemed to grow
+proportionately the efforts, on all sides, to force forward, or to stave
+off, as the case might be, the great question of the liberation and
+arming of the Slaves, as a War Measure, under the War powers of the
+Constitution.  It was about this time (July 12, 1862) that President
+Lincoln determined to make a third, and last, attempt to avert the
+necessity for thus emancipating and arming the Slaves.  He invited all
+the Senators and Representatives in Congress from the Border-States, to
+an interview at the White House, and made to them the appeal, heretofore
+in these pages given at length.
+
+It was an earnest, eloquent, wise, kindly, patriotic, fatherly appeal in
+behalf of his old proposition, for a gradual, compensated Emancipation,
+by the Slave States, aided by the resources of the National Government.
+
+At the very time of making it, he probably had, in his drawer, the rough
+draft of the Proclamation which was soon to give Liberty to all the
+Colored millions of the Land.
+
+     [McPherson gives a letter, written from Washington, by Owen Lovejoy
+     (Feb. 22, 1864), to Wm. Lloyd Garrison, in which the following
+     passage occurs:
+
+     "Recurring to the President, there are a great many reports
+     concerning him which seem to be reliable and authentic, which,
+     after all, are not so.  It was currently reported among the Anti-
+     Slavery men of Illinois that the Emancipation Proclamation was
+     extorted from him by the outward pressure, and particularly by the
+     Delegation from the Christian Convention that met at Chicago.
+
+     "Now, the fact is this, as I had it from his own lips: He had
+     written the Proclamation in the Summer, as early as June, I think--
+     but will not be certain as to the precise time--and called his
+     Cabinet together, and informed them he had written it and meant to
+     make it, but wanted to read it to them for any criticism or remarks
+     as to its features or details.
+
+     "After having done so, Mr. Seward suggested whether it would not be
+     well for him to withhold its publication until after we had gained
+     some substantial advantage in the Field, as at that time we had met
+     with many reverses, and it might be considered a cry of despair.
+     He told me he thought the suggestion a wise one, and so held on to
+     the Proclamation until after the Battle of Antietam.]
+
+Be that as it may, however, sufficient evidences exist, to prove that he
+must have been fully aware, at the time of making that appeal to the
+supposed patriotism of these Border-State men, how much, how very much,
+depended on the manner of their reception of it.
+
+To him, that meeting was a very solemn and portentous one.  He had
+studied the question long and deeply--not from the standpoint of his own
+mere individual feelings and judgment, but from that of fair
+Constitutional construction, as interpreted by the light of Natural or
+General Law and right reason.  What he sought to impress upon them was,
+that an immediate decision by the Border-States to adopt, and in due
+time carry out, with the financial help of the General Government, a
+policy of gradual Emancipation, would simultaneously solve the two
+intimately-blended problems of Slavery-destruction and Union-
+preservation, in the best possible manner for the pockets and feelings
+of the Border-State Slave-holder, and for the other interests of both
+Border-State Slave-holder and Slave.
+
+His great anxiety was to "perpetuate," as well as to save, to the People
+of the World, the imperiled form of Popular Government, and assure to it
+a happy and a grand future.
+
+He begged these Congressmen from the Border-States, to help him carry
+out this, his beneficent plan, in the way that was best for all, and
+thus at the same time utterly deprive the Rebel Confederacy of that
+hope, which still possessed them, of ultimately gathering these States
+into their rebellious fold.  And he very plainly, at the same time,
+confessed that he desired this relief from the Abolition pressure upon
+him, which had been growing more intense ever since he had repudiated
+the Hunter proclamation.
+
+But the President's earnest appeal to these loyal Representatives in
+Congress from the Border-States, was, as we have seen, in vain.  It
+might as well have been made to actual Rebels, for all the good it did.
+For, a few days afterward, they sent to him a reply signed by more than
+two-thirds of those present, hitherto given at length in these pages, in
+which-after loftily sneering at the proposition as "an interference by
+this Government with a question which peculiarly and exclusively
+belonged to" their "respective States, on which they had not sought
+advice or solicited aid," throwing doubts upon the Constitutional power
+of the General Government to give the financial aid, and undertaking by
+statistics to prove that it would absolutely bankrupt the Government to
+give such aid,--they insultingly declared, in substance, that they could
+not "trust anything to the contingencies of future legislation," and
+that Congress must "provide sufficient funds" and place those funds in
+the President's hands for the purpose, before the Border-States and
+their people would condescend even to "take this proposition into
+careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is
+demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole
+Country."
+
+Very different in tone, to be sure, was the minority reply, which, after
+stating that "the leaders of the Southern Rebellion have offered to
+abolish Slavery among them as a condition to Foreign Intervention in
+favor of their Independence as a Nation," concluded with the terse and
+loyal deduction: "If they can give up Slavery to destroy the Union, we
+can surely ask our people to consider the question of Emancipation to
+save the Union."
+
+But those who signed this latter reply were few, among the many.
+Practically, the Border-State men were a unit against Mr. Lincoln's
+proposition, and against its fair consideration by their people.  He
+asked for meat, and they gave him a stone.
+
+Only a few days before this interview, President Lincoln--alarmed by the
+report of McClellan, that the magnificent Army of the Potomac under his
+command, which, only three months before, had boasted 161,000 men, had
+dwindled down to not more than "50,000 men left with their colors"--had
+been to the front, at Harrison's Landing, on the James river, and,
+although he had not found things quite so disheartening as he had been
+led to believe, yet they were bad enough, for only 86,000 men were found
+by him on duty, while 75,000 were unaccounted for--of which number
+34,4172 were afterward reported as "absent by authority."
+
+This condition of affairs, in connection with the fact that McClellan
+was always calling for more troops, undoubtedly had its influence in
+bringing Mr. Lincoln's mind to the conviction, hitherto mentioned, of
+the fast-approaching Military necessity for Freeing and Arming the
+Slaves.
+
+It was to ward this off, if possible, that he had met and appealed to
+the Border-State Representatives.  They had answered him with sneers and
+insults; and nothing was left him but the extreme course of almost
+immediate Emancipation.
+
+Long and anxiously he had thought over the matter, but the time for
+action was at hand.
+
+And now, it cannot be better told, than in President Lincoln's own
+words, as given to the portrait-painter Carpenter, and recorded in the
+latter's, "Six months in the White House," what followed:
+
+"It had got to be," said he, "midsummer, 1862.  Things had gone on from
+bad to worse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on
+the plan of operations we had been pursuing; that we had about played
+our last card, and must change our tactics, or lose the game!
+
+"I now determined upon the adoption of the Emancipation Policy; and,
+without consultation with, or the knowledge of, the Cabinet, I prepared
+the original draft of the Proclamation, and, after much anxious thought,
+called a Cabinet meeting upon the subject.  This was the last of July,
+or the first part of the month of August, 1862."  (The exact date he did
+not remember.)
+
+"This Cabinet meeting took place, I think, upon a Saturday.  All were
+present, excepting Mr. Blair, the Postmaster-General, who was absent at
+the opening of the discussion, but came in subsequently.  I said to the
+Cabinet, that I had resolved upon this step, and had not called them
+together to ask their advice, but to lay the subject-matter of a
+Proclamation before them; suggestions as to which would be in order,
+after they had heard it read.
+
+"Mr. Lovejoy was in error" when he stated "that it excited no comment,
+excepting on the part of Secretary Seward.  Various suggestions were
+offered.  Secretary Chase wished the language stronger, in reference to
+the arming of the Blacks.  Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the
+policy, on the ground that it would cost the Administration the fall
+elections.
+
+"Nothing, however, was offered, that I had not already
+fully anticipated and settled in my own mind, until Secretary Seward
+spoke.  He said in substance: 'Mr. President, I approve of the
+Proclamation, but I question the expediency of its issue at this
+juncture.  The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our
+repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a
+step.  It may be viewed as the last Measure of an exhausted Government,
+a cry for help, the Government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia,
+instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the Government.'
+
+"His idea," said the President "was that it would be considered our last
+shriek, on the retreat." (This was his precise expression.)  "' Now,'
+continued Mr. Seward, 'while I approve the Measure, I suggest, Sir, that
+you postpone its issue, until you can give it to the Country supported
+by Military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now,
+upon the greatest disasters of the War!'"
+
+Mr. Lincoln continued: "The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of
+State, struck me with very great force.  It was an aspect of the case
+that, in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked.
+The result was that I put the draft of the Proclamation aside, as you do
+your sketch for a picture, waiting for a victory."
+
+It may not be amiss to interrupt the President's narration to Mr.
+Carpenter, at this point, with a few words touching "the Military
+Situation."
+
+After McClellan's inexplicable retreat from before the Rebel Capital--
+when, having gained a great victory at Malvern Hills, Richmond would
+undoubtedly have been ours, had he but followed it up, instead of
+ordering his victorious troops to retreat like "a whipped Army"--[See
+General Hooker's testimony before the Committee on the Conduct of the
+War.]--his recommendation, in the extraordinary letter (of July 7th) to
+the President, for the creation of the office of General-in-Chief, was
+adopted, and Halleck, then at Corinth, was ordered East, to fill it.
+
+Pope had previously been called from the West, to take
+command of the troops covering Washington, comprising some 40,000 men,
+known as the Army of Virginia; and, finding cordial cooperation with
+McClellan impossible, had made a similar suggestion.
+
+Soon after Halleck's arrival, that General ordered the transfer of the
+Army of the Potomac, from Harrison's Landing to Acquia creek--on the
+Potomac--with a view to a new advance upon Richmond, from the
+Rappahannock river.
+
+While this was being slowly accomplished, Lee, relieved from fears for
+Richmond, decided to advance upon Washington, and speedily commenced the
+movement.
+
+On the 8th of August, 1862, Stonewall Jackson, leading the Rebel
+advance, had crossed the Rapidan; on the 9th the bloody Battle of Cedar
+Mountain had been fought with part of Pope's Army; and on the 11th,
+Jackson had retreated across the Rapidan again.
+
+Subsequently, Pope having retired across the Rappahannock, Lee's Forces,
+by flanking Pope's Army, again resumed their Northern advance.  August
+28th and 29th witnessed the bloody Battles of Groveton and Gainesville,
+Virginia; the 30th saw the defeat of Pope, by Lee, at the second great
+Battle of Bull Run, and the falling back of Pope's Army toward
+Washington; and the succeeding Battle of Chantilly took place September
+1, 1862.
+
+It is not necessary at this time to even touch upon the causes and
+agencies which brought such misfortune to the Union Arms, under Pope.
+It is sufficient to say here, that the disaster of the second Bull Run
+was a dreadful blow to the Union Cause, and correspondingly elated the
+Rebels.
+
+Jefferson Davis, in transmitting to the Rebel Congress at Richmond,
+Lee's victorious announcements, said, in his message: "From these
+dispatches it will be seen that God has again extended His shield over
+our patriotic Army, and has blessed the cause of the Confederacy with a
+second signal victory, on the field already memorable by the gallant
+achievement of our troops."
+
+Flushed with victory, but wisely avoiding the fortifications of the
+National Capital, Lee's Forces now swept past Washington; crossed the
+Potomac, near Point of Rocks, at its rear; and menaced both the National
+Capital and Baltimore.
+
+Yielding to the apparent necessity of the moment, the President again
+placed.  McClellan in command of the Armies about Washington, to wit:
+the Army of the Potomac; Burnside's troops that had come up from North
+Carolina; what remained of Pope's Army of Virginia; and the large
+reinforcements from fresh levies, constantly and rapidly pouring in.
+
+     [This was probably about the time of the occurrence of an amusing
+     incident, touching Lincoln, McClellan, and the fortifications
+     around Washington, afterward told by General J. G. Barnard, then
+     Chief of Engineers on the staff of General George B.  McClellan.--
+     See New York Tribune, October 21, 1885.  It seems that the
+     fortifications having been completed, McClellan invited Mr. Lincoln
+     and his Cabinet to inspect them.  "On the day appointed," said
+     Barnard, "the Inspection commenced at Arlington, to the Southwest
+     of Washington, and in front of the Enemy.  We followed the line of
+     the works southerly, and recrossed the Potomac to the easterly side
+     of the river, and continued along the line easterly of Washington
+     and into the heaviest of all the fortifications on the northerly
+     side of Washington.  When we reached this point the President asked
+     General McClellan to explain the necessity of so strong a
+     fortification between Washington and the North.
+
+     "General McClellan replied: 'Why, Mr. President, according to
+     Military Science it is our duty to guard against every possible or
+     supposable contingency that may arise.  For example, if under any
+     circumstances, however fortuitous, the Enemy, by any chance or
+     freak, should, in a last resort, get in behind Washington, in his
+     efforts to capture the city, why, there the fort is to defend it.'
+
+     "'Yes, that's so General,' said the President; 'the precaution is
+     doubtless a wise one, and I'm glad to get so clear an explanation,
+     for it reminds me of an interesting question once discussed for
+     several weeks in our Lyceum, or Moot Court, at Springfield, Ill.,
+     soon after I began reading law.'
+
+     "'Ah!' says General McClellan.  'What question was that, Mr.
+     President?'
+
+     "'The question,' Mr. Lincoln replied, 'was, "Why does man have
+     breasts?"' and he added that after many evenings' debate, the
+     question was submitted to the presiding Judge, who wisely decided
+     'That if under any circumstances, however fortuitous, or by any
+     chance or freak, no matter of what nature or by what cause, a man
+     should have a baby, there would be the breasts to nurse it.'"]
+
+Yet, it was not until the 17th of September that the Battle of Antietam
+was fought, and Lee defeated--and then only to be allowed to slip back,
+across the Potomac, on the 18th--McClellan leisurely following him,
+across that river, on the 2nd of November!
+
+     [Arnold, in his "Life of Abraham Lincoln," says that President
+     Lincoln said of him: "With all his failings as a soldier, McClellan
+     is a pleasant and scholarly gentleman.  He is an admirable
+     Engineer, but" he added, "he seems to have a special talent for a
+     stationary Engine."]
+
+On the 5th, McClellan was relieved,--Burnside taking the command,--and
+Union men breathed more freely again.
+
+But to return to the subject of Emancipation.  President Lincoln's own
+words have already been given--in conversation with Carpenter--down to
+the reading of the Proclamation to his Cabinet, and Seward's suggestion
+to "wait for a victory" before issuing it, and how, adopting that
+advice, he laid the Proclamation aside, waiting for a victory.
+
+"From time to time," said Mr. Lincoln, continuing his narration, "I
+added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously
+waiting the progress of events.  Well, the next news we had was of
+Pope's disaster at Bull Run.  Things looked darker than ever.  Finally,
+came the week of the Battle of Antietam.  I determined to wait no
+longer.
+
+"The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our
+side.  I was then staying at the Soldiers' Home (three miles out of
+Washington.)  Here I finished writing the second draft of the
+preliminary Proclamation; came up on Saturday; called the Cabinet
+together to hear it; and it was published the following Monday."
+
+It is not uninteresting to note, in this connection, upon the same
+authority, that at the final meeting of the Cabinet prior to this issue
+of the Proclamation, when the third paragraph was read, and the words of
+the draft "will recognize the Freedom of such Persons," were reached,
+Mr. Seward suggested the insertion of the words "and maintain" after the
+word "recognize;" and upon his insistance, the President said, "the
+words finally went in."
+
+At last, then, had gone forth the Fiat--telegraphed and read throughout
+the Land, on that memorable 22d of September, 1862--which, with the
+supplemental Proclamation of January 1, 1863, was to bring joy and
+Freedom to the millions of Black Bondsmen of the South.
+
+Just one month before its issue, in answer to Horace Greeley's Open
+letter berating him for "the seeming subserviency" of his "policy to the
+Slave-holding, Slave up-holding interest," etc., President Lincoln had
+written his famous "Union letter" in which he had conservatively said:
+"My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or
+destroy Slavery.  If I could save the Union without freeing any Slave, I
+would do it--and if I could save it by freeing all the Slaves, I would
+do it--and if I could save it by freeing some, and leaving others alone,
+I would also do that."
+
+No one outside of his Cabinet dreamed, at the time he made that answer,
+that the Proclamation of Emancipation was already written, and simply
+awaited a turn in the tide of battle for its issue!
+
+Still less could it have been supposed, when, on the 13th of September--
+only two days before Stonewall Jackson had invested, attacked, and
+captured Harper's Ferry with nearly 12,000 prisoners, 73 cannon, and
+13,000 small arms, besides other spoils of War--Mr. Lincoln received the
+deputation from the religious bodies of Chicago, bearing a Memorial for
+the immediate issue of such a Proclamation.
+
+The very language of his reply,--where he said to them: "It is my
+earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter.  And if I
+can learn what it is, I will do it!  These are not, however, the days of
+miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a
+direct revelation.  I must study the plain physical aspects of the case,
+ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and
+right"--when taken in connection with the very strong argument with
+which he followed it up, against the policy of Emancipation advocated in
+the Memorial, and his intimation that a Proclamation of Emancipation
+issued by him "must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's Bull
+against the Comet!"--would almost seem to have been adopted with the
+very object of veiling his real purpose from the public eye, and leaving
+the public mind in doubt.  At all events, it had that effect.
+
+Arnold, in his "Life of Lincoln," says of this time, when General Lee
+was marching Northward toward Pennsylvania, that "now, the President,
+with that tinge of superstition which ran through his character, 'made,'
+as he said, 'a solemn vow to God, that, if Lee was driven back, he would
+issue the Proclamation;'" and, in the light of that statement, the
+concluding words of Mr. Lincoln's reply to the deputation aforesaid:--"I
+can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more
+than any other.  Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do,"--
+have a new meaning.
+
+The Emancipation Proclamation, when issued, was a great surprise, but
+was none the less generally well-received by the Union Armies, and
+throughout the Loyal States of the Union, while, in some of them, its
+reception was most enthusiastic.
+
+It happened, too, as we have seen, that the Convention of the Governors
+of the Loyal States met at Altoona, Penn., on the very day of its
+promulgation, and in an address to the President adopted by these loyal
+Governors, they publicly hailed it "with heartfelt gratitude and
+encouraged hope," and declared that "the decision of the President to
+strike at the root of the Rebellion will lend new vigor to efforts, and
+new life and hope to the hearts, of the People."
+
+On the other hand, the loyal Border-States men were dreadfully exercised
+on the subject; and those of them in the House of Representatives
+emphasized their disapproval by their votes, when, on the 11th and 15th
+of the following December, Resolutions, respectively denouncing, and
+endorsing, "the policy of Emancipation, as indicated in that
+Proclamation," of September 22, 1862, were offered and voted on.
+
+In spite of the loyal Border-States men's bitter opposition, however,
+the Resolution endorsing that policy as a War Measure, and declaring the
+Proclamation to be "an exercise of power with proper regard for the
+rights of the States and the perpetuity of Free Government," as we have
+seen, passed the House.
+
+Of course the Rebels themselves, against whom it was aimed, gnashed
+their teeth in impotent rage over the Proclamation.  But they lost no
+time in declaring that it was only a proof of what they had always
+announced: that the War was not for the preservation of the American
+Union, but for the destruction of African Slavery, and the spoilation of
+the Southern States.
+
+Through their friends and emissaries, in the Border and other Loyal
+States of the Union,--the "Knights of the Golden Circle,"--
+
+     [The "Knights of the Golden Circle" was the most extensive of these
+     Rebel organizations.  It was "an auxiliary force to the Rebel
+     Army."  Its members took an obligation of the most binding
+     character, the violation of which was punishable by death, which
+     obligation, in the language of another, "pledged them to use every
+     possible means in their power to aid the Rebels to gain their
+     Independence; to aid and assist Rebel prisoners to escape; to vote
+     for no one for Office who was not opposed to the further
+     prosecution of the War; to encourage desertions from the Union
+     Army; to protect the Rebels in all things necessary to carry out
+     their designs, even to the burning and destroying of towns and
+     cities, if necessary to produce the desired result; to give such
+     information as they had, at all times, of the movements of our
+     Armies, and of the return of soldiers to their homes; and to try
+     and prevent their going back to their regiments at the front."
+
+     In other words the duty of the Organization and of its members, was
+     to hamper, oppose, and prevent all things possible that were being
+     done at any time for the Union Cause, and to encourage, forward,
+     and help all things possible in behalf of the Rebel Cause.
+
+     It was to be a flanking force of the Enemy--a reverse fire--a fire
+     in the rear of the Union Army, by Northern men; a powerful
+     cooperating force--all the more powerful because secret--operating
+     safely because secretly and in silence--and breeding discontent,
+     envy, hatred, and other ill feelings wherever possible, in and out
+     of Army circles, from the highest to the lowest, at all possible
+     times, and on all possible occasions.]
+
+--the "Order of American Knights" or "Sons of Liberty," and other
+Copperhead organizations, tainted with more or less of Treason--they
+stirred up all the old dregs of Pro-Slavery feeling that could possibly
+he reached; but while the venomous acts and utterances of such
+organizations, and the increased and vindictive energy of the armed
+Rebels themselves, had a tendency to disquiet the public mind with
+apprehensions as to the result of the Proclamation, and whether, indeed,
+Mr. Lincoln himself would be able to resist the pressure, and stand up
+to his promise of that Supplemental Proclamation which would give
+definiteness and practical effect to the preliminary one, the masses of
+the people of the Loyal States had faith in him.
+
+There was also another element, in chains, at the South, which at this
+time must have been trembling with that mysterious hope of coming
+Emancipation for their Race, conveyed so well in Whittier's lines,
+commencing: "We pray de Lord; he gib us signs, dat some day we be Free"
+--a hope which had long animated them, as of something almost too good
+for them to live to enjoy, but which, as the War progressed, appeared to
+grow nearer and nearer, until now they seemed to see the promised Land,
+flowing with milk and honey, its beautiful hills and vales smiling under
+the quickening beams of Freedom's glorious sun.  But ah! should they
+enter there?--or must they turn away again into the old wilderness of
+their Slavery, and this blessed Liberty, almost within their grasp,
+mockingly elude them?
+
+They had not long to wait for an answer.  The 1st of January, 1863,
+arrived, and with it--as a precious New Year's Gift--came the
+Supplemental Proclamation, bearing the sacred boon of Liberty to the
+Emancipated millions.
+
+At last, at last, no American need blush to stand up and proclaim his
+land indeed, and in truth, "the Land of Freedom."
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XXI.
+
+                            THE ARMED-NEGRO.
+
+Little over five months had passed, since the occurrence of the great
+event in the history of the American Nation mentioned in the preceding
+Chapter, before the Freed Negro, now bearing arms in defense of the
+Union and of his own Freedom, demonstrated at the first attack on Port
+Hudson the wisdom of emancipating and arming the Slave, as a War
+measure.  He seemed thoroughly to appreciate and enter into the spirit
+of the words; "who would be Free, himself must strike the blow."
+
+At the attack (of May 27th, 1863), on Port Hudson, where it held the
+right, the "Black Brigade" covered itself with glory.
+
+     At Baton Rouge, before starting for Port Hudson, the color-guard of
+     the First Louisiana Regiment--of the Black Brigade--received the
+     Regimental flags from their white colonel, (Col. Stafford,) then
+     under arrest, in a speech which ended with the injunction: "Color-
+     guard, protect, defend, die for, but do not surrender these flags;"
+     to which Sergeant Planciancois replied: "Colonel, I will bring
+     these colors to you in honor, or report to God the reason why!"  He
+     fell, mortally wounded, in one of the many desperate charges at
+     Port Hudson, with his face to the Enemy, and the colors in his
+     hand.
+
+Banks, in his Report, speaking of the Colored regiments, said: "Their
+conduct was heroic.  No troops could be more determined or more daring.
+They made, during the day, three charges upon the batteries of the
+Enemy, suffering very heavy losses, and holding their positions at
+nightfall with the other troops on the right of our line.  The highest
+commendation is bestowed upon them by all the officers in command on the
+right."
+
+The New York Times' correspondent said:--"The deeds of heroism performed
+by these Colored men were such as the proudest White men might emulate.
+Their colors are torn to pieces by shot, and literally bespattered by
+blood and brains.  The color-sergeant of the 1st Louisiana, on being
+mortally wounded (the top of his head taken off by a sixpounder), hugged
+the colors to his breast, when a struggle ensued between the two color-
+corporals on each side of him, as to who should have the honor of
+bearing the sacred standard, and during this generous contention one was
+seriously wounded."
+
+So again, on Sunday the 6th of June following, at Milliken's Bend, where
+an African brigade, with 160 men of the 23rd Iowa, although surprised in
+camp by a largely superior force of the Enemy, repulsed him gallantly--
+of which action General Grant, in his official Report, said: "In this
+battle, most of the troops engaged were Africans, who had but little
+experience in the use of fire-arms.  Their conduct is said, however, to
+have been most gallant."
+
+So, also, in the bloody assault of July 18th, on Fort Wagner, which was
+led by the 54th Massachusetts (Colored) Regiment with intrepidity, and
+where they planted, and for some time maintained, their Country's flag
+on the parapet, until they "melted away before the Enemy's fire, their
+bodies falling down the slope and into the ditch."
+
+And from that time on, through the War--at Wilson's Wharf, in the many
+bloody charges at Petersburg, at Deep Bottom, at Chapin's Farm, Fair
+Oaks, and numerous other battle-fields, in Virginia and elsewhere, right
+down to Appomattox--the African soldier fought courageously, fully
+vindicating the War-wisdom of Abraham Lincoln in emancipating and arming
+the Race.
+
+The promulgation of this New Year's Proclamation of Freedom
+unquestionably had a wonderful effect in various ways, upon the outcome
+of the War.
+
+It cleared away the cobwebs which the arguments of the loyal Border-
+State men, and of the Northern Copperheads and other Disunion and Pro-
+Slavery allies of the Rebels were forever weaving for the
+discouragement, perplexity and ensnarement, of the thoroughly loyal out-
+and-out Union men of the Land.  It largely increased our strength in
+fighting material.  It brought to us the moral support of the World,
+with the active sympathy of philanthropy's various forces.  And besides,
+it correspondingly weakened the Rebels.  Every man thus freed from his
+Bondage, and mustered into the Union Armies, was not only a gain of one
+man on the Union side, but a loss of one man to the Enemy.  It is not,
+therefore, surprising that the Disunion Conspirators--whether at the
+South or at the North--were furious.
+
+The Chief Conspirator, Jefferson Davis, had already, (December 23,
+1862,) issued a proclamation of outlawry against General B. F. Butler,
+for arming certain Slaves that had become Free upon entering his lines--
+the two last clauses of which provided: "That all Negro Slaves captured
+in arms, be at once delivered over to the Executive authorities of the
+respective States to which they belong, to be dealt with according to
+the laws of said States," and "That the like orders be executed in all
+cases with respect to all commissioned Officers of the United States,
+when found serving in company with said Slaves in insurrection against
+the authorities of the different States of this Confederacy."
+
+He now called the attention of the Rebel Congress to President Lincoln's
+two Proclamations of Emancipation, early in January of 1863; and that
+Body responded by adopting, on the 1st of May of that year, a
+Resolution, the character of which was so cold-bloodedly atrocious, that
+modern Civilization might well wonder and Christianity shudder at its
+purport.
+
+     [It was in these words:
+
+     "Resolved, by the Congress of the Confederate States of America, In
+     response to the Message of the President, transmitted to Congress
+     at the commencement of the present session, That, in the opinion of
+     Congress, the commissioned officers of the Enemy ought not to be
+     delivered to the authorities of the respective States, as suggested
+     in the said Message, but all captives taken by the Confederate
+     forces ought to be dealt with and disposed of by the Confederate
+     Government.
+
+     "SEC. 2.--That, in the judgment of Congress, the proclamations of
+     the President of the United States, dated respectively September
+     22, 1862, and January 1, 1863, and the other measures of the
+     Government of the United States and of its authorities, commanders,
+     and forces, designed or tending to emancipate slaves in the
+     Confederate States, or to abduct such slaves, or to incite them to
+     insurrection, or to employ negroes in war against the Confederate
+     States, or to overthrow the institution of African Slavery, and
+     bring on a servile war in these States, would, if successful,
+     produce atrocious consequences, and they are inconsistent with the
+     spirit of those usages which, in modern warfare, prevail among
+     civilized nations; they may, therefore, be properly and lawfully
+     repressed by retaliation.
+
+     "SEC. 3.--That in every case wherein, during the present war, any
+     violation of the laws or usages of war among civilized nations
+     shall be, or has been, done and perpetrated by those acting under
+     authority of the Government of the United States, on persons or
+     property of citizens of the Confederate States, or of those under
+     the protection or in the land or naval service of the Confederate
+     States, or of any State of the Confederacy, the President of the
+     Confederate States is hereby authorized to cause full and ample
+     retaliation to be made for every such violation, in such manner and
+     to such extent as he may think proper.
+
+     "SEC. 4.--That every white person, being a commissioned officer, or
+     acting as such, who, during the present war, shall command negroes
+     or mulattoes in arms against the Confederate States, or who shall
+     arm, train, organize, or prepare negroes or mulattoes for military
+     service against the Confederate States, or who shall voluntarily
+     aid negroes or mulattoes in any military enterprise, attack, or
+     conflict in such service, shall be deemed as inciting servile
+     insurrection, and shall, if captured, be put to death, or be
+     otherwise punished at the discretion of the Court.
+
+     "SEC. 5.--Every person, being a commissioned officer, or acting as
+     such in the service of the Enemy, who shall, during the present
+     war, excite, attempt to excite, or cause to be excited, a servile
+     insurrection, or who shall incite, or cause to be incited, a slave
+     to rebel, shall, if captured, be put to death, or be otherwise
+     punished at the discretion of the court.
+
+     "SEC. 6.--Every person charged with an offense punishable under the
+     preceding resolutions shall, during the present war, be tried
+     before the military court attached to the army or corps by the
+     troops of which he shall have been captured, or by such other
+     military court as the President may direct, and in such manner and
+     under such regulations as the President shall prescribe; and, after
+     conviction, the President may commute the punishment in such manner
+     and on such terms as he may deem proper.
+
+     "SEC. 7.--All negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged in war, or
+     be taken in arms against the Confederate States, or shall give aid
+     or comfort to the enemies of the Confederate States, shall, when
+     captured in the Confederate States, be delivered to the authorities
+     of the State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt
+     with according to the present or future laws of such State or
+     States."]
+
+But atrocious as were the provisions of the Resolution, or Act
+aforesaid, in that they threatened death or Slavery to every Black man
+taken with Union arms in his hand, and death to every White commissioned
+officer commanding Black soldiers, yet the manner in which they were
+executed was still more barbarous.
+
+At last it became necessary to adopt some measure by which captured
+Colored Union soldiers might be protected equally with captured White
+Union soldiers from the frequent Rebel violations of the Laws of War in
+the cases of the former.
+
+President Lincoln, therefore, issued an Executive Order prescribing
+retaliatory measures.
+
+     [In the following words:
+
+     "EXECUTIVE MANSION,
+
+     "WASHINGTON, July 30, 1863.
+
+     "It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its
+     citizens, of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to
+     those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service.
+     The Law of Nations, and the usages and customs of War, as carried
+     on by civilized Powers, permit no distinction as to color in the
+     treatment of prisoners of War, as public enemies.
+
+     "To sell or Enslave any captured person, on account of his Color,
+     and for no offense against the Laws of War, is a relapse into
+     barbarism, and a crime against the civilization of the age.
+
+     "The Government of the United States will give the same protection
+     to all its soldiers, and if the Enemy shall sell or Enslave any one
+     because of his color, the offense shall be punished by Retaliation
+     upon the Enemy's prisoners in our possession.
+
+     "It is therefore Ordered, that, for every soldier of the United
+     States killed in violation of the Laws of War, a Rebel soldier
+     shall be executed; and for every one Enslaved by the Enemy or sold
+     into Slavery, a Rebel soldier shall be placed at hard work on the
+     public works, and continued at such labor until the other shall be
+     released and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of War.
+
+     "By order of the Secretary of War.  ABRAHAM LINCOLN.  E. D.
+     TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General."]
+
+It was hoped that the mere announcement of the decision of our
+Government to retaliate, would put an instant stop to the barbarous
+conduct of the Rebels toward the captured Colored Union troops, but the
+hope was vain.  The atrocities continued, and their climax was capped by
+the cold-blooded massacres perpetrated by Forrest's 5,000 Cavalry, after
+capturing Fort Pillow, a short distance above Memphis, on the
+Mississippi river.
+
+The garrison of that Fort comprised less than 600 Union soldiers, about
+one-half of whom were White, and the balance Black.  These brave fellows
+gallantly defended the Fort against eight times their number, from
+before sunrise until the afternoon, when--having failed to win by fair
+means, under the Laws of War,--the Enemy treacherously crept up the
+ravines on either side of the Fort, under cover of flags of truce, and
+then, with a sudden rush, carried it, butchering both Blacks and Whites
+--who had thrown away their arms, and were striving to escape--until
+night temporarily put an end to the sanguinary tragedy.
+
+On the following morning the massacre was completed by the butchery and
+torture of wounded remnants of these brave Union defenders--some being
+buried alive, and others nailed to boards, and burned to death.
+
+     [For full account of these hideous atrocities, see testimony of
+     survivors before the Committee on Conduct and Expenditures of the
+     War.  (H. R.  Report, No. 65, 1st S.  38th Cong.)]
+
+And all this murderous malignity, for what?--Simply, and only, because
+one-half of the Patriot victims had Black skins, while the other half
+had dared to fight by the side of the Blacks!
+
+In the after-days of the War, the cry with which our Union Black
+regiments went into battle:--"Remember Fort Pillow!"--inspired them to
+deeds of valor, and struck with terror the hearts of the Enemy.  On many
+a bloody field, Fort Pillow was avenged.
+
+It is a common error to suppose that the first arming of the Black man
+was on the Union side.  The first Black volunteer company was a Rebel
+one, raised  early in May, 1861, in the city of Memphis, Tenn.; and at
+Charleston, S. C., Lynchburg, Va., and Norfolk, Va., large bodies of
+Free Negroes volunteered, and were engaged, earlier than that, to do
+work on the Rebel batteries.
+
+On June 28th of the same year, the Rebel Legislature of Tennessee passed
+an Act not only authorizing the Governor "to receive into the Military
+service of the State all male Free persons of Color between the ages of
+fifteen and fifty, or such number as may be necessary, who may be sound
+in mind and body, and capable of actual service," but also prescribing
+"That in the event a sufficient number of Free persons of Color to meet
+the wants of the State shall not tender their services, the Governor is
+empowered, through the Sheriffs of the different counties, to press such
+persons until the requisite number is obtained."
+
+At a review of Rebel troops, at New Orleans, November 23, 1861, "One
+regiment comprised 1,400 Free Colored men."  Vast numbers of both Free
+Negroes and Slaves were employed to construct Rebel fortifications
+throughout the War, in all the Rebel States.  And on the 17th of
+February, 1864, the Rebel Congress passed an Act which provides in its
+first section "That all male Free Negroes * * * resident in the
+Confederate States, between the ages of eighteen and fifty years, shall
+be held liable to perform such duties with the Army, or in connection
+with the Military defenses of the Country, in the way of work upon the
+fortifications, or in Government works for the production or preparation
+of materials of War, or in Military hospitals, as the Secretary of War
+or the Commanding General of the Trans-Mississippi Department may, from
+time to time, prescribe:" while the third section provides that when the
+Secretary of War shall "be unable to procure the service of Slaves in
+any Military Department, then he is authorized to impress the services
+of as many male Slaves, not to exceed twenty thousand, as may be
+required, from time to time, to discharge the duties indicated in the
+first section of the Act."
+
+And this Act of, the Rebel Congress was passed only forty days before
+the fiendish massacre of the Union Whites and Blacks who together, at
+Fort Pillow, were performing for the Union, "such duties with the Army,"
+and "in connection with the Military defenses of the Country," as had
+been prescribed for them by their Commanding General!
+
+Under any circumstances--and especially under this state of facts--
+nothing could excuse or palliate that shocking and disgraceful and
+barbarous crime against humanity; and the human mind is incapable of
+understanding how such savagery can be accounted for, except upon the
+theory that "He that nameth Rebellion nameth not a singular, or one only
+sin, as is theft, robbery, murder, and such like; but he nameth the
+whole puddle and sink of all sins against God and man; against his
+country, his countrymen, his children, his kinsfolk, his friends, and
+against all men universally; all sins against God and all men heaped
+together, nameth he that nameth Rebellion."
+
+The inconsistency of the Rebels, in getting insanely and murderously
+furious over the arming of Negroes for the defense of the imperiled
+Union and the newly gained liberties of the Black Race, when they had
+themselves already armed some of them and made them fight to uphold the
+Slave-holders' Rebellion and the continued Enslavement of their race, is
+already plain enough.
+
+     [The writer is indebted to the courtesy of a prominent South
+     Carolinian, for calling his attention to the "Singular coincidence,
+     that a South Carolinian should have proposed in 1778, what was
+     executed in 1863-64--the arming of Negroes for achieving their
+     Freedom"--as shown in the following very curious and interesting
+     letters written by the brave and gifted Colonel John Laurens, of
+     Washington's staff, to his distinguished father:
+
+                         HEAD QUARTERS, 14th Jan., 1778.
+
+     I barely hinted to you, my dearest father, my desire to augment the
+     Continental forces from an untried source.  I wish I had any
+     foundation to ask for an extraordinary addition to those favours
+     which I have already received from you.  I would solicit you to
+     cede me a number of your able bodied men slaves, instead of leaving
+     me a fortune.
+
+     I would bring about a two-fold good; first I would advance those
+     who are unjustly deprived of the rights of mankind to a state which
+     would be a proper gradation between abject slavery and perfect
+     liberty, and besides I would reinforce the defenders of liberty
+     with a number of gallant soldiers.  Men, who have the habit of
+     subordination almost indelibly impressed on them, would have one
+     very essential qualification of soldiers.  I am persuaded that if I
+     could obtain authority for the purpose, I would have a corps of
+     such men trained, uniformly clad, equip'd and ready in every
+     respect to act at the opening of the next campaign.  The ridicule
+     that may be thrown on the color, I despise, because I am sure of
+     rendering essential service to my country.
+
+     I am tired of the languor with which so sacred a war as this is
+     carried on.  My circumstances prevent me from writing so long a
+     letter as I expected and wish'd to have done on a subject which I
+     have much at heart.  I entreat you to give a favorable answer to
+                    Your most affectionate
+                                   JOHN LAURENS.
+
+     The Honble Henry Laurens Esq.
+     President of Congress.
+
+
+                         HEAD QUARTERS, 2nd Feb., 1778.
+
+     My Dear Father:
+
+     The more I reflect upon the difficulties and delays which are
+     likely to attend the completing our Continental regiments, the more
+     anxiously is my mind bent upon the scheme, which I lately
+     communicated to you.  The obstacles to the execution of it had
+     presented themselves to me, but by no means appeared
+     insurmountable.  I was aware of having that monstrous popular
+     prejudice, open-mouthed against me, of undertaking to transform
+     beings almost irrational, into well disciplined soldiers, of being
+     obliged to combat the arguments, and perhaps the intrigues, of
+     interested persons.  But zeal for the public service, and an ardent
+     desire to assert the rights of humanity, determined me to engage in
+     this arduous business, with the sanction of your consent.  My own
+     perseverance, aided by the countenance of a few virtuous men, will,
+     I hope, enable me to accomplish it.
+
+     You seem to think, my dear father, that men reconciled by long
+     habit to the miseries of their condition, would prefer their
+     ignominious bonds to the untasted sweets of liberty, especially
+     when offer'd upon the terms which I propose.
+
+     I confess, indeed, that the minds of this unhappy species must be
+     debased by a servitude, from which they can hope for no relief but
+     death, and that every motive to action but fear, must be nearly
+     extinguished in them.  But do you think they are so perfectly
+     moulded to their state as to be insensible that a better exists?
+     Will the galling comparison between themselves and their masters
+     leave them unenlightened in this respect?  Can their self love be
+     so totally annihilated as not frequently to induce ardent wishes
+     for a change?
+
+     You will accuse me, perhaps, my dearest friend, of consulting my
+     own feelings too much; but I am tempted to believe that this
+     trampled people have so much human left in them, as to be capable
+     of aspiring to the rights of men by noble exertions, if some friend
+     to mankind would point the road, and give them a prospect of
+     success.  If I am mistaken in this, I would avail myself, even of
+     their weakness, and, conquering one fear by another, produce equal
+     good to the public.  You will ask in this view, how do you consult
+     the benefit of the slaves?  I answer, that like other men, they are
+     creatures of habit.  Their cowardly ideas will be gradually
+     effaced, and they will be modified anew.  Their being rescued from
+     a state of perpetual humiliation, and being advanced as it were, in
+     the scale of being, will compensate the dangers incident to their
+     new state.
+
+     The hope that will spring in each man's mind, respecting his own
+     escape, will prevent his being miserable.  Those who fall in battle
+     will not lose much; those who survive will obtain their reward.
+     Habits of subordination, patience under fatigues, sufferings and
+     privations of every kind, are soldierly qualifications, which these
+     men possess in an eminent degree.
+
+     Upon the whole, my dearest friend and father, I hope that my plan
+     for serving my country and the oppressed negro race will not appear
+     to you the chimera of a young mind, deceived by a false appearance
+     of moral beauty, but a laudable sacrifice of private interest, to
+     justice and the public good.
+
+     You say, that my resources would be small, on account of the
+     proportion of women and children.  I do not know whether I am
+     right, for I speak from impulse, and have not reasoned upon the
+     matter.  I say, altho' my plan is at once to give freedom to the
+     negroes, and gain soldiers to the states; in case of concurrence, I
+     should sacrifice the former interest, and therefore we change the
+     women and children for able-bodied men.  The more of these I could
+     obtain, the better; but forty might be a good foundation to begin
+     upon.
+
+     It is a pity that some such plan as I propose could not be more
+     extensively executed by public authority.  A well-chosen body of
+     5,000 black men, properly officer'd, to act as light troops, in
+     addition to our present establishment, might give us decisive
+     success in the next campaign.
+
+     I have long deplored the wretched state of these men, and
+     considered in their history, the bloody wars excited in Africa, to
+     furnish America with slaves--the groans of despairing multitudes,
+     toiling for the luxuries of merciless tyrants.
+
+     I have had the pleasure of conversing with you, sometimes, upon the
+     means of restoring them to their rights.  When can it be better
+     done, than when their enfranchisement may be made conducive to the
+     public good, and be modified, as not to overpower their weak minds?
+
+     You ask, what is the general's opinion, upon this subject?  He is
+     convinced, that the numerous tribes of blacks in the southern parts
+     of the continent, offer a resource to us that should not be
+     neglected.  With respect to my particular plan, he only objects to
+     it, with the arguments of pity for a man who would be less rich
+     than he might be.
+
+     I am obliged, my dearest friend and father, to take my leave for
+     the present; you will excuse whatever exceptionable may have
+     escaped in the course of my letter, and accept the assurance of
+     filial love, and respect of
+                         Your
+                              JOHN LAURENS]
+
+If, however, it be objected that the arming of Negroes by the Rebels was
+exceptional and local, and, that otherwise, the Rebels always used their
+volunteer or impressed Negro forces in work upon fortifications and
+other unarmed Military Works, and never proposed using them in the clash
+of arms, as armed soldiers against armed White men, the contrary is
+easily proven.
+
+In a message to the Rebel Congress, November 7, 1864, Jefferson Davis
+himself, while dissenting at that time from the policy, advanced by
+many, of "a general levy and arming of the Slaves, for the duty of
+soldiers," none the less declared that "should the alternative ever be
+presented of subjugation, or of the employment of the Slave as a
+soldier, there seems no reason to doubt what should then be our
+decision."
+
+In the meantime, however, he recommended the employment of forty
+thousand Slaves as pioneer and engineer laborers, on the ground that
+"even this limited number, by their preparatory training in intermediate
+duties Would form a more valuable reserve force in case of urgency, than
+threefold their number suddenly called from field labor; while a fresh
+levy could, to a certain extent, supply their places in the special
+service" of pioneer and engineer work; and he undertook to justify the
+inconsistency between his present recommendation, and his past attitude,
+by declaring that "A broad, moral distinction exists between the use of
+Slaves as soldiers in defense of their homes, and the incitement of the
+same persons to insurrection against their masters, for," said he, "the
+one is justifiable, if necessary; the other is iniquitous and unworthy
+of a civilized people."
+
+So also, while a Bill for the arming of Slaves was pending before the
+Rebel Congress early in 1865, General Robert E. Lee wrote, February
+18th, from the Headquarters of the Rebel Armies, to Hon. E. Barksdale,
+of the Rebel House of Representatives, a communication, in which, after
+acknowledging the receipt of a letter from him of February 12th, "with
+reference to the employment of Negroes as soldiers," he said: "I think
+the Measure not only expedient but necessary * * * in my opinion, the
+Negroes, under proper circumstances, will make efficient soldiers.  * *
+*  I think those who are employed, should be freed.  It would be neither
+just nor wise, in my opinion, to require them to remain as Slaves"--
+thus, not only approving the employment of Black Slaves as soldiers, to
+fight White Union men, but justifying their Emancipation as a reward for
+Military service.  And, a few days afterward, that Rebel Congress passed
+a Bill authorizing Jefferson Davis to take into the Rebel Army as many
+Negro Slaves "as he may deem expedient, for and during the War, to
+perform Military service in whatever capacity he may direct," and at the
+same time authorizing General Lee to organize them as other "troops" are
+organized.
+
+     [This Negro soldier Bill, according to McPherson's Appendix, p.
+     611-612, passed both Houses, and was in these words:
+
+     A Bill to increase the Military Forces of the Confederate States.
+
+     "The Congress of the Confederate States of America do Enact, That
+     in order to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain
+     the rightful possession of the Confederate States, secure their
+     Independence and preserve their Institutions, the President be and
+     he is hereby authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of
+     Slaves the services of such number of able-bodied Negro men as he
+     may deem expedient for and during the War, to perform Military
+     service in whatever capacity he may direct.
+
+     "SEC. 2.--That the General-in-Chief be authorized to organize the
+     said Slaves into companies, battalions, regiments, and brigades,
+     under such rules and regulations as the Secretary of War may
+     prescribe, and to be commanded by such officers as the President
+     may appoint.
+
+     "SEC. 3.--That, while employed in the Service, the said troops
+     shall receive the same rations, clothing, and compensation as are
+     allowed to other troops in the same branch of the Service.
+
+     "SEC. 4.--That if, under the previous sections of this Act, the
+     President shall not be able to raise a sufficient number of troops
+     to prosecute the War successfully and maintain the Sovereignty of
+     the States, and the Independence of the Confederate States, then he
+     is hereby authorized to call on each State, whenever he thinks it
+     expedient, for her quota of 300,000 troops, in addition to those
+     subject to Military service, under existing laws, or so many
+     thereof as the President may deem necessary, to be raised from such
+     classes of the population, irrespective of color, in each State, as
+     the proper authorities thereof may determine: Provided, that not
+     more than 25 per cent. of the male Slaves, between the ages of 18
+     and 45, in any State, shall be called for under the provisions of
+     this Act.
+
+     "SEC. 5.--That nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorize
+     a change in the relation of said Slaves."]
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXII.
+
+                      FREEDOM'S SUN STILL RISING.
+
+After President Lincoln had issued his Proclamation of Emancipation, the
+friends of Freedom clearly perceived--and none of them more clearly than
+himselfthat until the incorporation of that great Act into the
+Constitution of the United States itself, there could be no real
+assurance of safety to the liberties of the emancipated; that unless
+this were done there would be left, even after the suppression of the
+Rebellion, a living spark of dissension which might at any time again be
+fanned into the flames of Civil War.
+
+Hence, at all proper times, Mr. Lincoln favored and even
+urged Congressional action upon the subject.  It was not, however, until
+the following year that definite action may be said to have commenced in
+Congress toward that end; and, as Congress was slow, he found it
+necessary to say in his third Annual Message: "while I remain in my
+present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the
+Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to Slavery any person who
+is Free by the terms of that Proclamation, or by any of the Acts of
+Congress,"
+
+Meantime, however, occurred the series of glorious
+Union victories in the West, ending with the surrender to Grant's
+triumphant Forces on the 4th of July, 1863, of Vicksburg--"the Gibraltar
+of the West"--with its Garrison, Army, and enormous quantities of arms
+and munitions of war; thus closing a brilliant and successful Campaign
+with a blow which literally "broke the back" of the Rebellion; while,
+almost simultaneously, July 1-3, the Union Forces of the East, under
+Meade, gained the great victory of Gettysburg, and, driving the hosts of
+Lee from Pennsylvania, put a second and final end to Rebel invasion of
+Northern soil; gaining it, on ground dedicated by President Lincoln,
+before that year had closed--as a place of sepulture for the Patriot-
+soldiers who there had fallenin a brief, touching and immortal Address,
+which every American child should learn by heart, and every American
+adult ponder deeply, as embodying the very essence of true
+Republicanism.
+
+     [President Lincoln's Address, when the National Cemetery at
+     Gettysburg, Pa., was dedicated Nov.  19, 1863, was in these
+     memorable words:
+
+     "Fourscore and seven years ago, our Fathers brought forth upon this
+     continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the
+     proposition that all men are created equal.
+
+     "Now we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that
+     Nation, or any Nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long
+     endure.
+
+     "We are met on a great battlefield of that War.  We have come here
+     to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for
+     those who here gave their lives that that Nation might live.
+
+     "It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
+
+     "But in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate,
+     we can not hallow, this ground.  The brave men, living and dead,
+     who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add
+     or detract.
+
+     "The World will little note, nor long remember, what we say here;
+     but it can never forget what they did here.
+
+     "It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the
+     unfinished work which they who fought here have, thus far, so nobly
+     advanced.
+
+     "It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task
+     remaining before us; that from these honored dead we take increased
+     devotion to that Cause for which they gave the last full measure of
+     devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not
+     have died in vain; that this Nation, under God, shall have a new
+     birth of Freedom; and that Government of the People, by the People,
+     and for the People, shall not perish front the Earth."]
+
+That season of victory for the Union arms, coming, as it did, upon a
+season of depression and doubtfulness, was doubly grateful to the loyal
+heart of the Nation.  Daylight seemed to be breaking at last.
+Gettysburg had hurled back the Southern invader from our soil; and
+Vicksburg, with the immediately resulting surrender of Port Hudson, had
+opened the Mississippi river from Cairo to the Gulf, and split the
+Confederacy in twain.
+
+But it happened just about this time that, the enrollment of the whole
+Militia of the United States (under the Act of March, 1863), having been
+completed, and a Draft for 300,000 men ordered to be made and executed,
+if by a subsequent time the quotas of the various States should not be
+filled by volunteering, certain malcontents and Copperheads, inspired by
+agents and other friends of the Southern Conspirators, started and
+fomented, in the city of New York, a spirit of unreasoning opposition
+both to voluntary enlistment, and conscription under the Draft, that
+finally culminated, July 13th, in a terrible Riot, lasting several days,
+during which that great metropolis was in the hands, and completely at
+the mercy, of a brutal mob of Secession sympathizers, who made day and
+night hideous with their drunken bellowings, terrorized everybody even
+suspected of love for the Union, plundered and burned dwellings,
+including a Colored Orphan Asylum, and added to the crime of arson, that
+of murdering the mob-chased, terror-stricken Negroes, by hanging them to
+the lamp-posts.
+
+These Riots constituted a part of that "Fire in the Rear" with which the
+Rebels and their Northern Democratic sympathizers had so frequently
+menaced the Armies of the Union.
+
+Alluding to them, the N. Y.  Tribune on July 15th, while its office was
+invested and threatened with attack and demolition, bravely said: "They
+are, in purpose and in essence, a Diversion in favor of Jefferson Davis
+and Lee.  Listen to the yells of the mob and the harangues of its
+favorite orators, and you will find them surcharged with 'Nigger,'
+'Abolition,' 'Black Republican,' denunciation of prominent Republicans,
+The Tribune, etc. etc.--all very wide of the Draft and the exemption.
+Had the Abolitionists, instead of the Slaveholders, revolted, and
+undertaken to upset the Government and dissolve the Union, nine-tenths
+of these rioters would have eagerly voluntered to put them down.  It is
+the fear, stimulated by the recent and glorious triumphs of the Union
+Arms, that Slavery and the Rebellion must suffer, which is at the bottom
+of all this arson, devastation, robbery, and murder."
+
+The Democratic Governor, Seymour, by promising to "have this Draft
+suspended and stopped," did something toward quieting the Riots, but it
+was not until the Army of the Potomac, now following Lee's retreat, was
+weakened by the sending of several regiments to New York that the Draft-
+rioting spirit, in that city, and to a less extent in other cities, was
+thoroughly cowed.
+
+     [In reply to Gov. Seymour's appeal for delay in the execution of
+     the Draft Law, in order to test its Constitutionality, Mr. Lincoln,
+     on the 7th of August, said he could not consent to lose the time
+     that would be involved in obtaining a decision from the U. S.
+     Supreme Court on that point, and proceeded: "We are contending with
+     an Enemy who, as I understand, drives every able-bodied man he can
+     reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a
+     slaughter-pen.  No time is wasted, no argument is used.
+
+     "This system produces an Army which will soon turn upon our now
+     victorious soldiers already in the field, if they shall not be
+     sustained by recruits as they should be.
+
+     It produces an Army with a rapidity not to be matched on our side,
+     if we first waste time to re-experiment with the Volunteer system,
+     already deemed by Congress, and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted
+     as to be inadequate; and then more time to obtain a Court decision
+     as to whether a law is Constitutional which requires a part of
+     those not now in the Service to go to those who are already in it,
+     and still more time to determine with absolute certainty that we
+     get those who are to go, in the precisely legal proportion to those
+     who are not to go.
+
+     "My purpose is to be in my action Just and Constitutional, and yet
+     Practical, in performing the important duty with which I am
+     charged, of maintaining the Unity and the Free principles of our
+     common Country."]
+
+Worried and weakened by this Democratic opposition to the Draft, and the
+threatened consequent delays and dangers to the success of the Union
+Cause, and depressed moreover by the defeat of the National forces under
+Rosecrans at Chickamauga; yet, the favorable determination of the Fall
+elections on the side of Union and Freedom, and the immense majorities
+upholding those issues, together with Grant's great victory (November,
+1863) of Chattanooga--where the three days of fighting in the
+Chattanooga Valley and up among the clouds of Lookout Mountain and
+Mission Ridge, not only effaced the memory of Rosecrans's previous
+disaster, but brought fresh and imperishable laurels to the Union Arms--
+stiffened the President's backbone, and that of Union men everywhere.
+
+Not that Mr. Lincoln had shown any signs of weakness or wavering, or any
+loss of hope in the ultimate result of this War for the preservation of
+the Union--which now also involved Freedom to all beneath its banner.
+On the contrary, a letter of his written late in August shows
+conclusively enough that he even then began to see clearly the coming
+final triumph--not perhaps as "speedy," as he would like, in its coming,
+but none the less sure to come in God's "own good time," and furthermore
+not appearing "to be so distant as it did" before Gettysburg, and
+especially Vicksburg, was won; for, said he: "The signs look better.
+The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the Sea".
+
+     [This admirable letter, reviewing "the situation" and his policy,
+     was in these words
+
+                         EXECUTIVE MANSION,
+                    WASHINGTON, August 26.  1863.
+
+     HON. JAMES C. CONKLING
+
+     MY DEAR SIR; Your letter inviting me to attend a Mass Meeting of
+     unconditional Union men to be held at the Capital of Illinois, on
+     the 3rd day of September, has been received.  It would be very
+     agreeable for me thus to meet my old friends at my own home; but I
+     cannot just now be absent from here so long a time as a visit there
+     would require.
+
+     The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional
+     devotion to the Union; and I am sure that my old political friends
+     will thank me for tendering, as I do, the Nation's gratitude to
+     those other noble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can
+     make false to the Nation's life.
+
+     There are those who are dissatisfied with me.  To such I would say:
+     you desire Peace, and you blame me that we do not have it.  But how
+     can we attain it?  There are but three conceivable ways: First, to
+     suppress the Rebellion by force of Arms.  This I am trying to do.
+     Are you for it?  If you are, so far we are agreed.  If you are not
+     for it, a second way is to give up the Union.  I am against this.
+     Are you for it?  If you are, you should say so plainly.  If you are
+     not for Force, nor yet for Dissolution, there only remains some
+     imaginable Compromise.
+
+     I do not believe that any Compromise embracing the maintenance of
+     the Union is now possible.  All that I learn leads to a directly
+     opposite belief.  The strength of the Rebellion is its Military,
+     its Army.  That Army dominates all the Country, and all the people,
+     within its range.  Any offer of terms made by any man or men within
+     that range, in opposition to that Army, is simply nothing for the
+     present: because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce
+     their side of a Compromise, if one were made with them.
+
+     To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South, and Peace men of
+     the North, get together in Convention, and frame and proclaim a
+     Compromise embracing a restoration of the Union.  In what way can
+     that Compromise be used to keep Lee's Army out of Pennsylvania?
+     Meade's Army can keep Lee's Army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think,
+     can ultimately drive it out of existence.  But no paper Compromise
+     to which the controllers of Lee's Army are not agreed, can at all
+     affect that Army.  In an effort at such Compromise we would waste
+     time, which the Enemy would improve to our disadvantage; and that
+     would be all.
+
+     A Compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who
+     control the Rebel Army, or with the people, first liberated from
+     the domination of that Army, by the success of our own Army.  Now,
+     allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from that Rebel
+     Army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any
+     Peace Compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief.  All
+     charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and
+     groundless.  And I promise you that if any such proposition shall
+     hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from
+     you.  I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the People,
+     according to the bond of service, the United States Constitution;
+     and that, as such, I am responsible to them.
+
+     But, to be plain.  You are dissatisfied with me about the Negro.
+     Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and
+     myself upon that subject.  I certainly wish that all men could be
+     Free, while you, I suppose, do not.  Yet I have neither adopted nor
+     proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your view,
+     provided that you are for the Union.  I suggested compensated
+     Emancipation; to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to
+     buy Negroes.  But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy Negroes,
+     except in such a way as to save you from greater taxation to save
+     the Union, exclusively by other means.
+
+     You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have
+     it retracted.  You say it is Unconstitutional.  I think
+     differently.  I think the Constitution invests the Commander-in-
+     Chief with the Law of War in Time of War.  The most that can be
+     said, if so much, is, that Slaves are property.  Is there, has
+     there ever been, any question that, by the Law of War, property,
+     both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed?  And is it
+     not needed whenever it helps us and hurts the Enemy?  Armies, the
+     World over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it; and
+     even destroy their own to keep it from the Enemy.  Civilized
+     belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the
+     Enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel.  Among
+     the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-
+     combatants, male and female.
+
+     But the Proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid.  If
+     it is not valid, it needs no retraction.  If it is valid it cannot
+     be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life.  Some
+     of you profess to think its retraction would operate favorably for
+     the Union.  Why better after the retraction than before the issue?
+     There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the
+     Rebellion before the Proclamation was issued, the last one hundred
+     days of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming,
+     unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance.
+     The War has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the
+     issue of the Proclamation as before.
+
+     I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others that some of
+     the Commanders of our Armies in the field, who have given us our
+     most important victories, believe the Emancipation policy and the
+     use of Colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to
+     the Rebellion, and that at least one of those important successes
+     could not have been achieved when it was, but for the aid of Black
+     soldiers.
+
+     Among the Commanders who hold these views are some who have never
+     had an affinity with what is called "Abolitionism," or with
+     "Republican party politics," but who hold them purely as Military
+     opinions.  I submit their opinions as entitled to some weight
+     against the objections often urged that Emancipation and arming the
+     Blacks are unwise as Military measures, and were not adopted as
+     such, in good faith.
+
+     You say that you will not fight to Free Negroes.  Some of them seem
+     willing to fight for you; but no matter.  Fight you, then,
+     exclusively to save the Union.  I issued the Proclamation on
+     purpose to aid you in saving the Union.  Whenever you shall have
+     conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to
+     continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare
+     you will not fight to Free Negroes.  I thought that in your
+     struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the Negroes should cease
+     helping the Enemy, to that extent it weakened the Enemy in his
+     resistance to you.  Do you think differently?  I thought whatever
+     Negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for
+     White soldiers to do in saving the Union.  Does it appear otherwise
+     to you?  But Negroes, like other people, act upon motives.  Why
+     should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them?  If
+     they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the
+     strongest motives, even the promise of Freedom.  And the promise,
+     being made, must be kept.
+
+     The signs look better.  The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to
+     the Sea.  Thanks to the great Northwest for it; nor yet wholly to
+     them.  Three hundred miles up, they met New England, Empire,
+     Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left.  The Sunny
+     South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a helping hand.  On
+     the spot, their part of the history was jotted down in Black and
+     White.  The job was a great National one, and let none be slighted
+     who bore an honorable part in it.  And while those who have cleared
+     the Great River may well be proud, even that is not all.  It is
+     hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than
+     at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less
+     note.  Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten.  At all the
+     watery margins they have been present, not only on the deep Sea,
+     the broad Bay, and the rapid River, but also up the narrow, muddy
+     Bayou, and wherever the ground was a little damp they had been, and
+     made their tracks.  Thanks to all.  For the Great Republic--for the
+     principle it lives by, and keeps alive--for Man's vast future--
+     thanks to all.
+
+     Peace does not appear so distant as it did.  I hope it will come
+     soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in
+     all future time.  It will then have been proved that among Freemen
+     there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet,
+     and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and
+     pay the cost.  And there will be some Black men who can remember
+     that, with silent tongue, and clinched teeth, and steady eye, and
+     well poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great
+     consummation, while I fear there will be some White ones unable to
+     forget that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they have
+     striven to hinder it.
+
+     Still, let us not be over sanguine of a speedy, final triumph.  Let
+     us be quite sober.  Let us diligently apply the means, never
+     doubting that a just God, in his own good time, will give us the
+     rightful result.
+
+                    Yours very truly,
+                                   A. LINCOLN.]
+
+
+But Chattanooga, and the grand majorities in all the Fall State-
+elections, save that of New Jersey,--and especially the manner in which
+loyal Ohio sat down upon the chief Copperhead-Democrat and Treason-
+breeder of the North, Vallandigham--came most auspiciously to strengthen
+the President's hands.
+
+     [The head of the Knights of the Golden Circle, and the Democratic
+     candidate for Governor of Ohio]
+
+And now he saw, more clearly still, the approach of that time when the
+solemn promise and declaration of Emancipation might be recorded upon
+the sacred roll of the Constitution, and thus be made safe for all time.
+
+In his Annual Message of December, 1863, therefore, President Lincoln,
+after adverting to the fact that "a year ago the War had already lasted
+nearly twenty months," without much ground for hopefulness, proceeded to
+say:
+
+"The preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, issued in September, was
+running its assigned period to the beginning of the New Year.  A month
+later the final Proclamation came, including the announcement that
+Colored men of suitable condition would be received into the War
+service.  The policy of Emancipation, and of employing Black soldiers,
+gave to the future a new aspect, about which hope, and fear, and doubt,
+contended in uncertain conflict.
+
+"According to our political system, as a matter of Civil Administration,
+the General Government had no lawful power to effect Emancipation in any
+State, and for a long time it had been hoped that the Rebellion could be
+suppressed without resorting to it as a Military measure.  It was all
+the while deemed possible that the necessity for it might come, and that
+if it should, the crisis of the contest would then be presented.  It
+came, and, as was anticipated, it was followed by dark and doubtful
+days.
+
+"Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to take another view
+* * * Of those who were Slaves at the beginning of the Rebellion, full
+one hundred thousand are now in the United States Military service,
+about one half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus
+giving the double advantage of taking so much labor from the Insurgent
+cause, and supplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so
+many White men.  So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not
+as good soldiers as any.
+
+"No servile insurrection, or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked
+the measures of Emancipation and arming the Blacks.  These measures have
+been much discussed in Foreign Countries, and contemporary with such
+discussion the tone of public sentiment there is much improved.  At
+home, the same measures have been fully discussed, supported,
+criticised, and denounced, and the annual elections following are highly
+encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the Country
+through this great trial.  Thus we have the new reckoning.  The crisis
+which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past."
+
+After alluding to his Proclamation of Amnesty, issued simultaneously
+with this Message, to all repentant Rebels who would take an oath
+therein prescribed, and contending that such an oath should be (as he
+had drawn it) to uphold not alone the Constitution and the Union, but
+the Laws and Proclamations touching Slavery as well, President Lincoln
+continued:
+
+"In my judgment they have aided and will further aid, the Cause for
+which they were intended.  To now abandon them, would be not only to
+relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding
+breach of faith."  And, toward the close of the Message, he added:
+
+"The movements by State action, for Emancipation, in several of the
+States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are matters of
+profound gratulation.  And while I do not repeat in detail what I have
+heretofore so earnestly urged upon the subject, my general views remain
+unchanged; and I trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of
+AIDING THESE IMPORTANT STEPS TO A GREAT CONSUMMATION."
+
+Mr. Lincoln's patient but persistent solicitude, his earnest and
+unintermitted efforts--exercised publicly through his Messages and
+speeches, and privately upon Members of Congress who called upon, or
+whose presence was requested by him at the White House--in behalf of
+incorporating Emancipation in the Constitution, were now to give
+promise, at least, of bearing good fruit.
+
+Measures looking to this end were submitted in both Houses of Congress
+soon after its meeting, and were referred to the respective Judiciary
+Committees of the same, and on the 10th of February, 1864, Mr. Trumbull
+reported to the Senate, from the Senate Judiciary Committee, of which he
+was Chairman, a substitute Joint Resolution providing for the submission
+to the States of an Amendment to the United States Constitution in the
+following words:
+
+"ART. XIII., SEC. I.  Neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude, except
+as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly
+convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to
+their jurisdiction.
+
+"SEC. II.  Congress shall have power to enforce this Article by
+appropriate legislation."
+
+This proposed Amendment came up for consideration in the Senate, on the
+28th of March, and a notable debate ensued.
+
+On the same day, in the House of Representatives, Thaddeus Stevens--with
+the object perhaps of ascertaining the strength, in that Body, of the
+friends of out-and-out Emancipation--offered a Resolution proposing to
+the States the following Amendments to the United States Constitution:
+
+"ART. I.  Slavery and Involuntary Servitude, except for the punishment
+of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, is forever
+prohibited in the United States and all its Territories.
+
+"ART. II.  So much of Article four, Section two, as refers to the
+delivery up of Persons held to Service or Labor, escaping into another
+State, is annulled."
+
+The test was made upon a motion to table the Resolution, which motion
+was defeated by 38 yeas to 69 nays, and showed the necessity for
+converting three members from the Opposition.  Subsequently, at the
+instance of Mr. Stevens himself, the second Article of the Resolution
+was struck out by 72 yeas to 26 nays.
+
+The proceedings in both Houses of Congress upon these propositions to
+engraft upon the National Constitution a provision guaranteeing Freedom
+to all men upon our soil, were now interrupted by the death of one who
+would almost have been willing to die twice over, if, by doing so, he
+could have hastened their adoption.
+
+Owen Lovejoy, the life-long apostle of Abolitionism, the fervid
+gospeller of Emancipation, was dead; and it seemed almost the irony of
+Fate that, at such a time, when Emancipation most needed all its friends
+to make it secure, its doughtiest champion should fall.
+
+But perhaps the eloquent tributes paid to his memory, in the Halls of
+Congress, helped the Cause no less.  They at least brought back to the
+public mind the old and abhorrent tyrannies of the Southern Slave power;
+how it had sought not not only to destroy freedom of Action, but freedom
+of Speech, and hesitated not to destroy human Life with these; reminded
+the Loyal People of the Union of much that was hateful, from which they
+had escaped; and strengthened the purpose of Patriots to fix in the
+chief corner-stone of the Constitution, imperishable muniments of human
+Liberty.
+
+Lovejoy's brother had been murdered at Alton, Illinois, while
+vindicating freedom of Speech and of the Press; and the blood of that
+martyr truly became "the seed of the Church."  Arnold--recalling a
+speech of Owen Lovejoy's at Chicago, and a passage in it, descriptive of
+the martyrdom,--said to the House, on this sad occasion: "I remember
+that, after describing the scene of that death, in words--which stirred
+every heart, he said he went a pilgrim to his brother's grave, and,
+kneeling upon the sod beneath which sleeps that brother, he swore, by
+the everlasting God, eternal hostility to African Slavery."  And,
+continued Arnold, "Well and nobly has he kept that oath."
+
+Washburne, too, reminded the House of the memorable episode in that very
+Hall when, (April 5, 1860), the adherents of Slavery crowding around
+Lovejoy with fierce imprecations and threats, seeking then and there to
+prevent Free Speech, "he displayed that undaunted courage and matchless
+bearing which extorted the admiration of even his most deadly foes."
+"His"--continued the same speaker--"was the eloquence of Mirabeau, which
+in the Tiers Etat and in the National Assembly made to totter the throne
+of France; it was the eloquence of Danton, who made all France to
+tremble from his tempestuous utterances in the National Convention.
+Like those apostles of the French Revolution, his eloquence could stir
+from the lowest depths all the passions of Man; but unlike them, he was
+as good and as pure as he was eloquent and brave, a noble minded
+Christian man, a lover of the whole human Race, and of universal Liberty
+regulated by Law."
+
+Grinnell, in his turn, told also with real pathos, of his having
+recently seen Lovejoy in the chamber of sickness.  "When," said
+Grinnell, "I expressed fears for his recovery, I saw the tears course
+down his manly cheek, as he said 'Ah! God's will be done, but I have
+been laboring, voting, and praying for twenty years that I might see the
+great day of Freedom which is so near and which I hope God will let me
+live to rejoice in.  I want a vote on my Bill for the destruction of
+Slavery, root and branch.'"
+
+
+     [Sumner, afterward speaking of Lovejoy and this Measure, said: "On
+     the 14th of December, 1863, he introduced a Bill, whose title
+     discloses its character: 'A Bill to give effect to the Declaration
+     of Independence, and also to certain Provisions of the Constitution
+     of the United States.'  It proceeds to recite that All Men were
+     Created Equal, and were Endowed by the Creator with the Inalienable
+     Right to Life, Liberty and the Fruits of honest Toil; that the
+     Government of the United States was Instituted to Secure those
+     Rights; that the Constitution declares that No Person shall be
+     Deprived of Liberty without due Process of Law, and also provides--
+     article five, clause two--that this Constitution, and the Laws of
+     the United States made in pursuance thereof, shall be the Supreme
+     Law of the Land, and the Judges in each State shall be bound
+     thereby, anything in the Constitution and Laws of any State to the
+     contrary notwithstanding; that it is now demonstrated by the
+     Rebellion that Slavery is absolutely incompatible with the Union,
+     Peace, and General Welfare for which Congress is to Provide; and it
+     therefore Enacts that All Persons heretofore held in Slavery in any
+     of the States or Territories of the United States are declared
+     Freedmen, and are Forever Released from Slavery or Involuntary
+     Servitude except as Punishment for Crime on due conviction.  On the
+     same day he introduced another Bill to Protect Freedmen and to
+     Punish any one for Enslaving them.  These were among his last
+     Public acts,"--Cong. Globe, 1st S., 38th C., Pt. 2, p.  1334]
+
+And staunch old Thaddeus Stevens said: "The change to him, is great
+gain.  The only regret we can feel is that he did not live to see the
+salvation of his Country; to see Peace and Union restored, and universal
+Emancipation given to his native land.  But such are the ways of
+Providence.  Moses was not permitted to enter the Promised Land with
+those he had led out of Bondage; he beheld it from afar off, and slept
+with his fathers."  "The deceased," he impressively added, "needs no
+perishable monuments of brass or marble to perpetuate his name.  So long
+as the English language shall be spoken or deciphered, so long as
+Liberty shall have a worshipper, his name will be known!"
+
+What influence the death of Owen Lovejoy may have had on the subsequent
+proceedings touching Emancipation interrupted as we have seen by his
+demise--cannot be known; but among all the eloquent tributes to his
+memory called forth by the mournful incident, perhaps none, could he
+have heard it, would have better pleased him than those two opening
+sentences of Charles Summer's oration in the Senate--where he said of
+Owen Lovejoy: "Could his wishes prevail, he would prefer much that
+Senators should continue in their seats and help to enact into Law some
+one of the several Measures now pending to secure the obliteration of
+Slavery.  Such an Act would be more acceptable to him than any personal
+tribute,--" unless it might be these other words, which followed from
+the same lips: "How his enfranchised Soul would be elevated even in
+those Abodes to which he has been removed, to know that his voice was
+still heard on Earth encouraging, exhorting, insisting that there should
+be no hesitation anywhere in striking at Slavery; that this unpardonable
+wrong, from which alone the Rebellion draws its wicked life, must be
+blasted by Presidential proclamation, blasted by Act of Congress,
+blasted by Constitutional prohibition, blasted in every possible way, by
+every available agency, and at every occurring opportunity, so that no
+trace of the outrage may continue in the institutions of the Land, and
+especially that its accursed foot-prints may no longer defile the
+National Statute-book.  Sir, it will be in vain that you pass
+Resolutions in tribute to him, if you neglect that Cause for which he
+lived, and do not hearken to his voice!"
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXIII.
+
+                 "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" IN THE SENATE.
+
+During the great debate, which now opened in the Senate, upon the
+Judiciary Committee's substitute resolution for the Amendment of the
+Constitution, so as forever to prohibit Slavery within the United
+States, and to empower Congress to pass such laws as would make that
+prohibition effective--participated in by Messrs. Trumbull, Wilson,
+Saulsbury, Davis, Harlan, Powell, Sherman, Clark, Hale, Hendricks,
+Henderson, Sumner, McDougall and others--the whole history of Slavery
+was enquired into and laid bare.
+
+Trumbull insisted that Slavery was at the bottom of all the internal
+troubles with which the Nation had from its birth been afflicted, down
+to this wicked Rebellion, with all the resulting "distress, desolation,
+and death;" and that by 1860, it had grown to such power and arrogance
+that "its advocates demanded the control of the Nation in
+its interests, failing in which, they attempted its overthrow."  He
+reviewed, at some length, what had been done by our Government with
+regard to Slavery, since the breaking out of hostilities against us in
+that mad attempt against the National life; how, "in the earlier stages
+of the War, there was an indisposition on the part of the Executive
+Authority to interfere with Slavery at all;" how, for a long time,
+Slaves, escaping to our lines, were driven back to their Rebel masters;
+how the Act of Congress of July, 1861, which gave Freedom to all Slaves
+allowed by their Rebel masters to assist in the erection of Rebel works
+and fortifications, had "not been executed," and, said Mr. Trumbull, "so
+far as I am advised, not a single Slave has been set at liberty under
+it;" how, "it was more than a year after its enactment before any
+considerable number of Persons of African descent were organized and
+armed" under the subsequent law of December, 1861, which not only gave
+Freedom to all Slaves entering our Military lines, or who, belonging to
+Rebel masters, were deserted by them, or were found in regions once
+occupied by Rebel forces and later by those of the Union, but also
+empowered the President to organize and arm them to aid in the
+suppression of the Rebellion; how, it was not until this law had been
+enacted that Union officers ceased to expel Slaves coming within our
+lines--and then only when dismissal from the public service was made the
+penalty for such expulsion; how, by his Proclamations of Emancipation,
+of September, 1862, and January, 1863, the President undertook to
+supplement Congressional action--which had, theretofore, been confined
+to freeing the Slaves of Rebels, and of such of these only as had come
+within the lines of our Military power-by also declaring, Free, the
+Slaves "who were in regions of country from which the authority of the
+United States was expelled;" and how, the "force and effect" of these
+Proclamations were variously understood by the enemies and friends of
+those measures--it being insisted on the one side that Emancipation as a
+War-stroke was within the Constitutional War-power of the President as
+Commander-in-Chief, and that, by virtue of those Proclamations, "all
+Slaves within the localities designated become ipso facto Free," and on
+the other, that the Proclamations were "issued without competent
+authority," and had not effected and could not effect, "the Emancipation
+of a single Slave," nor indeed could at any time, without additional
+legislation, go farther than to liberate Slaves coming within the Union
+Army lines.
+
+After demonstrating that "any and all these laws and Proclamations,
+giving to each the largest effect claimed by its friends, are
+ineffectual to the destruction of Slavery," and protesting that some
+more effectual method of getting rid of that Institution must be
+adopted, he declared, as his judgment, that "the only effectual way of
+ridding the Country of Slavery, so that it cannot be resuscitated, is by
+an Amendment of the Constitution forever prohibiting it within the
+jurisdiction of the United States."
+
+He then canvassed the chances of adoption of such an Amendment by an
+affirmative vote of two thirds in each House of Congress, and of its
+subsequent ratification by three-fourths of the States of the Union, and
+declared that "it is reasonable to suppose that if this proposed
+Amendment passes Congress, it will, within a year, receive the
+ratification of the requisite number of States to make it a part of the
+Constitution."  His prediction proved correct--but only after a
+protracted struggle.
+
+Henry Wilson also made a strong speech, but on different grounds.  He
+held that the Emancipation Proclamations formed, together, a "complete,
+absolute, and final decree of Emancipation in Rebel States," and, being
+"born of Military necessity" and "proclaimed by the Commander-in-Chief
+of the Army and Navy, is the settled and irrepealable Law of the
+Republic, to be observed, obeyed, and enforced, by Army and Navy, and is
+the irreversible voice of the Nation."
+
+He also reviewed what had been done since the outbreak of the Rebellion,
+by Congress and the President, by Laws and Proclamations; and, while
+standing by the Emancipation Proclamations, declared that "the crowning
+Act, in this series of Acts, for the restriction and extinction of
+Slavery in America, is this proposed Amendment to the Constitution
+prohibiting the existence of Slavery in the Republic of the United
+States."
+
+The Emancipation Proclamation, according to his view, only needed
+enforcement, to give "Peace and Order, Freedom and Unity, to a now
+distracted Country;" but the "crowning act" of incorporating this
+Amendment into the Constitution would do even more than all this, in
+that it would "obliterate the last lingering vestiges of the Slave
+System; its chattelizing, degrading, and bloody codes; its malignant,
+barbarizing spirit; all it was, and is; everything connected with it or
+pertaining to it, from the face of the Nation it has scarred with moral
+desolation, from the bosom of the Country it has reddened with the blood
+and strewn with the graves of patriotism."
+
+While the debate proceeded, President Lincoln watched it with careful
+interest.  Other matters, however, had, since the Battle of Chattanooga,
+largely engrossed his attention.
+
+The right man had at last been found--it was believed--to control as
+well as to lead our Armies.  That man was Ulysses S. Grant.  The grade
+of Lieutenant General of the Army of the United States--in desuetude
+since the days of Washington, except by brevet, in the case of Winfield
+Scott,--having been especially revived by Congress for and filled by the
+appointment and confirmation of Grant, March 2, 1864, that great soldier
+immediately came on to Washington, received his commission at the hands
+of President Lincoln, in the cabinet chamber of the White House, on the
+9th, paid a flying visit to the Army of the Potomac, on the 10th, and at
+once returned to Nashville to plan future movements.
+
+On the 12th, a General Order of the War Department (No.  98) was issued,
+relieving Major-General Halleck, "at his own request," from duty as
+"General-in-Chief" of the Army, and assigning Lieutenant-General U. S.
+Grant to "the command of the Armies of the United States," "the
+Headquarters of the Army" to be in Washington, and also with Lieutenant-
+General Grant in the Field, Halleck being assigned to "duty, in
+Washington, as Chief-of-staff of the Army, under the direction of the
+Secretary of War and the Lieutenant-General commanding."
+
+By the same order, Sherman was assigned to the command of the "Military
+Division of the Mississippi," composed of the Departments of the Ohio,
+the Cumberland, the Tennessee, and the Arkansas; and McPherson to that
+of the Department and Army of the Tennessee.
+
+On the 23rd of March, Grant was back again at Washington, and at once
+proceeded to Culpepper Court-house, Virginia, where his Headquarters in
+the field were, for a time, to be.
+
+Here he completed his plans, and reorganized his Forces, for the coming
+conflicts, in the South-west and South-east, which were to result in a
+full triumph to the Union Arms, and Peace to a preserved Union.
+
+It is evident, from the utterances of Mr. Lincoln when Vicksburg fell,
+that he had then become pretty well satisfied that Grant was "the coming
+man," to whom it would be safe to confide the management and chief
+leadership of our Armies.  Chattanooga merely confirmed that belief--as
+indeed it did that of Union men generally.  But the concurrent judgment
+of Congress and the President had now, as we have seen, placed Grant in
+that chief command; and the consequent relief to Mr. Lincoln, in thus
+having the heavy responsibility of Army-control, long unwillingly
+exercised by him, taken from his own shoulders and placed upon those of
+the one great soldier in whom he had learned to have implicit faith,--a
+faith earned by steady and unvaryingly successful achievements in the
+Field--must have been most grateful.
+
+Other responsibilities would still press heavily enough upon the
+President's time and attention.  Questions touching the Military and
+Civil government of regions of the Enemy's country, conquered by the
+Union arms; of the rehabilitation or reconstruction of the Rebel States;
+of a thousand and one other matters, of greater or lesser perplexity,
+growing out of these and other questions; besides the ever pressing and
+gigantic problems involved in the raising of enormous levies of troops,
+and prodigious sums of money, needed in securing, moving, and supplying
+them, and defraying the extraordinary expenses growing out of the
+necessary blockade of thousands of miles of Southern Coast, and other
+Naval movements; not to speak of those expenditures belonging to the
+more ordinary business transactions of the Government.
+
+But chief of all things claiming his especial solicitude, as we have
+seen, was this question of Emancipation by Constitutional enactment, the
+debate upon which was now proceeding in the Senate.  That solicitude was
+necessarily increased by the bitter opposition to it of Northern
+Copperheads, and by the attitude of the Border-State men, upon whose
+final action, the triumph or defeat of this great measure must
+ultimately depend.
+
+Many of the latter, were, as has already been shown in these pages,
+loyal men; but the loyalty of some of these to their Country, was still
+so questionably and so thoroughly tainted with their worshipful devotion
+to Slavery--although they must have been blind indeed not to have
+discovered, long ere this, that it was a "slowly-dying cause"--that they
+were ever on the alert to delay, hamper, and defeat, any action, whether
+Executive or Legislative, and however necessary for the preservation of
+the Union and the overthrow of its mortal enemies, which, never so
+lightly, impinged upon their "sacred Institution."
+
+This fact was well set forth, in this very debate, by a Senator from New
+England--[Wilson of Massachusetts]--when, after adjuring the anti-
+Slavery men of the age, not to forget the long list of Slavery's crimes,
+he eloquently proceeded:
+
+"Let them remember, too, that hundreds of thousands of our countrymen in
+Loyal States--since Slavery raised the banners of Insurrection, and sent
+death, wounds, sickness, and sorrow, into the homes of the People--have
+resisted, and still continue to resist, any measure for the defense of
+the Nation, if that measure tended to impair the vital and animating
+powers of Slavery.  They resisted the Act making Free the Slaves used by
+Rebels for Military purposes; the Confiscation of Rebel property and the
+Freedom of the Slaves of Rebel masters; the Abolition of Slavery in the
+Capital of the Nation, and the consecration of the Territories to Free
+Labor and Free laboring men; the Proclamation of Emancipation; the
+enlistment of Colored men to fight the battles of the Country; the
+Freedom of the Black soldier, who is fighting, bleeding, dying for the
+Country; and the Freedom of his wife and children.  And now, when War
+has for nearly three years menaced the life of the Nation, bathed the
+Land in blood, and filled two hundred thousand graves with our slain
+sons, these men of the Loyal States still cling to the falling fortunes
+of the relentless and unappeasable Enemy of their Country and its
+democratic institutions; they mourn, and will not be comforted, over the
+expiring System, in the Border Slave-States; and, in tones of
+indignation or of anguish, they utter lamentations over the Proclamation
+of Emancipation, and the policy that is bringing Rebel States back again
+radiant with Freedom."
+
+Among these "loyal" Democratic opponents of Emancipation, in any shape,
+or any where, were not wanting men--whether from Loyal Northern or
+Border States--who still openly avowed that Slavery was right; that
+Rebellion, to preserve its continuance, was justifiable; and that there
+was no Constitutional method of uprooting it.
+
+Saulsbury of Delaware, was representative and spokesman of this class,
+and he took occasion during this very debate--[In the Senate, March 31,
+1864.]--to defend Slavery as a Divine Institution, which had the
+sanction both of the Mosaic and Christian Dispensations!
+
+     [Said he: "Slavery had existed under some form or other from the
+     first period of recorded history.  It dates back even beyond the
+     period of Abraham, the Father of the Faithful, in whose seed all
+     the Nations of the Earth were to be blessed.  We find that,
+     immediately after the Flood, the Almighty, for purposes inscrutable
+     to us, condemned a whole race to Servitude: 'Vayomer Orur Knoan
+     Efet Afoatim Yeahio Le-echot:' 'And he said, Cursed be Canaan;
+     Slave of Slaves he shall be to his brethren.'  It continued among
+     all people until the advent of the Christian era.  It was
+     recognized in that New Dispensation, which was to supersede the
+     Old.  It has the sanction of God's own Apostle; for when Paul sent
+     back Onesimus to Philemon, whom did he send?  A Freeman?  No, Sir.
+     He sent his (doulos,) a Slave, born as such, not even his
+     andrapodon, who was such by captivity in War.  Among all people,
+     and in all ages, has this Institution, if such it is to be called,
+     existed, and had the countenance of wise and good men, and even of
+     the Christian Church itself, until these modern times, up at least
+     to the Nineteenth Century.  It exists in this Country, and has
+     existed from the beginning."
+
+     Mr. Harlan's reply to the position of Mr. Saulsbury that Slavery is
+     right, is a Divine Institution, etc., was very able and
+     interesting.  He piled up authority after authority, English as
+     well as American, to show that there is no support of Slavery--and
+     especially of the title to services of the adult offspring of a
+     Slave--at Common Law; and, after also proving, by the mouth of a
+     favorite son of Virginia, that it has no legal existence by virtue
+     of any Municipal or Statutory Law, he declared that the only
+     remaining Law that can be cited for its support is the Levitical
+     Code"--as follows:
+
+     "'Both thy Bondmen, and thy Bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall
+     be of the heathen that are round about you; of them shall ye buy
+     Bondmen and Bondmaids.
+
+     "'Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among
+     you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you,
+     which they begat in your land; and they shall be your possession.
+
+     "'And ye shall take them as an Inheritance for your children after
+     you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your Bondmen
+     forever."'
+
+     "I remark," said he, "in this connection, that the Levitical Code,
+     or the Hebrew Law, contains a provision for the Naturalization of
+     Foreigners, whether captives of War, or voluntary emigrants.  By
+     compliance with the requirements of this law they became citizens,
+     entitled to all the rights and privileges and immunities of native
+     Hebrews.  The Hebrew Slave Code, applicable to Enslaved Hebrews, is
+     in these words:
+
+     "'And if thy brother, an Hebrew man, or an Hebrew woman, be sold
+     unto thee, and serve thee six years, then in the seventh year thou
+     shalt let him go Free from thee.'
+
+     "Here I request the attention of those who claim compensation for
+     Emancipated Slaves to the text:
+
+     "'And when thou sendest him out Free from thee, thou shalt not let
+     him go away empty:
+
+     "'Thou shalt furnish him liberally out of thy floor'--
+
+     "Which means granaries--
+
+     "'and out of thy wine-press: of that wherewith the Lord thy God
+     hath blessed thee, thou shalt give unto him.'
+
+     "'It shall not seem hard unto thee, when thou sendest him away Free
+     from thee, for he hath been worth a double-hired servant to thee,
+     in serving thee six years.'
+
+     "These Hebrew Statutes provide that the heathen might be purchased
+     and held as Slaves, and their posterity after them; that under
+     their Naturalization Laws all strangers and sojourners, Bond and
+     Free, have the privilege of acquiring the rights of citizenship;
+     that all Hebrews, natives or naturalized, might assert and maintain
+     their right to Freedom.
+
+     "At the end of six years a Hebrew Slave thus demanding his Liberty,
+     was not to be sent away empty; the owner, so far from claiming
+     compensation from his neighbors or from the Public Treasury for
+     setting him Free, was bound to divide with the Freedman, of his own
+     possessions: to give him of his flocks, of his herds, of his
+     granary, and of his winepress, of everything with which the Lord
+     Almighty had blessed the master during the years of his Servitude;
+     and then the owner was admonished that he was not to regard it as a
+     hardship to be required to Liberate the Slave, and to divide with
+     him of his substance.
+
+     "The Almighty places the Liberated Slave's claim to a division of
+     his former master's property on the eternal principles of Justice,
+     the duty to render an equivalent for an equivalent.  The Slave
+     having served six years must be paid for his Service, must be paid
+     liberally because he had been worth even more than a hired servant
+     during the period of his enslavement.
+
+     "If, then," continued Mr. Harlan, "the justice of this claim cannot
+     be found either in Reason, Natural Justice, or the principles of
+     the Common Law, or in any positive Municipal or Statute regulation
+     of any State, or in the Hebrew Code written by the Finger of God
+     protruded from the flame of fire on the summit of Sinai, I ask
+     whence the origin of the title to the services of the adult
+     offspring of the Slave mother?  or is it not manifest that there is
+     no just title?  Is it not a mere usurpation without any known mode
+     of justification, under any existing Code of Laws, human or
+     Divine?"]
+
+He also undertook to justify Secession on the singular ground that "we
+are sprung from a Race of Secessionists," the proof of which he held to
+be in the fact that, while the preamble to, as well as the body of the
+Convention of Ratification of, the old Articles of Confederation between
+the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and
+Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennslyvania,
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and
+Georgia, declared that Confederation to be a "Perpetual Union," yet,
+within nine years thereafter, all the other States Seceded from New
+York, Virginia, North Carolina, and Rhode Island by ratifying the new
+Constitution for "a more perfect Union."
+
+He also endeavored to maintain the extraordinary proposition that "if
+the Senate of the United States were to adopt this Joint-resolution, and
+were to submit it to all the States of this Union, and if three-fourths
+of the States should ratify the Amendment, it would not be binding on
+any State whose interest was affected by it, if that State protested
+against it!"  And beyond all this, he re-echoed the old, old cry of the
+Border-state men, that "the time is unpropitious for such a measure as
+this."
+
+Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, however, by his great speech, of April
+5th, in the Senate, did much to clear the tangle in the minds of some
+faltering Union statesmen on this important subject.
+
+He reviewed the question of human Slavery from the time when the
+Constitutional Convention was held; showed that at that period, as well
+as at the time of the Declaration of our Independence "there was but one
+sentiment upon the subject among enlightened Southern statesmen"--and
+that was, that Slavery "is a great affliction to any Country where it
+prevails;" and declared that "a prosperous and permanent Peace can never
+be secured if the Institution is permitted to survive."
+
+He then traversed the various methods by which statesmen were seeking to
+prevent that survival of Slavery, addressing himself by turns to the
+arguments of those who, with John Sherman, "seemed," said he, "to
+consider it as within the power of Congress by virtue of its Legislative
+authority;" to those of the "many well-judging men, with the President
+at their head, who," to again use his own words, "seem to suppose that
+it is within the reach of the Executive;" and lastly, to those "who
+express the opinion that it is not within the scope of either Executive
+or Legislative authority, or of Constitutional Amendment;" and after
+demolishing the arguments of those who held the two former of these
+positions, he proceeded to rebut the assumption that Slavery could not
+be abolished at all because it was not originally abolished by the
+Constitution.
+
+Continuing, he said: "Remember, now, the question is, can that
+Institution, which deals with Humanity as Property, which claims to
+shackle the mind, the soul, and the body, which brings to the level of
+the brute a portion of the race of Man, cease to be within the reach of
+the political power of the People of the United States, not because it
+was not at one time within their power, but because at that time they
+did not exert the power?
+
+"What says the Preamble to the Constitution?  How pregnant with a
+conclusive answer is the Preamble, to the proposition that Slavery
+cannot be abolished!  What does that Preamble state to have been the
+chief objects that the great and wise and good men had at heart, in
+recommending the Constitution, with that Preamble, to the adoption of
+the American People?  That Justice might be established; that
+Tranquillity might be preserved; that the common Defense and general
+Welfare might be maintained; and, last and chief of all, that Liberty
+might be secured.
+
+"Is there no Justice in putting an end to human Slavery?  Is there no
+danger to the Tranquillity of the Country in its existence?  May it not
+interfere with the common Defense and general Welfare?  And, above all,
+is it consistent with any notion, which the mind of man can conceive, of
+human Liberty?"
+
+He held that the very Amendatory clause of the Constitution under which
+it was proposed to make this Amendment, was probably inserted there from
+a conviction of that coming time "when Justice would call so loudly for
+the extinction of the Institution that her call could not be disobeyed,"
+and, when "the Peace and Tranquillity of the Land would demand, in
+thunder tones," its destruction, "as inconsistent with such Peace and
+Tranquillity."
+
+To the atrocious pretence that "there was a right to make a Slave of any
+human being"--which he said would have shocked every one of the framers
+of the Constitution had they heard it; and, what he termed, the nauseous
+declaration that "Slavery of the Black race is of Divine origin," and
+was intended to be perpetual; he said:
+
+"The Saviour of Mankind did not put an end to it by physical power, or
+by the declaration of any existing illegality, in word.  His mission
+upon Earth was not to propagate His doctrines by force.  He came to
+save, not to conquer.  His purpose was not to march armed legions
+throughout the habitable Globe, securing the allegiance of those for
+whose safety He was striving.  He warred by other influences.  He aimed
+at the heart, principally.  He inculcated his doctrines, more ennobling
+than any that the World, enlightened as it was before His advent upon
+Earth, had been able to discover.  He taught to Man the obligation of
+brotherhood.  He announced that the true duty of Man was to do to others
+as he would have others do to him--to all men, the World over; and
+unless some convert to the modern doctrine that Slavery itself finds not
+only a guarantee for its existence, but for its legal existence, in the
+Scripture, excepts from the operation of the influences which His
+morality brought to bear on the mind of the Christian world, the Black
+man, and shows that it was not intended to apply to Black men, then it
+is not true, it cannot be true, that He designed His doctrine not to be
+equally applicable to the Black and to the White, to the Race of Man as
+he then existed, or as he might exist in all after-time."
+
+To the assumption that the African Slaves were too utterly deficient and
+degraded, mentally and morally, to appreciate the blessings of Freedom,
+he opposed the eloquent fact that "wherever the flag of the United
+States, the symbol of human Liberty, now goes; under it, from their
+hereditary bondage, are to be found men and women and children
+assembling and craving its protection 'fleeing from' the iron of
+oppression that had pierced their souls, to the protection of that flag
+where they are 'gladdened by the light of Liberty.'"
+
+"It is idle to deny," said he--"we feel it in our own persons--how, with
+reference to that sentiment, all men are brethren.  Look to the
+illustrations which the times now afford, how, in the illustration of
+that sentiment, do we differ from the Black man?  He is willing to incur
+every personal danger which promises to result in throwing down his
+shackles, and making him tread the Earth, which God has created for all,
+as a man, and not as a Slave."
+
+Said he: "It is an instinct of the Soul.  Tyranny may oppress it for
+ages and centuries; the pall of despotism may hang over it; but the
+sentiment is ever there; it kindles into a flame in the very furnace of
+affliction, and it avails itself of the first opportunity that offers,
+promising the least chance of escape, and wades through blood and
+slaughter to achieve it, and, whether it succeeds or fails,
+demonstrates, vindicates in the very effort, the inextinguishable right
+to Liberty."
+
+He thought that mischiefs might result from this measure, owing to the
+uneducated condition of the Slave, but they would be but temporary.  At
+all events to "suffer those Africans," said he, "whom we are calling
+around our standard, and asking to aid us in restoring the Constitution
+and the power of the Government to its rightful authority, to be reduced
+to bondage again," would be "a disgrace to the Nation."  The
+"Institution" must be terminated.
+
+"Terminate it," continued he, "and the wit of man will, as I think, be
+unable to devise any other topic upon which we can be involved in a
+fratricidal strife.  God and nature, judging by the history of the past,
+intend us to be one.  Our unity is written in the mountains and the
+rivers, in which we all have an interest.  The very differences of
+climate render each important to the other, and alike important.
+
+"That mighty horde which, from time to time, have gone from the
+Atlantic, imbued with all the principles of human Freedom which animated
+their fathers in running the perils of the mighty Deep and seeking
+Liberty here, are now there; and as they have said, they will continue
+to say, until time shall be no more: 'We mean that the Government in
+future shall be, as it has been in the past--Once an exemplar of human
+Freedom, for the light and example of the World; illustrating in the
+blessings and the happiness it confers, the truth of the principles
+incorporated into the Declaration of Independence, that Life and Liberty
+are Man's inalienable right."
+
+Fortunately the Democratic opposition, in the Senate, to
+this measure, was too small in numbers to beat the proposed Amendment,
+but by offering amendments to it, its enemies succeeded in delaying its
+adoption.
+
+However, on the 5th of April, an amendment, offered by Garrett Davis,
+was acted upon.  It was to strike out all after the preamble of the
+XIIIth Article of Amendment to the Constitution, proposed by the
+Judiciary Committee, and insert the words:
+
+"No Negro, or Person whose mother or grandmother is or was a Negro,
+shall be a citizen of the United States and be eligible to any Civil or
+Military office, or to any place of trust or profit under the United
+States."
+
+Mr. Davis's amendment was rejected by a vote of 5 yeas to 32 nays; when
+he immediately moved to amend, by adding precisely the same words at the
+end of Section 1 of the proposed Article.  It was again rejected.  He
+then moved to amend by adding to the said Section these words:
+
+"But no Slave shall be entitled to his or her Freedom under this
+Amendment if resident at the time it takes effect in any State, the laws
+of which forbid Free Negroes to reside therein, until removed from such
+State by the Government of the United States."
+
+This also was rejected.  Whereupon Mr. Powell moved to add, at the end
+of the first Section, the words:
+
+"No Slave shall be Emancipated by this Article unless the owner thereof
+shall be first paid the value of the Slave or Slaves so Emancipated."
+
+This likewise was rejected, on a yea and nay vote, by 2 yeas (Davis and
+Powell) to 34 nays; when Mr. Davis moved another amendment, viz.: to add
+at the end of Section 2 of the proposed Article, the following:
+
+"And when this Amendment of the Constitution shall have taken effect by
+Freeing the Slaves, Congress shall provide for the distribution and
+settlement of all the population of African descent in the United States
+among the several States and Territories thereof, in proportion to the
+White population of each State and Territory to the aggregate population
+of those of African descent."
+
+This met a like fate; whereupon the Senate adjourned, but, on the
+following day, the matter came up again for consideration:
+
+Hale, of New Hampshire, jubilantly declared that "this is a day that I
+and many others have long wished for, long hoped for, long striven for.
+* * *  A day when the Nation is to commence its real life; or, if it is
+not the day, it is the dawning of the day; the day is near at hand * * *
+when the American People are to wake up to the meaning of the sublime
+truths which their fathers uttered years ago, and which have slumbered,
+dead-letters, upon the pages of our Constitution, of our Declaration of
+Independence, and of our history."
+
+McDougall, of California, on the other hand,--utterly regardless of the
+grandly patriotic resolutions of the Legislature of his State, which had
+just been presented to the Senate by his colleague--lugubriously
+declared:
+
+"In my judgment, it may well be said of us:
+
+               'Let the Heavens be hung in black
+               And let the Earth put mourning on,'
+
+for in the history of no Free People, since the time the Persians came
+down upon Athens, have I known as melancholy a period as this day and
+year of Our Lord in our history; and if we can, by the blessing of God
+and by His favor, rise above it, it will be by His special providence,
+and by no act of ours."
+
+The obstructive tactics were now resumed, Mr. Powell leading off by a
+motion to amend, by adding to the Judiciary Committee's proposed
+Thirteenth Article of the Constitution, the following:
+
+"ART. 14.--The President and Vice-President shall hold their Offices for
+the term of four--[Which he subsequently modified to: 'six years']--
+years.  The person who has filled the Office of President shall not be
+reeligible."
+
+This amendment was rejected by 12 yeas to 32 nays; whereupon Mr. Powell
+moved to add to the Committee's Proposition another new Article, as
+follows:
+
+"ART. 14.--The principal Officer in each of the Executive Departments,
+and all persons connected with the Diplomatic Service, may be removed
+from office at the pleasure of the President.  All other officers of the
+Executive Departments may be removed at any time by the President or
+other appointing power when their services are unnecessary, or for
+dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty,
+and when so removed, the removal shall be reported to the Senate,
+together with the reasons therefor."
+
+This amendment also being rejected, Mr. Powell offered another, which
+was to add a separate Article as follows:
+
+"ART. 14.--Every law, or Resolution having the force of law, shall
+relate to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in its title."
+
+This also being rejected--the negative vote being, as in other cases,
+without reference to the merits of the proposition--and Mr. Powell
+having now apparently exhausted his obstructive amendatory talents, Mr.
+Davis came to the aid of his Kentucky colleague by moving an amendment,
+to come in as an additional Article, being a new plan of Presidential
+election designed to do away with the quadrennial Presidential campaign
+before the People by giving to each State the right to nominate one
+candidate, and leaving it to a Convention of both Houses of Congress--
+and, in case of disagreement, to the Supreme Court of the United States
+--to elect a President and a Vice-President.
+
+The rejection of this proposition apparently exhausted the stock of
+possible amendments possessed by the Democratic opposition, and the
+Joint Resolution, precisely as it came from the Judiciary Committee,
+having been agreed to by that body, "as in Committee of the Whole," was
+now, April 6th, reported to the Senate for its concurrence.
+
+On the following day, Mr. Hendricks uttered a lengthy jeremiad on the
+War, and its lamentable results; intimated that along the Mississippi,
+the Negroes, freed by the advance of our invading Armies and Navies,
+instead of being happy and industrious, were without protection or
+provision and almost without clothing, while at least 200,000 of them
+had prematurely perished, and that such was the fate reserved for the
+4,000,000 Negroes if liberated; and declared he would not vote for the
+Resolution, "because," said he, "the times are not auspicious."
+
+Very different indeed was the attitude of Mr. Henderson, of Missouri,
+Border-State man though he was.  In the course of a speech, of much
+power, which he opened with an allusion to the 115,000 Slaves owned in
+his State in 1860--as showing how deeply interested Missouri "must be in
+the pending proposition"--the Senator announced that: "Our great
+interest, as lovers of the Union, is in the preservation and
+perpetuation of the Union."  He declared himself a Slaveholder, yet none
+the less desired the adoption of this Thirteenth Article of Amendment,
+for, said he: "We cannot save the Institution if we would.  We ought not
+if we could.  * * *  If it were a blessing, I, for one, would be
+defending it to the last.  It is a curse, and not a blessing.  Therefore
+let it go.  * * * Let the iniquity be cast away!"
+
+It was about this time that a remarkable letter written by Mr. Lincoln
+to a Kentuckian, on the subject of Emancipation, appeared in print.  It
+is interesting as being not alone the President's own statement of his
+views, from the beginning, as to Slavery, and how he came to be "driven"
+to issue the Proclamation of Emancipation, and as showing how the Union
+Cause had gained by its issue, but also in disclosing, indirectly, how
+incessantly the subject was revolved in his own mind, and urged by him
+upon the minds of others.  The publication of the letter, moreover, was
+not without its effect on the ultimate action of the Congress and the
+States in adopting the Thirteenth Amendment.  It ran thus:
+
+
+
+                    "EXECUTIVE MANSION.
+                    "WASHINGTON, April 4, 1864.
+
+"A. G. HODGES, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.
+
+"MY DEAR SIR: You ask me to put in writing the substance of--what I
+verbally said the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and
+Senator Dixon.  It was about as follows:
+
+"I am naturally anti-Slavery.  If Slavery is not wrong, nothing is
+wrong.  I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I
+have never understood that the 'Presidency conferred upon me an
+unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling.
+
+"It was in the oath I took, that I would to the best of my ability
+preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.  I
+could not take the Office without taking the oath.  Nor was it my view
+that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using the
+power.
+
+"I understood, too, that in ordinary and Civil Administration this oath
+even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on
+the moral question of Slavery.  I had publicly declared this many times,
+and in many ways.
+
+"And I aver that, to this day, I have done no Official act in mere
+deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on Slavery.
+
+"I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to
+the best of my ability, imposed upon me the duty of preserving by every
+indispensable means, that Government--that Nation, of which that
+Constitution was the Organic Law.
+
+"Was it possible to lose the Nation and yet preserve the Constitution?
+
+"By General Law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must
+be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a
+limb.  I felt that measures, otherwise Unconstitutional, might become
+lawful, by becoming Indispensable to the Constitution through the
+preservation of the Nation.
+
+"Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it.  I could not
+feel that, to the best of my ability, I have even tried to preserve the
+Constitution, if, to save Slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit
+the wreck of Government, Country, and Constitution, altogether.
+
+"When, early in the War, General Fremont attempted Military
+Emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an
+Indispensable Necessity.
+
+"When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested
+the Arming of the Blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an
+Indispensable Necessity.
+
+"When, still later, General Hunter attempted Military Emancipation, I
+again forbade it, because I did not yet think the Indispensable
+Necessity had come.
+
+"When in March, and May, and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive
+appeals to the Border-States to favor compensated Emancipation, I
+believed the Indispensable Necessity for Military Emancipation and
+arming the Blacks would come, unless averted by that measure.
+
+"They declined the proposition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven
+to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it, the
+Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the Colored element.  I
+chose the latter.  In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss,
+but of this I was not entirely confident.
+
+"More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our Foreign
+Relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white
+Military force, no loss by it anyhow, or anywhere.  On the contrary, it
+shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen,
+and laborers.
+
+"These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no
+cavilling.  We have the men; and we could not have had them without the
+measure.
+
+"And now let any Union man who complains of this measure, test himself
+by writing down in one line, that he is for subduing the Rebellion by
+force of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking one hundred and
+thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they
+would be best for the measure he condemns.  If he cannot face his case
+so stated, it is only because he cannot face the truth.
+
+"I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation.  In telling this
+tale, I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity.  I claim not to have
+controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me.
+Now at the end of three years' struggle, the Nation's condition is not
+what either Party, or any man, devised or expected.  God alone can claim
+it.
+
+"Whither it is tending seems plain.  If God now wills the removal of a
+great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the
+South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial
+history will find therein new causes to attest and revere the Justice
+and goodness of God.
+                    "Yours truly,
+                              "A. LINCOLN."
+
+
+The 8th of April (1864) turned out to be the decisive field-day in the
+Senate.  Sumner endeavored to close the debate on that day in a speech
+remarkable no less for its power and eloquence of statement, its
+strength of Constitutional exposition, and its abounding evidences of
+extensive historical research and varied learning, than for its
+patriotic fervor and devotion to human Freedom.
+
+Toward the end of that great speech, however, he somewhat weakened its
+force by suggesting a change in the phraseology of the proposed
+Thirteenth Amendment, so that, instead of almost precisely following the
+language of the Jeffersonian Ordinance of 1787, as recommended by the
+Judiciary Committee of the Senate, it should read thus:
+
+"All Persons are Equal before the Law, so that no person can hold
+another as a Slave; and the Congress may make all laws necessary and
+proper to carry this Article into effect everywhere within the United
+States and the jurisdiction thereof."
+
+Mr. Sumner's idea in antagonizing the Judiciary Committee's proposition
+with this, was to introduce into our Organic Act, distinctive words
+asserting the "Equality before the Law" of all persons, as expressed in
+the Constitutional Charters of Belgium, Italy and Greece, as well as in
+the various Constitutions of France--beginning with that of September,
+1791, which declared (Art. 1) that "Men are born and continue Free and
+Equal in Rights;" continuing in that of June, 1793, which declares that
+"All Men are Equal by Nature and before the Law:" in that of June, 1814,
+which declares that "Frenchmen are Equal before the Law, whatever may be
+otherwise their title and ranks;" and in the Constitutional Charter of
+August, 1830 in similar terms to the last.
+
+"But," said he, "while desirous of seeing the great rule of Freedom
+which we are about to ordain, embodied in a text which shall be like the
+precious casket to the more precious treasure, yet * * * I am consoled
+by the thought that the most homely text containing such a rule will be
+more beautiful far than any words of poetry or eloquence, and that it
+will endure to be read with gratitude when the rising dome of this
+Capitol, with the Statue of Liberty which surmounts it, has crumbled to
+dust."
+
+Mr. Sumner's great speech, however, by no means ended the debate.  It
+brought Mr. Powell to his feet with a long and elaborate contention
+against the general proposition, in the course of which he took occasion
+to sneer at Sumner's "most remarkable effort," as one of his "long
+illogical rhapsodies on Slavery, like:
+
+                              '--a Tale
+               Told by an Idiot, full of sound and fury,
+               Signifying nothing.'"
+
+He professed that he wanted "the Union to be restored with the
+Constitution as it is;" that he verily believed the passage of this
+Amendment would be "the most effective Disunion measure that could be
+passed by Congress"--and, said he, "As a lover of the Union I oppose
+it."
+
+     [This phrase slightly altered, in words, but not in meaning, to
+     "The Union as it was, and the Constitution as it is," afterward
+     became the Shibboleth under which the Democratic Party in the
+     Presidential Campaign of 1864, marched to defeat.]
+
+He endeavored to impute the blame for the War, to the northern
+Abolitionists, for, said he: "Had there been no Abolitionists, North,
+there never would have been a Fire-eater, South,"--apparently ignoring
+the palpable fact that had there been no Slavery in the South, there
+could have been no "Abolitionists, North."
+
+He heatedly denounced the "fanatical gentlemen" who desired the passage
+of this measure; declared they intended by its passage "to destroy the
+Institution of Slavery or to destroy the Union," and exclaimed: "Pass
+this Amendment and you make an impassable chasm, as if you were to put a
+lake of burning fire, between the adhering States and those who are out.
+You will then have to make it a War of conquest and extermination before
+you can ever bring them back under the flag of the Government.  There is
+no doubt about that proposition."
+
+Mr. Sumner, at this point, withdrew his proposed amendment, at the
+suggestion of Mr. Howard, who expressed a preference "to dismiss all
+reference to French Constitutions and French Codes, and go back to the
+good old Anglo-Saxon language employed by our Fathers, in the Ordinance
+of 1787, (in) an expression adjudicated upon repeatedly, which is
+perfectly well understood both by the public and by Judicial Tribunals--
+a phrase, which is peculiarly near and dear to the people of the
+Northwestern Territory, from whose soil Slavery was excluded by it."
+
+     [The following is the language of "the Ordinance of 1787" thus
+     referred to:
+
+     "ART. 6.--There shall be neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude
+     in the said Territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes,
+     whereof the party shall have been duly convicted: * * *."]
+
+Mr. Davis thereupon made another opposition speech and, at its
+conclusion, Mr. Saulsbury offered, as a substitute, an Article,
+comprising no less than twenty sections--that, he said, "embodied in
+them some things" which "did not meet his personal approbation," but he
+had consented to offer them to the Senate as "a Compromise"--as "a Peace
+offering."
+
+The Saulsbury substitute being voted down, the debate closed with a
+speech by Mr. McDougall--an eloquent protest from his standpoint, in
+which, after endorsing the wild statement of Mr. Hendricks that 250,000
+of the people of African descent had been prematurely destroyed on the
+Mississippi, he continued.
+
+"This policy will ingulf them.  It is as simple a truth as has ever been
+taught by any history.  The Slaves of ancient time were not the Slaves
+of a different Race.  The Romans compelled the Gaul and the Celt,
+brought them to their own Country, and some of them became great poets,
+and some eloquent orators, and some accomplished wits, and they became
+citizens of the Republic of Greece, and of the Republic of Rome, and of
+the Empire.
+
+"This is not the condition of these persons with whom we are now
+associated, and about whose affairs we undertake to establish
+administration.  They can never commingle with us.  It may not be within
+the reading of some learned Senators, and yet it belongs to demonstrated
+Science, that the African race and the European are different; and I
+here now say it as a fact established by science, that the eighth
+generation of the Mixed race formed by the union of the African and
+European, cannot continue their species.  Quadroons have few children;
+with Octoroons reproduction is impossible.
+
+"It establishes as a law of nature that the African has no proper
+relation to the European, Caucasian, blood.  I would have them kindly
+treated.  * * *  Against all such policy and all such conduct I shall
+protest as a man, in the name of humanity, and of law, and of truth, and
+of religion."
+
+The amendment made, as in Committee of the Whole, having been concurred
+in, etc., the Joint Resolution, as originally reported by the Judiciary
+Committee, was at last passed, (April 8th)--by a vote of 38 yeas to 6
+nays--Messrs.  Hendricks and McDougall having the uneviable distinction
+of being the only two Senators, (mis-)representing Free States, who
+voted against this definitive Charter of American Liberty.
+
+     [The full Senate vote, on passing the Thirteenth Amendment, was:
+
+     YEAS-Messrs.  Anthony, Brown, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Conness,
+     Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale,
+     Harding, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Johnson, Lane of
+     Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Ramsey,
+     Sherman, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade,
+     Wilkinson, Willey, and Wilson--38.
+
+     NAYs--Messrs.  Davis, Hendricks, McDougall, Powell, Riddle, and
+     Saulsbury.]
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXIV.
+
+                     TREASON IN THE NORTHERN CAMPS.
+
+The immortal Charter of Freedom had, as we have seen, with comparative
+ease, after a ten days' debate, by the power of numbers, run the
+gauntlet of the Senate; but now it was to be subjected to the much more
+trying and doubtful ordeal of the House.  What would be its fate there?
+This was a question which gave to Mr. Lincoln, and the other friends of
+Liberty and Union, great concern.
+
+It is true that various votes had recently been taken in that body, upon
+propositions which had an indirect bearing upon the subject of
+Emancipation, as, for instance, that of the 1st of February, 1864, when,
+by a vote of 80 yeas to 46 nays, it had adopted a Resolution declaring
+"That a more vigorous policy to enlist, at an early day, and in larger
+numbers, in our Army, persons of African descent, would meet the
+approbation of the House;" and that vote, although indirect, being so
+very nearly a two-thirds vote, was most encouraging.  But, on the other
+hand, a subsequent Resolution, squarely testing the sense of the House
+upon the subject, had been carried by much less than a two-thirds vote.
+
+This latter Resolution, offered by Mr. Arnold, after conference with Mr.
+Lincoln, with the very purpose of making a test, was in these direct
+terms:
+
+"Resolved, That the Constitution shall be so amended as to Abolish
+Slavery in the United States wherever it now exists, and to prohibit its
+existence in every part thereof forever."
+
+The vote, adopting it, was but 78 yeas to 62 nays.  * This vote,
+therefore, upon the Arnold Resolution, being nowhere near the two-thirds
+affirmative vote necessary to secure the passage through the House of
+the Senate Joint Resolution on this subject amendatory of the
+Constitution, was most discouraging.
+
+It was definite enough, however, to show the necessity of a change from
+the negative to the affirmative side of at least fifteen votes.  While
+therefore the outlook was discouraging it was far from hopeless.  The
+debate in the Senate had already had its effect upon the public mind.
+That, and the utterances of Mr. Lincoln--and further discussion in the
+House, it was thought, might produce such a pressure from the loyal
+constituencies both in the Free and Border Slave-States as to compel
+success.
+
+But from the very beginning of the year 1864, as if instinctively aware
+that their Rebel friends were approaching the crisis of their fate, and
+needed now all the help that their allies of the North could give them,
+the Anti-War Democrats, in Congress, and out, had been stirring
+themselves with unusual activity.
+
+In both Houses of Congress, upon all possible occasions, they had been
+striving, as they still strove, with the venom of their widely-
+circulated speeches, to poison the loyal Northern and Border-State mind,
+in the hope that the renomination of Mr. Lincoln might be defeated, the
+chance for Democratic success at the coming Presidential election be
+thereby increased, and, if nothing else came of it, the Union Cause be
+weakened and the Rebel Cause correspondingly strengthened.
+
+At the same time, evidently under secret instructions from their
+friends, the Conspirators in arms, they endeavored to create heart-
+burnings and jealousies and ill-feeling between the Eastern (especially
+the New England) States and the Western States, and unceasingly attacked
+the Protective-Tariff, Internal Revenue, the Greenback, the Draft, and
+every other measure or thing upon which the life of the Union depended.
+
+Most of these Northern-Democratic agitators, "Stealing the livery of
+Heaven to serve the Devil in," endeavored to conceal their treacherous
+designs under a veneer of gushing lip-loyalty, but that disguise was
+"too thin" to deceive either their contemporaries or those who come
+after them.  Some of their language too, as well as their blustering
+manner, strangely brought back to recollection the old days of Slavery
+when the plantation-whip was cracked in the House, and the air was blue
+with execration of New England.
+
+Said Voorhees, of Indiana, (January 11, 1864) when the House was
+considering a Bill "to increase the Internal Revenue and for other
+purposes:"
+
+"I want to know whether the West has any friends upon the floor of this
+House?  We pay every dollar that is to be levied by this Tax Bill.  * *
+*  The Manufacturing Interest pays not a dollar into the public Treasury
+that stays there.  And yet airs of patriotism are put on here by men
+representing that interest.  I visited New England last Summer, * * *
+when I heard the swelling hum of her Manufactories, and saw those who
+only a short time ago worked but a few hands, now working their
+thousands, and rolling up their countless wealth, I felt that it was an
+unhealthy prosperity.  To my mind it presented a wealth wrung from the
+labor, the sinews, the bone and muscle of the men who till the soil,
+taxed to an illegitimate extent to foster and support that great System
+of local wealth.  * * *  I do not intend to stand idly by and see one
+portion of the Country robbed and oppressed for the benefit of another."
+
+And the same day, replying to Mr. Morrill of Vermont, he exclaimed: "Let
+him show me that the plethoric, bloated Manufacturers of New England are
+paying anything to support the Government, and I will recognize it."
+
+Washburne, of Illinois got back at this part of Mr. Voorhees's speech
+rather neatly, by defending the North-west as being "not only willing to
+stand taxation" which had been "already imposed, but * * * any
+additional taxation which," said he, "may be necessary to crush out this
+Rebellion, and to hang the Rebels in the South, and the Rebel
+sympathizers in the North."  And, he pointedly added: "Complaint has
+been made against New England.  I know that kind of talk.  I have heard
+too often that kind of slang about New England.  I heard it here for ten
+years, when your Barksdales, and your Keitts's, and your other Traitors,
+now in arms against the Government, filled these Halls with their
+pestilential assaults not only upon New England, but on the Free North
+generally."
+
+Kelley of Pennsylvania, however, more fitly characterized the speech of
+Voorhees, when he termed it "a pretty, indeed a somewhat striking,
+paraphrase of the argument of Mr. Lamar, the Rebel Agent,--[in 1886,
+Secretary of the Interior]--to his confreres in Treason, as we find it
+in the recently published correspondence: 'Drive gold coin out of the
+Country, and induce undue Importation of Foreign products so as to
+strike down the Financial System.  You can have no further hope for
+Foreign recognition.  It is evident the weight of arms is against us;
+and it is clear that we can only succeed by striking down the Financial
+System of the Country.' It was an admirable paraphrase of the
+Instructions of Mr. Lamar to the Rebel Agents in the North."
+
+The impression was at this time abroad, and there were not wanting
+elements of proof, that certain members of Congress were trusted
+Lieutenants of the Arch-copperhead and Outlaw, Vallandigham.  Certain it
+is, that many of these leaders, six months before, attended and
+addressed the great gathering from various parts of the Country, of
+nearly one hundred thousand Vallandigham-Anti-War Peace-Democrats, at
+Springfield, Illinois--the very home of Abraham Lincoln--which adopted,
+during a lull, when they were not yelling themselves hoarse for
+Vallandigham, a resolution declaring against "the further offensive
+prosecution of the War" as being subversive of the Constitution and
+Government, and proposing a National Peace Convention, and, as a
+consequence, Peace, "the Union as it was," and, substantially such
+Constitutional guarantees as the Rebels might choose to demand!  And
+this too, at a time (June 13, 1863), when Grant, after many recent
+glorious victories, had been laying siege to Vicksburg, and its Rebel
+Army of 37,000 men, for nearly a month, with every reason to hope for
+its speedy fall.
+
+No wonder that under such circumstances, the news of such a gathering of
+the Northern Democratic sympathizers with Treason, and of their adoption
+of such treasonable Resolutions, should encourage the Rebels in the same
+degree that Union men were disheartened!  No wonder that Lee, elated by
+this and other evidences of Northern sympathy with Rebellion, at once
+determined to commence a second grand invasion of the North, and on the
+very next day (June 14th,) moved Northward with all his Rebel hosts to
+be welcomed, he fondly hoped, by his Northern friends of Maryland and
+elsewhere!  As we have seen, it took the bloody Battle of Gettysburg to
+undeceive him as to the character of that welcome.
+
+Further than this, Mr. Cox had stumped Ohio, in the succeeding election,
+in a desperate effort to make the banished Traitor, Vallandigham--the
+Chief Northern commander of the "Knights of the Golden Circle"
+(otherwise known as the "Order of the Sons of Liberty," and "O. A. K."
+or "Order of American Knights")--Governor of that great State.
+
+     [The Rebel General Sterling Price being the chief Southern
+     commander of this many-named treasonable organization, which in the
+     North alone numbered over 500,000 men.
+
+     August, 1864.--See Report of Judge Advocate Holt on certain "Secret
+     Associations," in Appendix,]
+
+And it only lacked a few months of the time when quantities of copies of
+the treasonable Ritual of the "Order of American Knights"--as well as
+correspondence touching the purchase of thousands of Garibaldi rifles
+for transportation to the West--were found in the offices of leading
+Democrats then in Congress.
+
+When, therefore, it is said, and repeated, that there were not wanting
+elements of proof, outside of Congressional utterances and actions, that
+leading Democrats in Congress were trusted Lieutenants of the Supreme
+Commander of over half a million of Northern Rebel-sympathizers bound
+together, and to secrecy, by oaths, which were declared to be paramount
+to all other oaths, the violation of which subjected the offender to a
+shameful death somewhat like that, of being "hung, drawn, and
+quartered," which was inflicted in the middle ages for the crime of
+Treason to the Crown--it will be seen that the statement is supported by
+circumstantial, if not by positive and direct, evidence.
+
+Whether the Coxes, the Garret Davises, the Saulsburys, the Fernando
+Woods, the Alexander Longs, the Allens, the Holmans, and many other
+prominent Congressmen of that sort,--were merely in close communion with
+these banded "Knights," or were actual members of their secret
+organizations, may be an open question.  But it is very certain that if
+they all were not oath-bound members, they generally pursued the precise
+methods of those who were; and that, as a rule, while they often loudly
+proclaimed loyalty and love for the Union, they were always ready to act
+as if their loyalty and love were for the so-called Confederacy.
+
+Indeed, it was one of these other "loyal" Democrats, who even preceded
+Voorhees, in raising the Sectional cry of: The West, against New
+England.  It was on this same Internal Revenue Bill, that Holman of
+Indiana had, the day before Voorhees's attack, said:
+
+"If the Manufacture of the Northwest is to be taxed so heavily, a
+corresponding rate of increase must be imposed on the Manufactures of
+New England and Pennsylvania, or, will gentlemen tax us without limit
+for the benefit of their own Section?  * * * I protest against what I
+believe is intended to be a discrimination against one Section of the
+Country, by increasing the tax three-fold, without a corresponding
+increase upon the burdens of other Sections."
+
+But these dreadfully "loyal" Democrats--who did the bidding of
+traitorous masters in their Treason to the Union, and thus, while
+posturing as "Patriots," "fired upon the rear" of our hard-pressed
+Armies--were super-sensitive on this point.  And, when they could get
+hold of a quiet sort of a man, inclined to peaceful methods of
+discussion, how they would, terrier-like, pounce upon him, and extract
+from him, if they could, some sort of negative satisfaction!
+
+Thus, for instance, on the 22nd of January, when one of these quiet men
+--Morris of New York--was in the midst of an inoffensive speech, Mr. Cox
+"bristled up," and blusteringly asked whether he meant to say that he
+(Cox) had "ever been the apologist or the defender of a Traitor?"
+
+And Morris not having said so, mildly replied that he did "not so
+charge"--all of which little bit of by-play hugely pleased the touchy
+Mr. Cox, and his clansmen.
+
+But on the day following, their smiles vanished under the words of
+Spalding or Ohio, who, after referring to the crocodile-tears shed by
+Democratic Congressmen over the Confiscation Resolution--on the pretense
+that it would hunt down "innocent women and children" of the Rebels,
+when they had never a word of sympathy for the widows and children of
+the two hundred thousand dead soldiers of the Union-continued:
+
+"They can see our poor soldiers return, minus an arm, minus a leg, as
+they pass through these lobbies, but their only care is to protect the
+property of Rebels.  And we are asked by one of my colleagues, (Mr. Cox)
+does the gentleman from New York intend to call us Traitors?  My friend,
+Mr. Morris, modestly answered no!  If he had asked that question of me,
+he knows what my answer would have been!  I have seen Rebel officers at
+Johnson's Island, and I have taken them by the hand because they have
+fought us fairly in the field and did not seek to break down the
+Government while living under its protection.  Yes, Sir, that gentleman
+knows that I would have said to him that I have more respect for an open
+and avowed Traitor in the field, than for a sympathizer in this Hall.
+Four months have scarcely gone by since that gentleman and his political
+friends were advocating the election of a man for the Gubernatorial
+office in my State, who was an open and avowed advocate of Secession--AN
+OUTLAW AT THAT!"
+
+And old Thaddeus Stevens--the clear-sighted and courageous "Old
+Commoner"--followed up Spalding, and struck very close to the root and
+animus of the Democratic opposition, when he exclaimed:
+
+"All this struggle by calm and dignified and moderate 'Patriots;' all
+this clamor against 'Radicals;' all this cry of 'the Union as it Was,
+and the Constitution as it Is;' is but a persistent effort to
+reestablish Slavery, and to rivet anew and forever the chains of Bondage
+on the limbs of Immortal beings.  May the God of Justice thwart their
+designs and paralyze their wicked efforts!"
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XXV.
+
+                        "THE FIRE IN THE REAR."
+
+The treacherous purposes of professedly-loyal Copperheads being seen
+through, and promptly and emphatically denounced to the Country by Union
+statesmen, the Copperheads aforesaid concluded that the profuse
+circulation of their own Treason-breeding speeches--through the medium
+of the treasonable organizations before referred to, permeating the
+Northern States,--would more than counteract all that Union men could
+say or do.  Besides, the fiat had gone forth, from their Rebel masters
+at Richmond, to Agitate the North.
+
+Hence, day after day, Democrat after Democrat, in the one House or the
+other, continued to air his disloyal opinions, and to utter more or less
+virulent denunciations of the Government which guarded and protected
+him.
+
+Thus, Brooks, of New York, on the 25th of January (1864), sneeringly
+exclaimed: "Why, what absurdity it is to talk at this Capitol of
+prosecuting the War by the liberation of Slaves, when from the dome of
+this building there can be heard at this hour the booming of cannon in
+the distance!"
+
+Thus, also, on the day following, Fernando Wood--the same man who, while
+Mayor of New York at the outbreak of the Rebellion, had, under Rebel-
+guidance, proposed the Secession from the Union, and the Independence,
+of that great Metropolis,--declared to the House that: "No Government
+has pursued a foe with such unrelenting, vindictive malignity as we are
+now pursuing those who came into the Union with us, whose blood has been
+freely shed on every battle-field of the Country until now, with our
+own; who fought by our side in the American Revolution, and in the War
+of 1812 with Great Britain; who bore our banners bravest and highest in
+our victorious march from Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico, and who but
+yesterday sat in these Halls contributing toward the maintenance of our
+glorious institutions."
+
+Then he went on, in the spirit of prophecy, to declare that: "No purely
+agricultural people, fighting for the protection of their own Domestic
+Institutions upon their own soil, have ever yet been conquered.  I say
+further, that no revolted people have ever been subdued after they have
+been able to maintain an Independent government for three years."  And
+then, warming up to an imperative mood, he made this explicit
+announcement: "We are at War.  * * *  Whether it be a Civil War,
+Rebellion, Revolution, or Foreign War, it matters little.  IT MUST
+CEASE; and I want this Administration to tell the American People WHEN
+it will cease!"  Again, only two days afterward, he took occasion to
+characterize a Bill, amendatory of the enrollment Act, as "this
+infamous, Unconstitutional conscription Act!"
+
+C. A. White, of Ohio, was another of the malcontents who undertook, with
+others of the same Copperhead faith, to "maintain, that," as he
+expressed it, "the War in which we are at present engaged is wrong in
+itself; that the policy adopted by the Party in power for its
+prosecution is wrong; that the Union cannot be restored, or, if
+restored, maintained, by the exercise of the coercive power of the
+Government, by War; that the War is opposed to the restoration of the
+Union, destructive of the rights of the States and the liberties of the
+People.  It ought, therefore, to be brought to a speedy and immediate
+close."
+
+It was about this time also that, emboldened by immunity from punishment
+for these utterances in the interest of armed Rebels, Edgerton of
+Indiana, was put forward to offer resolutions "for Peace, upon the basis
+of a restoration of the Federal Union under the Constitution as it is,"
+etc.
+
+Thereafter, in both Senate and House, such speeches by Rebel-
+sympathizers, the aiders and abettors of Treason, grew more frequent and
+more virulent than ever.  As was well said to the House, by one of the
+Union members from Ohio (Mr. Eckley):
+
+"A stranger, if he listened to the debates here, would think himself in
+the Confederate Congress.  I do not believe that if these Halls were
+occupied to-day by Davis, Toombs, Wigfall, Rhett, and Pryor, they could
+add anything to the violence of assault, the falsity of accusation, or
+the malignity of attack, with which the Government has been assailed,
+and the able, patriotic, and devoted men who are charged with its
+Administration have been maligned, in both ends of the Capitol.  The
+closing scenes of the Thirty-Sixth Congress, the treasonable
+declarations there made, contain nothing that we cannot hear, in the
+freedom of debate, without going to Richmond or to the camps of Treason,
+where most of the actors in those scenes are now in arms against us."
+
+With such a condition of things in Congress, it is not surprising that
+the Richmond Enquirer announced that the North was "distracted,
+exhausted, and impoverished," and would, "through the agency of a strong
+conservative element in the Free States," soon treat with the Rebels "on
+acceptable terms."
+
+Things indeed had reached such a pass, in the House of Representatives
+especially, that it was felt they could not much longer go on in this
+manner; that an example must be made of some one or other of these
+Copperheads.  But the very knowledge of the existence of such a feeling
+of just and patriotic irritation against the continued free utterance of
+such sentiments in the Halls of Congress, seemed only to make some of
+them still more defiant.  And, when the 8th of April dawned, it was
+known among all the Democrats in Congress, that Alexander Long proposed
+that day to make a speech which would "go a bow-shot beyond them all" in
+uttered Treason.  He would speak right out, what the other Conspirators
+thought and meant, but dared not utter, before the World.
+
+A crowded floor, and packed galleries, were on hand to listen to the
+written, deliberate Treason, as it fell from his lips in the House.  His
+speech began with an arraignment of the Government for treachery,
+incompetence, failure, tyranny, and all sorts of barbarous actions and
+harsh intentions, toward the Rebels--which led him to the indignant
+exclamation:
+
+"Will they throw down their arms and submit to the terms?  Who shall
+believe that the free, proud American blood, which courses with as quick
+pulsation through their veins as our own, will not be spilled to the
+last drop in resistance?"
+
+Warming up, he proceeded to say: "Can the Union be restored by War?  I
+answer most unhesitatingly and deliberately, No, never; 'War is final,
+eternal separation.'"
+
+He claimed that the War was "wrong;" that it was waged "in violation of
+the Constitution," and would "if continued, result speedily in the
+destruction of the Government and the loss of Civil Liberty, and ought
+therefore, to immediately cease."
+
+He held also "that the Confederate States are out of the Union,
+occupying the position of an Independent Power de facto; have been
+acknowledged as a belligerent both by Foreign Nations and our own
+Government; maintained their Declaration of Independence, for three
+years, by force of arms; and the War has cut asunder all the obligations
+that bound them under the Constitution."
+
+"Much better," said he, "would it have been for us in the beginning,
+much better would it be for us now, to consent to a division of our
+magnificent Empire, and cultivate amicable relations with our estranged
+brethren, than to seek to hold them to us by the power of the sword.  *
+* * I am reluctantly and despondingly forced to the conclusion that the
+Union is lost, never to be restored.  * * * I see neither North nor
+South, any sentiment on which it is possible to build a Union.  * * * in
+attempting to preserve our Jurisdiction over the Southern States we have
+lost our Constitutional Form of Government over the Northern.  * * * The
+very idea upon which this War is founded, coercion of States, leads to
+despotism.  * * * I now believe that there are but two alternatives, and
+they are either an acknowledgment of the Independence of the South as an
+independent Nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a
+People; and of these alternatives I prefer the former."
+
+As Long took his seat, amid the congratulations of his Democratic
+friends, Garfield arose, and, to compliments upon the former's peculiar
+candor and honesty, added denunciation for his Treason.  After drawing
+an effective parallel between Lord Fairfax and Robert E. Lee, both of
+whom had cast their lots unwillingly with the enemies of this Land, when
+the Wars of the Revolution and of the Rebellion respectively opened,
+Garfield proceeded:
+
+"But now, when hundreds of thousands of brave souls have gone up to God
+under the shadow of the Flag, and when thousands more, maimed and
+shattered in the Contest, are sadly awaiting the deliverance of death;
+now, when three years of terrific warfare have raged over us, when our
+Armies have pushed the Rebellion back over mountains and rivers and
+crowded it back into narrow limits, until a wall of fire girds it; now,
+when the uplifted hand of a majestic People is about to let fall the
+lightning of its conquering power upon the Rebellion; now, in the quiet
+of this Hall, hatched in the lowest depths of a similar dark Treason,
+there rises a Benedict Arnold and proposes to surrender us all up, body
+and spirit, the Nation and the Flag, its genius and its honor, now and
+forever, to the accursed Traitors to our Country.  And that proposition
+comes--God forgive and pity my beloved State!--it comes from a citizen
+of the honored and loyal Commonwealth of Ohio!  I implore you, brethren
+in this House, not to believe that many such births ever gave pangs to
+my mother-State such as she suffered when that Traitor was born!"
+
+As he uttered these sturdy words, the House and galleries were agitated
+with that peculiar rustling movement and low murmuring sound known as a
+"sensation," while the Republican side with difficulty restrained the
+applause they felt like giving, until he sadly proceeded:
+
+"I beg you not to believe that on the soil of that State another such
+growth has ever deformed the face of Nature and darkened the light of
+God's day."
+
+The hush that followed was broken by the suggestive whisper:
+"Vallandigham!"
+
+"But, ah," continued the Speaker--as his voice grew sadder still--"I am
+reminded that there are other such.  My zeal and love for Ohio have
+carried me too far.  I retract.  I remember that only a few days since,
+a political Convention met at the Capital of my State, and almost
+decided, to select from just such material, a representative for the
+Democratic Party in the coming contest; and today, what claims to be a
+majority of the Democracy of that State say that they have been cheated
+or they would have made that choice!"
+
+     [This refers to Horatio Seymour, the Democratic Governor of New
+     York.]
+
+After referring to the "insidious work" of the "Knights of the Golden
+Circle" in seeking "to corrupt the Army and destroy its efficiency;" the
+"riots and murders which," said he, "their agents are committing
+throughout the Loyal North, under the lead and guidance of the Party
+whose Representatives sit yonder across the aisle;" he continued: "and
+now, just as the time is coming on when we are to select a President for
+the next four years, one rises among them and fires the Beacon, throws
+up the blue-light--which will be seen, and rejoiced over, at the Rebel
+Capital in Richmond--as the signal that the Traitors in our camp are
+organized and ready for their hellish work!  I believe the utterance of
+to-day is the uplifted banner of revolt.  I ask you to mark the signal
+that blazes here, and see if there will not soon appear the answering
+signals of Traitors all over the Land.  * * * If these men do mean to
+light the torch of War in all our homes; if they have resolved to begin
+the fearful work which will redden our streets, and this Capitol, with
+blood, the American People should know it at once, and prepare to meet
+it."
+
+At the close of Mr. Garfield's patriotic and eloquent remarks, Mr. Long
+again got the floor, declared that what he had said, he believed to be
+right, and he would "stand by it," though he had to "stand solitary and
+alone," and "even if it were necessary to brave bayonets, and prisons,
+and all the tyranny which may be imposed by the whole power and force of
+the Administration."
+
+Said he: "I have deliberately uttered my sentiments in that speech, and
+I will not retract one syllable of it."  And, to "rub it in" a little
+stronger, he exclaimed, as he took his seat, just before adjournment:
+"Give me Liberty, even if confined to an Island of Greece, or a Canton
+of Switzerland, rather than an Empire and a Despotism as we have here
+to-day!"
+
+This treasonable speech naturally created much excitement throughout the
+Country.
+
+On the following day (Saturday, April 9, 1864), immediately after
+prayer, the reading of the Journal being dispensed with, the Speaker of
+the House (Colfax) came down from the Speaker's Chair, and, from the
+floor, offered a Preamble and Resolution, which ended thus:
+
+"Resolved, That Alexander Long, a Representative from the second
+district of Ohio, having, on the 8th day of April, 1864, declared
+himself in favor of recognizing the Independence and Nationality of the
+so-called Confederacy now in arms against the Union, and thereby 'given
+aid, Countenance and encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility
+to the United States,' is hereby expelled."
+
+The debate which ensued consumed nearly a week, and every member of
+prominence, on both the Republican and Democratic sides, took part in
+it--the Democrats almost invariably being careful to protest their own
+loyalty, and yet attempting to justify the braver and more candid
+utterances of the accused member.
+
+Mr. Cox led off, April 9th, in the defense, by counterattack.  He quoted
+remarks made to the House (March 18, 1864) by Mr. Julian, of Indiana, to
+the effect that "Our Country, united and Free, must be saved, at
+whatever hazard or cost; and nothing, not even the Constitution, must be
+allowed to hold back the uplifted arm of the Government in blasting the
+power of the Rebels forever;"--and upon this, adopting the language of
+another--[Judge Thomas, of Massachusetts.]--Mr. Cox declared that "to
+make this a War, with the sword in one hand to defend the Constitution,
+and a hammer in the other to break it to pieces, is no less treasonable
+than Secession itself; and that, outside the pale of the Constitution,
+the whole struggle is revolutionary."
+
+He thought, for such words as he had just quoted, Julian ought to have
+been expelled, if those of Long justified expulsion!
+
+Finally, being pressed by Julian to define his own position, as between
+the Life of the Nation, and the Infraction of the United States
+Constitution, Mr. Cox said: "I will say this, that UNDER NO
+CIRCUMSTANCES CONCEIVABLE BY THE HUMAN MIND WOULD I EVER VIOLATE THAT
+CONSTITUTION FOR ANY PURPOSE!"
+
+This sentiment was loudly applauded, and received with cries of "THAT IS
+IT!"  "THAT'S IT!" by the Democratic side of the House, apparently in
+utter contempt for the express and emphatic declaration of Jefferson
+that: "A strict observance of the written laws is doubtless one of the
+highest duties of a good citizen, but it is not the highest.  The laws
+of Necessity, of Self-preservation, of SAVING OUR COUNTRY WHEN IN
+DANGER, are of higher obligation.  To LOSE OUR COUNTRY by a scrupulous
+adherence to written law WOULD BE TO LOSE THE LAW ITSELF, with Life,
+Liberty, Property, and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus
+absolutely SACRIFICING THE END TO THE MEANS."
+
+     [In a letter to J.  B.  Colvin, Sept.  20, 1810, quoted at the time
+     for their information, and which may be found at page 542 of vol.
+     v., of Jefferson's Works.]
+
+Indeed these extreme sticklers for the letter of the Constitution, who
+would have sacrificed Country, kindred, friends, honesty, truth, and all
+ambitions on Earth and hopes for Heaven, rather than violate it--for
+that is what Mr. Cox's announcement and the Democratic endorsement of it
+meant, if they meant anything--were of the same stripe as those
+querulous Ancients, for the benefit of whom the Apostle wrote: "For THE
+LETTER KILLETH, but the Spirit giveth life."
+
+And now, inspired apparently by the reckless utterances
+of Long, if not by the more cautious diatribe of Cox, Harris of
+Maryland, determining if possible to outdo them all, not only declared
+that he was willing to go with his friend Long wherever the House chose
+to send him, but added: "I am a peace man, a radical peace man; and I am
+for Peace by the recognition of the South, for the recognition of the
+Southern Confederacy; and I am for acquiescence in the doctrine of
+Secession."  And, said he, in the midst of the laughter which followed
+the sensation his treasonable words occasioned, "Laugh as you may, you
+have got to come to it!"  And then, with that singular obfuscation of
+ideas engendered, in the heads of their followers, by the astute Rebel-
+sympathizing leaders, he went on:
+
+"I am for Peace, and I am for Union too.  I am as good a Union man as
+any of you.  [Laughter.] I am a better Union man than any of you!
+[Great Laughter.] * * * I look upon War as Disunion."
+
+After declaring that, if the principle of the expulsion Resolution was
+to be carried out, his "friend," Mr. Long, "would be a martyr in a
+glorious cause"--he proceeded to announce his own candidacy for
+expulsion, in the following terms:
+
+"Mr. Speaker, in the early part of this Secession movement, there was a
+Resolution offered, pledging men and money to carry on the War.  My
+principles were then, and are now, against the War.  I stood, solitary
+and alone, in voting against that Resolution, and whenever a similar
+proposition is brought here it will meet with my opposition.  Not one
+dollar, nor one man, I swear, by the Eternal, will I vote for this
+infernal, this stupendous folly, more stupendous than ever disgraced any
+civilized People on the face of God's Earth.  If that be Treason, make
+the most of it!
+
+"The South asked you to let them go in peace.  But no, you said you
+would bring them into subjugation.  That is not done yet, and God
+Almighty grant that it never may be.  I hope that you will never
+subjugate the South.  If she is to be ever again in the Union, I hope it
+will be with her own consent; and I hope that that consent will be
+obtained by some other mode than by the sword.  'If this be Treason,
+make the most of it!'"
+
+An extraordinary scene at once occurred--Mr. Tracy desiring "to know
+whether, in these Halls, the gentleman from Maryland invoked Almighty
+God that the American Arms should not prevail?"  "Whether such language
+is not Treason?" and "whether it is in order to talk Treason in this
+Hall?"--his patriotic queries being almost drowned in the incessant
+cries of "Order!"  "Order!"  and great disorder, and confusion, on the
+Democratic side of the House.
+
+Finally the treasonable language was taken down by the Clerk, and, while
+a Resolution for the expulsion of Mr. Harris was being written out, Mr.
+Fernando Wood--coming, as he said, from a bed of "severe sickness,"
+quoted the language used by Mr. Long, to wit:
+
+"I now believe there are but two alternatives, and they are either the
+acknowledgment of the Independence of the South as an independent
+Nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a People; and
+of these alternatives I prefer the former"--and declared that "if he is
+to be expelled for the utterance of that sentiment, you may include me
+in it, because I concur fully in that sentiment."
+
+     [He afterwards (April 11,) said he did not agree with Mr. Long's
+     opinions.]
+
+Every effort was unavailingly made by the Democrats, under the lead of
+Messrs. Cox--[In 1886 American Minister at Constantinople.]--and
+Pendleton,--[In 1886 American Minister at Berlin.]--to prevent action
+upon the new Resolution of expulsion, which was in these words:
+
+"Whereas, Hon. Benjamin G. Harris, a member of the House of
+Representatives of the United States from the State of Maryland, has on
+this day used the following language, to wit: 'The South asked you to
+let them go in peace.  But no; you said you would bring them into
+subjection.  That is not done yet, and God Almighty grant that it never
+may be.  I hope that you will never subjugate the South.'  And whereas,
+such language is treasonable, and is a gross disrespect of this House:
+Therefore, "Be it Resolved, That the said Benjamin G. Harris be expelled
+from this House."
+
+Upon reaching a vote, however, the Resolution was lost, there being only
+81 yeas, to 58 (Democratic) nays--two-thirds not having voted
+affirmatively.  Subsequently, despite Democratic efforts to obstruct, a
+Resolution, declaring Harris to be "an unworthy Member" of the House,
+and "severely" censuring him, was adopted.
+
+The debate upon the Long-expulsion Resolution now proceeded, and its
+mover, in view of the hopelessness of securing a two-thirds affirmative
+vote, having accepted an amendment comprising other two Resolutions and
+a Preamble, the question upon adopting these was submitted on the 14th
+of April.  They were in the words following:
+
+"Whereas, ALEXANDER LONG, a Representative from the second district of
+Ohio, by his open declarations in the National Capitol, and publications
+in the City of New York, has shown himself to be in favor of a
+recognition of the so-called Confederacy now trying to establish itself
+upon the ruins of our Country, thereby giving aid and comfort to the
+Enemy in that destructive purpose--aid to avowed Traitors, in creating
+an illegal Government within our borders, comfort to them by assurances
+of their success and affirmations of the justice of their Cause; and
+whereas, such conduct is at the same time evidence of disloyalty, and
+inconsistent with his oath of office, and his duty as a Member of this
+Body: Therefore,
+
+"Resolved, That the said Alexander Long, a Representative from the
+second district of Ohio, be, and he is hereby declared to be an unworthy
+Member of the House of Representatives.
+
+"Resolved, That the Speaker shall read these Resolutions to the said
+Alexander Long during the session of the House."
+
+The first of these Resolutions was adopted, by 80 yeas to 69 nays; the
+second was tabled, by 71 yeas to 69 nays; and the Preamble was agreed
+to, by 78 yeas to 63 nays.
+
+And, among the 63 Democrats, who were not only unwilling to declare
+Alexander Long "an unworthy Member," or to have the Speaker read such a
+declaration to him in a session of the House, but also refused by their
+votes even to intimate that his conduct evidenced disloyalty, or gave
+aid and comfort to the Enemy, were the names of such democrats as Cox,
+Eldridge, Holman, Kernan, Morrisson, Pendleton, Samuel J. Randall,
+Voorhees, and Fernando Wood.
+
+Hence Mr. Long not only escaped expulsion for his treasonable
+utterances, but did not even receive the "severe censure" which, in
+addition to being declared (like himself) "an unworthy Member," had been
+voted to Mr. Harris for recklessly rushing into the breach to help him!
+
+     [The Northern Democracy comprised two well-recognized classes: The
+     Anti-War (or Peace) Democrats, commonly called "Copperheads," who
+     sympathized with the Rebellion, and opposed the War for the Union;
+     and the War (or Union) Democrats, who favored a vigorous
+     prosecution of the War for the preservation of the Union.]
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXVI.
+
+             "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE.
+
+The debate in the House of Representatives, upon the Thirteenth
+Amendment to the Constitution--interrupted by the treasonable episode
+referred to in the last Chapter--was subsequently resumed.
+
+Meanwhile, however, Fort Pillow had been stormed, and its garrison of
+Whites and Blacks, massacred.
+
+And now commenced the beginning of the end-so far as the Military aspect
+of the Rebellion was concerned.  Early in May, Sherman's Atlanta
+Campaign commenced, and, simultaneously, General Grant began his
+movement toward Richmond.  In quick succession came the news of the
+bloody battles of the Wilderness, and those around Spottsylvania, Va.;
+at Buzzard Roost Gap, Snake Creek Gap, and Dalton, Ga.; Drury's Bluff,
+Va.; Resaca, Ga.; the battles of the North Anna, Va.; those around
+Dallas, and New Hope church, Ga; the crossing of Grant's forces to the
+South side of the James and the assault on Petersburg.  While the Union
+Armies were thus valiantly attacking and beating those of the Rebels, on
+many a sanguinary field the loyal men of the North, both in and out of
+Congress, pressed for favorable action upon the Thirteenth Amendment.
+"Friends of the wounded in Fredericksburg from the Battle of the
+Wilderness"--exclaimed Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, of May
+31st,--"friends and relatives of the soldiers of Grant's Army beyond the
+Wilderness, let us all join hands and swear upon our Country's altar
+that we will never cease this War until African Slavery in the United
+States is dead forever, and forever buried!"
+
+Peace Democrats, however, were deaf to all such entreaties.  On the very
+same day, Mr. Holman, in the House, objected even to the second reading
+of the Joint Resolution Amendatory of the Constitution, and there were
+so many "Peace Democrats" to back him, that the vote was: 55 yeas to 76
+nays, on the question "shall the Joint Resolution be rejected!"
+
+The old cry, that had been repeated by Hendricks and others, in the
+Senate and House, time and again, was still used--threadbare though it
+was--"this is not the right time for it!"  On this very day, for
+instance, Mr. Herrick said: "I ask if this is the proper time for our
+People to consider so grave a measure as the Amendment of the
+Constitution in so vital a point?  * * * this is no fitting time for
+such work."
+
+Very different was the attitude of Kellogg, of New York, and well did he
+show up the depths to which the Democracy--the Peace Democracy--had now
+fallen.  "We are told," said he, "of a War Democracy, and such there
+are--their name is legion--good men and true; they are found in the
+Union ranks bearing arms in support of the Government and the
+Administration that wields it.  At the ballot-box, whether at home or in
+the camp, they are Union men, and vote as they fight, and hold little in
+common with the political leaders of the Democratic Party in or out of
+this Hall--the Seymours, the Woods, the Vallandighams, the Woodwards,
+and their indorsers, who hold and control the Democratic Party here, and
+taint it with Treason, till it is a stench in the nostrils of all
+patriotic men."
+
+After referring to the fact that the leaders of the Rebellion had from
+the start relied confidently upon assistance from the Northern
+Democracy, he proceeded:
+
+"The Peace Democracy, and mere Party-hacks in the North, are fulfilling
+their masters' expectations industriously, unceasingly, and as far as in
+them lies.  Not even the shouts for victory, in these Halls, can divert
+their Southern allies here.  A sullen gloom at the defeat and
+discomfiture of their Southern brethren settles down on their disastrous
+countenances, from which no ray of joy can be reflected.  * * *  They
+even vote solid against a law to punish guerrillas.
+
+"Sir," continued he, "in my judgment, many of those who withhold from
+their Country the support they would otherwise give, find allegiance to
+Party too strong for their patriotism.  * * *  Rejecting the example and
+counsels of Stanton and Dickinson and Butler and Douglas and Dix and
+Holt and Andrew Johnson and Logan and Rosecrans and Grant and a host of
+others, all Democrats of the straightest sect, to forget all other ties,
+and cleave only to their Country for their Country's sake, and rejecting
+the overtures and example of the Republican Party to drop and forget
+their Party name, that all might unite and band together for their
+Country's salvation as Union men, they turn a deaf ear and cold
+shoulder, and sullenly pass by on the other side, thanking God they are
+not as other men are, and lend, if at all, a calculating, qualified, and
+conditional and halting support, under protest, to their Country's
+cause; thus justifying the only hope of the Rebellion to-day, that Party
+spirit at the North will distract its counsels, divide and discourage
+and palsy its efforts, and ultimately make way for the Traitor and the
+parricide to do their worst."
+
+Besides the set speeches made against the proposed
+Constitutional amendment in the House, Peace-Democrats of the Senate
+continued to keep up a running fire at it in that Chamber, on every
+possible occasion.  Garrett Davis was especially garrulous on the
+subject, and also launched the thunders of his wrath at the President
+quite frequently and even vindictively.  For instance, speaking in the
+Senate--[May 31,1864,]--of the right of Property in Slaves; said he:
+
+"This new-born heresy 'Military Necessity,' as President Lincoln claims,
+and exercises it, is the sum of all political and Military villanies * *
+* and it is no less absurd than it is villanous.  * * * The man has
+never spoken or lived who can prove by any provision of the
+Constitution, or by any principle, or by any argument to be deduced
+logically and fairly from it, that he has any such power as this vast,
+gigantic, all-conquering and all-crushing power of Military Necessity
+which he has the audacity to claim.
+
+"This modern Emperor, this Tiberius, a sort of a Tiberius, and his
+Sejanus, a sort of a Sejanus, the head of the War Department, are
+organizing daily their Military Courts to try civilians.  * * *
+
+"Sir, I want one labor of love before I die.  I want the President of
+the United States, I want his Secretary of War, I want some of his high
+officers in Military command to bring a civilian to a Military
+execution, and me to have the proud privilege of prosecuting them for
+murder.  * * * I want the law and its just retribution to be visited
+upon these great delinquents.
+
+"I would sooner, if I had the power, bring about such an atonement as
+that, than I would even put down the Rebellion.  It would be a greater
+victory in favor of Freedom and Constitutional Liberty, a thousand-fold,
+of all the People of America besides, than the subjugation of the Rebel
+States could possibly be."
+
+But there seemed to be no end to the' attacks upon the Administration,
+made, in both Houses, by these peculiar Peace-Democrats.  Union blood
+might flow in torrents on the fields of the rebellious South, atrocities
+innumerable might be committed by the Rebels, cold-blooded massacres of
+Blacks and Whites, as at Fort Pillow, might occur without rebuke from
+them; but let the Administration even dare to sneeze, and--woe to the
+Administration.
+
+It was not the Thirteenth Amendment only, that they assailed, but
+everything else which the Administration thought might help it in its
+effort to put down the Rebellion.  Nor was it so much their malignant
+activity in opposition to any one measure intended to strengthen the
+hands of the Union, but to all such measures; and superadded to this was
+the incessant bringing forward, in both Houses of Congress, by these
+restless Rebel-sympathizers, of Peace-Resolutions, the mere presentation
+of which would be, and were, construed by the Rebel authorities at
+Richmond, as evidences of a weakening.
+
+Even some of the best of the Peace-Democrats, like S. S.  Cox, for
+instance, not only assailed the Tariff--under which the Union Republican
+Party sought to protect and build up American Industry, as well as to
+raise as much revenue as possible to help meet the enormous current
+expenditures of the Government--but also denounced our great paper-money
+system, which alone enabled us to secure means to meet all deficiencies
+in the revenues otherwise obtained, and thus to ultimately conquer the
+hosts of Rebellion.
+
+He declared (June 2, 1864) that "The People are the victims of the
+joint-robbery of a system of bounties under the guise of duties, and of
+an inconvertible and depreciated paper currency under the guise of
+money," and added: "No man is now so wise and gifted that he can save
+this Nation from bankruptcy.  * * *  No borrowing system can save us.
+The scheme of making greenbacks a legal tender, which enabled the debtor
+to cheat his creditor, thereby playing the old game of kingcraft, to
+debase the currency in order to aid the designs of despotism, may float
+us for a while amidst the fluctuations and bubbles of the day; but as no
+one possesses the power to repeal the Law of the Almighty, which decrees
+(and as our Constitution has established) that gold and silver shall be
+the standard of value in the World, so they will ever thus remain,
+notwithstanding the legislation of Congress."
+
+Not satisfied with this sort of "fire in the rear," it was attempted by
+means of Democratic Free-Trade and antipaper-currency sophistries, to
+arouse jealousies, heart-burnings and resentful feelings in the breasts
+of those living in different parts of the Union--to implant bitter
+Sectional antagonisms and implacable resentments between the Eastern
+States, on the one hand, and the Western States, on the other--and thus,
+by dividing, to weaken the Loyal Union States.
+
+That this was the cold-blooded purpose of all who pursued this course,
+would no doubt be warmly denied by some of them; but the fact remains no
+less clear, that the effect of that course, whether so intended or not,
+was to give aid and comfort to the Enemy at that critical time when the
+Nation most needed all the men, money, and moral as well as material
+support, it was possible to get, to put an end to the bloody Rebellion,
+now--under the continuous poundings of Grant's Army upon that of Lee in
+Virginia, and the advance of Sherman's Army upon that of Johnston in
+Georgia--tottering to its overthrow. Thus this same speaker (S. S. Cox),
+in his untimely speech, undertook to divide the Union-loving States
+"into two great classes: the Protected States and the Unprotected
+States;" and--having declared that "The Manufacturing States, mainly the
+New England States and Pennsylvania, are the Protected States," and "The
+Agricultural States," mainly the eleven Western States, which he named,
+"are the Unprotected States"--proceeded to intemperately and violently
+arraign New England, and especially Massachusetts, in the same way that
+had years before been adopted by the old Conspirators of the South when
+they sought--alas, too successfully!--to inflame the minds of Southern
+citizens to a condition of unreasoning frenzy which made attempted
+Nullification and subsequent armed Rebellion and Secession possible.
+
+Well might the thoroughly loyal Grinnell, of Iowa--after exposing what
+he termed the "sophistry of figures" by which Mr. Cox had seen fit "to
+misrepresent and traduce" the Western States-exclaim: "Sir, I have no
+words which I can use to execrate sufficiently such language, in
+arraying the Sections in opposition during a time of War; as if we were
+not one People, descended from one stock, having one interest, and bound
+up in one destiny!"
+
+The damage that might have been done to the Union Cause by such
+malignant Democratic attacks upon the National unity and strength, may
+be imagined when we reflect that at this very time the annual expenses
+of our Government were over $600,000,000, and growing still larger; and
+that $1.90 in legal tender notes of the United States was worth but
+$1.00 in gold, with a downward tendency.  Said stern old Thaddeus
+Stevens, alluding on this occasion, to Statesmanship of the peculiar
+stamp of the Coxes and Fernando Woods: "He who in this time will pursue
+such a course of argument for the mere sake of party, can never hope to
+be ranked among Statesmen; nay, Sir, he will not even rise to the
+dignity of a respectable Demagogue!"
+
+Within a week after this, (June 9, 1864), we find in the Senate also,
+similarly insidious attacks upon the strength of the Government, made by
+certain Northern Democrats, who never tired of undermining Loyalty, and
+creating and spreading discontent among the People.  The Bill then up,
+for consideration, was one "to prohibit the discharge of persons from
+liability to Military duty, by reason of the payment of money."
+
+In the terribly bloody Campaign that had now been entered upon by Grant
+--in the West, under Sherman, and in the East, under his own personal
+eye--it was essential to send to the front, every man possible.  Hence
+the necessity for a Bill of this sort, which moreover provided, in order
+as far as possible to popularize conscription, that all calls for drafts
+theretofore made under the Enrolling Act of March 3, 1863, should be for
+not over one year's service, etc.
+
+This furnished the occasion for Mr. Hendricks, among other Peace
+Democrats, to make opposing speeches.  He, it seems, had all along been
+opposed to drafting Union soldiers; and because, during the previous
+Winter, the Senate had been unwilling to abolish the clause permitting a
+drafted man to pay a commutation of $300 (with which money a substitute
+could be procured) instead of himself going, at a time when men were not
+quite so badly needed as now, therefore Mr. Hendricks pretended to think
+it very strange and unjustifiable that now, when everything depended on
+getting every possible man in the field, the Senate should think of
+"abandoning that which it thought right last Winter!"
+
+He opposed drafting; but if drafting must be resorted to, then he
+thought that what he termed "the Horror of the Draft" should be felt by
+as many of the Union people as possible!--or, in his own words: "the
+Horror of the Draft ought to be divided among the People."  As if this
+were not sufficient to conjure dreadful imaginings, he added: "if one
+set of men are drafted this year to serve twelve months, and they have
+to go because the power of the Government makes them go, whether they
+can go well or not, then at the end of the year their neighbors should
+be subjected to the same Horror, and let this dreadful demand upon the
+service, upon the blood, and upon the life of the People be distributed
+upon all."
+
+And, in order apparently to still further intensify public feeling
+against all drafting, and sow the seeds of dissatisfaction in the hearts
+of those drafted at this critical time, when the fate of the Union and
+of Republican Government palpably depended upon conscription, he added:
+"It is not so right to say to twenty men in a neighborhood: 'You shall
+go; you shall leave your families whether you can or not; you shall go
+without the privilege of commutation whether you leave starving wives
+and children behind you or not,' and then say to every other man of the
+neighborhood: 'Because we have taken these twenty men for three years,
+you shall remain with your wives and children safely and comfortably at
+home for these three years.'  I like this feature of the amendment,
+because it distributes the Horror of the Draft more equally and justly
+over the whole People."
+
+Not satisfied with rolling the "Horror of the Draft" so often and
+trippingly over his tongue, he also essayed the role of Prophet in the
+interest of the tottering god of Slavery.  "The People," said he,
+"expect great results from this Campaign; and when another year comes
+rolling around, and it is found that this War is not closed, and that
+there is no reasonable probability of its early close, my colleague
+(Lane) and other Senators who agree with him will find that the People
+will say that this effusion of blood must stop; that THERE MUST BE SOME
+ADJUSTMENT.  I PROPHESY THIS."
+
+And, as a further declaration likely to give aid and comfort to the
+Rebel leaders, he said: "I do not believe many men are going to be
+obtained by a draft; I do not believe a very good Army will be got by a
+draft; I do not believe an Army will be put in the field, by a draft,
+that will whip General Lee."
+
+But while all such statements were, no doubt, intended to help the foes
+of the Union, and dishearten or dismay its friends, the really loyal
+People, understanding their fell object, paid little heed to them.  The
+predictions of these Prophets of evil fell flat upon the ears of lovers
+of their Country.  Conspirators, however much they might masquerade in
+the raiment of Loyalty, could not wholly conceal the ear-marks of
+Treason.  The hand might be the hand of Esau, but the voice was the
+voice of Jacob.
+
+On the 8th of June--after a month of terrific and bloody fighting
+between the immediate forces of Grant and Lee--a dispatch from Sherman,
+just received at Washington, was read to the House of Representatives,
+which said: "The Enemy is not in our immediate front, but his signals
+are seen at Lost Mountain, and Kenesaw."  So, at the same time, at the
+National Capital, while the friends of the Union there, were not
+immediately confronted with an armed Enemy, yet the signals of his
+Allies could be seen, and their fire upon our rear could be heard, daily
+and almost hourly, both in the Senate and the House of Representatives.
+
+The fight in the House, upon the Thirteenth Amendment, now seemed
+indeed, to be reaching a climax.  During the whole of June 14th, until
+midnight, speech after speech on the subject, followed each other in
+rapid succession.  Among the opposition speeches, perhaps those of
+Fernando Wood and Holman were most notable for extravagant and
+unreasoning denunciation of the Administration and Party in power--whose
+every effort was put forth, and strained at this very time to the
+utmost, to save the Union.
+
+Holman, for instance, declared that, "Of all the measures of this
+disastrous Administration, each in its turn producing new calamities,
+this attempt to tamper with the Constitution threatens the most
+permanent injury."  He enumerated the chief measures of the
+Administration during its three and a half years of power-among them the
+Emancipation Proclamation, the arming of the Blacks, and what he
+sneeringly termed "their pet system of finance" which was to "sustain
+the public credit for infinite years," but which "even now," said he,
+"totters to its fall!"  And then, having succeeded in convincing himself
+of Republican failure, he exultingly exclaimed: "But why enumerate?
+What measure of this Administration has failed to be fatal!  Every step
+in your progress has been a mistake.  I use the mildest terms of
+censure!"
+
+Fernando Wood, in his turn also, "mildly" remarked upon Republican
+policy as "the bloody and brutal policy of the Administration Party."
+He considered this "the crisis of the fate of the Union;" declared that
+Slavery was "the best possible condition to insure the happiness of the
+Negro race"--a position which, on the following day, he "reaffirmed"--
+and characterized those members of the Democratic Party who saw Treason
+in the ways and methods and expressions of Peace Democrats of his own
+stamp, as a "pack of political jackals known as War Democrats."
+
+On the 15th of June, Farnsworth made a reply to Ross--who had claimed to
+be friendly to the Union soldier--in which the former handled the
+Democratic Party without gloves.  "What," said he, referring to Mr.
+Ross, "has been the course of that gentleman and his Party on this floor
+in regard to voting supplies to the Army?  What has been their course in
+regard to raising money to pay the Army?  His vote will be found
+recorded in almost every instance against the Appropriation Bills,
+against ways and means for raising money to pay the Army.  It is only a
+week ago last Monday, that a Bill was introduced here to punish
+guerrillas * * *  and how did my colleague vote?  Against the Bill.* * *
+On the subject of arming Slaves, of putting Negroes into the Army, how
+has my colleague and his Party voted?  Universally against it.  They
+would strip from the backs of these Black soldiers, now in the service
+of the Country, their uniforms, and would send them back to Slavery with
+chains and manacles.  And yet they are the friends of the soldier!"* * *
+"On the vote to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law, how did that (Democratic)
+side of the House vote?  Does not the Fugitive Slave Law affect the
+Black soldier in the Army who was a Slave?  That side of the House are
+in favor of continuing the Fugitive Slave Law, and of disbanding Colored
+troops.  How did that side of the House vote on the question of arming
+Slaves and paying them as soldiers?  They voted against it.  They are in
+favor of disbanding the Colored regiments, and, armed with the Fugitive
+Slave Law, sending them back to their masters!"
+
+He took occasion also to meet various Democratic arguments against the
+Resolution,--among them, one, hinging on the alleged right of Property
+in Slaves.  This was a favorite idea with the Border-State men
+especially, that Slaves were Property--mere chattels as it were,--and,
+only the day before, a Northern man, Coffroth of Pennsylvania, had said:
+
+"Sir, we should pause before proceeding any further in this
+Unconstitutional and censurable legislation.  The mere abolition of
+Slavery is not my cause of complaint.  I care not whether Slavery is
+retained or abolished by the people of the States in which it exists--
+the only rightful authority.  The question to me is, has Congress a
+right to take from the people of the South their Property; or, in other
+words, having no pecuniary interest therein, are we justified in freeing
+the Slave-property of others?  Can we Abolish Slavery in the Loyal State
+of Kentucky against her will?  If this Resolution should pass, and be
+ratified by three-fourths of the States--States already Free--and
+Kentucky refuses to ratify it, upon what principle of right or law would
+we be justified in taking this Slave-property of the people of Kentucky?
+Would it be less than stealing?"
+
+And Farnsworth met this idea--which had also been advanced by Messrs.
+Ross, Fernando Wood, and Pruyn--by saying: "What constitutes property?
+I know it is said by some gentlemen on the other side, that what the
+statute makes property, is property.  I deny it.  What 'vested right'
+has any man or State in Property in Man?  We of the North hold property,
+not by virtue of statute law, not by virtue of enactments.  Our property
+consists in lands, in chattels, in things.  Our property was made
+property by Jehovah when He gave Man dominion over it.  But nowhere did
+He give dominion of Man over Man.  Our title extends back to the
+foundation of the World.  That constitutes property.  There is where we
+get our title.  There is where we get our 'vested rights' to property."
+
+Touching the ethics of Slavery, Mr. Arnold's speech on the same occasion
+was also able, and in parts eloquent, as where he said: 'Slavery is to-
+day an open enemy striking at the heart of the Republic.  It is the soul
+and body, the spirit and motive of the Rebellion.  It is Slavery which
+marshals yonder Rebel hosts, which confront the patriot Armies of Grant
+and Sherman.  It is the savage spirit of this barbarous Institution
+which starves the Union prisoners at Richmond, which assassinates them
+at Fort Pillow, which murders the wounded on the field of battle, and
+which fills up the catalogue of wrong and outrage which mark the conduct
+of the Rebels during all this War.
+
+"In view of all the long catalogue of wrongs which Slavery has inflicted
+upon the Country, I demand to-day, of the Congress of the United States,
+the death of African Slavery.  We can have no permanent Peace, while
+Slavery lives.  It now reels and staggers toward its last deathstruggle.
+Let us strike the monster this last decisive blow."
+
+And, after appealing to both Border-State men, and Democrats of the Free
+States, not to stay the passage of this Resolution which "will strike
+the Rebellion at the heart," he continued: "Gentlemen may flatter
+themselves with a restoration of the Slave-power in this Country.  'The
+Union as it was!'  It is a dream, never again to be realized.  The
+America of the past, has gone forever.  A new Nation is to be born from
+the agony through which the People are now passing.  This new Nation is
+to be wholly Free.  Liberty, Equality before the Law, is to be the great
+Corner-stone."
+
+So, too, Mr. Ingersoll eloquently said--among many other good things:--
+"It is well to eradicate an evil.  That Slavery is an evil, no sane,
+honest man will deny.  It has been the great curse of this Country from
+its infancy to the present hour, And now that the States in Rebellion
+have given the Loyal States the opportunity to take off that curse, to
+wipe away the foul stain, I say let it be done.  We owe it to ourselves;
+we owe it to posterity; we owe it to the Slaves themselves to
+exterminate Slavery forever by the adoption of the proposed Amendment to
+the Constitution.  * * *  I believe Slavery is the mother of this
+Rebellion, that this Rebellion can be attributed to no other cause but
+Slavery; from that it derived its life, and gathers its strength to-day.
+Destroy the mother, and the child dies.  Destroy the cause, and the
+effect will disappear.
+
+"Slavery has ever been the enemy of liberal principles.  It has ever
+been the friend of ignorance, prejudice, and all the unlawful, savage,
+and detestable passions which proceed therefrom.  It has ever been
+domineering, arrogant, exacting, and overbearing.  It has claimed to be
+a polished aristocrat, when in reality it has only been a coarse,
+swaggering, and brutal boor.  It has ever claimed to be a gentleman,
+when in reality it has ever been a villain.  I think it is high time to
+clip its overgrown pretensions, strip it of its mask, and expose it, in
+all its hideous deformity, to the detestation of all honest and
+patriotic men."
+
+After Mr. Samuel J.  Randall had, at a somewhat later hour, pathetically
+and poetically invoked the House, in its collective unity, as a
+"Woodman," to "spare that tree" of the Constitution, and to "touch not a
+single bough," because, among other reasons, "in youth it sheltered"
+him; and furthermore, because "the time" was "most inopportune;" and,
+after Mr. Rollins, of Missouri, had made a speech, which he afterward
+suppressed; Mr. Pendleton closed the debate in an able effort, from his
+point of view, in which he objected to the passage of the Joint
+Resolution because "the time is not auspicious;" because, said he, "it
+is impossible that the Amendment proposed, should be ratified without a
+fraudulent use of the power to admit new States, or a fraudulent use of
+the Military power of the Federal Government in the Seceded States,"--
+and, said he, "if you should attempt to amend the Constitution by such
+means, what binding obligation would it have?"
+
+He objected, also, because "the States cannot, under the pretense of
+amending the Constitution, subvert the structure, spirit, and theory of
+this Government."  "But," said he, "if this Amendment were within the
+Constitutional power of amendment; if this were a proper time to
+consider it; if three-fourths of the States were willing to ratify it;
+and if it did not require the fraudulent use of power, either in this
+House or in the Executive Department, to secure its adoption, I would
+still resist the passage of this Resolution.  It is another step toward
+consolidation, and consolidation is Despotism; confederation is
+Liberty."
+
+It was about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of June 15th, that the House
+came to a vote, on the passage of the Joint Resolution.  At first the
+strain of anxiety on both sides was great, but, as the roll proceeded,
+it soon became evident that the Resolution was doomed to defeat.  And so
+it transpired.  The vote stood 93 yeas, to 65 nays--Mr. Ashley having
+changed his vote, from the affirmative to the negative, for the purpose
+of submitting, at the proper time, a motion to reconsider.
+
+That same evening, Mr. Ashley made the motion to reconsider the vote by
+which the proposed Constitutional Amendment was rejected; and the motion
+was duly entered in the Journal, despite the persistent efforts of
+Messrs.  Cox, Holman, and others, to prevent it.
+
+On the 28th of June, just prior to the Congressional Recess, Mr. Ashley
+announced that he had been disappointed in the hope of securing enough
+votes from the Democratic side of the House to carry the Amendment.
+"Those," said he, "who ought to have been the champions of this great
+proposition are unfortunately its strongest opponents.  They have
+permitted the golden opportunity to pass.  The record is made up, and we
+must go to the Country on this issue thus presented."  And then he gave
+notice that he would call the matter up, at the earliest possible moment
+after the opening of the December Session of Congress.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXVII.
+
+                      SLAVERY DOOMED AT THE POLLS.
+
+The record was indeed made up, and the issue thus made, between Slavery
+and Freedom, would be the chief one before the People.  Already the
+Republican National Convention, which met at Baltimore, June 7, 1864,
+had not only with "enthusiastic unanimity," renominated Mr. Lincoln for
+the Presidency, but amid "tremendous applause," the delegates rising and
+waving their hats--had adopted a platform which declared, in behalf of
+that great Party: "That, as Slavery was the cause, and now constitutes
+the strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be, always and
+everywhere, hostile to the principles of Republican government, Justice
+and the National safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from
+the soil of the Republic; and that while we uphold and maintain the Acts
+and Proclamations by which the Government, in its own defense, has aimed
+a death-blow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of
+such an Amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the People in
+conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit
+the existence of Slavery within the limits or the jurisdiction of the
+United States."
+
+So, too, with vociferous plaudits, had they received and adopted another
+Resolution, wherein they declared "That we approve and applaud the
+practical wisdom, the unselfish patriotism and the unswerving fidelity
+to the Constitution and the principles of American Liberty, with which
+Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled
+difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential
+Office; that we approve and endorse, as demanded by the emergency, and
+essential to the preservation of the Nation, and as within the
+provisions of the Constitution; the Measures and Acts which he has
+adopted to defend the Nation against its open and secret foes; that we
+approve, especially, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the
+employment, as Union soldiers, of men heretofore held in Slavery; and
+that we have full confidence in his determination to carry these and all
+other Constitutional Measures essential to the salvation of the Country,
+into full and complete effect."
+
+Thus heartily, thoroughly and unreservedly, endorsed in all the great
+acts of his Administration--and even more emphatically, if possible, in
+his Emancipation policy--by the unanimous vote of his Party, Mr.
+Lincoln, although necessarily "chagrined and disappointed" by the House-
+vote which had defeated the Thirteenth Amendment, might well feel
+undismayed.  He always had implicit faith in the People; he felt sure
+that they would sustain him; and this done, why could not the votes of a
+dozen, out of the seventy Congressional Representatives opposing that
+Amendment, be changed?  Even failing in this, it must be but a question
+of time.  He thought he could afford to bide that time.
+
+On the 29th of August, the Democratic National Convention met at
+Chicago.  Horatio Seymour was its permanent President; that same
+Governor of New York whom the 4th of July, 1863, almost at the moment
+when Vicksburg and Gettysburg had brought great encouragement to the
+Union cause, and when public necessity demanded the enforcement of the
+Draft in order to drive the Rebel invader from Northern soil and bring
+the Rebellion speedily to an end--had threateningly said to the
+Republicans, in the course of a public speech, during the Draft-riots at
+New York City: "Remember this, that the bloody, and treasonable, and
+revolutionary doctrine of public necessity can be proclaimed by a mob as
+well as by a Government.  * * * When men accept despotism, they may have
+a choice as to who the despot shall be!"
+
+In his speech to this Democratic-Copperhead National Convention,
+therefore, it is not surprising that he should, at this time, declare
+that "this Administration cannot now save this Union, if it would."
+That the body which elected such a presiding officer,--after the bloody
+series of glorious Union victories about Atlanta, Ga., then fast leading
+up to the fall of that great Rebel stronghold, (which event actually
+occurred long before most of these Democratic delegates, on their
+return, could even reach their homes)--should adopt a Resolution
+declaring that the War was a "failure," was not surprising either.
+
+That Resolution--"the material resolution of the Chicago platform," as
+Vallandigham afterward characters it, was written and "carried through
+both the Subcommittee and the General Committee" by that Arch-Copperhead
+and Conspirator himself.--[See his letter of October 22, 1864, to the
+editor of the New York News,]
+
+It was in these words: "Resolved, That this Convention does explicitly
+declare as the sense of the American People, that after four years of
+failure to restore the Union by the experiment of War, during which,
+under the pretense of a military necessity, or War-power higher than the
+Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every
+part, and public Liberty and private right alike trodden down and the
+material prosperity of the Country essentially impaired--Justice,
+Humanity, Liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts
+be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate
+Convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that at
+the earliest practicable moment Peace may be restored on the basis of
+the Federal Union of the States."
+
+With a Copperhead platform, this Democratic Convention thought it
+politic to have a Union candidate for the Presidency.  Hence, the
+nomination of General McClellan; but to propitiate the out-and-out
+Vallandigham Peace men, Mr. Pendleton was nominated to the second place
+on the ticket.
+
+This combination was almost as great a blunder as was the platform--than
+which nothing could have been worse.  Farragut's Naval victory at
+Mobile, and Sherman's capture of Atlanta, followed so closely upon the
+adjournment of the Convention as to make its platform and candidates the
+laughing stock of the Nation; and all the efforts of Democratic orators,
+and of McClellan himself, in his letter of acceptance, could not prevent
+the rise of that great tidalwave of Unionism which was soon to engulf
+the hosts of Copperhead-Democracy.
+
+The Thanksgiving-services in the churches, and the thundering salutes of
+100 guns from every Military and Naval post in the United States, which
+--during the week succeeding that Convention's sitting--betokened the
+Nation's especial joy and gratitude to the victorious Union Forces of
+Sherman and Farragut for their fortuitously-timed demonstration that the
+"experiment of War" for the restoration of the Union was anything but a
+"Failure" all helped to add to the proportions of that rapidly-swelling
+volume of loyal public feeling.
+
+The withdrawal from the canvass, of General Fremont, nominated for the
+Presidency by the "radical men of the Nation," at Cleveland, also
+contributed to it.  In his letter of withdrawal, September 17th, he
+said:
+
+"The Presidential contest has, in effect, been entered upon in such a
+way that the union of the Republican Party has become a paramount
+necessity.  The policy of the Democratic Party signifies either
+separation, or reestablishment with Slavery.  The Chicago platform is
+simply separation.  General McClellan's letter of acceptance is
+reestablishment, with Slavery.  The Republican candidate is, on the
+contrary, pledged to the reestablishment of the Union without Slavery;
+and, however hesitating his policy may be, the pressure of his Party
+will, we may hope, force him to it.  Between these issues, I think no
+man of the Liberal Party can remain in doubt."
+
+And now, following the fall of Atlanta before Sherman's Forces, Grant
+had stormed "Fort Hell," in front of Petersburg; Sheridan had routed the
+Rebels, under Early, at Winchester, and had again defeated Early at
+Fisher's Hill; Lee had been repulsed in his attack on Grant's works at
+Petersburg; and Allatoona had been made famous, by Corse and his 2,000
+Union men gallantly repulsing the 5,000 men of Hood's Rebel Army, who
+had completely surrounded and attacked them in front, flank, and rear.
+
+All these Military successes for the Union Cause helped the Union
+political campaign considerably, and, when supplemented by the
+remarkable results of the October elections in Pennsylvania, Indiana,
+and Maryland, made the election of Lincoln and Johnson a foregone
+conclusion.
+
+The sudden death of Chief-Justice Taney, too, happening, by a strange
+coincidence, simultaneously with the triumph of the Union Party of
+Maryland in carrying the new Constitution of that State, which
+prohibited Slavery within her borders, seemed to have a significance*
+not without its effect upon the public mind, now fast settling down to
+the belief that Slavery everywhere upon the soil of the United States
+must die.
+
+     [Greeley well said of it: "His death, at this moment, seemed to
+     mark the transition from the Era of Slavery to that of Universal
+     Freedom."]
+
+Then came, October 19th, the Battle of Cedar Creek, Va. where the Rebel
+General Early, during Sheridan's absence, surprised and defeated the
+latter's forces, until Sheridan, riding down from Winchester, turned
+defeat into victory for the Union Arms, and chased the armed Rebels out
+of the Shenandoah Valley forever; and the fights of October 27th and
+28th, to the left of Grant's position, at Petersburg, by which the
+railroad communications of Lee's Army at Richmond were broken up.
+
+At last, November 8, 1864, dawned the eventful day of election.  By
+midnight of that date it was generally believed, all over the Union,
+that Lincoln and Johnson were overwhelmingly elected, and that the Life
+as well as Freedom of the Nation had thus been saved by the People.
+
+Late that very night, President Lincoln was serenaded by a Pennsylvania
+political club, and, in responding to the compliment, modestly said:
+
+"I earnestly believe that the consequences of this day's work (if it be
+as you assure, and as now seems probable) will be to the lasting
+advantage, if not to the very salvation, of the Country.  I cannot at
+this hour say what has been the result of the election.  But whatever it
+may be, I have no desire to modify this opinion, that all who have
+labored to-day in behalf of the Union organization have wrought for the
+best interests of their Country and the World, not only for the present
+but for all future ages.
+
+"I am thankful to God," continued he, "for this approval of the People;
+but, while deeply gratified for this mark of their confidence in me, if
+I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal
+triumph.  I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me.  It is
+no pleasure to me to triumph over any one; but I give thanks to the
+Almighty for this evidence of the People's resolution to stand by Free
+Government and the rights of Humanity."
+
+On the 10th of November, in response to another serenade given at the
+White House, in the presence of an immense and jubilantly enthusiastic
+gathering of Union men, by the Republican clubs of the District of
+Columbia, Mr. Lincoln said:
+
+"It has long been a grave question whether any Government, not too
+strong for the Liberties of its People, can be strong enough to maintain
+its existence in great emergencies.  On this point the present
+Rebellion.  has brought our Republic to a severe test, and a
+Presidential election, occurring in regular course during the Rebellion,
+has added not a little to the strain.  * * *  But the election, along
+with its incidental and undesired strife, has done good, too.  It has
+demonstrated that a People's Government can sustain a National election
+in the midst of a great Civil War, until now it has not been known to
+the World that this was a possibility.  It shows, also, how sound and
+how strong we still are.
+
+"But," said he, "the Rebellion continues; and now that the election is
+over, may not all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to
+save our common Country?
+
+"For my own part," continued he--as the cheering, elicited by this
+forcible appeal, ceased--"I have striven, and shall strive, to avoid
+placing any obstacle in the way.  So long as I have been here I have not
+willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom.  While I am deeply
+sensible to the high compliment of a reelection, and duly grateful, as I
+trust, to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right
+conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my
+satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by the
+result."
+
+And, as the renewed cheering evoked by this kindly, Christian utterance
+died away again, he impressively added: "May I ask those who have not
+differed with me, to join with me in this same spirit, towards those who
+have?"
+
+So, too, on the 17th of November, in his response to the complimentary
+address of a delegation of Union men from Maryland.
+
+     [W. H. Purnell, Esq., in behalf of the Committee, delivered an
+     address, in which he said they rejoiced that the People, by such an
+     overwhelming and unprecedented majority, had again reelected Mr.
+     Lincoln to the Presidency and endorsed his course--elevating him to
+     the proudest and most honorable position on Earth.  They felt under
+     deep obligation to him because he had appreciated their condition
+     as a Slave-State.  It was not too much to say that by the exercise
+     of rare discretion on his part, Maryland to-day occupies her
+     position in favor of Freedom.  Slavery has been abolished therefrom
+     by the Sovereign Decree of the People.  With deep and lasting
+     gratitude they desired that his Administration, as it had been
+     approved in the past, might also be successful in the future, and
+     result in the Restoration of the Union, with Freedom as its
+     immutable basis.  They trusted that, on retiring from his high and
+     honorable position, the universal verdict might be that he deserved
+     well of mankind, and that favoring Heaven might 'Crown his days
+     with loving kindness and tender mercies.']
+
+The same kindly anxiety to soften and dispel the feeling of bitterness
+that had been engendered in the malignant bosoms of the Copperhead-
+Democracy by their defeat, was apparent when he said with emphasis and
+feeling:
+
+"I have said before, and now repeat, that I indulge in no feeling of
+triumph over any man who has thought or acted differently from myself.
+I have no such feeling toward any living man;" and again, after
+complimenting Maryland for doing "more than double her share" in the
+elections, in that she had not only carried the Republican ticket, but
+also the Free Constitution, he added: "Those who have differed with us
+and opposed us will yet see that the result of the Presidential election
+is better for their own good than if they had been successful."
+
+The victory of the Union-Republican Party at this election was an
+amazing one, and in the words of General Grant's dispatch of
+congratulation to the President, the fact of its "having passed off
+quietly" was, in itself, "a victory worth more to the Country than a
+battle won,"--for the Copperheads had left no stone unturned in their
+efforts to create the utmost possible rancor, in the minds of their
+partisans, against the Administration and its Party.
+
+Of twenty-five States voting, Lincoln and Johnson had carried the
+electoral votes of twenty-two of them, viz.: Maine, New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York,
+Pennsylvania, Maryland, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Michigan,
+Iowa, Wisconsin, Minnesota, California, Oregon, Kansas, West Virginia,
+and Nevada; while McClellan and Pendleton had carried the twenty-one
+electoral votes of the remaining three, viz.: New Jersey, Delaware, and
+Kentucky--the popular vote reaching the enormous number of 2,216,067 for
+Lincoln, to 1,808,725 for McClellan--making Lincoln's popular majority
+407,342, and his electoral majority 191!
+
+But if the figures upon the Presidential candidacy were so gratifying
+and surprising to all who held the cause of Union above all others, no
+less gratifying and surprising were those of the Congressional
+elections, which indicated an entire revulsion of popular feeling on the
+subject of the Administration's policy.  For, while in the current
+Congress (the 38th), there were only 106 Republican-Union to 77
+Democratic Representatives, in that for which the elections had just
+been held, (the 39th), there would be 143 Republican-Union to 41
+Democratic Representatives.
+
+It was at once seen, therefore, that, should the existing House of
+Representatives fail to adopt the Thirteenth Amendment to the
+Constitution, there would be much more than the requisite two-thirds
+majority for such a Measure in both Houses of the succeeding Congress;
+and moreover that in the event of its failure at the coming Session, it
+was more than probable that President Lincoln would consider himself
+justified in calling an Extra Session of the Thirty-ninth Congress for
+the especial purpose of taking such action.  So far then, as the
+prospects of the Thirteenth Amendment were concerned, they looked
+decidedly more encouraging.
+
+
+
+
+                            CHAPTER XXVIII.
+
+                        FREEDOM AT LAST ASSURED.
+
+As to the Military situation, a few words are, at this time, necessary:
+Hood had now marched Northward, with some 50,000 men, toward Nashville,
+Tenn., while Sherman, leaving Thomas and some 35,000 men behind, to
+thwart him, had abandoned his base, and was marching Southward from
+Atlanta, through Georgia, toward the Sea.
+
+On the 30th of November, 1864, General Schofield, in command of the 4th
+and 23rd Corps of Thomas's Army, decided to make a stand against Hood's
+Army, at Franklin, in the angle of the Harpeth river, in order to give
+time for the Union supply-trains to cross the river.  Here, with less
+than 20,000 Union troops, behind some hastily constructed works, he had
+received the impetuous and overwhelming assault of the Enemy--at first
+so successful as to threaten a bloody and disastrous rout to the Union
+troops--and, by a brilliant counter-charge, and subsequent obstinate
+defensive-fighting, had repulsed the Rebel forces, with nearly three
+times the Union losses, and withdrew the next day in safety to the
+defenses of Nashville.
+
+A few days later, Hood, with his diminished Rebel Army, sat down before
+the lines of Thomas's somewhat augmented Army, which stretched from bank
+to bank of the bight of the Cumberland river upon which Nashville is
+situated.
+
+And now a season of intense cold set in, lasting a week or ten days.
+During this period of apparent inaction on both sides--which aroused
+public apprehension in the North, and greatly disturbed General Grant--I
+was ordered to City Point, by the General-in-Chief, with a view to his
+detailing me to Thomas's Command, at Nashville.
+
+On the way, I called on President Lincoln, at the White House.  I found
+him not very well, and with his feet considerably swollen.  He was
+sitting on a chair, with his feet resting on a table, while a barber was
+shaving him.  Shaking him by the hand, and asking after his health, he
+answered, with a humorous twinkle of the eye, that he would illustrate
+his condition by telling me a story.  Said he: "Two of my neighbors, on
+a certain occasion, swapped horses.  One of these horses was large, but
+quite thin.  A few days after, on inquiry being made of the man who had
+the big boney horse, how the animal was getting along?--whether
+improving or not?--the owner said he was doing finely; that he had
+fattened almost up to the knees already!"
+
+Afterward--when, the process of shaving had been completed, we passed to
+another room--our conversation naturally turned upon the War; and his
+ideas upon all subjects connected with it were as clear as those of any
+other person with whom I ever talked.  He had an absolute conviction as
+to the ultimate outcome of the War--the final triumph of the Union Arms;
+and I well remember, with what an air of complete relief and perfect
+satisfaction he said to me, referring to Grant--"We have now at the head
+of the Armies, a man in whom all the People can have confidence."
+
+But to return to Military operations: On December 10th? Sherman reached
+the sea-board and commenced the siege of Savannah, Georgia; on the 13th,
+Fort McAllister was stormed and Sherman's communications opened with the
+Sea; on the 15th and 16th, the great Battle of Nashville was fought,
+between the Armies of Thomas and Hood, and a glorious victory gained by
+the Union Arms--Hood's Rebel forces being routed, pursued for days, and
+practically dispersed; and, before the year ended, Savannah surrendered,
+and was presented to the Nation, as "a Christmas gift," by Sherman.
+
+And now the last Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress having commenced,
+the Thirteenth Amendment might at any time come up again in the House.
+In his fourth and last Annual Message, just sent in to that Body,
+President Lincoln had said:
+
+"At the last Session of Congress a proposed Amendment of the
+Constitution abolishing Slavery throughout the United States, passed the
+Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the
+House of Representatives.  Although the present is the same Congress,
+and nearly the same members, and without questioning the wisdom or
+patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the
+reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present Session.  Of
+course the abstract question is not changed; but an intervening election
+shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress will pass the measure if
+this does not.  Hence there is only a question of time as to when the
+proposed Amendment will go to, the States for their action.  And as it
+is to so go, at all, events, may we not agree that the sooner the
+better?  It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on
+members to change their views or their votes, any farther than, as an
+additional element to be considered, their judgment may be affected by
+it.  It is the voice of the People now, for the first time, heard upon
+the question.  In a great National crisis like ours, unanimity of action
+among those seeking a common end is very desirable--almost
+indispensable.  And yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable
+unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority simply
+because it is the will of the majority.  In this case the common end is
+the maintenance of the Union; and, among the means to secure that end,
+such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of
+such Constitutional Amendment."
+
+After affirming that, on the subject of the preservation of the Union,
+the recent elections had shown the existence of "no diversity among the
+People;" that "we have more men now than we had when the War began;"
+that "we are gaining strength" in all ways; and that, after the
+evidences given by Jefferson Davis of his unchangeable opposition to
+accept anything short of severance from the Union, "no attempt at
+negotiation with the Insurgent leader could result in any good," he
+appealed to the other Insurgents to come back to the fold--the door of
+amnesty and pardon, being still "open to all."  But, he continued:
+
+"In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the National
+Authority, on the part of the Insurgents, as the only indispensable
+condition to ending the War, on the part of the Government, I retract
+nothing heretofore said as to Slavery.  I repeat the declaration made a
+year ago, that 'while I remain in my present position I shall not
+attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I
+return to Slavery any Person who is Free by the terms of that
+Proclamation, or by any of the Acts of Congress.'  If the People should,
+by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty to Reenslave such
+Persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it.  In
+stating a single condition of Peace I mean simply to say that the War
+will cease on the part of the Government, whenever it shall have ceased
+on the part of those who began it."
+
+On the 22d of December, 1864, in accordance with the terms of a
+Concurrent Resolution that had passed both Houses, Congress adjourned
+until January 5, 1865.  During the Congressional Recess, however, Mr.
+Lincoln, anxious for the fate of the Thirteenth Amendment, exerted
+himself, as it afterward appeared, to some purpose, in its behalf, by
+inviting private conferences with him, at the White House, of such of
+the Border-State and other War-Democratic Representatives as had before
+voted against the measure, but whose general character gave him ground
+for hoping that they might not be altogether deaf to the voice of reason
+and patriotism.
+
+     [Among those for whom he sent was Mr. Rollins, of
+     Missouri, who afterward gave the following interesting account of
+     the interview:
+
+     "The President had several times in my presence expressed his deep
+     anxiety in favor of the passage of this great measure.  He and
+     others had repeatedly counted votes in order to ascertain, as far
+     as they could, the strength of the measure upon a second trial in
+     the House.  He was doubtful about its passage, and some ten days or
+     two weeks before it came up for consideration in the House, I
+     received a note from him, written in pencil on a card, while
+     sitting at my desk in the House, stating that he wished to see me,
+     and asking that I call on him at the White House.  I responded that
+     I would be there the next morning at nine o'clock.
+
+     "I was prompt in calling upon him and found him alone in his
+     office.  He received me in the most cordial manner, and said in his
+     usual familiar way: 'Rollins, I have been wanting to talk to you
+     for some time about the Thirteenth Amendment proposed to the
+     Constitution of the United States, which will have to be voted on
+     now, before a great while.'
+
+     "I said: 'Well, I am here, and ready to talk upon that subject.
+
+     "He said: 'You and I were old Whigs, both of us followers of that
+     great statesman, Henry Clay, and I tell you I never had an opinion
+     upon the subject of Slavery in my life that I did not get from him.
+     I am very anxious that the War should be brought to a close at the
+     earliest possible date, and I don't believe this can be
+     accomplished as long as those fellows down South can rely upon the
+     Border-States to help them; but if the Members from the Border-
+     States would unite, at least enough of them to pass the Thirteenth
+     Amendment to the Constitution, they would soon see that they could
+     not expect much help from that quarter, and be willing to give up
+     their opposition and quit their War upon the Government; that is my
+     chief hope and main reliance to bring the War to a speedy close,
+     and I have sent for you as an old Whig friend to come and see me,
+     that I might make an appeal to you to vote for this Amendment.  It
+     is going to be very close; a few votes one way or the other will
+     decide it.'
+
+     "To this, I responded: 'Mr. President, so far as I am concerned,
+     you need not have sent for me to ascertain my views on this
+     subject, for although I represent perhaps the strongest Slave-
+     district in Missouri, and have the misfortune to be one of the
+     largest Slave-owners in the country where I reside, I had already
+     determined to vote for the Amendment.
+
+     "He arose from his chair, and grasping me by the hand, gave it a
+     hearty shake, and said: 'I am most delighted to hear that.'
+
+     "He asked me how many more of the Missouri delegates in the House
+     would vote for it.
+
+     "I said I could not tell; the Republicans of course would; General
+     Loan, Mr. Blow, Mr. Boyd, and Colonel McClurg.
+
+     "He said, 'Won't General Price vote for it?  He is a good Union
+     man.' I said I could not answer.
+
+     "'Well, what about General King?'
+
+     "I told him I did not know.
+
+     "He then asked about Judges Hall and Norton.
+
+     "I said they would both vote against it, I thought.
+
+     "'Well,' he said, 'are you on good terms with Price and King?'
+
+     "I responded in the affirmative, and that I was on easy terms with
+     the entire delegation.
+
+     "He then asked me if I would not talk with those who might be
+     persuaded to vote for the amendment, and report to him as soon as I
+     could find out what the prospect was.'
+
+     "I answered that I would do so with pleasure, and remarked at the
+     same time, that when I was a young man, in 1848, I was the Whig
+     competitor of King for Governor of Missouri, and, as he beat me
+     very badly, I thought now he should pay me back by voting as I
+     desired him on this important question.
+
+     "I promised the President I would talk to this gentleman upon the
+     subject.
+
+     "He said: 'I would like you to talk to all the Border-State men
+     whom you can approach properly, and tell them of my anxiety to have
+     the measure pass; and let me know the prospect of the Border-State
+     vote,' which I promised to do.
+
+     "He again said: 'The passage of this Amendment will clinch the
+     whole subject; it will bring the War, I have no doubt, rapidly to a
+     close.'"--Arnold's Life of Lincoln, pp. 358-359,]
+
+On the 5th of January, 1865, the Christmas Recess having expired,
+Congress re-assembled.  The motion to reconsider the vote-by which the
+Joint Resolution, to amend the Constitution by the abolition of Slavery,
+had been defeated--was not called up, on that day, as its friends had
+not all returned; but the time was mainly consumed in able speeches, by
+Mr. Creswell of Maryland, and Stevens of Pennsylvania, in which the
+former declared that "whether we would or not, we must establish Freedom
+if we would exterminate Treason.  Events have left us no choice.  The
+People have learned their duty and have instructed us accordingly."  And
+Mr. Thaddeus Stevens solemnly said: "We are about to ascertain the
+National will, by another vote to amend the Constitution.  If gentlemen
+opposite will yield to the voice of God and Humanity, and vote for it, I
+verily believe the sword of the Destroying Angel will be stayed, and
+this People be reunited.  If we still harden our hearts, and blood must
+still flow, may the ghosts of the slaughtered victims sit heavily upon
+the souls of those who cause it!"
+
+On the 6th of January, Mr. Ashley called up his motion to reconsider the
+vote defeating the Thirteenth Amendment, and opened the debate with a
+lengthy and able speech in favor of that measure, in concluding which he
+said:
+
+"The genius of history, with iron pen, is waiting to record our verdict
+where it will remain forever for all the coming generations of men to
+approve or condemn.  God grant that this verdict may be one over which
+the friends of Liberty, impartial and universal, in this Country and
+Europe, and in every Land beneath the sun, may rejoice; a verdict which
+shall declare that America is Free; a verdict which shall add another
+day of jubilee, and the brightest of all, to our National calendar."
+
+The debate was participated in by nearly all the prominent men, on both
+sides of the House--the speeches of Messrs. Cox, Brooks, Voorhees,
+Mallory, Holman, Woods and Pendleton being the most notable, in
+opposition to, and those of Scofield, Rollins, Garfield and Stevens, in
+favor of, the Amendment.  That of Scofield probably stirred up "the
+adversary" more thoroughly than any other; that of Rollins was more
+calculated to conciliate and capture the votes of hesitating, or Border-
+State men; that of Garfield was perhaps the most scholarly and eloquent;
+while that of Stevens was remarkable for its sledge-hammer pungency and
+characteristic brevity.
+
+Mr. Pendleton, toward the end of his speech, had said of Mr. Stevens:
+"Let him be careful, lest when the passions of these times be passed
+away, and the historian shall go back to discover where was the original
+infraction of the Constitution, he may find that sin lies at the door of
+others than the people now in arms."  And it was this that brought the
+sterling old Patriot again to his feet, in vindication of the acts of
+his liberty-inspired life, and in defense of the power to amend the
+Constitution, which had been assailed.
+
+The personal antithesis with which he concluded his remarks was in
+itself most dramatically effective, Said he:
+
+"So far as the appeals of the learned gentleman (Mr. Pendleton) are
+concerned, in his pathetic winding up, I will be willing to take my
+chance, when we all moulder in the dust.  He may have his epitaph
+written, if it be truly written, 'Here rests the ablest and most
+pertinacious defender of Slavery, and opponent of Liberty;' and I will
+be satisfied if my epitaph shall be written thus: 'Here lies one who
+never rose to any eminence, and who only courted the low ambition to
+have it said that he had striven to ameliorate the condition of the
+poor, the lowly, the downtrodden, of every race, and language, and
+color."
+
+As he said these words, the crowded floors and galleries broke out into
+involuntary applause for the grand "Old Commoner"--who only awaited its
+cessation, to caustically add: "I shall be content, with such a eulogy
+on his lofty tomb and such an inscription on my humble grave, to trust
+our memories to the judgment of after ages."
+
+The debate, frequently interrupted by Appropriation Bills, and other
+important and importunate measures, lasted until the 31st of January,
+when Mr. Ashley called the previous question on his motion to
+reconsider.
+
+Mr. Stiles at once moved to table the motion to reconsider.  Mr.
+Stiles's motion was lost by 57 yeas to 111 nays.  This was in the nature
+of a test-vote, and the result, when announced, was listened to, with
+breathless attention, by the crowded House and galleries.  It was too
+close for either side to be satisfied; but it showed a gain to the
+friends of the Amendment; that was something.  How the final vote would
+be, none could tell.  Meanwhile it was known, from the announcements on
+the floor, that Rogers was absent through his own illness and Voorhees
+through illness in his family.
+
+The previous question being seconded and the main question ordered, the
+yeas and nays were called on the motion to reconsider--and the intense
+silence succeeding the monotonous calling of the names was broken by the
+voice of the Speaker declaring the motion to reconsider, carried, by 112
+yeas to 57 nays.
+
+This vote created a slight sensation.  There was a gain of one,
+(English), at any rate, from among those not voting on the previous
+motion.  Now, if there should be but the change of a single vote, from
+the nays to the yeas, the Amendment would be carried!
+
+The most intensely anxious solicitude was on nearly every face, as Mr.
+Mallory, at this critical moment, made the point of order that "a vote
+to reconsider the vote by which the subject now before the House was
+disposed of, in June last, requires two-thirds of this Body," and
+emphatically added: "that two-thirds vote has not been obtained."
+
+A sigh of relief swept across the galleries, as the Speaker overruled
+the point of order.  Other attempted interruptions being resolutely met
+and defeated by Mr. Ashley, in charge of the Resolution, the "previous
+question" was demanded, seconded, and the main question ordered--which
+was on the passage of the Resolution.
+
+And now, amid the hush of a breathless and intent anxiety--so absolute
+that the scratch of the recording pencil could be heard--the Clerk
+commenced to call the roll!
+
+So consuming was the solicitude, on all sides, for the fate of this
+portentous measure, that fully one-half the Representatives kept tally
+at their desks as the vote proceeded, while the heads of the gathered
+thousands of both sexes, in the galleries, craned forward, as though
+fearing to lose the startlingly clear responses, while the roll-call
+progressed.
+
+When it reached the name of English--Governor English, a Connecticut
+Democrat, who had not voted on the first motion, to table the motion to
+reconsider, but had voted "yea" on the motion to reconsider,--and he
+responded with a clear-cut "aye" on the passage of the Resolution--it
+looked as though light were coming at last, and applause involuntarily
+broke forth from the Republican side of the floor, spreading instantly
+to the galleries, despite the efforts of the Speaker to preserve order.
+
+So, when Ganson of New York, and other Democrats, voted "aye," the
+applause was renewed again and again, and still louder again, when, with
+smiling face--which corroborated the thrilling, fast-spreading, whisper,
+that "the Amendment is safe!"--Speaker Colfax directed the Clerk to call
+his name, as a member of the House, and, in response to that call, voted
+"aye!"
+
+Then came dead silence, as the Clerk passed the result to the Speaker-
+during which a pin might have been heard to drop,--broken at last by the
+Speaker's ringing voice: "The Constitutional majority of two-thirds
+having voted in the affirmative, the Joint Resolution is passed."
+
+     [The enrolled Resolution received the approval and signature of the
+     President, Feb. 1, 1865,]
+
+The words had scarcely left the Speaker's lips, when House and galleries
+sprang to their feet, clapping their hands, stamping their feet, waving
+hats and handkerchiefs, and cheering so loudly and so long that it
+seemed as if this great outburst of enthusiasm--indulged in, in defiance
+of all parliamentary rules--would never cease!
+
+In his efforts to control it, Speaker Colfax hammered the desk until he
+nearly broke his mallet.  Finally, by 4 o'clock, P.M., after several
+minutes of useless effort--during which the pounding of the mallet was
+utterly lost in the noisy enthusiasm and excitement, in which both the
+Freedom-loving men and women of the Land, there present, participated--
+the Speaker at last succeeded in securing a lull.
+
+Advantage was instantly taken of it, by the successor of the dead Owen
+Lovejoy, Mr. Ingersoll of Illinois, his young face flushing with the
+glow of patriotism, as he cried: "Mr. Speaker!  In honor of this
+Immortal and Sublime Event I move that the House do now adjourn."  The
+Speaker declared the motion carried, amid renewed demonstrations of
+enthusiasm.
+
+During all these uncontrollable ebullitions of popular feeling in behalf
+of personal Liberty and National Freedom and strength, the Democratic
+members of the House had sat, many of them moving uneasily in their
+seats, with chagrin painted in deep lines upon their faces, while others
+were bolt upright, as if riveted to their chairs, looking straight
+before them at the Speaker, in a vain attempt, belied by the pallid
+anger of their set countenances, to appear unconscious of the storm of
+popular feeling breaking around them, which they now doggedly perceived
+might be but a forecast of the joyful enthusiasm which on that day, and
+on the morrow, would spread from one end of the Land to the other.
+
+Harris, of Maryland, made a sort of "Last Ditch" protest against
+adjournment, by demanding the "yeas and nays" on the motion to adjourn.
+The motion was, however, carried, by 121 yeas to 24 nays; and, as the
+members left their places in the Hall--many of them to hurry with their
+hearty congratulations to President Lincoln at the White House--the
+triumph, in the Halls of our National Congress, of Freedom and Justice
+and Civilization, over Slavery and Tyranny and Barbarism, was already
+being saluted by the booming of one hundred guns on Capitol Hill.
+
+How large a share was Mr. Lincoln's, in that triumph, these pages have
+already sufficiently indicated.  Sweet indeed must have been the joy
+that thrilled his whole being, when, sitting in the White House, he
+heard the bellowing artillery attest the success of his labors in behalf
+of Emancipation.  Proud indeed must he have felt when, the following
+night, in response to the loud and jubilant cries of "Lincoln!"
+"Lincoln!" "Abe Lincoln!" "Uncle Abe!" and other affectionate calls,
+from a great concourse of people who, with music, had assembled outside
+the White House to give him a grand serenade and popular ovation, he
+appeared at an open window, bowed to the tumult of their acclamations,
+and declared that "The great Job is ended!"--adding, among other things,
+that the occasion was one fit for congratulation, and, said he, "I
+cannot but congratulate all present--myself, the Country, and the whole
+World--upon this great moral victory. * * * This ends the Job!"
+
+Substantially the job was ended.  There was little doubt, after such a
+send off, by the President and by Congress, in view of the character of
+the State Legislatures, as well as the temper of the People, that the
+requisite number of States would be secured to ratify the Thirteenth
+Amendment.  Already, on the 1st of February, that is to say, on the very
+day of this popular demonstration at the Executive Mansion, the
+President's own State, Illinois, had ratified it--and this circumstance
+added to the satisfaction and happiness which beamed from, and almost
+made beautiful, his homely face.
+
+Other States quickly followed; Maryland, on February 1st and 3rd; Rhode
+Island and Michigan, on February 2nd; New York, February 2nd and 3rd;
+West Virginia, February 3rd; Maine and Kansas, February 7th;
+Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, February 8th; Virginia, February 9th;
+Ohio and Missouri, February 10th; Nevada and Indiana, February 16th;
+Louisiana, February 17th; Minnesota, February 8th and 23rd; Wisconsin,
+March 1st; Vermont, March 9th; Tennessee, April 5th and 7th; Arkansas,
+April 20th; Connecticut, May 5th; New Hampshire, July 1st; South
+Carolina, November 13th; Alabama, December 2nd; North Carolina, December
+4th; Georgia, December 9th; Oregon, December 11th; California, December
+20th; and Florida, December 28th;--all in 1865; with New Jersey, closely
+following, on January 23rd; and Iowa, January 24th;--in 1866.
+
+Long ere this last date, however, the Secretary of State (Mr. Seward)
+had been able to, and did, announce (November 18, 1865) the ratification
+of the Amendment by the requisite number of States, and certified that
+the same had "become, to all intents and purposes, valid as a part of
+the Constitution of the United States."
+
+Not until then, was "the job" absolutely ended; but, as has been already
+mentioned, it was, at the time Mr. Lincoln spoke, as good as ended.  It
+was a foregone conclusion, that the great end for which he, and so many
+other great and good men of the Republic had for so many years been
+earnestly striving, would be an accomplished fact.  They had not failed;
+they had stood firm; the victory which he had predicted six years before
+had come!
+
+     [He had said in his Springfield speech, of 1858: "We
+     shall not fail; if we stand firm we shall not fail; wise counsels
+     may accelerate, or mistakes delay, but sooner or later the Victory
+     is sure to come."]
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXIX.
+
+                     LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURATION.
+
+While the death of Slavery in America was decreed, as we have seen; yet,
+the sanguine anticipations of Mr. Lincoln, and other friends of Freedom,
+that such a decree, imperishably grafted into the Constitution, must at
+once end the Rebellion, and bring Peace with a restored Union, were not
+realized.  The War went on.  Grant was still holding Lee, at Petersburg,
+near Richmond, while Sherman's victorious Army was about entering upon a
+campaign from Savannah, up through the Carolinas.
+
+During the previous Summer, efforts had been made, by Horace Greeley,
+and certain parties supposed to represent the Rebel authorities, to lay
+the ground-work for an early Peace and adjustment of the differences
+between the Government of the United States and the Rebels, but they
+miscarried.  They led, however, to the publication of the following
+important conciliatory Presidential announcement:
+
+                              "EXECUTIVE MANSION,
+                              "WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864.
+
+"To whom it may concern:
+
+"Any proposition which embraces the restoration of Peace, the integrity
+of the whole Union, and the abandonment of Slavery, and which comes by
+and with an authority that can control the Armies now at War against the
+United States, will be received and considered by the Executive
+Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on
+substantial and collateral points; and the bearer or bearers thereof
+shall have safe conduct both ways.
+
+"(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN."
+
+
+About the same time, other efforts were being made, with a similar
+object in view, but which came to naught.  The visit of Messrs. Jacques
+and Gilmore to the Rebel Capital on an informal Peace-errand was, at
+least, valuable in this, that it secured from the head and front of the
+armed Conspiracy, Jefferson Davis himself, the following definite
+statement:
+
+"I desire Peace as much as you do; I deplore bloodshed as much as you
+do; but I feel that not one drop of the blood shed in this War is on my
+hands.  I can look up to my God and say this.  I tried all in my power
+to avert this War.  I saw it coming, and for twelve years I worked night
+and day to prevent it; but I could not.  The North was mad and blind; it
+would not let us govern ourselves; and so the War came: and now it must
+go on till the last man of this generation falls in his tracks, and his
+children seize his musket and fight our battle, unless you acknowledge
+our right to self-government.  We are not fighting for Slavery.  We are
+fighting for INDEPENDENCE; and that, or EXTERMINATION, we WILL have."
+
+     [The Nation, July 2, 1885, contained the following
+     remarks, which may be pertinently quoted in support of this
+     authoritative statement that the South was "not fighting for
+     Slavery," but for Independence--that is to say: for Power, and what
+     would flow from it.]
+
+     ["The Charleston News and Courier a fortnight ago remarked that
+     'not more than one Southern soldier in ten or fifteen was a
+     Slaveholder, or had any interest in Slave Property.'  The
+     Laurensville Herald disputed the statement, and declared that 'the
+     Southern Army was really an Army of Slaveholders and the sons of
+     Slaveholders.'  The Charleston paper stands by its original
+     position, and cites figures which are conclusive.  The Military
+     population of the eleven States which seceded, according to the
+     census of 1860, was 1,064,193.  The entire number of Slaveholders
+     in the Country at the same time was 383,637, but of these 77,335
+     lived in the Border States, so that the number in the Seceding
+     States was only 306,302.  Most of the small Slaveholders, however,
+     were not Slave-owners, but Slave hirers, and Mr. De Bow, the
+     statistician who supervised the census of 1850, estimated that but
+     little over half the holders were actually owners.  The proportion
+     of owners diminished between 1850 and 1860, and the News and
+     Courier thinks that there were not more than 150,000 Slave-owners
+     in the Confederate States when the War broke out.  This would be
+     one owner to every seven White males between eighteen and forty-
+     five; but as many of the owners were women, and many of the men
+     were relieved from Military service, the Charleston paper is
+     confirmed in its original opinion that there were ten men in the
+     Southern Army who were not Slave-owners for every soldier who had
+     Slaves of his own."]
+
+And when these self-constituted Peace-delegates had fulfilled the duty
+which their zeal had impelled them to perform, and were taking their
+leave of the Rebel chieftain, Jefferson Davis added:
+
+"Say to Mr. Lincoln, from me, that I shall at any time be pleased to
+receive proposals for PEACE on the basis of our INDEPENDENCE.  It will
+be useless to approach me with any other."
+
+Thus the lines had been definitely and distinctly drawn, on both sides.
+The issue of Slavery became admittedly, as between the Government and
+the Rebels, a dead one.  The great cardinal issue was now clearly seen
+and authoritatively admitted to be, "the integrity of the whole Union"
+on the one side, and on the other, "Independence of a part of it."
+These precise declarations did great good to the Union Cause in the
+North, and not only helped the triumphant re-election of Mr. Lincoln,
+but also contributed to weaken the position of the Northern advocates of
+Slavery, and to bring about, as we have seen, the extinction of that
+inherited National curse, by Constitutional Amendment.
+
+During January, of 1865, Francis P. Blair having been permitted to pass
+both the Union and Rebel Army lines, showed to Mr. Lincoln a letter,
+written to the former, by Jefferson Davis--and which the latter had
+authorized him to read to the President--stating that he had always
+been, and was still, ready to send or to receive Commissioners "to enter
+into a Conference, with a view to secure Peace to the two Countries."
+On the 18th of that month, purposing to having it shown to Jefferson
+Davis, Mr. Lincoln wrote to Mr. Blair a letter in which, after referring
+to Mr. Davis, he said: "You may say to him that I have constantly been,
+am now, and shall continue, ready to receive any agent whom he, or any
+other influential person now resisting the National Authority, may
+informally send to me, with the view of securing Peace to the People of
+our common Country."  On the 21st of January, Mr. Blair was again in
+Richmond; and Mr. Davis had read and retained Mr. Lincoln's letter to
+Blair, who specifically drew the Rebel chieftain's attention to the fact
+that "the part about 'our common Country' related to the part of Mr.
+Davis's letter about 'the two Countries,' to which Mr. Davis replied
+that he so understood it."  Yet subsequently, he sent Messrs.  Alexander
+H.  Stephens, R. M. T.  Hunter, and John A.  Campbell as Commissioners,
+with instructions, (January 28, 1865,) which, after setting forth the
+language of Mr. Lincoln's letter, proceeded strangely enough to say: "In
+conformity with the letter of Mr. Lincoln, of which the foregoing is a
+copy, you are to proceed to Washington city for informal Conference with
+him upon the issues involved in the existing War, and for the purpose of
+securing Peace to the two Countries!"  The Commissioners themselves
+stated in writing that "The substantial object to be obtained by the
+informal Conference is, to ascertain upon what terms the existing War
+can be terminated honorably.  * * * Our earnest desire is, that a just
+and honorable Peace may be agreed upon, and we are prepared to receive
+or to submit propositions which may, possibly, lead to the attainment of
+that end."  In consequence of this peculiarly "mixed" overture, the
+President sent Secretary Seward to Fortress Monroe, to informally confer
+with the parties, specifically instructing him to "make known to them
+that three things are indispensable, to wit:
+
+"1.  The restoration of the National Authority throughout all the
+States.
+
+"2.  No receding, by the Executive of the United States, on the Slavery
+question, from the position assumed thereon in the late Annual Message
+to Congress, and in preceding documents.
+
+"3.  No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the War and the
+disbanding of all forces hostile to the Government."
+
+Mr. Lincoln also instructed the Secretary to "inform them that all
+propositions of theirs, not inconsistent with the above, will be
+considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberality;" to "hear
+all they may choose to say, and report it" to him, and not to "assume to
+definitely consummate anything."  Subsequently, the President, in
+consequence of a dispatch from General Grant to Secretary Stanton,
+decided to go himself to Fortress Monroe.
+
+     Following is the dispatch:
+
+     [In Cipher]
+
+     OFFICE UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH.  WAR DEPARTMENT.
+
+     "The following telegram received at Washington, 4.35 A.M., February
+     2, 1865.  From City Point, Va., February 1, 10.30 P.M., 1865
+
+     "Now that the interview between Major Eckert, under his written
+     instructions, and Mr. Stephens and party has ended, I will state
+     confidentially, but not officially, to become a matter of record,
+     that I am convinced, upon conversation with Messrs. Stephens and
+     Hunter, that their intentions are good and their desire sincere to
+     restore Peace and Union.  I have not felt myself at liberty to
+     express, even, views of my own, or to account for my reticency.
+     This has placed me in an awkward position, which I could have
+     avoided by not seeing them in the first instance.  I fear now their
+     going back without any expression from any one in authority will
+     have a bad influence.  At the same time I recognize the
+     difficulties in the way of receiving these informal Commissioners
+     at this time, and do not know what to recommend.  I am sorry,
+     however, that Mr. Lincoln cannot have an interview with the two
+     named in this dispatch, if not all three now within our lines.
+     Their letter to me was all that the President's instructions
+     contemplated to secure their safe conduct, if they had used the
+     same language to Major Eckert.
+
+                                   "U. S. GRANT,
+                                   "Lieutenant General.
+
+     "Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON,
+     "Secretary of War."
+
+     Mr. Stephens is stated by a Georgia paper to have repeated the
+     following characteristic anecdote of what occurred during the
+     interview.  "The three Southern gentlemen met Mr. Lincoln and Mr.
+     Seward, and after some preliminary remarks, the subject of Peace
+     was opened.  Mr. Stephens, well aware that one who asks much may
+     get more than he who confesses to humble wishes at the outset,
+     urged the claims of his Section with that skill and address for
+     which the Northern papers have given him credit.  Mr. Lincoln,
+     holding the vantage ground of conscious power, was, however,
+     perfectly frank, and submitted his views almost in the form of an
+     argument.  * * * Davis had, on this occasion, as on that of Mr.
+     Stephens's visit to Washington, made it a condition that no
+     Conference should be had unless his rank as Commander or President
+     should first be recognized.  Mr. Lincoln declared that the only
+     ground on which he could rest the justice of War--either with his
+     own people, or with foreign powers--was that it was not a War for
+     conquest, for that the States had never been separated from the
+     Union.  Consequently, he could not recognize another Government
+     inside of the one of which he alone was President; nor admit the
+     separate Independence of States that were yet a part of the Union.
+     'That' said he 'would be doing what you have so long asked Europe
+     to do in vain, and be resigning the only thing the Armies of the
+     Union have been fighting for.'  Mr. Hunter made a long reply to
+     this, insisting that the recognition of Davis's power to make a
+     Treaty was the first and indispensable step to Peace, and referred
+     to the correspondence between King Charles I., and his Parliament,
+     as a trustworthy precedent of a Constitutional ruler treating with
+     Rebels.  Mr. Lincoln's face then wore that indescribable expression
+     which generally preceded his hardest hits, and he remarked: 'Upon
+     questions of history I must refer you to Mr. Seward, for he is
+     posted in such things, and I don't pretend to be bright.  My only
+     distinct recollection of the matter is that Charles lost his head,'
+     That settled Mr. Hunter for a while." Arnold's Lincoln, p. 400.
+
+On the night of February 2nd, Mr. Lincoln reached Hampton Roads, and
+joined Secretary Seward on board a steamer anchored off the shore.  The
+next morning, from another steamer, similarly anchored, Messrs.
+Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell were brought aboard the President's
+steamer and a Conference with the President and Secretary of several
+hours' duration was the result.  Mr. Lincoln's own statement of what
+transpired was in these words:
+
+"No question of preliminaries to the meeting was then and there made or
+mentioned.  No other person was present; no papers were exchanged or
+produced; and it was, in advance, agreed that the conversation was to be
+informal and verbal merely.  On our part, the whole substance of the
+instructions to the Secretary of State, hereinbefore recited, was stated
+and insisted upon, and nothing was said inconsistent therewith; while,
+by the other party, it was not said that in any event or on any
+condition, they ever would consent to Re-union; and yet they equally
+omitted to declare that they never would so consent.  They seemed to
+desire a postponement of that question, and the adoption of some other
+course first, which, as some of them seemed to argue, might or might not
+lead to Reunion; but which course, we thought, would amount to an
+indefinite postponement.  The Conference ended without result."
+
+In his communication to the Rebel Congress at Richmond, February 6.
+1865, Jefferson Davis, after mentioning his appointment of Messrs.
+Stephens, Hunter and Campbell, for the purpose stated, proceeded to say:
+
+"I herewith transmit, for the information of Congress, the report of the
+eminent citizens above named, showing that the Enemy refused to enter
+into negotiations with the Confederate States, or any one of them
+separately, or to give to our people any other terms or guarantees than
+those which the conqueror may grant, or to permit us to have Peace on
+any other basis than our unconditional submission to their rule, coupled
+with the acceptance of their recent legislation on the subject of the
+relations between the White and Black population of each State."
+
+On the 5th and 9th of February, public meetings were held at Richmond,
+in connection with these Peace negotiations.  At the first, Jefferson
+Davis made a speech in which the Richmond Dispatch reported him as
+emphatically asserting that no conditions of Peace "save the
+Independence of the Confederacy could ever receive his sanction.  He
+doubted not that victory would yet crown our labors, * * * and sooner
+than we should ever be united again he would be willing to yield up
+everything he had on Earth, and if it were possible would sacrifice a
+thousand lives before he would succumb."  Thereupon the meeting of
+Rebels passed resolutions "spurning" Mr. Lincoln's terms "with the
+indignation due to so gross an insult;" declared that the circumstances
+connected with his offer could only "add to the outrage and stamp it as
+a designed and premeditated indignity" offered to them; and invoking
+"the aid of Almighty God" to carry out their "resolve to maintain" their
+"Liberties and Independence"--to which, said they, "we mutually pledge
+our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."  So too, at the second
+of these meetings, presided over by R. M. T. Hunter, and addressed by
+the Rebel Secretary Judah P. Benjamin, resolutions were adopted amid
+"wild and long continued cheering," one of which stated that they would
+"never lay down" their "arms until" their "Independence" had "been won,"
+while another declared a full confidence in the sufficiency of their
+resources to "conduct the War successfully and to that issue," and
+invoked "the People, in the name of the holiest of all causes, to spare
+neither their blood nor their treasure in its maintenance and support."
+
+As during these Peace negotiations, General Grant, by express direction
+of President Lincoln, had not changed, hindered, nor delayed, any of his
+"Military movements or plans," so, now that the negotiations had failed,
+those Military movements were pressed more strenuously than ever.
+
+     [The main object of this Conference on the part of the Rebels was
+     to secure an immediate truce, or breathing spell, during which they
+     could get themselves in better condition for continuing the War.
+     Indeed a portion of Mr. Seward's letter of Feb. 7, 1865, to Mr.
+     Adams, our Minister at the Court of St. James, giving him an
+     account of the Conference with the party of Insurgent
+     Commissioners, would not alone indicate this, but also that it was
+     proposed by that "Insurgent party," that both sides, during the
+     time they would thus cease to fight one another, might profitably
+     combine their forces to drive the French invaders out of Mexico and
+     annex that valuable country.  At least, the following passage in
+     that letter will bear that construction:
+
+     "What the Insurgent party seemed chiefly to favor was a
+     postponement of the question of separation, upon which the War is
+     waged, and a mutual direction of efforts of the Government, as well
+     as those of the Insurgents, to some extrinsic policy or scheme for
+     a season, during which passions might be expected to subside, and
+     the Armies be reduced, and trade and intercourse between the People
+     of both Sections resumed.  It was suggested by them that through
+     such postponements we might now have immediate Peace, with some not
+     very certain prospect of an ultimate satisfactory adjustment of
+     political relations between this Government, and the States,
+     Section, or People, now engaged in conflict with it."
+
+     For the whole of this letter see McPherson's History of the
+     Rebellion, p.  570.]
+
+Fort Fisher, North Carolina, had already been captured by a combined
+Military and Naval attack of the Union forces under General Terry and
+Admiral Porter; and Sherman's Army was now victoriously advancing from
+Savannah, Georgia, Northwardly through South Carolina.  On the 17th of
+February, Columbia, the capital of the latter State, surrendered, and,
+the day following, Charleston was evacuated, and its defenses, including
+historic Fort Sumter, were once more under that glorious old flag of the
+Union which four years before had been driven away, by shot and shell
+and flame, amid the frantic exultations of the temporarily successful
+armed Conspirators of South Carolina.  On the 22nd of February, General
+Schofield, who had been sent by Grant with his 23rd Corps, by water, to
+form a junction with Terry's troops about Fort Fisher, and capture
+Wilmington, North Carolina, had also accomplished his purpose
+successfully.
+
+The Rebel Cause now began to look pretty desperate, even to Rebel eyes.
+
+     [Hundreds of Rebels were now deserting from Lee's Armies about
+     Richmond, every night, owing partly to despondency.  "These
+     desertions," wrote Lee, on the 24th February, "have a very bad
+     effect upon the troops who remain, and give rise to painful
+     apprehensions."  Another cause was the lack of food and clothing.
+     Says Badeau (Military History of Ulysses S. Grant, vol.  iii., p.
+     399): "On the 8th of January, Lee wrote to the Rebel Government
+     that the entire Right Wing of his Army had been in line for three
+     days and nights, in the most inclement weather of the season.
+     'Under these circumstances,' he said, 'heightened by assaults and
+     fire of the Enemy, some of the men had been without meat for three
+     days, and all were suffering from reduced rations and scant
+     clothing.  Colonel Cole, chief commissary, reports that he has not
+     a pound of meat at his disposal.  If some change is not made, and
+     the commissary department reorganized, I apprehend dire results.
+     The physical strength of the men, if their courage survives, must
+     fail under this treatment.  Our Cavalry has to be dispersed for
+     want of forage.  Fitz Lee's and Lomax's Divisions are scattered
+     because supplies cannot be transported where their services are
+     required.  I had to bring Fitz Lee's Division sixty miles Sunday
+     night, to get them in position.  Taking these facts in connection
+     with the paucity of our numbers, you must not be surprised if
+     calamity befalls us.'" Badeau's (Grant, vol.  iii., p. 401,)]
+
+Toward the end of February, the Rebel General Longstreet having
+requested an interview with General Ord "to arrange for the exchange of
+citizen prisoners, and prisoners of war, improperly captured," General
+Grant authorized General Ord to hold such interview t and "to arrange
+definitely for such as were confined in his department, arrangements for
+all others to be submitted for approval."  In the course of that
+interview "a general conversation ensued on the subject of the War,"
+when it would seem that Longstreet suggested the idea of a composition
+of the questions at issue, and Peace between the United States and the
+Rebels, by means of a Military Convention.  It is quite probable that
+this idea originated with Jefferson Davis, as a /dernier ressort/; for
+Longstreet appears to have communicated directly with Davis concerning
+his interview or "interviews" with Ord.  On the 28th of February, 1865
+the Rebel Chief wrote to Lee, as follows:
+
+                         "RICHMOND, VA., February 28.
+
+"Gen. R. E. LEE, Commanding, etc.,
+
+"GENERAL: You will learn by the letter of General Longstreet the result
+of his second interview with General Ord.  The points as to whether
+yourself or General Grant should invite the other to a Conference is not
+worth discussing.  If you think the statements of General Ord render it
+probably useful that the Conference suggested should be had, you will
+proceed as you may prefer, and are clothed with all the supplemental
+authority you may need in the consideration of any proposition for a
+Military Convention, or the appointment of a Commissioner to enter into
+such an arrangement as will cause at least temporary suspension of
+hostilities.
+                         "Very truly yours
+                                   "JEFFERSON DAVIS."
+
+
+Thereupon General Lee wrote, and sent to General Grant, the following
+communication:
+
+               "HEADQUARTERS C. S. ARMIES, March 2, 1865.
+"Lieut. Gen. U. S. GRANT,
+"Commanding United States Armies:
+
+"GENERAL: Lieut.-Gen. Longstreet has informed me that, in a recent
+conversation between himself and Maj.-Gen. Ord, as to the possibility of
+arriving at a satisfactory adjustment of the present unhappy
+difficulties by means of a Military Convention, General Ord stated that
+if I desired to have an interview with you on the subject, you would not
+decline, provided I had authority to act.  Sincerely desirous to leave
+nothing untried which may put an end to the calamities of War, I propose
+to meet you at such convenient time and place as you may designate, with
+the hope that, upon an interchange of views, it may be found practicable
+to submit the subjects of controversy between the belligerents to a
+Convention of the kind mentioned.
+
+"In such event, I am authorized to do whatever the result of the
+proposed interview may render necessary or advisable.  Should you accede
+to this proposition, I would suggest that, if agreeable to you, we meet
+at the place selected by Generals Ord and Longstreet, for the interview,
+at 11 A.M., on Monday next.
+
+               "Very respectfully your obedient servant,
+                              "R. E. LEE, General."
+
+
+Upon receipt of this letter, General Grant sent a telegraphic dispatch
+to Secretary Stanton, informing him of Lee's proposition.  It reached
+the Secretary of War just before midnight of March 3rd.  He, and the
+other members of the Cabinet were with the President, in the latter's
+room at the Capitol, whither they had gone on this, the last, night of
+the last Session of the Thirty-Eighth Congress, the Cabinet to advise,
+and the President to act, upon bills submitted to him for approval.  The
+Secretary, after reading the dispatch, handed it to Mr. Lincoln.  The
+latter read and thought over it briefly, and then himself  wrote the
+following reply:
+
+"WASHINGTON, March, 3, 1865, 12 P.M.
+
+"LIEUTENANT GENERAL GRANT: The President directs me to say to you that
+he wishes you to have no Conference with General Lee, unless it be for
+the capitulation of General Lee's Army, or on some other minor and
+purely Military matter.  He instructs me to say to you that you are not
+to decide, discuss, or confer upon any political question.  Such
+questions the President holds in his own hands, and will submit them to
+no Military Conferences or Conventions.  Meanwhile you are to press to
+the utmost your Military advantages.
+                              "EDWIN M. STANTON,
+                              "Secretary of War."
+
+
+General Grant received this dispatch, on the day following, and at once
+wrote and sent to General Lee a communication in which, after referring
+to the subject of the exchange of prisoners, he said: "In regard to
+meeting you on the 6th inst., I would state that--I have no authority to
+accede to your proposition for a Conference on the subject proposed.
+Such authority is vested in the President of the United States alone.
+General Ord could only have meant that I would not refuse an interview
+on any subject on which I have a right to act; which, of course, would
+be such as are purely of a Military character, and on the subject of
+exchange, which has been entrusted to me."
+
+Thus perished the last reasonable hope entertained by the Rebel
+Chieftains to ward off the inevitable and mortal blow that was about to
+smite their Cause.
+
+The 4th of March, 1865, had come.  The Thirty-Eighth Congress was no
+more.  Mr. Lincoln was about to be inaugurated, for a second term, as
+President of the United States.  The previous night had been vexed with
+a stormy snow-fall.  The morning had also been stormy and rainy.  By
+mid-day, however, as if to mark the event auspiciously, the skies
+cleared and the sun shone gloriously upon the thousands and tens of
+thousands who had come to Washington, to witness the second Inauguration
+of him whom the people had now, long since, learned to affectionately
+term "Father Abraham"--of him who had become the veritable Father of his
+People.  As the President left the White House, to join the grand
+procession to the Capitol, a brilliant meteor shot athwart the heavens,
+above his head.  At the time, the superstitious thought it an Omen of
+triumph--of coming Peace--but in the sad after-days when armed Rebellion
+had ceased and Peace had come, it was remembered, with a shudder, as a
+portent of ill.  When, at last, Mr. Lincoln stood, with bared head, upon
+the platform at the eastern portico of the Capitol, where four years
+before, he had made his vows before the People, under such very
+different circumstances and surroundings, the contrast between that time
+and this--and all the terrible and eventful history of the interim--
+could not fail to present itself to every mind of all those congregated,
+whether upon the platform among the gorgeously costumed foreign
+diplomats, the full-uniformed Military and Naval officers of the United
+States, and the more soberly-clad statesmen and Civic and Judicial
+functionaries of the Land, or in the vast and indiscriminate mass of the
+enthusiastic people in front and on both sides of it.  As Chief Justice
+Chase administered the oath, and Abraham Lincoln, in view of all the
+people, reverently bowed his head and kissed the open Bible, at a
+passage in Isaiah (27th and 28th verses of the 5th Chapter) which it was
+thought "admonished him to be on his guard, and not to relax at all, in
+his efforts," the people, whose first cheers of welcome had been stayed
+by the President's uplifted hand, broke forth in a tumult of cheering,
+until again hushed by the clear, strong, even voice of the President, as
+he delivered that second Inaugural Address, whose touching tenderness,
+religious resignation, and Christian charity, were clad in these
+imperishable words:
+
+"FELLOW COUNTRYMEN: At this second appearing to take the Oath of the
+Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than
+there was at the first.  Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a
+course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper.  Now, at the expiration
+of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly
+called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still
+absorbs the attention and engrosses the energy of the Nation, little
+that is new could be presented.  The progress of our Arms, upon which
+all else depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it
+is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.  With high
+hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.
+
+"On the occasion corresponding to this, four years ago, all thoughts
+were anxiously directed to an impending Civil War.  All dreaded it--all
+sought to avert it.  While the Inaugural Address was being delivered
+from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without War,
+Insurgent agents were in the city, seeking to destroy it without War--
+seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide the effects, by negotiation.
+Both parties deprecated War; but one of them would make War rather than
+let the Nation survive; and the other would accept War rather than let
+it perish--and the War came.
+
+"One-eighth of the whole population were colored Slaves, not distributed
+generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it.
+These Slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.  All knew
+that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the War.  To strengthen,
+perpetuate and extend this interest was the object for which the
+Insurgents would rend the Union, even by War; while the Government
+claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement
+of it.  Neither Party expected for the War the magnitude or the duration
+which it has already attained.  Neither anticipated that the cause of
+the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself
+should cease.  Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less
+fundamental and astounding.  Both read the same Bible, and pray to the
+same God; and each invokes His aid against the other.  It may seem
+strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in
+wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us
+judge not, that we be not judged.  The prayers of both could not be
+answered--that of neither has been answered fully.  The Almighty has His
+own purposes.  'Woe unto the World because of offences! for it must
+needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence
+cometh.'  If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those
+offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which,
+having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and
+that He gives to both North and South this terrible War, as the woe due
+to those by Whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any
+departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living
+God always ascribe to Him?  Fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--
+that this mighty scourge of War may speedily pass away.  Yet, if God
+wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two
+hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until
+every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn
+with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must
+be said, 'The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.'
+
+"With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the
+right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the
+work we are in; to bind up the Nation's wounds, to care for him who
+shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan--to do
+all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting Peace among
+ourselves, and with all Nations."
+
+With utterances so just and fair, so firm and hopeful, so penitent and
+humble, so benignant and charitable, so mournfully tender and sweetly
+solemn, so full of the fervor of true piety and the very pathos of
+patriotism, small wonder is it that among those numberless thousands
+who, on this memorable occasion, gazed upon the tall, gaunt form of
+Abraham Lincoln, and heard his clear, sad voice, were some who almost
+imagined they saw the form and heard the voice of one of the great
+prophets and leaders of Israel; while others were more reminded of one
+of the Holy Apostles of the later Dispensation who preached the glorious
+Gospel "On Earth, Peace, good will toward Men," and received in the end
+the crown of Christian martyrdom.  But not one soul of those present--
+unless his own felt such presentiment--dreamed for a moment that, all
+too soon, the light of those brave and kindly eyes was fated to go out
+in darkness, that sad voice to be hushed forever, that form to lie
+bleeding and dead, a martyred sacrifice indeed, upon the altar of his
+Country!
+
+
+
+
+                              CHAPTER XXX.
+
+                   COLLAPSE OF THE ARMED CONSPIRACY.
+
+Meantime, Sherman's Armies were pressing along upward, toward Raleigh,
+from Columbia, marching through swamps and over quicksands and across
+swollen streams--cold, wet, hungry, tired--often up to their armpits in
+water, yet keeping their powder dry, and silencing opposing batteries or
+driving the Enemy, who doggedly retired before them, through the
+drenching rains which poured down unceasingly for days, and even weeks,
+at a time.  On the 16th of March, 1865, a part of Sherman's Forces met
+the Enemy, under General Joe Johnston, at Averysboro, N.  C., and forced
+him to retire.  On the 19th and 20th of March, occurred the series of
+engagements, about Mill Creek and the Bentonville and Smithfield cross-
+roads, which culminated in the attack upon the Enemy, of the 21st of
+March, and his evacuation, that night, of his entire line of works, and
+retreat upon Smithfield.  This was known as the Battle of Bentonville,
+and was the last battle fought between the rival Forces under Sherman
+and Johnston.  The Armies of Sherman, now swollen by having formed a
+junction with the troops under Schofield and Terry, which had come from
+Newbern and Wilmington, went into camp at Goldsboro, North Carolina, to
+await the rebuilding of the railroads from those two points on the
+coast, and the arrival of badly needed clothing, provision, and other
+supplies, after which the march would be resumed to Burksville,
+Virginia.  By the 25th of March, the railroad from Newbern was in
+running order, and General Sherman, leaving General Schofield in command
+of his eighty thousand troops, went to Newbern and Morehead City, and
+thence by steamer to City Point, for a personal interview with General
+Grant.  On the same day, Lee made a desperate but useless assault, with
+twenty thousand (of his seventy thousand) men upon Fort Stedman--a
+portion of Grant's works in front of Petersburg.  On the 27th, President
+Lincoln reached City Point, on the James River, in the steamer "Ocean
+Queen."  Sherman reached City Point the same day, and, after meeting the
+General-in-Chief, Grant took him on board the "Ocean Queen" to see the
+President.  Together they explained to Mr. Lincoln the Military
+situation, during the "hour or more" they were with him.  Of this
+interview with Mr. Lincoln, General Sherman afterwards wrote: "General
+Grant and I explained to him that my next move from Goldsboro would
+bring my Army, increased to eighty thousand men by Schofield's and
+Terry's reinforcements, in close communication with General Grant's
+Army, then investing Lee in Richmond, and that unless Lee could effect
+his escape, and make junction with Johnston in North Carolina, he would
+soon be shut up in Richmond with no possibility of supplies, and would
+have to surrender.  Mr. Lincoln was extremely interested in this view of
+the case, and when we explained that Lee's only chance was to escape,
+join Johnston, and, being then between me in North Carolina, and Grant
+in Virginia, could choose which to fight.  Mr. Lincoln seemed unusually
+impressed with this; but General Grant explained that, at the very
+moment of our conversation, General Sheridan was passing his Cavalry
+across James River, from the North to the South; that he would, with
+this Cavalry, so extend his left below Petersburg as to meet the South
+Shore Road; and that if Lee should 'let go' his fortified lines, he
+(Grant) would follow him so close that he could not possibly fall on me
+alone in North Carolina.  I, in like manner, expressed the fullest
+confidence that my Army in North Carolina was willing to cope with Lee
+and Johnston combined, till Grant could come up.  But we both agreed
+that one more bloody battle was likely to occur before the close of the
+War.  Mr. Lincoln * * * more than once exclaimed: 'Must more blood be
+shed?  Cannot this last bloody battle be avoided?'  We explained that we
+had to presume that General Lee was a real general; that he must see
+that Johnston alone was no barrier to my progress; and that if my Army
+of eighty thousand veterans should reach Burksville, he was lost in
+Richmond; and that we were forced to believe he would not await that
+inevitable conclusion, but make one more desperate effort."
+
+President Lincoln's intense anxiety caused him to remain at City Point,
+from this time forth, almost until the end--receiving from General
+Grant, when absent, at the immediate front, frequent dispatches, which,
+as fast as received and read, he transmitted to the Secretary of War, at
+Washington.  Grant had already given general instructions to Major-
+Generals Meade, Ord, and Sheridan, for the closing movements of his
+immediate Forces, against Lee and his lines of supply and possible
+retreat.  He saw that the time had come for which he had so long waited,
+and he now felt "like ending the matter."  On the morning of the 29th of
+March--preliminary dispositions having been executed--the movements
+began.  That night, Grant wrote to Sheridan, who was at Dinwiddie Court
+House, with his ten thousand Cavalry: "Our line is now unbroken from the
+Appomattox to Dinwiddie.  * * *  I feel now like ending the matter, if
+it is possible to do so, before going back.  * * *  In the morning, push
+around the Enemy, if you can, and get on his right rear.  * * * We will
+all act together as one Army, until it is seen what can be done with the
+Enemy."  The rain fell all that night in torrents.  The face of the
+country, where forests, swamps, and quicksands alternated in presenting
+apparently insuperable obstacles to immediate advance, was very
+discouraging next morning, but Sheridan's heart was gladdened by orders
+to seize Five Forks.
+
+On the 31st, the Battle of Dinwiddie Court House occurred--the Enemy
+attacking Sheridan and Warren with a largely superior force.  During the
+night, Sheridan was reinforced with the Fifth Corps, and other troops.
+On April 1st, Sheridan fought, and won, the glorious Battle of Five
+Forks, against this detached Rebel force, and, besides capturing 6,000
+prisoners and six pieces of artillery, dispersed the rest to the North
+and West, away from the balance of Lee's Army.  That night, after Grant
+received the news of this victory, he went into his tent, wrote a
+dispatch, sent it by an orderly, and returning to the fire outside his
+tent, calmly said: "I have ordered an immediate assault along the
+lines."  This was afterward modified to an attack at three points, on
+the Petersburg works, at 4 o'clock in the morning--a terrific
+bombardment, however, to be kept up all night.  Grant also sent more
+reinforcements to Sheridan.  On the morning of April 2nd, the assault
+was made, and the Enemy's works were gallantly carried, while Sheridan
+was coming up to the West of Petersburg.
+
+The Rebel Chieftain Lee, when his works were stormed and carried, is
+said to have exclaimed: "It has happened as I thought; the lines have
+been stretched until they broke."  At 10.30 A. M. he telegraphed to
+Jefferson Davis: "My lines are broken in three places.  Richmond must be
+evacuated this evening."  This dispatch of Parke, Ord on Wright's left,
+Humphreys on Ord's left and Warren on Humphrey's left-Sheridan being to
+the rear and left of Warren, reached Davis, while at church.  All
+present felt, as he retired, that the end of the Rebellion had come.  At
+10.40 A. M. Lee reported further: "I see no prospect of doing more than
+holding our position here till night.  I am not certain that I can do
+that.  If I can, I shall withdraw tonight, North of the Appomattox, and
+if possible, it will be better to withdraw the whole line to-night from
+James river.  * * *  Our only chance of concentrating our Forces is to
+do so near Danville railroad, which I shall endeavor to do at once.  I
+advise that all preparations be made for leaving Richmond to-night.  I
+will advise you later, according to circumstances.  "At 7 o'clock P. M.
+Lee again communicated to the Rebel Secretary of War this information:
+"It is absolutely necessary that we should abandon our position to-
+night, or run the risk of being cut off in the morning.  I have given
+all the orders to officers on both sides of the river, and have taken
+every precaution that I can to make the movement successful.  It will be
+a difficult operation, but I hope not impracticable.  Please give all
+orders that you find necessary, in and about Richmond.  The troops will
+all be directed to Amelia Court House."  This was the last dispatch sent
+by Lee to the Rebel Government.
+
+On the 3rd of April, Petersburg and Richmond were evacuated, and again
+under the Union flag, while Grant's immediate Forces were pressing
+forward to cut off the retreat of Lee, upon Amelia Court House and
+Danville, in an effort to form a junction with Johnston.  On the 6th,
+the important Battle of Sailor's Creek, Va., was fought and won by
+Sheridan.  On the evening of the 7th, at the Farmville hotel, where Lee
+had slept the night before, Grant, after sending dispatches to Sheridan
+at Prospect Station, Ord at Prince Edward's Court House, and Mead at
+Rice Station, wrote the following letter to Lee:
+
+                         "FARMVILLE, April 7th, 1865.
+
+"GENERAL: The results of the last week must convince you of the
+hopelessness of further resistance, on the part of the Army of Northern
+Virginia, in this struggle.  I feel that it is so, and regard it as my
+duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any further effusion of
+blood, by asking of you the surrender of that portion of the Confederate
+States' army known as the Army of Northern Virginia.
+
+"U. S. GRANT,
+"Lieutenant-General."
+
+
+Lee, however, in replying to this demand, and in subsequent
+correspondence, seemed to be unable to see "the hopelessness of further
+resistance."  He thought "the emergency had not yet come."  Hence, Grant
+decided to so press and harass him, as to bring the emergency along
+quickly.  Accordingly, by the night of the 8th of April, Sheridan with
+his Cavalry had completely headed Lee off, at Appomattox Court House.
+By morning, Ord's forces had reached Sheridan, and were in line behind
+him.  Two Corps of the Army of the Potomac, under Meade, were also, by
+this time, close on the Enemy's rear.  And now the harassed Enemy,
+conscious that his rear was threatened, and seeing only Cavalry in his
+front, through which to fight his way, advanced to the attack.  The
+dismounted Cavalry of Sheridan contested the advance, in order to give
+Ord and Griffin as much time as possible to form, then, mounting and
+moving rapidly aside, they suddenly uncovered, to the charging Rebels,
+Ord's impenetrable barrier of Infantry, advancing upon them at a double-
+quick!  At the same time that this appalling sight staggered them, and
+rolled them back in despair, they became aware that Sheridan's impetuous
+Cavalry, now mounted, were hovering on their left flank, evidently about
+to charge!
+
+Lee at once concluded that the emergency "had now come," and sent, both
+to Sheridan and Meade, a flag of truce, asking that hostilities cease,
+pending negotiations for a surrender--having also requested of Grant an
+audience with a view to such surrender.  That afternoon the two great
+rival Military Chieftains met by appointment in the plain little farm-
+house of one McLean--Lee dressed in his best full-dress uniform and
+sword, Grant in a uniform soiled and dusty, and without any sword--and,
+after a few preliminary words, as to the terms proposed by Grant, the
+latter sat down to the table, and wrote the following:
+
+                         "APPOMATTOX COURT HOUSE,
+                         "VIRGINIA, April 9, 1865.
+
+"GENERAL: In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the
+8th instant, I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern
+Virginia on the following terms, to wit: Rolls of all the officers and
+men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer to be
+designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers
+as you may designate.  The officers to give their individual paroles not
+to take up arms against the Government of the United States, until
+properly exchanged; and each company or regimental commander to sign a
+like parole for the men of their commands.  The arms, artillery, and
+public property to be parked and stacked, and turned over to the
+officers appointed by me to receive them.  This will not embrace the
+side-arms of the officers nor their private horses or baggage.  This
+done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to
+be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observe their
+paroles and the laws in force where they may reside.
+
+                                   "U. S. GRANT,
+                              "Lieutenant-General.
+
+"General R. E. LEE."
+
+After some further conversation, in which Grant intimated that his
+officers receiving paroles would be instructed to "allow the Cavalry and
+Artillery men to retain their horses, and take them home to work their
+little farms"--a kindness which Lee said, would "have the best possible
+effect," the latter wrote his surrender in the following words:
+
+               "HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,
+                              April 9, 1865.
+
+"GENERAL: I received your letter of this date containing the terms of
+the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, as proposed by you.  As
+they are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of the
+8th instant, they are accepted.  I will proceed to designate the proper
+officers to carry the stipulations into effect.
+                              "R. E. LEE, General.
+
+"Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT."
+
+
+Before parting, Lee told Grant that his men were starving; and Grant at
+once ordered 25,000 rations to be issued to the surrendered Rebels--and
+then the Rebel Chieftain, shaking hands with the Victor, rode away to
+his conquered legions.  It was 4.30 P.M. when Grant, on his way to his
+own headquarters, now with Sheridan's command, dismounted from his
+horse, and sitting on a stone by the roadside, wrote the following
+dispatch:
+
+                              "Hon. E. M. STANTON,
+                         Secretary of War, Washington.
+
+"General Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia this afternoon on
+terms proposed by myself.  The accompanying additional correspondence
+will show the conditions fully.
+                    "U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General."
+
+
+Meanwhile on the 5th of April, Grant, who had kept Sherman, as well as
+Sheridan, advised of his main movements, had also ordered the former to
+press Johnston's Army as he was pressing Lee, so as, between them, they
+might "push on, and finish the job."  In accordance with this order,
+Sherman's Forces advanced toward Smithfield, and, Johnston having
+rapidly retreated before them, entered Raleigh, North Carolina, on the
+13th.  The 14th of April, brought the news of the surrender of Lee to
+Grant, and the same day a correspondence was opened between Sherman and
+Johnston, looking to the surrender of the latter's Army--terms for which
+were actually agreed upon, subject, however, to approval of Sherman's
+superiors.  Those terms, however, being considered unsatisfactory, were
+promptly disapproved, and similar terms to those allowed to Lee's Army,
+were substituted, and agreed to, the actual surrender taking place April
+26th, near Durham, North Carolina.  On the 21st, Macon, Georgia, with
+12,000 Rebel Militia, and sixty guns, was surrendered to Wilson's
+Cavalry-command, by General Howell Cobb.  On the 4th of May, General
+Richard Taylor surrendered all the armed Rebel troops, East of the
+Mississippi river; and on the 26th of May, General Kirby Smith
+surrendered all of them, West of that river.
+
+On that day, organized, armed Rebellion against the United States
+ceased, and became a thing of the past.  It had been conquered, stamped
+out, and extinguished, while its civic head, Jefferson Davis, captured
+May 11th, at Irwinsville, Georgia, while attempting to escape, was, with
+other leading Rebels, a prisoner in a Union fort.  Four years of armed
+Rebellion had been enough for them.  They were absolutely sick of it.
+And the magnanimity of the terms given them by Grant, completed their
+subjugation.  "The wisdom of his course," says Badeau,  "was proved by
+the haste which the Rebels made to yield everything they had fought for.
+They were ready not only to give up their arms, but literally to implore
+forgiveness of the Government.  They acquiesced in the abolition of
+Slavery.  They abandoned the heresy of Secession, and waited to learn
+what else their conquerors would dictate.  They dreamed not of political
+power.  They only asked to be let live quietly under the flag they had
+outraged, and attempt in some degree to rebuild their shattered
+fortunes.  The greatest General of the Rebellion asked for pardon."
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXXI.
+
+                             ASSASSINATION!
+
+But while some of the great Military events alluded to in the preceding
+Chapter, had been transpiring at the theatre of War, something else had
+happened at the National Capital, so momentous, so atrocious, so
+execrable, that it was with difficulty the victorious soldiers of the
+Union, when they first heard the news, could be restrained from turning
+upon the then remaining armed Rebels, and annihilating them in their
+righteous fury.
+
+Let us go back, for a moment, to President Lincoln, whom we left on
+board the Ocean Queen, at City Point, toward the end of March and the
+beginning of April, receiving dispatches from Grant, who was
+victoriously engaged at the front.  On the very day that Richmond fell--
+April 4th--President Lincoln, with his little son "Tad," Admiral Porter,
+and others, visited the burning city, and held a reception in the
+parlors of the Mansion which had now, for so many years, been occupied
+by the Chief Conspirator, Jefferson Davis, and which had been
+precipitately abandoned when the flight of that Arch-Rebel and his
+"Cabinet" commenced.  On the 6th, the President, accompanied by his
+wife, Vice-President Johnson, and others from Washington, again visited
+Richmond, and received distinguished Virginians, to whom he addressed
+words of wisdom and patriotism.
+
+     ["On this occasion," says Arnold, "he was called upon by several
+     prominent citizens of Virginia, anxious to learn what the policy of
+     the Government towards them would be.  Without committing himself
+     to specific details, he satisfied them that his policy would be
+     magnanimous, forgiving, and generous.  He told these Virginians
+     they must learn loyalty and devotion to the Nation.  They need not
+     love Virginia less, but they must love the Republic more."]
+
+On the 9th of April, he returned to Washington, and the same day--his
+last Sunday on Earth--came the grand and glorious news of Lee's
+surrender.
+
+On the Wednesday evening following, he made a lengthy speech, at the
+White House, to the great crowd that had assembled about it, to
+congratulate him, and the Nation, upon the downfall of Rebellion.  His
+first thought in that speech, was of gratitude to God.  His second, to
+put himself in the background, and to give all the credit of Union
+Military success, to those who, under God, had achieved it.  Said he:
+"We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart.  The
+evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the
+principal Insurgent Army, give hope of a righteous and speedy Peace,
+whose joyous expression cannot be restrained.  In the midst of this,
+however, He from whom all blessings flow, must not be forgotten.  A Call
+for a National Thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly
+promulgated.  Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of
+rejoicing, be overlooked.  Their honors must not be parcelled out with
+others.  I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of
+transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honor, for
+plan or execution, is mine.  To General Grant, his skilful officers and
+brave men, all belongs."
+
+This speech was almost entirely devoted to the subject of reconstruction
+of the States lately in Rebellion, and to an argument in favor of the
+Reconstruction policy, under which a new and loyal government had been
+formed for the State of Louisiana.  "Some twelve thousand voters in the
+heretofore Slave State of Louisiana," said he, "have sworn allegiance to
+the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held
+elections, organized a State government, adopted a Free State
+Constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to Black and
+White, and empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise
+upon the colored man.  Their Legislature has already voted to ratify the
+Constitutional Amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing Slavery
+throughout the Nation.  These twelve thousand persons are thus fully
+committed to the Union, and to perpetual Freedom in the State; committed
+to the very things, and nearly all the things, the Nation wants; and
+they ask the Nation's recognition and its assistance to make good that
+committal.  Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to
+disorganize and disperse them.  We, in effect, say to the White men,
+'You are worthless, or worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by
+you.'  To the Blacks we say, 'This cup of Liberty which these, your old
+masters, hold to your lips, we will dash from you and leave you to the
+chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague
+and undefined when, where, and how.'  If this course, discouraging and
+paralyzing both White and Black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana
+into proper practical relations with the Union, I have, so far, been
+unable to perceive it.  If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain
+the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true."
+
+While, however, Mr. Lincoln thus upheld and defended this Louisiana plan
+of reconstruction, yet he conceded that in applying it to other States,
+with their varying conditions, "no exclusive and inflexible plan can
+safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals."  The entire speech
+shows the greatest solicitude to make no mistake necessitating backward
+steps, and consequent delay in reconstructing the Rebel States into
+Loyal ones; and especially anxious was he, in this, his last public
+utterance, touching the outcome of his great life-work, Emancipation.
+"If," said he, "we reject Louisiana, we also reject one vote in favor of
+the proposed Amendment to the National Constitution.  To meet this
+proposition it has been argued that no more than threefourths of those
+States which have not attempted Secession are necessary to validly
+ratify the Amendment.  I do not commit myself against this further than
+to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be
+persistently questioned; whilst a ratification by three-fourths of all
+the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable."
+
+On Thursday, by the President's direction, a War Department Order was
+drawn up and issued, putting an end to drafting and recruiting, and the
+purchase of Military supplies, and removing all restrictions which
+Military necessity had imposed upon the trade and commerce and
+intercourse of any one part of the Union with the other.  On Friday, the
+14th of April, there was a meeting of the Cabinet at noon, to receive a
+report from General Grant, in person--he having just arrived from the
+scene of Lee's surrender.  Later, the President rode out with Mrs.
+Lincoln, and talked of the hard time they had had since coming to
+Washington; "but," continued he, "the War is over, and, with God's
+blessing, we may hope for four years of Peace and happiness, and then we
+will go back to Illinois, and pass the rest of our lives in quiet."  At
+Ford's Theatre, that evening, was played "The American Cousin," and it
+had been announced that both the President and General Grant would be
+present.  Grant, however, was prevented from attending.  President
+Lincoln attended with reluctance--possibly because of a presentiment
+which he had that day had, that "something serious is going to happen,"
+of which he made mention at the Cabinet meeting aforesaid.
+
+It was about 9 o-clock P.M., that the President, with Mrs. Lincoln,
+Major Rathbone, and Miss Harris, entered the Theatre, and, after
+acknowledging with a bow the patriotic acclamations with which the
+audience saluted him, entered the door of the private box, reserved for
+his party, which was draped with the folds of the American flag.  At
+half past 10 o'clock, while all were absorbed in the play, a pistol-shot
+was heard, and a man, brandishing a bloody dagger, was seen to leap to
+the stage from the President's box, crying "Sic Semper Tyrannis!" His
+spuired boot, catching in the bunting, tripped him, so that he half fell
+and injured one leg, but instantly recovered himself, and, shouting "The
+South is avenged!" rushed across the stage, and disappeared.  It was an
+actor, John Wilkes Booth by name, who--inspired with all the mad,
+unreasoning, malignant hatred of everything representing Freedom and
+Union, which was purposely instilled into the minds and hearts of their
+followers and sympathizers by the Rebel leaders and their chief
+accomplices in the North--had basely skulked into the box, behind Mr.
+Lincoln, mortally wounded him with a pistol-bullet, and escaped--after
+stabbing Major Rathbone for vainly striving to arrest the vile
+assassin's flight.
+
+Thus this great and good Ruler of our reunited People was foully
+stricken down in the very moment of his triumph; when the Union troops
+were everywhere victorious; when Lee had surrendered the chief Army of
+the downfallen Confederacy; when Johnston was on the point of
+surrendering the only remaining Rebel force which could be termed an
+Army; on the self-same day too, which saw the identical flag of the
+Union, that four years before had been sadly hauled down from the
+flagstaff of Fort Sumter, triumphantly raised again over that historic
+fort; when, the War being at an end, everything in the future looked
+hopeful; at the very time when his merciful and kindly mind was
+doubtless far away from the mimic scenes upon which he looked, revolving
+beneficent plans for reconstructing and rebuilding the waste and
+desolate places in the South which War had made; at this time, of all
+times, when his clear and just perceptions and firm patriotism were most
+needed,
+
+     [For his last public words, two nights before, had been: "In the
+     present 'situation,' as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make
+     some new announcement to the people of the South.  I am
+     CONSIDERING, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action
+     will be proper."]
+
+alike by conquerors and conquered, to guide and aid the Nation in the
+difficult task of reconstruction, and of the new departure, looming up
+before it, with newer and broader and better political issues upon which
+all Patriot might safely divide, while all the old issues of States-
+rights, Secession, Free-Trade, and Slavery, and all the mental and moral
+leprosy growing out of them, should lie buried far out of sight as dead-
+and-gone relics of the cruel and devastating War which they alone had
+brought on!  Abraham Lincoln never spoke again.  The early beams of the
+tomorrow's sun touched, but failed to warm, the lifeless remain of the
+great War-President and Liberator, as they were borne, in mournful
+silence, back to the White House, mute and ghastly witness of the sheer
+desperation of those who, although armed Rebellion, in the open field,
+by the fair and legitimate modes of Military warfare, had ceased, were
+determined still to keep up that cowardly "fire in the rear" which had
+been promised to the Rebel leaders by their Northern henchmen and
+sympathizers.
+
+The assassination of President Lincoln was but a part of the plot of
+Booth and his murderous Rebel-sympathizing fellow conspirators.  It was
+their purpose also to kill Grant, and Seward, and other prominent
+members of the Cabinet, simultaneously, in the wild hope that anarchy
+might follow, and Treason find its opportunity.  In this they almost
+miraculously failed, although Seward was badly wounded by one of the
+assassins.
+
+That the Rebel authorities were cognizant of, and encouraged, this
+dastardly plot, cannot be distinctly proven.  But, while they naturally
+would be likely, especially in the face of the storm of public
+exasperation which it raised throughout the Union, to disavow all
+knowledge of, or complicity in, the vengeful murder of President
+Lincoln, and to destroy all evidences possible of any such guilty
+knowledge or complicity, yet there will ever be a strong suspicion that
+they were not innocent.  From the time when it was first known that Mr.
+Lincoln had been elected President, the air was full of threats that he
+should not live to be inaugurated.
+
+That the assassination, consummated in April, 1865, would
+have taken place in February of 1861, had it not been for the timely
+efforts of Lieutenant-General Scott, Brigadier-General Stone, Hon.
+William H. Seward, Frederick W. Seward, Esq., and David S. Bookstaver of
+the Metropolitan Police of New York--is abundantly shown by
+Superintendent John A.  Kennedy, in a letter of August 13, 1866, to be
+found in vol. ii., of Lossing's "Civil War in America," pages 147-149,
+containing also an extract from a letter of General Stone, in which the
+latter--after mentioning that General Scott and himself considered it
+"almost a certainty that Mr. Lincoln could not pass Baltimore alive by
+the train on the day fixed"--proceeds to say: "I recommended that Mr.
+Lincoln should be officially warned; and suggested that it would be
+altogether best that he should take the train of that evening from
+Philadelphia, and so reach Washington early the next day."  * * *
+General Scott, after asking me how the details could be arranged in so
+short a time, and receiving my suggestion that Mr. Lincoln should be
+advised quietly to take the evening train, and that it would do him no
+harm to have the telegraph wires cut for a few hours, he directed me to
+seek Mr. W. H. Seward, to whom he wrote a few lines, which he handed to
+me.  It was already ten o'clock, and when I reached Mr. Seward's house
+he had left; I followed him to the Capitol, but did not succeed in
+finding him until after 12 M. I handed him the General's note; he
+listened attentively to what I said, and asked me to write down my
+information and suggestions, and then, taking the paper I had written,
+he hastily left.  The note I wrote was what Mr. Frederick Seward carried
+to Mr. Lincoln in Philadelphia.  Mr. Lincoln has stated that it was this
+note which induced him to change his journey as he did.  The stories of
+disguise are all nonsense; Mr. Lincoln merely took the sleeping-car in
+the night train.
+
+Equally certain also, is it, that the Rebel authorities were utterly
+indifferent to the means that might be availed of to secure success to
+Rebellion.  Riots and arson, were among the mildest methods proposed to
+be used in the Northern cities, to make the War for the Union a
+"failure"--as their Northern Democratic allies termed it--while, among
+other more devilish projects, was that of introducing cholera and yellow
+fever into the North, by importing infected rags!  Another much-talked-
+of scheme throughout the War, was that of kidnapping President Lincoln,
+and other high officials of the Union Government.  There is also
+evidence, that the Rebel chiefs not only received, but considered, the
+plans of deperadoes and cut-throats looking to the success of the
+Rebellion by means of assassination.  Thus, in a footnote to page 448,
+vol. ii., of his "Civil War in America," Lossing does not hesitate to
+characterize Jefferson Davis as "the crafty and malignant Chief
+Conspirator, who seems to have been ready at all times to entertain
+propositions to assassinate, by the hand of secret murder, the officers
+of the Government at Washington;" and, after fortifying that statement
+by a reference to page 523 of the first volume of his work, proceeds to
+say: "About the time (July, 1862) we are now considering, a Georgian,
+named Burnham, wrote to Jefferson Davis, proposing to organize a corps
+of five hundred assassins, to be distributed over the North, and sworn
+to murder President Lincoln, members of his Cabinet, and leading
+Republican Senators, and other supporters of the Government.  This
+proposition was made in writing, and was regularly filed in the
+'Confederate War Department,' indorsed 'Respectfully referred to the
+Secretary of War, by order of the President,' and signed 'J. C  Ives.'
+Other communications of similar tenor, 'respectfully referred' by
+Jefferson Davis, were placed on file in that 'War Department.'"  All the
+denials, therefore, of the Rebel chieftains, as to their complicity in
+the various attempts to assassinate Abraham Lincoln, ending with his
+dastardly murder in April, 1865, will not clear their skirts of the
+odium of that unparalleled infamy.  It will cling to them, living or
+dead, until that great Day of Judgment when the exact truth shall be
+made known, and "their sin shall find them out."
+
+     [The New York Tribune, August 16, 1885, under the heading "A NARROW
+     ESCAPE OF LINCOLN," quotes an interesting "Omaha Letter, to the St.
+     Paul Pioneer Press," as follows:
+
+     "That more than one attempt was made to assassinate Abraham Lincoln
+     is a fact known to John W. Nichols, ex-president of the Omaha Fire
+     Department.  Mr. Nichols was one of the body-guard of President
+     Lincoln from the Summer of 1862 until 1865.  The following
+     narrative, related to your correspondent by Mr. Nichols, is
+     strictly true, and the incident is not generally known:
+
+     One night about the middle of August, 1864, I was
+     doing sentinel duty at the large gate through which entrance was
+     had to the grounds of the Soldiers' Home.  The grounds are situated
+     about a quarter of a mile off the Bladensburg road, and are reached
+     by devious driveways.  About 11 o'clock I heard a rifle shot in the
+     direction of the city, and shortly afterwards I heard approaching
+     hoof-beats.  In two or three minutes a horse came dashing-up, and I
+     recognized the belated President.  The horse was very spirited, and
+     belonged to Mr. Lamon, marshal of the District of Columbia.  This
+     horse was Mr. Lincoln's favorite, and when he was in the White
+     House stables he always chose him.  As horse and rider approached
+     the gate, I noticed that the President was bareheaded.  After
+     assisting him in checking his steed, the President said to me: 'He
+     came pretty near getting away with me, didn't he?  He got the bit
+     in his teeth before I could draw the rein.'  I then asked him where
+     his hat was, and he replied that somebody had fired a gun off down
+     at the foot of the hill, and that his horse had become scared and
+     jerked his hat off.  I led the animal to the Executive Cottage, and
+     the President dismounted and entered.  Thinking the affair rather
+     strange, a corporal and myself started in the direction of the
+     place from where the sound of the rifle report had proceeded, to
+     investigate the occurrence.  When we reached the spot where the
+     driveway intersects with the main road we found the President's
+     hat--a plain silk hat-and upon examining it we discovered a bullet
+     hole through the crown.  The shot had been fired upwards, and it
+     was evident that the person who fired the shot had secreted himself
+     close to the roadside.  We listened and searched the locality
+     thoroughly, but to no avail.  The next day I gave Mr. Lincoln his
+     hat and called his attention to the bullet hole.  He rather
+     unconcernedly remarked that it was put there by some foolish
+     gunner, and was not intended for him.  He said, however, that he
+     wanted the matter kept quiet, and admonished us to say nothing
+     about it.  We all felt confident that it was an attempt to kill
+     him, and a well-nigh successful one, too.  The affair was kept
+     quiet, in accordance with his request.  After that, the President
+     never rode alone."']
+
+That this dark and wicked and bloody Rebellion, waged by the upholders
+and advocates of Slavery, Free Trade, and Secession, had descended so
+low as to culminate in murder--deliberate, cold-blooded, cowardly
+murder--at a time when the Southern Conspirators would apparently be the
+least benefitted by it, was regarded at first as evidencing their mad
+fatuity; and the public mind was dreadfully incensed.
+
+The successor of the murdered President-Andrew Johnson-lost little time
+in offering (May the 2d) rewards, ranging from $25,000 to $100,000, for
+the arrest of Jefferson Davis, Jacob Thompson,
+
+     [The same individual at whose death, in 1885, the Secretary of the
+     Interior, ordered the National flag of the Union--which he had
+     swindled, betrayed, fought, spit upon, and conspired against--to be
+     lowered at halfmast over the Interior Departmental Building, at
+     Washington, D. C.]
+
+Clement C. Clay, Beverly Tucker, George N.  Sanders, and W. C. Cleary,
+in a Proclamation which directly charged that they, "and other Rebels
+and Traitors against the Government of the United States, harbored in
+Canada," had "incited, concerted, and procured" the perpetration of the
+appalling crime.
+
+On the 10th of May, one of them, Jacob Thompson, from his place of
+security, in Canada, published a letter claiming to be innocent;
+characterized himself as "a persecuted man;" arrayed certain suspicious
+facts in support of an intimation that Johnson himself was the only one
+man in the Republic who would be benefited by President Lincoln's death;
+and, as he was found "asleep" at the "unusual hour" of nine o'clock
+P.M., of the 14th of April, and had made haste to take the oath of
+office as President of the United States as soon as the breath had left
+the body of his predecessor, insinuated that he (Johnson) might with
+more reason be suspected of "complicity" in "the foul work" than the
+"Rebels and Traitors" charged with it, in his Proclamation; so charged,
+for the very purpose--Thompson insinuated--of shielding himself from
+discovery, and conviction!
+
+But while, for a moment, perhaps, there flitted across the public mind a
+half suspicion of the possibility of what this Rebel intimated as true,
+yet another moment saw it dissipated.  For the People remembered that
+between "Andrew Johnson," one of the "poor white trash" of Tennessee,
+and the "aristocratic Slave-owners" of the South, who headed the
+Rebellion, there could be neither sympathy nor cooperation--nothing, but
+hatred; and that this same Andrew Johnson, who, by power of an
+indomitable will, self-education, and natural ability, had, despite the
+efforts of that "aristocracy," forced himself upward, step by step, from
+the tailor's bench, to the successful honors of alderman and Mayor, and
+then still upward through both branches of his State Legislature, into
+the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States--and,
+in the latter Body, had so gallantly met, and worsted in debate, the
+chosen representatives of that class upon whose treasonable heads he
+poured forth in invective, the gathered hatred of a life-time--would
+probably be the very last man whom these same "aristocratic"
+Conspirators, "Rebels, and Traitors," would prefer as arbiter of their
+fate.
+
+The popular feeling responded heartily, at this time, to the
+denunciations which, in his righteous indignation, he had, in the
+Senate, and since, heaped upon Rebellion, and especially his declaration
+that "Treason must be made odious!"--utterances now substantially
+reiterated by him more vehemently than ever, and multiplied in posters
+and transparencies and newspapers all over the Land.  Thus the public
+mind rapidly grew to believe it impossible that the Rebel leaders could
+gain, by the substitution, in the Executive chair, of this harsh,
+determined, despotic nature, for the mild, kindly, merciful, even-
+tempered, Abraham Lincoln.  With Andrew Johnson for President, the
+People felt that justice would fall upon the heads of the guilty, and
+that the Country was safe.  And so it happened that, while the mere
+instruments of the assassination conspiracy were hurried to an
+ignominious death, in the lull that followed, Jefferson Davis and others
+of the Rebel chiefs, who had been captured and imprisoned, were allowed
+to go "Scott-free, without even the semblance of a trial for their
+Treason!"
+
+It is not the purpose of this work to deal with the history of the
+Reconstruction or rehabilitation of the Rebel States; to look too
+closely into the devious ways and subtle methods through and by which
+the Rebel leaders succeeded in flattering the vanity, and worming
+themselves into the confidence and control, of Andrew Johnson--by
+pretending to believe that his occupation of the Presidential Office had
+now, at last, brought him to their "aristocratic" altitude, and to a
+hearty recognition by them of his "social equality;" or to follow,
+either in or out of Congress, the great political conflict, between
+their unsuspecting Presidential dupe and the Congress, which led to the
+impeachment trial of President Andrew Johnson, for high crimes and
+misdemeanors in office, his narrow escape from conviction and
+deposition, and to much consequent excitement and turmoil among the
+People, which, but for wise counsels and prudent forethought of the
+Republican leaders, in both Civil and Military life, might have
+eventuated in the outbreak of serious civil commotions.  Suffice it to
+say, that in due time; long after the Thirteenth Amendment to the United
+States Constitution had been ratified by three-fourths of all the
+States; after Johnson had vexed the White House, with his noisy
+presence, for the nearly four years succeeding the death of the great
+and good Lincoln; and after the People, with almost unexampled
+unanimity, had called their great Military hero, Grant, to the helm of
+State; the difficult and perplexing problems involved in the
+Reconstruction of the Union were, at last, successfully solved by the
+Republican Party, and every State that had been in armed Rebellion
+against that Union, was not only back again, with a Loyal State
+Constitution, but was represented in both branches of Congress, and in
+other Departments of the National Government.
+
+
+
+
+                             CHAPTER XXXII.
+
+                        TURNING BACK THE HANDS!
+
+
+And now, the War having ended in the defeat, conquest, and capture, of
+those who, inspired by the false teachings of Southern leaders, had
+arrayed themselves in arms beneath the standard of Rebellion, and fought
+for Sectional Independence against National Union, for Slavery against
+Freedom, and for Free Trade against a benignant Tariff protective alike
+to manufacturer, mechanic, and laborer, it might naturally be supposed
+that, with the collapse of this Rebellion, all the issues which made up
+"the Cause"--the "Lost Cause," as those leaders well termed it--would be
+lost with it, and disappear from political sight; that we would never
+again hear of a Section of the Nation, and last of all the Southern
+Section, organized, banded together, solidified in the line of its own
+Sectional ideas as against the National ideas prevailing elsewhere
+through the Union; that Free Trade, conscious of the ruin and desolation
+which it had often wrought, and of the awful sacrifices, in blood and
+treasure, that had been made in its behalf by the conquered South, would
+slink from sight and hide its famine-breeding front forever; and that
+Slavery, in all its various disguises, was banished, never more to
+obtrude its hateful form upon our Liberty-loving Land.  That was indeed
+the supposition and belief which everywhere pervaded the Nation, when
+Rebellion was conquered by the legions of the Union--and which
+especially pervaded the South.  Never were Rebels more thoroughly
+exhausted and sick of Rebellion and of everything that led to it, than
+these.  As Badeau said, they made haste "to yield everything they had
+fought for," and "dreamed not of political power."  They had been
+brought to their knees, suing for forgiveness, and thankful that their
+forfeit lives were spared.
+
+For awhile, with chastened spirit, the reconstructed South seemed to
+reconcile itself in good faith to the legitimate results of the War, and
+all went well.  But Time and Peace soon obliterate the lessons and the
+memories of War.  And it was not very long after the Rebellion had
+ceased, and the old issues upon which it was fought had disappeared from
+the arena of National politics, when its old leaders and their
+successors began slowly, carefully, and systematically, to relay the
+tumbled-down, ruined foundations and walls of the Lost Cause--a work in
+which, unfortunately, they were too well aided by the mistaken clemency
+and magnanimity of the Republican Party, in hastily removing the
+political disabilities of those leaders.
+
+Before proceeding farther, it is necessary to remark here, that, after
+the suppression of the Rebellion and adoption of the Thirteenth
+Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which prohibits
+Slavery and Involuntary Servitude within the United States, it soon
+became apparent that it was necessary to the protection of the Freedmen,
+in the civil and political rights and privileges which it was considered
+desirable to secure to them, as well as to the creation and fostering of
+a wholesome loyal sentiment in, and real reconstruction of, the States
+then lately insurgent, and for certain other reasons, that other
+safeguards, in the shape of further Amendments to the Constitution,
+should be adopted.
+
+Accordingly the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments were, on the 16th of
+June, 1866, and 27th of February, 1869, respectively, proposed by
+Congress to the Legislatures of the several States, and were declared
+duly ratified, and a part of the Constitution, respectively on the 28th
+of July, 1868, and March 30, 1870.  Those Amendments were in these
+words:
+
+
+                              "ARTICLE XIV.
+
+"SECTION 1.--All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and
+subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States
+and of the State wherein they reside.  No State shall make or enforce
+any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of
+the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life,
+liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person
+within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
+
+"SECTION 2.--Representatives shall be apportioned among the several
+States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number
+of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed.  But when the
+right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President
+and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress,
+the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the
+Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such
+State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States,
+or in any way abridged, except for participation in Rebellion, or other
+crime, the basis of Representation therein shall be reduced in the
+proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the
+whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.
+
+"SECTION 3.--No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress,
+or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or
+military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having
+previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of
+the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an
+executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution
+of the United States, shall have engaged in Insurrection or Rebellion
+against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof.  But
+Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such
+disability.
+
+"SECTION 4.--The validity of the public debt of the United States,
+authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and
+bounties for services in suppressing Insurrection or Rebellion, shall
+not be questioned.  But neither the United States nor any State shall
+assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of Insurrection or
+Rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or
+Emancipation of any Slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims
+shall be held illegal and void.
+
+"SECTION 5.--The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate
+legislation, the provisions of this article."
+
+
+                               "ARTICLE XV.
+
+"SECTION 1.--The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall
+not be denied or abridged by, the United States or by any State on
+account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.
+
+"SECTION 2.--The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by
+appropriate legislation."
+
+
+It would seem, then, from the provisions of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth,
+and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, and the Congressional
+legislation subsequently enacted for the purpose of enforcing them, that
+not only the absolute personal Freedom of every man, woman, and child in
+the United States was thus irrevocably decreed; that United States
+citizenship was clearly defined; that the life, liberty, property,
+privileges and immunities of all were secured by throwing around them
+the "equal protection of the laws;" that the right of the United States
+citizen to vote, was placed beyond denial or abridgment, on "account of
+race, color, or previous condition of servitude;" but, to make this more
+certain, the basis of Congressional Representative-apportionment was
+changed from its former mixed relation, comprehending both persons and
+"property," so-called, to one of personal numbers--the Black man now
+counting quite as much as the White man, instead of only three-fifths as
+much; and it was decreed, that, except for crime, any denial to United
+States citizens, whether Black or White, of the right to vote at any
+election of Presidential electors, Congressional Representatives, State
+Governors, Judges, or Legislative members, "shall" work a reduction,
+proportioned to the extent of such denial, in the Congressional
+Representation of the State, or States, guilty of it.  As a further
+safeguard, in the process of reconstruction, none of the insurgent
+States were rehabilitated in the Union except upon acceptance of those
+three Amendments as an integral part of the United States Constitution,
+to be binding upon it; and it was this Constitution as it is, and not
+the Constitution as it was, that all the Representatives, in both Houses
+of Congress, from those insurgent States--as well as all their State
+officers--swore to obey as the supreme law of the Land, when taking
+their respective oaths of office.
+
+Biding their time, and pretending to act in good faith, as the years
+rolled by, the distrust and suspicion with which the old Rebel-
+conspirators had naturally been regarded, gradually lessened in the
+public mind.  With a glad heart, the Congress, year after year, removed
+the political disabilities from class after class of those who had
+incurred them, until at last all, so desiring, had been reinstated in
+the full privileges of citizenship, save the very few unrepentant
+instigators and leaders of the Rebellion, who, in the depths of that
+oblivion to which they seemingly had been consigned, continued to nurse
+the bitterness of their downfall into an implacable hatred of that
+Republic which had paralyzed the bloody hands of Rebellion, and
+shattered all their ambitious dreams of Oligarchic rule, if not of
+Empire.
+
+But, while the chieftains of the great Conspiracy--and of the armed
+Rebellion itself--remained at their homes unpunished, through the
+clemency of the American People; the active and malignant minds of some
+of them were plotting a future triumph for the "Lost Cause," in the
+overthrow, in consecutive detail, of the Loyal governments of the
+Southern States, by any and all means which might be by them considered
+most desirable, judicious, expedient, and effectual; the solidifying of
+these Southern States into a new Confederation, or league, in fact--with
+an unwritten but well understood Constitution of its own--to be known
+under the apparently harmless title of the "Solid South," whose mission
+it would be to build up, and strengthen, and populate, and enrich itself
+within the Union, for a time, greater or less, according to
+circumstances, and in the meanwhile to work up, with untiring devotion
+and energy, not only to this practical autonomy and Sectional
+Independence within the Union, but also to a practical re-enslavement of
+the Blacks, and to the vigorous reassertion and triumph, by the aid of
+British gold, of those pernicious doctrines of Free-Trade which, while
+beneficial to the Cotton-lords of the South, would again check and drag
+down the robust expansion of manufactures and commerce in all other
+parts of the Land, and destroy the glorious prosperity of farmers,
+mechanics, and laborers, while at the same time crippling Capital, in
+the North and West.
+
+In order to accomplish these results--after whatever of suspicion and
+distrust that might have still remained in Northern minds had been
+removed by the public declaration in 1874, by one of the ablest and most
+persuasively eloquent of Southern statesmen, that "The South--prostrate,
+exhausted, drained of her life-blood as well as of her material
+resources, yet still honorable and true--accepts the bitter award of the
+bloody arbitrament without reservation, resolutely determined to abide
+the result with chivalrous fidelity"--these old Rebel leaders commenced
+in good earnest to carry out their well organized programme, which they
+had already experimentally tested, to their own satisfaction, in certain
+localities.
+
+The plan was this: By the use of shot-guns and rifles, and cavalcades of
+armed white Democrats, in red shirts, riding around the country at dead
+of night, whipping prominent Republican Whites and Negroes to death, or
+shooting or hanging them if thought advisable, such terror would fall
+upon the colored Republican voters that they would keep away from the
+polls, and consequently the white Democrats, undeterred by such
+influences, and on the contrary, eager to take advantage of them, would
+poll not only a full vote, but a majority vote, on all questions,
+whether involving the mere election of Democratic officials, or
+otherwise; and where intimidation of this, or any other kind, should
+fail, then a resort to be had to whatever devices might be found
+necessary to make a fraudulent count and return, and thus secure
+Democratic triumph; and furthermore, when evidences of these
+intimidations and frauds should be presented to those people of the
+Union who believe in every citizen of this free Republic having one free
+vote, and that vote fairly counted, then to laugh the complainants out
+of Court with the cry that such stories are not true; are "campaign
+lies" devised solely for political effect; and are merely the product of
+Republican "outrage mills," ground out, to order.
+
+This plan was first thoroughly tried in Mississippi, and has hence been
+called the "Mississippi plan."  So magically effectual was it, that,
+with variations adapted to locality and circumstances, this "Mississippi
+plan" soon enveloped the entire South in its mesh-work of fraud,
+barbarity, and blood.  The massacres, and other outrages, while
+methodical, were remittent, wave-like, sometimes in one Southern State,
+sometimes another, and occurring only in years of hot political
+conflict, until one after another of those States had, by these crimes,
+been again brought under the absolute control of the old Rebel leaders.
+By 1876, they had almost succeeded in their entire programme.  They had
+captured all, save three, of the Southern States, and strained every
+nerve and every resource of unprincipled ingenuity, of bribery and
+perjury, after the Presidential election of that year had taken place,
+in the effort to defeat the will of the People and "count in," the
+Presidential candidate of the Democratic Party.
+
+     [The shameful history of the "Tilden barrel" and the "Cipher
+     Dispatches" is too fresh in the public mind to be entirely
+     forgotten,]
+
+Failing in this effort, the very failure became a grievance.  On the
+principle of a fleeing thief diverting pursuit by shouting "Stop thief,"
+the cry of "fraud" was raised by the Democratic leaders, North and
+South, against the Republican Party, and was iterated and reiterated so
+long and loudly, that soon they actually began, themselves, to believe,
+that President Hayes had been "counted in," by improper methods!  At all
+events, under cover of the hue and cry thus raised, the Southern leaders
+hurried up their work of Southern solidification, by multiplied outrages
+on the "Mississippi plan," so that, by 1880, they were ready to dictate,
+and did dictate, the Democratic Presidential nominations.
+
+     [Senator Wallace, of Pennsylvania, telegraphed from Cincinnati his
+     congratulations to General Hancock, and added: "General Buell tells
+     me that Murat Halsted says Hancock's nomination by the Confederate
+     Brigadiers sets the old Rebel yell to the music of the Union."  In
+     the Convention which nominated Hancock, Wade Hampton made a speech,
+     saying; "On behalf of the 'Solid South,' that South which once was
+     arrayed against the great soldier of Pennsylvania, I stand here to
+     pledge you its solid vote.  [cheers] * * * There is no name which
+     is held in higher respect among the people of the South, than that
+     of the man you have given to us as our standard-bearer."  And
+     afterward, in a speech at Staunton, Virginia, the same Southern
+     leader, in referring to the action of the Democratic Convention at
+     Cincinnati, said: "There was but one feeling among the Southern
+     delegates.  That feeling was expressed when we said to our Northern
+     Democratic brethren 'Give us an available man.'  They gave us that
+     man."]
+
+While these old Rebel leaders of the South had insisted upon, and had
+succeeded in, nominating a man whose record as a Union soldier would
+make him popular in the North and West, and while their knowledge of his
+availability for Southern purposes would help them in their work of
+absolutely solidifying the South, they took very good care also to press
+forward their pet Free-Trade issue--that principle so dear to the hearts
+of the Rebel Cotton-lords that, as has already been hinted, they
+incorporated it into their Constitution of Confederation in these words:
+
+"SEC. 8.--Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties,
+imposts and excises for revenue necessary to pay the debts, provide for
+the common defense, and carry on the Government of the Confederate
+States; but no bounty shall be granted from the Treasury, nor shall any
+duty or tax on importation from Foreign Nations be laid to promote or
+foster any branch of industry."
+
+It may also be remarked that, under the inspiration of those Southern
+leaders who afterward rebelled, it had been laid down as Democratic
+doctrine, in the National Democratic platform of 1856--and "reaffirmed"
+as such, in 1860--that "The time has come for the People of the United
+States to declare themselves in favor of * * * progressive Free-Trade.
+* * *  That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to
+foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another."  But, by
+1864, the Republican Protective-Tariff of 1860, had so abundantly
+demonstrated, to all our people engaged in industrial occupations, the
+beneficence of the great principle of home industrial Protection, that
+Tariff-agitation actually ceased, and the National Democratic platform
+of that year had nothing to say in behalf of Free-Trade!
+
+After the close of the War, however, at the very first National
+Democratic Convention, in 1868, at which there were delegations from the
+lately rebellious States, the question was at once brought to the front,
+and, under the inspiration of the old Rebel leaders aforesaid, the
+Democratic platform again raised the banner of Free-Trade by declaring
+for a Tariff for revenue.  But the mass of the People, at that time
+still freshly remembered the terrible commercial disasters and
+industrial depressions which had befallen the Land, through the
+practical operation of that baleful Democratic Free-Trade doctrine,
+before the Rebellion broke out, and sharply contrasted the misery and
+poverty and despair of those dark days of ruin and desolation, with the
+comfort and prosperity and hopefulness which had since come to them
+through the Republican Protective-Tariff Accordingly, the Republican
+Presidential candidate, representing the great principle of Protection
+to American Industries, was elected over the Democratic Free-Trade
+candidate, by 214 to 71 electoral votes-or nearly three to one!
+
+Taught, by this lesson, that the People were not yet sufficiently
+prepared for a successful appeal in behalf of anything like Free-Trade,
+the next National Democratic Convention, (that of 1872), under the same
+Southern inspiration, more cautiously declared, in its platform, that
+"Recognizing that there are in our midst, honest but irreconcilable
+differences of opinion, with regard to the respective systems of
+Protection and Free-Trade, we remit the discussion of the subject to the
+People in their Congressional districts, and to the decision of the
+Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or dictation."
+The People, however, rebuked the moral cowardice thus exhibited by the
+Democracy--in avoiding a direct issue on the doctrine which Democracy
+itself had galvanized at least into simulated life,--by giving 286
+electoral votes to the Republican candidate, to 63 for the Democratic,--
+or in the proportion of nearly five to one.
+
+Warned, by this overwhelming defeat, not to flinch from, or avoid, or
+try to convert the great National question of Tariff, into a merely
+local one, the National Democratic platform of 1876, at the instigation
+of the old Rebel leaders of the now fast solidifying South, came out
+flat-footedly again with the "demand that all Custom-house taxation
+shall be only for revenue."  This time, the electoral vote stood almost
+evenly divided, viz.: for the Republican candidate, 185; for the
+Democratic candidate, 184;--a result so extremely close, as to lead to
+the attempted perpetration of great frauds against the successful
+candidate; the necessary settlement of the questions growing out of
+them, by an Electoral commission--created by Congress at the instance of
+the Democratic Party; great irritation, among the defeated Democracy,
+over the just findings of that august Tribunal; and to the birth of the
+alleged Democratic "grievance," aforesaid.
+
+The closeness of this vote--their almost triumph, in 1876,--encouraged
+the Solid South to press upon the National Democratic Convention of
+1880, the expediency of adopting a Free-Trade "plank" similar to that
+with which, in 1876, they had so nearly succeeded.  Hence the Democratic
+platform of 1880, also declared decidedly for "A Tariff for revenue
+only."
+
+The old Rebel leaders, at last in full control of the entire Democratic
+Party, had now got things pretty much as they wanted them.  They had
+created that close corporation within the Union--that /imperium in
+imperio/ that oligarchically--governed league of States (within the
+Republic of the United States) which they termed the "Solid South," and
+which would vote as a unit, on all questions, as they directed; they had
+dictated the nomination, by the Democratic Party, of a Presidential
+candidate who would not dare to act counter to their wishes; and their
+pet doctrine of Free-Trade was held up, to the whole Democratic front,
+under the attractive disguise of a Tariff for revenue only.
+
+     [As Ex-Senator Toombs, of Georgia, wrote: "The old boys of the
+     South will see that 'Hancock' does the fair thing by them.  In
+     other words, he will run the machine to suit them, or they will run
+     the thing themselves.  They are not going to be played with any
+     longer."]
+
+In other words, they had already secured a "Solid South," an "available"
+candidate, and an "expedient" Free-Trade platform.  All that remained
+for them, at this stage, to do, was to elect the candidate, and enact
+their Free-Trade doctrine into legislation.  This was their current
+work, so to speak--to be first attended to--but not all their work; for
+one of the most brilliant and candid of their coadjutors had said, only
+a few months before: "We do not intend to stop until we have stricken
+the last vestige of your War measures from the Statute-book."
+
+Unfortunately, however, for their plans, an attempt made by them, under
+the lead of Mr. Morrison of Illinois, in 1876, to meddle with the
+Republican Protective-Tariff, had caused considerable public alarm, and
+had been credited with having much to do with a succeeding monetary
+panic, and industrial depression.  Another and more determined effort,
+made by them in 1878, under the lead of their old Copperhead ally,
+Fernando Wood, to cut down the wise Protective duties imposed by the
+Tariff Act, about 15 per cent.,--together with the cold-blooded Free-
+Trade declaration of Mr. Wood, touching his ruinous Bill, that "Its
+reductions are trifling as compared with what they should be.  * * *  If
+I had the power to commence de novo, I should reduce the duties 50 per
+cent., instead of less than 15 per cent., upon an average
+as now proposed,"--an effort which was narrowly, and with great
+difficulty, defeated by the Republicans, aided by a mere handful of
+others,--had also occasioned great excitement throughout the Country,
+the suspension and failure of thousands of business firms, the
+destruction of confidence in the stability and profitableness of
+American industries, and great consequent suffering, and enforced
+idleness, to the working men and working women of the Land.
+
+The sad recollection of these facts--made more poignant by the airy
+declaration of the Democratic Presidential candidate, that the great
+National question of the Tariff is a mere "local issue,"--was largely
+instrumental, in connection with the insolent aggressiveness of the
+Southern leaders, in Congress, in occasioning their defeat in the
+Presidential contest of 1880, the Republican candidate receiving 214
+electoral votes, while the Democratic candidate received but 155
+electoral votes.
+
+In 1882, the House of Representatives was under Republican control, and,
+despite determined Democratic resistance, created a Tariff-commission,
+whose duty it was "to take into consideration, and to thoroughly
+investigate, all the various questions relating to the agricultural,
+commercial, mercantile, manufacturing, mining, and (other) industrial
+interests of the United States, so far as the same may be necessary to
+the establishment of a judicious Tariff, or a revision of the existing
+Tariff, upon a scale of justice to all interests."
+
+That same year, in the face of most protracted and persistent opposition
+by the great bulk of Democratic members, both of the Senate and House of
+Representatives, and an effort to substitute for it the utterly ruinous
+Democratic Free-Trade Tariff of 1846, the Bill recommended by this
+Republican Tariff-commission, was enacted; and, in 1883, a modified
+Tariff-measure, comprehending a large annual reduction of import duties,
+while also carefully preserving the great Republican American principle
+of Protection, was placed by the Republicans on the Statute-book,
+despite the renewed and bitter opposition of the Democrats, who, as
+usual, fought it desperately in both branches of Congress.  But
+Republican efforts failed in 1884, in the interest of the wool-growers
+of the country, to restore the Protective-duties on wool, which had been
+sacrificed, in 1883, to an exigency created by Democratic opposition to
+them.
+
+Another Democratic effort, in the direction of Free-Trade, known as "the
+Morrison Tariff-Bill of 1884," was made in the latter year, which,
+besides increasing the free-list, by adding to it salt, coal, timber,
+and wood unmanufactured, as well as many manufactures thereof, decreased
+the import duties "horizontally" on everything else to the extent of
+twenty per cent.  The Republicans, aided by a few Democrats, killed this
+undigested and indigestible Democratic Bill, by striking out its
+enacting clause.
+
+By this time, however, by dint of the incessant special-pleading in
+behalf of the obnoxious and un-American doctrine of Free-Trade,--or the
+nearest possible approach to it, consistent with the absolutely
+essential collection of revenues for the mere support of the Government
+--indulged in (by some of the professors) in our colleges of learning;
+through a portion of the press; upon the stump; and in Congress;
+together with the liberal use of British gold in the wide distribution
+of printed British arguments in its favor,--this pernicious but favorite
+idea of the Solid South had taken such firm root in the minds of the
+greater part of the Democratic Party in the North and West, as well as
+the South, that a declaration in the National Democratic platform in its
+favor was now looked for, as a matter of course.  The "little leaven" of
+this monstrous un-American heresy seemed likely to leaven "the whole
+mass" of the Democracy.
+
+But, as in spite of the tremendous advantage given to that Party by the
+united vote of the Solid South, the Presidential contest of 1884 was
+likely to be so close that, to give Democracy any chance to win, the few
+Democrats opposed to Free-Trade must be quieted, the utterances of the
+Democratic National Platform of that year, on the subject, were so
+wonderfully pieced, and ludicrously intermixed, that they could be
+construed to mean "all things to all men."
+
+At last, after an exciting campaign, the Presidential election of 1884
+was held, and for the first time since 1856, the old Free-Trade
+Democracy of the South could rejoice over the triumph of their
+Presidential candidate.
+
+Great was the joy of the Solid South!  At last, its numberless crimes
+against personal Freedom, and political Liberty, would reap a generous
+harvest.  At last, participation in Rebellion would no more be regarded
+as a blot upon the political escutcheon.  At last, commensurate rewards
+for all the long years of disconsolate waiting, and of hard work in
+night ridings, and house-burnings, and "nigger"-whippings, and "nigger"-
+shootings, and "nigger"-hangings, and ballot-box stuffings, and all the
+other dreadful doings to which these old leaders were impelled by a
+sense of Solid-Southern patriotism, and pride of race, and lust for
+power, would come, and come in profusion.
+
+Grand places in the Cabinet, and foreign Missions, for the old Rebels of
+distinction, now Chiefs of the "Solid-Southern" Conspiracy, and for
+those other able Northern Democrats who had helped them, during or since
+the Rebellion; fat consulates abroad, for others of less degree; post-
+offices, without stint, for the lesser lights; all this, and more, must
+now come.  The long-hidden light of a glorious day was about to break.
+The "restoration of the Governnnent to the principles and practices of
+the earlier period," predicted by the unreconstructed "Rebel chieftains"
+those "same principles for which they fought for four years" the
+principles of Southern Independence, Slavery, Free Trade and Oligarchic
+rule--were now plainly in sight, and within reach!
+
+The triumph of the Free-Trade Democracy, if continued to another
+Presidential election, would make Free-Trade a certainty.  The old forms
+of Slavery, to be sure, were dead beyond reanimation--perhaps; but, in
+their place, were other forms of Slavery, which attracted less attention
+and reprobation from the World at large, and yet were quite as effectual
+for all Southern purposes.  The system of Peonage and contracted
+convict-labor, growing out of the codes of Black laws, were all-
+sufficient to keep the bulk of the Negro race in practical subjection
+and bondage.  The solidifying of the South had already made the South
+not only practically independent within the Union, but the overshadowing
+power, potential enough to make, and unmake, the rulers and policies of
+the Democratic Party, and of that Union.
+
+This, indeed, was a grand outcome for the tireless efforts of the once
+defeated Conspirators!  And as to Oligarchal rule--the rule of the few
+(and those the Southern chiefs) over the many,--was not that already
+accomplished?  For these old Rebel leaders and oligarchs who had secured
+the supreme rule over the Solid South, had also, through their ability
+to wield the power of that Solid South within the Union, actually
+secured the power of practically governing the entire Union!
+
+That Union, then, which we have been wont to look upon as the grandest,
+noblest, freest, greatest Republic upon Earth,--is it really such, in
+all respects, at the present?  Does the Free Republic of the United
+States exist, in fact, to-day?
+
+
+
+
+                            CHAPTER XXXIII.
+
+                               WHAT NEXT?
+
+And what next?  Aye, what next?  Do the patriotic, innocent-minded
+lovers of a Republican form of Government imagine, for an instant, that
+all danger to its continued existence and well-being has ceased to
+threaten?--that all the crises perilous to that beneficent popular
+governmental form have vanished?--that the climacteric came, and went,
+with the breaking out, and suppression, of the Rebellion?--and that
+there is nothing alarming in the outlook?  Quite likely.  The public
+mind has not yet been aroused to a sense of the actual revolution
+against Republican form of government that has already taken place in
+many of the Southern States, much less as to the likelihood of things to
+come.  The people of any one of the Western, or Northern States,--take
+New York, for example,--feel prosperous and happy under the beneficent
+workings of the Republican Protective-Tariff system.  Business, of all
+sorts, recovering from the numerous attacks made upon that prime bulwark
+of our American industries, if only let alone, will fairly hum, and look
+bright, so far as "the Almighty dollar" is concerned.  They know they
+have their primaries and conventions, in their wards and counties
+throughout their State, and their State Conventions, and their
+elections.  They know that the voice of the majority of their own
+people, uttered through the sacred ballot-box, is practically the Vox
+Dei--and that all bow to it.  They know also, that this State government
+of theirs, with all its ramifications--whether as to its Executive, its
+Legislative, its Judicial, and other officials, either elective or
+appointed--is a Republican form of government, in the American sense--in
+the sense contemplated by the Fathers, when they incorporated into the
+revered Constitution of our Country the vital words: "The United States
+shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of
+government."  But they do not realize the vastly different condition of
+things in many States of the Solid South, nor how it affects themselves.
+
+And what is this "republican" form of government, thus pledged?  It is
+true that there are not wanting respectable authorities whose
+definitions of the words "republic," and "republican," are strongly
+inharmonious with their true meaning, as correctly understood by the
+great bulk of Americans.  Thus, Brande asserts that "A republic may be
+either a democracy or an aristocracy!"--and proceeds to say: "In the
+former, the supreme power is vested in the whole body of the people, or
+in representatives elected by the people; in the latter, it is vested in
+a nobility, or a privileged class of comparatively a small number of
+persons."  John Adams also wrote: "The customary meanings of the words
+republic and commonwealth have been infinite.  They have been applied to
+every Government under heaven; that of Turkey and that of Spain, as well
+as that of Athens and of Rome, of Geneva and San Marino."  But the true
+meaning of the word "republican" as applied to a "form of government,"
+and as commonly and almost invariably understood by those who, above all
+others in the wide World, should best understand and appreciate its
+blessings--to wit: the American People has none of the looseness and
+indefiniteness which these authorities throw about it.
+
+The prevailing and correct American idea is that "Republican" means: of,
+or pertaining to, a Republic; that "Republic" means a thing, affair, or
+matter, closely related to, and touching the "public;" and that the
+"public" are the "people"--not a small proportion of them, but "the
+people at large," the whole community, the Nation, the commonalty, the
+generality.  Hence, "a Republican form of government" is, in their
+opinion, plainly that form which is most closely identified with, and
+representative of, the generality or majority of the people; or, in the
+language of Dr. J. E. Worcester, it is "That form of government or of a
+State, in which the supreme power is vested in the people, or in
+representatives elected by the people."
+
+It is obvious that there can be no such thing as "a republic," which is,
+at the same time, "an aristocracy;" for the moment that which was "a
+republic" becomes "an aristocracy," that moment it ceases to be "a
+republic."  So also can there be no such thing as "a republic" which is
+"an oligarchy," for, as "a republic" is a government of the many, or, as
+President Lincoln well termed it, "a government of the people, by the
+people, for the people"--so it must cease to be "a republic," when the
+supreme power is in the hands of the oligarchic few.
+
+There can be but two kinds of republics proper--one a democratic
+republic, which is impossible for a great and populous Nation like ours,
+but which may have answered for some of the small republics of ancient
+Greece; the other, a representative republic, such as is boasted by the
+United States.  And this is the kind palpably meant by the Fathers,
+when, for the very purpose of nipping in the bud any anti-republican
+Conspiracy likely to germinate from Slavery, they inserted in the Great
+Charter of American Liberties the solemn and irrevocable mandate: "The
+United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican
+Form of Government."  That they meant this majority rule--this
+government by the many, instead of the few--this rule of the People, as
+against any possible minority rule, by, or through, oligarchs or
+aristocrats, is susceptible of proof in other ways.
+
+It is a safe guide, in attempting to correctly expound the Constitution
+of the United States, to be careful that the construction insisted on,
+is compatible and harmonious with the spirit of that great instrument;
+so that--as was said by an eloquent and distinguished Massachusetts
+statesman of twenty years ago, in discussing this very point--"the
+guarantee of a Republican form of government must have a meaning
+congenial with the purposes of the Constitution."  Those purposes, of
+course, are expressed in its preamble, or in the body of the instrument,
+or in both.  The preamble itself, in this case, is sufficient to show
+them.  It commences with the significant words: "We THE PEOPLE of the
+United States"--words, instinct with the very consciousness of the
+possession of that supreme power by the People or public, which made
+this not only a Nation, but a Republic; and, after stating the purposes
+or objects sought by the People in thus instituting this Republic,
+proceeds to use that supreme political power vested in them, by
+ordaining and establishing "this CONSTITUTION for the United States of
+America."  And, from the very first article, down to the last, of that
+"Constitution," or "structure," or "frame," or "form" of government,
+already self-evidently and self-consciously and avowedly Republican,
+that form is fashioned into a distinctively representative Republican
+government.
+
+The purposes themselves, as declared in the preamble, for which the
+People of the United States thus spake this representative Republic into
+being, are also full of light.  Those purposes were "to form a more
+perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity, provide
+for the common defense, promote the General Welfare, and secure the
+Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity."
+
+How is it possible, for instance, that "the Blessings
+of Liberty" are to be secured to "ourselves and our Posterity," if
+citizens of the United States, despite the XVth Amendment of that
+Constitution, find-through the machinations of political organizations--
+their right to vote, both abridged and denied, in many of the States,
+"on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude?"  How,
+if, in such States, "the right of the people to be secure in their
+persons, houses, and effects, against unreasonable searches and
+seizures," is habitually violated, despite the IVth Amendment of that
+Constitution?  How, if, in such States, persons are notoriously and
+frequently "deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process
+of law," in violation of the Vth Amendment of that Constitution?  Yet
+such is the state of affairs generally prevalent in many States of the
+Solid South.
+
+These provisions in the Constitution were, with others, placed there for
+the very purpose of securing "the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and
+our Posterity," of promoting the "General Welfare," of establishing
+"Justice," of insuring "domestic Tranquillity" and making "a more
+perfect Union"--and the violation of those provisions, or any one of
+them, in any part of our Land, by any part of our People, in any one of
+the States, is not only subversive of the Constitution, and
+revolutionary, but constitutes a demand, in itself, upon the National
+Government, to obey that imperative mandate of the Constitution (Sec. 4,
+article IV.) comprehended in the words: "The United States SHALL
+guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government."
+
+     [The meaning of these words is correctly given in an opinion of
+     Justice Bronson of New York (4 Hill's Reports, 146) in these words:
+
+     "The meaning of the section then seems to be, that no member of the
+     State shall be disfranchised or deprived of any of his rights or
+     privileges unless the matter shall be adjudged against him upon
+     trial had according to the course of common law.  The words 'due
+     process of law' cannot mean less than a prosecution or suit
+     instituted and conducted according to the prescribed forms and
+     solemnities for ascertaining guilt or determining the title to
+     property."]
+
+It is well that the truth should be spoken out, and known of all men.
+The blame for this condition of things belongs partly to the Republican
+Party.  The question is sometimes asked: "If these outrages against
+citizenship, against the purity of the ballot, against humanity, against
+both the letter and spirit of the Constitution of our Republic, are
+perpetrated, why is it that the Republican Party--so long in power
+during their alleged perpetration--did not put a stop to them?"  The
+answer is: that while there are remedial measures, and measures of
+prevention, fully warranted by the Constitution--while there are
+Constitutional ways and means for the suppression of such outrages--yet,
+out of exceeding tenderness of heart, which prompted the hope and belief
+that the folly of continuing them must ere long come home to the
+Southern mind and conscience, the Republican Party has been loath to put
+them in force.  The--best remedy of all, and the best manner of
+administering it, lies with the people themselves, of those States where
+these outrages are perpetrated.  Let them stop it.  The People of the
+United States may be long-suffering, and slow to wrath; but they will
+not permit such things to continue forever.
+
+When the Rebellion was quelled, the evil spirit which brought it about
+should have been utterly crushed out, and none of the questions involved
+in it should have been permitted to be raised again.  But the Republican
+Party acted from its heart, instead of its head.  It was merciful,
+forgiving, and magnanimous.  In the magnificent sweep of its generosity
+to the erring son, it perhaps failed to insure the exact justice to the
+other sons which was their right.  For, as has already been shown in
+these pages, Free-Trade, imbedded in the Rebel Constitution, as well as
+Slavery, entered into and became a part, and an essential part, of the
+Rebellion against the Union--to triumph with Slavery, if the Rebellion
+succeeded--to fall with Slavery, if the Rebellion failed.  And, while
+Slavery and Free-Trade, were two leading ideas inspiring the Southern
+Conspirators and leaders in their Rebellion; Freedom to Man, and
+Protection to Labor, were the nobler ideas inspiring those who fought
+for the Union.
+
+The Morrill-Tariff of 1860, with modifications to it subsequently made
+by its Republican friends, secured to the Nation, through the triumph of
+the Union arms, great and manifold blessings and abundant prosperity
+flowing from the American Protective policy; while the Emancipation
+proclamations, together with the Constitutional amendments, and
+Congressional legislation, through the same triumph, and the acceptance
+of the legitimate results of the War, gave Freedom to all within the
+Nation's bound aries.  This, at least, was the logical outcome of the
+failure of the Rebellion.  Such was the general understanding, on all
+sides, at the conclusion of the War.  Yet the Republican Party, in
+failing to stigmatize the heresy of Free Trade--which had so large an
+agency in bringing about the equally heretical doctrines of State
+Sovereignty and the right of Secession, and Rebellion itself,--as an
+issue or question settled by the War, as a part and parcel of the
+Rebellion, was guilty of a grave fault of omission, some of the ill-
+effects of which have already been felt, while others are yet to come.
+For, quickly after the War of the Rebellion closed,--as has been already
+mentioned--the defeated Rebel leaders, casting in their lot with their
+Democratic friends and allies, openly and without special rebuke,
+prevailed upon the National Democracy to adopt the Rebel Free-Trade
+Shibboleth of "a Tariff for revenue;" and that same Democracy, obtaining
+power and place, through violence and fraud and falsehood at the so-
+called "elections" in the Solid Southern States, now threatens the
+Country once more with iniquitous Free-Trade legislation, and all its
+attendant train of commercial disasters and general industrial ruin.
+
+Were Abraham Lincoln able bodily to revisit the United States to-day,
+how his keen gray eyes would open in amazement, to find that many
+legitimate fruits of our Union victories had been filched from us; that
+--save the honorable few, who, accepting the legitimate results of the
+War, were still honestly striving for the success of principles
+harmonizing with such results, and inuring to the general welfare--they
+who strove with all their might to wreck the Government,--were now,--
+through the fraudulent and forcible restriction of voters in their right
+to vote--at the helm of State; that these, who sought to ruin the
+Nation, had thus wrongfully usurped its rule; that Free-Trade--after
+"running-a-muck" of panic and disaster, from the birth of the Republic,
+to the outbreak of the Rebellion, with whose failure it should naturally
+have expired--was now reanimated, and stood, defiantly threatening all
+the great industries of our Land; that all his own painstaking efforts,
+and those of the band of devoted Patriots who stood by him to free the
+Southern Slaves, had mainly resulted in hiding from sight the repulsive
+chains of enforced servitude, under the outward garb of Freedom; that
+the old Black codes had simply been replaced by enactments adapted to
+the new conditions; that the old system of African Slavery had merely
+been succeeded by the heartless and galling system of African Peonage;
+that the sacrifices made by him--including that of his martyrdom--had,
+to a certain extent, been made in vain; that all the sacrifices, the
+sorrows, the sufferings, of this Nation, made in blood, in tears, and in
+vast expenditures of time and treasure, had, in some degree, and in a
+certain sense, been useless; that the Union, to be sure, was saved--but
+saved to be measurably perverted from its grand purpose; that the power
+which animated Rebellion and which was supposed to have expired in the
+"last ditch" with the "Lost Cause" had, by political legerdemain and
+jugglery and violence, been regained; that the time had actually come
+for Patriots to take back seats, while unrepentant Rebels came to the
+front; that the Republic still lived, but only by sufferance, with the
+hands of Southern oligarchs about its palpitating throat--a Republic,
+not such as he expected, where all men are equal before the law, and
+protected in their rights, but where the rights of a certain class are
+persistently trampled under foot; that the people of the Northern,
+Middle, and Western States, observing nothing beyond their own vicinage,
+so to speak, and finding that each of their own States is still
+Republican in its form of government, persistently, and perversely, shut
+their eyes to the election terrorism practiced in the Solid South by,
+which the 16 solid, Southern States were, and are, solidified by these
+conspiring oligarchs into one compact, and powerful, political mass,
+ever ready to be hurled, in and out of Congress, against the best
+interests of the Nation--16 States, not all "Republican" in form, but
+many of them Despotisms, in substance,--16 States, misnamed
+"Democratic," many of them ruled not by a majority, but by an Oligarch-
+ridden minority--16 States, leagued, banded, bound solidly together, as
+one great controlling Oligarchy, to hold, in its merciless and selfish
+hands, the balance of power within this Republican Union; and that these
+confederated Southern States are now actually able to dictate to all the
+other States of the Union, the particular man, or men, to whose rule the
+Nation must submit, and the particular policy, or policies, which the
+Nation must adopt and follow:
+
+"What next?"--you ask--"What next?"  Alas, it is not difficult to
+predict!  Power, lawlessly gained, is always mercilessly used.  Power,
+usurped, is never tamely surrendered.  The old French proverb, that
+"revolutions never go backward," is as true to-day, as when it was
+written.  Already we see the signs of great preparations throughout the
+Solid South.  Already we hear the shout of partisan hosts marshalled
+behind the leaders of the disarmed Rebellion, in order that the same old
+political organization which brought distress upon this Land shall again
+control the Government.  Already the spirit of the former aggressiveness
+is defiantly bestirring itself.  The old chieftains intend to take no
+more chances.  They feel that their Great Conspiracy is now assured of
+success, inside the Union.  They hesitate not to declare that the power
+once held by them, and temporarily lost, is regained.  Like the Old Man
+of the Sea, they are now on top, and they:
+
+                     MEAN TO KEEP THERE--IF THEY CAN.
+
+
+
+
+BIOGRAPHICAL ADDENDUM: As few readers 150 years later know of John Logan
+it seemed appropriate to the eBook editor to append this short biography
+taken from the Encyclopedia Britanica of 1911:
+
+
+LOGAN, JOHN ALEXANDER (1826-1886),
+American soldier and political leader, was born in what is now
+Murphysborough, Jackson county, Illinois, on the 9th of February 1826.
+He had no schooling until he was fourteen; he then studied for three
+years in Shiloh College, served in the Mexican War as a lieutenant of
+volunteers, studied law in the office of an uncle, graduated from the
+Law Department of Louisville University in 1851, and practised law with
+success.  He entered politics as a Douglas Democrat, was elected county
+clerk in 1849, served in the State House of Representatives in 1853-1854
+and in 1857, and for a time, during the interval, was prosecuting
+attorney of the Third Judicial District of Illinois.  In 1858 and 1860
+he was elected as a Democrat to the National House of Representatives.
+Though unattached and unenlisted, he fought at Bull Run, and then
+returned to Washington, resigned his seat, and entered the Union army as
+colonel of the 31st Illinois Volunteers, which he organized.  He was
+regarded as one of the ablest officers who entered the army from civil
+life.  In Grant's campaigns terminating in the capture of Vicksburg,
+which city Logan's division was the first to enter and of which he was
+military governor, he rose to the rank of major-general of volunteers;
+in November 1863 he succeeded Sherman in command of the XV. Army Corps;
+and after the death of McPherson he was in command of the Army of the
+Tennessee at the battle of Atlanta.  When the war closed, Logan resumed
+his political career as a Republican, and was a member of the National
+House of Representatives from 1867 to 1871, and of the United States
+Senate from 1871 until 1877 and again from 1879 until his death, which
+took place at Washington, D.C., on the 26th of December 1886.  In 1868
+he was one of the managers in the impeachment of President Johnson.  His
+war record and his great personal following, especially in the Grand
+Army of the Republic, contributed to his nomination for Vice-President
+in 1884 on the ticket with James G. Blaine, but he was not elected.  His
+impetuous oratory was popular on the platform.  He was commander-in-
+chief of the Grand Army of the Republic from 1868 to 1871, and in this
+position successfully urged the observance of Memorial or Decoration
+Day, an idea which probably originated with him.  He was the author of
+The Great Conspiracy: Its Origin and History (1886), an account of the
+Civil War, and of The Volunteer Soldier of America (1887).  There is a
+fine statue of him by St. Gaudens in Chicago.
+
+The best biography is that by George F.  Dawson, The Life and Services
+of Gen.  John A.  Logan, as Soldier and Statesman (Chicago and New York,
+1887).
+
+
+
+
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREAT CONSPIRACY, COMPLETE ***
+
+******* This file should be named jl08w10.txt or jl08w10.zip ********
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+<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN">
+<html>
+<head>
+<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Complete By John Logan</title>
+<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1">
+<link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg">
+
+
+<style type="text/css">
+    <!--
+		body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify}
+    P {
+		    text-indent:   1em;
+        margin-top:    .75em;
+        margin-bottom: .75em; }
+    H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; }
+    HR  { width: 33%; text-align: center; }
+		blockquote {font-size: 95% }
+		.figleft   {float: left;}
+    .figright  {float: right;}
+    .toc       { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;}
+    CENTER { padding: 10px;}
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+</head>
+<body>
+
+
+<h2><a href="#contents">THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Complete</a></h2>
+<pre>
+
+Project Gutenberg's The Great Conspiracy, Complete, by John Alexander Logan
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net
+
+
+Title: The Great Conspiracy, Complete
+
+Author: John Alexander Logan
+
+Release Date: August 16, 2006 [EBook #7140]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, COMPLETE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Widger
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<a name="contents"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+
+<h3>CONTENTS</h3>
+
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+ 
+<tr><td><a href="p1.htm"><b>Part 1.</b></a>&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td> Chapter&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>    I. </td><td>    to&nbsp;&nbsp; </td><td>   V.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p2.htm"><b>Part 2.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   VI.</td><td>   to </td><td>   X.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p3.htm"><b>Part 3.</b></a></td><td> Chapter</td><td>    XI.&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>to </td><td>   XIII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p4.htm"><b>Part 4.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XIV. </td><td>   to </td><td>   XVII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p5.htm"><b>Part 5.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XVIII.</td><td>   to </td><td>   XXI.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p6.htm"><b>Part 6.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XXII.</td><td>  to </td><td>   XXVII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p7.htm"><b>Part 7.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XXVIII.&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>  to </td><td>   XXXIII.</td></tr>
+
+ 
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
+<br><br>
+<br><br>
+
+<h1>
+<br>
+                          THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br>
+<br>
+                        Its Origin and History<br>
+<br>
+                               Complete<br>
+<br></h1>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<img alt="bookcover.jpg (102K)" src="images/bookcover.jpg" height="915" width="824">
+<br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="dedication.jpg (30K)" src="images/dedication.jpg" height="343" width="826">
+<br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665">
+<br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692">
+<br><br><br><br>
+</center>
+
+<br>
+<br>
+<h2>CHAPTERS</h2>
+
+<br>
+
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+
+
+<tr><td>I.        </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch1">A Preliminary Retrospect,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>II.       </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch2">Protection, and Free Trade,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>III.      </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch3">Growth of the Slavery Question,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>IV.       </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch4">Popular Sovereignty,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>V.        </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch5">Presidential Contest of 1860,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>VI.       </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch6">The Great Conspiracy Maturing,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>VII.      </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch7">Secession" Arming,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>VIII.     </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch8">The Rejected Olive Branch,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>IX.       </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch9">Slavery's Setting Sun,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>X.        </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch10">The War Drum&mdash;"On to Washington,"</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XI.       </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch11">Causes of Secession</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XII.      </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch12">Copperheadism vs. Union-Democracy,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XIII.     </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch13">The Storm of Battle,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XIV.      </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch14">The Colored Contraband,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XV.       </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch15">Freedom's Early Dawn,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XVI.      </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch16">Compensated, Gradual, Emancipation,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XVII.     </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch17">Border-State Opposition,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XVIII.    </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch18">Freedom Proclaimed to All,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XIX.      </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch19">Historical Review,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XX.       </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch20">Lincoln's Troubles and Temptations,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXI.      </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch21">The Armed Negro</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXII.     </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch22">Freedom's Sun still Rising,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXIII.    </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch23">Thirteenth Amendment Passes the Senate</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXIV.     </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch24">Treason in the Northern Camp,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXV.      </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch25">The "Fire in the Rear,"</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXVI.     </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch26">Thirteenth Amendment Defeated in House,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXVII.    </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch27">Slavery Doomed at the Polls,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXVIII.&nbsp;&nbsp;   </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch28">Freedom at last Assured,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXIX.     </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch29">Lincoln's Second Inauguration,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXX.      </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch30">Collapse of Armed Conspiracy,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXXI.     </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch31">Assassination!</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXXII.    </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch32">Turning Back the Hands,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXXIII.   </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch33">What Next?</a></td></tr>
+
+
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
+
+<br>
+<br><br>
+
+<h2>MAPS and PORTRAITS</h2>
+<br>
+<br>
+
+<h4><a href="p1.htm">Part One.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+DANIEL WEBSTER,<br>
+STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS,<br>
+THOMAS JEFFERSON,<br>
+ABRAHAM LINCOLN,<br>
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+<br><br>
+
+<h4><a href="p2.htm">Part Two.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+ISAAC W. HAYNE,<br>
+WM. H. SEWARD,<br>
+HENRY CLAY,<br>
+JEFFERSON DAVIS,<br>
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<h4><a href="p3.htm">Part Three.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+JOHN C. CALHOUN,<br>
+SEAT OF WAR IN VIRGINIA. (Map)<br>
+FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD. (Map)<br>
+FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD, (Map)<br>
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<h4><a href="p4.htm">Part Four.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+J. J. CRITTENDEN,<br>
+LOUIS T. WIGFALL.<br>
+DAVID HUNTER,<br>
+PATRICK HENRY,<br>
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<h4><a href="p5.htm">Part Five.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+EDWARD D. BAKER,<br>
+JOHN C. FREMONT,<br>
+SIMON CAMERON,<br>
+H. W. HALLECK,<br>
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<h4><a href="p6.htm">Part Six.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+BENJ. F. BUTLER,<br>
+LYMAN TRUMBULL,<br>
+BENJ. F. WADE,<br>
+GEO. B. MCCLELLAN,<br>
+ELECTION RESULTS<br>
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<h4><a href="p7.htm">Part Seven.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+THAD. STEVENS,<br>
+HENRY WINTER DAVIS,<br>
+J. C. BRECKINRIDGE,<br>
+
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
+<br><br><hr><br><br>
+
+
+<h3>CONTENTS</h3>
+
+
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+ 
+<tr><td><a href="p1.htm"><b>Part 1.</b></a>&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td> Chapter&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>    I. </td><td>    to&nbsp;&nbsp; </td><td>   V.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p2.htm"><b>Part 2.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   VI.</td><td>   to </td><td>   X.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p3.htm"><b>Part 3.</b></a></td><td> Chapter</td><td>    XI.&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>to </td><td>   XIII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p4.htm"><b>Part 4.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XIV. </td><td>   to </td><td>   XVII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p5.htm"><b>Part 5.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XVIII.</td><td>   to </td><td>   XXI.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p6.htm"><b>Part 6.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XXII.</td><td>  to </td><td>   XXVII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p7.htm"><b>Part 7.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XXVIII.&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>  to </td><td>   XXXIII.</td></tr>
+
+ 
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
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+<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN">
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+<head>
+<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Complete By John Logan</title>
+<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1">
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+<h2><a href="#contents">THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Complete</a></h2>
+<pre>
+
+Project Gutenberg's The Great Conspiracy, Complete, by John Alexander Logan
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net
+
+
+Title: The Great Conspiracy, Complete
+
+Author: John Alexander Logan
+
+Release Date: August 16, 2006 [EBook #7140]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, COMPLETE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by David Widger
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<a name="contents"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+
+<h3>CONTENTS</h3>
+
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+ 
+<tr><td><a href="p1.htm"><b>Part 1.</b></a>&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td> Chapter&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>    I. </td><td>    to&nbsp;&nbsp; </td><td>   V.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p2.htm"><b>Part 2.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   VI.</td><td>   to </td><td>   X.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p3.htm"><b>Part 3.</b></a></td><td> Chapter</td><td>    XI.&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>to </td><td>   XIII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p4.htm"><b>Part 4.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XIV. </td><td>   to </td><td>   XVII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p5.htm"><b>Part 5.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XVIII.</td><td>   to </td><td>   XXI.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p6.htm"><b>Part 6.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XXII.</td><td>  to </td><td>   XXVII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p7.htm"><b>Part 7.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XXVIII.&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>  to </td><td>   XXXIII.</td></tr>
+
+ 
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
+<br><br>
+<br><br>
+
+<h1>
+<br>
+                          THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br>
+<br>
+                        Its Origin and History<br>
+<br>
+                               Complete<br>
+<br></h1>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<img alt="bookcover.jpg (102K)" src="images/bookcover.jpg" height="915" width="824">
+<br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="dedication.jpg (30K)" src="images/dedication.jpg" height="343" width="826">
+<br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665">
+<br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692">
+<br><br><br><br>
+</center>
+
+<br>
+<br>
+<h2>CHAPTERS</h2>
+
+<br>
+
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+
+
+<tr><td>I.        </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch1">A Preliminary Retrospect,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>II.       </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch2">Protection, and Free Trade,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>III.      </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch3">Growth of the Slavery Question,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>IV.       </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch4">Popular Sovereignty,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>V.        </td><td><a href="p1.htm#ch5">Presidential Contest of 1860,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>VI.       </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch6">The Great Conspiracy Maturing,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>VII.      </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch7">Secession" Arming,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>VIII.     </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch8">The Rejected Olive Branch,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>IX.       </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch9">Slavery's Setting Sun,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>X.        </td><td><a href="p2.htm#ch10">The War Drum&mdash;"On to Washington,"</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XI.       </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch11">Causes of Secession</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XII.      </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch12">Copperheadism vs. Union-Democracy,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XIII.     </td><td><a href="p3.htm#ch13">The Storm of Battle,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XIV.      </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch14">The Colored Contraband,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XV.       </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch15">Freedom's Early Dawn,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XVI.      </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch16">Compensated, Gradual, Emancipation,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XVII.     </td><td><a href="p4.htm#ch17">Border-State Opposition,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XVIII.    </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch18">Freedom Proclaimed to All,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XIX.      </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch19">Historical Review,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XX.       </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch20">Lincoln's Troubles and Temptations,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXI.      </td><td><a href="p5.htm#ch21">The Armed Negro</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXII.     </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch22">Freedom's Sun still Rising,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXIII.    </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch23">Thirteenth Amendment Passes the Senate</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXIV.     </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch24">Treason in the Northern Camp,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXV.      </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch25">The "Fire in the Rear,"</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXVI.     </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch26">Thirteenth Amendment Defeated in House,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXVII.    </td><td><a href="p6.htm#ch27">Slavery Doomed at the Polls,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXVIII.&nbsp;&nbsp;   </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch28">Freedom at last Assured,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXIX.     </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch29">Lincoln's Second Inauguration,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXX.      </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch30">Collapse of Armed Conspiracy,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXXI.     </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch31">Assassination!</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXXII.    </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch32">Turning Back the Hands,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>XXXIII.   </td><td><a href="p7.htm#ch33">What Next?</a></td></tr>
+
+
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
+
+<br>
+<br><br>
+
+<h2>MAPS and PORTRAITS</h2>
+<br>
+<br>
+
+<h4><a href="p1.htm">Part One.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+DANIEL WEBSTER,<br>
+STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS,<br>
+THOMAS JEFFERSON,<br>
+ABRAHAM LINCOLN,<br>
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+<br><br>
+
+<h4><a href="p2.htm">Part Two.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+ISAAC W. HAYNE,<br>
+WM. H. SEWARD,<br>
+HENRY CLAY,<br>
+JEFFERSON DAVIS,<br>
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<h4><a href="p3.htm">Part Three.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+JOHN C. CALHOUN,<br>
+SEAT OF WAR IN VIRGINIA. (Map)<br>
+FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD. (Map)<br>
+FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD, (Map)<br>
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<h4><a href="p4.htm">Part Four.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+J. J. CRITTENDEN,<br>
+LOUIS T. WIGFALL.<br>
+DAVID HUNTER,<br>
+PATRICK HENRY,<br>
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<h4><a href="p5.htm">Part Five.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+EDWARD D. BAKER,<br>
+JOHN C. FREMONT,<br>
+SIMON CAMERON,<br>
+H. W. HALLECK,<br>
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<h4><a href="p6.htm">Part Six.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+BENJ. F. BUTLER,<br>
+LYMAN TRUMBULL,<br>
+BENJ. F. WADE,<br>
+GEO. B. MCCLELLAN,<br>
+ELECTION RESULTS<br>
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<h4><a href="p7.htm">Part Seven.</a></h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+THAD. STEVENS,<br>
+HENRY WINTER DAVIS,<br>
+J. C. BRECKINRIDGE,<br>
+
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
+<br><br><hr><br><br>
+
+
+<h3>CONTENTS</h3>
+
+
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+ 
+<tr><td><a href="p1.htm"><b>Part 1.</b></a>&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td> Chapter&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>    I. </td><td>    to&nbsp;&nbsp; </td><td>   V.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p2.htm"><b>Part 2.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   VI.</td><td>   to </td><td>   X.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p3.htm"><b>Part 3.</b></a></td><td> Chapter</td><td>    XI.&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>to </td><td>   XIII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p4.htm"><b>Part 4.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XIV. </td><td>   to </td><td>   XVII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p5.htm"><b>Part 5.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XVIII.</td><td>   to </td><td>   XXI.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p6.htm"><b>Part 6.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XXII.</td><td>  to </td><td>   XXVII.</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="p7.htm"><b>Part 7.</b></a></td><td> Chapter </td><td>   XXVIII.&nbsp;&nbsp;</td><td>  to </td><td>   XXXIII.</td></tr>
+
+ 
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Great Conspiracy, Complete
+by John Alexander Logan
+
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+</pre>
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+</body>
+</html>
+
+
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+<html>
+<head>
+<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part. 1. By John Logan</title>
+<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1">
+
+
+
+<style type="text/css">
+    <!--
+		body {background:#faebd7; margin:10%; text-align:justify}
+    P {
+		    text-indent:   1em;
+        margin-top:    .75em;
+        margin-bottom: .75em; }
+    H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; }
+    HR  { width: 33%; text-align: center; }
+		blockquote {font-size: 95% }
+		.figleft   {float: left;}
+    .figright  {float: right;}
+    .toc       { margin-left: 15%; margin-bottom: 0em;}
+    CENTER { padding: 10px;}
+    // -->
+</style>
+
+
+
+</head>
+<body>
+
+<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part. 1</h2>
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p2.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td> 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+ 
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br><br><br><br><br>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<center><h1>
+<br>
+                          THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br>
+<br>
+                        Its Origin and History<br>
+<br>
+                               Part 1.<br>
+<br></h1>
+<br><br>
+
+<img alt="bookcover.jpg (102K)" src="images/bookcover.jpg" height="915" width="824">
+<br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="dedication.jpg (30K)" src="images/dedication.jpg" height="343" width="826">
+<br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665">
+<br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692">
+<br><br><br><br>
+
+
+<h2><br>
+<br><br><br>
+PREFACE.
+</h2>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the preparation of this work it has been the writer's aim to present
+in it, with historical accuracy, authentic facts; to be fair and
+impartial in grouping them; and to be true and just in the conclusions
+necessarily drawn from them.  While thus striving to be accurate, fair,
+and just, he has not thought it his duty to mince words, nor to refrain
+from "calling things by their right names;" neither has he sought to
+curry favor, in any quarter, by fulsome adulation on the one side, nor
+undue denunciation on the other, either of the living, or of the dead.
+But, while tracing the history of the Great Conspiracy, from its obscure
+birth in the brooding brains of a few ambitious men of the earliest days
+of our Republic, through the subsequent years of its devolution, down to
+the evil days of Nullification, and to the bitter and bloody period of
+armed Rebellion, or contemplating it in its still more recent and,
+perhaps, more sinister development, of to-day, he has conscientiously
+dealt with it, throughout, in the clear and penetrating light of the
+voluminous records so readily accessible at the seat of our National
+Government.  So far as was practicable, he has endeavored to allow the
+chief characters in that Conspiracy&mdash;as well as the Union leaders, who,
+whether in Executive, Legislative, or Military service, devoted their
+best abilities and energies to its suppression&mdash;to speak for themselves,
+and thus while securing their own proper places in history, by a process
+of self-adjustment as it were, themselves to write down that history in
+their own language.  If then there be found within these covers aught
+which may seem harsh to those directly or indirectly, nearly or
+remotely, connected with that Conspiracy, he may not unfairly exclaim:
+"Thou canst not say I did it."  If he knows his own heart, the writer
+can truly declare, with his hand upon it, that it bears neither hatred,
+malice, nor uncharitableness, to those who, misled by the cunning
+secrecy of the Conspirators, and without an inkling or even a suspicion
+of their fell purposes, went manfully into the field, with a courage
+worthy of a better cause, and for four years of bloody conflict,
+believing that their cause was just, fought the armies of the Union, in
+a mad effort to destroy the best government yet devised by man upon this
+planet.  And, perhaps, none can better understand than he, how hard, how
+very hard, it must be for men of strong nature and intense feeling,
+after taking a mistaken stand, and especially after carrying their
+conviction to the cannon's mouth, to acknowledge their error before the
+world.  Hence, while he has endeavored truly to depict&mdash;or to let those
+who made history at the time help him to depict&mdash;the enormity of the
+offence of the armed Rebellion and of the heresies and plottings of
+certain Southern leaders precipitating it, yet not one word will be
+found, herein, condemnatory of those who, with manly candor, soldierly
+courage, and true patriotism, acknowledged that error when the ultimate
+arbitrament of the sword had decided against them.  On the contrary, to
+all such as accept, in good faith, the results of the war of the
+Rebellion, the writer heartily holds out the hand of forgiveness for the
+past, and good fellowship for the future.</p>
+<br>
+<p>WASHINGTON, D. C.</p>
+<br>
+<p>April 15, 1886.</p>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<br>
+
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+
+
+<tr><td>I.        </td><td><a href="#ch1">A Preliminary Retrospect,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>II.       </td><td><a href="#ch2">Protection, and Free Trade,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>III.      </td><td><a href="#ch3">Growth of the Slavery Question,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>IV.       </td><td><a href="#ch4">Popular Sovereignty,</a></td></tr>
+
+<tr><td>V.        </td><td><a href="#ch5">Presidential Contest of 1860,</a></td></tr>
+
+
+
+
+</table>
+</center>
+
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                               <h2><a href="#ch1">CHAPTER I.</a><br>
+                       A PRELIMINARY RETROSPECT.<br></h2>
+<br>
+AFRICAN SLAVERY IN AMERICA IN 1620&mdash;CONTROVERSY BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND
+ENGLAND IN 1699&mdash;GEORGIAN ABHORRENCE OF SLAVERY IN 1775&mdash;JEFFERSON AND
+THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE&mdash;SLAVERY A SOURCE OF WEAKNESS IN THE
+REVOLUTIONARY WAR&mdash;THE SESSION BY VIRGINIA OF THE GREAT 
+NORTH-WEST&mdash;THEORDINANCE OF 1784 AND ITS FAILURE&mdash;THE ORDINANCE OF 1787 AND ITS
+ADOPTION&mdash;THE GERM OF SLAVERY AGITATION PLANTED&mdash;THE QUESTION IN THE
+CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION&mdash;SUBTERFUGES OF THE OLD CONSTITUTION&mdash;THE
+BULLDOZING OF THE FATHERS&mdash;THE FIRST FEDERAL CONGRESS, 1789&mdash;CONDITIONS
+OF TERRITORIAL CESSIONS FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA, 1789-1802&mdash;THE
+"COLONY OF LOUISIANA" (MISSISSIPPI VALLEY) PURCHASE OF 1803&mdash;THE 
+TREATY&mdash;CONDITIONS TOUCHING SLAVERY&mdash;THE COTTON INDUSTRY REVOLUTIONIZED&mdash;RAPID
+POPULATING OF THE GREAT VALLEY, BY SLAVEHOLDERS AND SLAVES&mdash;JEFFERSON'S
+APPARENT INCONSISTENCY EXPLAINED&mdash;THE AFRICAN SLAVE 
+TRADE&mdash;MULTIPLICATION OF SLAVES&mdash;LOUISIANA ADMITTED, 1812, AS A 
+STATE&mdash;THE TERRITORY OF MISSOURI&mdash;THE MISSOURI STRUGGLE (1818-1820) 
+IN A NUTSHELL&mdash; THE "MISSOURI COMPROMISE"<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch2">CHAPTER II.</a><br>
+                       PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE.<br></h2>
+<br>
+CHIEF CAUSE OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION&mdash;OUR INDEPENDENCE, INDUSTRIAL AS
+WELL AS POLITICAL&mdash;FAILURE OF THE CONFEDERATION DUE TO LACK OF
+INDUSTRIAL PROTECTION&mdash;MADISON'S TARIFF ACT OF 1789&mdash;HAMILTON'S TARIFF
+OF 1790&mdash;SOUTHERN STATESMEN AND SOUTHERN VOTES FOR EARLY 
+TARIFFS&mdash;WASHINGTON AND JEFFERSON ON "PROTECTION "&mdash;EMBARGO OF 1807-8&mdash;WAR OF
+1812-15&mdash;CONSEQUENT INCREASE OF AMERICAN MANUFACTURES&mdash;BROUGHAM'S 
+PLAN&mdash;RUIN THREATENED BY GLUT OF BRITISH GOODS&mdash;TARIFF ACT OF 1816&mdash;CALHOUN'S
+DEFENSE OF "PROTECTION"&mdash;NEW ENGLAND AGAINST THAT ACT&mdash;THE SOUTH SECURES
+ITS PASSAGE&mdash;THE PROTECTIVE TARIFF ACTS OF 1824 AND 1828&mdash;SUBSEQUENT
+PROSPERITY IN FREE STATES&mdash;THE BLIGHT OF SLAVERY&mdash;BIRTH OF THE FREE
+TRADE HERESY IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1797&mdash;SIMULTANEOUS BIRTH OF THE
+HERESY OF STATE RIGHTS&mdash;KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS OF 1798&mdash;VIRGINIA
+RESOLUTIONS OF 1799&mdash;JEFFERSON'S REAL PURPOSE IN FORMULATING 
+THEM&mdash;ACTIVITY OF THE FEW SOUTHERN FREE TRADERS&mdash;PLAUSIBLE ARGUMENTS AGAINST
+"PROTECTION"&mdash;INGENIOUS METHODS OF "FIRING THE SOUTHERN HEART"&mdash;SOUTHERN
+DISCONTENT WITH TARIFF OF 1824&mdash;INFLAMMATORY UTTERANCES&mdash;ARMED
+RESISTANCE URGED TO TARIFF OF 1828&mdash;WALTERBOROUGH ANTI-PROTECTIVE TARIFF
+ADDRESS&mdash;FREE TRADE AND NULLIFICATION ADVOCACY APPEARS IN CONGRESS&mdash;THE
+HAYNE-WEBSTER DEBATE&mdash;MODIFIED PROTECTIVE TARIFF OF 1832&mdash;SOUTH
+CAROLINA'S NULLIFICATION ORDINANCE&mdash;HAYNE ELECTED GOVERNOR OF SOUTH
+CAROLINA&mdash;HERESY OF "PARAMOUNT ALLEGIANCE TO THE STATE"&mdash;SOUTH CAROLINA
+ARMS HERSELF&mdash;PRESIDENT JACKSON STAMPS OUT SOUTHERN TREASON&mdash;CLAY'S
+COMPROMISE TARIFF OF 1833&mdash;CHIEF JUSTICE MARSHALL'S SOLEMN 
+WARNING&mdash;JACKSON'S FORECAST<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch3">CHAPTER III.</a><br>
+                    GROWTH OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION.<br></h2>
+<br>
+"EMANCIPATION" IN NORTHERN AND MIDDLE STATES&mdash;VIRGINIA'S UNSUCCESSFUL
+EFFORT&mdash;CESSION OF THE FLORIDAS, 1819&mdash;BALANCE OF POWER&mdash;ADMISSION OF
+ARKANSAS,1836&mdash;SOUTHERN SLAVE HOLDERS' COLONIZATION OF TEXAS&mdash;TEXAN
+INDEPENDENCE, 1837&mdash;CALHOUN'S SECOND AND GREAT CONSPIRACY&mdash;DETERMINATION
+BEFORE 1839 TO SECEDE&mdash;PROTECTIVE TARIFF FEATURES AGAIN THE 
+PRETEXT&mdash;CALHOUN, IN 1841, ASKING THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT FOR AID&mdash;NORTHERN
+OPPOSITION TO ACQUISITION OF TEXAS&mdash;RATIONALE OF THE LOUISIANA AND
+FLORIDA ACQUISITIONS&mdash;PROPOSED EXTENSION OF SLAVERY LIMITS&mdash;WEBSTER
+WARNS THE SOUTH&mdash;DISASTERS FOLLOWING COMPROMISE TARIFF OF 
+1833&mdash;INDUSTRIAL RUIN OF 1840&mdash;ELECTION AND DEATH OF HARRISON&mdash;PROTECTIVE
+TARIFF OF 1842&mdash;POLK'S CAMPAIGN OF 1844&mdash;CLAY'S BLUNDER AND POLK'S
+CRIME&mdash;SOUTHERN TREACHERY&mdash;THE NORTH HOODWINKED&mdash;POLK ELECTED BY
+ABOLITION VOTE&mdash;SLAVE-HOLDING TEXAS UNDER A SHAM "COMPROMISE"&mdash;WAR WITH
+MEXICO&mdash;FREE-TRADE TARIFF OF 1846&mdash;WILMOT PROVISO&mdash;TREATY OF 
+GUADALUPE&mdash;HIDALGO&mdash;SLAVERY CONTEST IN CONGRESS STILL GROWING&mdash;COMPROMISE 
+OF 1850&mdash;A LULL&mdash;FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW&mdash;NEBRASKA BILL OF 1852-3&mdash;KANSAS-NEBRASKA
+BILL, 1853-4, REPORTED&mdash;PARLIAMENTARY "JUGGLERY"&mdash;THE TRIUMPH OF
+SLAVERY, IN CONGRESS&mdash;BLEEDING KANSAS&mdash;TOPEKA CONSTITUTION, 1855&mdash;KANSAS
+LEGISLATURE DISPERSED, 1856, BY UNITED STATES TROOPS&mdash;LECOMPTON
+CONSTITUTION OF 1857&mdash;FRAUDULENT TRIUMPH OF SLAVERY CONSTITUTION&mdash;ITS
+SUBSEQUENT DEFEAT&mdash;ELECTION OF BUCHANAN, 1856&mdash;KANSAS ADMITTED&mdash;MISERY
+AND RUIN CAUSED BY FREE-TRADE TARIFF OF 1846&mdash;FILLMORE AND BUCHANAN
+TESTIFY<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch4">CHAPTER IV.</a><br>
+                         "POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY."<br></h2>
+<br>
+DOUGLAS'S THEORY OF POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY&mdash;ILLINOIS LEGISLATIVE
+ENDORSEMENT OF IT, 1851&mdash;DOUGLAS'S POSITION ON KANSAS&mdash;NEBRASKA BILL,
+1854&mdash;DRED SCOTT DECISION&mdash;SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, REPUBLICAN CONVENTION
+OF 1858&mdash;LINCOLN'S REMARKABLE SPEECH TO THE CONVENTION&mdash;PIERCE AND
+BUCHANAN, TANEY AND DOUGLAS, CHARGED WITH PRO-SLAVERY 
+CONSPIRACY&mdash;DOUGLAS'S GREAT SPEECH (JULY 9TH, 1858) AT CHICAGO, IN REPLY&mdash;LINCOLN'S
+POWERFUL REJOINDER, AT CHICAGO, (JULY 10TH)&mdash;THE ADMIXTURE OF RACES&mdash;THE
+VOTING "UP OR DOWN" OF SLAVERY&mdash;THE "ARGUMENTS OF KINGS"&mdash;TRUTHS OF THE
+DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE&mdash;DOUGLAS'S BLOOMINGTON SPEECH (JULY 16TH),
+OF VINDICATION AND ATTACK&mdash;HISTORY OF THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA STRUGGLE&mdash;THE
+UNHOLY ALLIANCE&mdash;THE TWO POINTS AT ISSUE&mdash;THE "WHITE MAN'S" 
+COUNTRY&mdash;DOUGLAS'S PLEDGES TO WEBSTER AND CLAY&mdash;DOUGLAS'S SPRINGFIELD SPEECH,
+JULY 17TH&mdash;THE IRRECONCILABLE PRINCIPLES AT ISSUE BETWEEN LINCOLN AND
+HIMSELF&mdash;LINCOLN'S GREAT SPEECH, AT SPRINGFIELD, THE SAME 
+EVENING&mdash;DOUGLAS'S TRIUMPHANT MARCHES AND ENTRIES&mdash;THE "OFFICES SEEN IN HIS
+ROUND, JOLLY, FRUITFUL FACE"&mdash;LINCOLN'S LEAN-FACED FIGHT, FOR PRINCIPLE
+ALONE&mdash;DOUGLAS'S VARIOUS SPEECHES REVIEWED&mdash;THE REAL QUESTION BETWEEN
+REPUBLICANS AND DOUGLAS MEN AND THE BUCHANAN MEN&mdash;JACKSON'S VETO OF THE
+NATIONAL BANK CHARTER&mdash;DEMOCRATIC REVOLT AGAINST THE SUPREME COURT
+DECISION&mdash;VINDICATION OF CLAY&mdash;"NEGRO EQUALITY"&mdash;MR. LINCOLN'S CHARGE,
+OF "CONSPIRACY AND DECEPTION" TO "NATIONALIZE SLAVERY," RENEWED&mdash;GREAT
+JOINT DEBATE OF 1858, BETWEEN LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS, ARRANGED
+<br>
+<br>
+                               <h2><a href="#ch5">CHAPTER V</a>.<br>
+                   THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST OF 1860&mdash;<br>
+                        THE CRISIS APPROACHING.<br></h2>
+<br>
+<br>
+HOW THE GREAT JOINT DEBATE OF 1858 RESULTED&mdash;THE "LITTLE GIANT" CAPTURES
+THE SENATORSHIP&mdash;THE "BIG GIANT" CAPTURES THE PEOPLE&mdash;THE RISING
+DEMOCRATIC STAR OF 1860&mdash;DOUGLAS'S GRAND TRIUMPHAL "PROGRESS" THROUGH
+THE LAND&mdash;A POPULAR DEMOCRATIC IDOL&mdash;FRESH AGGRESSIONS OF THE SLAVE
+POWER&mdash;NEW MEXICO'S SLAVE CODE OF 1859&mdash;HELPER'S "IMPENDING 
+CRISIS"&mdash;JOHN BROWN AND HARPER'S FERRY&mdash;THE MEETING OF CONGRESS, 
+DECEMBER, 1859&mdash;FORTY-FOUR BALLOTS FOR SPEAKER&mdash;DANGEROUSLY HEATED CONGRESSIONAL DEBATES
+ON SLAVERY&mdash;THE DEMOCRATIC SPLIT&mdash;JEFFERSON DAVIS'S ARROGANT 
+DOUBLE-EDGED PRO-SLAVERY' RESOLUTIONS&mdash;DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION,
+CHARLESTON, S. C., 1860&mdash;DECLARATIONS OF THE MAJORITY AND MINORITY
+REPORTS AND BUTLER'S RECOMMENDATION, WITH VOTES THEREON&mdash;ADOPTION OF THE
+MINORITY (DOUGLAS) PLATFORM&mdash;SOUTHERN DELEGATES PROTEST AND "BOLT "&mdash;THE
+BOLTING CONVENTION ADJOURNS TILL JUNE AT RICHMOND&mdash;THE REGULAR
+CONVENTION BALLOTS AND ADJOURNS TO BALTIMORE&mdash;THE BALTIMORE 
+CONVENTION&mdash;"THE AFRICAN SLAVE-TRADER A TRUE MISSIONARY"&mdash;MORE BOLTING&mdash;DOUGLAS'S
+NOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY&mdash;THE BOLTING CONVENTION NOMINATES
+BRECKINRIDGE&mdash;THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION AND PLATFORM&mdash;NOMINATIONS OF
+LINCOLN, AND BELL&mdash;COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE FOUR RIVAL PARTY
+PLATFORMS&mdash;THE OCTOBER ELECTIONS&mdash;THE SOUTH PREPARING GLEEFULLY FOR
+SECESSION&mdash;GOVERNOR GIST'S TREASONABLE MESSAGE TO S. C.  LEGISLATURE,
+NOV.  5&mdash;OTHER SIMILAR UTTERANCES<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+
+                 
+            
+<br>
+<br>
+<br><br>
+
+<h2>IMAGES</h2>
+<br>
+<br>
+
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+<a href="#webster">DANIEL WEBSTER,</a><br>
+<a href="#douglas">STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS,</a><br>
+<a href="#jefferson">THOMAS JEFFERSON,</a><br>
+<a href="#lincoln">ABRAHAM LINCOLN,</a><br>
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+<br><br>
+
+
+<br>
+<br><br><br>
+<br><br>
+<a name="webster"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p024-webster.jpg (88K)" src="images/p024-webster.jpg" height="856" width="591">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch1"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+<center><h2>
+                             PART ONE.<br><br>
+                             CHAPTER I.<br><br>
+
+                       A PRELIMINARY RETROSPECT.
+</h2></center><br>
+<p>
+To properly understand the condition of things preceding the great war
+of the Rebellion, and the causes underlying that condition and the war
+itself, we must glance backward through the history of the Country to,
+and even beyond, that memorable 30th of November, 1782, when the
+Independence of the United States of America was at last conceded by
+Great Britain.  At that time the population of the United States was
+about 2,500,000 free whites and some 500,000 black slaves.  We had
+gained our Independence of the Mother Country, but she had left fastened
+upon us the curse of Slavery.  Indeed African Slavery had already in
+1620 been implanted on the soil of Virginia before Plymouth Rock was
+pressed by the feet of the Pilgrim Fathers, and had spread, prior to the
+Revolution, with greater or less rapidity, according to the surrounding
+adaptations of soil, production and climate, to every one of the
+thirteen Colonies.</p>
+
+<p>But while it had thus spread more or less throughout all the original
+Colonies, and was, as it were, recognized and acquiesced in by all, as
+an existing and established institution, yet there were many, both in
+the South and North, who looked upon it as an evil&mdash;an inherited 
+evil&mdash;and were anxious to prevent the increase of that evil.  Hence it was
+that even as far back as 1699, a controversy sprang up between the
+Colonies and the Home Government, upon the African Slavery question&mdash;a
+controversy continuing with more or less vehemence down to the
+Declaration of Independence itself.</p>
+
+<p>It was this conviction that it was not alone an evil but a dangerous
+evil, that induced Jefferson to embody in his original draft of that
+Declaration a clause strongly condemnatory of the African Slave Trade&mdash;a
+clause afterward omitted from it solely, he tells us, "in complaisance
+to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never* attempted to restrain the
+importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, still wished to
+continue it," as well as in deference to the sensitiveness of Northern
+people, who, though having few slaves themselves, "had been pretty
+considerable carriers of them to others" a clause of the great
+indictment of King George III., which, since it was not omitted for any
+other reason than that just given, shows pretty conclusively that where
+the fathers in that Declaration affirmed that "all men are created
+equal," they included in the term "men," black as well as white, bond as
+well as free; for the clause ran thus: "Determined to keep open a market
+where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for
+suppressing every Legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this
+execrable commerce.  And that this assemblage of horrors might want no
+fact of distinguished dye, he is now exciting those very people to rise
+in arms among us, and purchase that liberty of which he has deprived
+them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them; thus paying
+of former crimes committed against the LIBERTIES of our people with
+crimes which he urges them to commit against the LIVES of another."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Prior to 1752, when Georgia surrendered her charter and became a
+     Royal Colony, the holding of slaves within its limits was expressly
+     prohibited by law; and the Darien (Ga.) resolutions of 1775
+     declared not only a "disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural
+     practice of Slavery in America" as "a practice founded in injustice
+     and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our Liberties (as well as
+     lives) but a determination to use our utmost efforts for the
+     manumission of our slaves in this colony upon the most safe and
+     equitable footing for the masters and themselves."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>
+During the war of the Revolution following the Declaration of
+Independence, the half a million of slaves, nearly all of them in the
+Southern States, were found to be not only a source of weakness, but,
+through the incitements of British emissaries, a standing menace of
+peril to the Slaveholders.  Thus it was that the South was overrun by
+hostile British armies, while in the North&mdash;comparatively free of this
+element of weakness&mdash;disaster after disaster met them.  At last,
+however, in 1782, came the recognition of our Independence, and peace,
+followed by the evacuation of New York at the close of 1783.</p>
+
+<p>The lessons of the war, touching Slavery, had not been lost upon our
+statesmen.  Early in 1784 Virginia ceded to the United States her claims
+of jurisdiction and otherwise over the vast territory north-west of the
+Ohio; and upon its acceptance, Jefferson, as chairman of a Select
+Committee appointed at his instance to consider a plan of government
+therefor, reported to the ninth Continental Congress an Ordinance to
+govern the territory ceded already, or to be ceded, by individual States
+to the United States, extending from the 31st to the 47th degree of
+north latitude, which provided as "fundamental conditions between the
+thirteen original States and those newly described" as embryo States
+thereafter&mdash;to be carved out of such territory ceded or to be ceded to
+the United States, not only that "they shall forever remain a part of
+the United States of America," but also that "after the year 1800 of the
+Christian era, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude
+in any of the said States"&mdash;and that those fundamental conditions were
+"unalterable but by the joint consent of the United States in Congress
+assembled, and of the particular State within which such alteration
+is proposed to be made."</p>
+
+<p>But now a signal misfortune befell.  Upon a motion to strike out the
+clause prohibiting Slavery, six States: New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York and Pennsylvania, voted to retain
+the prohibitive clause, while three States, Maryland, Virginia and South
+Carolina, voted not to retain it.  The vote of North Carolina was
+equally divided; and while one of the Delegates from New Jersey voted to
+retain it, yet as there was no other delegate present from that State,
+and the Articles of Confederation required the presence of "two or more"
+delegates to cast the vote of a State, the vote of New Jersey was lost;
+and, as the same Articles required an affirmative vote of a majority of
+all the States&mdash;and not simply of those present&mdash;the retention of the
+clause prohibiting Slavery was also lost.  Thus was lost the great
+opportunity of restricting Slavery to the then existing Slave States,
+and of settling the question peaceably for all time.  Three years
+afterward a similar Ordinance, since become famous as "the Ordinance of
+'87," for the government of the North-west Territory (from which the
+Free States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin have
+since been carved and admitted to the Union) was adopted in Congress by
+the unanimous vote of all the eight States present.  And the sixth
+article of this Ordinance, or "Articles of Compact," which it was
+stipulated should "forever remain unalterable, unless by common
+consent," was in these words:</p>
+
+<p>"Art. 6.  There shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in
+the said Territory, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the
+party shall have been duly convicted; provided always that any person
+escaping into the same from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in
+any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed,
+and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor, or service, as
+aforesaid."</p>
+
+<p>But this Ordinance of '87, adopted almost simultaneously with the
+framing of our present Federal Constitution, was essentially different
+from the Ordinance of three years previous, in this: that while the
+latter included the territory south of the Ohio River as well as that
+north-west of it, this did not; and as a direct consequence of this
+failure to include in it the territory south of that river, the States
+of Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi, which were taken out of it, were
+subsequently admitted to the Union as Slave States, and thus greatly
+augmented their political power.  And at a later period it was this
+increased political power that secured the admission of still other
+Slave States&mdash;as Florida, Louisiana and Texas&mdash;which enabled the Slave
+States to hold the balance of such power as against the original States
+that had become Free, and the new Free States of the North-west.</p>
+
+<p>Hence, while in a measure quieting the great question of Slavery for the
+time being, the Ordinance of '87 in reality laid the ground-work for the
+long series of irritations and agitations touching its restrictions and
+extension, which eventually culminated in the clash of arms that shook
+the Union from its centre to its circumference.  Meanwhile, as we have
+seen&mdash;while the Ordinance of 1787 was being enacted in the last Congress
+of the old Confederation at New York&mdash;the Convention to frame the
+present Constitution was sitting at Philadelphia under the Presidency of
+George Washington himself.  The old Confederation had proved itself to
+be "a rope of sand."  A new and stronger form of government had become a
+necessity for National existence.</p>
+
+<p>To create it out of the discordant elements whose harmony was essential
+to success, was an herculean task, requiring the utmost forbearance,
+unselfishness, and wisdom.  And of all the great questions, dividing the
+framers of that Constitution, perhaps none of them required a higher
+degree of self abnegation and patriotism than those touching human
+Slavery.</p>
+
+<p>The situation was one of extreme delicacy.  The necessity for a closer
+and stronger Union of all the States was apparently absolute, yet this
+very necessity seemed to place a whip in the hands of a few States, with
+which to coerce the greater number of States to do their bidding.  It
+seemed that the majority must yield to a small minority on even vital
+questions, or lose everything.</p>
+
+<p>Thus it was, that instead of an immediate interdiction of the African
+Slave Trade, Congress was empowered to prohibit it after the lapse of
+twenty years; that instead of the basis of Congressional Representation
+being the total population of each State, and that of direct taxation
+the total property of each State, a middle ground was conceded, which
+regarded the Slaves as both persons and property, and the basis both of
+Representation and of Direct Taxation was fixed as being the total Free
+population "plus three-fifths of all other persons" in each State; and
+that there was inserted in the Constitution a similar clause to that
+which we have seen was almost simultaneously incorporated in the
+Ordinance of '87, touching the reclamation and return to their owners of
+Fugitive Slaves from the Free States into which they may have escaped.</p>
+
+<p>The fact of the matter is, that the Convention that framed our
+Constitution lacked the courage of its convictions, and was "bulldozed"
+by the few extreme Southern Slave-holding States&mdash;South Carolina and
+Georgia especially.  It actually paltered with those convictions and
+with the truth itself.  Its convictions&mdash;those at least of a great
+majority of its delegates&mdash;were against not only the spread, but the
+very existence of Slavery; yet we have seen what they unwillingly agreed
+to in spite of those convictions; and they were guilty moreover of the
+subterfuge of using the terms "persons" and "service or labor" when they
+really meant "Slaves" and "Slavery."  "They did this latter," Mr.
+Madison says, "because they did not choose to admit the right of
+property in man," and yet in fixing the basis of Direct Taxation as well
+as Congressional Representation at the total Free population of each
+State with "three-fifths of all other persons," they did admit the right
+of property in man!  As was stated by Mr. Iredell to the North Carolina
+Ratification Convention, when explaining the Fugitive Slave clause:
+"Though the word 'Slave' is not mentioned, this is the meaning of it."
+And he added: "The Northern delegates, owing to their peculiar scruples
+on the subject of Slavery, did not choose the word 'Slave' to be
+mentioned."</p>
+
+<p>In March, 1789, the first Federal Congress met at New York.  It at once
+enacted a law in accordance with the terms of the Ordinance 
+of '87&mdash;adapting it to the changed order of things under the new Federal
+Constitution&mdash;prohibiting Slavery in the Territories of the North-west;
+and the succeeding Congress enacted a Fugitive-Slave law.</p>
+
+<p>In the same year (1789) North Carolina ceded her western territory (now
+Tennessee) south of the Ohio, to the United States, providing as one of
+the conditions of that cession, "that no regulation made, or to be made,
+by Congress, shall tend to emancipate Slaves."  Georgia, also, in 1802,
+ceded her superfluous territorial domain (south of the Ohio, and now
+known as Alabama and Mississippi), making as a condition of its
+acceptance that the Ordinance of '87 "shall, in all its parts, extend to
+the territory contained in the present act of cession, the article only
+excepted which forbids Slavery."</p>
+
+<p>Thus while the road was open and had been taken advantage of, at the
+earliest moment, by the Federal Congress to prohibit Slavery in all the
+territory north-west of the Ohio River by Congressional enactment,
+Congress considered itself barred by the very conditions of cession from
+inhibiting Slavery in the territory lying south of that river.  Hence it
+was that while the spread of Slavery was prevented in the one Section of
+our outlying territories by Congressional legislation, it was stimulated
+in the other Section by the enforced absence of such legislation.  As a
+necessary sequence, out of the Territories of the one Section grew more
+Free States and out of the other more Slave States, and this condition
+of things had a tendency to array the Free and the Slave States in
+opposition to each other and to Sectionalize the flames of that Slavery
+agitation which were thus continually fed.</p>
+
+<p>Upon the admission of Ohio to Statehood in 1803, the remainder of the
+North-west territory became the Territory of Indiana.  The inhabitants
+of this Territory (now known as the States of Indiana, Illinois,
+Michigan and Wisconsin), consisting largely of settlers from the Slave
+States, but chiefly from Virginia and Kentucky, very persistently (in
+1803, 1806 and 1807) petitioned Congress for permission to employ Slave
+Labor, but&mdash;although their petitions were favorably reported in most
+cases by the Committees to which they were referred&mdash;without avail,
+Congress evidently being of opinion that a temporary suspension in this
+respect of the sixth article of the Ordinance of '87 was "not
+expedient."  These frequent rebuffs by Congress, together with the
+constantly increasing emigration from the Free States, prevented the
+taking of any further steps to implant Slavery on the soil of that
+Territory.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the vast territory included within the Valley of the
+Mississippi and known at that day as the "Colony of Louisiana," was, in
+1803, acquired to the United States by purchase from the French&mdash;to whom
+it had but lately been retroceded by Spain.  Both under Spanish and
+French rule, Slavery had existed throughout this vast yet sparsely
+populated region.  When we acquired it by purchase, it was already
+there, as an established "institution;" and the Treaty of acquisition
+not only provided that it should be "incorporated into the Union of the
+United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the
+principles of the Federal Constitution," but that its inhabitants in the
+meantime "should be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of
+their liberty, property, and the religion which they professed"&mdash;and,
+as "the right of property in man" had really been admitted in practice,
+if not in theory, by the framers of that Constitution itself&mdash;that
+institution was allowed to remain there.  Indeed the sparseness of its
+population at the time of purchase and the amazing fertility of its soil
+and adaptability of its climate to Slave Labor, together with the then
+recent invention by Eli Whitney, of Massachusetts, of that wonderful
+improvement in the separation of cotton-fibre from its seed, known as
+the "cotton-gin"&mdash;which with the almost simultaneous inventions of
+Hargreaves, and Arkwright's cotton-spinning machines, and Watt's
+application of his steam engine, etc., to them, marvelously increased
+both the cotton supply and demand and completely revolutionized the
+cotton industry&mdash;contributed to rapidly and thickly populate the whole
+region with white Slave-holders and black Slaves, and to greatly enrich
+and increase the power of the former.</p>
+
+<p>When Jefferson succeeded in negotiating the cession of that vast and
+rich domain to the United States, it is not to be supposed that either
+the allurements of territorial aggrandizement on the one hand, or the
+impending danger to the continued ascendency of the political party
+which had elevated him to the Presidency, threatening it from all the
+irritations with republican France likely to grow out of such near
+proximity to her Colony, on the other, could have blinded his eyes to
+the fact that its acquisition must inevitably tend to the spread of that
+very evil, the contemplation of which, at a later day, wrung from his
+lips the prophetic words, "I tremble for my Country when I reflect that
+God is just."  It is more reasonable to suppose that, as he believed the
+ascendency of the Republican party of that day essential to the
+perpetuity of the Republic itself, and revolted against being driven
+into an armed alliance with Monarchical England against what he termed
+"our natural friend," Republican France, he reached the conclusion that
+the preservation of his Republican principles was of more immediate
+moment than the question of the perpetuation and increase of human
+Slavery.  Be that as it may, it none the less remains a curious fact
+that it was to Jefferson, the far-seeing statesman and hater of African
+Slavery and the author of the Ordinance of 1784&mdash;which sought to exclude
+Slavery from all the Territories of the United States south of, as well
+as north-west of the Ohio River&mdash;that we also owe the acquisition of the
+vast territory of the Mississippi Valley burdened with Slavery in such
+shape that only a War, which nearly wrecked our Republic, could get rid
+of!</p>
+
+<p>Out of that vast and fertile, but Slave-ridden old French Colony of
+"Louisiana" were developed in due time the rich and flourishing Slave
+States of Louisiana, Missouri and Arkansas.</p>
+
+<p>It will have been observed that this acquisition of the Colony of
+Louisiana and the contemporaneous inventions of the cotton-gin, improved
+cotton-spinning machinery, and the application to it of steam power, had
+already completely neutralized the wisdom of the Fathers in securing, as
+they thought, the gradual but certain extinction of Slavery in the
+United States, by that provision in the Constitution which enabled
+Congress, after an interval of twenty years, to prohibit the African
+Slave Trade; and which led the Congress, on March 22, 1794, to pass an
+Act prohibiting it; to supplement it in 1800 with another Act in the
+same direction; and on March 2, 1807, to pass another supplemental 
+Act&mdash;to take effect January 1, 1808&mdash;still more stringent, and covering any
+such illicit traffic, whether to the United States or with other
+countries.  Never was the adage that, "The best laid schemes o' mice an'
+men gang aft agley," more painfully apparent.  Slaves increased and
+multiplied within the land, and enriched their white owners to such a
+degree that, as the years rolled by, instead of compunctions of
+conscience on the subject of African Slavery in America, the Southern
+leaders ultimately persuaded themselves to the belief that it was not
+only moral, and sanctioned by Divine Law, but that to perpetuate it was
+a philanthropic duty, beneficial to both races!  In fact one of them
+declared it to be "the highest type of civilization."</p>
+
+<p>In 1812, the State of Louisiana, organized from the purchased Colony of
+the same name, was admitted to the Union, and the balance of the
+Louisiana purchase was thereafter known as the Territory of Missouri.</p>
+
+<p>In 1818 commenced the heated and protracted struggle in Congress over
+the admission of the State of Missouri&mdash;created from the Territory of
+that name&mdash;as a Slave State, which finally culminated in 1820 in the
+settlement known thereafter as the "Missouri Compromise."</p>
+
+<p>Briefly stated, that struggle may be said to have consisted in the
+efforts of the House on the one side, to restrict Slavery in the State
+of Missouri, and the efforts of the Senate on the other, to give it free
+rein.  The House insisted on a clause in the Act of admission providing,
+"That the introduction of Slavery or involuntary servitude be
+prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party has
+been duly convicted; and that all children born within the said State,
+after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be declared Free at
+the age of twenty-five years."  The Senate resisted it&mdash;and the Bill
+fell.  In the meantime, however, a Bill passed both Houses forming the
+Territory of Arkansas out of that portion of the Territory of Missouri
+not included in the proposed State of Missouri, without any such
+restriction upon Slavery.  Subsequently, the House having passed a Bill
+to admit the State of Maine to the Union, the Senate amended it by
+tacking on a provision authorizing the people of Missouri to organize a
+State Government, without restriction as to Slavery.  The House
+decidedly refused to accede to the Senate proposition, and the result of
+the disagreement was a Committee of Conference between the two Houses,
+and the celebrated "Missouri Compromise," which, in the language of
+another&mdash;[Hon.  John Holmes of Massachusetts, of said Committee on
+Conference, March 2, 1820.]&mdash;, was: "that the Senate should give up its
+combination of Missouri with Maine; that the House should abandon its
+attempt to restrict Slavery in Missouri; and that both Houses should
+concur in passing the Bill to admit Missouri as a State, with" a
+"restriction or proviso, excluding Slavery from all territory north and
+west of the new State"&mdash;that "restriction or proviso" being in these
+words: "That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States
+under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees,
+thirty minutes north latitude, excepting only such part thereof as is
+included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act,
+Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of
+crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is
+hereby forever prohibited; Provided always, that any person escaping
+into the same, from whom labor and service is lawfully claimed in any
+State or Territory of the United States, such Fugitive may be lawfully
+reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or
+service, as aforesaid."  At a subsequent session of Congress, at which
+Missouri asked admission as a State with a Constitution prohibiting her
+Legislature from passing emancipation laws, or such as would prevent the
+immigration of Slaves, while requiring it to enact such as would
+absolutely prevent the immigration of Free Negroes or Mulattoes, a
+further Compromise was agreed to by Congress under the inspiration of
+Mr. Clay, by which it was laid down as a condition precedent to her
+admission as a State&mdash;a condition subsequently complied with&mdash;that
+Missouri must pledge herself that her Legislature should pass no act "by
+which any of the citizens of either of the States should be excluded
+from the enjoyment of the privileges and immunities to which they are
+entitled under the Constitution of the United States."</p>
+
+<p>This, in a nut-shell, was the memorable Missouri Struggle, and the
+"Compromise" or Compromises which settled and ended it.  But during that
+struggle&mdash;as during the formation of the Federal Constitution and at
+various times in the interval when exciting questions had arisen&mdash;the
+bands of National Union were more than once rudely strained, and this
+time to such a degree as even to shake the faith of some of the firmest
+believers in the perpetuity of that Union.  It was during this bitter
+struggle that John Adams wrote to Jefferson: "I am sometimes Cassandra
+enough to dream that another Hamilton, another Burr, may rend this
+mighty fabric in twain, or perhaps into a leash, and a few more choice
+spirits of the same stamp might produce as many Nations in North America
+as there are in Europe."</p>
+
+<p>It is true that we had "sown the wind," but we had not yet "reaped the
+whirlwind."</p>
+
+<br><br><br>
+
+<br><br>
+<a name="douglas"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p052-douglas.jpg (82K)" src="images/p052-douglas.jpg" height="869" width="586">
+</center>
+
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch2"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+
+<center><h2>
+
+                              CHAPTER II.<br><br>
+
+                       PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE.
+</h2></center><br>
+<p>We have seen that the first Federal Congress met at New York in March,
+1789.  It organized April 6th.  None knew better than its members that
+the war of the Americana Revolution chiefly grew out of the efforts of
+Great Britain to cripple and destroy our Colonial industries to the
+benefit of the British trader, and that the Independence conquered, was
+an Industrial as well as Political Independence; and none knew better
+than they, that the failure of the subsequent political Confederation of
+States was due mainly to its failure to encourage and protect the
+budding domestic manufactures of those States.  Hence they hastened,
+under the leadership of James Madison, to pass "An Act laying a duty on
+goods, wares and merchandize imported into the United States," with a
+preamble, declaring it to be "necessary" for the "discharge of the debt
+of the United States and the encouragement and protection of
+manufactures."  It was approved by President Washington July 4, 1789&mdash;a
+date not without its significance&mdash;and levied imports both specific and
+ad valorem.  It was not only our first Tariff Act, but, next to that
+prescribing the oath used in organizing the Government, the first Act of
+the first Federal Congress; and was passed in pursuance of the
+declaration of President Washington in his first Message, that "The
+safety and interest of the People" required it.  Under the inspiration
+of Alexander Hamilton the Tariff of 1790 was enacted at the second
+session of the same Congress, confirming the previous Act and increasing
+some of the protective duties thereby imposed.</p>
+
+<p>An analysis of the vote in the House of Representatives on this Tariff
+Bill discloses the fact that of the 39 votes for it, 21 were from
+Southern States, 13 from the Middle States, and 5 from New England
+States; while of the 13 votes against it, 9 were from New England
+States, 3 from Southern States, and 1 from Middle States.  In other
+words, while the Southern States were for the Bill in the proportion of
+21 to 3, and the Middle States by 13 to 1, New England was against it by
+9 to 5; or again, while 10 of the 13 votes against it were from the New
+England and Middle States, 21 (or more than half) of the 39 votes for it
+were from Southern States.</p>
+
+<p>It will thus be seen&mdash;singularly enough in view of subsequent 
+events&mdash;that we not only mainly owe our first steps in Protective Tariff
+legislation to the almost solid Southern vote, but that it was thus
+secured for us despite the opposition of New England.  Nor did our
+indebtedness to Southern statesmen and Southern votes for the
+institution of the now fully established American System of Protection
+cease here, as we shall presently see.</p>
+
+<p>That Jefferson, as well as Washington and Madison, agreed with the views
+of Alexander Hamilton on Protection to our domestic manufactures as
+against those of foreign Nations, is evident in his Annual Message of
+December 14, 1806, wherein&mdash;discussing an anticipated surplus of Federal
+revenue above the expenditures, and enumerating the purposes of
+education and internal improvement to which he thinks the "whole surplus
+of impost" should during times of peace be applied; by which application
+of such surplus he prognosticates that "new channels of communication
+will be opened between the States; the lines of separation will
+disappear; their interests will be identified, and their Union cemented
+by new and indissoluble ties"&mdash;he says: "Shall we suppress the impost
+and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures.  On a few
+articles of more general and necessary use, the suppression in due
+season, will doubtless be right; but the great mass of the articles on
+which impost is paid is foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who
+are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them."  But his embargo
+and other retaliatory measures, put in force in 1807 and 1808, and the
+War of 1812-15 with Great Britain, which closely followed, furnished
+Protection in another manner, by shutting the door to foreign imports
+and throwing our people upon their own resources, and contributed
+greatly to the encouragement and increase of our home 
+manufactures&mdash;especially those of wool, cotton, and hemp.</p>
+
+<p>At the close of that War the traders of Great Britain determined, even
+at a temporary loss to themselves, to glut our market with their goods
+and thus break down forever, as they hoped, our infant manufactures.
+Their purpose and object were boldly announced in the House of Commons
+by Mr. Brougham, when he said: "Is it worth while to incur a loss upon
+the first importation, in order by the glut to stifle in the cradle
+those rising manufactures in the United States which the War had forced
+into existence contrary to the natural course of things."  Against this
+threatened ruin, our manufacturers all over the United States&mdash;the sugar
+planters of Louisiana among them&mdash;clamored for Protection, and Congress
+at once responded with the Tariff Act of 1816.</p>
+
+<p>This law greatly extended and increased specific duties on, and
+diminished the application of the ad valorem principle to, foreign
+imports; and it has been well described as "the practical foundation of
+the American policy of encouragement of home manufactures&mdash;the practical
+establishment of the great industrial system upon which rests our
+present National wealth, and the power and the prosperity and happiness
+of our whole people."  While Henry Clay of Kentucky, William Loundes of
+South Carolina, and Henry St. George Tucker of Virginia supported the
+Bill most effectively, no man labored harder and did more effective
+service in securing its passage than John C. Calhoun of South Carolina.
+The contention on their part was not for a mere "incidental protection"
+&mdash;much less a "Tariff for revenue only"&mdash;but for "Protection" in its
+broadest sense, and especially the protection of their cotton
+manufactures.  Indeed Calhoun's defense of Protection, from the assaults
+of those from New England and elsewhere who assailed it on the narrow
+ground that it was inimical to commerce and navigation, was a notable
+one.  He declared that:</p>
+
+<p>"It (the encouragement of manufactures) produced a system strictly
+American, as much so as agriculture, in which it had the decided
+advantage of commerce and navigation.  The country will from this derive
+much advantage.  Again it is calculated to bind together more closely
+our wide-spread Republic.  It will greatly increase our mutual
+dependence and intercourse, and will, as a necessary consequence, excite
+an increased attention to internal improvements&mdash;a subject every way so
+intimately connected with the ultimate attainment of national strength
+and the perfection of our political institutions."</p>
+
+<p>He regarded the fact that it would make the parts adhere more closely;
+that it would form a new and most powerful cement far outweighing any
+political objections that might be urged against the system.  In his
+opinion "the liberty and the union of the country were inseparably
+united; that as the destruction of the latter would most certainly
+involve the former, so its maintenance will with equal certainty
+preserve it;" and he closed with an impressive warning to the Nation of
+a "new and terrible danger" which threatened it, to wit: "disunion."
+Nobly as he stood up then&mdash;during the last term of his service in the
+House of Representatives&mdash;for the great principles of, the American
+System of Protection to manufactures, for the perpetuity of the Union,
+and for the increase of "National strength," it seems like the very
+irony of fate that a few years later should find him battling against
+Protection as "unconstitutional," upholding Nullification as a "reserved
+right" of his State, and championing at the risk of his neck that very
+"danger" to the "liberties" and life of his Country against which his
+prophetic words had already given solemn warning.</p>
+
+<p>Strange was it also, in view of the subsequent attitudes of the South
+and New England, that this essentially Protective Tariff Act of 1816
+should have been vigorously protested and voted against by New England,
+while it was ably advocated and voted for by the South&mdash;the 25 votes of
+the latter which secured its passage being more than sufficient to have
+secured its defeat had they been so inclined.</p>
+
+<p>The Tariff Acts of 1824 and 1828 followed the great American principle
+of Protection laid down and supported by the South in the Act of 1816,
+while widening, increasing, and strengthening it.  Under their
+operation&mdash;especially under that of 1828, with its high duties on wool,
+hemp, iron, lead, and other staples&mdash;great prosperity smiled upon the
+land, and particularly upon the Free States.</p>
+
+<p>In the cotton-growing belt of the South, however, where the prosperity
+was relatively less, owing to the blight of Slavery, the very contrast
+bred discontent; and, instead of attributing it to the real cause, the
+advocates of Free Trade within that region insisted that the Protective
+Tariff was responsible for the condition of things existing there.</p>
+
+<p>A few restless and discontented spirits in the South had indeed agitated
+the subject of Free Trade as against Protected manufactures as early as
+1797, and, hand in hand with it, the doctrine of States Rights.  And
+Jefferson himself, although, as we have already seen, attached to the
+American System of Protection and believing in its Constitutionality,
+unwittingly played into the hands of these Free Traders by drawing up
+the famous Kentucky Resolutions of '98 touching States Rights, which
+were closely followed by the Virginia Resolutions of 1799 in the same
+vein by Madison, also an out-and-out Protectionist.  It was mainly in
+condemnation of the Alien and Sedition Laws, then so unpopular
+everywhere, that these resolutions were professedly fulminated, but they
+gave to the agitating Free Traders a States-Rights-Secession-weapon of
+which they quickly availed themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Their drift may be gathered from the first of the Kentucky Resolutions
+of '98, which was in these words: "Resolved, That the several States
+composing the United States of America are not united on the principle
+of unlimited submission to their General Government, but that, by a
+compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United
+States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government
+for special purposes&mdash;delegated to that Government certain definite
+powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to
+their own self-government; and that whensoever the General Government
+assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of
+no force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and as an
+integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party;
+that the Government created by this compact was not made the exclusive
+or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since
+that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the
+measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among
+powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge
+for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of
+redress."</p>
+
+<p>The Resolutions, after enumerating the Alien and Sedition and certain
+other laws as in point, conclude by calling upon the other States to
+join Kentucky in her opposition to such Federal usurpations of power as
+thus embodied, and express confidence: "That they will concur with this
+Commonwealth in considering the said Acts as so palpably against the
+Constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration that that
+compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General
+Government, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States,
+of all powers whatsoever; that they will view this as seizing the rights
+of the States, and consolidating them in the hands of the General
+Government, with the power assumed to bind the States (not merely as to
+the cases made federal (casus foederis) but) in all cases whatsoever, by
+laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent;
+that this would be to surrender the form of government we have chosen,
+and live under one deriving its powers from its own will, and not from
+our authority; and that the co-States, returning to their natural rights
+in cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these Acts void and
+of no force, and will each take measures of its own in providing that
+neither these Acts, nor any others of the General Government, not
+plainly and intentionally authorized by the Constitution, shall be
+exercised within their respective territories."</p>
+
+<p>The doctrine of States Rights as formulated in these Resolutions,
+including the assumed right of a State to nullify laws of the General
+Government, naturally led up, as we shall see, not only to threats of
+disunion, but ultimately to a dreadful sectional War waged in the effort
+to secure it.  That Jefferson, when he penned them, foresaw the terrible
+results to flow from these specious and pernicious doctrines, is not to
+be supposed for an instant; but that his conscience troubled him may be
+fairly inferred from the fact that he withheld from the World for twenty
+years afterward the knowledge that he was their author.  It is probable
+that in this case, as in others, he was a victim of that casuistry which
+teaches that "the end justifies the means;" that he hoped and believed
+that the assertion of these baleful doctrines would act solely as a
+check upon any tendency to further centralization of power in the
+General Government and insure that strict construction of the
+Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>Though afterward violated by himself at the same time that he for the
+moment threw aside his scruples touching African slavery, when he added
+to our domain the great French Slave Colony of Louisiana&mdash;was none the
+less the great aim of his commanding intellect; and that he fortuitously
+believed in the "saving common sense" of his race and country as capable
+of correcting an existing evil when it shall have developed into ill
+effects.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Mr. Jefferson takes this very ground, in almost the same words, in
+     his letter, 1803, to Wilson C.  Nichols in the Louisiana Colony
+     purchase case, when, after proving by his own strict construction
+     of the Constitution that there was no power in that instrument to
+     make such purchase, and confessing the importance in that very case
+     of setting "an example against broad construction," he concludes:
+     "If, however, our friends shall think differently, certainly I
+     shall acquiesce with satisfaction; confiding that the good sense of
+     the country will correct the evil of construction when it shall
+     produce ill ejects."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Be that as it may, however, the fact remains that the seeds thus sown by
+the hands of Jefferson on the "sacred soil" of Virginia and Kentucky,
+were dragon's teeth, destined in after years to spring up as legions of
+armed men battling for the subversion of that Constitution and the
+destruction of that Union which he so reverenced, and which he was so
+largely instrumental in founding&mdash;and which even came back in his own
+life to plague him and Madison during his embargo, and Madison's war of
+1812-15, in the utterances and attitude of some of the New England
+Federalists.</p>
+
+<p>The few Free Traders of the South&mdash;the Giles's and John Taylor's and men
+of that ilk&mdash;made up for their paucity in numbers by their unscrupulous
+ingenuity and active zeal.  They put forth the idea that the American
+Protective Policy was a policy of fostering combinations by Federal
+laws, the effect of which was to transfer a considerable portion of the
+profits of slave labor from the Slave States to other parts of the Union
+where it was massed in the hands of a few individuals, and thus created
+a moneyed interest which avariciously influenced the General Government
+to the detriment of the entire community of people, who, made restive by
+the exactions of this power working through the Federal Government, were
+as a consequence driven to consider a possible dissolution of the Union,
+and make "estimates of resources and means of defense."  As a means also
+of inflaming both the poor whites and Southern slave-holders by arousing
+the apprehensions of the latter concerning the "peculiar institution" of
+Slavery, they craftily declared that "If the maxim advanced by the
+advocates of the protecting duty system will justify Congress in
+assuming, or rather in empowering a few capitalists to assume, the
+direction of manufacturing labor, it also invests that body with a power
+of legislating for the direction of every other species of labor and
+assigning all occupations whatsoever to the care of the intelligence of
+mercenary combinations"&mdash;and hence untold misery to labor.</p>
+
+<p>They charged as a further means of firing the Southern heart, that this
+moneyed power, born of Protection, "works upon the passion of the States
+it has been able to delude by computations of their physical strength
+and their naval superiority; and by boasting of an ability to use the
+weakening circumstance of negro slavery to coerce the defrauded and
+discontented States into submission."  And they declared as fundamental
+truths upon which they rested that "The Federal is not a National
+Government; it is a league between nations.  By this league, a limited
+power only over persons and property was given to the representatives of
+the united nations.  This power cannot be further extended, under the
+pretext of national good, because the league does not create a national
+government."</p>
+
+<p>It was the passage of the Tariff of 1824 that gave these crafty Free
+Traders their first great success in spreading their doctrine of Free
+Trade by coupling it with questions of slave labor, States Rights, and
+nullification, as laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions.
+These arguments created great excitement throughout the 
+South&mdash;especially in South Carolina and Georgia&mdash;which was still further
+increased by the passage of the Tariff of 1828, since declared by
+eminent authority to have been "the highest and most protective ever
+adopted in this country."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Mr. Greeley, in his "History of the American Conflict," 1864.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Prior to the passage of this Tariff Act, excited assemblages met in some
+of the Southern States, and protested against it as an outrage upon
+their rights&mdash;arraying the South in seditious and treasonable attitude
+against not only the North but the Union, with threats of Secession.  At
+one of these meetings in South Carolina, in 1827, one of their 
+leaders&mdash;[Dr. Thomas Cooper, President of South Carolina College.]&mdash;declared that
+"a drilled and managed majority" in the House of Representatives had
+determined "at all hazards to support the claims of the Northern
+manufacturers, and to offer up the planting interest on the altar of
+monopoly."  He denounced the American system of Protection exemplified
+in that Tariff measure as "a system by which the earnings of the South
+are to be transferred to the North&mdash;by which the many are to be
+sacrificed to the few&mdash;under which powers are usurped that were never
+conceded&mdash;by which inequality of rights, inequality of burthens,
+inequality of protection, unequal laws, and unequal taxes are to be
+enacted and rendered permanent&mdash;that the planter and the farmer under
+this system are to be considered as inferior beings to the spinner, the
+bleacher, and the dyer&mdash;that we of the South hold our plantations under
+this system, as the serfs and operatives of the North, subject to the
+orders and laboring for the benefit of the master-minds of
+Massachusetts, the lords of the spinning jenny and peers of the
+power-loom, who have a right to tax our earnings for their emolument, and to
+burthen our poverty and to swell their riches;" and after characterizing
+Protection as "a system of fraud, robbery and usurpation," he continued
+"I have said that we shall ere long be compelled to calculate the value
+of our Union; and to enquire of what use to us is this most unequal
+alliance, by which the South has always been the loser and the North
+always the gainer.  Is it worth our while to continue this union of
+States, where the North demands to be our masters and we are required to
+be their tributaries? who with the most insulting mockery call the yoke
+they put upon our necks the 'American system!'  The question, however,
+is fast approaching the alternative of submission or separation."</p>
+
+<p>Only a few days after this inflammatory speech at Columbus, S. C.,
+inciting South Carolinians to resist the pending Protective Tariff even
+to the lengths of Secession, during a grand banquet at Richmond, Va.,
+William B. Giles&mdash;another Free Trade leader&mdash;proposed, and those present
+drank a toast to the "Tariff Schemer" in which was embodied a
+declaration that "The Southerners will not long pay tribute."  Despite
+these turbulent and treasonable mutterings, however, the "Jacksonian
+Congress" passed the Act&mdash;a majority of members from the Cotton and New
+England States voting against, while the vote of the Middle and Western
+Free States was almost solidly for, it.</p>
+
+<p>At a meeting held soon after the enactment of the Tariff of 1828, at
+Walterborough Court House, S. C., an address was adopted and issued
+which, after reciting the steps that had been taken by South Carolina
+during the previous year to oppose it, by memorials and otherwise, and
+stating that, despite their "remonstrances and implorations," a Tariff
+Bill had passed, not indeed, such as they apprehended, but "ten-fold
+worse in all its oppressive features," proceeded thus:</p>
+
+<p>"From the rapid step of usurpation, whether we now act or not, the day
+of open opposition to the pretended powers of the Constitution cannot be
+far off, and it is that it may not go down in blood that we now call
+upon you to resist.  We feel ourselves standing underneath its mighty
+protection, and declaring forth its free and recorded spirit, when we
+say we must resist.  By all the great principles of liberty&mdash;by the
+glorious achievements of our fathers in defending them&mdash;by their noble
+blood poured forth like water in maintaining them&mdash;by their lives in
+suffering, and their death in honor and in glory;&mdash;our countrymen! we
+must resist.  Not secretly, as timid thieves or skulking smugglers&mdash;not
+in companies and associations, like money chafferers or stock 
+jobbers&mdash;not separately and individually, as if this was ours and not our
+country's cause&mdash;but openly, fairly, fearlessly, and unitedly, as
+becomes a free, sovereign and independent people.  Does timidity ask
+WHEN?  We answer NOW!"</p>
+
+<p>These inflammatory utterances, in South Carolina especially, stirred the
+Southern heart more or less throughout the whole cotton belt; and the
+pernicious principles which they embodied found ardent advocates even in
+the Halls of Congress.  In the Senate, Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, was
+their chief and most vehement spokesman, and in 1830 occurred that
+memorable debate between him and Daniel Webster, which forever put an
+end to all reasonable justification of the doctrine of Nullification,
+and which furnished the ground upon which President Jackson afterward
+stood in denouncing and crushing it out with the strong arm of the
+Government.</p>
+
+<p>In that great debate Mr. Hayne's propositions were that the Constitution
+is a "compact between the States," that "in case of a plain, palpable
+violation of the Constitution by the General Government, a State may
+interpose; and that this interposition is constitutional"&mdash;a proposition
+with which Mr. Webster took direct issue, in these words: "I say, the
+right of a State to annul a law of Congress cannot be maintained, but on
+the ground of the inalienable right of man to resist oppression; that is
+to say, upon the ground of revolution.  I admit that there is an
+ultimate violent remedy, above the Constitution and in defiance of the
+Constitution, which may be resorted to when a revolution is to be
+justified.  But I do not admit that, under the Constitution, and in
+conformity with it, there is any mode in which a State Government, as a
+member of the Union, can interfere and stop the progress of the general
+movement by force of her own laws under any circumstances whatever."
+Mr. Webster insisted that "one of two things is true: either the laws of
+the Union are beyond the discretion and beyond the control of the
+States, or else we have no Constitution of General Government, and are
+thrust back again to the days of the Confederation;" and, in concluding
+his powerful argument, he declared that "even supposing the Constitution
+to be a compact between the States," Mr. Hayne's doctrine was "not
+maintainable, because, first, the General Government is not a party to
+the compact, but a Government established by it, and vested by it with
+the powers of trying and deciding doubtful questions; and secondly,
+because, if the Constitution be regarded as a compact, not one State
+only, but all the States are parties to that compact, and one can have
+no right to fix upon it her own peculiar construction."</p>
+
+<p>While the comparatively miserable condition of the cotton-growing States
+of the South was attributed by most of the Southern Free Traders solely
+to the Protective Tariff of 1828, yet there were some Southerners
+willing to concede&mdash;as did Mr. Hayne, in the Senate (1832)&mdash;that there
+were "other causes besides the Tariff" underlying that condition, and to
+admit that "Slaves are too improvident, too incapable of that minute,
+constant, delicate attention, and that persevering industry which are
+essential to manufacturing establishments," the existence of which would
+have made those States prosperous.  But such admissions were unwilling
+ones, and the Cotton-lords held only with the more tenacity to the view
+that the Tariff was the chief cause of their condition.</p>
+
+<p>The Tariff Act of 1832, essentially modifying that of 1828, was passed
+with a view, in part, to quiet Southern clamor.  But the Southern Cotton
+States refused to be mollified.  On the contrary, the Free Traders of
+South Carolina proceeded to extreme measures, putting in action that
+which they had before but threatened.  On November 19, 1832, the leading
+men of South Carolina met in Convention, and a few days 
+thereafter&mdash;[November 24,1882]&mdash;unanimously passed an Ordinance of Nullification
+which declared the Tariff Acts of 1828 and 1832 "Unauthorized by the
+Constitution," and "null, void, and no law, nor binding on this State,
+its officers, or citizens."  The people of the State were forbidden by
+it to pay, after the ensuing February 1st, the import-duties therein
+imposed.  Under the provisions of the Ordinance, the State Legislature
+was to pass an act nullifying these Tariff laws, and any appeal to the
+United States Supreme Court against the validity of such nullifying act
+was prohibited.  Furthermore, in the event of the Federal Government
+attempting to enforce these Tariff laws, the people of South Carolina
+would thenceforth consider themselves out of the Union, and will
+"forthwith proceed to organize a separate Government, and do all other
+acts and things which sovereign and independent States may of right do."</p>
+
+<p>At the subsequent meeting of the Legislature, Mr. Hayne, who had been a
+member of the Convention, having resigned his seat in the United States
+Senate, was elected Governor of the State.  He declared in his message
+that he recognized "No allegiance as paramount to that which the
+citizens of South Carolina owe to the State of their birth or their
+adoption"&mdash;that doctrine of "paramount allegiance to the State" which in
+after-years gave so much trouble to the Union and to Union-loving
+Southerners&mdash;and declared that he held himself "bound by the highest of
+all obligations to carry into effect, not only the Ordinance of the
+Convention, but every act of the Legislature, and every judgment of our
+own Courts, the enforcement of which may devolve upon the Executive,"
+and "if," continued he, "the sacred soil of Carolina should be polluted
+by the footsteps of an invader, or be stained with the blood of her
+citizens, shed in her defense, I trust in Almighty God * * * even should
+she stand alone in this great struggle for constitutional liberty,
+encompassed by her enemies, that there will not be found, in the wide
+limits of the State, one recreant son who will not fly to the rescue,
+and be ready to lay down his life in her defense."  In support of the
+contemplated treason, he even went to the length of calling for an
+enrolling of volunteer forces and of holding them ready for service.</p>
+
+<p>But while South Carolina stood in this treasonable and defiant attitude,
+arming for war against the Union, there happened to be in the
+Presidential chair one of her own sons&mdash;General Jackson.  Foreseeing
+what was coming, he had, prior to the meeting of the Convention that
+framed the Nullification Ordinance, ordered General Scott to Charleston
+to look after "the safety of the ports of the United States"
+thereabouts, and had sent to the Collector of that port precise
+instructions as to his duty to resist in all ways any and all attempts
+made under such Ordinance to defeat the operation of the Tariff laws
+aforesaid.  Having thus quietly prepared the arm of the General
+Government for the exercise of its power, he issued in December a
+Proclamation declaring his unalterable resolution to treat Nullification
+as Treason&mdash;and to crush it.</p>
+
+<p>In that famous document President Jackson said of Nullification: "If
+this doctrine had been established at an earlier day, the Union would
+have been dissolved in its infancy.  The Excise law in Pennsylvania, the
+Embargo and Non-intercourse law in the Eastern States, the Carriage-tax
+in Virginia, were all deemed unconstitutional, and were more unequal in
+their operation than any of the laws now complained of; but fortunately,
+none of those States discovered that they had the right now claimed by
+South Carolina.  * * * The discovery of this important feature in our
+Constitution was reserved for the present day.  To the statesmen of
+South Carolina belongs the invention, and upon the citizens of that
+State will unfortunately fall the evils of reducing it to practice.  * *
+* I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States,
+assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence of the Union,
+contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorized
+by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on which it was founded
+and destructive of the great object for which it was formed.  * * * To
+say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that
+the United States are not a Nation, because it would be a solecism to
+contend that any part of a Nation might dissolve its connection with the
+other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing any, offense."</p>
+
+<p>Farther on, in his moving appeal to the South Carolinians, he bids them
+beware of their leaders: "Their object is disunion; be not deceived by
+names.  Disunion, by armed force, is Treason."  And then, reminding them
+of the deeds of their fathers in the Revolution, he proceeds: "I adjure
+you, as you honor their memory, as you love the cause of freedom to
+which they dedicated their lives, as you prize the peace of your
+country, the lives of its best citizens, and your own fair fame, to
+retrace your steps.  Snatch from the archives of your State the
+disorganizing edict of its Convention&mdash;bid its members to reassemble and
+promulgate the decided expression of your will to remain in the path
+which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity, and honor&mdash;tell them
+that, compared to disunion, all other evils are light, because that
+brings with it an accumulation of all&mdash;declare that you will never take
+the field unless the Star-spangled banner of your country shall float
+over you&mdash;that you will not be stigmatized when dead, and dishonored and
+scorned while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the
+Constitution of your country!  Its destroyers you cannot be."</p>
+
+<p>After asserting his firm "determination to execute the laws&mdash;to preserve
+the Union by all constitutional means"&mdash;he concludes with the prayer,
+"May the great Ruler of Nations grant, that the signal blessings with
+which He has favored, ours may not, by the madness of party, or personal
+ambition be disregarded and lost; and may His wise providence bring
+those who have produced this crisis to see the folly before they feel
+the misery, of civil strife; and inspire a returning veneration for that
+Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate His designs, He has chosen as
+the only means of attaining the high destinies to which we may
+reasonably aspire."</p>
+
+<p>The firm attitude of General Jackson, together with the wise
+precautionary measures he had already taken, and the practical unanimity
+with which his declaration to crush out the Treason was hailed in most
+of the Southern as well as the Northern States, almost at once broke the
+back of Nullification.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>
+     [In this connection the following letter, written at that time by
+     the great Chief Justice Marshall, to a cousin of his, on the
+     subject of State Sovereignty, is of interest, as showing how
+     clearly his penetrating intellect perceived the dangers to the
+     Union hidden in the plausible doctrine of State Rights:</p>
+
+<p>     RICHMOND, May 7, 1833.</p>
+
+<p>     "MY DEAR SIR:</p>
+
+<p>     "I am much indebted to you for your pamphlet on Federal Relations,
+     which I have read with much satisfaction.  No subject, as it seems
+     to me, is more misunderstood or more perverted.  You have brought
+     into view numerous important historical facts which, in my
+     judgment, remove the foundation on which the Nullifiers and
+     Seceders have erected that superstructure which overshadows our
+     Union.  You have, I think, shown satisfactorily that we never have
+     been perfectly distinct, independent societies, sovereign in the
+     sense in which the Nullifiers use the term.  When colonies we
+     certainly were not.  We were parts of the British empire, and
+     although not directly connected with each other so far as respected
+     government, we were connected in many respects, and were united to
+     the same stock.  The steps we took to effect separation were, as
+     you have fully shown, not only revolutionary in their nature, but
+     they were taken conjointly.  Then, as now, we acted in many
+     respects as one people.  The representatives of each colony acted
+     for all.  Their resolutions proceeded from a common source, and
+     operated on the whole mass.  The army was a continental army
+     commanded by a continental general, and supported from a
+     continental treasury.  The Declaration of Independence was made by
+     a common government, and was made for all the States.</p>
+
+<p>     "Everything has been mixed.  Treaties made by Congress have been
+     considered as binding all the States.  Some powers have been
+     exercised by Congress, some by the States separately.  The lines
+     were not strictly drawn.  The inability of Congress to carry its
+     legitimate powers into execution has gradually annulled those
+     powers practically, but they always existed in theory.
+     Independence was declared `in the name and by the authority of the
+     good people of these colonies.' In fact we have always been united
+     in some respects, separate in others.  We have acted as one people
+     for some purposes, as distinct societies for others.  I think you
+     have shown this clearly, and in so doing have demonstrated the
+     fallacy of the principle on which either nullification or the right
+     of peaceful, constitutional secession is asserted.</p>
+
+<p>     "The time is arrived when these truths must be more generally
+     spoken, or our Union is at an end.  The idea of complete
+     sovereignty of the State converts our government into a league,
+     and, if carried into practice, dissolves the Union.</p>
+
+<p>     "I am, dear sir,</p>
+
+<p>     "Yours affectionately,</p>
+
+<p>     "J. MARSHALL.</p>
+
+<p>     "HUMPHREY MARSHALL, ESQ.,</p>
+
+<p>     "FRANKFORT, KY."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>
+The Nullifiers hailed with pretended satisfaction the report from the
+House Committee on Ways and Means of a Bill making great reductions and
+equalizations of Tariff duties, as a measure complying with their
+demands, and postponed the execution of the Ordinance of Nullification
+until the adjournment of Congress; and almost immediately afterward Mr.
+Clay's Compromise Tariff Act of 1833 "whereby  one tenth of the excess
+over twenty per cent. of each and every existing impost was to be taken
+off at the close of that year; another tenth two years thereafter; so
+proceeding until the 30th of June, 1842, when all duties should be
+reduced to a maximum of twenty per cent."&mdash;[Says Mr. Greeley, in his
+History aforesaid.]&mdash;agreed to by Calhoun and other Nullifiers, was
+passed, became a law without the signature of President Jackson, and
+South Carolina once more became to all appearances a contented,
+law-abiding State of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>But after-events proved conclusively that the enactment of this
+Compromise Tariff was a terrible blunder, if not a crime.  Jackson had
+fully intended to hang Calhoun and his nullifying coadjutors if they
+persisted in their Treason.  He knew that they had only seized upon the
+Tariff laws as a pretext with which to justify Disunion, and prophesied
+that "the next will be the Slavery or Negro question."  Jackson's
+forecast was correct.  Free Trade, Slavery and Secession were from that
+time forward sworn allies; and the ruin wrought to our industries by the
+disasters of 1840, plainly traceable to that Compromise Tariff measure
+of 1833, was only to be supplemented by much greater ruin and disasters
+caused by the Free Trade Tariff of 1846&mdash;and to be followed by the armed
+Rebellion of the Free Trade and Pro-Slavery States of the South in 1861,
+in a mad attempt to destroy the Union.</p>
+
+<br><br><br>
+
+<br><br>
+<a name="jefferson"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p078-jefferson.jpg (77K)" src="images/p078-jefferson.jpg" height="842" width="576">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch3"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+<center><h2>
+
+                              CHAPTER III.<br><br>
+
+                   GROWTH OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
+</h2></center><br>
+<p>
+It will be remembered that during the period of the Missouri Struggle,
+1818-1820, the Territory of Arkansas was formed by an Act of Congress
+out of that part of the Missouri Territory not included in the proposed
+State of Missouri, and that the Act so creating the Territory of
+Arkansas contained no provision restricting Slavery.  Early in 1836, the
+people of Arkansas Territory met in Convention and formed a Constitution
+under which, "and by virtue of the treaty of cession by France to the
+United States, of the Province of Louisiana," they asked admission to
+the Union as a State.  Among other provisions of that Constitution was a
+section rendering the State Legislature powerless to pass laws for the
+emancipation of slaves without the consent of the owners, or to prevent
+emigrants to that State from bringing with them slaves.  On June 15th of
+the same year, Arkansas was, under that Constitution, admitted to the
+Union as a Slave State, with the sole reservation, that nothing in the
+Act of admission should be construed as an assent by Congress to all or
+any of the propositions contained" in the said Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>Long ere this, all the Northern and Middle States had made provision for
+the emancipation of such slaves as remained within their borders, and
+only a few years previous (in 1829 and 1831-32) Virginia had made strong
+but insufficient efforts toward the same end.  The failure to free
+Virginia of Slavery&mdash;the effort to accomplish which had been made by
+some of the greatest of her statesmen&mdash;only served to rivet the chains
+of human bondage more securely throughout all the Slave States, and from
+that time on, no serious agitation occurred in any one of them, looking
+toward even the most gradual emancipation.  On the other hand, the
+advocates of the extension of the Slave-Power by the expansion of
+Slave-territory, were ever on the alert, they considered it of the last
+importance to maintain the balance of power between the Slave States and
+the Free States.  Hence, while they had secured in 1819 the cession from
+Spain to the United States of the Slave-holding Floridas, and the
+organization of the Slave Territory of Florida in 1822&mdash;which
+subsequently came in as a Slave State under the same Act (1845) that
+admitted the Free State of Iowa&mdash;their greedy eyes were now cast upon
+the adjoining rich territories of Mexico.</p>
+
+<p>Efforts had (in 1827-1829) been made to purchase from Mexico the domain
+which was known as Texas.  They had failed.  But already a part of Texas
+had been settled by adventurous Americans under Mexican grants and
+otherwise; and General Sam Houston, an adherent of the Slave Power,
+having become a leading spirit among them, fomented a revolution.  In
+March, 1836, Texas, under his guidance, proclaimed herself a Republic
+independent of Mexico.</p>
+
+<p>The War that ensued between Texas and Mexico ended in the flight of the
+Mexican Army and the capture of Santa Anna at San Jacinto, and a treaty
+recognizing Texan independence.  In October, 1836, General Houston was
+inaugurated President of the Republic of Texas.  Close upon this
+followed (in August, 1837) a proposition to our Government from the
+Texan envoy for the annexation of Texas to the United States.  President
+Van Buren declined the offer.  The Northern friends of Freedom were as
+much opposed to this annexation project as the advocates of Slavery were
+anxious for it.  Even such conservative Northern Statesmen as Daniel
+Webster strongly opposed the project.  In a speech delivered in New York
+[1837], after showing that the chief aim of our Government in the
+acquisition of the Territory of Louisiana was to gain command of the
+mouths of the great rivers to the sea, and that in the acquisition of
+the Floridas our policy was based on similar considerations, Mr. Webster
+declared that "no such necessity, no such policy, requires the
+annexation of Texas," and that we ought "for numerous and powerful
+reasons to be content with our present boundaries."  He recognized that
+Slavery already existed under the guarantees of the Constitution and
+those guarantees must be fulfilled; that "Slavery, as it exists in the
+States, is beyond the power of Congress.  It is a concern of the States
+themselves," but "when we come to speak of admitting new States, the
+subject assumes an entirely different aspect.  Our rights and our duties
+are then both different.  The Free States, and all the States, are then
+at liberty to accept or to reject;" and he added, "In my opinion the
+people of the United States will not consent to bring into the Union a
+new, vastly extensive and Slaveholding country, large enough for a half
+a dozen or a dozen States.  In my opinion, they ought not to consent to
+it."</p>
+
+<p>Farther on, in the same speech&mdash;after alluding to the strong feeling in
+the Northern States against the extension of Slavery, not only as a
+question of politics, but of conscience and religious conviction as
+wellhe deems him a rash man indeed "who supposes that a feeling of this
+kind is to be trifled with or despised."  Said he: "It will assuredly
+cause itself to be respected.  It may be reasoned with; it may be made
+willing&mdash;I believe it is entirely willing&mdash;to fulfill all existing
+engagements and all existing duties&mdash;to uphold and defend the
+Constitution as it is established, with whatever regrets about some
+provisions which it does actually contain.  But to coerce it into
+silence, to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to
+compress and confine it, warm as it is, and more heated as such
+endeavors would inevitably render it,&mdash;should this be attempted, I know
+nothing, even in the Constitution or in the Union itself, which would
+not be endangered by the explosion which might follow."</p>
+
+<p>In 1840, General Harrison, the Whig candidate, was elected to the
+Presidency, but died within a few weeks after his inauguration in 1841,
+and was succeeded by John Tyler.  The latter favored the Slave Power;
+and on April 12th, 1844, John C.  Calhoun, his Secretary of State,
+concluded with Texas a treaty of annexation&mdash;which was, however,
+rejected by the Senate.  Meanwhile the public mind was greatly agitated
+over the annexation and other, questions.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [In the London Index, a journal established there by Jefferson
+     Davis's agents to support the cause of the rebellious States, a
+     communication appeared during the early part of the war, Dec.  4,
+     1861, supposed to have been written by Mr. Mason, of Virginia, in
+     which he said: "To tell the Norths, the Butes, the Wedderburns of
+     the present day, that previous to the year 1839 the sovereign
+     States of the South had unalterably resolved on the specific ground
+     of the violation of the Federal Constitution by the tariff of
+     spoliation which the New England States had imposed upon them&mdash;to
+     secede from the Union; to tell them that in that year the leader of
+     the South, Calhoun, urged an English gentleman, to whom he had
+     fully explained the position of the South, and the intolerable
+     tyranny which the North inflicted upon it, to be the bearer of
+     credentials from the chief persons of the South, in order to invite
+     the attention of the British Government to the coming event; that
+     on his death-bed (Washington, March 31, 1850), he called around him
+     his political friends&mdash;one of whom is now in England&mdash;warned them
+     that in no event could the Union survive the Presidential election
+     of 1860, though it might possibly break up before that urged them
+     to be prepared; leaving with his dying words the sacred cause of
+     Southern secession a solemn legacy in their hands&mdash;to have told
+     this to the Norths and Dartmouths of the present day, with more and
+     even stronger evidence of the coming events of November, 1860,
+     would have been like speaking to the stones of the street.  In
+     November, 1860, they were thoroughly ignorant of all the momentous
+     antecedents of secession&mdash;of their nature, their character, their
+     bearing, import, and consequences."</p>
+
+<p>     In the same correspondence the distinguished Rebel emissary
+     substantially let out the fact that Calhoun was indirectly, through
+     himself (Mason), in secret communication with the British
+     Government as far back as 1841, with a view to securing its
+     powerful aid in his aforesaid unalterable resolve to Secede from
+     the Union; and then Mr. Mason pleads&mdash;but pleads in vain&mdash;for the
+     armed intervention of England at this later day.  Said he:</p>
+
+<p>     "In the year 1841 the late Sir William Napier sent in two plans for
+     subduing the Union, to the War Office, in the first of which the
+     South was to be treated as an enemy, in the second as a friend and
+     ally.  I was much consulted by him as to the second plan and was
+     referred to by name in it, as he showed by the acknowledgment of
+     this in Lord Fitzroy Somerset's letter of reply.  This plan fully
+     provided for the contingency of an invasion of Canada, and its
+     application would, in eighteen or twenty months, have reduced the
+     North to a much more impotent condition than it exhibits at
+     present.  At this very moment the most difficult portion of that
+     plan has been perfectly accomplished by the South itself; and the
+     North, in accordance with Sir William Napier's expectations, now
+     lies helpless before England, and at our absolute mercy.  Nor is
+     there any doubt of this, and if Lord Palmerston is not aware of it
+     Mr. Seward certainly is.  We have nothing remaining to do but to
+     stretch out our arm in the way Sir William Napier proposed, and the
+     Northern power&mdash;power as we ignorantly call it&mdash;must come to an
+     end.  Sir William knew and well estimated the elements of which
+     that quasi power consisted; and he knew how to apply the
+     substantive power of England to dissolve it.  In the best interest
+     of humanity, I venture to say that it is the duty of England to
+     apply this power without further delay&mdash;its duty to itself, to its
+     starving operatives, to France, to Europe, and to humanity.  And in
+     the discharge of this great duty to the world at large there will
+     not even be the dignity of sacrifice or danger."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Threats and counter-threats of Disunion were made on either hand by the
+opponents and advocates of Slavery-extension through annexation; nor was
+it less agitated on the subject of a Protective Tariff.</p>
+
+<p>The Compromise Tariff of 1833, together with President Jackson's
+upheaval of our financial system, produced, as has already been hinted,
+terrible commercial disasters. "In 1840," says competent authority, "all
+prices had ruinously fallen; production had greatly diminished, and in
+many departments of industry had practically ceased; thousands of
+working men were idle, with no hope of employment, and their families
+suffering from want.  Our farmers were without markets, their products
+rotted in their barns, and their lands, teeming with rich harvests, were
+sold by the sheriff for debts and taxes.  The Tariff, which robbed our
+industries of Protection failed to supply Government with its necessary
+revenues.  The National Treasury in consequence was bankrupt, and the
+credit of the Nation had sunk very low."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Clay himself stated "the average depression in the value of property
+under that state of things which existed before the Tariff of 1842 came
+to the rescue of the country, at fifty per cent."  And hence it was that
+Protection was made the chief issue of the Presidential campaign of
+1840, which eventuated in the election of Harrison and Tyler, and in the
+Tariff Act of August 30, 1842, which revived our trade and industries,
+and brought back to the land a full measure of prosperity.  With those
+disasters fresh in the minds of the people, Protection continued to be a
+leading issue in the succeeding Presidential campaign of 1844&mdash;but
+coupled with the Texas-annexation issue.  In that campaign Henry Clay
+was the candidate of the Whig party and James K. Polk of the Democratic
+party.  Polk was an ardent believer in the annexation policy and stood
+upon a platform declaring for the "re-occupation of Oregon and the
+re-annexation of Texas at the earliest practicable moment"&mdash;as if the
+prefix "re" legitimatized the claim in either case; Clay, on the other
+hand, held that we had "fairly alienated our title to Texas by solemn
+National compacts, to the fulfilment of which we stand bound by good
+faith and National honor;" that "Annexation and War with Mexico are
+identical," and that he was "not willing to involve this country in a
+foreign War for the object of acquiring Texas."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [In his letter of April 17, 1844, published in the National
+     Intelligencer.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>As to the Tariff issue also, Clay was the acknowledged champion of the
+American system of Protection, while Polk was opposed to it, and was
+supported by the entire Free-trade sentiment, whether North or South.</p>
+
+<p>As the campaign progressed, it became evident that Clay would be
+elected.  Then occurred some of those fatalities which have more than
+once, in the history of Presidential campaigns, overturned the most
+reasonable expectations and defeated the popular will.  Mr. Clay
+committed a blunder and Mr. Polk an equivocation&mdash;to use the mildest
+possible term.  Mr. Clay was induced by Southern friends to write a
+letter&mdash;[Published in the North Alabamian, Aug.  16, 1844.]&mdash;in which,
+after stating that "far from having any personal objection to the
+annexation of Texas, I should be glad to see it&mdash;without dishonor,
+without War, with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and
+fair terms," he added: "I do not think that the subject of Slavery ought
+to affect the question, one way or the other."  Mr. Polk, on the other
+hand, wrote a letter in which he declared it to be "the duty of the
+Government to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do so, by its
+revenue laws and all other means within its power, fair and just
+Protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, embracing
+Agriculture, Manufactures, the Mechanic Arts, Commerce and Navigation."
+This was supplemented by a letter (August 8, 1844) from Judge Wilson
+McCandless of Pennsylvania, strongly upholding the Protective principle,
+claiming that Clay in his Compromise Tariff Bill had abandoned it, and
+that Polk and Dallas had "at heart the true interests of Pennsylvania."
+Clay, thus betrayed by the treachery of Southern friends, was greatly
+weakened, while Polk, by his beguiling letter, backed by the false
+interpretation put upon it by powerful friends in the North, made the
+North believe him a better Protectionist than Clay.</p>
+
+<p>Polk was elected, and rewarded the misplaced confidence by making Robert
+J.  Walker his Secretary of the Treasury, and, largely through that
+great Free Trader's exertions, secured a repeal by Congress of the
+Protective Tariff of 1842 and the enactment of the ruinous Free Trade
+Tariff of 1846.  Had Clay carried New York, his election was secure.  As
+it happened, Polk had a plurality in New York of but 5,106 in an immense
+vote, and that slim plurality was given to him by the Abolitionists
+throwing away some 15,000 on Birney.  And thus also it curiously
+happened that it was the Abolition vote which secured the election of
+the candidate who favored immediate annexation and the extension of the
+Slave Power!</p>
+
+<p>Emboldened and apparently sustained by the result of the election, the
+Slave Power could not await the inauguration of Mr. Polk, but proceeded
+at once, under whip and spur, to drive the Texas annexation scheme
+through Congress; and two days before the 4th of March, 1845, an Act
+consenting to the admission of the Republic of Texas as a State of the
+Union was approved by President Tyler.</p>
+
+<p>In that Act it was provided that "New States of convenient size, not
+exceeding four in number, in addition to the said State of Texas, and
+having sufficient population, may hereafter, by the consent of said
+State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled
+to admission under the provisions of the Federal Constitution; and such
+States as may be formed out of that portion of said territory lying
+south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly
+known as the Missouri Compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union
+with or without Slavery, as the people of each State asking admission
+may desire.  And in such State or States as shall be formed out of said
+territory north of said Missouri Compromise line, Slavery or involuntary
+servitude (except for crime) shall be prohibited."  As has been lucidly
+stated by another,&mdash;[Greeley's History]&mdash;"while seeming to curtail and
+circumscribe Slavery north of the above parallel (that of 36  30' north
+latitude), this measure really extended it northward to that parallel,
+which it had not yet approached, under the flag of Texas, within
+hundreds of miles.  But the chief end of this sham Compromise was the
+involving of Congress in an indirect indorsement of the claim of Texas
+to the entire left bank of the Rio Grande, from its mouth to its source;
+and this was effected."</p>
+
+<p>Texas quickly consented to the Act of annexation, and in December, 1845,
+a Joint Resolution formally admitting her as a State of the Union,
+reported by Stephen A.  Douglas, was duly passed.</p>
+
+<p>In May, 1846, the American forces under General Taylor, which had been
+dispatched to protect Texas from threatened assault, were attacked by
+the Mexican army, which at Palo Alto was badly defeated and at Resaca de
+la Palma driven back across the Rio Grande.</p>
+
+<p>Congress immediately declared that by this invasion a state of War
+existed between Mexico and the United States.  Thus commenced the War
+with Mexico&mdash;destined to end in the triumph of the American Army, and
+the acquisition of large areas of territory to the United States.  In
+anticipation of such triumph, President Polk lost little time in asking
+an appropriation of over two million dollars by Congress to facilitate
+negotiations for peace with, and territorial cession from, Mexico.  And
+a Bill making such appropriation was quickly passed by the House of
+Representatives&mdash;but with the following significant proviso attached,
+which had been offered by Mr. Wilmot: "Provided.  That as an express and
+fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the
+Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty that
+may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the
+moneys herein appropriated, neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude
+shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime,
+whereof the party shall first be duly convicted."</p>
+
+<p>The debate in the Senate upon the Wilmot proviso, which immediately
+ensued, was cut short by the expiration of the Session of Congress&mdash;and
+the Bill accordingly failed of passage.</p>
+
+<p>In February, 1848, the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was made between
+Mexico and the United States, and Peace reigned once more.  About the
+same time a Bill was passed by the Senate providing Territorial
+Governments for Oregon, California and New Mexico, which provided for
+the reference of all questions touching Slavery in such Territories to
+the United States Supreme Court, for arbitration.  The Bill, however,
+failed in the House.  The ensuing Presidential campaign resulted in the
+election of General Taylor, the Whig candidate, who was succeeded upon
+his death, July 10, 1850, by Fillmore.  Meanwhile, on the Oregon
+Territory Bill, in 1848, a strong effort had been made by Mr. Douglas
+and others to incorporate a provision extending to the Pacific Ocean the
+Missouri Compromise line of 36  30' of north latitude and extending to
+all future organizations of Territories of the United States the
+principles of said Compromise.  This provision was adopted by the
+Senate, but the House struck it from the Bill; the Senate receded, and
+Oregon was admitted as a Free Territory.  But the conflict in Congress
+between those who would extend and those who would restrict Slavery
+still continued, and indeed gathered vehemence with time.  In 1850,
+California was clamoring for admission as a Free State to the Union, and
+New Mexico and Utah sought to be organized under Territorial
+Governments.</p>
+
+<p>In the heated discussions upon questions growing out of bills for these
+purposes, and to rectify the boundaries of Texas, it was no easy matter
+to reach an agreement of any sort.  Finally, however, the Compromise of
+1850, offered by Mr. Clay, was practically agreed to and carried out,
+and under it: California was admitted as a Free State; New Mexico and
+Utah were admitted to Territorial organization without a word pro or con
+on the subject of Slavery; the State of Texas was awarded a pecuniary
+compensation for the rectification of her boundaries; the Slave Trade in
+the District of Columbia was abolished; and a more effectual Fugitive
+Slave Act passed.</p>
+
+<p>By both North and South, this Compromise of 1850, and the measures
+growing out of it, were very generally acquiesced in, and for a while it
+seemed as though a permanent settlement of the Slavery question had been
+reached.  But in the Fugitive Slave law, thus hastily enacted, lay
+embedded the seed for further differences and excitements, speedily to
+germinate.  In its operation it proved not only unnecessarily cruel and
+harsh, in the manner of the return to bondage of escaped slaves, but
+also afforded a shield and support to the kidnapping of Free Negroes
+from Northern States.  The frequency of arrests in the Northern States,
+and the accompanying circumstances of cruelty and brutality in the
+execution of the law, soon made it especially odious throughout the
+North, and created an active feeling of commiseration for the unhappy
+victims of the Slave Power, which greatly intensified and increased the
+growing Anti-Slavery sentiment in the Free States.</p>
+
+<p>In 1852-53, an attempt was made in Congress to organize into the
+Territory of Nebraska, the region of country lying west of Iowa and
+Missouri.  Owing to the opposition of the South the Bill was defeated.
+In 1853-4 a similar Bill was reported to the Senate by Mr. Douglas, but
+afterward at his own instance recommitted to the Committee on
+Territories, and reported back by him again in such shape as to create,
+instead of one, two Territories, that portion directly west of Missouri
+to be called Kansas, and the balance to be known as Nebraska&mdash;one of the
+sections of the Bill enacting:</p>
+
+<p>"That in order to avoid all misconstruction it is hereby declared to be
+the true intent and meaning of this Act, so far as the question of
+Slavery is concerned, to carry into practical operation the following
+propositions and principles, established by the Compromise measures of
+1850, to wit:</p>
+
+<p>"First, That all questions pertaining to Slavery in the Territories, and
+the new States to be formed therefrom, are to be left to the decision of
+the people residing therein through their appropriate representatives.</p>
+
+<p>"Second, That 'all cases involving title to slaves,' and 'questions of
+personal freedom,' are referred to the adjudication of the local
+tribunals with the right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United
+States.</p>
+
+<p>"Third, That the provisions of the Constitution and laws of the United
+States, in respect to fugitives from service, are to be carried into
+faithful execution in all the `organized Territories,' the same as in
+the States."</p>
+
+<p>The sections authorizing Kansas and Nebraska to elect and send delegates
+to Congress also prescribed:</p>
+
+<p>"That the Constitution, and all laws of the United States which are not
+locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the
+said Territory, as elsewhere in the United States, except the section of
+the Act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union,
+approved March 6th, 1820, which was superseded by the principles of the
+Legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures, and is
+declared inoperative."</p>
+
+<p>And when "explaining this Kansas-Nebraska Bill" Mr. Douglas announced
+that, in reporting it, "The object of the Committee was neither to
+legislate Slavery in or out of the Territories; neither to introduce nor
+exclude it; but to remove whatever obstacle Congress had put there, and
+apply the doctrine of Congressional Non-intervention in accordance with
+the principles of the Compromise Measures of 1850, and allow the people
+to do as they pleased upon this as well as all other matters affecting
+their interests."</p>
+
+<p>A vigorous and able debate ensued.  A motion by Mr. Chase to strike out
+the words "which was superseded by the principles of the legislation of
+1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures," was defeated decisively.
+Subsequently Mr. Douglas moved to strike out the same words and insert
+in place of them, these: "which being inconsistent with the principles
+of Non-intervention by Congress with Slavery in the States and
+Territories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850 (commonly called
+the Compromise Measures), is hereby declared inoperative and void; it
+being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate Slavery
+into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave
+the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic
+institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the
+United States"&mdash;and the motion was agreed to by a vote of 35 yeas to 10
+nays.  Mr. Chase immediately moved to add to the amendment just adopted
+these words: "Under which, the people of the Territory, through their
+appropriate representatives, may, if they see fit, prohibit the
+existence of Slavery therein;" but this motion was voted down by 36 nays
+to 10 yeas.  This developed the rat in the meal-tub.  The people were to
+be "perfectly free" to act either way on the subject of Slavery, so long
+as they did not prohibit Slavery!  In this shape the Bill passed the
+Senate.</p>
+
+<p>Public sentiment in the North was greatly stirred by this direct attempt
+to repeal the Missouri Compromise.  But by the superior parliamentary
+tactics of Southern Representatives in the House, whereby the radical
+friends of Freedom were shut out from the opportunity of amendment, a
+House Bill essentially the same as the Senate Bill was subsequently
+passed by the House, under the previous question, and afterward rapidly
+passed the Senate, and was approved by the President.  At once commenced
+that long and terrible struggle between the friends of Free-Soil and the
+friends of Slavery, for the possession of Kansas, which convulsed the
+whole Country for years, and moistened the soil of that Territory with
+streams of blood, shed in numerous "border-ruffian" conflicts.</p>
+
+<p>The Territorial Government of Kansas was organized late in 1854, and an
+"election" for Delegate held, at which the Pro-Slavery candidate
+(Whitfield) was fraudulently elected.  On March 30, 1855, a Territorial
+Legislature was similarly chosen by Pro-Slavery voters "colonized" from
+Missouri.  That Legislature, upon its meeting, proceeded at once to
+enact most outrageous Pro-Slavery laws, which being vetoed by the
+Free-Soil Governor (Reeder), were passed over the veto, and the Free-Soil
+Governor had to give place to one who favored Slavery in Kansas.  But
+the Free-Soil settlers of Kansas, in Mass Convention at Big Springs,
+utterly repudiated the bogus Legislature and all its acts, to which they
+refused submission.</p>
+
+<p>In consequence of these radical differences, two separate elections for
+Delegate in Congress were held by the opposing factions, at one of which
+was elected the Pro-Slavery Whitfield, and at the other the Free-Soiler
+Reeder.  Furthermore, under a call issued by the Big Springs Convention,
+a Free-State Constitutional Convention was held in October, 1855, at
+Topeka, which framed a Free-State Constitution, and asked admission
+under it to the Union.</p>
+
+<p>In 1856, the House of Representatives&mdash;which, after a protracted
+struggle, had elected N. P. Banks Speaker&mdash;passed a Bill, by a bare
+majority, admitting Kansas under her Topeka Constitution; but the Senate
+defeated it.  July 4, 1856, by order of President Pierce, the Free-State
+Legislature, chosen under the Topeka Constitution to meet at Topeka, was
+dispersed by United States Troops.  Yet, despite all oppositions,
+discouragements, and outrages, the Free-State population of
+Kansas continued to increase from immigration.</p>
+
+<p>In 1857, the Pro-Slavery Legislature elected by the Pro-Slavery voters
+at their own special election&mdash;the Free-State voters declining to
+participate&mdash;called a Constitutional Convention at Lecompton, which
+formed a Pro-Slavery Constitution.  This was submitted to the people in
+such dexterous manner that they could only vote "For the Constitution
+with Slavery" or "For the Constitution without Slavery"&mdash;and, as the
+Constitution prescribed that "the rights of property in Slaves now in
+the Territory, shall in no manner be interfered with," to vote "for the
+Constitution Without Slavery" was an absurdity only paralleled by the
+course of the United States Senate in refusing to permit the people of
+Kansas "to prohibit Slavery" while at the same time declaring them
+"perfectly free to act" as they chose in the matter.</p>
+
+<p>The Constitution, with Slavery, was thus adopted by a vote of over
+6,000.  But in the meanwhile, at another general election held for the
+purpose, and despite all the frauds perpetrated by the Pro-Slavery men,
+a Free-State Legislature, and Free-State Delegate to Congress had been
+elected; and this Legislature submitted the Lecompton Pro-Slavery
+Constitution to the people, January 4, 1858, so that they could vote:
+"For the Lecompton Constitution with Slavery," "For the Lecompton
+Constitution without Slavery," or "Against the Lecompton Constitution."
+The consequence was that the Lecompton Constitution was defeated by a
+majority of over 10,000 votes&mdash;the Missouri Pro-Slavery colonists
+declining to recognize the validity of any further election on the
+subject.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, in part upon the issues growing out of this Kansas conflict,
+the political parties of the Nation had passed through another
+Presidential campaign (1856), in which the Democratic candidate Buchanan
+had been elected over Fremont the "Republican," and Fillmore the
+"American," candidates.  Both Houses of Congress being now Democratic,
+Mr. Buchanan recommended them to accept and ratify the Lecompton
+Pro-Slavery Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>In March, 1858, the Senate passed a Bill&mdash;against the efforts of Stephen
+A.  Douglas&mdash;accepting it.  In the House, however, a substitute offered
+by Mr. Montgomery (Douglas Democrat) known as the Crittenden-Montgomery
+Compromise, was adopted.  The Senate refused to concur, and the report
+of a Committee of Conference&mdash;providing for submitting to the Kansas
+people a proposition placing limitations upon certain public land
+advantages stipulated for in the Lecompton Constitution, and in case
+they rejected the proposition that another Constitutional Convention
+should be held&mdash;was adopted by both Houses; and the proposition being
+rejected by the people of Kansas, the Pro-Slavery Lecompton Constitution
+fell with it.</p>
+
+<p>In 1859 a Convention, called by the Territorial Legislature for the
+purpose, met at Wyandot, and framed a Free State Constitution which was
+adopted by the people in October of that year, and at the ensuing State
+election in December the State went Republican.  In April, 1860, the
+House of Representatives passed a Bill admitting Kansas as a State under
+that Constitution, but the Democratic Senate adjourned without action on
+the Bill; and it was not until early in 1861 that Kansas was at last
+admitted.</p>
+
+<p>In the meantime, the Free Trade Tariff of 1846 had produced the train of
+business and financial disasters that its opponents predicted.  Instead
+of prosperity everywhere in the land, there was misery and ruin.  Even
+the discovery and working of the rich placer mines of California and the
+consequent flow, in enormous volume, of her golden treasure into the
+Eastern States, could not stay the wide-spread flood of disaster.
+President Fillmore, who had succeeded General Taylor on the latter's
+death, frequently called the attention of Congress to the evils produced
+by this Free Trade, and to the necessity of protecting our manufactures
+"from ruinous competition from abroad."  So also with his successor,
+President Buchanan, who, in his Message of 1857, declared that "In the
+midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions and in all the
+elements of national wealth, we find our manufactures suspended, our
+public works retarded, our private enterprises of different kinds
+abandoned, and thousands of useful laborers thrown out of employment and
+reduced to want."  Further than this, the financial credit of the Nation
+was at zero.  It was financially bankrupt before the close of Buchanan's
+Presidential term.</p>
+
+<br><br><br>
+
+<br><br>
+<a name="lincoln"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p098-lincoln.jpg (86K)" src="images/p098-lincoln.jpg" height="874" width="590">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch4"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+
+<center><h2>
+
+                              CHAPTER IV.<br><br>
+
+                          POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY.
+</h2></center><br>
+<p>But now occurred the great Presidential struggle of 1860&mdash;which
+involved not alone the principles of Protection, but those of human
+Freedom, and the preservation of the Union itself&mdash;between Abraham
+Lincoln of Illinois, the candidate of the Republican party, as against
+Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois, the National or Douglas&mdash;Democratic
+candidate, John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky, the Administration or
+Breckinridge&mdash;Democratic candidate, and John Bell of Tennessee, the
+candidate of the Bell-Union party.  The great preliminary struggle which
+largely influenced the determination of the Presidential political
+conflict of 1860, had, however, taken place in the State of Illinois,
+two years previously.  To that preliminary political contest of 1858,
+therefore, we will now turn our eyes&mdash;and, in order to fully understand
+it, it may be well to glance back over a few years.  In 1851 the
+Legislature of Illinois had adopted&mdash;[The vote in the House being 65
+yeas to 4 nays.]&mdash;the following resolution: "Resolved, That our Liberty
+and Independence are based upon the right of the people to form for
+themselves such a government as they may choose; that this great
+principle, the birthright of freemen, the gift of Heaven, secured to us
+by the blood of our ancestors, ought to be secured to future
+generations, and no limitation ought to be applied to this power in the
+organization of any Territory of the United States, of either
+Territorial Government or State Constitution, provided the government so
+established shall be Republican and in conformity with the Constitution
+of the United States."  This resolution was a practical endorsement of
+the course of Stephen A. Douglas in supporting the Compromise measures
+of 1850, which he had defended as being "all founded upon the great
+principle that every people ought to possess the right to form and
+regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way," and that
+"the same principle" should be "extended to all of the Territories of
+the United States."</p>
+
+<p>In accordance with his views and the resolution aforesaid, Mr. Douglas
+in 1854, as we have already seen, incorporated in the Kansas-Nebraska
+Bill a clause declaring it to be "the true intent and meaning of the Act
+not to legislate Slavery into any State or Territory, or to exclude it
+therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and
+regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to
+the Constitution of the United States."</p>
+
+<p>His position, as stated by himself, was, substantially that the
+Lecompton Pro-Slavery Constitution was a fraud upon the people of
+Kansas, in that it did not embody the will of that people; and he denied
+the right of Congress to force a Constitution upon an unwilling 
+people&mdash;without regard, on his part, to whether that Constitution allowed or
+prohibited Slavery or any other thing, whether good or bad.  He held
+that the people themselves were the sole judges of whether it is good or
+bad, and whether desirable or not.</p>
+
+<p>The Supreme Court of the United States had in the meantime made a
+decision in a case afterward known as the "Dred Scott case," which was
+held back until after the Presidential election of 1856 had taken place,
+and added fuel to the political fire already raging.  Dred Scott was a
+Negro Slave.  His owner voluntarily took him first into a Free State,
+and afterward into a Territory which came within the Congressional
+prohibitive legislation aforesaid.  That decision in brief was
+substantially that no Negro Slave imported from Africa, nor his
+descendant, can be a citizen of any State within the meaning of the
+Constitution; that neither the Congress nor any Territorial Legislature
+has under the Constitution of the United States, the power to exclude
+Slavery from any Territory of the United States; and that it is for the
+State Courts of the Slave State, into which the negro has been conveyed
+by his master, and not for the United States Courts, to decide whether
+that Negro, having been held to actual Slavery in a Free State, has, by
+virtue of residence in such State, himself become Free.</p>
+
+<p>Now it was, that the meaning of the words, "subject only to the
+Constitution," as used in the Kansas-Nebraska Act, began to be
+discerned.  For if the people of a Territory were to be "perfectly
+free," to deal with Slavery as they chose, "subject only to the
+Constitution" they were by this Judicial interpretation of that
+instrument "perfectly free" to deal with Slavery in any way so long as
+they did not attempt "to exclude" it!  The thing was all one-sided.  Mr.
+Douglas's attitude in inventing the peculiar phraseology in the
+Kansas-Nebraska Act&mdash;which to some seemed as if expressly "made to order" for
+the Dred Scott decision&mdash;was criticized with asperity; the popularity,
+however, of his courageous stand against President Buchanan on the
+Lecompton fraud, seemed to make it certain that, his term in the United
+States Senate being about to expire, he would be overwhelmingly
+re-elected to that body.</p>
+
+<p>But at this juncture occurred something, which for a long time held the
+result in doubt, and drew the excited attention of the whole Nation to
+Illinois as the great battle-ground.  In 1858 a Republican State
+Convention was held at Springfield, Ill., which nominated Abraham
+Lincoln as the Republican candidate for United States Senator to succeed
+Senator Douglas in the National Legislature.  On June 16th&mdash;after such
+nomination&mdash;Mr. Lincoln made to the Convention a speech&mdash;in which, with
+great and incisive power, he assailed Mr. Douglas's position as well as
+that of the whole Democratic Pro-Slavery Party, and announced in compact
+and cogent phrase, from his own point of view, the attitude, upon the
+Slavery question, of the Republican Party.</p>
+
+<p>In that remarkable speech&mdash;which at once attracted the attention of the
+Country&mdash;Mr. Lincoln said: "We are now far into the fifth year, since a
+policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of
+putting an end to Slavery agitation.  Under the operation of that
+policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly
+augmented.  In my opinion it will not cease, until a crisis shall have
+been reached and passed.  'A House divided against itself cannot stand.'
+I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half Slave and half
+Free.  I do not expect the Union to be dissolved&mdash;I do not expect the
+House to fall&mdash;but I do expect it will cease to be divided.  It will
+become all one thing, or all the other.  Either the opponents of Slavery
+will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind
+shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate
+extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become
+alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as
+South."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Governor Seward's announcement of an "irrepressible conflict" was
+     made four months later.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>He then proceeded to lay bare and closely analyze the history of all
+that had been done, during the four years preceding, to produce the
+prevailing condition of things touching human Slavery; describing it as
+resulting from that, "now almost complete legal combination-piece of
+machinery, so to speak&mdash;compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the Dred
+Scott decision."  After stating the several points of that decision, and
+that the doctrine of the "Sacred right of self-government" had been
+perverted by the Nebraska "Squatter Sovereignty," argument to mean that,
+"if any one man chose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed
+to object," he proceeded to show the grounds upon which he charged
+"pre-concert" among the builders of that machinery.  Said he: "The people
+were to be left perfectly free, 'subject only to the Constitution.'
+What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders could not see.
+Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche for the Dred Scott
+decision to afterward come in and declare the perfect freedom of the
+people to be just no freedom at all.  Why was the amendment, expressly
+declaring the right of the people, voted down?  Plainly enough now, the
+adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision.
+Why was the Court decision held up?  Why even a Senator's individual
+opinion withheld, till after the Presidential election?  Plainly enough
+now: the speaking out then would have damaged the 'perfectly free'
+argument upon which the election was to be carried.  Why the outgoing
+President's felicitation on the indorsement?  Why the delay of a
+re-argument?  Why the incoming President's advance exhortation in favor of
+the decision?  These things look like the cautious patting and petting
+of a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when it is dreaded
+that he may give the rider a fall.  And why the hasty after-indorsement
+of the decision, by the President and others?  We cannot absolutely know
+that all these exact adaptations are the result of pre-concert.  But
+when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know
+have been gotten out at different times and places and by different
+workmen&mdash;Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James&mdash;[Douglas, Pierce, Taney
+and Buchanan.]&mdash;for instance&mdash;and when we see these timbers joined
+together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all
+the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths and
+proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective
+places, and not a piece too many or too few&mdash;not omitting even the
+scaffolding, or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the
+frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in&mdash;in such a
+case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and
+Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all
+worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was
+struck."</p>
+
+<p>He drew attention also to the fact that by the Nebraska Bill the people
+of a State, as well as a Territory, were to be left "perfectly free,"
+"subject only to the Constitution," and that the object of lugging a
+"State" into this merely Territorial law was to enable the United States
+Supreme Court in some subsequent decision to declare, when the public
+mind had been sufficiently imbued with Judge Douglas's notion of not
+caring "whether Slavery be voted up or voted down," that "the
+Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude
+Slavery from its limits"&mdash;which would make Slavery "alike lawful in all
+the States."  That, he declared to be Judge Douglas's present 
+mission:&mdash;"His avowed mission is impressing the 'public heart' to care nothing
+about it."  Hence Mr. Lincoln urged Republicans to stand by their cause,
+which must be placed in the hands of its friends, "Whose hands are free,
+whose hearts are in the work&mdash;who do care for the result;" for he held
+that "a living dog is better than a dead lion."</p>
+
+<p>On the evening of July 9, 1858, at Chicago, Mr. Douglas (Mr. Lincoln
+being present) spoke to an enthusiastic assemblage, which he fitly
+described as a "vast sea of human faces," and, after stating that he
+regarded "the Lecompton battle as having been fought and the victory
+won, because the arrogant demand for the admission of Kansas under the
+Lecompton Constitution unconditionally, whether her people wanted it or
+not, has been abandoned, and the principle which recognizes the right of
+the people to decide for themselves has been submitted in its place," he
+proceeded to vindicate his position throughout; declared that he opposed
+"the Lecompton monstrosity solely on the ground than it was a violation
+of the fundamental principles of free government; on the ground that it
+was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas; that it did not embody
+their will; that they were averse to it;" and hence he "denied the right
+of Congress to force it upon them, either as a Free State or a Slave
+State."</p>
+
+<p>Said he: "I deny the right of Congress to force a Slaveholding State
+upon an unwilling people.  I deny their right to force a Free State upon
+an unwilling people.  I deny their right to force a good thing upon a
+people who are unwilling to receive it.  The great principle is the
+right of every community to judge and decide for itself, whether a thing
+is right or wrong, whether it would be good or evil for them to adopt
+it; and the right of free action, the right of free thought, the right
+of free judgment upon the question is dearer to every true American than
+any other under a free Government.  * * *  It is no answer to this
+argument to say that Slavery is an evil, and hence should not be
+tolerated.  You must allow the people to decide for themselves whether
+it is good or evil."  He then adverted to the arraignment of himself by
+Mr. Lincoln, and took direct issue with that gentleman on his
+proposition that, as to Freedom and Slavery, "the Union will become all
+one thing or all the other;" and maintained on the contrary, that "it is
+neither desirable nor possible that there should be uniformity in the
+local institutions and domestic regulations of the different States of
+this Union."</p>
+
+<p>Upon the further proposition of Mr. Lincoln, which Mr. Douglas described
+as "a crusade against the Supreme Court of the United States on account
+of the Dred Scott decision," and as "an appeal from the decision" of
+that Court "upon this high Constitutional question to a Republican
+caucus sitting in the country," he also took "direct and distinct issue
+with him."  To "the reason assigned by Mr. Lincoln for resisting the
+decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case * * * because it
+deprives the Negro of the privileges, immunities and rights of
+citizenship which pertain, according to that decision, only to the White
+man," Mr. Douglas also took exception thus: "I am free to say to you
+that in my opinion this Government of ours is founded on the White
+basis.  It was made by the White man for the benefit of the White man,
+to be administered by White men, in such manner as they should
+determine.  It is also true that a Negro, an Indian, or any other man of
+inferior race to a White man, should be permitted to enjoy, and humanity
+requires that he should have, all the rights, privileges, and immunities
+which he is capable of exercising consistent with the safety of society.
+* * *  But you may ask me what are these rights and these privileges?
+My answer is, that each State must decide for itself the nature and
+extent of these rights. * * *  Without indorsing the wisdom of that
+decision, I assert that Virginia has the same power by virtue of her
+sovereignty to protect Slavery within her limits, as Illinois has to
+banish it forever from our own borders.  I assert the right of each
+State to decide for itself on all these questions, and I do not
+subscribe to the doctrine of my friend, Mr. Lincoln, that uniformity is
+either desirable or possible.  I do not acknowledge that the States must
+all be Free or must all be Slave.  I do not acknowledge that the Negro
+must have civil and political rights everywhere or nowhere.  * * *  I do
+not acknowledge any of these doctrines of uniformity in the local and
+domestic regulations in the different States.  * * *  Mr. Lincoln goes
+for a warfare upon the Supreme Court of the United States because of
+their judicial decision in the Dred Scott case.  I yield obedience to
+the decisions in that Court&mdash;to the final determination of the highest
+judicial tribunal known to our Constitution.  He objects to the Dred
+Scott decision because it does not put the Negro in the possession of
+the rights of citizenship on an equality with the White man.  I am
+opposed to Negro equality.  * * *  I would extend to the Negro, and the
+Indian, and to all dependent races every right, every privilege, and
+every immunity consistent with the safety and welfare of the White
+races; but equality they never should have, either political or social,
+or in any other respect whatever. * * *  My friends, you see that the
+issues are distinctly drawn."</p>
+
+<p>On the following evening (July 10th) at Chicago, Mr. Lincoln addressed
+another enthusiastic assemblage, in reply to Mr. Douglas; and, after
+protesting against a charge that had been made the previous night by the
+latter, of an "unnatural and unholy" alliance between Administration
+Democrats and Republicans to defeat him, as being beyond his own
+knowledge and belief, proceeded: "Popular Sovereignty!  Everlasting
+Popular Sovereignty!  Let us for a moment inquire into this vast matter
+of Popular Sovereignty.  What is Popular Sovereignty?  We recollect at
+an early period in the history of this struggle there was another name
+for the same thing&mdash;Squatter Sovereignty.  It was not exactly Popular
+Sovereignty, but Squatter Sovereignty.  What do those terms mean?  What
+do those terms mean when used now?  And vast credit is taken by our
+friend, the Judge, in regard to his support of it, when he declares the
+last years of his life have been, and all the future years of his life
+shall be, devoted to this matter of Popular Sovereignty.  What is it?
+Why it is the Sovereignty of the People!  What was Squatter Sovereignty?
+I suppose if it had any significance at all, it was the right of the
+people to govern themselves, to be sovereign in their own affairs while
+they were squatted down in a country not their own&mdash;while they had
+squatted on a territory that did not belong to them in the sense that a
+State belongs to the people who inhabit it&mdash;when it belonged to the
+Nation&mdash;such right to govern themselves was called 'Squatter
+Sovereignty.'</p>
+
+<p>"Now I wish you to mark.  What has become of that Squatter Sovereignty?
+What has become of it?  Can you get anybody to tell you now that the
+people of a Territory have any authority to govern themselves, in regard
+to this mooted question of Slavery, before they form a State
+Constitution?  No such thing at all, although there is a general running
+fire and although there has been a hurrah made in every speech on that
+side, assuming that that policy had given the people of a Territory the
+right to govern themselves upon this question; yet the point is dodged.
+To-day it has been decided&mdash;no more than a year ago it was decided by
+the Supreme Court of the United States, and is insisted upon to-day,
+that the people of a Territory have no right to exclude Slavery from a
+Territory, that if any one man chooses to take Slaves into a Territory,
+all the rest of the people have no right to keep them out.  This being
+so, and this decision being made one of the points that the Judge
+(Douglas) approved, * * *  he says he is in favor of it, and sticks to
+it, and expects to win his battle on that decision, which says there is
+no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty; but that any man may take Slaves
+into a Territory and all the other men in the Territory may be opposed
+to it, and yet by reason of the Constitution they cannot prohibit it;
+when that is so, how much is left of this vast matter of Squatter
+Sovereignty, I should like to know?  Again, when we get to the question
+of the right of the people to form a State Constitution as they please,
+to form it with Slavery or without Slavery&mdash;if that is anything new, I
+confess I don't know it * * *.</p>
+
+<p>"We do not remember that, in that old Declaration of Independence, it is
+said that 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are
+created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain
+inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit
+of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted
+among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.'
+There, is the origin of Popular Sovereignty.  Who, then, shall come in
+at this day and claim that he invented it?  The Lecompton Constitution
+connects itself with this question, for it is in this matter of the
+Lecompton Constitution that our friend, Judge Douglas, claims such vast
+credit.  I agree that in opposing the Lecompton Constitution, so far as
+I can perceive, he was right.  * * *  All the Republicans in the Nation
+opposed it, and they would have opposed it just as much without Judge
+Douglas's aid as with it.  They had all taken ground against it long
+before he did.  Why, the reason that he urges against that Constitution,
+I urged against him a year before.  I have the printed speech in my hand
+now.  The argument that he makes, why that Constitution should not be
+adopted, that the people were not fairly represented nor allowed to
+vote, I pointed out in a speech a year ago which I hold in my hand now,
+that no fair chance was to be given to the people.  * * *  The Lecompton
+Constitution, as the Judge tells us, was defeated.  The defeat of it was
+a good thing or it was not.  He thinks the defeat of it was a good
+thing, and so do I, and we agree in that.  Who defeated it?  
+[A voice&mdash;'Judge Douglas.']  Yes, he furnished himself, and if you suppose he
+controlled the other Democrats that went with him, he furnished three
+votes, while the Republicans furnished twenty.  That is what he did to
+defeat it.  In the House of Representatives he and his friends furnished
+some twenty votes, and the Republicans furnished ninety odd.  Now, who
+was it that did the work?  * * *  Ground was taken against it by the
+Republicans long before Douglas did it.  The proportion of opposition to
+that measure is about five to one."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Lincoln then proceeded to take up the issues which Mr. Douglas had
+joined with him the previous evening.  He denied that he had said, or
+that it could be fairly inferred from what he had said, in his
+Springfield speech, that he was in favor of making War by the North upon
+the South for the extinction of Slavery, "or, in favor of inviting the
+South to a War upon the North, for the purpose of nationalizing
+Slavery."  Said he: "I did not even say that I desired that Slavery
+should be put in course of ultimate extinction.  I do say so now,
+however; so there need be no longer any difficulty about that.  * * *  I
+am tolerably well acquainted with the history of the Country and I know
+that it has endured eighty-two years half Slave and half Free.  I
+believe&mdash;and that is what I meant to allude to there&mdash;I believe it has
+endured, because during all that time, until the introduction of the
+Nebraska Bill, the public mind did rest all the, time in the belief that
+Slavery was in course of ultimate extinction.  That was what gave us the
+rest that we had through that period of eighty-two years; at least, so I
+believe.</p>
+
+<p>"I have always hated Slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist&mdash;I
+have been an Old Line Whig&mdash;I have always hated it, but I have always
+been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the
+Nebraska Bill began.  I always believed that everybody was against it,
+and that it was in course of ultimate extinction.  * * *  The great mass
+of the Nation have rested in the belief that Slavery was in course of
+ultimate extinction.  They had reason so to believe.  The adoption of
+the Constitution and its attendant history led the People to believe so,
+and that such was the belief of the framers of the Constitution itself.
+Why did those old men about the time of the adoption of the Constitution
+decree that Slavery should not go into the new territory, where it had
+not already gone?  Why declare that within twenty years the African
+Slave Trade, by which Slaves are supplied, might be cut off by Congress?
+Why were all these acts?  I might enumerate more of these acts&mdash;but
+enough.  What were they but a clear indication that the framers of the
+Constitution intended and expected the ultimate extinction of that
+institution?</p>
+
+<p>"And now, when I say, as I said in my speech that Judge Douglas has
+quoted from, when I say that I think the opponents of Slavery will
+resist the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind
+shall rest with the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction,
+I only mean to say, that they will place it where the founders of this
+Government originally placed it.  I have said a hundred times, and I
+have now no inclination to take it back, that I believe there is no
+right, and ought to be no inclination in the people of the Free States,
+to enter into the Slave States, and interfere with the question of
+Slavery at all.  I have said that always; Judge Douglas has heard me say
+it&mdash;if not quite a hundred times, at least as good as a hundred times;
+and when it is said that I am in favor of interfering with Slavery where
+it exists, I know that it is unwarranted by anything I have ever
+intended, and as I believe, by anything I have ever said.  If, by any
+means, I have ever used language which could fairly be so construe (as,
+however, I believe I never have) I now correct it.  So much, then, for
+the inference that Judge Douglas draws, that I am in favor of setting
+the Sections at War with one another.</p>
+
+<p>"Now in relation to his inference that I am in favor of a general
+consolidation of all the local institutions of the various States * * *
+I have said, very many times in Judge Douglas's hearing, that no man
+believed more than I in the principle of self-government from beginning
+to end.  I have denied that his use of that term applies properly.  But
+for the thing itself, I deny that any man has ever gone ahead of me in
+his devotion to the principle, whatever he may have done in efficiency
+in advocating it.  I think that I have said it in your hearing&mdash;that I
+believe each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with
+himself and the fruit of his labor, so far as it in no wise interferes
+with any other man's rights&mdash;that each community, as a State, has a
+right to do exactly as it pleases with all the concerns within that
+State that interfere with the rights of no other State, and that the
+General Government, upon principle, has no right to interfere with
+anything other than that general class of things that does concern the
+whole.  I have said that at all times.</p>
+
+<p>"I have said, as illustrations, that I do not believe in the right of
+Illinois to interfere with the cranberry laws of Indiana, the oyster
+laws of Virginia, or the liquor laws of Maine.  I have said these things
+over and over again, and I repeat them here as my sentiments.  * *   *
+What can authorize him to draw any such inference?  I suppose there
+might be one thing that at least enabled him to draw such an inference
+that would not be true with me or many others, that is, because he looks
+upon all this matter of Slavery as an exceedingly little thing&mdash;this
+matter of keeping one-sixth of the population of the whole Nation in a
+state of oppression and tyranny unequaled in the World.</p>
+
+<p>"He looks upon it as being an exceedingly little thing only equal to the
+cranberry laws of Indiana&mdash;as something having no moral question in 
+it&mdash;as something on a par with the question of whether a man shall pasture
+his land with cattle, or plant it with tobacco&mdash;so little and so small a
+thing, that he concludes, if I could desire that anything should be done
+to bring about the ultimate extinction of that little thing, I must be
+in favor of bringing about an amalgamation of all the other little
+things in the Union.</p>
+
+<p>"Now it so happens&mdash;and there, I presume, is the foundation of this
+mistake&mdash;that the Judge thinks thus; and it so happens that there is a
+vast portion of the American People that do not look upon that matter as
+being this very little thing.  They look upon it as a vast moral evil;
+they can prove it as such by the writings of those who gave us the
+blessings of Liberty which we enjoy, and that they so looked upon it,
+and not as an evil merely confining itself to the States where it is
+situated; while we agree that, by the Constitution we assented to, in
+the States where it exists we have no right to interfere with it,
+because it is in the Constitution; and we are by both duty and
+inclination to stick by that Constitution in all its letter and spirit,
+from beginning to end.  * * *  The Judge can have no issue with me on a
+question of establishing uniformity in the domestic regulations of the
+States.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"Another of the issues he says that is to be made with me, is upon his
+devotion to the Dred Scott decision, and my opposition to it.  I have
+expressed heretofore, and I now repeat, my opposition to the Dred Scott
+decision; but I should be allowed to state the nature of that
+opposition.  * * *  What is fairly implied by the term Judge Douglas has
+used, 'resistance to the decision?'  I do not resist it.  If I wanted to
+take Dred Scott from his master, I would be interfering with property
+and that terrible difficulty that Judge Douglas speaks of, of
+interfering with property, would arise.  But I am doing no such thing as
+that, but all that I am doing is refusing to obey it, as a political
+rule.  If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on a question
+whether Slavery should be prohibited in a new Territory, in spite of the
+Dred Scott decision, I would vote that it should.  That is what I would
+do.</p>
+
+<p>"Judge Douglas said last night, that before the decision he might
+advance his opinion, and it might be contrary to the decision when it
+was made; but after it was made, he would abide by it until it was
+reversed.  Just so!  We let this property abide by the decision, but we
+will try to reverse that decision.  We will try to put it where Judge
+Douglas would not object, for he says he will obey it until it is
+reversed.  Somebody has to reverse that decision, since it is made, and
+we mean to reverse it, and we mean to do it peaceably.</p>
+
+<p>"What are the uses of decisions of Courts?  They have two uses.  As
+rules of property they have two uses.  First, they decide upon the
+question before the Court.  They decide in this case that Dred Scott is
+a Slave.  Nobody resists that.  Not only that, but they say to everybody
+else, that persons standing just as Dred Scott stands, are as he is.
+That is, they say that when a question comes up upon another person, it
+will be so decided again, unless the Court decides in another 
+way&mdash;unless the Court overrules its decision.&mdash;Well, we mean to do what we
+can to have the Court decide the other way.  That is one thing we mean
+to try to do.</p>
+
+<p>"The sacredness that Judge Douglas throws around this decision is a
+degree of sacredness that has never before been thrown around any other
+decision.  I have never heard of such a thing.  Why, decisions
+apparently contrary to that decision, or that good lawyers thought were
+contrary to that decision, have been made by that very Court before.  It
+is the first of its kind; it is an astonisher in legal history.  It is a
+new wonder of the world.  It is based upon falsehood in the main as to
+the facts&mdash;allegations of facts upon which it stands are not facts at
+all in many instances; and no decision made on any question&mdash;the first
+instance of a decision made under so many unfavorable 
+circumstances&mdash;thus placed, has ever been held by the profession as law, and it has
+always needed confirmation before the lawyers regarded it as settled
+law.  But Judge Douglas will have it that all hands must take this
+extraordinary decision, made under these extraordinary circumstances,
+and give their vote in Congress in accordance with it, yield to it and
+obey it in every possible sense.</p>
+
+<p>"Circumstances alter cases.  Do not gentlemen remember the case of that
+same Supreme Court, some twenty-five or thirty years ago, deciding that
+a National Bank was Constitutional?  * * *  The Bank charter ran out,
+and a recharter was granted by Congress.  That re-charter was laid
+before General Jackson.  It was urged upon him, when he denied the
+Constitutionality of the Bank, that the Supreme Court had decided that
+it was Constitutional; and General Jackson then said that the Supreme
+Court had no right to lay down a rule to govern a co-ordinate branch of
+the Government, the members of which had sworn to support the
+Constitution&mdash;that each member had sworn to support that Constitution as
+he understood it.  I will venture here to say, that I have heard Judge
+Douglas say that he approved of General Jackson for that act.  What has
+now become of all his tirade about 'resistance to the Supreme Court?'"</p>
+
+<p>After adverting to Judge Douglas's warfare on "the leaders" of the
+Republican party, and his desire to have "it understood that the mass of
+the Republican party are really his friends," Mr. Lincoln said: "If you
+indorse him, you tell him you do not care whether Slavery be voted up or
+down, and he will close, or try to close, your mouths with his
+declaration repeated by the day, the week, the month, and the year.  Is
+that what you mean?  * * *  Now I could ask the Republican party, after
+all the hard names that Judge Douglas has called them by, all his
+repeated charges of their inclination to marry with and hug negroes&mdash;all
+his declarations of Black Republicanism&mdash;by the way, we are improving,
+the black has got rubbed off&mdash;but with all that, if he be indorsed by
+Republican votes, where do you stand?  Plainly, you stand ready saddled,
+bridled, and harnessed, and waiting to be driven over to the
+Slavery-extension camp of the Nation&mdash;just ready to be driven over, tied
+together in a lot&mdash;to be driven over, every man with a rope around his
+neck, that halter being held by Judge Douglas.  That is the question.
+If Republican men have been in earnest in what they have done, I think
+that they has better not do it.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"We were often&mdash;more than once at least&mdash;in the course of Judge
+Douglas's speech last night, reminded that this Government was made for
+White men&mdash;that he believed it was made for White men.  Well, that is
+putting it in a shape in which no one wants to deny it; but the Judge
+then goes into his passion for drawing inferences that are not
+warranted.  I protest, now and forever, against that counterfeit logic
+which presumes that because I do not want a Negro woman for a Slave I do
+necessarily want her for a wife.  My understanding is that I need not
+have her for either; but, as God has made us separate, we can leave one
+another alone, and do one another much good thereby.  There are White
+men enough to marry all the White women, and enough Black men to marry
+all the Black women, and in God's name let them be so married.  The
+Judge regales us with the terrible enormities that take place by the
+mixture of races; that the inferior race bears the superior down.  Why,
+Judge, if we do not let them get together in the Territories, they won't
+mix there.</p>
+
+<p>" * * * Those arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be
+treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that as
+much is to be done for them as their condition will allow&mdash;what are
+these arguments?  They are the arguments that Kings have made for
+enslaving the People in all ages of the World.  You will find that all
+the arguments in favor of king-craft were of this class; they always
+bestrode the necks of the People, not that they wanted to do it, but
+because the People were better off for being ridden!  That is their
+argument, and this argument of the Judge is the same old Serpent that
+says: you work, and I eat; you toil, and I will enjoy the fruits of it.</p>
+
+<p>"Turn it whatever way you will&mdash;whether it come from the mouth of a
+King, an excuse for enslaving the People of his Country, or from the
+mouth of men of one race as a reason for enslaving the men of another
+race, it is all the same old Serpent; and I hold, if that course of
+argumentation that is made for the purpose of convincing the public mind
+that we should not care about this, should be granted, it does not stop
+with the Negro.</p>
+
+<p>"I should like to know, taking this old Declaration of Independence,
+which declares that all men are equal upon principle, and making
+exceptions to it, where will it stop?  If one man says it does not mean
+a Negro, why not say it does not mean some other man?  If that
+Declaration is not the truth, let us get the Statute Book, in which we
+find it, and tear it out!  Who is so bold as to do it?  If it is not
+true, let us tear it out!"  [Cries of "No, no."]  "Let us stick to it
+then; let us stand firmly by it, then.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>" * * * The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any human creature
+could be perfect as the Father in Heaven; but He said, 'As your Father
+in Heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect.'  He set that up as a
+standard, and he who did most toward reaching that standard, attained
+the highest degree of moral perfection.  So I say, in relation to the
+principle that all men are created equal&mdash;let it be as nearly reached as
+we can.  If we cannot give Freedom to every creature, let us do nothing
+that will impose Slavery upon any other creature.  Let us then turn this
+Government back into the channel in which the framers of the
+Constitution originally placed it.  Let us stand firmly by each other.
+* * *  Let us discard all this quibbling * * *  and unite as one People
+throughout this Land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that
+all men are created equal."</p>
+
+<p>At Bloomington, July 16th (Mr. Lincoln being present), Judge Douglas
+made another great speech of vindication and attack.  After sketching
+the history of the Kansas-Nebraska struggle, from the introduction by
+himself of the Nebraska Bill in the United States Senate, in 1854, down
+to the passage of the "English" Bill&mdash;which prescribed substantially
+that if the people of Kansas would come in as a Slave-holding State,
+they should be admitted with but 35,000 inhabitants; but if they would
+come in as a Free State, they must have 93,420 inhabitants; which unfair
+restriction was opposed by Judge Douglas, but to which after it became
+law he "bowed in deference," because whatever decision the people of
+Kansas might make on the coming third of August would be "final and
+conclusive of the whole question"&mdash;he proceeded to compliment the
+Republicans in Congress, for supporting the Crittenden-Montgomery 
+Bill&mdash;for coming "to the Douglas platform, abandoning their own, believing (in
+the language of the New York Tribune), that under the peculiar
+circumstances they would in that mode best subserve the interests of the
+Country;" and then again attacked Mr. Lincoln for his "unholy and
+unnatural alliance" with the Lecompton-Democrats to defeat him, because
+of which, said he: "You will find he does not say a word against the
+Lecompton Constitution or its supporters.  He is as silent as the grave
+upon that subject.  Behold Mr. Lincoln courting Lecompton votes, in
+order that he may go to the Senate as the representative of Republican
+principles!  You know that the alliance exists.  I think you will find
+that it will ooze out before the contest is over."  Then with many
+handsome compliments to the personal character of Mr. Lincoln, and
+declaring that the question for decision was "whether his principles are
+more in accordance with the genius of our free institutions, the peace
+and harmony of the Republic" than those advocated by himself, Judge
+Douglas proceeded to discuss what he described as "the two points at
+issue between Mr. Lincoln and myself."</p>
+
+<p>Said he: "Although the Republic has existed from 1789 to this day,
+divided into Free States and Slave States, yet we are told that in the
+future it cannot endure unless they shall become all Free or all Slave.
+* * *  He wishes to go to the Senate of the United States in order to
+carry out that line of public policy which will compel all the States in
+the South to become Free.  How is he going to do it?  Has Congress any
+power over the subject of Slavery in Kentucky or Virginia or any other
+State of this Union?  How, then, is Mr. Lincoln going to carry out that
+principle which he says is essential to the existence of this Union, to
+wit: That Slavery must be abolished in all the States of the Union or
+must be established in them all?  You convince the South that they must
+either establish Slavery in Illinois and in every other Free State, or
+submit to its abolition in every Southern State and you invite them to
+make a warfare upon the Northern States in order to establish Slavery
+for the sake of perpetuating it at home.  Thus, Mr. Lincoln invites, by
+his proposition, a War of Sections, a War between Illinois and Kentucky,
+a War between the Free States and the Slave States, a War between the
+North and South, for the purpose of either exterminating Slavery in
+every Southern State or planting it in every Northern State.  He tells
+you that the safety of the Republic, that the existence of this Union,
+depends upon that warfare being carried on until one Section or the
+other shall be entirely subdued.  The States must all be Free or Slave,
+for a house divided against itself cannot stand.  That is Mr. Lincoln's
+argument upon that question.  My friends, is it possible to preserve
+Peace between the North and the South if such a doctrine shall prevail
+in either Section of the Union?</p>
+
+<p>"Will you ever submit to a warfare waged by the Southern States to
+establish Slavery in Illinois?  What man in Illinois would not lose the
+last drop of his heart's blood before lie would submit to the
+institution of Slavery being forced upon us by the other States against
+our will?  And if that be true of us, what Southern man would not shed
+the last drop of his heart's blood to prevent Illinois, or any other
+Northern State, from interfering to abolish Slavery in his State?  Each
+of these States is sovereign under the Constitution; and if we wish to
+preserve our liberties, the reserved rights and sovereignty of each and
+every State must be maintained.  * * *  The difference between Mr.
+Lincoln and myself upon this point is, that he goes for a combination of
+the Northern States, or the organization of a sectional political party
+in the Free States, to make War on the domestic institutions of the
+Southern States, and to prosecute that War until they all shall be
+subdued, and made to conform to such rules as the North shall dictate to
+them.</p>
+
+<p>"I am aware that Mr. Lincoln, on Saturday night last, made a speech at
+Chicago for the purpose, as he said, of explaining his position on this
+question.  * * *  His answer to this point which I have been arguing,
+is, that he never did mean, and that I ought to know that he never
+intended to convey the idea, that he wished the people of
+the Free States to enter into the Southern States and interfere with
+Slavery.  Well, I never did suppose that he ever dreamed of entering
+into Kentucky, to make War upon her institutions, nor will any
+Abolitionist ever enter into Kentucky to wage such War.  Their mode of
+making War is not to enter into those States where Slavery exists, and
+there interfere, and render themselves responsible for the consequences.
+Oh, no!  They stand on this side of the Ohio River and shoot across.
+They stand in Bloomington and shake their fists at the people of
+Lexington; they threaten South Carolina from Chicago.  And they call
+that bravery!  But they are very particular, as Mr. Lincoln says, not to
+enter into those States for the purpose of interfering with the
+institution of Slavery there.  I am not only opposed to entering into
+the Slave States, for the purpose of interfering with their
+institutions, but I am opposed to a sectional agitation to control the
+institutions of other States.  I am opposed to organizing a sectional
+party, which appeals to Northern pride, and Northern passion and
+prejudice, against Southern institutions, thus stirring up ill feeling
+and hot blood between brethren of the same Republic.  I am opposed to
+that whole system of sectional agitation, which can produce nothing but
+strife, but discord, but hostility, and finally disunion.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"I ask Mr. Lincoln how it is that he purposes ultimately to bring about
+this uniformity in each and all the States of the Union?  There is but
+one possible mode which I can see, and perhaps Mr. Lincoln intends to
+pursue it; that is, to introduce a proposition into the Senate to change
+the Constitution of the United States in order that all the State
+Legislatures may be abolished, State Sovereignty blotted out, and the
+power conferred upon Congress to make local laws and establish the
+domestic institutions and police regulations uniformly throughout the
+United States.</p>
+
+<p>"Are you prepared for such a change in the institutions of your country?
+Whenever you shall have blotted out the State Sovereignties, abolished
+the State Legislatures, and consolidated all the power in the Federal
+Government, you will have established a Consolidated Empire as
+destructive to the Liberties of the People and the Rights of the Citizen
+as that of Austria, or Russia, or any other despotism that rests upon
+the neck of the People.  * * *  There is but one possible way in which
+Slavery can be abolished, and that is by leaving a State, according to
+the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, perfectly free to form and
+regulate its institutions in its own way.  That was the principle upon
+which this Republic was founded, and it is under the operation of that
+principle that we have been able to preserve the Union thus far under
+its operation.  Slavery disappeared from New Hampshire, from Rhode
+Island, from Connecticut, from New York, from New Jersey, from
+Pennsylvania, from six of the twelve original Slave-holding States; and
+this gradual system of emancipation went on quietly, peacefully, and
+steadily, so long as we in the Free States minded our own business, and
+left our neighbors alone.</p>
+
+<p>"But the moment the Abolition Societies were organized throughout the
+North, preaching a violent crusade against Slavery in the Southern
+States, this combination necessarily caused a counter-combination in the
+South, and a sectional line was drawn which was a barrier to any further
+emancipation.  Bear in mind that emancipation has not taken place in any
+one State since the Free Soil Party was organized as a political party
+in this country.  Emancipation went on gradually, in State after State,
+so long as the Free States were content with managing their own affairs
+and leaving the South perfectly free to do as they pleased; but the
+moment the North said we are powerful enough to control you of the
+South, the moment the North proclaimed itself the determined master of
+the South, that moment the South combined to resist the attack, and thus
+sectional parties were formed and gradual emancipation ceased in all the
+Slave-holding States.</p>
+
+<p>"And yet Mr. Lincoln, in view of these historical facts, proposes to
+keep up this sectional agitation, band all the Northern States together
+in one political Party, elect a President by Northern votes alone, and
+then, of course, make a Cabinet composed of Northern men, and administer
+the Government by Northern men only, denying all the Southern States of
+this Union any participation in the administration of affairs
+whatsoever.  I submit to you, my fellow-citizens, whether such a line of
+policy is consistent with the peace and harmony of the Country?  Can the
+Union endure under such a system of policy?  He has taken his position
+in favor of sectional agitation and sectional warfare.  I have taken
+mine in favor of securing peace, harmony, and good-will among all the
+States, by permitting each to mind its own business, and
+discountenancing any attempt at interference on the part of one State
+with the domestic concerns of the others.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Lincoln tells you that he is opposed to the decision of the Supreme
+Court in the Dred Scott case.  Well, suppose he is; what is he going to
+do about it?  * * * Why, he says he is going to appeal to Congress.  Let
+us see how he will appeal to Congress.  He tells us that on the 8th of
+March, 1820, Congress passed a law called the Missouri Compromise,
+prohibiting Slavery forever in all the territory west of the Mississippi
+and north of the Missouri line of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes;
+that Dred Scott, a slave in Missouri, was taken by his master to Fort
+Snelling, in the present State of Minnesota, situated on the west branch
+of the Mississippi River, and consequently in the Territory where
+Slavery was prohibited by the Act of 1820; and that when Dred Scott
+appealed for his Freedom in consequence of having been taken into that
+Territory, the Supreme Court of the United States decided that Dred
+Scott did not become Free by being taken into that Territory, but that
+having been carried back to Missouri, was yet a Slave.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Lincoln is going to appeal from that decision and reverse it.  He
+does not intend to reverse it as to Dred Scott.  Oh, no!  But he will
+reverse it so that it shall not stand as a rule in the future.  How will
+he do it?  He says that if he is elected to the Senate he will introduce
+and pass a law just like the Missouri Compromise, prohibiting Slavery
+again in all the Territories.  Suppose he does re-enact the same law
+which the Court has pronounced unconstitutional, will that make it
+Constitutional?  * * *  Will it be any more valid?  Will he be able to
+convince the Court that the second Act is valid, when the first is
+invalid and void?  What good does it do to pass a second Act?  Why, it
+will have the effect to arraign the Supreme Court before the People, and
+to bring them into all the political discussions of the Country.  Will
+that do any good?  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"The functions of Congress are to enact the Statutes, the province of
+the Court is to pronounce upon their validity, and the duty of the
+Executive is to carry the decision into effect when rendered by the
+Court.  And yet, notwithstanding the Constitution makes the decision of
+the Court final in regard to the validity of an Act of Congress, Mr.
+Lincoln is going to reverse that decision by passing another Act of
+Congress.  When he has become convinced of the Folly of the proposition,
+perhaps he will resort to the same subterfuge that I have found others
+of his Party resort to, which is to agitate and agitate until he can
+change the Supreme Court and put other men in the places of the present
+incumbents."</p>
+
+<p>After ridiculing this proposition at some length, he proceeded:</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Lincoln is alarmed for fear that, under the Dred Scott decision,
+Slavery will go into all the Territories of the United States.  All I
+have to say is that, with or without this decision, Slavery will go just
+where the People want it, and not an inch further.  * * *  Hence, if the
+People of a Territory want Slavery, they will encourage it by passing
+affirmatory laws, and the necessary police regulations, patrol laws and
+Slave Code; if they do not want it, they will withhold that legislation,
+and, by withholding it, Slavery is as dead as if it was prohibited by a
+Constitutional prohibition, especially if, in addition, their
+legislation is unfriendly, as it would be if they were opposed to it."</p>
+
+<p>Then, taking up what he said was "Mr. Lincoln's main objection to the
+Dred Scott decision," to wit: "that that decision deprives the Negro of
+the benefits of that clause of the Constitution of the United States
+which entitles the citizens of each State to all the privileges and
+immunities of citizens of the several States," and admitting that such
+would be its effect, Mr. Douglas contended at some length that this
+Government was "founded on the White basis" for the benefit of the
+Whites and their posterity.  He did "not believe that it was the design
+or intention of the signers of the Declaration of Independence or the
+frames of the Constitution to include Negroes, Indians, or other
+inferior races, with White men as citizens;" nor that the former "had
+any reference to Negroes, when they used the expression that all men
+were created equal," nor to "any other inferior race."  He held that,
+"They were speaking only of the White race, and never dreamed that their
+language would be construed to apply to the Negro;" and after ridiculing
+the contrary view, insisted that, "The history of the Country shows that
+neither the signers of the Declaration, nor the Framers of the
+Constitution, ever supposed it possible that their language would be
+used in an attempt to make this Nation a mixed Nation of Indians,
+Negroes, Whites, and Mongrels."</p>
+
+<p>The "Fathers proceeded on the White basis, making the White people the
+governing race, but conceding to the Indian and Negro, and all inferior
+races, all the rights and all the privileges they could enjoy consistent
+with the safety of the society in which they lived.  That," said he, "is
+my opinion now.  I told you that humanity, philanthropy, justice, and
+sound policy required that we should give the Negro every right, every
+privilege, every immunity consistent with the safety and welfare of the
+State.  The question, then, naturally arises, what are those rights and
+privileges, and what is the nature and extent of them?  My answer is,
+that that is a question which each State and each Territory must decide
+for itself.  * * *  I am content with that position.  My friend Lincoln
+is not.  * * *  He thinks that the Almighty made the Negro his equal and
+his brother.  For my part I do not consider the Negro any kin to me, nor
+to any other White man; but I would still carry my humanity and my
+philanthropy to the extent of giving him every privilege and every
+immunity that he could enjoy, consistent with our own good."</p>
+
+<p>After again referring to the principles connected with non-interference
+in the domestic institutions of the States and Territories, and to the
+devotion of all his energies to them "since 1850, when," said he, "I
+acted side by side with the immortal Clay and the god-like Webster, in
+that memorable struggle in which Whigs and Democrats united upon a
+common platform of patriotism and the Constitution, throwing aside
+partisan feelings in order to restore peace and harmony to a distracted
+Country"&mdash;he alluded to the death-bed of Clay, and the pledges made by
+himself to both Clay and Webster to devote his own life to the
+vindication of the principles of that Compromise of 1850 as a means of
+preserving the Union; and concluded with this appeal: "This Union can
+only be preserved by maintaining the fraternal feeling between the North
+and the South, the East and the West.  If that good feeling can be
+preserved, the Union will be as perpetual as the fame of its great
+founders.  It can be maintained by preserving the sovereignty of the
+States, the right of each State and each Territory to settle its
+domestic concerns for itself, and the duty of each to refrain from
+interfering with the other in any of its local or domestic institutions.
+Let that be done, and the Union will be perpetual; let that be done, and
+this Republic, which began with thirteen States and which now numbers
+thirty-two, which when it began, only extended from the Atlantic to the
+Mississippi, but now reaches to the Pacific, may yet expand, North and
+South, until it covers the whole Continent, and becomes one vast
+ocean-bound Confederacy.  Then, my friends, the path of duty, of honor, of
+patriotism, is plain.  There are a few simple principles to be
+preserved.  Bear in mind the dividing line between State rights and
+Federal authority; let us maintain the great principles of Popular
+Sovereignty, of State rights and of the Federal Union as the
+Constitution has made it, and this Republic will endure forever."</p>
+
+<p>On the next evening, July 17th, at Springfield, both Douglas and Lincoln
+addressed separate meetings.</p>
+
+<p>After covering much the same ground with regard to the history of the
+Kansas-Nebraska struggle and his own attitude upon it, as he did in his
+previous speech, Mr. Douglas declined to comment upon Mr. Lincoln's
+intimation of a Conspiracy between Douglas, Pierce, Buchanan, and Taney
+for the passage of the Nebraska Bill, the rendition of the Dred Scott
+decision, and the extension of Slavery, but proceeded to dilate on the
+"uniformity" issue between himself and Mr. Lincoln, in much the same
+strain as before, tersely summing up with the statement that "there is a
+distinct issue of principles&mdash;principles irreconcilable&mdash;between Mr.
+Lincoln and myself.  He goes for consolidation and uniformity in our
+Government.  I go for maintaining the Confederation of the Sovereign
+States under the Constitution, as our fathers made it, leaving each
+State at liberty to manage its own affairs and own internal
+institutions."</p>
+
+<p>He then ridiculed, at considerable length, Mr. Lincoln's proposed
+methods of securing a reversal by the United States Supreme Court of the
+Dred Scott decision&mdash;especially that of an "appeal to the People to
+elect a President who will appoint judges who will reverse the Dred
+Scott decision," which he characterized as "a proposition to make that
+Court the corrupt, unscrupulous tool of a political party," and asked,
+"when we refuse to abide by Judicial decisions, what protection is there
+left for life and property?  To whom shall you appeal?  To mob law, to
+partisan caucuses, to town meetings, to revolution?  Where is the remedy
+when you refuse obedience to the constituted authorities?"  In other
+respects the speech was largely a repetition of his Bloomington speech.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Lincoln in his speech, the same night, at Springfield, opened by
+contrasting the disadvantages under which, by reason of an unfair
+apportionment of State Legislative representation and otherwise, the
+Republicans of Illinois labored in this fight.  Among other
+disadvantages&mdash;whereby he said the Republicans were forced "to fight
+this battle upon principle and upon principle alone"&mdash;were those which
+he said arose "out of the relative positions of the two persons who
+stand before the State as candidates for the Senate."</p>
+
+<p>Said he: "Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown.  All the anxious
+politicians of his Party, or who have been of his Party for years past,
+have been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be the
+President of the United States.  They have seen in his round, jolly,
+fruitful face, Post-offices, Land-offices, Marshalships, and Cabinet
+appointments, Chargeships and Foreign Missions, bursting and sprouting
+out in wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy
+hands.  And as they have been gazing upon this attractive picture so
+long, they cannot, in the little distraction that has taken place in the
+party, bring themselves to give up the charming hope; but with greedier
+anxiety they rush about him, sustain him, and give him marches,
+triumphal entries, and receptions, beyond what even in the days of his
+highest prosperity they could have brought about in his favor.  On the
+contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be President.  In my poor,
+lean, lank face, nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting
+out."</p>
+
+<p>Then he described the main points of Senator Douglas's plan of campaign
+as being not very numerous.  "The first," he said, "is Popular
+Sovereignty.  The second and third are attacks upon my speech made on
+the 16th of June.  Out of these three points&mdash;drawing within the range of
+Popular Sovereignty the question of the Lecompton Constitution&mdash;he makes
+his principal assault.  Upon these his successive speeches are
+substantially one and the same."  Touching the first point, "Popular
+Sovereignty"&mdash;"the great staple" of Mr. Douglas's campaign&mdash;Mr. Lincoln
+affirmed that it was "the most arrant Quixotism that was ever enacted
+before a community."</p>
+
+<p>He said that everybody understood that "we have not been in a
+controversy about the right of a People to govern themselves in the
+ordinary matters of domestic concern in the States and Territories;"
+that, "in this controversy, whatever has been said has had reference to
+the question of Negro Slavery;" and "hence," said he, "when hereafter I
+speak of Popular Sovereignty, I wish to be understood as applying what I
+say to the question of Slavery only; not to other minor domestic matters
+of a Territory or a State."</p>
+
+<p>Having cleared away the cobwebs, Mr. Lincoln proceeded:</p>
+
+<p>"Does Judge Douglas, when he says that several of the past years of his
+life have been devoted to the question of 'Popular Sovereignty' * * *
+mean to say that he has been devoting his life to securing the People of
+the Territories the right to exclude Slavery from the Territories?  If
+he means so to say, he means to deceive; because he and every one knows
+that the decision of the Supreme Court, which he approves, and makes
+special ground of attack upon me for disapproving, forbids the People of
+a Territory to exclude Slavery.</p>
+
+<p>"This covers the whole ground from the settlement of a Territory till it
+reaches the degree of maturity entitling it to form a State
+Constitution.  * * *  This being so, the period of time from the first
+settlement of a Territory till it reaches the point of forming a State
+Constitution, is not the thing that the Judge has fought for, or is
+fighting for; but, on the contrary, he has fought for, and is fighting
+for, the thing that annihilates and crushes out that same Popular
+Sovereignty.  Well, so much being disposed of, what is left?  Why, he is
+contending for the right of the People, when they come to make a State
+Constitution, to make it for themselves, and precisely as best suits
+themselves.  I say again, that is Quixotic.  I defy contradiction when I
+declare that the Judge can find no one to oppose him on that
+proposition.  I repeat, there is nobody opposing that proposition on
+principle.  * * *  Nobody is opposing, or has opposed, the right of the
+People when they form a State Constitution, to form it for themselves.
+Mr. Buchanan and his friends have not done it; they, too, as well as the
+Republicans and the Anti-Lecompton Democrats, have not done it; but on
+the contrary, they together have insisted on the right of the People to
+form a Constitution for themselves.  The difference between the Buchanan
+men, on the one hand, and the Douglas men and the Republicans, on the
+other, has not been on a question of principle, but on a question of
+fact * * * whether the Lecompton Constitution had been fairly formed by
+the People or not.  * * *  As to the principle, all were agreed.</p>
+
+<p>"Judge Douglas voted with the Republicans upon that matter of fact.  He
+and they, by their voices and votes, denied that it was a fair emanation
+of the People.  The Administration affirmed that it was.  * * *  This
+being so, what is Judge Douglas going to spend his life for?  Is he
+going to spend his life in maintaining a principle that no body on earth
+opposes?  Does he expect to stand up in majestic dignity and go through
+his apotheosis and become a god, in the maintaining of a principle which
+neither man nor mouse in all God's creation is opposing?"</p>
+
+<p>After ridiculing the assumption that Judge Douglas was entitled to all
+the credit for the defeat of the Lecompton Constitution in the House of
+Representatives&mdash;when the defeating vote numbered 120, of which 6 were
+Americans, 20 Douglas (or Anti-Lecompton) Democrats, and 94 Republicans
+&mdash;and hinting that perhaps he placed "his superior claim to credit, on
+the ground that he performed a good act which was never expected of
+him," or "upon the ground of the parable of the lost sheep," of which it
+had been said, "that there was more rejoicing over the one sheep that
+was lost and had been found, than over the ninety and nine in the 
+fold&mdash;" he added: "The application is made by the Saviour in this parable,
+thus: 'Verily, I say unto you, there is more rejoicing in Heaven over
+one sinner that repenteth, than over ninety and nine just persons that
+need no repentance.'  And now if the Judge claims the benefit of this
+parable, let him repent.  Let him not come up here and say: 'I am the
+only just person; and you are the ninety-nine sinners!'  Repentance
+before forgiveness is a provision of the Christian system, and on that
+condition alone will the Republicans grant his forgiveness."</p>
+
+<p>After complaining that Judge Douglas misrepresented his attitude as
+indicated in his 16th of June speech at Springfield, in charging that he
+invited "a War of Sections;"&mdash;that he proposed that "all the local
+institutions of the different States shall become consolidated and
+uniform," Mr. Lincoln denied that that speech could fairly bear such
+construction.</p>
+
+<p>In that speech he (Mr. L.) had simply expressed an expectation that
+"either the opponents of Slavery will arrest the further spread of it,
+and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is
+in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it
+forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well
+as new, North as well as South."  Since then, at Chicago, he had also
+expressed a "wish to see the spread of Slavery arrested, and to see it
+placed where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the
+course of ultimate extinction"&mdash;and, said he: "I said that, because I
+supposed, when the public mind shall rest in that belief, we shall have
+Peace on the Slavery question.  I have believed&mdash;and now believe&mdash;the
+public mind did rest on that belief up to the introduction of the
+Nebraska Bill.  Although I have ever been opposed to Slavery, so far I
+rested in the hope and belief that it was in the course of ultimate
+extinction.  For that reason, it had been a minor question with me.  I
+might have been mistaken; but I had believed, and now believe, that the
+whole public mind, that is, the mind of the great majority, had rested
+in that belief up to the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise.  But upon
+that event, I became convinced that either I had been resting in a
+delusion, or the institution was being placed on a new basis&mdash;a basis
+for making it Perpetual, National, and Universal.  Subsequent events
+have greatly confirmed me in that belief.</p>
+
+<p>"I believe that Bill to be the beginning of a Conspiracy for that
+purpose.  So believing, I have since then considered that question a
+paramount one.  So believing, I thought the public mind would never rest
+till the power of Congress to restrict the spread of it shall again be
+acknowledged and exercised on the one hand, or, on the other, all
+resistance be entirely crushed out.  I have expressed that opinion and I
+entertain it to-night."</p>
+
+<p>Having given some pieces of evidence in proof of the  "tendency," he had
+discovered, to the Nationalization of Slavery in these States, Mr.
+Lincoln continued: "And now, as to the Judge's inference, that because I
+wish to see Slavery placed in the course of ultimate extinction&mdash;placed
+where our fathers originally placed it&mdash;I wish to annihilate the State
+Legislatures&mdash;to force cotton to grow upon the tops of the Green
+Mountains&mdash;to freeze ice in Florida&mdash;to cut lumber on the broad Illinois
+prairies&mdash;that I am in favor of all these ridiculous and impossible
+things!  It seems to me it is a complete answer to all this, to ask if,
+when Congress did have the fashion of restricting Slavery from Free
+Territory; when Courts did have the fashion of deciding that taking a
+Slave into a Free, Country made him Free&mdash;I say it is a sufficient
+answer to ask, if any of this ridiculous nonsense, about consolidation
+and uniformity, did actually follow?  Who heard of any such thing,
+because of the Ordinance of '87? because of the Missouri Restriction
+because of the numerous Court decisions of that character?</p>
+
+<p>"Now, as to the Dred Scott decision; for upon that he makes his last
+point at me.  He boldly takes ground in favor of that decision.  This is
+one-half the onslaught and one-third of the entire plan of the campaign.
+I am opposed to that decision in a certain sense, but not in the sense
+which he puts on it.  I say that in so far as it decided in favor of
+Dred Scott's master, and against Dred Scott and his family, I do not
+propose to disturb or resist the decision.  I never have proposed to do
+any such thing.  I think, that in respect for judicial authority, my
+humble history would not suffer in comparison with that of Judge
+Douglas.  He would have the citizen conform his vote to that decision;
+the member of Congress, his; the President, his use of the veto power.
+He would make it a rule of political action for the People and all the
+departments of the Government.  I would not.  By resisting it as a
+political rule, I disturb no right of property, create no disorder,
+excite no mobs."</p>
+
+<p>After quoting from a letter of Mr. Jefferson (vol. vii., p. 177, of his
+Correspondence,) in which he held that "to consider the judges as the
+ultimate arbiters of all Constitutional questions," is "a very dangerous
+doctrine indeed; and one which would place us under the despotism of an
+Oligarchy," Mr. Lincoln continued: "Let us go a little further.  You
+remember we once had a National Bank.  Some one owed the Bank a debt; he
+was sued, and sought to avoid payment on the ground that the Bank was
+unconstitutional.  The case went to the Supreme Court, and therein it
+was decided that the Bank was Constitutional.  The whole Democratic
+party revolted against that decision.  General Jackson himself asserted
+that he, as President, would not be bound to hold a National Bank to be
+Constitutional, even though the Court had decided it to be so.  He fell
+in, precisely, with the view of Mr. Jefferson, and acted upon it under
+his official oath, in vetoing a charter for a National Bank.</p>
+
+<p>"The declaration that Congress does not possess this Constitutional
+power to charter a Bank, has gone into the Democratic platform, at their
+National Conventions, and was brought forward and reaffirmed in their
+last Convention at Cincinnati.  They have contended for that
+declaration, in the very teeth of the Supreme Court, for more than a
+quarter of a century.  In fact, they have reduced the decision to an
+absolute nullity.  That decision, I repeat, is repudiated in the
+Cincinnati platform; and still, as if to show that effrontery can go no
+further, Judge Douglas vaunts in the very speeches in which he denounces
+me for opposing the Dred Scott decision, that he stands on the
+Cincinnati platform.</p>
+
+<p>"Now, I wish to know what the Judge can charge upon me, with respect to
+decisions of the Supreme Court, which does not lie in all its length,
+breadth, and proportions, at his own door?  The plain truth is simply
+this: Judge Douglas is for Supreme Court decisions when he likes, and
+against them when he does not like them.  He is for the Dred Scott
+decision because it tends to Nationalize Slavery&mdash;because it is a part
+of the original combination for that object.  It so happens, singularly
+enough, that I never stood opposed to a decision of the Supreme Court
+till this.  On the contrary, I have no recollection that he was ever
+particularly in favor of one till this.  He never was in favor of any,
+nor (I) opposed to any, till the present one, which helps to Nationalize
+Slavery.  Free men of Sangamon&mdash;Free men of Illinois, Free men
+everywhere&mdash;judge ye between him and me, upon this issue!</p>
+
+<p>"He says this Dred Scott case is a very small matter at
+most&mdash;that it has no practical effect; that at best, or rather I suppose
+at worst, it is but an abstraction.  * * *  How has the planting of
+Slavery in new countries always been effected?  It has now been decided
+that Slavery cannot be kept out of our new Territories by any legal
+means.  In what do our new Territories now differ in this respect from
+the old Colonies when Slavery was first planted within them?</p>
+
+<p>"It was planted, as Mr. Clay once declared, and as history proves true,
+by individual men in spite of the wishes of the people; the
+Mother-Government refusing to prohibit it, and withholding from the People of
+the Colonies the authority to prohibit it for themselves.  Mr. Clay says
+this was one of the great and just causes of complaint against Great
+Britain by the Colonies, and the best apology we can now make for having
+the institution amongst us.  In that precise condition our Nebraska
+politicians have at last succeeded in placing our own new Territories;
+the Government will not prohibit Slavery within them, nor allow the
+People to prohibit it."</p>
+
+<p>Alluding to that part of Mr. Douglas's speech the previous night
+touching the death-bed scene of Mr. Clay, with Mr. Douglas's promise to
+devote the remainder of his life to "Popular Sovereignty"&mdash;and to his
+relations with Mr. Webster&mdash;Mr. Lincoln said: "It would be amusing, if
+it were not disgusting, to see how quick these Compromise breakers
+administer on the political effects of their dead adversaries.  If I
+should be found dead to-morrow morning, nothing but my insignificance
+could prevent a speech being made on my authority, before the end of
+next week.  It so happens that in that 'Popular Sovereignty' with which
+Mr. Clay was identified, the Missouri Compromise was expressly reserved;
+and it was a little singular if Mr. Clay cast his mantle upon Judge
+Douglas on purpose to have that Compromise repealed.  Again, the Judge
+did not keep faith with Mr. Clay when he first brought in the Nebraska
+Bill.  He left the Missouri Compromise unrepealed, and in his report
+accompanying the Bill, he told the World he did it on purpose.  The
+manes of Mr. Clay must have been in great agony, till thirty days later,
+when 'Popular Sovereignty' stood forth in all its glory."</p>
+
+<p>Touching Mr. Douglas's allegations of Mr. Lincoln's disposition to make
+Negroes equal with the Whites, socially and politically, the latter
+said: "My declarations upon this subject of Negro Slavery may be
+misrepresented, but cannot be misunderstood.  I have said that I do not
+understand the Declaration (of Independence) to mean that all men were
+created equal in all respects.  They are not equal in color; but I
+suppose that it does mean to declare that all men are equal in some
+respects; they are equal in their right to 'Life, Liberty, and the
+pursuit of Happiness.'  Certainly the Negro is not our equal in 
+color&mdash;perhaps not in many other respects; still, in the right to put into his
+mouth the bread that his own hands have earned, he is the equal of every
+other man, White or Black.  In pointing out that more has been given
+you, you cannot be justified in taking away the little which has been
+given him.  All I ask for the Negro is that if you do not like him, let
+him alone.  If God gave him but little, that little let him enjoy.</p>
+
+<p>"The framers of the Constitution," continued Mr. Lincoln, "found the
+institution of Slavery amongst their other institutions at the time.
+They found that by an effort to eradicate it, they might lose much of
+what they had already gained.  They were obliged to bow to the
+necessity.  They gave Congress power to abolish the Slave Trade at the
+end of twenty years.  They also prohibited it in the Territories where
+it did not exist.  They did what they could, and yielded to the
+necessity for the rest.  I also yield to all which follows from that
+necessity.  What I would most desire would be the separation of the
+White and Black races."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Lincoln closed his speech by referring to the "New Departure" of
+the Democracy&mdash;to the charge he had made, in his 16th of June speech,
+touching "the existence of a Conspiracy to Perpetuate and Nationalize
+Slavery"&mdash;which Mr. Douglas had not contradicted&mdash;and, said he, "on his
+own tacit admission I renew that charge.  I charge him with having been
+a party to that Conspiracy, and to that deception, for the sole purpose
+of Nationalizing Slavery."</p>
+
+<p>This closed the series of preliminary speeches in the canvass.  But they
+only served to whet the moral and intellectual and political appetite of
+the public for more.  It was generally conceded that, at last, in the
+person of Mr. Lincoln, the "Little Giant" had met his match.</p>
+
+<p>On July 24, Mr. Lincoln opened a correspondence with Mr. Douglas, which
+eventuated in an agreement between them, July 31st, for
+joint-discussions, to take place at Ottawa, Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston,
+Galesburgh, Quincy, and Alton, on fixed dates in August, September and
+October&mdash;at Ottawa, Mr. Douglas to open and speak one hour, Mr. Lincoln
+to have an hour and a half in reply, and Mr. Douglas to close in a half
+hour's speech; at Freeport, Mr. Lincoln to open and speak for one hour,
+Mr. Douglas to take the next hour and a half in reply, and Mr. Lincoln
+to have the next half hour to close; and so on, alternating at each
+successive place, making twenty-one hours of joint political debate.</p>
+
+<p>To these absorbingly interesting discussions, vast assemblages listened
+with breathless attention; and to the credit of all parties be it said,
+with unparalleled decorum.  The People evidently felt that the greatest
+of all political principles&mdash;that of Human Liberty&mdash;was hanging on the
+issue of this great political contest between intellectual giants, thus
+openly waged before the World&mdash;and they accordingly rose to the dignity
+and solemnity of the occasion, vindicating by their very example the
+sacredness with which the Right of Free Speech should be regarded at all
+times and everywhere.</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<center>
+<img alt="p098-lincoln.jpg (86K)" src="images/p098-lincoln.jpg" height="874" width="590">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+
+<a name="ch5"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center><h2>
+
+                               CHAPTER V.<br><br>
+
+                   THE PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST OF 1860&mdash;<br>
+                        THE CRISIS APPROACHING.
+</h2></center><br>
+<p>The immediate outcome of the remarkable joint-debate between the two
+intellectual giants of Illinois was, that while the popular vote stood
+124,698 for Lincoln, to 121,130 for Douglas&mdash;showing a victory for
+Lincoln among the People&mdash;yet, enough Douglas-Democrats were elected to
+the Legislature, when added to those of his friends in the Illinois
+Senate, who had been elected two years before, and "held over," to give
+him, in all, 54 members of both branches of the Legislature on joint
+ballot, against 46 for Mr. Lincoln.  Lincoln had carried the people, but
+Douglas had secured the Senatorial prize for which they had striven&mdash;and
+by that Legislative vote was elected to succeed himself in the United
+States Senate.  This result was trumpeted throughout the Union as a
+great Douglas victory.</p>
+
+<p>During the canvass of Illinois, Douglas's friends had seen to it that
+nothing on their part should be wanting to secure success.  What with
+special car trains, and weighty deputations, and imposing processions,
+and flag raisings, the inspiration of music, the booming of cannon, and
+the eager shouts of an enthusiastic populace, his political journey
+through Illinois had been more like a Royal Progress than anything the
+Country had yet seen; and now that his reelection was accomplished, they
+proposed to make the most of it&mdash;to extend, as it were, the sphere of
+his triumph, or vindication, so that it would include not the State
+alone, but the Nation&mdash;and thus so accentuate and enhance his
+availability as a candidate for the Democratic Presidential nomination
+of 1860, as to make his nomination and election to the Presidency of the
+United States an almost foregone conclusion.</p>
+
+<p>The programme was to raise so great a popular tidal-wave in his
+interest, as would bear him irresistibly upon its crest to the White
+House.  Accordingly, as the idol of the Democratic popular heart,
+Douglas, upon his return to the National Capital, was triumphantly
+received by the chief cities of the Mississippi and the Atlantic
+sea-board.  Hailed as victor in the great political contest in Illinois&mdash;upon
+the extended newspaper reports of which, the absorbed eyes of the entire
+nation, for months, had greedily fed&mdash;Douglas was received with much
+ostentation and immense enthusiasm at St. Louis, Memphis, New Orleans,
+New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Washington.  Like the "Triumphs"
+decreed by Rome, in her grandest days, to the greatest of her victorious
+heroes, Douglas's return was a series of magnificent popular ovations,</p>
+
+<p>In a speech made two years before this period, Mr. Lincoln, while
+contrasting his own political career with that of Douglas, and modestly
+describing his own as "a flat failure" had said: "With him it has been
+one of splendid success.  His name fills the Nation, and is not unknown
+even in foreign lands.  I affect no contempt for the high eminence he
+has reached.  So reached, that the oppressed of my species might have
+shared with me in the elevation, I would rather stand on that eminence
+than wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow."  And
+now the star of Douglas had reached a higher altitude, nearing its
+meridian splendor.  He had become the popular idol of the day.</p>
+
+<p>But Douglas's partial victory&mdash;if such it was&mdash;so far from settling the
+public mind and public conscience, had the contrary effect.  It added to
+the ferment which the Pro-Slavery Oligarchists of the South&mdash;and
+especially those of South Carolina&mdash;were intent upon increasing, until
+so grave and serious a crisis should arrive as would, in their opinion,
+furnish a justifiable pretext in the eyes of the World for the
+contemplated Secession of the Slave States from the Union.</p>
+
+<p>Under the inspiration of the Slave Power, and in the direct line of the
+Dred Scott decision, and of the "victorious" doctrine of Senator
+Douglas, which he held not inconsistent therewith, that the people of
+any Territory of the United States could do as they pleased as to the
+institution of Slavery within their own limits, and if they desired the
+institution, they had the right by local legislation to "protect and
+encourage it," the Legislature of the Territory of New Mexico at once
+(1859) proceeded to enact a law "for the protection of property in
+Slaves," and other measures similar to the prevailing Slave Codes in the
+Southern States.</p>
+
+<p>The aggressive attitude of the South&mdash;as thus evidenced anew&mdash;naturally
+stirred, to their very core, the Abolition elements of the North; on the
+other hand, the publication of Hinton Rowan Helper's "Impending Crisis,"
+which handled the Slavery question without gloves, and supported its
+views with statistics which startled the Northern mind, together with
+its alleged indorsement by the leading Republicans of the North,
+exasperated the fiery Southrons to an intense degree.  Nor was the
+capture, in October, 1859, of Harper's Ferry, Virginia, by John Brown
+and his handful of Northern Abolitionist followers, and his subsequent
+execution in Virginia, calculated to allay the rapidly intensifying
+feeling between the Freedom-loving North and the Slaveholding South.
+When, therefore, the Congress met, in December, 1859, the sectional
+wrath of the Country was reflected in the proceedings of both branches
+of that body, and these again reacted upon the People of both the
+Northern and Southern States, until the fires of Slavery Agitation were
+stirred to a white heat.</p>
+
+<p>The bitterness of feeling in the House at this time, was shown, in part,
+by the fact that not until the 1st of February, 1860, was it able, upon
+a forty-fourth ballot, to organize by the election of a Speaker, and
+that from the day of its meeting on the 5th of December, 1859, up to
+such organization, it was involved in an incessant and stormy wrangle
+upon the Slavery question.</p>
+
+<p>So also in the Democratic Senate, the split in the Democratic Party,
+between the Lecompton and Anti-Lecompton Democracy, was widened, at the
+same time that the Republicans of the North were further irritated, by
+the significantly decisive passage of a series of resolutions proposed
+by Jefferson Davis, which, on the one hand, purposely and deliberately
+knifed Douglas's "Popular Sovereignty" doctrine and read out of the
+Party all who believed in it, by declaring "That neither Congress nor a
+Territorial Legislature, whether by direct legislation, or legislation
+of an indirect and unfriendly character, possesses power to annul or
+impair the Constitutional right of any citizen of the United States to
+take his Slave-property into the common Territories, and there hold and
+enjoy the same while the Territorial condition remains," and, on the
+other, purposely and deliberately slapped in the face the Republicans of
+the North, by declaring&mdash;among other things "That in the adoption of the
+Federal Constitution, the States adopting the same, acted severally as
+Free and Independent sovereignties, delegating a portion of their powers
+to be exercised by the Federal Government for the increased security of
+each against dangers, domestic as well as foreign; and that any
+intermeddling by any one or more States or by a combination of their
+citizens, with the domestic institutions of the others, on any pretext
+whatever, political, moral, or religious, with a view to their
+disturbance or subversion, is in violation of the Constitution,
+insulting to the States so interfered with, endangers their domestic
+peace and tranquillity&mdash;objects for which the Constitution was 
+formed&mdash;and, by necessary consequence, tends to weaken and destroy the Union
+itself."</p>
+
+<p>Another of these resolutions declared Negro Slavery to be recognized in
+the Constitution, and that all "open or covert attacks thereon with a
+view to its overthrow," made either by the Non-Slave-holding States or
+their citizens, violated the pledges of the Constitution, "are a
+manifest breach of faith, and a violation of the most solemn
+obligations."</p>
+
+<p>This last was intended as a blow at the Freedom of Speech and of the
+Press in the North; and only served, as was doubtless intended, to still
+more inflame Northern public feeling, while at the same time endeavoring
+to place the arrogant and aggressive Slave Power in an attitude of
+injured innocence.  In short, the time of both Houses of Congress was
+almost entirely consumed during the Session of 1859-60 in the heated,
+and sometimes even furious, discussion of the Slavery question; and
+everywhere, North and South, the public mind was not alone deeply
+agitated, but apprehensive that the Union was founded not upon a rock,
+but upon the crater of a volcano, whose long-smouldering energies might
+at any moment burst their confines, and reduce it to ruin and
+desolation.</p>
+
+<p>On the 23rd of April, 1860, the Democratic National Convention met at
+Charleston, South Carolina.  It was several days after the permanent
+organization of the Convention before the Committee on Resolutions
+reported to the main body, and not until the 30th of April did it reach
+a vote upon the various reports, which had in the meantime been
+modified.  The propositions voted upon were three:</p>
+
+<p>First, The Majority Report of the Committee, which reaffirmed the
+Cincinnati platform of 1856&mdash;with certain "explanatory" resolutions
+added, which boldly proclaimed: "That the Government of a Territory
+organized by an Act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and,
+during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal
+right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their
+rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by
+Congressional or Territorial Legislation;" that "it is the duty of the
+Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary,
+the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else
+its Constitutional authority extends;" that "when the settlers in a
+Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the
+right of Sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into
+the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other
+States, and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the
+Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the
+institution of Slavery;" and that "the enactments of State Legislatures
+to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile
+in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in
+effect."  The resolutions also included a declaration in favor of the
+acquisition of Cuba, and other comparatively minor matters.</p>
+
+<p>Second, The Minority Report of the Committee, which, after re-affirming
+the Cincinnati platform, declared that "Inasmuch as differences of
+opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature and extent of the
+powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of
+Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the
+institution of Slavery within the Territories * * * the Democratic Party
+will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on
+the questions of Constitutional law."</p>
+
+<p>Third, The recommendation of Benjamin F. Butler, that the platform
+should consist simply of a re-affirmation of the Cincinnati platform,
+and not another word.</p>
+
+<p>The last proposition was first voted on, and lost, by 105 yeas to 198
+nays.  The Minority platform was then adopted by 165 yeas to 138 nays.</p>
+
+<p>The aggressive Slave-holders (Majority) platform, and the Butler
+Compromise do-nothing proposition, being both defeated, and the Douglas
+(Minority) platform adopted, the Alabama delegation, under instructions
+from their State Convention to withdraw in case the National Convention
+refused to adopt radical Territorial Pro-Slavery resolutions, at once
+presented a written protest and withdrew from the Convention, and were
+followed, in rapid succession, by; the delegates from Mississippi,
+Louisiana (all but two), South Carolina, Florida, Texas, Arkansas (in
+part), Delaware (mostly), and Georgia (mostly)&mdash;the seceding delegates
+afterwards organizing in another Hall, adopting the above Majority
+platform, and after a four days' sitting, adjourning to meet at
+Richmond, Virginia, on the 11th of June.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, the Regular Democratic National Convention had proceeded to
+ballot for President&mdash;after adopting the two-thirds rule.  Thirty-seven
+ballots having been cast, that for Stephen A. Douglas being, on the
+thirty-seventh, 151, the Convention, on the 3d of May, adjourned to meet
+again at Baltimore, June 18th.</p>
+
+<p>After re-assembling, and settling contested election cases, the
+delegates (in whole or in part) from Virginia, North Carolina,
+Tennessee, California, Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland and Massachusetts,
+withdrew from the Convention, the latter upon the ground mainly that
+there had been "a withdrawal, in part, of a majority of the States,"
+while Butler, who had voted steadily for Jefferson Davis throughout all
+the balloting at Charleston, gave as an additional ground personal to
+himself, that "I will not sit in a convention where the African Slave
+Trade&mdash;which is piracy by the laws of my Country&mdash;is approvingly
+advocated"&mdash;referring thereby to a speech, that had been much applauded
+by the Convention at Charleston, made by a Georgia delegate (Gaulden),
+in which that delegate had said: "I would ask my friends of the South to
+come up in a proper spirit; ask our Northern friends to give us all our
+rights, and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply
+of Slaves from foreign lands.  * * *  I tell you, fellow Democrats, that
+the African Slave Trader is the true Union man (cheers and laughter).  I
+tell you that the Slave Trading of Virginia is more immoral, more
+unchristian in every possible point of view, than that African Slave
+Trade which goes to Africa and brings a heathen and worthless man here,
+makes him a useful man, Christianizes him, and sends him and his
+posterity down the stream of Time, to enjoy the blessings of
+civilization.  (Cheers and laughter.) * * *  I come from the first
+Congressional District of Georgia.  I represent the African Slave Trade
+interest of that Section.  (Applause.) I am proud of the position I
+occupy in that respect.  I believe that the African Slave Trader is a
+true missionary, and a true Christian.  (Applause.) * * *  Are you
+prepared to go back to first principles, and take off your
+unconstitutional restrictions, and leave this question to be settled by
+each State?  Now, do this, fellow citizens, and you will have Peace in
+the Country.  * * *  I advocate the repeal of the laws prohibiting the
+African Slave Trade, because I believe it to be the true Union movement.
+* * *  I believe that by re-opening this Trade and giving us Negroes to
+populate the Territories, the equilibrium of the two Sections will be
+maintained."</p>
+
+<p>After the withdrawal of the bolting delegates at Baltimore, the
+Convention proceeded to ballot for President, and at the end of the
+second ballot, Mr. Douglas having received "two-thirds of all votes
+given in the Convention" (183) was declared the "regular nominee of the
+Democratic Party, for the office of President of the United States."</p>
+
+<p>An additional resolution was subsequently adopted as a part of the
+platform, declaring that "it is in accordance with the true
+interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during the existence of
+the Territorial Governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may
+be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial
+Legislatures over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has
+been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of
+the United States, should be respected by all good citizens, and
+enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General
+Government."</p>
+
+<p>On the 11th of June, pursuant to adjournment, the Democratic Bolters'
+Convention met at Richmond, and, after adjourning to meet at Baltimore,
+finally met there on the 28th of that month&mdash;twenty-one States being, in
+whole or in part, represented.  This Convention unanimously readopted
+the Southern-wing platform it had previously adopted at Charleston, and,
+upon the first ballot, chose, without dissent, John C. Breckinridge of
+Kentucky, as its candidate for the Presidential office.</p>
+
+<p>In the meantime, however, the National Conventions of other Parties had
+been held, viz.: that of the Republican Party at Chicago, which, with a
+session of three days, May 16-18, had nominated Abraham Lincoln of
+Illinois and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, for President and Vice-President
+respectively; and that of the "Constitutional Union" (or Native
+American) Party which had severally nominated (May 19) for such
+positions, John Bell of Tennessee, and Edward Everett of Massachusetts.</p>
+
+<p>The material portion of the Republican National platform, adopted with
+entire unanimity by their Convention, was, so far as the Slavery and
+Disunion questions were concerned, comprised in these declarations:</p>
+
+<p>First, That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has
+fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and
+perpetuation of the Republican Party; and that the causes which called
+it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever
+before, demand its peaceful and Constitutional triumph.</p>
+
+<p>Second, That the maintenance of the principle, promulgated in the
+Declaration of Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution,
+"that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator
+with certain inalienable rights; that among these are Life, Liberty and
+the pursuit of Happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are
+instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
+governed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican
+institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the
+States, and the Union of the States must and shall be preserved.</p>
+
+<p>Third, That to the Union of the States, this Nation owes its
+unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of
+material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at
+home, and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for
+Disunion, come from whatever source they may: And we congratulate the
+Country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or
+countenanced the threats of Disunion, so often made by Democratic
+members, without rebuke, and with applause, from their political
+associates; and we denounce those threats of Disunion, in case of a
+popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as denying the vital principles
+of a free Government, and as an avowal of contemplated Treason, which it
+is the imperative duty of an indignant People, sternly to rebuke and
+forever silence.</p>
+
+<p>Fourth, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and
+especially the right of each State, to order and control its own
+domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is
+essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and
+endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless
+invasion, by armed force, of any State or Territory, no matter under
+what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.</p>
+
+<p>Fifth, That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded our
+worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of
+a Sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions
+to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people
+of Kansas; in construing the personal relation between master and
+servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted
+enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of
+Congress and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a
+purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the
+power intrusted to it by a confiding People.</p>
+
+<p>*  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>Seventh, That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force,
+carries Slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States,
+is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit
+provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition,
+and with legislation and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its
+tendency and subversive of the peace and harmony of the Country.</p>
+
+<p>Eighth, That the normal condition of all the territory of the United
+States is that of Freedom; that as our Republican fathers, when they had
+abolished Slavery in all our National Territory, ordained that "No
+person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due
+process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such
+legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution
+against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of
+Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give
+legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of the United States.</p>
+
+<p>Ninth, That we brand the recent re-opening of the African Slave-trade
+under the cover of our National flag, aided by perversions of judicial
+power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our Country
+and Age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient measures
+for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic.</p>
+
+<p>Tenth, That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal Governors, of the
+acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting Slavery in
+those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted
+Democratic principle of Non-Intervention and Popular Sovereignty
+embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and a demonstration of the
+deception and fraud involved therein.</p>
+
+<p>Eleventh, That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a
+State, under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by the House
+of Representatives.</p>
+
+<p>               *   *   *   *   *   *   *   *   *   *</p>
+
+<p>The National platform of the "Constitutional Union" Party, was adopted,
+unanimously, in these words:</p>
+
+<p>"Whereas, experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the
+partisan Conventions of the Country have had the effect to mislead and
+deceive the People, and at the same time to widen the political
+divisions of the Country, by the creation and encouragement of
+geographical and Sectional parties; therefore,</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of
+duty to recognize no political principle other than the Constitution of
+the Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws,
+and that, as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the
+Country, in National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to
+maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great
+principles of public liberty and national safety, against all enemies,
+at home and abroad; believing that thereby peace may once more be
+restored to the Country, the rights of the people and of the States
+re-established, and the Government again placed in that condition of
+justice, fraternity, and equality which, under the example and
+Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the
+United States to maintain a more perfect Union, establish justice,
+insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote
+the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves
+and our posterity."</p>
+
+<p>Thus, by the last of June, 1860, the four National Parties with their
+platforms and candidates were all in the political field prepared for
+the onset.</p>
+
+<p>Briefly, the attitude of the standard-bearers representing the
+platform-principles of their several Parties, was this:</p>
+
+<p>Lincoln, representing the Republicans, held that Slavery is a wrong, to
+be tolerated in the States where it exists, but which must be excluded
+from the Territories, which are all normally Free and must be kept Free
+by Congressional legislation, if necessary; and that neither Congress,
+nor the Territorial Legislature, nor any individual, has power to give
+to it legal existence in such Territories.</p>
+
+<p>Breckinridge, representing the Pro-Slavery wing of the Democracy, held
+that Slavery is a right, which, when transplanted from the Slave-States
+into the Territories, neither Congressional nor Territorial legislation
+can destroy or impair, but which, on the contrary, must, when necessary,
+be protected everywhere by Congress and all other departments of the
+Government.</p>
+
+<p>Douglas, representing the Anti-Lecompton wing of Democracy, held that
+whether Slavery be right or wrong, the white inhabitants of the
+Territories have the sole right to determine whether it shall or shall
+not exist within their respective limits, subject to the Constitution
+and Supreme Court decisions thereon; and that neither Congress nor any
+State, nor any outside persons, must interfere with that right.</p>
+
+<p>Bell, representing the remaining political elements, held that it was
+all wrong to have any principles at all, except "the Constitution of the
+Country, the Union of the States, and the Enforcement of the Laws"&mdash;a
+platform which Horace Greeley well described as "meaning anything in
+general, and nothing in particular."</p>
+
+<p>The canvass that ensued was terribly exciting&mdash;Douglas alone, of all the
+Presidential candidates, bravely taking the field, both North and South,
+in person, in the hope that the magnetism of his personal presence and
+powerful intellect might win what, from the start&mdash;owing to the adverse
+machinations, in the Northern States, of the Administration or
+Breckinridge-Democratic wing&mdash;seemed an almost hopeless fight.  In the
+South, the Democracy was almost a unit in opposition to Douglas,
+holding, as they did, that "Douglas Free-Soilism" was "far more
+dangerous to the South than the election of Lincoln; because it seeks to
+create a Free-Soil Party there; while, if Lincoln triumphs, the result
+cannot fail to be a South united in her own defense;" while the old Whig
+element of the South was as unitedly for Bell.  In the North, the
+Democracy were split in twain, three-fourths of them upholding Douglas,
+and the balance, powerful beyond their numbers in the possession of
+Federal Offices, bitterly hostile to him, and anxious to beat him, even
+at the expense of securing the election of Lincoln.</p>
+
+<p>Douglas's fight was that the candidacy and platform of Bell were
+meaningless, those of both Lincoln and Breckinridge, Sectional, and that
+he alone bore aloft the standard of the entire Union; while, on the
+other hand, the supporters of Lincoln, his chief antagonist, claimed
+that&mdash;as the burden of the song from the lips of Douglas men, Bell men,
+and Breckinridge men alike, was the expression of a "fear that," in the
+language of Mr. Seward, "if the people elected Mr. Lincoln to the
+Presidency, they would wake up and find that they had no Country for him
+to preside over"&mdash;"therefore, all three of the parties opposing Mr.
+Lincoln were in the same boat, and hence the only true Union party, was
+the party which made no threats of Disunion, to wit, the Republican
+party."</p>
+
+<p>The October elections of 1860 made it plain that Mr. Lincoln would be
+elected.  South Carolina began to "feel good" over the almost certainty
+that the pretext for Secession for which her leaders had been hoping in
+vain for thirty years, was at hand.  On the 25th of October, at Augusta,
+South Carolina, the Governor, the Congressional delegation, and other
+leading South Carolinians, met, and decided that in the event of Mr.
+Lincoln's election, that State would secede.  Similar meetings, to the
+same end, were also held about the same time, in others of the Southern
+States.  On the 5th of November&mdash;the day before the Presidential
+election&mdash;the Legislature of South Carolina met at the special call of
+Governor Gist, and, having organized, received a Message from the
+Governor, in which, after stating that he had convened that Body in
+order that they might on the morrow "appoint the number of electors of
+President and Vice-President to which this State is entitled," he
+proceeded to suggest "that the Legislature remain in session, and take
+such action as will prepare the State for any emergency that may arise."
+He went on to "earnestly recommend that, in the event of Abraham
+Lincoln's election to the Presidency, a Convention of the people of this
+State be immediately called, to consider and determine for themselves
+the mode and measure of redress," and, he continued: "I am constrained
+to say that the only alternative left, in my judgment, is the Secession
+of South Carolina from the Federal Union.  The indications from many of
+the Southern States justify the conclusion that the Secession of South
+Carolina will be immediately followed, if not adopted simultaneously, by
+them, and ultimately by the entire South.  The long-desired cooperation
+of the other States having similar institutions, for which so many of
+our citizens have been waiting, seems to be near at hand; and, if we are
+true to ourselves, will soon be realized.  The State has, with great
+unanimity declared that she has the right peaceably to Secede, and no
+power on earth can rightfully prevent it."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Referring to the Ordinance of Nullification adopted by the people
+     of South Carolina, November 24, 1832, growing out of the Tariff Act
+     of 1832&mdash;wherein it was declared that, in the event of the Federal
+     Government undertaking to enforce the provisions of that Act: "The
+     people of this State will thenceforth hold themselves absolved from
+     all further obligation to maintain or preserve their political
+     connection with the people of the other States, and will forthwith
+     proceed to organize a separate government, and do all other acts
+     and things which Sovereign and independent States may of right
+     do."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>He proceeded to say that "If, in the exercise of arbitrary power, and
+forgetful of the lessons of history, the Government of the United States
+should attempt coercion, it will become our solemn duty to meet force by
+force"&mdash;and promised that the decision of the aforesaid Convention
+"representing the Sovereignty of the State, and amenable to no earthly
+tribunal," should be, by him, "carried out to the letter."  He
+recommended the thorough reorganization of the Militia; the arming of
+every man in the State between the ages of eighteen and forty-five; and
+the immediate enrollment of ten thousand volunteers officered by
+themselves; and concluded with a confident "appeal to the Disposer of
+all human events," in whose keeping the "Cause" was to be entrusted.</p>
+
+<p>That same evening (November 5), being the eve of the election, at
+Augusta, South Carolina, in response to a serenade, United States
+Senator Chestnut made a speech of like import, in which, after
+predicting the election of Mr. Lincoln, he said: "Would the South submit
+to a Black Republican President, and a Black Republican Congress, which
+will claim the right to construe the Constitution of the Country, and
+administer the Government in their own hands, not by the law of the
+instrument itself, nor by that of the fathers of the Country, nor by the
+practices of those who administered seventy years ago, but by rules
+drawn from their own blind consciences and crazy brains?  * * *  The
+People now must choose whether they would be governed by enemies, or
+govern themselves."</p>
+
+<p>He declared that the Secession of South Carolina was an "undoubted
+right," a "duty," and their "only safety" and as to himself, he would
+"unfurl the Palmetto flag, fling it to the breeze, and, with the spirit
+of a brave man, live and die as became" his "glorious ancestors, and
+ring the clarion notes of defiance in the ears of an insolent foe!"</p>
+
+<p>So also, in Columbia, South Carolina, Representative Boyce of that
+State, and other prominent politicians, harangued an enthusiastic crowd
+that night&mdash;Mr. Boyce declaring: "I think the only policy for us is to
+arm, as soon as we receive authentic intelligence of the election of
+Lincoln.  It is for South Carolina, in the quickest manner, and by the
+most direct means, to withdraw from the Union.  Then we will not submit,
+whether the other Southern States will act with us or with our enemies.
+They cannot take sides with our enemies; they must take sides with us.
+When an ancient philosopher wished to inaugurate a great revolution, his
+motto was to dare! to dare!"</p>
+
+<br><br>
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p2.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td> 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+ 
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+</center>
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+<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 2</title>
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+<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 2</h2>
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p1.htm">Previous Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p3.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+ 
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+ 
+<br><br><br><br><br><br>
+
+
+
+<h1>                         THE GREAT CONSPIRACY</h1>
+<br>
+                        <h2>Its Origin and History</h2>
+												<br>
+												<h3>By</h3>
+												<br>
+												<h1>John Logan</h1>
+<br><br>
+                              <h2> Part 2.</h2>
+<br>
+<br>
+
+<br><br><br><br>
+<center>
+<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692">
+<br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665">
+</center>
+
+<br><br><br><br>
+
+<h2>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                      CONTENTS</h2>
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch6">CHAPTER VI.</a><br>
+                     THE GREAT CONSPIRACY MATURING.</h2>
+<br>
+LINCOLN'S ELECTION ASSURED&mdash;SOUTHERN EXULTATION&mdash;NORTHERN GLOOM&mdash;"FIRING
+THE SOUTHERN HEART"&mdash;RESIGNATIONS OF FEDERAL OFFICERS AND SENATORS OF
+SOUTH CAROLINA&mdash;GOVERNOR BROWN, OF GEORGIA, DEFIES "FEDERAL 
+COERCION"&mdash;ALEXANDER H.  STEPHENS'S ARGUMENT AGAINST SECESSION&mdash;SOUTH CAROLINA
+CALLS AN "UNCONDITIONAL SECESSION CONVENTION"&mdash;THE CALL SETS THE SOUTH
+ABLAZE&mdash;PROCLAMATIONS OF THE GOVERNORS OF THE SOUTHERN STATES, FAVORING
+REVOLT&mdash;LOYAL ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR MAGOFFIN OF KENTUCKY&mdash;THE CLAMOR OF
+REVOLT SILENCES APPEALS FOR UNION&mdash;PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S PITIFUL
+WEAKNESS&mdash;CONSPIRATORS IN HIS CABINET&mdash;IMBECILITY OF HIS LAST ANNUAL
+MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DEC., 1860&mdash;ATTORNEY-GENERAL JEREMIAH BLACK'S
+OPINION AGAINST COERCION&mdash;CONTRAST AFFORDED BY GENERAL JACKSON'S LOYAL
+LOGIC&mdash;ENSUING DEBATES IN CONGRESS&mdash;SETTLED PURPOSE OF THE CONSPIRATORS
+TO RESIST PLACATION&mdash;FUTILE LABORS OF UNION MEN IN CONGRESS FOR A
+PEACEFUL SOLUTION&mdash;ABSURD DEMANDS OF THE IMPLACABLES&mdash;THE COMMERCIAL
+NORTH ON ITS KNEES TO THE SOUTH&mdash;CONCILIATION ABJECTLY BEGGED 
+FOR&mdash;BRUTAL SNEERS AT THE NORTH, AND THREATS OF CLINGMAN, IVERSON, AND OTHER
+SOUTHERN FIREEATERS, IN THE U. S.  SENATE&mdash;THEIR BLUSTER MET BY STURDY
+REPUBLICANS&mdash;BEN WADE GALLANTLY STANDS BY THE "VERDICT OF THE 
+PEOPLE"&mdash;PEACEFUL-SETTLEMENT PROPOSITIONS IN THE HOUSE&mdash;ADRIAN'S RESOLUTION, AND
+VOTE&mdash;LOVEJOY'S COUNTER-RESOLUTION, AND VOTE&mdash;ADOPTION OF MORRIS'S UNION
+RESOLUTION IN HOUSE<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch7">CHAPTER VII.</a><br>
+                           SECESSION ARMING.<br></h2>
+<br>
+THE SOUTH CAROLINA SECESSION CONVENTION MEETS&mdash;SPEECHES AT "SECESSION
+HALL" OF PARKER, KEITT, INGLIS, BARNWELL, RHETT, AND GREGG, THE FIRST
+ORDINANCE OF SECESSION&mdash;ITS JUBILANT ADOPTION AND 
+RATIFICATION&mdash;SECESSION STAMPEDE&mdash;A SOUTHERN CONGRESS PROPOSED&mdash;PICKENS'S PROCLAMATION
+OF SOVEREIGN INDEPENDENCE&mdash;SOUTH CAROLINA CONGRESSMEN 
+WITHDRAW&mdash;DISSENSIONS IN BUCHANAN'S CABINET&mdash;COBB FLOYD, AND THOMPSON,
+DEMAND WITHDRAWAL OF FEDERAL TROOPS&mdash;BUCHANAN'S 
+REPLY&mdash;SEIZURE OF FORTS, ETC.&mdash;THE "STAR OF THE WEST" FIRED ON&mdash;THE MAD
+RUSH OF REBELLIOUS EVENTS&mdash;SOUTH CAROLINA DEMANDS THE SURRENDER OF FORT
+SUMTER AND THE DEMAND REFUSED&mdash;SECRETARY HOLT'S LETTER TO CONSPIRING
+SENATORS AND REBEL AGENT&mdash;TROOP'S AT THE NATIONAL CAPITAL&mdash;HOLT'S
+REASONS THEREFOR&mdash;THE REVOLUTIONARY PROGRAMME&mdash;"ARMED OCCUPATION OF
+WASHINGTON CITY"&mdash;LINCOLN'S INAUGURATION TO BE PREVENTED&mdash;THE CRUMBLING
+AND DISSOLVING UNION&mdash;THE NORTH STANDS AGHAST&mdash;GREAT DEBATE IN CONGRESS,
+1860-1861&mdash;CLINGMAN ON THE SOUTHERN TARIFF-GRIEVANCE&mdash;DEFIANCE OF BROWN
+OF MISSISSIPPI&mdash;IVERSON'S BLOODY THREAT&mdash;WIGFALL'S UNSCRUPULOUS 
+ADVICE&mdash;HIS INSULTING DEMANDS&mdash;BAKER'S GLORIOUSLY ELOQUENT RESPONSE&mdash;ANDY JOHNSON
+THREATENED WITH BULLETS&mdash;THE NORTH BULLIED&mdash;INSOLENT, IMPOSSIBLE TERMS OF
+PEACE&mdash;LINCOLN'S SPEECHES EN ROUTE FOR WASHINGTON&mdash;SAVE ARRIVAL&mdash;"I'LL
+TRY TO STEER HER THROUGH!"&mdash;THE SOUTH TAUNTS HIM&mdash;WIGFALL'S CHALLENGE
+TO THE BLOODY ISSUE OF ARMS!<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2><a href="#ch8">CHAPTER VIII.</a><br>
+                       THE REJECTED OLIVE BRANCH.</h2>
+<br>
+THE VARIOUS COMPROMISES OFFERED BY THE NORTH&mdash;"THE CRITTENDEN
+COMPROMISE"&mdash;THE PEACE CONFERENCE&mdash;COMPROMISE PROPOSITIONS OF THE
+SOUTHERN CONSPIRATORS&mdash;IRRECONCILABLE ATTITUDE OF THE PLOTTERS&mdash;HISTORY
+OF THE COMPROMISE MEASURES IN CONGRESS&mdash;CLARK'S SUBSTITUTE TO CRITTENDEN
+RESOLUTIONS IN THE SENATE&mdash;ANTHONY'S MORE THAN EQUITABLE 
+PROPOSITIONS&mdash;HIS AFFECTING APPEAL TO STONY HEARTS&mdash;THE CONSPIRACY DEVELOPING&mdash;SIX
+SOUTHERN SENATORS REFUSE TO VOTE AGAINST THE CLARK SUBSTITUTE&mdash;ITS
+CONSEQUENT ADOPTION, AND DEFEAT OF THE CRITTENDEN RESOLUTIONS&mdash;LYING
+TELEGRAMS FROM CONSPIRING SENATORS TO FURTHER INFLAME 
+REBELLION&mdash;SAULSBURY'S AFTERSTATEMENT (1862) AS TO CAUSES OF FAILURE OF
+CRITTENDEN'S COMPROMISE&mdash;LATHAM'S GRAPHIC PROOF OF THE CONSPIRATORS'
+"DELIBERATE, WILFUL DESIGN" TO KILL COMPROMISE&mdash;ANDREW JOHNSON'S
+EVIDENCE AS TO THEIR ULTIMATE OBJECT "PLACE AND EMOLUMENT FOR
+THEMSELVES"&mdash;"THE POWERS OF GOVERNMENT IN THE HANDS OF THE FEW"&mdash;THE
+CORWIN COMPROMISE RESOLUTION IN THE HOUSE&mdash;THE BURCH 
+AMENDMENT&mdash;KELLOGG'S PROPOSITION&mdash;THE CLEMENS SUBSTITUTE&mdash;PASSAGE BY THE HOUSE OF
+CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PROHIBITING CONGRESSIONAL INTERFERENCE WITH
+SLAVERY WHERE IT EXISTS&mdash;ITS ADOPTION BY THE SENATE&mdash;THE CLARK
+SUBSTITUTE RECONSIDERED AND DEFEATED&mdash;PROPOSITIONS OF THE PEACE CONGRESS
+LOST&mdash;REJECTION OF THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch9">CHAPTER IX.</a><br>
+                 SLAVERY'S SETTING AND FREEDOM'S DAWN.<br></h2>
+<br>
+THE LAST NIGHT OF THE 36TH CONGRESS&mdash;MR. CRITTENDEN'S PATRIOTIC 
+APPEAL&mdash;"THE SADDEST SPECTACLE EVER SEEN"&mdash;IMPOTENCY OF THE BETRAYED AND FALLING
+STATE&mdash;DOUGLAS'S POWERFUL PLEA&mdash;PATRIOTISM OF HIMSELF AND 
+SUPPORTERS&mdash;LOGAN SUMMARIZES THE COMPROMISES, AND APPEALS TO PATRIOTISM ABOVE 
+PARTY&mdash;STATESMANLIKE BREADTH OF DOUGLAS, BAKER AND SEWARD&mdash;HENRY WINTER DAVIS
+ELOQUENTLY CONDENSES "THE SITUATION" IN A NUTSHELL&mdash;"THE FIRST FRUITS OF
+RECONCILIATION" OFFERED BY THE NORTH, SCORNED BY THE 
+CONSPIRATORS&mdash;WIGFALL AGAIN SPEAKS AS THE MOUTHPIECE OF THE SOUTH&mdash;HE RAVES VIOLENTLY
+AT THE NORTH&mdash;THE SOUTH REJECTS PEACE "EITHER IN THE UNION, OR OUT OF
+IT"&mdash;THE DAWN OF FREEDOM APPEARS (MARCH 4TH, 1861)&mdash;INAUGURATION OF
+PRESIDENT LINCOLN&mdash;LINCOLN'S FIRST INAUGURAL&mdash;GRANDEUR AND PATHOS OF HIS
+PATRIOTIC UTTERANCES&mdash;HIS FIRST SLEEPLESS AND PRAYERFUL NIGHT AT THE
+WHITE HOUSE&mdash;THE MORROW, AND ITS BITTER DISAPPOINTMENT&mdash;THE MESSAGE OF
+"PEACE AND GOOD WILL" REGARDED AS A "CHALLENGE TO WAR"&mdash;PRESIDENT
+LINCOLN'S CABINET<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                               <h2><a href="#ch10">CHAPTER X.</a><br>
+                   THE WAR-DRUM&mdash;"ON TO WASHINGTON!"<br></h2>
+<br>
+REBEL COMMISSIONERS AT WASHINGTON ON A "MISSION"&mdash;SEWARD "SITS DOWN" ON
+THEM&mdash;HE REFUSES TO RECOGNIZE "CONFEDERATE STATES"&mdash;THE REBEL
+COMMISSIONERS "ACCEPT THE GAGE OF BATTLE THUS THROWN DOWN TO 
+THEM"&mdash;ATTEMPT TO PROVISION FORT SUMTER&mdash;THE REBELS NOTIFIED&mdash;THE FORT AND ITS
+SURROUNDINGS&mdash;THE FIRST GUN OF SLAVERY FIRED&mdash;TERRIFIC BOMBARDMENT OF
+THE FORT&mdash;THE GARRISON, STARVED AND BURNED OUT, EVACUATES, WITH ALL THE
+HONORS OF WAR&mdash;THE SOUTH CRAZY WITH EXULTATION&mdash;TE DEUMS SUNG, SALUTES
+FIRED, AND THE REBEL GOVERNMENT SERENADED&mdash;"ON TO WASHINGTON!"  THE
+REBEL CRY&mdash;"GRAY JACKETS OVER THE BORDER"&mdash;PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S FIRST
+PROCLAMATION AND CALL FOR TROOPS&mdash;INSULTING RESPONSES OF GOVERNORS
+BURTON, HICKS, LETCHER, ELLIS, MAGOFFIN, HARRIS, JACKSON AND 
+RECTOR&mdash;LOYAL RESPONSES FROM GOVERNORS OF THE FREE STATES&mdash;MAGICAL EFFECT OF THE
+CALL UPON THE LOYAL NORTH&mdash;FEELING IN THE BORDER-STATES&mdash;PRESIDENT
+LINCOLN'S CLEAR SUMMARY OF THE SITUATION AND ITS PHILOSOPHY&mdash;HIS PLAIN
+DUTY&mdash;THE WAR POWER&mdash;THE NATIONAL CAPITAL CUT OFF&mdash;EVACUATION OF
+HARPER'S FERRY&mdash;LOYAL TROOPS TO THE RESCUE&mdash;FIGHTING THEIR WAY THROUGH
+BALTIMORE&mdash;REBEL THREATS&mdash;"SCOTT THE ARCH&mdash;TRAITOR, AND LINCOLN THE
+BEAST"&mdash;BUTLER RELIEVES WASHINGTON&mdash;THE SECESSION OF VIRGINIA AND NORTH
+CAROLINA&mdash;SHAMEFUL EVACUATION OF NORFOLK NAVY YARD&mdash;SEIZURE OF MINTS AND
+ARSENALS&mdash;UNION AND REBEL FORCES CONCENTRATING&mdash;THE NATIONAL CAPITAL
+FORTIFIED&mdash;BLOCKADE OF SOUTHERN PORTS&mdash;DEATH OF ELLSWORTH&mdash;BUTLER
+CONFISCATES NEGRO PROPERTY AS "CONTRABAND OF WAR"&mdash;A REBEL YARN
+<br>
+<br>
+<br><br>
+
+<h3>PORTRAITS</h3>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+<a href="#hayne">ISAAC W. HAYNE,</a><br>
+<a href="#seward">WM. H. SEWARD,</a><br>
+<a href="#clay">HENRY CLAY,</a><br>
+<a href="#davis">JEFFERSON DAVIS,</a><br>
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="hayne"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p120-hayne.jpg (73K)" src="images/p120-hayne.jpg" height="849" width="577">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+
+<a name="ch6"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+
+
+<center>
+<h2>                            CHAPTER VI.<br>
+<br>
+                     THE GREAT CONSPIRACY MATURING.<br></h2>
+</center>
+<p>The 6th of November, 1860, came and passed; on the 7th, the prevailing
+conviction that Lincoln would be elected had become a certainty, and
+before the close of that day, the fact had been heralded throughout the
+length and breadth of the Republic.  The excitement of the People was
+unparalleled.  The Republicans of the North rejoiced that at last the
+great wrong of Slavery was to be placed "where the People could rest in
+the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction!"  The
+Douglas Democracy, naturally chagrined at the defeat of their great
+leader, were filled with gloomy forebodings touching the future of their
+Country; and the Southern Democracy, or at least a large portion of it,
+openly exulted that at last the long-wished-for opportunity for a revolt
+of the Slave Power, and a separation of the Slave from the Free States,
+was at hand.  Especially in South Carolina were the "Fire-eating"
+Southrons jubilant over the event.</p>
+
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     ["South Carolina rejoiced over the election of Lincoln, with
+     bonfires and processions."  p. 172, Arnold's "Life of Abraham
+     Lincoln."</p>
+
+<p>     "There was great joy in Charleston, and wherever 'Fire Eaters' most
+     did congregate, on the morning of November 7th.  Men rushed to
+     shake hands and congratulate each other on the glad tidings of
+     Lincoln's election.  * * *  Men thronged the streets, talking,
+     laughing, cheering, like mariners long becalmed on a hateful,
+     treacherous sea, whom a sudden breeze had swiftly wafted within
+     sight of their longed-for haven."  p. 332, vol. i., Greeley's
+     American Conflict.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Meanwhile any number of joint resolutions looking to the calling of a
+Secession Convention, were introduced in the South Carolina Legislature,
+sitting at Columbia, having in view Secession contingent upon the
+"cooperation" of the other Slave States, or looking to immediate and
+"unconditional" Secession.</p>
+
+<p>On the evening of November 7th, Edmund Ruffin of Virginia&mdash;a Secession
+fanatic who had come from thence in hot haste&mdash;in response to a
+serenade, declared to the people of Columbia that: "The defense of the
+South, he verily believed, was only to be secured through the lead of
+South Carolina;" that, "old as he was, he had come here to join them in
+that lead;" and that "every day delayed, was a day lost to the Cause."
+He acknowledged that Virginia was "not as ready as South Carolina;" but
+declared that "The first drop of blood spilled on the soil of South
+Carolina would bring Virginia, and every Southern State, with them."  He
+thought "it was perhaps better that Virginia, and all other border
+States, remain quiescent for a time, to serve as a guard against the
+North.  * * *  By remaining in the Union for a time, she would not only
+prevent coercive legislation in Congress, but any attempt for our
+subjugation."</p>
+
+<p>That same evening came news that, at Charleston, the Grand Jury of the
+United States District Court had refused to make any presentments,
+because of the Presidential vote just cast, which, they said, had "swept
+away the last hope for the permanence, for the stability, of the Federal
+Government of these Sovereign States;" and that United States District
+Judge Magrath had resigned his office, saying to the Grand Jury, as he
+did so: "In the political history of the United States, an event has
+happened of ominous import to fifteen Slave-holding States.  The State
+of which we are citizens has been always understood to have deliberately
+fixed its purpose whenever that event should happen.  Feeling an
+assurance of what will be the action of the State, I consider it my
+duty, without delay, to prepare to obey its wishes.  That preparation is
+made by the resignation of the office I have held."</p>
+
+<p>The news of the resignations of the Federal Collector and District
+Attorney at Charleston, followed, with an intimation that that of the
+Sub-Treasurer would soon be forthcoming.  On November 9th, a joint
+resolution calling an unconditional Secession Convention to meet at
+Columbia December 17th, was passed by the Senate, and on the 12th of
+November went through the House; and both of the United States Senators
+from South Carolina had now resigned their seats in the United States
+Senate.</p>
+
+<p>Besides all these and many other incitements to Secession was the fact
+that at Milledgeville, Georgia, Governor Brown had, November 12th,
+addressed a Georgian Military Convention, affirming "the right of
+Secession, and the duty of other Southern States to sustain South
+Carolina in the step she was then taking," and declaring that he "would
+like to see Federal troops dare attempt the coercion of a seceding
+Southern State!  For every Georgian who fell in a conflict thus incited,
+the lives of two Federal Soldiers should expiate the outrage on State
+Sovereignty"&mdash;and that the Convention aforesaid had most decisively
+given its voice for Secession.</p>
+
+<p>It was about this time, however, that Alexander H.  Stephens vainly
+sought to stem the tide of Secession in his own State, in a speech
+(November 14) before the Georgia Legislature, in which he declared that
+Mr. Lincoln "can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress.
+The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him.  In
+the Senate he will also be powerless.  There will be a majority of four
+against him."  He also cogently said: "Many of us have sworn to support
+it (the Constitution).  Can we, therefore, for the mere election of a
+man to the Presidency&mdash;and that too, in accordance with the prescribed
+forms of the Constitution&mdash;make a point of resistance to the Government,
+and, without becoming the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves,
+withdraw ourselves from it?  Would we not be in the wrong?"</p>
+
+<p>But the occasional words of wisdom that fell from the lips of the few
+far-seeing statesmen of the South, were as chaff before the storm of
+Disunion raised by the turbulent Fire-eaters, and were blown far from
+the South, where they might have done some good for the Union cause,
+away up to the North, where they contributed to aid the success of the
+contemplated Treason and Rebellion, by lulling many of the people there,
+into a false sense of security.  Unfortunately, also, even the ablest of
+the Southern Union men were so tainted with the heretical doctrine of
+States-Rights, which taught the "paramount allegiance" of the citizen to
+the State, that their otherwise powerful appeals for the preservation of
+the Union were almost invariably handicapped by the added protestation
+that in any event&mdash;and however they might deplore the necessity&mdash;they
+would, if need be, go with their State, against their own convictions of
+duty to the National Union.</p>
+
+<p>Hence in this same speech we find that Mr. Stephens destroyed the whole
+effect of his weighty and logical appeal against Secession from the
+Union, by adding to it, that, "Should Georgia determine to go out of the
+Union I shall bow to the will of her people.  Their cause is my cause,
+and their destiny is my destiny; and I trust this will be the ultimate
+course of all."&mdash;and by further advising the calling of a Convention of
+the people to decide the matter; thus, in advance, as it were, binding
+himself hand and foot, despite his previous Union utterances, to do the
+fell bidding of the most rampant Disunionists.  And thus, in due time,
+it befell, as we shall see, that this "saving clause" in his "Union
+speech," brought him at the end, not to that posture of patriotic
+heroism to which he aspired when he adjured his Georgian auditors to
+"let us be found to the last moment standing on the deck (of the
+Republic), with the Constitution of the United States waving over our
+heads," but to that of an imprisoned traitor and defeated rebel against
+the very Republic and Constitution which he had sworn to uphold and
+defend!</p>
+
+<p>The action of the South Carolina Legislature in calling an Unconditional
+Secession Convention, acted among the Southern States like a spark in a
+train of gunpowder.  Long accustomed to incendiary resolutions of
+Pro-Slavery political platforms, as embodying the creed of Southern men;
+committed by those declarations to the most extreme action when, in
+their judgment, the necessity should arise; and worked up during the
+Presidential campaign by swarming Federal officials inspired by the
+fanatical Secession leaders; the entire South only needed the spark from
+the treasonable torch of South Carolina, to find itself ablaze, almost
+from one end to the other, with the flames of revolt.</p>
+
+<p>Governor after Governor, in State after State, issued proclamation after
+proclamation, calling together their respective Legislatures, to
+consider the situation and whether their respective States should join
+South Carolina in seceding from the Union.  Kentucky alone, of them all,
+seemed for a time to keep cool, and look calmly and reasonably through
+the Southern ferment to the horrors beyond.  In an address issued by
+Governor Magoffin of that State, to the people, he said:</p>
+
+<p>"To South Carolina and such other States as may wish to secede from the
+Union, I would say: The geography of this Country will not admit of a
+division; the mouth and sources of the Mississippi River cannot be
+separated without the horrors of Civil War.  We cannot sustain you in
+this movement merely on account of the election of Mr. Lincoln.  Do not
+precipitate by premature action into a revolution or Civil War, the
+consequences of which will be most frightful to all of us.  It may yet
+be avoided.  There is still hope, faint though it be.  Kentucky is a
+Border State, and has suffered more than all of you.  * * *  She has a
+right to claim that her voice, and the voice of reason, and moderation
+and patriotism shall be heard and heeded by you.  If you secede, your
+representatives will go out of Congress and leave us at the mercy of a
+Black Republican Government.  Mr. Lincoln will have no check.  He can
+appoint his Cabinet, and have it confirmed.  The Congress will then be
+Republican, and he will be able to pass such laws as he may suggest.
+The Supreme Court will be powerless to protect us.  We implore you to
+stand by us, and by our friends in the Free States; and let us all, the
+bold, the true, and just men in the Free and Slave States, with a united
+front, stand by each other, by our principles, by our rights, our
+equality, our honor, and by the Union under the Constitution.  I believe
+this is the only way to save it; and we can do it."</p>
+
+<p>But this "still small voice" of conscience and of reason, heard like a
+whisper from the mouths of Stephens in Georgia, and Magoffin in
+Kentucky, was drowned in the clamor and tumult of impassioned harangues
+and addresses, and the drumming and tramp of the "minute men" of South
+Carolina, and other military organizations, as they excitedly prepared
+throughout the South for the dread conflict at arms which they
+recklessly invited, and savagely welcomed.</p>
+
+<p>We have seen how President Andrew Jackson some thirty years before, had
+stamped out Nullification and Disunion in South Carolina, with an iron
+heel.</p>
+
+<p>But a weak and feeble old man&mdash;still suffering from the effects of the
+mysterious National Hotel poisoning&mdash;was now in the Executive Chair at
+the White House.  Well-meaning, doubtless, and a Union man at heart, his
+enfeebled intellect was unable to see, and hold firm to, the only true
+course.  He lacked clearness of perception, decision of character, and
+nerve.  He knew Secession was wrong, but allowed himself to be persuaded
+that he had no Constitutional power to prevent it.  He had surrounded
+himself in the Cabinet with such unbending adherents and tools of the
+Slave-Power, as Howell Cobb of Georgia, his Secretary of the Treasury,
+John B. Floyd of Virginia, as Secretary of War, Jacob Thompson of
+Mississippi, as Secretary of the Interior, and Isaac Toucy of
+Connecticut, as Secretary of the Navy, before whose malign influence the
+councils of Lewis Cass of Michigan, the Secretary of State, and other
+Union men, in and out of the Cabinet, were quite powerless.</p>
+
+<p>When, therefore, the Congress met (December 3, 1860) and he transmitted
+to it his last Annual Message, it was found that, instead of treating
+Secession from the Jacksonian standpoint, President Buchanan feebly
+wailed over the threatened destruction of the Union, weakly apologized
+for the contemplated Treason, garrulously scolded the North as being to
+blame for it, and, while praying to God to "preserve the Constitution
+and the Union throughout all generations," wrung his nerveless hands in
+despair over his own powerlessness&mdash;as he construed the Constitution&mdash;to
+prevent Secession!  Before writing his pitifully imbecile Message,
+President Buchanan had secured from his Attorney-General (Jeremiah S.
+Black of Pennsylvania) an opinion, in which the latter, after touching
+upon certain cases in which he believed the President would be justified
+in using force to sustain the Federal Laws, supposed the case of a State
+where all the Federal Officers had resigned and where there were neither
+Federal Courts to issue, nor officers to execute judicial process, and
+continued: "In that event, troops would certainly be out of place, and
+their use wholly illegal.  If they are sent to aid the Courts and
+Marshals there must be Courts and Marshals to be aided.  Without the
+exercise of these functions, which belong exclusively to the civil
+service, the laws cannot be executed in any event, no matter what may be
+the physical strength which the Government has at its command.  Under
+such circumstances, to send a military force into any State, with orders
+to act against the people, would be simply making War upon them."</p>
+
+<p>Resting upon that opinion of Attorney-General Black, President Buchanan,
+in his Message, after referring to the solemn oath taken by the
+Executive "to take care that the laws be faithfully executed," and
+stating that there were now no longer any Federal Officers in South
+Carolina, through whose agency he could keep that oath, took up the laws
+of February 28, 1795, and March 3, 1807, as "the only Acts of Congress
+on the Statute-book bearing upon the subject," which "authorize the
+President, after he shall have ascertained that the Marshal, with his
+posse comitatus, is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any
+particular case, to call out the Militia and employ the Army and Navy to
+aid him in performing this service, having first, by Proclamation,
+commanded the insurgents to 'disperse and retire peaceably to their
+respective abodes, within a limited time'"&mdash;and thereupon held that
+"This duty cannot, by possibility, be performed in a State where no
+judicial authority exists to issue process, and where there is no
+Marshal to execute it; and where even if there were such an officer, the
+entire population would constitute one solid combination to resist him."
+And, not satisfied with attempting to show as clearly as he seemed to
+know how, his own inability under the laws to stamp out Treason, he
+proceeded to consider what he thought Congress also could not do under
+the Constitution.  Said he: "The question fairly stated, is: Has the
+Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce into submission a
+State which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from
+the Confederacy?  If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the
+principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and
+make War against a State.  After much serious reflection, I have arrived
+at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress or
+to any other department of the Federal Government."  And further:
+"Congress possesses many means of preserving it (the Union) by
+conciliation; but the sword was not placed in their hands to preserve it
+by force."</p>
+
+<p>Thus, in President Buchanan's judgment, while, in another part of his
+Message, he had declared that no State had any right, Constitutional or
+otherwise, to Secede from that Union, which was designed for all 
+time&mdash;yet, if any State concluded thus wrongfully to Secede, there existed no
+power in the Union, by the exercise of force, to preserve itself from
+instant dissolution!  How imbecile the reasoning, how impotent the
+conclusion, compared with that of President Jackson, thirty years
+before, in his Proclamation against Nullification and Secession, wherein
+that sturdy patriot declared to the South Carolinians that "compared
+to Disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an
+accumulation of all;" that "Disunion by armed force, is Treason;" and
+that he was determined "to execute the Laws," and "to preserve the
+Union!"</p>
+
+<p>President Buchanan's extraordinary Message&mdash;or so much of it as related
+to the perilous condition of the Union&mdash;was referred, in the House of
+Representatives, to a Select Committee of Thirty-three, comprising one
+member from each State, in which there was a very large preponderance of
+such as favored Conciliation without dishonor.  But the debates in both
+Houses, in which the most violent language was indulged by the Southern
+Fire-eaters, as well as other events, soon proved that there was a
+settled purpose on the part of the Slave-Power and its adherents to
+resist and spit upon all attempts at placation.</p>
+
+<p>In the Senate also (December 5), a Select Committee of Thirteen was
+appointed, to consider the impending dangers to the Union, comprising
+Senators Powell of Kentucky, Hunter of Virginia, Crittenden of Kentucky,
+Seward of New York, Toombs of Georgia, Douglas of Illinois, Collamer of
+Vermont, Davis of Mississippi, Wade of Ohio, Bigler of Pennsylvania,
+Rice of Minnesota, Doolittle of Wisconsin, and Grimes of Iowa.  Their
+labors were alike without practical result, owing to the irreconcilable
+attitude of the Southrons, who would accept nothing less than a total
+repudiation by the Republicans of the very principles upon which the
+recent Presidential contest had by them been fought and won.  Nor would
+they even accept such a repudiation unless carried by vote of the
+majority of the Republicans.  The dose that they insisted upon the
+Republican Party swallowing must not only be as noxious as possible, but
+must absolutely be mixed by that Party itself, and in addition, that
+Party must also go down on its knees, and beg the privilege of so mixing
+and swallowing the dose!  That was the impossible attitude into which,
+by their bullying and threats, the Slave Power hoped to force the
+Republican Party&mdash;either that or "War."</p>
+
+<p>Project after project in both Houses of Congress looking to Conciliation
+was introduced, referred, reported, discussed, and voted on or not, as
+the case might be, in vain.  And in the meantime, in New York, in
+Philadelphia, and elsewhere in the North, the timidity of Capital showed
+itself in great Conciliation meetings, where speeches were applauded and
+resolutions adopted of the most abject character, in behalf of "Peace,
+at any price," regardless of the sacrifice of honor and principles and
+even decency.  In fact the Commercial North, with supplicating hands and
+beseeching face, sank on its knees in a vain attempt to propitiate its
+furious creditor, the South, by asking it not only to pull its nose, but
+to spit in its face, both of which it humbly and even anxiously offered
+for the purpose!*</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Thus, in Philadelphia, December 13, 1860, at a great meeting held
+     at the call of the Mayor, in Independence Square, Mayor Henry led
+     off the speaking&mdash;which was nearly all in the same line&mdash;by saying:
+     "I tell you that if in any portion of our Confederacy, sentiments
+     have been entertained and cherished which are inimical to the civil
+     rights and social institutions of any other portion, those
+     sentiments should be relinquished."  Another speaker, Judge George
+     W. Woodward, sneeringly asked: "Whence came these excessive
+     sensibilities that cannot bear a few slaves in a remote Territory
+     until the white people establish a Constitution?"  Another, Mr.
+     Charles E. Lex (a Republican), speaking of the Southern People,
+     said: "What, then, can we say to them? what more than we have
+     expressed in the resolutions we have offered?  If they are really
+     aggrieved by any laws upon our Statute-books opposed to their
+     rights&mdash;if upon examination any such are found to be in conflict
+     with the Constitution of these United States&mdash;nay, further, if they
+     but serve to irritate our brethren of the South, whether
+     Constitutional or not, I, for one, have no objection that they
+     should instantly be repealed."  Another said, "Let us repeal our
+     obnoxious Personal Liberty bills * * *; let us receive our brother
+     of the South, if he will come among us for a little time, attended
+     by his servant, and permit him thus to come."  And the resolutions
+     adopted were even still more abject in tone than the speeches.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>But the South at present was too busy in perfecting its long-cherished
+plans for the disruption of the Union, to more than grimly smile at this
+evidence of what it chose to consider "a divided sentiment" in the
+North.  While it weakened the North, it strengthened the South, and
+instead of mollifying the Conspirators against the Union, it inspired
+them with fresh energy in their fell purpose to destroy it.</p>
+
+<p>The tone of the Republican press, too, while more dignified, was
+thoroughly conciliatory.  The Albany Evening Journal,&mdash;[November 30,
+1860]&mdash;the organ of Governor Seward, recognizing that the South, blinded
+by passion, was in dead earnest, but also recognizing the existence of
+"a Union sentiment there, worth cherishing," suggested "a Convention of
+the People, consisting of delegates appointed by the States, in which it
+would not be found unprofitable for the North and South, bringing their
+respective griefs, claims, and proposed reforms, to a common
+arbitrament, to meet, discuss, and determine upon a future"&mdash;before a
+final appeal to arms.  So, too, Horace Greeley, in the New York
+Tribune,&mdash;[November 9, 1860.]&mdash;after weakly conceding, on his own part,
+the right of peaceable Secession, said: "But while we thus uphold the
+practical liberty, if not the abstract right, of Secession, we must
+insist that the step be taken, if it ever shall be, with the
+deliberation and gravity befitting so momentous an issue.  Let ample
+time be given for reflection; let the subject be fully canvassed before
+the People; and let a popular vote be taken in every case, before
+Secession is decreed."  Other leading papers of the Northern press, took
+similar ground for free discussion and conciliatory action.</p>
+
+<p>In the Senate, as well as the House of Representatives&mdash;as also was
+shown by the appointment, heretofore mentioned, of Select Committees to
+consider the gravity of the situation, and suggest a remedy&mdash;the same
+spirit of Conciliation and Concession, and desire for free and frank
+discussion, was apparent among most of the Northern and Border-State
+members of those Bodies.  But these were only met by sneers and threats
+on the part of the Fire-eating Secession members of the South.  In the
+Senate, Senator Clingman of North Carolina, sneeringly said: "They want
+to get up a free debate, as the Senator (Mr. Seward) from New York
+expressed it, in one of his speeches.  But a Senator from Texas told me
+the other day that a great many of these free debaters were hanging from
+the trees of that country;" and Senator Iverson, of Georgia, said:
+"Gentlemen speak of Concession, of the repeal of the Personal Liberty
+bills.  Repeal them all to-morrow, and you cannot stop this revolution."
+After declaring his belief that "Before the 4th of March, five States
+will have declared their independence" and that "three other States will
+follow as soon as the action of the people can be had;" he proceeded to
+allude to the refusal of Governor Houston of Texas to call together the
+Texas Legislature for action in accord with the Secession sentiment, and
+declared that "if he will not yield to that public sentiment, some Texan
+Brutus will arise to rid his country of this hoary-headed incubus that
+stands between the people and their sovereign will!"  Then, sneering at
+the presumed cowardice of the North, he continued: "Men talk about their
+eighteen millions (of Northern population); but we hear a few days
+afterwards of these same men being switched in the face, and they
+tremble like sheep-stealing dogs!  There will be no War.  The North,
+governed by such far-seeing Statesmen as the Senator (Mr. Seward) from
+New York, will see the futility of this.  In less than twelve months, a
+Southern Confederacy will be formed; and it will be the most successful
+Government on Earth.  The Southern States, thus banded together, will be
+able to resist any force in the World.  We do not expect War; but we
+will be prepared for it&mdash;and we are not a feeble race of Mexicans
+either."</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, there were Republicans in that Body who sturdily met
+the bluster of the Southern Fire-eaters with frank and courageous words
+expressing their full convictions on the situation and their belief that
+Concessions could not be made and that Compromises were mere waste
+paper.  Thus, Senator Ben Wade of Ohio, among the bravest and manliest
+of them all, in a speech in the Senate, December 17, the very day on
+which the South Carolina Secession Convention was to assemble, said to
+the Fire-eaters: "I tell you frankly that we did lay down the principle
+in our platform, that we would prohibit, if we had the power, Slavery
+from invading another inch of the Free Soil of this Government.  I stand
+to that principle to-day.  I have argued it to half a million of people,
+and they stand by it; they have commissioned me to stand by it; and, so
+help me God, I will! * * *  On the other hand, our platform repudiates
+the idea that we have any right, or harbor any ultimate intention to
+invade or interfere with your institutions in your own States.  * * *
+It is not, by your own confessions, that Mr. Lincoln is expected to
+commit any overt act by which you may be injured.  You will not even
+wait for any, you say; but, by anticipating that the Government may do
+you an injury, you will put an end to it&mdash;which means, simply and
+squarely, that you intend to rule or ruin this Government.  * * *  As to
+Compromises, I supposed that we had agreed that the Day of Compromises
+was at an end.  The most solemn we have made have been violated, and are
+no more.  * * *  We beat you on the plainest and most palpable issue
+ever presented to the American people, and one which every man
+understood; and now, when we come to the Capital, we tell you that our
+candidates must and shall be inaugurated&mdash;must and shall administer this
+Government precisely as the Constitution prescribes.  * * *  I tell you
+that, with that verdict of the people in my pocket, and standing on the
+platform on which these candidates were elected, I would suffer anything
+before I would Compromise in any way."</p>
+
+<p>In the House of Representatives, on December 10, 1860, a number of
+propositions looking to a peaceful settlement of the threatened danger,
+were offered and referred to the Select Committee of Thirty-three.  On
+the following Monday, December 17, by 154 yeas to 14 nays, the House
+adopted a resolution, offered by Mr. Adrian of New Jersey, in these
+words:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the
+Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly recommend the
+repeal of all Statutes by the State Legislatures in conflict with, and
+in violation of, that sacred instrument, and the laws of Congress passed
+in pursuance thereof."</p>
+
+<p>On the same day, the House adopted, by 135 yeas to no nays, a resolution
+offered by Mr. Lovejoy of Illinois, in these words:</p>
+
+<p>"Whereas, The Constitution of the United States is the Supreme law of
+the Land, and ready and faithful obedience to it a duty of all good and
+law-abiding citizens; Therefore:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the
+Constitution, wherever manifested; and that we earnestly recommend the
+repeal of all Nullification laws; and that it is the duty of the
+President of the United States to protect and defend the property of the
+United States."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [This resolution, before adoption, was modified by declaring it to
+     be the duty of all citizens, whether "good and law abiding" or not,
+     to yield obedience to the Constitution, as will be seen by
+     referring to the proceedings in the Globe of that date, where the
+     following appears:</p>
+
+<p>     "Mr. LOGAN.  I hope there will be no objection on this side of the
+     House to the introduction of the [Lovejoy] resolution.  I can see
+     no difference myself, between this resolution and the one
+     [Adrian's] just passed, except in regard to verbiage.  I can find
+     but one objection to the resolution, and that is in the use of the
+     words declaring that all' law abiding' citizens should obey the
+     Constitution.  I think that all men should do so.</p>
+
+<p>     "Mr. LOVEJOY.  I accept the amendment suggested by my Colleague.</p>
+
+<p>     "Mr. LOGAN.  It certainly should include members of Congress; but
+     if it is allowed to remain all 'good and law abiding' citizens, I
+     do not think it will include them.  [Laughter.]</p>
+
+<p>     "The resolution was modified by the omission of those words."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>It also adopted, by 115 yeas to 44 nays, a resolution offered by Mr.
+Morris of Illinois, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved by the House of Representatives: That we properly estimate the
+immense value of our National Union to our collective and individual
+happiness; that we cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment
+to it; that we will speak of it as the palladium of our political safety
+and prosperity; that we will watch its preservation with jealous
+anxiety; that we will discountenance whatever may suggest even a
+suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned, and indignantly frown
+upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our
+Country from the rest, or enfeeble the sacred ties which now link
+together the various parts; that we regard it as a main pillar in the
+edifice of our real independence, the support of tranquillity at home,
+our peace abroad, our safety, our prosperity, and that very liberty
+which we so highly prize; that we have seen nothing in the past, nor do
+we see anything in the present, either in the election of Abraham
+Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States, or from any other
+existing cause, to justify its dissolution; that we regard its
+perpetuity as of more value than the temporary triumph of any Party or
+any man; that whatever evils or abuses exist under it ought to be
+corrected within the Union, in a peaceful and Constitutional way; that
+we believe it has sufficient power to redress every wrong and enforce
+every right growing out of its organization, or pertaining to its proper
+functions; and that it is a patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in
+Peace and our defense in War."</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="seward"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p128-seward.jpg (74K)" src="images/p128-seward.jpg" height="847" width="590">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch7"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+<center><h2>
+                              CHAPTER VII.<br><br>
+
+                           SECESSION ARMING.</h2></center><br>
+
+<p>While Congress was encouraging devotion to the Union, and its Committees
+striving for some mode by which the impending perils might be averted
+without a wholesale surrender of all just principles, the South Carolina
+Convention met (December 17, 1860) at Columbia, and after listening to
+inflammatory addresses by commissioners from the States of Alabama and
+Mississippi, urging immediate and unconditional Secession, unanimously
+and with "tremendous cheering" adopted a resolution: "That it is the
+opinion of the Convention that the State of South Carolina should
+forthwith Secede from the Federal Union, known as the United States of
+America,"&mdash;and then adjourned to meet at Charleston, South Carolina.</p>
+
+<p>The next day, and following days, it met there, at "Secession Hall,"
+listening to stimulating addresses, while a committee of seven worked
+upon the Ordinance of Secession.  Among the statements made by orators,
+were several clear admissions that the rebellious Conspiracy had existed
+for very many years, and that Mr. Lincoln's election was simply the
+long-sought-for pretext for Rebellion.  Mr. Parker said: "It is no
+spasmodic effort that has come suddenly upon us; it has been gradually
+culminating for a long period of thirty years.  At last it has come to
+that point where we may say, the matter is entirely right."  Mr. Inglis
+said: "Most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last
+twenty years; and I presume that we have by this time arrived at a
+decision upon the subject."  Mr. Keitt said: "I have been engaged in
+this movement ever since I entered political life; * * *  we have
+carried the body of this Union to its last resting place, and now we
+will drop the flag over its grave."  Mr. Barnwell Rhett said: "The
+Secession of South Carolina is not an event of a day.  It is not
+anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of
+the Fugitive Slave Law.  It has been a matter which has been gathering
+head for thirty years."  Mr. Gregg said: "If we undertake to set forth
+all the causes, do we not dishonor the memory of all the statesmen of
+South Carolina, now departed, who commenced forty years ago a war
+against the tariff and against internal improvement, saying nothing of
+the United States Bank, and other measures which may now be regarded as
+obsolete."</p>
+
+<p>On the 20th of December, 1860&mdash;the fourth day of the sittings&mdash;the
+Ordinance of Secession was reported by the Committee, and was at once
+unanimously passed, as also was a resolution that "the passage of the
+Ordinance be proclaimed by the firing of artillery and ringing of the
+bells of the city, and such other demonstrations as the people may deem
+appropriate on the passage of the great Act of Deliverance and Liberty;"
+after which the Convention jubilantly adjourned to meet, and ratify,
+that evening.  At the evening session of this memorable Convention, the
+Governor and Legislature attending, the famous Ordinance was read as
+engrossed, signed by all the delegates, and, after announcement by the
+President that "the State of South Carolina is now and henceforth a Free
+and Independent Commonwealth;" amid tremendous cheering, the Convention
+adjourned.  This, the first Ordinance of Secession passed by any of the
+Revolting States, was in these words:</p>
+
+<p>"An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina
+and other States united with her, under the compact entitled the
+'Constitution of the United States of America.'</p>
+
+<p>"We the people of the State of South Carolina in Convention assembled,
+do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the
+Ordinance adopted by us in Convention on the 23rd day of May, in the
+year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of
+America was ratified, and also all Acts and parts of Acts of the General
+Assembly of this State ratifying the amendments of the said
+Constitution, are hereby repealed; and that the Union now subsisting
+between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United
+States of America, is hereby dissolved."</p>
+
+<p>Thus, and in these words, was joyously adopted and ratified, that solemn
+Act of Separation which was doomed to draw in its fateful train so many
+other Southern States, in the end only to be blotted out with the blood
+of hundreds of thousands of their own brave sons, and their equally
+courageous Northern brothers.</p>
+
+<p>State after State followed South Carolina in the mad course of Secession
+from the Union.  Mississippi passed a Secession Ordinance, January 9,
+1861.  Florida followed, January 10th; Alabama, January 11th; Georgia,
+January 18th; Louisiana, January 26th; and Texas, February 1st;
+Arkansas, North Carolina, and Virginia held back until a later period;
+while Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri, Maryland, and Delaware, abstained
+altogether from taking the fatal step, despite all attempts to bring
+them to it.</p>
+
+<p>In the meantime, however, South Carolina had put on all the dignity of
+a Sovereign and Independent State.  Her Governor had a "cabinet"
+comprising Secretaries of State, War, Treasury, the Interior, and a
+Postmaster General. She had appointed Commissioners, to proceed to the
+other Slave-holding States, through whom a Southern Congress was
+proposed, to meet at Montgomery, Alabama; and had appointed seven
+delegates to meet the delegates from such other States in that proposed
+Southern Congress.  On the 21st of December, 1860, three Commissioners
+(Messrs.  Barnwell, Adams, and Orr) were also appointed to proceed to
+Washington, and treat for the cession by the United States to South
+Carolina, of all Federal property within the limits of the latter.  On
+the 24th, Governor Pickens issued a Proclamation announcing the adoption
+of the Ordinance of Secession, declaring "that the State of South
+Carolina is, as she has a right to be, a separate sovereign, free and
+independent State, and as such, has a right to levy war, conclude peace,
+negotiate treaties, leagues or covenants, and to do all acts whatsoever
+that rightfully appertain to a free and independent State;" the which
+proclamation was announced as "Done in the eighty-fifth year of the
+Sovereignty and Independence of South Carolina."  On the same day (the
+Senators from that State in the United States Senate having long since,
+as we have seen, withdrawn from that body) the Representatives of South
+Carolina in the United States House of Representatives withdrew.</p>
+
+<p>Serious dissensions in the Cabinet of President Buchanan, were now
+rapidly disintegrating the "official family" of the President.  Lewis
+Cass, the Secretary of State, disgusted with the President's cowardice
+and weakness, and declining to be held responsible for Mr. Buchanan's
+promise not to reinforce the garrisons of the National Forts, under
+Major Anderson, in Charleston harbor, retired from the Cabinet December
+12th&mdash;Howell Cobb having already, "because his duty to Georgia required
+it," resigned the Secretaryship of the Treasury, and left it bankrupt
+and the credit of the Nation almost utterly destroyed.</p>
+
+<p>On the 26th of December, Major Anderson evacuated Fort Moultrie,
+removing all his troops and munitions of war to Fort Sumter&mdash;whereupon a
+cry went up from Charleston that this was in violation of the
+President's promise to take no step looking to hostilities, provided the
+Secessionists committed no overt act of Rebellion, up to the close of
+his fast expiring Administration.  On the 29th, John B. Floyd, Secretary
+of War, having failed to secure the consent of the Administration to an
+entire withdrawal of the Federal garrison from the harbor of Charleston,
+also resigned, and the next day&mdash;he having in the meantime escaped in
+safety to Virginia&mdash;was indicted by the Grand Jury at Washington, for
+malfeasance and conspiracy to defraud the Government in the theft of
+$870,000 of Indian Trust Bonds from the Interior Department, and the
+substitution therefor of Floyd's acceptances of worthless
+army-transportation drafts on the Treasury Department.</p>
+
+<p>Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, also resigned, January 8th,
+1861, on the pretext that "additional troops, he had heard, have been
+ordered to Charleston" in the "Star of the West."&mdash;[McPherson's History
+of the Rebellion, p. 28.]</p>
+
+<p>Several changes were thus necessitated in Mr. Buchanan's cabinet, by
+these and other resignations, so that by the 18th of January, 1861,
+Jeremiah S. Black was Secretary of State; General John A. Dix, Secretary
+of the Treasury; Joseph Holt, Secretary of War; Edwin M. Stanton,
+Attorney General; and Horatio King, Postmaster General.  But before
+leaving the Cabinet, the conspiring Southern members of it, and their
+friends, had managed to hamstring the National Government, by scattering
+the Navy in other quarters of the World; by sending the few troops of
+the United States to remote points; by robbing the arsenals in the
+Northern States of arms and munitions of war, so as to abundantly supply
+the Southern States at the critical moment; by bankrupting the Treasury
+and shattering the public credit of the Nation; and by other means no
+less nefarious.  Thus swindled, betrayed, and ruined, by its degenerate
+and perfidious sons, the imbecile Administration stood with dejected
+mien and folded hands helplessly awaiting the coming catastrophe.</p>
+
+<p>On December 28th, 1860, the three Commissioners of South Carolina having
+reached Washington, addressed to the President a communication, in
+which&mdash;after reciting their powers and duties, under the Ordinance of
+Secession, and stating that they had hoped to have been ready to proceed
+to negotiate amicably and without "hostile collision," but that "the
+events&mdash;[The removal, to Fort Sumter, of Major Anderson's command, and
+what followed.]&mdash;of the last twenty-four hours render such an assurance
+impossible"&mdash;they declared that the troops must be withdrawn from
+Charleston harbor, as "they are a standing menace which render
+negotiation impossible," threatening speedily to bring the questions
+involved, to "a bloody issue."</p>
+
+<p>To this communication Mr. Buchanan replied at considerable length,
+December 30th, in an apologetic, self-defensive strain, declaring that
+the removal by Major Anderson of the Federal troops under his command,
+from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter was done "upon his own responsibility,
+and without authority," and that he (the President) "had intended to
+command him to return to his former position," but that events had so
+rapidly transpired as to preclude the giving of any such command;</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The seizure by the Secessionists, under the Palmetto Flag, of
+     Castle Pinckney and Fort Moultrie; the simultaneous raising of that
+     flag over the Federal Custom House and Post Office at Charleston;
+     the resignation of the Federal Collector, Naval Officer and
+     Surveyor of that Port&mdash;all of which occurred December 27th; and the
+     seizure "by force of arms," December 30th, of the United States
+     Arsenal at that point.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>and concluding, with a very slight stiffening of backbone, by saying:
+"After this information, I have only to add that, whilst it is my duty
+to defend Fort Sumter as a portion of the public property of the United
+States against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by
+such means as I may possess for this purpose, I do not perceive how such
+a defense can be construed into a menace against the city of
+Charleston."  To this reply of the President, the Commissioners made
+rejoinder on the 1st of January, 1861; but the President "declined to
+receive" the communication.</p>
+
+<p>From this time on, until the end of President Buchanan's term of office,
+and the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln as President, March 4th, 1861,
+events crowded each other so hurriedly, that the flames of Rebellion in
+the South were continually fanned, while the public mind in the North
+was staggered and bewildered, by them.</p>
+
+<p>On January 2nd, prior to the Secession of Georgia, Forts Pulaski and
+Jackson, commanding Savannah, and the Federal Arsenal at Augusta,
+Georgia, with two 12 pound howitzers, two cannon, 22,000 muskets and
+rifles, and ammunition in quantity, were seized by Rebel militia.  About
+the same date, although North Carolina had not seceded, her Governor
+(Ellis) seized the Federal Arsenal at Fayetteville, Fort Macon, and
+other fortifications in that State, "to preserve them" from mob-seizure.</p>
+
+<p>January 4th, anticipating Secession, Alabama State troops seized Fort
+Morgan, with 5,000 shot and shell, and Mount Vernon Arsenal at Mobile,
+with 2,000 stand of arms, 150, 000 pounds of powder, some pieces of
+cannon, and a large quantity of other munitions of war.  The United
+States Revenue cutter, "Lewis Cass," was also surrendered to Alabama.</p>
+
+<p>On the 5th, the Federal steamer "Star of the West," with reinforcements
+and supplies for Fort Sumter, left New York in the night&mdash;and Secretary
+Jacob Thompson notified the South Carolina Rebels of the fact.</p>
+
+<p>On the 9th, the "Star of the West" appeared off Charleston bar, and
+while steaming toward Fort Sumter, was fired upon by Rebel batteries at
+Fort Moultrie and Morris Island, and struck by a shot, whereupon she
+returned to New York without accomplishing her mission.  That day the
+State of Mississippi seceded from the Union.</p>
+
+<p>On the 10th, the Federal storeship "Texas," with Federal guns and
+stores, was seized by Texans.  On the same day Florida seceded.</p>
+
+<p>On the 11th, Forts Jackson and St. Philip, commanding the mouth of the
+Mississippi River, and Fort Pike, dominating Lake Pontchartrain, were
+seized by Louisiana troops; also the Federal Arsenal at Baton Rouge,
+with 50,000 small arms, 4 howitzers, 20 heavy pieces of ordnance, 2
+batteries, 300 barrels of powder, and other stores.  The State of
+Alabama also seceded the same day.</p>
+
+<p>On the 12th&mdash;Fort Marion, the coast surveying schooner "Dana," the
+Arsenal at St. Augustine, and that on the Chattahoochee, with 500,000
+musket cartridges, 300,000 rifle cartridges and 50,000 pounds of powder,
+having previously been seized&mdash;Forts Barrancas and McRae, and the Navy
+Yard at Pensacola, were taken by Rebel troops of Florida, Alabama and
+Mississippi.  On the same day, Colonel Hayne, of South Carolina, arrived
+at Washington as Agent or Commissioner to the National Government from
+Governor Pickens of that State.</p>
+
+<p>On the 14th, the South Carolina Legislature resolved "that any attempt
+by the Federal Government to reinforce Fort Sumter will be regarded as
+an act of open hostility, and a Declaration of War."</p>
+
+<p>On the 16th, Colonel Hayne, of South Carolina, developed his mission,
+which was to demand of the President the surrender of Fort Sumter to the
+South Carolina authorities&mdash;a demand that had already been made upon,
+and refused by, Major Anderson.</p>
+
+<p>The correspondence concerning this demand, between Colonel Hayne and ten
+Southern United States Senators;&mdash;[Senators Wigfall, Hemphill, Yulee,
+Mallory, Jeff.  Davis, C. C. Clay, Fitzgerald, Iverson, Slidell, and
+Benjamin.]&mdash;the reply of the President, by Secretary Holt, to those
+Senators; Governor Pickens's review of the same; and the final demand;
+consumed the balance of the month of January; and ended, February 6th,
+in a further reply, through the Secretary of War, from the President,
+asserting the title of the United States to that Fort, and declining the
+demand, as "he has no Constitutional power to cede or surrender it."
+Secretary Holt's letter concluded by saying: "If, with all the
+multiplied proofs which exist of the President's anxiety for Peace, and
+of the earnestness with which he has pursued it, the authorities of that
+State shall assault Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the handful of
+brave and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our Common
+Country into the horrors of Civil War, then upon them and those they
+represent, must rest the responsibility."</p>
+
+<p>But to return from this momentary diversion: On the 18th of January,
+Georgia seceded; and on the 20th, the Federal Fort at Ship Island,
+Mississippi, and the United States Hospital on the Mississippi River
+were seized by Mississippi troops.</p>
+
+<p>On the 26th, Louisiana seceded.  On the 28th, Louisiana troops seized
+all the quartermaster's and commissary stores held by Federal officials;
+and the United States Revenue cutter "McClelland" surrendered to the
+Rebels.</p>
+
+<p>On February 1st, the Louisiana Rebels seized the National Mint and
+Custom House at New Orleans, with $599,303 in gold and silver.  On the
+same day the State of Texas seceded.</p>
+
+<p>On February 8th, the National Arsenal at Little Rock, Arkansas, with
+9,000 small arms, 40 cannon, and quantities of ammunition, was seized;
+and the same day the Governor of Georgia ordered the National Collector
+of the Port of Savannah to retain all collections and make no further
+payments to the United States Government.*</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>
+     [It was during this eventful month that, certain United States
+     troops having assembled at the National Capital, and the House of
+     Representatives having asked the reason therefor, reply was made by
+     the Secretary of War as follows:</p>
+
+<p>     "WAR DEPARTMENT, February 18, 1861.
+          [Congressional Globe, August 8, 1861, pp.  457,458]
+     "SIR: On the 11th February, the House of Representatives adopted a
+     resolution requesting the President, if not incompatible with the
+     public interests, to communicate 'the reasons that had induced him
+     to assemble so large a number of troops in this city, and why they
+     are kept here; and whether he has any information of a Conspiracy
+     upon the part of any portion of the citizens of this Country to
+     seize upon the Capital and prevent the Inauguration of the
+     President elect.'</p>
+
+<p>     "This resolution having been submitted to this Department for
+     consideration and report, I have the honor to state, that the body
+     of troops temporarily transferred to this city is not as large as
+     is assumed by the resolution, though it is a well-appointed corps
+     and admirably adapted for the preservation of the public peace.
+     The reasons which led to their being assembled here will now be
+     briefly stated.</p>
+
+<p>     "I shall make no comment upon the origin of the Revolution which,
+     for the last three months, has been in progress in several of the
+     Southern States, nor shall I enumerate the causes which have
+     hastened its advancement or exasperated its temper.  The scope of
+     the questions submitted by the House will be sufficiently met by
+     dealing with the facts as they exist, irrespective of the cause
+     from which they have proceeded.  That Revolution has been
+     distinguished by a boldness and completeness of success rarely
+     equaled in the history of Civil Commotions.  Its overthrow of the
+     Federal authority has not only been sudden and wide-spread, but has
+     been marked by excesses which have alarmed all and been sources of
+     profound humiliation to a large portion of the American People.
+     Its history is a history of surprises and treacheries and ruthless
+     spoliations.  The Forts of the United States have been captured and
+     garrisoned, and hostile flags unfurled upon their ramparts.  Its
+     arsenals have been seized, and the vast amount of public arms they
+     contained appropriated to the use of the captors; while more than
+     half a million dollars, found in the Mint at New Orleans, has been
+     unscrupulously applied to replenish the coffers of Louisiana.
+     Officers in command of revenue cutters of the United States have
+     been prevailed on to violate their trusts and surrender the
+     property in their charge; and instead of being branded for their
+     crimes, they, and the vessels they betrayed, have been cordially
+     received into the service of the Seceded States.  These movements
+     were attended by yet more discouraging indications of immorality.
+     It was generally believed that this Revolution was guided and urged
+     on by men occupying the highest positions in the public service,
+     and who, with the responsibilities of an oath to support the
+     Constitution still resting upon their consciences, did not hesitate
+     secretly to plan and openly to labor for, the dismemberment of the
+     Republic whose honors they enjoyed and upon whose Treasury they
+     were living.  As examples of evil are always more potent than those
+     of good, this spectacle of demoralization on the part of States and
+     statesmen could not fail to produce the most deplorable
+     consequences.  The discontented and the disloyal everywhere took
+     courage.  In other States, adjacent to and supposed to sympathize
+     in sense of political wrong with those referred to, Revolutionary
+     schemes were set on foot, and Forts and arms of the United States
+     seized.  The unchecked prevalence of the Revolution, and the
+     intoxication which its triumphs inspired, naturally suggested
+     wilder and yet more desperate enterprises than the conquest of
+     ungarrisoned Forts, or the plunder of an unguarded Mint.  At what
+     time the armed occupation of Washington City became a part of the
+     Revolutionary Programme, is not certainly known.  More than six
+     weeks ago, the impression had already extensively obtained that a
+     Conspiracy for the accomplishment of this guilty purpose was in
+     process of formation, if not fully matured.  The earnest endeavors
+     made by men known to be devoted to the Revolution, to hurry
+     Virginia and Maryland out of the Union, were regarded as
+     preparatory steps for the subjugation of Washington.  This plan was
+     in entire harmony with the aim and spirit of those seeking the
+     subversion of the Government, since no more fatal blow at its
+     existence could be struck than the permanent and hostile possession
+     of the seat of its power.  It was in harmony, too, with the avowed
+     designs of the Revolutionists, which looked to the formation of a
+     Confederacy of all the Slave States, and necessarily to the
+     Conquest of the Capital within their limits.  It seemed not very
+     indistinctly prefigured in a Proclamation made upon the floor of
+     the Senate, without qualification, if not exultingly, that the
+     Union was already dissolved&mdash;a Proclamation which, however
+     intended, was certainly calculated to invite, on the part of men of
+     desperate fortunes or of Revolutionary States, a raid upon the
+     Capital.  In view of the violence and turbulent disorders already
+     exhibited in the South, the public mind could not reject such a
+     scheme as at all improbable.  That a belief in its existence was
+     entertained by multitudes, there can be no doubt, and this belief I
+     fully shared.  My conviction rested not only on the facts already
+     alluded to, but upon information, some of which was of a most
+     conclusive character, that reached the Government from many parts
+     of the Country, not merely expressing the prevalence of the opinion
+     that such an organization had been formed, but also often
+     furnishing the plausible grounds on which the opinion was based.
+     Superadded to these proofs, were the oft-repeated declarations of
+     men in high political positions here, and who were known to have
+     intimate affiliations with the Revolution&mdash;if indeed they did not
+     hold its reins in their hands&mdash;to the effect that Mr. Lincoln would
+     not, or should not be inaugurated at Washington.  Such
+     declarations, from such men, could not be treated as empty bluster.
+     They were the solemn utterances of those who well understood the
+     import of their words, and who, in the exultation of the temporary
+     victories gained over their Country's flag in the South, felt
+     assured that events would soon give them the power to verify their
+     predictions.  Simultaneously with these prophetic warnings, a
+     Southern journal of large circulation and influence, and which is
+     published near the city of Washington, advocated its seizure as a
+     possible political necessity.</p>
+
+<p>     "The nature and power of the testimony thus accumulated may be best
+     estimated by the effect produced upon the popular mind.
+     Apprehensions for the safety of the Capital were communicated from
+     points near and remote, by men unquestionably reliable and loyal.
+     The resident population became disquieted, and the repose of many
+     families in the city was known to be disturbed by painful
+     anxieties.  Members of Congress, too&mdash;men of calm and comprehensive
+     views, and of undoubted fidelity to their Country&mdash;frankly
+     expressed their solicitude to the President and to this Department,
+     and formally insisted that the defenses of the Capital should be
+     strengthened.  With such warnings, it could not be forgotten that,
+     had the late Secretary of War heeded the anonymous letter which he
+     received, the tragedy at Harper's Ferry would have been avoided;
+     nor could I fail to remember that, had the early admonitions which
+     reached here in regard to the designs of lawless men upon the Forts
+     of Charleston Harbor been acted on by sending forward adequate
+     reinforcements before the Revolution began, the disastrous
+     political complications that ensued might not have occurred.</p>
+
+<p>     "Impressed by these circumstances and considerations, I earnestly
+     besought you to allow the concentration, at this city, of a
+     sufficient military force to preserve the public peace from all the
+     dangers that seemed to threaten it.  An open manifestation, on the
+     part of the Administration, of a determination, as well as of the
+     ability, to maintain the laws, would, I was convinced, prove the
+     surest, as also the most pacific, means of baffling and dissolving
+     any Conspiracy that might have been organized.  It was believed too
+     that the highest and most solemn responsibility resting upon a
+     President withdrawing from the Government, was to secure to his
+     successor a peaceful Inauguration.  So deeply, in my judgment, did
+     this duty concern the whole Country and the fair fame of our
+     Institutions, that, to guarantee its faithful discharge, I was
+     persuaded no preparation could be too determined or too complete.
+     The presence of the troops alluded to in the resolution is the
+     result of the conclusion arrived at by yourself and Cabinet, on the
+     proposition submitted to you by this Department.  Already this
+     display of life and loyalty on the part of your Administration, has
+     produced the happiest effects.  Public confidence has been
+     restored, and the feverish apprehension which it was so mortifying
+     to contemplate has been banished.  Whatever may have been the
+     machinations of deluded, lawless men, the execution of their
+     purpose has been suspended, if not altogether abandoned in view of
+     preparations which announce more impressively than words that this
+     Administration is alike able and resolved to transfer in peace, to
+     the President elect, the authority that, under the Constitution,
+     belongs to him.  To those, if such there be, who desire the
+     destruction of the Republic, the presence of these troops is
+     necessarily offensive; but those who sincerely love our
+     Institutions cannot fail to rejoice that, by this timely precaution
+     they have possibly escaped the deep dishonor which they must have
+     suffered had the Capital, like the Forts and Arsenals of the South,
+     fallen into the hands of the Revolutionists, who have found this
+     great Government weak only because, in the exhaustless beneficence
+     of its spirit, it has refused to strike, even in its own defense,
+     lest it should wound the aggressor.</p>
+
+<p>     "I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p>
+
+<p>                              "J. HOLT.
+                         "Secretary of War,</p>
+
+<p>     "THE PRESIDENT."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>
+On February 20th, Forts Chadbourne and Belknap were seized by the Texan
+Rebels; and on the 22nd, the Federal General Twiggs basely surrendered
+to them all the fortifications under his control, his little Army, and
+all the Government stores in his possession&mdash;comprising $55,000 in
+specie, 35,000 stand of arms, 26 pieces of mounted artillery, 44
+dismounted guns, and ammunition, horses, wagons, forage, etc., valued at
+nearly $2,000,000.</p>
+
+<p>On the 2nd of March, the Texan Rebels seized the United States Revenue
+cutter "Dodge" at Galveston; and on the 6th, Fort Brown was surrendered
+to them.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, with surrender after surrender, and seizure after
+seizure, of its revenue vessels and fortifications and troops and arms
+and munitions of war in the Southern States&mdash;with Fort Sumter invested
+and at the mercy of any attack, and Fortress Monroe alone of all the
+National strongholds yet safe&mdash;with State after State seceding&mdash;what
+wonder that, while these events gave all encouragement to the Southern
+Rebels, the Patriots of the North stood aghast at the appalling
+spectacle of a crumbling and dissolving Union!</p>
+
+<p>During this period of National peril, the debates in both branches of
+Congress upon propositions for adjustment of the unfortunate differences
+between the Southern Seceders and the Union, as has been already hinted,
+contributed still further to agitate the public mind.  Speech after
+speech by the ablest and most brilliant Americans in public life, for or
+against such propositions, and discussing the rightfulness or
+wrongfulness of Secession, were made in Congress day after day, and, by
+means of the telegraph and the press, alternately swayed the Northern
+heart with feelings of hope, chagrin, elation or despair.</p>
+
+<p>The Great Debate was opened in the Senate on almost the very first day
+of its session (December 4th, 1860), by Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina,
+who, referring to South Carolina, declared that "Instead of being
+precipitate, she and the whole South have been wonderfully patient."  A
+portion of that speech is interesting even at this time, as showing how
+certain phases of the Tariff and Internal Improvement questions entered
+into the consideration of some of the Southern Secession leaders.  Said
+he, "I know there are intimations that suffering will fall upon us of
+the South, if we secede.  My people are not terrified by any such
+considerations.  * * *  They have no fears of the future if driven to
+rely on themselves.  The Southern States have more territory than all
+the Colonies had when they Seceded from Great Britain, and a better
+territory.  Taking its position, climate, and fertility into
+consideration, there is not upon Earth a body of territory superior to
+it.  * * *  The Southern States have, too, at this day, four times the
+population the Colonies had when they Seceded from Great Britain.  Their
+exports to the North and to Foreign Countries were, last year, more than
+$300,000,000; and a duty of ten per cent. upon the same amount of
+imports would give $30,000,000 of revenue&mdash;twice as much as General
+Jackson's administration spent in its first year.  Everybody can see,
+too, how the bringing in of $300,000,000 of imports into Southern ports
+would enliven business in our seaboard towns.  I have seen with some
+satisfaction, also, Mr. President, that the war made upon us has
+benefitted certain branches of industry in my State.  There are
+manufacturing establishments in North Carolina, the proprietors of which
+tell me that they are making fifty per cent. annually on their whole
+capital, and yet cannot supply one tenth of the demand for their
+production.  The result of only ten per cent. duties in excluding
+products from abroad, would give life and impetus to mechanical and
+manufacturing industry, throughout the entire South.  Our people
+understand these things, and they are not afraid of results, if forced
+to declare Independence.  Indeed I do not see why Northern Republicans
+should wish to continue a connection with us upon any terms.  * * *
+They want High Tariff likewise.  They may put on five hundred per cent.
+if they choose, upon their own imports, and nobody on our side will
+complain.  They may spend all the money they raise on railroads, or
+opening harbors, or anything on earth they desire, without interference
+from us; and it does seem to me that if they are sincere in their views
+they ought to welcome a separation."</p>
+
+<p>From the very commencement of this long three-months debate, it was the
+policy of the Southern leaders to make it appear that the Southern
+States were in an attitude of injured innocence and defensiveness
+against Northern aggression.  Hence, it was that, as early as December
+5th, on the floor of the Senate, through Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, they
+declared: "All we ask is to be allowed to depart in Peace.  Submit we
+will not; and if, because we will not submit to your domination, you
+choose to make War upon us, let God defend the Right!"</p>
+
+<p>At the same time it was esteemed necessary to try and frighten the North
+into acquiescence with this demand to be "let alone."  Hence such
+utterances as those of Clingman and Iverson, to which reference has
+already been made, and the especially defiant close of the latter's
+speech, when&mdash;replying to the temperate but firm Union utterances of Mr.
+Hale&mdash;the Georgia Senator said: "Sir, I do not believe there will be any
+War; but if War is to come, let it come; we will meet the Senator from
+New Hampshire and all the myrmidons of Abolitionism and Black
+Republicanism everywhere upon our own soil; and, in the language of a
+distinguished member from Ohio in relation to the Mexican War, we will
+'welcome you with bloody hands to hospitable graves.'"</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, in order to encourage the revolting States to the
+speedy commission of overt acts of Rebellion and violence, that would
+precipitate War without a peradventure, utterances fell from Southern
+lips, in the National Senate Chamber, like those of Mr. Wigfall, when he
+said, during this first day of the debate: "Frederick the Great, on one
+occasion, when he had trumped up an old title to some of the adjacent
+territory, quietly put himself in possession and then offered to treat.
+Were I a South Carolinian, as I am a Texan, and I knew that my State was
+going out of the Union, and that this Government would attempt to use
+force, I would, at the first moment that that fact became manifest,
+seize upon the Forts and the arms and the munitions of war, and raise
+the cry 'To your tents, O Israel, and to the God of battles be this
+issue!"</p>
+
+<p>And, as we have already seen, the Rebels of the South were not slow in
+following the baleful advice to the letter.  But it was not many days
+after this utterance when the Conspirators against the Union evidently
+began to fear that the ground for Rebellion, upon which they had planted
+themselves, would be taken from under their feet by the impulse of
+Compromise and Concession which stirred so strongly the fraternal spirit
+of the North.  That peaceful impulse must be checked and exasperated by
+sneers and impossible demands.  Hence, on December 12th we find one of
+the most active and favorite mouthpieces of Treason, Mr. Wigfall,
+putting forth such demands, in his most offensive manner.</p>
+
+<p>Said he: "If the two Senators from New York (Seward and King), the
+Senator from Ohio (Wade), the two Senators from Illinois (Douglas and
+Trumbull), the Senator from New Hampshire (Hale), the Senator from
+Maine, and others who are regarded as representative men, who have
+denied that by the Constitution of the United States, Slaves are
+recognized as Property; who have urged and advocated those acts which we
+regard as aggressive on the part of the People&mdash;if they will rise here,
+and say in their places, that they desire to propose amendments to the
+Constitution, and beg that we will vote for them; that they will, in
+good faith, go to their respective constituencies and urge the
+ratification; that they believe, if these Gulf States will suspend their
+action, that those amendments will be ratified and carried out in good
+faith; that they will cease preaching this 'irrepressible conflict'; and
+if, in those amendments, it is declared that Slaves are Property, that
+they shall be delivered up upon demand; and that they will assure us
+that Abolition societies shall be abolished; that Abolition speeches
+shall no longer be made; that we shall have peace and quiet; that we
+shall not be called cut-throats and pirates and murderers; that our
+women shall not be slandered&mdash;these things being said in good faith, the
+Senators begging that we will stay our hand until an honest effort can
+be made, I believe that there is a prospect of giving them a fair
+consideration!"</p>
+
+<p>Small wonder is it, that this labored and ridiculous piece of
+impertinence was received with ironical laughter on the Republican side
+of the Senate Chamber.  And it was in reference to these threats, and
+these preposterous demands&mdash;including the suppression of the right of
+Free Discussion and Liberty of the Press&mdash;that, in the same chamber
+(January 7, 1861) the gallant and eloquent Baker said:</p>
+
+<p>"Your Fathers had fought for that right, and more than that, they had
+declared that the violation of that right was one of the great causes
+which impelled them to the Separation.  * * *  Sir, the Liberty of the
+Press is the highest safeguard to all Free Government.  Ours could not
+exist without it.  It is with us, nay, with all men, like a great
+exulting and abounding river, It is fed by the dews of Heaven, which
+distil their sweetest drops to form it.  It gushes from the rill, as it
+breaks from the deep caverns of the Earth.  It is fed by a thousand
+affluents, that dash from the mountaintop to separate again into a
+thousand bounteous and irrigating rills around.  On its broad bosom it
+bears a thousand barks.  There, Genius spreads its purpling sail.
+There, Poetry dips its silver oar.  There, Art, Invention, Discovery,
+Science, Morality, Religion, may safely and securely float.  It wanders
+through every land.  It is a genial, cordial source of thought and
+inspiration, wherever it touches, whatever it surrounds.  Sir, upon its
+borders, there grows every flower of Grace and every fruit of Truth.  I
+am not here to deny that that Stream sometimes becomes a dangerous
+Torrent, and destroys towns and cities upon its bank; but I am here to
+say that without it, Civilization, Humanity, Government, all that makes
+Society itself, would disappear, and the World would return to its
+ancient Barbarism.</p>
+
+<p>"Sir, if that were to be possible, or so thought for a moment, the fine
+conception of the great Poet would be realized.  If that were to be
+possible, though but for a moment, Civilization itself would roll the
+wheels of its car backward for two thousand years.  Sir, if that were
+so, it would be true that:</p>
+
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+          'As one by one in dread Medea's train,<br />
+          Star after Star fades off th' ethereal plain,<br />
+          Thus at her fell approach and secret might,<br />
+          Art after art goes out, and all is night.<br />
+          Philosophy, that leaned on Heaven before,<br />
+          Sinks to her second cause, and is no more.<br />
+          Religion, blushing, veils her sacred fires,<br />
+          And, unawares, Morality expires.'<br />
+
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
+
+<p>"Sir, we will not risk these consequences, even for Slavery; we will not
+risk these consequences even for Union; we will not risk these
+consequences to avoid that Civil War with which you threaten us; that
+War which, you announce so deadly, and which you declare to be
+inevitable.  * * *  I will never yield to the idea that the great
+Government of this Country shall protect Slavery in any Territory now
+ours, or hereafter to be acquired.  It is, in my opinion, a great
+principle of Free Government, not, to be surrendered.</p>
+
+<p>"It is in my judgment, the object of the great battle which we have
+fought, and which we have won.  It is, in my poor opinion, the point
+upon which there is concord and agreement between the great masses of
+the North, who may agree in no other political opinion whatever.  Be he
+Republican, or Democrat, or Douglas man, or Lincoln man; be he from the
+North, or the West, from Oregon, or from Maine, in my judgment
+nine-tenths of the entire population of the North and West are devoted, in
+the very depths of their hearts, to the great Constitutional idea that
+Freedom is the rule, that Slavery is the exception, that it ought not to
+be extended by virtue of the powers of the Government of the United
+States; and, come weal, come woe, it never shall be.</p>
+
+<p>"But, sir, I add one other thing.  When you talk to me about Compromise
+or Concession, I am not sure that I always understand you.  Do you mean
+that I am to give up my convictions of right?  Armies cannot compel that
+in the breast of a Free People.  Do you mean that I am to concede the
+benefits of the political struggle through which we have passed,
+considered politically, only?  You are too just and too generous to ask
+that.  Do you mean that we are to deny the great principle upon which
+our political action has been based?  You know we cannot.  But if you
+mean by Compromise and Concession to ask us to see whether we have not
+been hasty, angry, passionate, excited, and in many respects violated
+your feelings, your character, your right of property, we will look;
+and, as I said yesterday, if we have, we will undo it.  Allow me to say
+again, if there be any lawyer or any Court that will advise us that our
+laws are unconstitutional, we will repeal them.</p>
+
+<p>"Now as to territory.  I will not yield one inch to Secession; but there
+are things that I will yield, and there are things to which I will
+yield.  It is somewhere told that when Harold of England received a
+messenger from a brother with whom he was at variance, to inquire on
+what terms reconciliation and peace could be effected between brothers,
+he replied in a gallant and generous spirit in a few words, 'the terms
+I offer are the affection of a brother; and the Earldom of
+Northumberland.'  And, said the Envoy, as he marched up the Hall amid
+the warriors that graced the state of the King, 'if Tosti, thy brother,
+agree to this, what terms will you allow to his ally and friend,
+Hadrada, the giant.'  'We will allow,' said Harold, 'to Hadrada, the
+giant, seven feet of English ground, and if he be, as they say, a giant,
+some few inches more!' and, as he spake, the Hall rang with acclamation.</p>
+
+<p>"Sir, in that spirit I speak.  I follow, at a humble distance, the ideas
+and the words of Clay, illustrious, to be venerated, and honored, and
+remembered, forever.  * * *  He said&mdash;I say: that I will yield no inch,
+no word, to the threat of Secession, unconstitutional, revolutionary,
+dangerous, unwise, at variance with the heart and the hope of all
+mankind save themselves.  To that I yield nothing; but if States loyal
+to the Constitution, if people magnanimous and just, desiring a return
+of fraternal feeling, shall come to us and ask for Peace, for permanent,
+enduring peace and affection, and say, 'What will you grant?  I say to
+them, 'Ask all that a gentleman ought to propose, and I will yield all
+that a gentleman ought to offer.'  Nay, more: if you are galled because
+we claim the right to prohibit Slavery in territory now Free, or in any
+Territory which acknowledges our jurisdiction, we will evade&mdash;I speak
+but for myself&mdash;I will aid in evading that question; I will agree to
+make it all States, and let the People decide at once.  I will agree to
+place them in that condition where the prohibition of Slavery will never
+be necessary to justify ourselves to our consciences or to our
+constituents.  I will agree to anything which is not to force upon me
+the necessity of protecting Slavery in the name of Freedom.  To that I
+never can and never will yield."</p>
+
+<p>The speeches of Seward, of Douglas, of Crittenden, of Andrew Johnson, of
+Baker, and others, in behalf of the Union, and those of Benjamin, Davis,
+Wigfall, Lane, and others, in behalf of Secession, did much toward
+fixing the responsibility for the approaching bloody conflict where it
+belonged.  The speeches of Andrew Johnson of Tennessee&mdash;who, if he at a
+subsequent period of the Nation's history, proved himself not the
+worthiest son of the Republic, at this critical time, at all events, did
+grand service in the National Senate&mdash;especially had great and good
+effect on the public mind in the Northern and Border States.  They were,
+therefore, gall and wormwood to the Secession leaders, who hoped to drag
+the Border States into the great Southern Confederacy of States already
+in process of formation.</p>
+
+<p>Their irritation was shown in threats of personal violence to Mr.
+Johnson, as when Wigfall&mdash;replying February 7th, 1861, to the latter's
+speech, said, "Now if the Senator wishes to denounce Secession and
+Nullification eo nomine, let him go back and denounce Jefferson; let him
+denounce Jackson, if he dare, and go back and look that Tennessee
+Democracy in the face, and see whether they will content themselves with
+riddling his effigy!"</p>
+
+<p>It would seem also, from another part of Wigfall's reply, that the
+speeches of Union Senators had been so effective that a necessity was
+felt on the part of the Southern Conspirators to still further attempt
+to justify Secession by shifting the blame to Northern shoulders, for,
+while referring to the Presidential canvass of 1860&mdash;and the attitude of
+the Southern Secession leaders during that exciting period&mdash;he said:
+"We (Breckinridge-Democrats) gave notice, both North and South, that if
+Abraham Lincoln was elected, this Union was dissolved.  I never made a
+speech during the canvass without asserting that fact.  * * *  Then, I
+say, that our purpose was not to dissolve the Union; but the dire
+necessity has been put upon us.  The question is, whether we shall live
+longer in a Union in which a Party, hostile to us in every respect, has
+the power in Congress, in the Executive department, and in the Electoral
+Colleges&mdash;a Party who will have the power even in the Judiciary.  We
+think it is not safe.  We say that each State has the clear indisputable
+right to withdraw if she sees fit; and six of the States have already
+withdrawn, and one other State is upon the eve of withdrawing, if she
+has not already done so.  How far this will spread no man can tell!"</p>
+
+<p>As tending to show the peculiar mixture of brag, cajolery, and threats,
+involved in the attitude of the South, as expressed by the same favorite
+Southern mouthpiece, toward the Border-States on the one hand, and the
+Middle and New England States on the other, a further extract from this
+(February 7th) speech of the Texan Senator may be of interest.  Said he:</p>
+
+<p>"With exports to the amount of hundreds of millions of dollars, our
+imports must be the same.  With a lighter Tariff than any people ever
+undertook to live under, we could have larger revenue.  We would be able
+to stand Direct Taxation to a greater extent than any people ever could
+before, since the creation of the World.  We feel perfectly competent to
+meet all issues that may be presented, either by hostility from abroad
+or treason at home.  So far as the Border-States are concerned, it is a
+matter that concerns them alone.  Should they confederate with us,
+beyond all doubt New England machinery will be worked with the water
+power of Tennessee, of Kentucky, of Virginia and of Maryland; the Tariff
+laws that now give New England the monopoly in the thirty-three States,
+will give to these Border States a monopoly in the Slave-holding States.
+Should the non-Slave-holding States choose to side against us in
+organizing their Governments, and cling to their New England brethren,
+the only result will be, that the meat, the horses, the hemp, and the
+grain, which we now buy in Pennsylvania, in Ohio, in Indiana and
+Illinois, will be purchased in Kentucky and in Western Virginia and in
+Missouri.  Should Pennsylvania stand out, the only result will be, that
+the iron which is now dug in Pennsylvania, will be dug in the mountains
+of Tennessee and of Virginia and of Kentucky and of North Carolina.
+These things we know.</p>
+
+<p>"We feel no anxiety at all, so far as money or men are concerned.  We
+desire War with nobody; we intend to make no War; but we intend to live
+under just such a Government as we see fit.  Six States have left this
+Union, and others are going to leave it simply because they choose to do
+it; that is all.  We do not ask your consent; we do not wish it.  We
+have revoked our ratification of the Treaty commonly known as the
+Constitution of the United States; a treaty for common defense and
+general welfare; and we shall be perfectly willing to enter into another
+Treaty with you, of peace and amity.  Reject the olive branch and offer
+us the sword, and we accept it; we have not the slightest objection.
+Upon that subject we feel as the great William Lowndes felt upon another
+important subject, the Presidency, which he said was neither to be
+sought nor declined.  When you invade our soil, look to your own
+borders.  You say that you have too many people, too many towns, too
+dense a population, for us to invade you.  I say to you Senators, that
+there is nothing that ever stops the march of an invading force, except
+a desert.  The more populous a country, the more easy it is to subsist
+an army."</p>
+
+<p>After declaring that&mdash;"Not only are our non-Slaveholders loyal, but even
+our Negroes are.  We have no apprehensions whatever of insurrection&mdash;not
+the slightest.  We can arm our negroes, and leave them at home, when we
+are temporarily absent"&mdash;Mr. Wigfall proceeded to say: "We may as well
+talk plainly about this matter.  This is probably the last time I shall
+have an opportunity of addressing you.  There is another thing that an
+invading army cannot do.  It cannot burn up plantations.  You can pull
+down fences, but the Negroes will put them up the next morning.  The
+worst fuel that ever a man undertook to make fire with, is dirt; it will
+not burn.  Now I have told you what an invading army cannot do.  Suppose
+I reverse the picture and tell you what it can do.  An invading army in
+an enemy's country, where there is a dense population, can subsist
+itself at a very little cost; it does not always pay for what it gets.
+An invading army can burn down towns; an invading army can burn down
+manufactories; and it can starve operatives.  It can do all these
+things.  But an Invading army, and an army to defend a Country, both
+require a military chest.  You may bankrupt every man south of North
+Carolina, so that his credit is reduced to such a point that he could
+not discount a note for thirty dollars, at thirty days; but the next
+autumn those Cotton States will have just as much money and as much
+credit as they had before.  They pick money off the cotton plant.  Every
+time that a Negro touches a cotton-pod with his hand, he pulls a piece
+of silver out of it, and he drops it into the basket in which it is
+carried to the gin-house.  It is carried to the packing screw.  A bale
+of cotton rolls out&mdash;in other words, five ten-dollar pieces roll
+out&mdash;covered with canvas.  We shall never again make less than five million
+bales of cotton.  * * *  We can produce five million bales of cotton,
+every bale worth fifty dollars, which is the lowest market price it has
+been for years past.  We shall import a bale of something else, for
+every bale of cotton that we export, and that bale will be worth fifty
+dollars.  We shall find no difficulty under a War-Tariff in raising an
+abundance of money.  We have been at Peace for a very long time, We are
+very prosperous.  Our planters use their cotton, not to buy the
+necessaries of life, but for the superfluities, which they can do
+without.  The States themselves have a mine of wealth in the loyalty and
+the wealth of their citizens.  Georgia, Mississippi, any one of those
+States can issue its six per cent. bonds tomorrow, and receive cotton in
+payment to the extent almost of the entire crop.  They can first borrow
+from their own citizens; they can tax them to an almost unlimited
+extent; and they can raise revenue from a Tariff to an almost unlimited
+extent.</p>
+
+<p>"How will it be with New England?  where will their revenue come from?
+From your Custom-houses?  what do you export?  You have been telling us
+here for the last quarter of a century, that you cannot manufacture,
+even for the home market, under the Tariffs which we have given you.
+When this Tariff ceases to operate in your favor, and you have to pay
+for coming into our markets, what will you export?  When your machinery
+ceases to move, and your operatives are turned out, will you tax your
+broken capitalist or your starving operative?  When the navigation laws
+cease to operate, what will become of your shipping interest?  You are
+going to blockade our ports, you say.  That is a very innocent game; and
+you suppose we shall sit quietly down and submit to a blockade.  I speak
+not of foreign interference, for we look not for it.  We are just as
+competent to take Queen Victoria and Louis Napoleon under our
+protection, as they are to take us; and they are a great deal more
+interested to-day in receiving cotton from our ports than we are in
+shipping it.  You may lock up every bale of cotton within the limits of
+the eight Cotton States, and not allow us to export one for three years,
+and we shall not feel it further than our military resources are
+concerned.  Exhaust the supply of cotton in Europe for one week, and all
+Europe is in revolution.</p>
+
+<p>"These are facts.  You will blockade us!  Do you suppose we shall do
+nothing, even upon the sea?  How many letters of marque and reprisal
+would it take to put the whole of your ships up at your wharves to rot?
+Will any merchant at Havre, or Liverpool, or any other portion of the
+habitable globe, ship a cargo upon a New England, or New York, or
+Philadelphia clipper, or other ship, when he knows that the seas are
+swarming with letters of marque and reprisal?  Why the mere apprehension
+of such a thing will cut you out of the Carrying Trade of the civilized
+World.  * * *  I speak not of the absurdity of the position that you can
+blockade our ports, admitting at the same time that we are in the Union.
+Blockade is a remedy, as all writers on International law say, against a
+Foreign Power with whom you are at War.  You cannot use a blockade
+against your own people.  An embargo even, you cannot use.  That is a
+remedy against a Foreign Nation with whom you expect to be at War.  You
+must treat us as in the Union, or out of it.  We have gone out.  We are
+willing to live at peace with you; but, as sure as fate, whenever any
+flag comes into one of our ports, that has thirty-three stars upon it,
+that flag will be fired at.  Displaying a flag with stars which we have
+plucked from that bright galaxy, is an insult to the State within whose
+waters that flag is displayed.  You cannot enforce the laws without
+Coercion, and you cannot Coerce without War.</p>
+
+<p>"These matters, then, can be settled.  How?  By withdrawing your troops;
+admitting our right to Self-government clearly, unqualifiedly.  Do this,
+and there is no difficulty about it.  You say that you will not do it.
+Very well; we have no objection&mdash;none whatever.  That is Coercion.  When
+you have attempted it, you will find that you have made War.  These,
+Senators, are facts.  I come here to plead for Peace; but I have seen so
+much and felt so much, that I am becoming at last, to tell the plain
+truth of the matter, rather indifferent as to which way the thing turns.
+If you want War, you can have it.  If you want Peace, you can get it;
+but I plead not for Peace."</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the Seceding States of the South were strengthening their
+attitude by Confederation.  On February 4, 1861, the Convention of
+Seceding States, called by the South Carolina Convention at the time of
+her Secession, met, in pursuance of that call, at Montgomery, Alabama,
+and on the 9th adopted a Provisional Constitution and organized a
+Provisional Government by the election of Jefferson Davis of
+Mississippi, as President, and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, as
+Vice-President; to serve until a Presidential election could be held by
+the people of the Confederacy.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [At a later day, March 11, 1861, a permanent Constitution for the
+     "Confederate States" was adopted, and, in the Fall of the same
+     year, Messrs.  Davis and Stephens were elected by popular vote, for
+     the term of six years ensuing, as President and Vice-President,
+     respectively, of the Confederacy.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Mr. Davis almost at once left Jackson, Mississippi, for Montgomery,
+where he arrived and delivered his Inaugural, February 17, having
+received on his road thither a succession of ovations from the
+enthusiastic Rebels, to which he had responded with no less than
+twenty-five speeches, very similar in tone to those made in the United States
+Senate by Mr. Wigfall and others of that ilk&mdash;breathing at once defiance
+and hopefulness, while admitting the difficulties in the way of the new
+Confederacy.</p>
+
+<p>"It may be," said he, at Jackson, "that we will be confronted by War;
+that the attempt will be made to blockade our ports, to starve us out;
+but they (the Union men of the North) know little of the Southern heart,
+of Southern endurance.  No amount of privation could force us to remain
+in a Union on unequal terms.  England and France would not allow our
+great staple to be dammed up within our present limits; the starving
+thousands in their midst would not allow it.  We have nothing to
+apprehend from Blockade.  But if they attempt invasion by land, we must
+take the War out of our territory.  If War must come, it must be upon
+Northern, and not upon Southern soil.  In the meantime, if they were
+prepared to grant us Peace, to recognize our equality, all is well."</p>
+
+<p>And, in his speech at Stevenson, Alabama, said he "Your Border States
+will gladly come into the Southern Confederacy within sixty days, as we
+will be their only friends.  England will recognize us, and a glorious
+future is before us.  The grass will grow in the Northern cities, where
+the pavements have been worn off by the tread of Commerce.  We will
+carry War where it is easy to advance&mdash;where food for the sword and
+torch await our Armies in the densely populated cities; and though they
+may come and spoil our crops, we can raise them as before; while they
+cannot rear the cities which took years of industry and millions of
+money to build."</p>
+
+<p>Very different in tone to these, were the kindly and sensible utterances
+of Mr. Lincoln on his journey from Springfield to Washington, about the
+same time, for Inauguration as President of the United States.  Leaving
+Springfield, Illinois, February 11th, he had pathetically said:</p>
+
+<p>"My friends: No one, not in my position, can realize the sadness I feel
+at this parting.  To this people I owe all that I am.  Here I have lived
+more than a quarter of a century.  Here my children were born, and here
+one of them lies buried.  I know not how soon I shall see you again.  I
+go to assume a task more difficult than that which has devolved upon any
+other man since the days of Washington.  He never would have succeeded
+except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times
+relied.  I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine blessing
+which sustained him; and on the same Almighty Being I place my reliance
+for support.  And I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may
+receive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with
+which success is certain.  Again I bid you an affectionate farewell."</p>
+
+<p>At Indianapolis, that evening, the eve of his birthday anniversary,
+after thanking the assembled thousands for their "magnificent welcome,"
+and defining the words "Coercion" and "Invasion"&mdash;at that time so
+loosely used&mdash;he continued: "But if the United States should merely hold
+and retake her own Forts and other property, and collect the duties on
+foreign importation, or even withhold the mails from places where they
+were habitually violated, would any or all of these things be 'Invasion'
+or 'Coercion'?  Do our professed lovers of the Union, who spitefully
+resolve that they will resist Coercion and Invasion, understand that
+such things as these on the part of the United States would be
+'Coercion' or 'Invasion' of a State?  If so, their idea of means to
+preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be
+exceedingly thin and airy."</p>
+
+<p>At Columbus, Ohio, he spoke in a like calm, conservative, reasoning way
+&mdash;with the evident purpose of throwing oil on the troubled waters&mdash;when
+he said: "I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety.
+It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety; for there is
+nothing going wrong.  It is a consoling circumstance that, when we look
+out, there is nothing that really hurts anybody.  We entertain different
+views upon political questions; but nobody is suffering anything.  This
+is a consoling circumstance; and from it we may conclude that all we
+want is time, patience, and a reliance on that God who has never
+forsaken this People."</p>
+
+<p>So, too, at Pittsburg, Pa., February 15th, he said, of "our friends," as
+he termed them, the Secessionists: "Take even their own views of the
+questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the course they are
+pursuing.  I repeat, then, there is no crisis, except such an one as may
+be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by designing
+politicians.  My advice to them, under the circumstances, is to keep
+cool.  If the great American People only keep their temper both sides of
+the line, the trouble will come to an end, and the question which now
+distracts the Country be settled, just as surely as all other
+difficulties, of a like character, which have been originated in this
+Government, have been adjusted.  Let the people on both sides keep their
+self-possession, and, just as other clouds have cleared away in due
+time, so will this great Nation continue to prosper as heretofore."</p>
+
+<p>And toward the end of that journey, on the 22nd of 
+February&mdash;Washington's Birthday&mdash;in the Independence Hall at Philadelphia, after
+eloquently affirming his belief that "the great principle or idea that
+kept this Confederacy so long together was * * * that sentiment in the
+Declaration of Independence which gave Liberty not alone to the People
+of this Country, but" he hoped "to the World, for all future time * * *
+which gave promise that, in due time, the weight would be lifted from
+the shoulders of all men"&mdash;he added, in the same firm, yet temperate and
+reassuring vein: "Now, my friends, can this Country be saved on that
+basis?  If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the
+world, if I can help to save it.  If it cannot be saved on that basis,
+it will be truly awful.  But, if this Country cannot be saved without
+giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be
+assassinated on this spot than surrender it.  Now in my view of the
+present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or War.  There is
+no necessity for it.  I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say,
+in advance, that there will be no bloodshed, unless it be forced upon
+the Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defense.  *
+* * I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be
+the pleasure of Almighty God, to die by."</p>
+
+<p>Thus, as he progressed on that memorable journey from his home in
+Illinois, through Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Columbus, Pittsburgh,
+Cleveland, Erie, Buffalo, Albany, New York, Trenton, Newark,
+Philadelphia, and Harrisburg&mdash;amid the prayers and blessings and
+acclamations of an enthusiastic and patriotic people&mdash;he uttered words
+of wise conciliation and firm moderation such as beseemed the high
+functions and tremendous responsibilities to which the voice of that
+liberty&mdash;and union-loving people had called him, and this too, with a
+full knowledge, when he made the Philadelphia speech, that the enemies
+of the Republic had already planned to assassinate him before he could
+reach Washington.</p>
+
+<p>The prudence of his immediate friends, fortunately defeated the
+murderous purpose&mdash;and by the simple device of taking the regular night
+express from Philadelphia instead of a special train next day&mdash;to
+Washington, he reached the National Capital without molestation early on
+the morning of the 23rd of February.</p>
+
+<p>That morning, after Mr. Lincoln's arrival, in company with Mr. Lovejoy,
+the writer visited him at Willard's Hotel.  During the interview both
+urged him to "Go right along, protect the property of the Country, and
+put down the Rebellion, no matter at what cost in men and money."  He
+listened with grave attention, and said little, but very clearly
+indicated his approval of all the sentiments thus expressed&mdash;and then,
+with the same firm and manly and cheerful faith in the outcome, he
+added: "As the Country has placed me at the helm of the Ship, I'll try
+to steer her through."</p>
+
+<p>The spirit in which he proposed to accomplish this superhuman task, was
+shown when he told the Southern people through the Civic authorities of
+Washington on the 27th of February&mdash;When the latter called upon 
+him&mdash;that he had no desire or intention to interfere with any of their
+Constitutional rights&mdash;that they should have all their rights under the
+Constitution, "not grudgingly, but fully and fairly."  And what was the
+response of the South to this generous and conciliatory message?
+Personal sneers&mdash;imputations of Northern cowardice&mdash;boasts of Southern
+prowess&mdash;scornful rejection of all compromise&mdash;and an insolent challenge
+to the bloody issue of arms!</p>
+
+<p>Said Mr. Wigfall, in the United States Senate, on March 2d, alluding to
+Mr. Lincoln, "I do not think that a man who disguises himself in a
+soldier's cloak and a Scotch cap (a more thorough disguise could not be
+assumed by such a man) and makes his entry between day and day, into the
+Capital of the Country that he is to govern&mdash;I hardly think that he is
+going to look War sternly in the face.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Had Mr. Wigfall been able at this time to look four years into the
+     future and behold the downfall of the Southern Rebellion, the
+     flight of its Chieftains, and the capture of Jefferson Davis while
+     endeavoring to escape, with his body enclosed in a wrapper and a
+     woman's shawl over his head, as stated by Lieutenant-Colonel Stuart
+     of Jefferson Davis's Staff, p. 756, vol. ii., Greeley's American
+     Conflict&mdash;he would hardly have retailed this slander.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>"I look for nothing else than that the Commissioners from the
+Confederated States will be received here and recognized by Abraham
+Lincoln.  I will now predict that this Republican Party that is going to
+enforce the Laws, preserve the Union, and collect Revenue, will never
+attempt anything so silly; and that instead of taking Forts, the troops
+will be withdrawn from those which we now have.  See if this does not
+turn out to be so, in less than a week or ten days."</p>
+
+<p>In the same insulting diatribe, he said: "It is very easy for men to
+bluster who know there is going to be no danger.  Four or five million
+people living in a territory that extends from North Carolina down to
+the Rio Grande, who have exports to above three hundred million dollars,
+whose ports cannot be blockaded, but who can issue letters of marque and
+reprisal, and sweep your commerce from the seas, and who will do it, are
+not going to be trifled with by that sensible Yankee nation.  Mark my
+words.  I did think, at one time, there was going to be War; I do not
+think so now.  * * *  The Star of the West swaggered into Charleston
+harbor, received a blow planted full in the face, and staggered out.
+Your flag has been insulted; redress it if you dare!  You have submitted
+to it for two months, and you will submit to it for ever.  * * *  We
+have dissolved the Union; mend it if you can; cement it with blood; try
+the experiment! we do not desire War; we wish to avoid it.  * * *  This
+we say; and if you choose to settle this question by the Sword, we feel,
+we know, that we have the Right.  We interfere with you in no way.  We
+ask simply that you will not interfere with us.  * * *  You tell us you
+will keep us in the Union.  Try the experiment!"</p>
+
+<p>And then, with brutal frankness, he continued: "Now, whether what are
+called The Crittenden Resolutions will produce satisfaction in some of
+these Border States, or not, I am unaware; but I feel perfectly sure
+they would not be entertained upon the Gulf.  As to the Resolutions
+which the Peace Congress has offered us, we might as well make a clean
+breast of it.  If those Resolutions were adopted, and ratified by three
+fourths of the States of this Union, and no other cause ever existed, I
+make the assertion that the seven States now out of the Union, would go
+out upon that."</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="clay"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p132-clay.jpg (78K)" src="images/p132-clay.jpg" height="809" width="585">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch8"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center><h2>
+                              CHAPTER VIII.<br><br>
+
+                           THE REJECTED OLIVE BRANCH.</h2></center><br>
+
+
+<p>While instructive, it will also not be devoid of interest, to pause
+here, and examine the nature of the Crittenden Resolutions, and also the
+Resolutions of the Peace Congress, which, we have seen, were spurned by
+the Secession leaders, through their chief mouthpiece in the United
+States Senate.</p>
+
+<p>The Crittenden Compromise Resolutions * were in these words:</p>
+
+<p>"A Joint Resolution proposing certain Amendments to the Constitution of
+the United States:</p>
+
+<p>"Whereas, serious and alarming dissensions have arisen between the
+Northern and the Southern States, concerning the Rights and security of
+the Rights of the Slaveholding States, and especially their Rights in
+the common territory of the United States; and whereas, it is eminently
+desirable and proper that these dissensions, which now threaten the very
+existence of this Union, should be permanently quieted and settled by
+Constitutional provisions which shall do equal justice to all Sections,
+and thereby restore to the People that peace and good-will which ought
+to prevail between all the citizens of the United States; Therefore:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America, in Congress assembled, (two thirds of both Houses
+concurring), the following articles be, and are hereby proposed and
+submitted as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which
+shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of said
+Constitution, when ratified by Conventions of three-fourths of the
+several States:</p>
+
+<p>"Article I.  In all the territory of the United States now held, or
+hereafter to be acquired, situate north of latitude 36  30', Slavery or
+involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is prohibited,
+while such territory shall remain under Territorial government.  In all
+the territory south of said line of latitude, Slavery of the African
+race is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with
+by Congress, but shall be protected as Property by all the departments
+of the Territorial government during its continuance.  And when any
+Territory, north or south of said line, within such boundaries as
+Congress may prescribe, shall contain the population requisite for a
+member of Congress, according to the then Federal ratio of
+representation of the People of the United States, it shall, if its own
+form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union, on an
+equal footing with the original States; with or without Slavery, as the
+Constitution of such new State may provide.</p>
+
+<p>"Article II.  Congress shall have no power to abolish Slavery in places
+under its exclusive jurisdiction, and situate within the limits of
+States that permit the holding of Slaves.</p>
+
+<p>"Article III.  Congress shall have no power to abolish Slavery within
+the District of Columbia; so long as it exists in the adjoining States
+of Virginia and Maryland, or either, nor without the consent of the
+inhabitants, nor without just compensation first made to such owners of
+Slaves as do not consent to such abolishment.  Nor shall Congress, at
+any time, prohibit officers of the Federal government, or members of
+Congress whose duties require them to be in said District, from bringing
+with them their Slaves, and holding them as such during the time their
+duties may require them to remain there, and afterward taking them from
+the District.</p>
+
+<p>"Article IV.  Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder the
+Transportation of Slaves from one State to another, or to a Territory in
+which Slaves are, by law, permitted to be held, whether that
+transportation be by land, navigable rivers, or by the sea.</p>
+
+<p>"Article V.  That in addition to the provisions of the third paragraph
+of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the
+United States, Congress shall have power to provide by law, and it shall
+be its duty to provide, that the United States shall pay to the owner
+who shall apply for it, the full value of his Fugitive Slaves in all
+cases where the Marshal, or other officer whose duty it was to arrest
+said Fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation,
+or where, after arrest, said Fugitive was rescued by force, and the
+owner thereby prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy for
+the recovery of his Fugitive Slave under the said clause of the
+Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     ["No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws
+     thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any Law or
+     Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but
+     shall be delivered up on claim of the Party to whom such Service or
+     Labour may be due."&mdash;Art.  IV., Sec.  2, P 3, U. S. Constitution.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>"And in all such cases, when the United States shall pay for such
+Fugitive, they shall have the Right, in their own name, to sue the
+county in which said violence, intimidation, or rescue, was committed,
+and recover from it, with interest and damages, the amount paid by them
+for said Fugitive Slave.  And the said county, after it has paid said
+amount to the United States, may, for its indemnity, sue and recover
+from the wrong-doers or rescuers by whom the owner was prevented from
+the recovery of his Fugitive Slave, in like manner as the owner himself
+might have sued and recovered.</p>
+
+<p>"Article VI.  No future amendment of the Constitution shall affect the
+five preceding articles; nor the third paragraph of the second section
+of the first article of the Constitution, nor the third paragraph  of
+the second section of the fourth article of said Constitution; and no
+amendment shall be made to the Constitution which shall authorize or
+give to Congress any power to abolish or interfere with Slavery in any
+of the States by whose laws it is or may be, allowed or permitted.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     ["Representatives and Direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the
+     several States which may be included within this Union, according
+     to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to
+     the whole Number of Free Persons, including those bound to Service
+     for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not Taxed, three-fifths
+     of all Other Persons," etc.&mdash;Art. 1., Sec.  2, P 3, U. S.
+     Constitution.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>"And whereas, also, besides those causes of dissension embraced in the
+foregoing amendments proposed to the Constitution of the United States,
+there are others which come within the jurisdiction of Congress, and may
+be remedied by its legislative power; And whereas it is the desire of
+Congress, as far as its power will extend, to remove all just cause for
+the popular discontent and agitation which now disturb the peace of the
+Country and threaten the stability of its Institutions; Therefore:</p>
+
+<p>"1.  Resolved by the Senate and house of Representatives in Congress
+assembled, that the laws now in force for the recovery of Fugitive
+Slaves are in strict pursuance of the plain and mandatory provisions of
+the Constitution, and have been sanctioned as valid and Constitutional
+by the judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States; that the
+Slaveholding States are entitled to the faithful observance and
+execution of those laws; and that they ought not to be repealed, or so
+modified or changed as to impair their efficiency; and that laws ought
+to be made for the punishment of those who attempt, by rescue of the
+Slave, or other illegal means, to hinder or defeat the due execution of
+said laws.</p>
+
+<p>"2.  That all State laws which conflict with the Fugitive Slave Acts of
+Congress, or any other Constitutional Acts of Congress, or which, in
+their operation, impede, hinder, or delay, the free course and due
+execution of any of said Acts, are null and void by the plain provisions
+of the Constitution of the United States; yet those State laws, void as
+they are, have given color to practices, and led to consequences, which
+have obstructed the due administration and execution of Acts of
+Congress, and especially the Acts for the delivery of Fugitive Slaves;
+and have thereby contributed much to the discord and commotion now
+prevailing.  Congress, therefore, in the present perilous juncture, does
+not deem it improper, respectfully and earnestly, to recommend the
+repeal of those laws to the several States which have enacted them, or
+such legislative corrections or explanations of them as may prevent
+their being used or perverted to such mischievous purposes.</p>
+
+<p>"3.  That the Act of the 18th of September, 1850, commonly called the
+Fugitive Slave Law, ought to be so amended as to make the fee of the
+Commissioner, mentioned in the eighth section of the Act, equal in
+amount in the cases decided by him, whether his decision be in favor of,
+or against the claimant.  And, to avoid misconstruction, the last clause
+of the fifth section of said Act, which authorizes the person holding a
+warrant for the arrest or detention of a Fugitive Slave to summon to his
+aid the posse comitatus, and which declares it to be the duty of all
+good citizens to assist him in its execution, ought to be so amended as
+to expressly limit the authority and duty to cases in which there shall
+be resistance, or danger of resistance or rescue.</p>
+
+<p>"4.  That the laws for the suppression of the African Slave Trade, and
+especially those prohibiting the importation of Slaves into the United
+States, ought to be more effectual, and ought to be thoroughly executed;
+and all further enactments necessary to those ends ought to be promptly
+made."</p>
+
+<p>
+The Peace Conference, or "Congress," it may here be mentioned, was
+called, by action of the Legislature of Virginia, to meet at Washington,
+February 4, 1861.  The invitation was extended to all of such "States of
+this Confederacy * * *  whether Slaveholding or Non-Slaveholding, as are
+willing to unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the
+present unhappy controversies in the spirit in which the Constitution
+was originally formed, and consistently with its principles, so as to
+afford to the people of the Slaveholding States adequate guarantees for
+the security of their rights"&mdash;such States to be represented by
+Commissioners "to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon some
+suitable adjustment."</p>
+
+<p>The Conference, or "Congress," duly convened, at that place and time,
+and organized by electing ex-President John Tyler, of Virginia, its
+President.  This Peace Congress&mdash;which comprised 133 Commissioners,
+representing the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts,
+Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio,
+Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin and Kansas&mdash;remained in session until
+February 27, 1861&mdash;and then submitted the result of its labors to
+Congress, with the request that Congress "will submit it to Conventions
+in the States, as Article Thirteen of the Amendments to the Constitution
+of the United States, in the following shape:</p>
+
+<p>"Section 1.  In all the present territory of the United States, north of
+the parallel of 36  30' of north latitude, Involuntary Servitude, except
+in punishment of crime, is prohibited.  In all the present territory
+south of that line, the status of Persons held to Involuntary Service or
+Labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed; nor shall any law be
+passed by Congress or the Territorial Legislature to hinder or prevent
+the taking of such Persons from any of the States of this Union to said
+Territory, nor to impair the Rights arising from said relation; but the
+same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal Courts,
+according to the course of the common law.  When any Territory north or
+south of said line, within such boundary as Congress may prescribe,
+shall contain a population equal to that required for a member of
+Congress, it shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted
+into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or
+without Involuntary Servitude, as the Constitution of such State may
+provide.</p>
+
+<p>"Section 2.  No territory shall be acquired by the United States, except
+by discovery and for naval and commercial stations, depots, and transit
+routes, without the concurrence of a majority of all the Senators from
+States which allow Involuntary Servitude, and a majority of all the
+Senators from States which prohibit that relation; nor shall Territory
+be acquired by treaty, unless the votes of a majority of the Senators
+from each class of States hereinbefore mentioned be cast as a part of
+the two-thirds majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty.</p>
+
+<p>"Section 3.  Neither the Constitution, nor any amendment thereof, shall
+be construed to give Congress power to regulate, abolish, or control,
+within any State, the relation established or recognized by the laws
+thereof touching Persons held to Labor or Involuntary Service therein,
+nor to interfere with or abolish Involuntary Service in the District of
+Columbia without the consent of Maryland, and without the consent of the
+owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation; nor
+the power to interfere with or prohibit Representatives and others from
+bringing with them to the District of Columbia, retaining, and taking
+away, Persons so held to Labor or Service; nor the power to interfere
+with or abolish Involuntary Service in places under the exclusive
+jurisdiction of the United States within those States and Territories
+where the same is established or recognized; nor the power to prohibit
+the removal or transportation of Persons held to Labor or Involuntary
+Service in any State or Territory of the United States to any other
+State or Territory thereof where it is established or recognized by law
+or usage; and the right during transportation, by sea or river, of
+touching at ports, shores, and landings, and of landing in case of
+distress, shall exist; but not the right of transit in or through any
+State or Territory, or of sale or traffic, against the laws thereof.
+Nor shall Congress have power to authorize any higher rate of taxation
+on Persons held to Labor or Service than on land.  The bringing into the
+District of Columbia of Persons held to Labor or Service, for sale, or
+placing them in depots to be afterwards transferred to other places for
+sale as merchandize, is prohibited.</p>
+
+<p>"Section 4.  The third paragraph of the second section of the fourth
+article of the Constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of the
+States, by appropriate legislation, and through the action of their
+judicial and ministerial officers, from enforcing the delivery of
+Fugitives from Labor to the person to whom such Service or Labor is due.</p>
+
+<p>"Section 5.  The Foreign Slave Trade is hereby forever prohibited; and
+it shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importation
+of Slaves, Coolies, or Persons held to Service or Labor, into the United
+States and the Territories from places beyond the limits thereof.</p>
+
+<p>"Section 6.  The first, third, and fifth sections, together with this
+section of these amendments, and the third paragraph of the second
+section of the first article of the Constitution, and the third
+paragraph of the second section of the fourth article thereof, shall not
+be amended or abolished without the consent of all the States.</p>
+
+<p>"Section 7.  Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall
+pay to the owner the full value of the Fugitive from Labor, in all cases
+where the Marshal, or other officer, whose duty it was to arrest such
+Fugitive, was prevented from so doing by violence or intimidation from
+mobs or riotous assemblages, or when, after arrest, such Fugitive was
+rescued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby deprived
+of the same; and the acceptance of such payment shall preclude the owner
+from further claim to such Fugitive.  Congress shall provide by law for
+securing to the citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of
+citizens in the several States."</p>
+
+<p>
+To spurn such propositions as these&mdash;with all the concessions to the
+Slave Power therein contained&mdash;was equivalent to spurning any and all
+propositions that could possibly be made; and by doing this, the
+Seceding States placed themselves&mdash;as they perhaps desired&mdash;in an
+utterly irreconcilable attitude, and hence, to a certain extent, which
+had not entered into their calculations, weakened their "Cause" in the
+eyes of many of their friends in the North, in the Border States, and in
+the World.  They had become Implacables.  Practically considered, this
+was their great mistake.  The Crittenden Compromise Resolutions covered
+and yielded to the Slaveholders of the South all and even more than they
+had ever dared seriously to ask or hope for, and had they been open to
+Conciliation, they could have undoubtedly carried that measure through
+both Houses of Congress and three-fourths of the States.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     ["Its advocates, with good reason, claimed a large majority of the
+     People in its favor, and clamored for its submission to a direct
+     popular vote.  Had such a submission been accorded, it is very
+     likely that the greater number of those who voted at all would have
+     voted to ratify it.  * * *  The 'Conservatives,' so called, were
+     still able to establish this Crittenden Compromise by their own
+     proper strength, had they been disposed so to do.  The President
+     was theirs; the Senate strongly theirs; in the House, they had a
+     small majority, as was evidenced in their defeat of John Sherman
+     for Speaker.  Had they now come forward and said, with authority:
+     'Enable us to pass the Crittenden Compromise, and all shall be
+     peace and harmony,' they would have succeeded without difficulty.
+     It was only through the withdrawal of pro-slavery members that the
+     Republicans had achieved an unexpected majority in either House.
+     Had those members chosen to return to the seats still awaiting
+     them, and to support Mr. Crittenden's proposition, they could have
+     carried it without difficulty."&mdash;Vol. 360, Greeley's Am. Conflict.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>But no, they wilfully withdrew their Congressional membership, State by
+State, as each Seceded, and refused all terms save those which involved
+an absolute surrender to them on all points, including the impossible
+claim of the "Right of Secession."</p>
+
+<p>Let us now briefly trace the history of the Compromise measures in the
+two Houses of Congress.</p>
+
+<p>The Crittenden-Compromise Joint-Resolution had been introduced in the
+Senate at the opening of its session and referred to a Select Committee
+of Thirteen, and subsequently, January 16th, 1861, having been reported
+back, came up in that body for action.  On that day it was amended by
+inserting the words "now held or hereafter to be acquired" after the
+words "In all the territory of the United States," in the first line of
+Article I., so that it would read as given above.  This amendment&mdash;by
+which not only in all territory then belonging to the United States, but
+also by implication in all that might thereafter be acquired, Slavery
+South of 36 30' was to be recognized&mdash;was agreed to by 29 yeas to 21
+nays, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>YEAS.&mdash;Messrs.  Baker, Bayard, Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright,
+Clingman, Crittenden, Douglas, Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hemphill, Hunter,
+Iverson, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce,
+Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury, Sebastian, Slidell and Wigfall&mdash;29.</p>
+
+<p>NAYS.&mdash;Messrs.  Anthony, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer,
+Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan,
+King, Latham, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade and
+Wilson&mdash;24.</p>
+
+<p>The question now recurred upon an amendment, in the nature of a
+substitute, offered by Mr. Clark, to strike out the preamble of the
+Crittenden proposition and all of the resolutions after the word
+"resolved," and insert:</p>
+
+<p>"That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the preservation
+of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests of the
+Country; that it needs to be obeyed rather than amended; and that an
+extrication from our present dangers is to be looked for in strenuous
+efforts to preserve the peace, protect the public property, and enforce
+the laws, rather than in new Guarantees for particular interests,
+Compromises for particular difficulties, or Concessions to unreasonable
+demands.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That all attempts to dissolve the present Union, or overthrow
+or abandon the present Constitution, with the hope or expectation of
+constructing a new one, are dangerous, illusory, and destructive; that
+in the opinion of the Senate of the United States no such Reconstruction
+is practicable; and, therefore, to the maintenance of the existing Union
+and Constitution should be directed all the energies of all the
+departments of the Government, and the efforts of all good citizens."</p>
+
+<p>
+Before reaching a vote on this amendment, Mr. Anthony, (January 16th)
+made a most conciliatory speech, pointing out such practical objections
+to the Crittenden proposition as occurred to his mind, and then,
+continuing, said: "I believe, Mr. President, that if the danger which
+menaces us is to be avoided at all, it must be by Legislation; which is
+more ready, more certain, and more likely to be satisfactory, than
+Constitutional Amendment.  The main difficulty is the Territorial
+question.  The demand of the Senators on the other side of the Chamber,
+and of those whom they represent, is that the territory south of the
+line of the Missouri Compromise shall be open to their peculiar
+Property.  All this territory, except the Indian Reservation, is within
+the limits of New Mexico; which, for a part of its northern boundary,
+runs up two degrees above that line.  This is now a Slave Territory;
+made so by Territorial Legislation; and Slavery exists there, recognized
+and protected.  Now, I am willing, as soon as Kansas can be admitted, to
+vote for the admission of New Mexico as a State, with such Constitution
+as the People may adopt.  This disposes of all the territory that is
+adapted to Slave Labor or that is claimed by the South.  It ought to
+settle the whole question.  Surely if we can dispose of all the
+territory that we have, we ought not to quarrel over that which we have
+not, and which we have no very honest way of acquiring.  Let us settle
+the difficulties that threaten us now, and not anticipate those which
+may never come.  Let the public mind have time to cool * * *.  In
+offering to settle this question by the admission of New Mexico, we of
+the North who assent to it propose a great Sacrifice, and offer a large
+Concession.</p>
+
+<p>"* * *  But we make the offer in a spirit of Compromise and good
+feeling, which we hope will be reciprocated.  * * *  I appeal to
+Senators on the other side, when we thus offer to bridge over full
+seven-eighths of the frightful chasm that separates us, will you not
+build the other eighth?  When, with outstretched arms, we approach you
+so near that, by reaching out your hands you can clasp ours in the
+fraternal grasp from which they should never be separated, will you,
+with folded arms and closed eyes, stand upon extreme demands which you
+know we cannot accept, and for which, if we did, we could not carry our
+constituents?  * * * Together our Fathers achieved the Independence of
+their Country; together they laid the foundations of its greatness and
+its glory; together they constructed this beautiful system under which
+it is our privilege to live, which it is our duty to preserve and to
+transmit.  Together we enjoy that privilege; together we must perform
+that duty.  I will not believe that, in the madness of popular folly and
+delusion, the most benignant Government that ever blessed humanity is to
+be broken up.  I will not believe that this great Power which is
+marching with giant steps toward the first place among the Nations of
+the Earth, is to be turned 'backward on its mighty track.'  There are no
+grievances, fancied or real, that cannot be redressed within the Union
+and under the Constitution.  There are no differences between us that
+may not be settled if we will take them up in the spirit of those to
+whose places we have succeeded, and the fruits of whose labors we have
+inherited."</p>
+
+<p>And to this more than fair proposition to the Southerners&mdash;to this
+touching appeal in behalf of Peace&mdash;what was the response?  Not a word!
+It seemed but to harden their hearts.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Immediately after Mr. Anthony's appeal to the Southern Senators, a
+     motion was made by Mr. Collamer to postpone the Crittenden
+     Resolutions and take up the Kansas Admission Bill.  Here was the
+     chance at once offered to them to respond to that appeal&mdash;to make a
+     first step, as it were.  They would not make it.  The motion was
+     defeated by 25 yeas to 30 nays&mdash;Messrs. Benjamin and Slidell of
+     Louisiana, Hemphill and Wigfall of Texas, Iverson of Georgia, and
+     Johnson of Arkansas, voting "nay."  The question at once recurred
+     on the amendment of Mr. Clark&mdash;being a substitute for the
+     Crittenden Resolutions, declaring in effect all Compromise
+     unnecessary.  To let that substitute be adopted, was to insure the
+     failure of the Crittenden proposition.  Yet these same six Southern
+     Senators though present, refused to vote, and permitted the
+     substitute to be adopted by 25 yeas to 23 nays.  The vote of Mr.
+     Douglas, who had been "called out for an instant into the
+		 ante-room, and deprived of the opportunity of voting "&mdash;as he afterwards
+     stated when vainly asking unanimous consent to have his vote
+     recorded among the nays&mdash;would have made it 25 yeas to 24 nays, had
+     he been present and voting, while the votes of the six Southern
+     Senators aforesaid, had they voted, would have defeated the
+     substitute by 25 yeas to 30 nays.  Then upon a direct vote on the
+     Crittenden Compromise there would not only have been the 30 in its
+     favor, but the vote of at least one Republican (Baker) in addition,
+     to carry it, and, although that would not have given the necessary
+     two-thirds, yet it would have been a majority handsome enough to
+     have ultimately turned the scales, in both Houses, for a peaceful
+     adjustment of the trouble, and have avoided all the sad
+     consequences which so speedily befell the Nation.  But this would
+     not have suited the Treasonable purposes of the Conspirators.  Ten
+     days before this they had probably arranged the Programme in this,
+     as well as other matters.  Very certain it is that no time was lost
+     by them and their friends in making the best use for their Cause of
+     this vote, in the doubtful States of Missouri and North Carolina
+     especially.  In the St. Louis journals a Washington dispatch,
+     purporting (untruly however) to come from Senators Polk and Green,
+     was published to this effect.</p>
+
+<p>     "The Crittenden Resolutions were lost by a vote of 25 to 23.  A
+     motion of Mr. Cameron to reconsider was lost; and thus ends all
+     hope of reconciliation.  Civil War is now considered inevitable,
+     and late accounts declare that Fort Sumter will be attacked without
+     delay.  The Missouri delegation recommend immediate Secession."</p>
+
+<p>     This is but a sample of other similar dispatches sent elsewhere.
+     And the following dispatch, signed by Mr. Crittenden, and published
+     in the Raleigh, N.  C., Register, to quiet the excitement raised by
+     the telegrams of the Conspirators, serves also to indicate that the
+     friends of Compromise were not disheartened by their defeat:</p>
+
+<p>                    "WASHINGTON, Jan.  17th, 9 P. M.</p>
+
+<p>     "In reply the vote against my resolutions will be reconsidered.
+     Their failure was the result of the refusal of six Southern
+     Senators to vote.  There is yet good hope of success.</p>
+
+<p>                    "JOHN J. CRITTENDEN."</p>
+
+<p>
+     There is instruction also to be drawn from the speeches of Senators
+     Saulsbury, and Johnson of Tennessee, made fully a year afterward
+     (Jan. 29-31, 1862) in the Senate, touching the defeat of the
+     Crittenden Compromise by the Clark substitute at this time.
+     Speaking of the second session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, Mr.
+     Saulsbury said:</p>
+
+<p>     "At that session, while vainly striving with others for the
+     adoption of those measures, I remarked in my place in the Senate
+     that&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>     "'If any Gibbon should hereafter write the Decline and Fall of the
+     American Republic, he would date its fall from the rejection by the
+     Senate of the propositions submitted by the Senator from Kentucky.'</p>
+
+<p>     "I believed so then, and I believe so now.  I never shall forget,
+     Mr. President, how my heart bounded for joy when I thought I saw a
+     ray of hope for their adoption in the fact that a Republican
+     Senator now on this floor came to me and requested that I should
+     inquire of Mr. Toombs, who was on the eve of his departure for
+     Georgia to take a seat in the Convention of that State which was to
+     determine the momentous question whether she should continue a
+     member of the Union or withdraw from it, whether, if the Crittenden
+     propositions were adopted, Georgia would remain in the Union.</p>
+
+<p>     "Said Mr. Toombs:</p>
+
+<p>     "'Tell him frankly for me that if those resolutions are adopted by
+     the vote of any respectable number of Republican Senators,
+     evidencing their good faith to advocate their ratification by their
+     people, Georgia will not Secede.  This is the position I assumed
+     before the people of Georgia.  I told them that if the party in
+     power gave evidence of an intention to preserve our rights in the
+     Union, we were bound to wait until their people could act.'</p>
+
+<p>     "I communicated the answer.  The Substitute of the Senator from New
+     Hampshire [Mr. Clark] was subsequently adopted, and from that day
+     to this the darkness and the tempest and the storm have thickened,
+     until thousands like myself, as good and as true Union men as you,
+     Sir, though you may question our motives, have not only despaired
+     but are without hope in the future."</p>
+
+<p>     To this speech, Mr. Johnson of Tennessee subsequently replied as
+     follows in the United States Senate (Jan.  31, 1862)</p>
+
+<p>     "Sir, it has been said by the distinguished Senator from Delaware
+     [Mr. Saulsbury] that the questions of controversy might all have
+     been settled by Compromise.  He dealt rather extensively in the
+     Party aspect of the case, and seemingly desired to throw the onus
+     of the present condition of affairs entirely on one side.  He told
+     us that, if so and so had been done, these questions could have
+     been settled, and that now there would have been no War.  He
+     referred particularly to the resolution offered during the last
+     Congress by the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Clark], and upon
+     the vote on that he based his argument.  * * *  The Senator told us
+     that the adoption of the Clark amendment to the Crittenden
+     Resolutions defeated the settlement of the questions of
+     controversy; and that, but for that vote, all could have been peace
+     and prosperity now.  We were told that the Clark amendment defeated
+     the Crittenden Compromise, and prevented a settlement of the
+     controversy.  On this point I will read a portion of the speech of
+     my worthy and talented friend from California [Mr. Latham]; and
+     when I speak of him thus, I do it in no unmeaning sense I intend
+     that he, not I, shall answer the Senator from Delaware.  * * *  As
+     I have said, the Senator from Delaware told us that the Clark
+     amendment was the turning point in the whole matter; that from it
+     had flowed Rebellion, Revolution, War, the shooting and
+     imprisonment of people in different States&mdash;perhaps he meant to
+     include my own.  This was the Pandora's box that has been opened,
+     out of which all the evils that now afflict the Land have flown.  *
+     * *  My worthy friend from California [Mr. Latham], during the last
+     session of Congress, made one of the best speeches he ever made.  *
+     * * In the course of that speech, upon this very point he made use
+     of these remarks:</p>
+
+<p>     "'Mr. President, being last winter a careful eye-witness of all
+     that occurred, I soon became satisfied that it was a deliberate,
+     wilful design, on the part of some representatives of Southern
+     States, to seize upon the election of Mr. Lincoln merely as an
+     excuse to precipitate this revolution upon the Country.  One
+     evidence, to my mind, is the fact that South Carolina never sent
+     her Senators here.'</p>
+
+<p>     "Then they certainly were not influenced by the Clark amendment.</p>
+
+<p>     "'An additional evidence is, that when gentlemen on this floor, by
+     their votes, could have controlled legislation, they refused to
+     cast them for fear that the very Propositions submitted to this
+     body might have an influence in changing the opinions of their
+     constituencies.  Why, Sir, when the resolutions submitted by the
+     Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Clark], were offered as an
+     amendment to the Crittenden Propositions, for the manifest purpose
+     of embarrassing the latter, and the vote taken on the 16th of
+     January, 1861, I ask, what did we see?  There were fifty-five
+     Senators at that time upon this floor, in person.  The Globe of the
+     second Session, Thirty-Sixth Congress, Part I., page 409, shows
+     that upon the call of the yeas and nays immediately preceding the
+     vote on the substituting of Mr. Clark's amendment, there were
+     fifty-five votes cast.  I will read the vote from the Globe:</p>
+
+<p>     "'YEAS&mdash;Messrs.  Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark,
+     Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster,
+     Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck,
+     Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and Wilson&mdash;25.</p>
+
+<p>     "NAYS&mdash;Messrs.  Bayard, Benjamin, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman,
+     Crittenden, Douglas, Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hemphill, Hunter, Iverson,
+     Johnson of Arkansas, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham,
+     Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury,
+     Sebastian, Slidell and Wigfall&mdash;30.</p>
+
+<p>     "The vote being taken immediately after, on the Clark Proposition,
+     was as follows:</p>
+
+<p>     "YEAS&mdash;Messrs.  Anthony, Baker, Bingham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark,
+     Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster,
+     Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck,
+     Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson and Wilson&mdash;25.</p>
+
+<p>     "NAYS&mdash;Messrs.  Bayard, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, Crittenden,
+     Fitch, Green, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennefly, Lane,
+     Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice,
+     Saulsbury and Sebastian&mdash;23.</p>
+
+<p>     "'Six senators retained their seats and refused to vote, thus
+     themselves allowing the Clark Proposition to supplant the
+     Crittenden Resolution by a vote of twenty-five to twenty-three.
+     Mr. Benjamin of Louisiana, Mr. Hemphill and Mr. Wigfall of Texas,
+     Mr. Iverson of Georgia, Mr. Johnson of Arkansas, and Mr. Slidell of
+     Louisiana, were in their seats, but refused to cast their votes.'</p>
+
+<p>     "I sat right behind Mr. Benjamin, and I am not sure that my worthy
+     friend was not close by, when he refused to vote, and I said to
+     him, 'Mr. Benjamin, why do you not vote?  Why not save this
+     Proposition, and see if we cannot bring the Country to it?'  He
+     gave me rather an abrupt answer, and said he would control his own
+     action without consulting me or anybody else.  Said I: 'Vote, and
+     show yourself an honest man.'  As soon as the vote was taken, he
+     and others telegraphed South, 'We cannot get any Compromise.'  Here
+     were six Southern men refusing to vote, when the amendment would
+     have been rejected by four majority if they had voted.  Who, then,
+     has brought these evils on the Country?  Was it Mr. Clark?  He was
+     acting out his own policy; but with the help we had from the other
+     side of the chamber, if all those on this side had been true to the
+     Constitution and faithful to their constituents, and had acted with
+     fidelity to the Country, the amendment of the Senator from New
+     Hampshire could have been voted down, the defeat of which the
+     Senator from Delaware says would have saved the Country.  Whose
+     fault was it?  Who is responsible for it?  * * *  Who did it?
+     SOUTHERN TRAITORS, as was said in the speech of the Senator from
+     California.  They did it.  They wanted no Compromise.  They
+     accomplished their object by withholding their votes; and hence the
+     Country has been involved in the present difficulty.  Let me read
+     another extract from this speech of the Senator from California</p>
+
+<p>     "'I recollect full well the joy that pervaded the faces of some of
+     those gentlemen at the result, and the sorrow manifested by the
+     venerable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Crittenden].  The record shows
+     that Mr. Pugh, from Ohio, despairing of any Compromise between the
+     extremes of ultra Republicanism and Disunionists, working
+     manifestly for the same end, moved, immediately after the vote was
+     announced, to lay the whole subject on the table.  If you will turn
+     to page 443, same volume, you will find, when, at a late period,
+     Mr. Cameron, from Pennsylvania, moved to reconsider the vote,
+     appeals having been made to sustain those who were struggling to
+     preserve the Peace of the Country, that the vote was reconsidered;
+     and when, at last, the Crittenden Propositions were submitted on
+     the 2d day of March, these Southern States having 'nearly all
+     Seceded, they were then lost but by one vote.  Here is the vote:</p>
+
+<p>     "YEAS&mdash;Messrs.  Bayard, Bigler, Bright, Crittenden, Douglas, Gwin,
+     Hunter, Johnson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason,
+     Nicholson, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Thomson and Wigfall&mdash;19.</p>
+
+<p>     "'NAYS&mdash;Messrs.  Anthony, Bingham, Chandler, Clark, Dixon,
+     Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, King,
+     Morrill, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson and 
+		 Wilson&mdash;20.</p>
+
+<p>     "'If these Seceding Southern senators had remained, there would
+     have passed, by a large vote (as it did without them), an
+     amendment, by a two-third vote, forbidding Congress ever
+     interfering with Slavery in the States.  The Crittenden Proposition
+     would have been indorsed by a majority vote, the subject finally
+     going before the People, who have never yet, after consideration,
+     refused Justice, for any length of time, to any portion of the
+     Country.</p>
+
+<p>     "'I believe more, Mr. President, that these gentlemen were acting
+     in pursuance of a settled and fixed plan to break up and destroy
+     this Government.'</p>
+
+<p>     "When we had it in our power to vote down the amendment of the
+     Senator from New Hampshire, and adopt the Crittenden Resolutions,
+     certain Southern Senators prevented it; and yet, even at a late day
+     of the session, after they had Seceded, the Crittenden Proposition
+     was only lost by one vote.  If Rebellion and bloodshed and murder
+     have followed, to whose skirts does the responsibility attach?</p>
+
+<p>     "What else was done at the very same session?  The House of
+     Representatives passed, and sent to this body, a Proposition to
+     amend the Constitution of the United States, so as to prohibit
+     Congress from ever hereafter interfering with the Institution of
+     Slavery in the States, making that restriction a part of the
+     Organic law of the Land.  That Constitutional Amendment came here
+     after the Senators from seven States had Seceded; and yet it was
+     passed by a two-third vote in the Senate.  Have you ever heard of
+     any one of the States which had then Seceded, or which has since
+     Seceded, taking up that Amendment to the Constitution, and saying
+     they would ratify it, and make it a part of that instrument?  No.
+     Does not the whole history of this Rebellion tell you that it was
+     Revolution that the Leaders wanted, that they started for, that
+     they intended to have?  The facts to which I have referred show how
+     the Crittenden Proposition might have been carried; and when the
+     Senators from the Slave States were reduced to one-fourth of the
+     members of this body, the two Houses passed a Proposition to Amend
+     the Constitution, so as to guarantee to the States perfect security
+     in regard to the Institution of Slavery in all future time, and
+     prohibiting Congress from legislating on the subject.</p>
+
+<p>     "But what more was done?  After Southern Senators had treacherously
+     abandoned the Constitution and deserted their posts here, Congress
+     passed Bills for the Organization of three new Territories: Dakota,
+     Nevada, and Colorado; and in the sixth section of each of those
+     Bills, after conferring, affirmatively, power on the Territorial
+     Legislature, it went on to exclude certain powers by using a
+     negative form of expression; and it provided, among other things,
+     that the Legislature should have no power to legislate so as to
+     impair the right to private property; that it should lay no tax
+     discriminating against one description of Property in favor of
+     another; leaving the power on all these questions, not in the
+     Territorial Legislature, but in the People when they should come to
+     form a State Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>     "Now, I ask, taking the Amendment to the Constitution, and taking
+     the three Territorial Bills, embracing every square inch of
+     territory in the possession of the United States, how much of the
+     Slavery question was left?  What better Compromise could have been
+     made?  Still we are told that matters might have been Compromised,
+     and that if we had agreed to Compromise, bloody Rebellion would not
+     now be abroad in the Land.  Sir, Southern Senators are responsible
+     for it.  They stood here with power to accomplish the result, and
+     yet treacherously, and, I may say, tauntingly they left this
+     chamber, and announced that they had dissolved their connection
+     with the Government.  Then, when we were left in the hands of those
+     whom we had been taught to believe would encroach upon our Rights,
+     they gave us, in the Constitutional Amendment and in the three
+     Territorial Bills, all that had ever been asked; and yet gentlemen
+     talked Compromise!</p>
+
+<p>     "Why was not this taken and accepted?  No; it was not Compromise
+     that the Leaders wanted; they wanted Power; they wanted to Destroy
+     this Government, so that they might have place and emolument for
+     themselves.  They had lost confidence in the intelligence and
+     virtue and integrity of the People, and their capacity to govern
+     themselves; and they intended to separate and form a government,
+     the chief corner-stone of which should be Slavery, disfranchising
+     the great mass of the People, of which we have seen constant
+     evidence, and merging the Powers of Government in the hands of the
+     Few.  I know what I say.  I know their feelings and their
+     sentiments.  I served in the Senate here with them.  I know they
+     were a Close Corporation, that had no more confidence in or respect
+     for the People than has the Dey of Algiers.  I fought that Close
+     Corporation here.  I knew that they were no friends of the People.
+     I knew that Slidell and Mason and Benjamin and Iverson and Toombs
+     were the enemies of Free Government, and I know so now.  I
+     commenced the war upon them before a State Seceded; and I intend to
+     keep on fighting this great battle before the Country, for the
+     perpetuity of Free Government.  They seek to overthrow it, and to
+     establish a Despotism in its place.  That is the great battle which
+     is upon our hands.  * * *  Now, the Senator from Delaware tells us
+     that if that (Crittenden) Compromise had been made, all these
+     consequences would have been avoided.  It is a mere pretense; it is
+     false.  Their object was to overturn the Government.  If they could
+     not get the Control of this Government, they were willing to divide
+     the Country and govern part of it."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>
+The Clark substitute was then agreed to, by 25 (Republican) yeas to 23
+Democratic and Conservative (Bell-Everett) nays&mdash;6 Pro-Slavery Senators
+not voting, although present; and then, without division, the Crittenden
+Resolutions were tabled&mdash;Mr. Cameron, however, entering a motion to
+reconsider.  Subsequently the action of the Senate, both on the
+Resolutions and Substitute, was reconsidered, and March 2d the matter
+came up again, as will hereafter appear.</p>
+
+<p>Two days prior to this action in the Senate, Mr. Corwin, Chairman of the
+Select Committee of Thirty-three, reported to the House (January 14th),
+from a majority of that Committee, the following Joint Resolution:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America in Congress assembled, That all attempts on the parts
+of the Legislatures of any of the States to obstruct or hinder the
+recovery and surrender of Fugitives from Service or Labor, are in
+derogation of the Constitution of the United States, inconsistent with
+the comity and good neighborhood that should prevail among the several
+States, and dangerous to the Peace of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That the several States be respectfully requested to cause
+their Statutes to be revised, with a view to ascertain if any of them
+are in conflict with or tend to embarrass or hinder the execution of the
+Laws of the United States, made in pursuance of the second section of
+the Fourth Article of the Constitution of the United States for the
+delivery up of Persons held to Labor by the laws of any State and
+escaping therefrom; and the Senate and House of Representatives
+earnestly request that all enactments having such tendency be forthwith
+repealed, as required by a just sense of Constitutional obligations, and
+by a due regard for the Peace of the Republic; and the President of the
+United States is requested to communicate these resolutions to the
+Governors of the several States, with a request that they will lay the
+same before the Legislatures thereof respectively.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That we recognize Slavery as now existing in fifteen of the
+United States by the usages and laws of those States; and we recognize
+no authority, legally or otherwise, outside of a State where it so
+exists, to interfere with Slaves or Slavery in such States, in disregard
+of the Rights of their owners or the Peace of society.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That we recognize the justice and propriety of a faithful
+execution of the Constitution, and laws made in pursuance thereof, on
+the subject of Fugitive Slaves, or Fugitives from Service or Labor, and
+discountenance all mobs or hindrances to the execution of such laws, and
+that citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and
+immunities of citizens in the several States.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That we recognize no such conflicting elements in its
+composition, or sufficient cause from any source, for a dissolution of
+this Government; that we were not sent here to destroy, but to sustain
+and harmonize the Institutions of the Country, and to see that equal
+justice is done to all parts of the same; and finally, to perpetuate its
+existence on terms of equality and justice to all the States.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That a faithful observance, on the part of all the States, of
+all their Constitutional obligations to each other and to the Federal
+Government, is essential to the Peace of the Country.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal Government to enforce the
+Federal Laws, protect the Federal property, and preserve the Union of
+these States.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That each State be requested to revise its Statutes, and, if
+necessary, so to amend the same as to secure, without Legislation by
+Congress, to citizens of other States traveling therein, the same
+protection as citizens of such States enjoy; and also to protect the
+citizens of other States traveling or sojourning therein against popular
+violence or illegal summary punishment, without trial in due form of
+law, for imputed crimes.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That each State be also respectfully requested to enact such
+laws as will prevent and punish any attempt whatever in such State to
+recognize or set on foot the lawless invasion of any other State or
+Territory.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That the President be requested to transmit copies of the
+foregoing resolutions to the Governors of the several States, with a
+request that they be communicated to their respective Legislatures."</p>
+
+<p>
+This Joint Resolution, with amendments proposed to the same, came up in
+the House for action, on the 27th of February, 1861&mdash;the same day upon
+which the Peace Congress or Conference concluded its labors at
+Washington.</p>
+
+<p>The Proposition of Mr. Burch, of California, was the first acted upon.
+It was to amend the Select Committee's resolutions, as above given, by
+adding to them another resolution at the end thereof, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, etc., That it be, and is hereby, recommended to the several
+States of the Union that they, through their respective Legislatures,
+request the Congress of the United States to call a Convention of all
+the States, in accordance with Article Fifth of the Constitution, for
+the purpose of amending said Constitution in such manner and with regard
+to such subjects as will more adequately respond to the wants, and
+afford more sufficient Guarantees to the diversified and growing
+Interests of the Government and of the People composing the same."</p>
+
+<p>This (Burch) amendment, however, was defeated by 14 yeas to 109 nays.</p>
+
+<p>A Proposition of Mr. Kellogg, of Illinois, came up next for action.  It
+was a motion to strike out all after the first word "That" in the
+Crittenden Proposition&mdash;which had been offered by Mr. Clemens as a
+substitute for the Committee Resolutions&mdash;and insert the following:</p>
+
+<p>"The following articles be, and are hereby, proposed and submitted as
+Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, which shall be
+valid, to all intents and purposes as part of said Constitution, when
+ratified by Conventions of three-fourths of the several States.</p>
+
+<p>"Article XIII.  That in all the territory now held by the United States
+situate north of latitude 36  30' Involuntary Servitude, except in the
+punishment for crime, is prohibited while such territory shall remain
+under a Territorial government; that in all the territory now held south
+of said line, neither Congress nor any Territorial Legislature shall
+hinder or prevent the emigration to said territory of Persons; held to
+Service from any State of this Union, when that relation exists by
+virtue of any law or usage of such State, while it shall remain in a
+Territorial condition; and when any Territory north or south of said
+line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain
+the population requisite for a member of Congress, according to the then
+Federal ratio of representation of the People of the United States, it
+may, if its form of government be Republican, be admitted into the Union
+on an equal footing with the original States, with or without the
+relation of Persons held to Service and Labor, as the Constitution of
+such new State may provide.</p>
+
+<p>"Article XIV.  That nothing in the Constitution of the United States, or
+any amendment thereto, shall be so construed as to authorize any
+Department of the Government to in any manner interfere with the
+relation of Persons held to Service in any State where that relation
+exists, nor in any manner to establish or sustain that relation in any
+State where it is prohibited by the Laws or Constitution of such State.
+And that this Article shall not be altered or amended without the
+consent of every State in the Union.</p>
+
+<p>"Article XV.  The third paragraph of the second section of the Fourth
+Article of the Constitution shall be taken and construed to authorize
+and empower Congress to pass laws necessary to secure the return of
+Persons held to Service or Labor under the laws of any State, who may
+have escaped therefrom, to the party to whom such Service or Labor may
+be due.</p>
+
+<p>"Article XVI.  The migration or importation of Persons held to Service
+or Involuntary Servitude, into any State, Territory, or place within the
+United States, from any place or country beyond the limits of the United
+States or Territories thereof, is forever prohibited.</p>
+
+<p>"Article XVII.  No territory beyond the present limits of the United
+States and the Territories thereof, shall be annexed to or be acquired
+by the United States, unless by treaty, which treaty shall be ratified
+by a vote of two-thirds of the Senate."</p>
+
+<p>The Kellogg Proposition was defeated by 33 yeas to 158
+nays.</p>
+
+<p>The Clemens Substitute was next voted on.  This embraced the whole of
+the Crittenden Compromise Proposition, as amended in the Senate by
+inserting the provision as to all territory "hereafter acquired," with
+the addition of another proposed Article of Amendment to the
+Constitution, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"Article VII.  Section I.  The elective franchise and the Right to hold
+office, whether Federal, State, Territorial, or Municipal, shall not be
+exercised by Persons who are, in whole or in part, of the African Race.</p>
+
+<p>"Section II.  The United States shall have power to acquire from time to
+time districts of country in Africa and South America, for the
+colonization, at expense of the Federal Treasury, of such Free Negroes
+and Mulattoes as the several States may wish to have removed from their
+limits, and from the District of Columbia, and such other places as may
+be under the jurisdiction of Congress."</p>
+
+<p>The Clemens Substitute (or Crittenden Measure, with the addition of said
+proposed Article VII.), was defeated by 80 yeas to 113 nays, and then
+the Joint Resolution of the Select Committee as heretofore given&mdash;after
+a vain attempt to table it&mdash;was passed by 136 yeas to 53 nays.</p>
+
+<p>Immediately after this action, a Joint Resolution to amend the
+Constitution of the United States, which had also been previously
+reported by the Select Committee of Thirty-three, came before the House,
+as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"Be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses
+concurring), That the following Article be proposed to the Legislatures
+of the several States as an Amendment to the Constitution of the United
+States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures,
+shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said
+Constitution, namely:</p>
+
+<p>"Article XII.  No amendment of this Constitution having for its object
+any interference within the States with the relation between their
+citizens and those described in Section II. of the First Article of the
+Constitution as 'all other persons,' shall originate with any State that
+does not recognize that relation within its own limits, or shall be
+valid without the assent of every one of the States composing the
+Union."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Corwin submitted an Amendment striking out all the words after
+"namely;" and inserting the following:</p>
+
+<p>"Article XII.  No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will
+authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within
+any State, with the Domestic Institutions thereof, including that of
+Persons held to Labor or Service by the laws of said State."</p>
+
+<p>Amid scenes of great disorder, the Corwin Amendment was adopted by 120
+yeas to 61 nays, and then the Joint Resolution as amended, was defeated
+(two-thirds not voting in the affirmative) by 123 yeas to 71 nays.  On
+the following day (February 28th), amid still greater confusion and
+disorder, which the Speaker, despite frequent efforts, was unable to
+quell, that vote was reconsidered, and the Joint Resolution passed by
+133 yeas to 65 nays&mdash;a result which, when announced was received with
+"loud and prolonged applause, both on the floor, and in the galleries."</p>
+
+<p>On the 2d of March, the House Joint Resolution just given, proposing an
+Amendment to the Constitution, prohibiting Congress from touching
+Slavery within any State where it exists, came up in the Senate for
+action.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Pugh moved to substitute for it the Crittenden Proposition.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Doolittle moved to amend the proposed substitute (the Crittenden
+Proposition), by the insertion of the following, as an additional
+Article:</p>
+
+<p>"Under this Constitution, as originally adopted, and as it now exists,
+no State has power to withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United
+States; but this Constitution, and all laws passed in pursuance of its
+delegated powers, are the Supreme Law of the Land, anything contained in
+any Constitution, Ordinance, or Act of any State, to the contrary
+notwithstanding."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Doolittle's amendment was lost by 18 yeas to 28 nays.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Pugh's substitute (the Crittenden Proposition), was lost by 14 yeas
+to 25 nays.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Bingham moved to amend the House Joint Resolution, by striking out
+all after the word "resolved," and inserting the words of the Clark
+Proposition as heretofore given, but the amendment was rejected by 13
+yeas to 25 nays.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Grimes moved to strike out all after the word "whereas" in the
+preamble of the House Joint Resolution, and insert the following:</p>
+
+<p>"The Legislatures of the States of Kentucky, New Jersey, and Illinois
+have applied to Congress to call a Convention for proposing Amendments
+to the Constitution of the United States: Therefore,</p>
+
+<p>"Be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America in Congress assembled, That the Legislatures of the
+other States be invited to take the subject of such a Convention into
+consideration, and to express their will on that subject to Congress, in
+pursuance of the Fifth Article of the Constitution."</p>
+
+<p>This amendment was also rejected, by 14 yeas to 25 nays.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, offered, as an amendment to the House Joint
+Resolution, the propositions submitted by the Peace Congress or
+Conference, but the amendment was disagreed to by 3 yeas to 34 nays.</p>
+
+<p>The House Joint Resolution was then adopted by 24 yeas to 12 nays.</p>
+
+<p>Subsequently the Crittenden Proposition came up again as a separate
+order, with the Clark substitute to it (once carried, but reconsidered),
+pending.  The Clark substitute was then rejected by 14 yeas to 22 nays.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Crittenden then offered the Propositions of the Peace
+Congress, as a substitute for his own&mdash;and they were rejected by 7 yeas
+to 28 nays.</p>
+
+<p>The Crittenden Proposition itself was then rejected, by
+19 yeas to 20 nays.</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="davis"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p138-davis.jpg (85K)" src="images/p138-davis.jpg" height="886" width="587">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch9"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+<center><h2>
+                              CHAPTER IX.<br><br>
+
+                           SLAVERY'S SETTING, AND FREEDOM'S DAWN.</h2></center><br>
+
+<p>On that long last night of the 36th Congress&mdash;and of the Democratic
+Administration&mdash;to the proceedings of which reference was made in the
+preceding Chapter, several notable speeches were made, but there was
+substantially nothing done, in the line of Compromise.  The only thing
+that had been accomplished was the passage, as we have seen, by
+two-thirds majority in both Houses, of the Joint Resolution proposing a
+Constitutional Amendment prohibiting Congress from meddling with Slavery
+in Slave States.  There was no Concession nor Compromise in this,
+because Republicans, as well as Democrats, had always held that Congress
+had no such power.  It is true that the Pro-slavery men had charged the
+Republicans with ultimate designs, through Congress, upon Slavery in the
+Slave States; and Mr. Crittenden pleaded for its passage as exhibiting a
+spirit, on their part, of reconciliation; that was all.</p>
+
+<p>In his speech that night&mdash;that memorable and anxious night preceding the
+Inauguration of President Lincoln&mdash;the venerable Mr. Crittenden,
+speaking before the Resolution was agreed to, well sketched the
+situation when he said in the Senate: "It is an admitted fact that our
+Union, to some extent, has already been dismembered; and that further
+dismemberment is impending and threatened.  It is a fact that the
+Country is in danger.  This is admitted on all hands.  It is our duty,
+if we can, to provide a remedy for this.  We are, under the Constitution
+and by the election of the People, the great guardians, as well as the
+administrators of this Government.  To our wisdom they have trusted this
+great chart.  Remedies have been proposed; resolutions have been
+offered, proposing for adoption measures which it was thought would
+satisfy the Country, and preserve as much of the Union as remained to us
+at least, if they were not enough at once to recall the Seceding States
+to the Union.  We have passed none of these measures.  The differences
+of opinion among Senators have been such that we have not been able to
+concur in any of the measures which have been proposed, even by bare
+majorities, much less by that two-thirds majority which is necessary to
+carry into effect some of the pacific measures which have been proposed.
+We are about to adjourn.  We have done nothing.  Even the Senate of the
+United States, beholding this great ruin around them, beholding
+Dismemberment and Revolution going on, and Civil War threatened as the
+result, have been able to do nothing; we have absolutely done nothing.
+Sir, is not this a remarkable spectacle?  * * * How does it happen that
+not even a bare majority here, when the Country trusted to our hands is
+going to ruin, have been competent to devise any measure of public
+safety?  How does it happen that we have not had unanimity enough to
+agree on any measure of that kind?  Can we account for it to ourselves,
+gentlemen?  We see the danger; we acknowledge our duty, and yet, with
+all this before us, we are acknowledging before the world that we can do
+nothing; acknowledging before the world, or appearing to all the world,
+as men who do nothing!  Sir, this will make a strange record in the
+history of Governments and in the history of the world.  Some are for
+Coercion; yet no army has been raised, no navy has been equipped.  Some
+are for pacification; yet they have been able to do nothing; the dissent
+of their colleagues prevents them; and here we are in the midst of a
+falling Country, in the midst of a falling State, presenting to the eyes
+of the World the saddest spectacle it has ever seen.  Cato is
+represented by Addison as a worthy spectacle, 'a great man falling with
+a falling State,' but he fell struggling.  We fall with the ignominy on
+our heads of doing nothing, like the man who stands by and sees his
+house in flames, and says to himself, 'perhaps the fire will stop before
+it consumes all.'"</p>
+
+<p>One of the strong pleas made in the Senate that night, was by Mr.
+Douglas, when he said: "The great issue with the South has been that
+they would not submit to the Wilmot proviso.  The Republican Party
+affirmed the doctrine that Congress must and could prohibit Slavery in
+the Territories.  The issue for ten years was between Non-intervention
+on the part of Congress, and prohibition by Congress.  Up to two years
+ago, neither the Senator (Mason) from Virginia, nor any other Southern
+Senator, desired affirmative legislation to protect Slavery.  Even up to
+this day, not one of them has proposed affirmative legislation to
+protect it.  Whenever the question has come up, they have decided that
+affirmative legislation to protect it was unnecessary; and hence, all
+that the South required on the Territorial question was 'hands off;
+Slavery shall not be prohibited by Act of Congress.' Now, what do we
+find?  This very session, in view of the perils which surround the
+Country, the Republican Party, in both Houses of Congress, by a
+unanimous vote, have backed down from their platform and abandoned the
+doctrine of Congressional prohibition.  This very week three Territorial
+Bills have been passed through both Houses of Congress without the
+Wilmot proviso, and no man proposed to enact it; not even one man on the
+other side of the Chamber would rise and propose the Wilmot proviso."</p>
+
+<p>"In organizing three Territories," continued he, "two of them South of
+the very line where they imposed the Wilmot proviso twelve years ago, no
+one on the other side of the Chamber proposed it.  They have abandoned
+the doctrine of the President-elect upon that point.  He said, and it is
+on record, that he had voted for the Wilmot proviso forty-two times, and
+would do it forty-two times more if he ever had a chance.  Not one of
+his followers this year voted for it once.  The Senator from New York
+(Mr. Seward) the embodiment of the Party, sat quietly and did not
+propose it.  What more?  Last year we were told that the Slave Code of
+New Mexico was to be repealed.  I denounced the attempted interference.
+The House of Representatives passed the Bill, but the Bill remains on
+your table; no one Republican member has proposed to take it up and pass
+it.  Practically, therefore, the Chicago platform is abandoned; the
+Philadelphia platform is abandoned; the whole doctrine for which the
+Republican Party contended, as to the Territories, is abandoned,
+surrendered, given up.  Non-intervention is substituted in its place.
+Then, when we find that, on the Territorial question, the Republican
+Party, by a unanimous vote, have surrendered to the South all they ask,
+the Territorial question ought to be considered pretty well settled.
+The only question left was that of the States; and after having
+abandoned their aggressive policy as to the Territories, a portion of
+them are willing to unite with us, and deprive themselves of the power
+to do it in the States."</p>
+
+<p>"I submit," said he, "that these two great facts&mdash;these startling,
+tremendous facts&mdash;that they have abandoned their aggressive policy in
+the Territories, and are willing to give guarantees in the States, ought
+to be accepted as an evidence of a salutary change in Public Opinion at
+the North.  All I would ask now of the Republican Party is, that they
+would insert in the Constitution the same principle that they have
+carried out practically in the Territorial Bills for Colorado, Dakota,
+and Nevada, by depriving Congress of the power hereafter to do what
+there cannot be a man of them found willing to do this year; but we
+cannot ask them to back down too much.  I think they have done quite as
+much within one year, within three months after they have elected a
+President, as could be expected."</p>
+
+<p>That Douglas and his followers were also patriotically willing to
+sacrifice a favorite theory in the face of a National peril, was brought
+out, at the same time, by Mr. Baker, when he said to Mr. Douglas: "I
+desire to suggest (and being a little of a Popular Sovereignty man, it
+comes gracefully from me) that others of us have backed down too, from
+the idea that Congress has not the power to prohibit Slavery in the
+Territories; and we are proposing some of us in the Crittenden
+proposition, and some in the Amendment now before the Senate&mdash;to
+prohibit Slavery by the Constitution itself, in the Territories;"&mdash;and
+by Mr. Douglas, when he replied: "I think as circumstances change, the
+action of public men ought to change in a corresponding degree.  * * * I
+am willing to depart from my cherished theory, by an Amendment to the
+Constitution by which we shall settle this question on the principles
+prescribed in the Resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky."</p>
+
+<p>     In the House, Mr. Logan, had, on the 5th of February, 1861, said:</p>
+
+<p>     "Men, Sir, North and South, who love themselves far better than
+     their Country, have brought us to this unhappy condition.  * * *
+     Let me say to gentlemen, that I will go as far as any man in the
+     performance of a Constitutional duty to put down Rebellion, to
+     suppress Insurrection, and to enforce the laws; but when we
+     undertake the performance of these duties, let us act in such a
+     manner as will be best calculated to preserve and not destroy the
+     Government, and keep ourselves within the bounds of the
+     Constitution.  * * *  Sir, I have always denied, and do yet deny,
+     the Right of Secession.  There is no warrant for it in the
+     Constitution.  It is wrong, it is unlawful, unconstitutional, and
+     should be called by the right name, Revolution.  No good, Sir, can
+     result from it, but much mischief may.  It is no remedy for any
+     grievance.</p>
+
+<p>     "I hold that all grievances can be much easier redressed inside the
+     Union than out of it.  * * *  If a collision must ensue between
+     this Government and any of our own people, let it come when every
+     other means of settlement has been tried and exhausted; and not
+     then, except when the Government shall be compelled to repel
+     assaults for the protection of its property, flag, and the honor of
+     the Country.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>     "I have been taught to believe that the preservation of this
+     glorious Union, with its broad flag waving over us, as the shield
+     for our protection on land and on sea, is paramount to all the
+     Parties and platforms that ever have existed, or ever can exist.  I
+     would, to-day, if I had the power, sink my own Party, and every
+     other one, with all their platforms, into the vortex of ruin,
+     without heaving a sigh or shedding a tear, to save the Union, or
+     even stop the Revolution where it is."</p>
+
+<p>     After enumerating the various propositions for adjustment, then
+     pending in the House, to wit: that of Senator Crittenden; that of
+     Senator Douglas; that of the Committee of Thirty-three; that of the
+     Border States; and those of Representatives McClernand, Kellogg,
+     and Morris, of Illinois, Mr. Logan took occasion to declare that
+     "in a crisis like this" he was "willing to give his support to any
+     of them," but his preference was for that of Mr. Morris.</p>
+
+<p>     Said he: "He (Morris) proposes that neither Congress nor a
+     Territorial Legislature shall interfere with Slavery in the
+     Territories at all; but leaves the people, when they come to form
+     their State Constitution, to determine the question for themselves.
+     I think this is the best proposition, because it is a fair
+     concession on all sides.  The Republicans give up their
+     Congressional intervention; those who are styled 'Squatter
+     Sovereigns' give up their Territorial legislative policy; and the
+     Southern (Slave) protectionists give up their
+		 protection-intervention policy; thus every Party yields something.  With this
+     proposition as an Article in the Constitution, it would satisfy
+     every conservative man in this Union, both North and South, I do
+     seriously and honestly believe.</p>
+
+<p>     "Having indicated my preference of these propositions, and my
+     reasons for that preference, I have said all I desire to say on the
+     point, except to repeat again, that I will willingly vote for any
+     of them, or make any other sacrifice necessary to save the Union.
+     It makes no kind of difference to me what the sacrifice; if it will
+     save my Country, I am ready to make it."  * * *</p>
+
+<p>     "There are some in this Hall," said he, "that are almost ready to
+     strike the Party fetters from their limbs, and assist in measures
+     of Peace.  Halt not; take the step; be independent and free at
+     once!  Let us overcome Party passion and error; allow virtue and
+     good sense in this fateful hour to be triumphant; let us invoke
+     Deity to interpose and prepare the way for our Country's escape
+     from the perils by which we are now surrounded; and in view of our
+     present greatness and future prospects, our magnificent and growing
+     cities, our many institutions of learning, our once happy and
+     prosperous People, our fruitful fields and golden forests, our
+     enjoyment of all civil and religious blessings&mdash;let Parties die
+     that these be preserved.  Such noble acts of patriotism and
+     concession, on your part, would cause posterity to render them
+     illustrious, and pause to contemplate the magnitude of the events
+     with which they were connected.  * * * In the name of the patriotic
+     sires who breasted the storms and vicissitudes of the Revolution;
+     by all the kindred ties of this Country; in the name of the many
+     battles fought for your Freedom; in behalf of the young and the
+     old; in behalf of the Arts and Sciences, Civilization, Peace,
+     Order, Christianity, and Humanity, I appeal to you to strike from
+     your limbs the chains that bind them!  Come forth from that
+     loathsome prison, Party Caucus; and in this hour&mdash;the most gloomy
+     and disheartening to the lovers of Free Institutions that has ever
+     existed during our Country's history&mdash;arouse the drooping spirits
+     of our countrymen, by putting forth your good strong arms to assist
+     in steadying the rocking pillars of the mightiest Republic that has
+     ever had an existence."</p>
+
+<p>     "Mr. Speaker," continued he, "a word or two more, and I am done.
+     Revolution stalks over the Land.  States have rebelled against the
+     constituted authorities of the Union, and now stand, sword in hand,
+     prepared to vindicate their new nationality.  Others are preparing
+     to take a similar position.  Rapidly transpiring events are
+     crowding on us with fearful velocity.  Soon, circumstances may
+     force us into an unnatural strife, in which the hand of brother
+     shall be uplifted against brother, and father against son.  My God,
+     what a spectacle!  If all the evils and calamities that have ever
+     happened since the World began, could be gathered in one great
+     Catastrophe, its horrors could not eclipse, in their frightful
+     proportions, the Drama that impends over us.  Whether this black
+     cloud that drapes in mourning the whole political heavens, shall
+     break forth in all the frightful intensity of War, and make
+     Christendom weep at the terrible atrocities that will be 
+		 enacted&mdash;or, whether it will disappear, and the sky resume its wonted
+     serenity, and the whole Earth be irradiated by the genial sunshine
+     of Peace once more&mdash;are the alternatives which this Congress, in my
+     judgment, has the power to select between."</p>
+
+<p>In this same broad spirit, Mr. Seward, in his great speech of January
+12th, had said: "Republicanism is subordinate to Union, as everything
+else is and ought to be&mdash;Republicanism, Democracy, every other political
+name and thing; all are subordinate&mdash;and they ought to disappear in the
+presence of the great question of Union."  In another part of it, he had
+even more emphatically said: "I therefore * * * avow my adherence to the
+Union in its integrity and with all its parts, with my friends, with my
+Party, with my State, with my Country, or without either, as they may
+determine, in every event, whether of Peace or War, with every
+consequence of honor or dishonor, of life or death.  Although I lament
+the occasion, I hail with cheerfulness the duty of lifting up my voice
+among distracted debates, for my whole Country and its inestimable
+Union."  And as showing still more clearly the kindly and conciliatory
+attitude of the great Republican leader, when speaking of those others
+who seemed to be about to invoke revolutionary action to oppose&mdash;and
+overthrow the Government&mdash;he said: "In such a case I can afford to meet
+prejudice with Conciliation, exaction with Concession which surrenders
+no principle, and violence with the right hand of Peace."</p>
+
+<p>In the House of Representatives, too, the voice of patriotism was often
+heard through the loud clamor and disorder of that most disorderly and
+Treason-uttering session&mdash;was heard from the lips of statesmen, who rose
+high above Party, in their devotion to the Union.  The calm,
+dispassionate recital by Henry Winter Davis (of Maryland), of the
+successive steps by which the Southern leaders had themselves created
+that very "North" of whose antagonism they complained, was one of the
+best of these, in some respects.  He was one of the great Select
+Committee of Thirty-three, and it was (February 5th) after the
+Resolutions, heretofore quoted, had been reported by it, that he
+condensed the history of the situation into a nutshell, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"We are at the end of the insane revel of partisan license which, for
+thirty years, has, in the United States, worn the mask of Government.
+We are about to close the masquerade by the dance of death.  The Nations
+of the World look anxiously to see if the People, ere they tread that
+measure, will come to themselves.</p>
+
+<p>         *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>"Southern politicians have created a North.  Let us trace the process
+and draw the moral.</p>
+
+<p>"The laws of 1850 calmed and closed the Slavery agitation; and President
+Pierce, elected by the almost unanimous voice of the States, did not
+mention Slavery in his first two Messages.  In 1854, the repeal of the
+Missouri Compromise, at the instance of the South, reopened the
+agitation.</p>
+
+<p>"Northern men, deserted by Southern Whigs, were left to unite for
+self-defense.</p>
+
+<p>"The invasion of Kansas, in 1855 and 1856, from Missouri; the making a
+Legislature and laws for that Territory, by the invaders; still further
+united the Northern people.  The election of 1856 measured its extent.</p>
+
+<p>"The election of Mr. Buchanan and his opening policy in Kansas, soothed
+the irritation, and was rapidly demoralizing the new Party, when the
+Pro-Slavery Party in Kansas perpetrated, and the President and the South
+accepted, the Lecompton fraud, and again united the North more
+resolutely in resistance to that invasion of the rights of
+self-government.</p>
+
+<p>"The South for the first time failed to dictate terms; and the People
+vindicated by their votes the refusal of the Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>"Ere this result was attained, the opinions of certain Judges of the
+Supreme Court scattered doubts over the law of Slavery in the
+Territories; the South, while repudiating other decisions, instantly
+made these opinions the criterion of faithfulness to the Constitution;
+while the North was agitated by this new sanction of the extremest
+pretensions of their opponents.</p>
+
+<p>"The South did not rest satisfied with their Judicial triumph.</p>
+
+<p>"Immediately the claim was pressed for protection by Congress to
+Slavery, declared by the Supreme Court, they said, to exist in all the
+Territories.</p>
+
+<p>"This completed the union of the Free States in one great defensive
+league; and the result was registered in November.  That result is now
+itself become the starting point of new agitation&mdash;the demand of new
+rights and new guarantees.  The claim to access to the Territories was
+followed by the claim to Congressional protection, and that is now
+followed by the hitherto unheard of claim to a Constitutional Amendment
+establishing Slavery, not merely in territory now held, but in all
+hereafter held from the line of 36  30' to Cape Horn, while the debate
+foreshadows in the distance the claim of the right of transit and the
+placing of property in Slaves in all respects on the footing of other
+property&mdash;the topics of future agitation.  How long the prohibition of
+the importation of Slaves will be exempted from the doctrine of
+equality, it needs no prophet to tell.</p>
+
+<p>"In the face of this recital, let the imputation of autocratic and
+tyrannical aspirations cease to be cast on the people of the Free
+States; let the Southern people dismiss their fears, return to their
+friendly confidence in their fellow-citizens of the North, and accept,
+as pledges of returning Peace, the salutary amendments of the law and
+the Constitution offered as the first fruits of Reconciliation."</p>
+
+<p>But calmness, kindness, and courtesy were alike thrown away in both
+Houses upon the implacable Southern leaders.  As the last day of that
+memorable session, which closed in the failure of all peaceful measures
+to restore the Union, slowly dawned&mdash;with but a few hours lacking of the
+time when Mr. Lincoln would be inaugurated President of the United
+States&mdash;Mr. Wigfall thought proper, in the United States Senate, to
+sneer at him as "an ex-rail-splitter, an ex-grocery keeper, an
+ex-flatboat captain, and an ex-Abolition lecturer"&mdash;and proceeded to scold
+and rant at the North with furious volubility.</p>
+
+<p>"Then, briefly," said he, "a Party has come into power that represents
+the antagonism to my own Section of the Country.  It represents two
+million men who hate us, and who, by their votes for such a man as they
+have elected, have committed an overt act of hostility.  That they have
+done."</p>
+
+<p>"You have won the Presidency," said he, to the Republicans, "and you are
+now in the situation of the man who had won the elephant at a raffle.
+You do not know what to do with the beast now that you have it; and
+one-half of you to-day would give your right arms if you had been defeated.
+But you succeeded, and you have to deal with facts.  Our objection to
+living in this Union, and therefore the difficulty of reconstructing it,
+is not your Personal Liberty bills, not the Territorial question, but
+that you utterly and wholly misapprehend the Form of Government."</p>
+
+<p>"You deny," continued he, "the Sovereignty of the States; you deny the
+right of self-government in the People; you insist upon Negro Equality;
+your people interfere impertinently with our Institutions and attempt to
+subvert them; you publish newspapers; you deliver lectures; you print
+pamphlets, and you send them among us, first, to excite our Slaves to
+insurrection against their masters, and next, to array one class of
+citizens against the other; and I say to you, that we cannot live in
+peace, either in the Union or out of it, until you have abolished your
+Abolition societies; not, as I have been misquoted, abolish or destroy
+your school-houses; but until you have ceased in your schoolhouses
+teaching your children to hate us; until you have ceased to convert your
+pulpits into hustings; until you content yourselves with preaching
+Christ, and Him crucified, and not delivering political harangues on the
+Sabbath; until you have ceased inciting your own citizens to make raids
+and commit robberies; until you have done these things we cannot live in
+the same Union with you.  Until you do these things, we cannot live out
+of the Union at Peace."</p>
+
+<p>Such were the words&mdash;the spiteful, bitter words&mdash;with which this chosen
+spokesman of the South saluted the cold and cloudy dawn of that day
+which was to see the sceptre depart from the hands of the Slave Power
+forever.</p>
+
+<p>A few hours later, under the shadow of the main Pastern Portico of the
+Capitol at Washington&mdash;with the retiring President and Cabinet, the
+Supreme Court Justices, the Foreign Diplomatic Corps, and hundreds of
+Senators, Representatives and other distinguished persons filling the
+great platform on either side and behind them&mdash;Abraham Lincoln stood
+bareheaded before full thirty thousand people, upon whose uplifted faces
+the unveiled glory of the mild Spring sun now shone&mdash;stood reverently
+before that far greater and mightier Presence termed by himself, "My
+rightful masters, the American People"&mdash;and pleaded in a manly, earnest,
+and affectionate strain with "such as were dissatisfied," to listen to
+the "better angels" of their nature.</p>
+
+<p>Temperate, reasonable, kindly, persuasive&mdash;it seems strange that Mr.
+Lincoln's Inaugural Address did not disarm at least the personal
+resentment of the South toward him, and sufficiently strengthen the
+Union-loving people there, against the red-hot Secessionists, to put the
+"brakes" down on Rebellion.  Said he:</p>
+
+<p>"Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States,
+that by the accession of a Republican Administration, their Property and
+their Peace and personal security are to be endangered.  There has never
+been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.  Indeed, the most ample
+evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to
+their inspection.  It is found in nearly all the published speeches of
+him who now addresses you.  I do but quote from one of those speeches,
+when I declare that 'I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to
+interfere with the Institution of Slavery in the States where it
+exists.'  I believe I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no
+inclination to do so.  Those who nominated and elected me, did so with
+the full knowledge that I had made this, and many similar declarations,
+and had never recanted them.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"I now reiterate these sentiments; and in doing so, I only press upon
+the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is
+susceptible, that the Property, Peace, and Security of no Section are to
+be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.  I add,
+too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution
+and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States,
+when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause&mdash;as cheerfully to one Section
+as to another.</p>
+
+<p>"I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with
+no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical
+rules.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now
+formidably attempted.  I hold that, in contemplation of Universal Law,
+and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual.
+Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all
+National Governments.  It is safe to assert that no Government proper
+ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.
+Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National
+Constitution, and the Union will endure forever&mdash;it being impossible to
+destroy it, except by some action not provided for in the instrument
+itself.</p>
+
+<p>"Again, if the United States be not a Government proper, but an
+Association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a
+contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it?
+One party to a contract may violate it&mdash;break it, so to speak; but does
+it not require all, to lawfully rescind it?</p>
+
+<p>"Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that,
+in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history
+of the Union itself.  The Union is much older than the Constitution.  It
+was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.  It was
+matured and continued in the Declaration of Independence in 1776.  It
+was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States
+expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the
+Articles of Confederation, in 1778; and, finally, in 1787, one of the
+declared objects, for ordaining and establishing the Constitution, was
+'to form a more perfect Union.'  But, if destruction of the Union by
+one, or by a part only, of the States, be lawfully possible, the Union
+is less perfect than before, the Constitution having lost the vital
+element of perpetuity.</p>
+
+<p>"It follows, from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion,
+can lawfully get out of the Union; that Resolves and Ordinances to that
+effect, are legally void; and that acts of violence within any State or
+States against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary
+or revolutionary, according to circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>"I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws,
+the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take
+care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the
+laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared
+purpose of the Union, that it will Constitutionally defend and maintain
+itself.</p>
+
+<p>"In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall
+be none, unless it is forced upon the National Authority.</p>
+
+<p>"The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the
+property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the
+duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be necessary for these objects,
+there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the People
+anywhere.</p>
+
+<p>"The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts
+of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>                   *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>"Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose
+a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed Secession?
+Plainly, the central idea of Secession is the essence of anarchy.  A
+majority, held in restraint by Constitutional checks and limitations and
+always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and
+sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a Free People.  Whoever
+rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy, or to despotism.
+Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent
+arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority
+principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.</p>
+
+<p>                    *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>"Physically speaking, we cannot separate.  We cannot remove our
+respective Sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall
+between them.  A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the
+presence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of
+our Country cannot do this.  They cannot but remain face to face; and
+intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.  Is
+it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more
+satisfactory after separation than before?  Can aliens make treaties,
+easier than friends can make laws?  Can treaties be more faithfully
+enforced between aliens, than laws can among friends?  Suppose you go to
+War, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides,
+and no gain on either you cease fighting, the identical old questions,
+as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.</p>
+
+<p>"This Country, with its Institutions, belongs to the People who inhabit
+it.  Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government, they can
+exercise their Constitutional right of amending it, or their
+Revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it.  I cannot be ignorant
+of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of
+having the National Constitution amended.  While I make no
+recommendations of Amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority
+of the People over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the
+modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under existing
+circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opportunity being
+afforded the People to act upon it.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the People, and
+they have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the
+States.  The People themselves can do this also, if they choose; but the
+Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it.  His duty is to
+administer the present Government, as it came to his hands, and to
+transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor.</p>
+
+<p>                  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>" * * * While the People retain their virtue and vigilance, no
+Administration, by any extreme of weakness or folly, can very seriously
+injure the Government in the short space of four years.</p>
+
+<p>"My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole
+subject.  Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.  If there be an
+object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would
+never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time;
+but no good object can be frustrated by it.  Such of you as are now
+dissatisfied, still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the
+sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new
+Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change
+either.  If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied, hold the
+right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for
+precipitate action.  Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm
+reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored Land, are still
+competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty.</p>
+
+<p>"In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is
+the momentous issue of Civil War.  The Government will not assault you.
+You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.  You
+have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Government, while I
+shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect, and defend it'.</p>
+
+<p>"I am loath to close.  We are not enemies, but friends.  We must not be
+enemies.  Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds
+of affection.  The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every
+battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone,
+all over this broad Land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when
+again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our
+nature."</p>
+
+<p>Strange, indeed, must have been the thoughts that crowded through the
+brain and oppressed the heart of Abraham Lincoln that night&mdash;his first
+at the White House!</p>
+
+<p>The city of Washington swarmed with Rebels and Rebel sympathizers, and
+all the departments of Government were honey-combed with Treason and
+shadowed with treachery and espionage.  Every step proposed or
+contemplated by the Government would be known to the so-called
+Government of the Confederate States almost as soon as thought of.  All
+means, to thwart and delay the carrying out of the Government's
+purposes, that the excuses of routine and red-tape admitted of, would be
+used by the Traitors within the camp, to aid the Traitors without.</p>
+
+<p>No one knew all this, better than Mr. Lincoln.  With no Army, no Navy,
+not even a Revenue cutter left&mdash;with forts and arsenals, ammunition and
+arms in possession of the Rebels, with no money in the National
+Treasury, and the National credit blasted&mdash;the position must, even to
+his hopeful nature, have seemed at this time desperate.  To be sure,
+despite threats, neither few nor secret, which had been made, that he
+should not live to be inaugurated, he had passed the first critical
+point&mdash;had taken the inaugural oath&mdash;and was now duly installed in the
+White House.  That was something, of course, to be profoundly thankful
+for.  But the matter regarded by him of larger moment&mdash;the safety of the
+Union&mdash;how about that?</p>
+
+<p>How that great, and just, and kindly brain, in the dim shadows of that
+awful first night at the White House, must have searched up and down and
+along the labyrinths of history and "corridors of time," everywhere in
+the Past, for any analogy or excuse for the madness of this Secession
+movement&mdash;and searched in vain!</p>
+
+<p>With his grand and abounding faith in God, how Abraham Lincoln must have
+stormed the very gates of Heaven that night with prayer that he might be
+the means of securing Peace and Union to his beloved but distracted
+Country!  How his great heart must have been racked with the
+alternations of hope and foreboding&mdash;of trustfulness and doubt!
+Anxiously he must have looked for the light of the morrow, that he might
+gather from the Press, the manner in which his Inaugural had been
+received.  Not that he feared the North&mdash;but the South; how would the
+wayward, wilful, passionate South, receive his proffered olivef-branch?</p>
+
+<p>Surely, surely,&mdash;thus ran his thoughts&mdash;when the brave, and gallant, and
+generous people of that Section came to read his message of Peace and
+Good-will, they must see the suicidal folly of their course!  Surely
+their hearts must be touched and the mists of prejudice dissolved, so
+that reason would resume her sway, and Reconciliation follow!  A little
+more time for reflection would yet make all things right.  The young men
+of the South, fired by the Southern leaders' false appeals, must soon
+return to reason.  The prairie fire is terrible while it sweeps along,
+but it soon burns out.  When the young men face the emblem of their
+Nation's glory&mdash;the flag of the land of their birth&mdash;then will come the
+reaction and their false leaders will be hurled from place and power,
+and all will again be right.  Yea, when it comes to firing on the old,
+old flag, they will not, cannot, do it!  Between the Compromise within
+their reach, and such Sacrilege as this, they cannot waver long.</p>
+
+<p>So, doubtless, all the long night, whether waking or sleeping, the mind
+of this true-hearted son of the West, throbbed with the mighty weight of
+the problem entrusted to him for solution, and the vast responsibilities
+which he had just assumed toward his fellow-men, his Nation, and his
+God.</p>
+
+<p>And when, at last, the long lean frame was thrown upon the couch, and
+"tired Nature's sweet restorer" held him briefly in her arms, the smile
+of hopefulness on the wan cheek told that, despite all the terrible
+difficulties of the situation, the sleeper was sustained by a strong and
+cheerful belief in the Providence of God, the Patriotism of the People,
+and the efficacy of his Inaugural Peace-offering to the South. But alas,
+and alas, for the fallibility of human judgment and human hopes!
+Instead of a message of Peace, the South chose to regard it as a message
+of Menace;* and it was not received in a much better spirit by some of
+the Northern papers, which could see no good in it&mdash;"no Union spirit in
+it"&mdash;but declared that it breathed the spirit of Sectionalism and
+mischief, and "is the knell and requiem of the Union, and the death of
+hope."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     ["Mr. Lincoln fondly regarded his Inaugural as a resistless
+     proffering of the olive branch to the South; the Conspirators
+     everywhere interpreted it as a challenge to War."&mdash;Greeley's Am.
+     Conflict, vol. i., p. 428.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>
+Bitter indeed must have been President Lincoln's disappointment and
+sorrow at the reception of his Inaugural.  With the heartiest
+forgiveness, in the noblest spirit of paternal kindness, he had
+generously held out his arms, as far as they could reach, to clasp to
+his heart&mdash;to the great heart of the Union&mdash;the rash children of the
+South, if they would but let him.  It was more with sorrow, than in
+anger, that he looked upon their contemptuous repulsion of his advances;
+and his soul still reproachfully yearned toward these his Southern
+brethren, as did that of a higher than he toward His misguided brethren,
+when He cried: "O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets,
+and stonest them which are sent unto thee, how often would I have
+gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens
+under her wings, and ye would not!"</p>
+
+<p>On the day following his Inauguration, President Lincoln sent to the
+United States Senate the names of those whom he had chosen to constitute
+his Cabinet, as follows: William H. Seward, of New York, Secretary of
+State; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury; Simon
+Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of War; Gideon Welles, of
+Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy; Caleb B.  Smith, of Indiana,
+Secretary of the Interior; Edward Bates, of Missouri, Attorney General;
+and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, Postmaster General.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the President of the rebellious Confederacy,
+Jefferson Davis, had partly constituted his Cabinet already, as follows:
+Robert Toombs, of Georgia, Secretary of State; Charles G.  Memminger, of
+South Carolina, Secretary of the Treasury; Leroy Pope Walker, of
+Alabama, Secretary of War; to whom he afterwards added: Stephen R.
+Mallory, of Florida, Secretary of the Navy; and John H. Reagan, of
+Texas, Postmaster-General.</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br>
+<a name="ch10"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+<center><h2>
+                              CHAPTER X.<br><br>
+
+                           THE WAR-DRUM "ON TO WASHINGTON".</h2></center><br>
+
+<p>Scarcely one week had elapsed after the Administration of Mr. Lincoln
+began, when (March 11th) certain "Commissioners of the Southern
+Confederacy" (John Forsyth, of Alabama, and Martin J. Crawford, of
+Georgia), appeared at Washington and served a written request upon
+the State Department to appoint an early day when they might present to
+the President of the United States their credentials "from the
+Government of the Confederate States of America" to the Government of
+the United States, and open "the objects of the mission with which they
+are charged."</p>
+
+<p>Secretary Seward, with the President's sanction, declined official
+intercourse with Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, in a "Memorandum" (March
+15th) reciting their request, etc., in which, after referring to
+President Lincoln's Inaugural Address&mdash;forwarded to them with the
+"Memorandum" he says: "A simple reference will be sufficient to satisfy
+those gentlemen that the Secretary of State, guided by the principles
+therein announced, is prevented altogether from admitting or assuming
+that the States referred to by them have, in law or in fact, withdrawn
+from the Federal Union, or that they could do so in the manner described
+by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other manner than with the
+consent and concert of the People of the United States, to be given
+through a National Convention, to be assembled in conformity with the
+provisions of the Constitution of the United States.  Of course, the
+Secretary of State cannot act upon the assumption, or in any way admit,
+that the so-called Confederate States constitute a Foreign Power, with
+whom diplomatic relations ought to be established."</p>
+
+<p>On the 9th of April, Messrs. Forsyth, Crawford and Roman&mdash;as
+"Commissioners of the Southern Confederacy"&mdash;addressed to Secretary
+Seward a reply to the "Memorandum" aforesaid, in which the following
+passage occurs:</p>
+
+<p>"The undersigned, like the Secretary of State, have no purpose to
+'invite or engage in discussion' of the subject on which their two
+Governments are so irreconcilably at variance.  It is this variance that
+has broken up the old Union, the disintegration of which has only begun.</p>
+
+<p>"It is proper, however, to advise you that it were well to dismiss the
+hopes you seem to entertain that, by any of the modes indicated, the
+people of the Confederate States will ever be brought to submit to the
+authority of the Government of the United States.  You are dealing with
+delusions, too, when you seek to separate our people from our
+Government, and to characterize the deliberate, Sovereign act of that
+people as a 'perversion of a temporary and partisan excitement.'  If you
+cherish these dreams, you will be awakened from them, and find them as
+unreal and unsubstantial as others in which you have recently indulged.</p>
+
+<p>"The undersigned would omit the performance of an obvious duty were they
+to fail to make known to the Government of the United States that the
+people of the Confederate States have declared their independence with a
+full knowledge of all the responsibilities of that act, and with as firm
+a determination to maintain it by all the means with which nature has
+endowed them as that which sustained their fathers when they threw off
+the authority of the British Crown.</p>
+
+<p>"The undersigned clearly understand that you have declined to appoint a
+day to enable them to lay the objects of the mission with which they are
+charged, before the President of the United States, because so to do
+would be to recognize the independence and separate nationality of the
+Confederate States.  This is the vein of thought that pervades the
+memorandum before us.</p>
+
+<p>"The truth of history requires that it should distinctly appear upon the
+record, that the undersigned did not ask the Government of the United
+States to recognize the independence of the Confederate States.  They
+only asked audience to adjust, in a spirit of amity and peace, the new
+relations springing from a manifest and accomplished revolution in the
+Government of the late Federal Union.</p>
+
+<p>"Your refusal to entertain these overtures for a peaceful solution, the
+active naval and military preparation of this Government, and a formal
+notice to the Commanding General of the Confederate forces in the harbor
+of Charleston that the President intends to provision Fort Sumter by
+forcible means, if necessary, are viewed by the undersigned, and can
+only be received by the World, as a Declaration of War against the
+Confederate States; for the President of the United States knows that
+Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned without the effusion of blood.</p>
+
+<p>"The undersigned, in behalf of their Government and people, accept the
+gage of battle thus thrown down to them, and, appealing to God and the
+judgment of mankind for the righteousness of their Cause, the people of
+the Confederate States will defend their liberties to the last, against
+this flagrant and open attempt at their subjugation to Sectional power."</p>
+
+<p>
+Let us now, for a moment, glance at the condition of Fort Sumter, and of
+the Government with regard to it:</p>
+
+<p>On the 5th of March, the day after President Lincoln had taken his oath
+of office, there was placed in his hands a letter of Major Anderson,
+commanding at Fort Sumter, in which that officer, under date of the 28th
+of February, expressed the opinion that "reinforcements could not be
+thrown into that fort within the time for his relief rendered necessary
+by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding
+possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good
+and well-disciplined men."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [President Lincoln's first Message, July 4, 1861.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott concurred in that opinion, and as the
+provisions in the Fort would be exhausted before any such force could be
+raised and brought to the ground, evacuation and safe withdrawal of the
+Federal garrison from the Fort became a Military necessity, and was so
+regarded by the Administration.</p>
+
+<p>"It was believed, however"&mdash;in the language of Mr. Lincoln himself, in
+his first Message to Congress&mdash;"that to so abandon that position, under
+the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous: that the necessity under
+which it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many it
+would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home it
+would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and
+go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that in fact it
+would be our National destruction consummated.  This could not be
+allowed.  Starvation was not yet upon the garrison; and ere it would be
+reached, Fort Pickens might be reinforced.  This last would be a clear
+indication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the
+evacuation of Fort Sumter as a Military necessity."</p>
+
+<p>Owing to misconception or otherwise, an order to reinforce Fort Pickens
+was not carried out, and an expedition to relieve Fort Sumter was then
+ordered to be dispatched.  On the 8th of April President Lincoln, by
+messenger, notified Governor Pickens of South Carolina, "that he might
+expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort; and that if the
+attempt should not be resisted there would be no effort to throw in men,
+arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack
+upon the fort."</p>
+
+<p>A crisis was evidently approaching, and public feeling all over the
+Country was wrought up to the highest degree of tension and stood
+tip-toe with intense expectancy.  The test of the doctrine of Secession was
+about to be made there, in the harbor of Charleston, upon which the eyes
+of Patriot and Rebel were alike feverishly bent.</p>
+
+<p>There, in Charleston harbor, grimly erect, stood the octagon-shaped Fort
+Sumter, mid-way of the harbor entrance, the Stars and Stripes proudly
+waving from its lofty central flagstaff, its guns bristling on every
+side through the casemates and embrasures, as if with a knowledge of
+their defensive power.</p>
+
+<p>About equidistant from Fort Sumter on either side of the
+harbor-entrance, were the Rebel works at Fort Moultrie and Battery Bee on
+Sullivan's Island, on the one side, and Cummings Point Battery, on
+Morris Island, on the other-besides a number of other batteries facing
+seaward along the sea-coast line of Morris Island.  Further in, on the
+same side of the harbor, and but little further off from Fort Sumter,
+stood Fort Johnson on James Island, while Castle Pinckney and a Floating
+Battery were between the beleagured Fort and the city of Charleston.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, the Federal Fort was threatened with the concentrated fire of
+these well-manned Rebel fortifications on all sides, and in its then
+condition was plainly doomed; for, while the swarming Rebels, unmolested
+by Fort Sumter, had been permitted to surround that Fort with frowning
+batteries, whose guns outnumbered those of the Fort, as ten to one, and
+whose caliber was also superior, its own condition was anything but that
+of readiness for the inevitable coming encounter.</p>
+
+<p>That the officers' quarters, barracks, and other frame-work wooden
+buildings should have been permitted to remain as a standing invitation
+to conflagration from bombardment, can only be accounted for on the
+supposition that the gallant officer in command, himself a Southerner,
+would not believe it possible that the thousands of armed Americans by
+whom he was threatened and encircled, could fire upon the flag of their
+own native Country.  He and his garrison of seventy men, were soon to
+learn the bitter truth, amid a tempest of bursting shot and shell, the
+furnace-heat of crackling walls, and suffocating volumes of dense smoke
+produced by an uncontrollable conflagration.</p>
+
+<p>The Rebel leaders at Washington had prevented an attack in January upon
+the forts in the harbor of Charleston, and at Pensacola.&mdash;[McPherson's
+History of the Rebellion, p.  112.]&mdash;In consequence of which failure to
+proceed to the last extremity at once, the energies of the Rebellion had
+perceptibly diminished.</p>
+
+<p>Said the Mobile Mercury: "The country is sinking into a fatal apathy,
+and the spirit and even the patriotism of the people is oozing out,
+under this do-nothing policy.  If something is not done pretty soon,
+decisive, either evacuation or expulsion, the whole country will become
+so disgusted with the sham of Southern independence that the first
+chance the people get at a popular election they will turn the whole
+movement topsy-turvy so bad that it never on Earth can be righted
+again."</p>
+
+<p>After the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, however, the Rebel authorities at
+Montgomery lost no time, but strained every nerve to precipitate War.
+They felt that there was danger to the cause of Secession in delay; that
+there were wavering States outside the Confederacy, like Virginia, that
+might be dragged into the Confederacy by prompt and bloody work; and
+wavering States within, like Alabama, that must be kept in by similar
+means.  Their emissaries were busy everywhere in the South, early in
+April, preaching an instant crusade against the old flag&mdash;inciting the
+people to demand instant hostilities against Fort Sumter&mdash;and to cross a
+Rubicon of blood, over which there could be no return.</p>
+
+<p>Many of the Rebel leaders seemed to be haunted by the fear (no doubt
+well founded) that unless blood was shed&mdash;unless an impassable barrier,
+crimsoned with human gore, was raised between the new Confederacy and
+the old Union&mdash;there would surely be an ever-present danger of that
+Confederacy falling to pieces.  Hence they were now active in working
+the people up to the required point of frenzy.</p>
+
+<p>As a specimen of their speeches, may be quoted that of Roger A. Pryor,
+of Virginia, who, at Charleston, April 10, 1861, replying to a serenade,
+said:&mdash;[Charleston Mercury's report.]</p>
+
+<p>'Gentlemen, I thank you, especially that you have at last annihilated
+this accursed Union [Applause] reeking with corruption, and insolent
+with excess of tyranny.  Thank God, it is at last blasted and riven by
+the lightning wrath of an outraged and indignant people.  [Loud
+applause.]  Not only is it gone, but gone forever.  [Cries of, 'You're
+right,' and applause.] In the expressive language of Scripture, it is
+water spilt upon the ground, which cannot be gathered up.  [Applause.]
+Like Lucifer, son of the morning, it has fallen, never to rise again.
+[Continued applause.]</p>
+
+<p>"For my part, gentlemen," he continued, as soon as he could be heard,
+"if Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to-morrow were to abdicate their
+offices and were to give me a blank sheet of paper to write the
+condition of re-annexation to the defunct Union, I would scornfully
+spurn the overture.  * * *  I invoke you, and I make it in some sort a
+personal appeal&mdash;personal so far as it tends to our assistance in
+Virginia&mdash;I do invoke you, in your demonstrations of popular opinion, in
+your exhibitions of official intent, to give no countenance to this idea
+of reconstruction.  [Many voices, emphatically, 'never,' and applause.]</p>
+
+<p>"In Virginia," resumed he, "they all say, if reduced to the dread
+dilemma of this memorable alternative, they will espouse the cause of
+the South as against the interest of the Northern Confederacy, but they
+whisper of reconstruction, and they say Virginia must abide in the
+Union, with the idea of reconstructing the Union which you have
+annihilated.  I pray you, gentlemen, rob them of that idea.  Proclaim to
+the World that upon no condition, and under no circumstances, will South
+Carolina ever again enter into political association with the
+Abolitionists of New England.  [Cries of 'never,' and applause.]</p>
+
+<p>"Do not distrust Virginia," he continued; "as sure as tomorrow's sun
+will rise upon us, just so sure will Virginia be a member of this
+Southern Confederation.  [Applause.]  And I will tell you, gentlemen,
+what will put her in the Southern Confederacy in less than an hour by
+Shrewsbury clock&mdash;STRIKE A BLOW!  [Tremendous applause.]  The very
+moment that blood is shed, old Virginia will make common cause with her
+sisters of the South.  [Applause.]  It is impossible she should do
+otherwise."</p>
+
+<p>The question of the necessity of "Striking a Blow"&mdash;of the immediate
+"shedding of blood"&mdash;was not only discussed before the Southern people
+for the purpose of inflaming their rebellious zeal, but was also the
+subject of excited agitation in the Confederate Cabinet at this time.</p>
+
+<p>In a speech made by ex-United States Senator Clemens of Alabama, at
+Huntsville, Alabama, at the close of the Rebellion, he told the
+Alabamians how their State, which, as we have seen, was becoming
+decidedly shaky in its allegiance to the "Sham of Southern
+Independence," was kept in the Confederacy.</p>
+
+<p>Said he: "In 1861, shortly after the Confederate Government was put in
+operation, I was in the city of Montgomery.  One day (April 11, 1861) I
+stepped into the office of the Secretary of War, General Walker, and
+found there, engaged in a very excited discussion, Mr. Jefferson Davis
+(the President), Mr. Memminger (Secretary of the Treasury), Mr. Benjamin
+(Attorney-General), Mr. Gilchrist, a member of our Legislature from
+Loundes county, and a number of other prominent gentlemen.  They were
+discussing the propriety of immediately opening fire on Fort Sumter, to
+which General Walker, the Secretary of War, appeared to be opposed.  Mr.
+Gilchrist said to him, 'Sir, unless you sprinkle blood in the face of
+the people of Alabama, they will be back in the old Union in less than
+ten days!'  THE NEXT DAY GENERAL BEAUREGARD OPENED HIS BATTERIES ON
+SUMTER, AND ALABAMA WAS SAVED TO THE CONFEDERACY."</p>
+
+<p>On the 8th of April, G. T. Beauregard, "Brigadier General Commanding"
+the "Provisional Army C. S. A."  at Charleston, S. C., notified the
+Confederate Secretary of War (Walker) at Montgomery, Ala., that "An
+authorized messenger from President Lincoln has just informed Gov.
+Pickens and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter
+peaceably, or otherwise by force."</p>
+
+<p>On the 10th, Confederate Secretary Walker telegraphed to Beauregard: "If
+you have no doubt of the authorized character of the agent who
+communicated to, you the intention of the Washington Government to
+supply Fort Sumter by force, you will at once demand its evacuation,
+and, if this is refused, proceed, in such manner as you may determine,
+to reduce it."  To this Beauregard at once replied: "The demand will be
+made to-morrow at 12 o'clock."  Thereupon the Confederate Secretary
+telegraphed again: "Unless there are special reasons connected with your
+own condition, it is considered proper that you should make the demand
+at an earlier hour."  And Beauregard answered: "The reasons are special
+for 12 o'clock."</p>
+
+<p>On the 11th General Beauregard notified Secretary Walker: "The demand
+was sent at 2 P. M., and until 6 was allowed for the answer."  The
+Secretary desiring to have the reply of Major Anderson, General
+Beauregard telegraphed: "Major Anderson replies: 'I have the honor to
+acknowledge the receipt of your communication demanding the evacuation
+of this Fort, and to say in reply thereto that it is a demand with which
+I regret that my sense of honor and of my obligation to my Government
+prevent my compliance.'  He adds, verbally, 'I will await the first
+shot, and, if you do not batter us to pieces, we will be starved out in
+a few days.'"</p>
+
+<p>To this, the Confederate Secretary at once responded with: "Do not
+desire needlessly to bombard Fort Sumter.  If Major Anderson will state
+the time at which, as indicated by himself, he will evacuate, and agree
+that, in the mean time, he will not use his guns against us unless ours
+should be employed against Fort Sumter, you are authorized thus to avoid
+the effusion of blood.  If this or its equivalent be refused, reduce the
+Fort, as your judgment decides to be the most practicable."</p>
+
+<p>At 11 o'clock that night (April 11) General Beauregard sent to Major
+Anderson, by the hands of his aides-de-camp, Messrs. Chesnut and Lee, a
+further communication, in which, after alluding to the Major's verbal
+observation, the General said: "If you will state the time at which you
+will evacuate Fort Sumter, and agree that in the mean time you will not
+use your guns against us unless ours shall be employed against Fort
+Sumter, we shall abstain from opening fire upon you.  Col. Chesnut and
+Capt. Lee are authorized by me to enter into such an agreement with you.
+You are therefore requested to communicate to them an open answer."</p>
+
+<p>To this, Major Robert Anderson, at 2.30 A.M. of the 12th, replied "that,
+cordially uniting with you in the desire to avoid the useless effusion
+of blood, I will, if provided with the necessary means of
+transportation, evacuate Fort Sumter by noon on the 15th inst., should I
+not receive prior to that time, controlling instructions from my
+Government, or additional supplies, and that I will not in the mean time
+open my fire upon your forces unless compelled to do so by some hostile
+act against this Fort or the flag of my Government, by the forces under
+your command, or by some portion of them, or by the perpetration of some
+act showing a hostile intention on your part against this Fort or the
+flag it bears."  Thereupon General Beauregard telegraphed Secretary
+Walker: "He would not consent.  I write to-day."</p>
+
+<p>At 3.20 A.M., Major Anderson received from Messrs.  Chesnut and Lee a
+notification to this effect: "By authority of Brigadier General
+Beauregard, commanding the Provisional Forces of the Confederate States,
+we have the honor to notify you that he will open the fire of his
+batteries on Fort Sumter in one hour from this time."  And a later
+dispatch from General Beauregard to Secretary Walker, April 12,
+laconically stated: "WE OPENED FIRE AT 4.30."</p>
+
+<p>At last the hour and the minute had come, for which the Slave Power of
+the South had for thirty years so impatiently longed.  At last the
+moment had come, when all the long-treasured vengeance of the 
+South&mdash;outgrown from questions of Tariff, of Slavery, and of Secession&mdash;was to
+be poured out in blood and battle; when the panoplied powers and forces
+of rebellious confederated States, standing face to face with the
+resolute patriotism of an outraged Union, would belch forth flame and
+fury and hurtling missiles upon the Federal Fort and the old flag
+floating o'er it.</p>
+
+<p>And whose the sacrilegious hand that dared be first raised against his
+Country and his Country's flag?  Stevens's mortar battery at Sullivan's
+Island is ready to open, when a lean, long-haired old man, with eyes
+blazing in their deep fanatical sockets, totters hastily forward and
+ravenously seizing in his bony hands a lanyard, pulls the string, and,
+with a flash and roar, away speeds the shrieking shell on its mission of
+destruction; and, while shell after shell, and shot after shot, from
+battery after battery, screams a savage accompaniment to the boom and
+flash and bellow of the guns, that lean old man works his clutched
+fingers in an ecstasy of fiendish pleasure, and chuckles: "Aye, I told
+them at Columbia that night, that the defense of the South is only to be
+secured through the lead of South Carolina; and, old as I am, I had come
+here to join them in that lead&mdash;and I have done it."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Edmund Ruffin, see p.  100.  This theory of the necessity of South
+     Carolina leading, had long been held, as in the following, first
+     published in the New York Tribune, July 3, 1862, which, among other
+     letters, was found in the house of William H.  Trescot, on
+     Barnwell's Island, South Carolina, when re-occupied by United
+     States troops:</p>
+
+<p>     "VIRGINIA CONVENTION, May 3, 1851</p>
+
+<p>     "My DEAR, SIR:&mdash;You misunderstood my last letter, if you supposed
+     that I intended to visit South Carolina this Spring.  I am
+     exceedingly obliged to you for your kind invitations, and it would
+     afford me the highest pleasure to interchange in person, sentiments
+     with a friend whose manner of thinking so closely agrees with my
+     own.  But my engagements here closely confine me to this city, and
+     deny me such a gratification.</p>
+
+<p>     "I would be especially glad to be in Charleston next week, and
+     witness the proceedings of your Convention of Delegates from the
+     Southern Rights Associations.  The condition of things in your
+     State deeply interests me.  Her wise foresight and manly
+     independence have placed her, as the head of the South, to whom
+     alone true-hearted men can look with any hope or pleasure.</p>
+
+<p>     "Momentous are the consequences which depend upon your action.
+     Which party will prevail?  The immediate Secessionists, or those
+     who are opposed to separate State action at this time?  For my part
+     I forbear to form a wish.  Were I a Carolinian, it would be very
+     different; but when I consider the serious effects the decision may
+     have on your future weal or woe, I feel that a citizen of a State
+     which has acted as Virginia, has no right to interfere, even by a
+     wish.</p>
+
+<p>     "If the General Government allows you peaceably and freely to
+     Secede, neither Virginia, nor any other Southern State, would, in
+     my opinion, follow you at present.  But what would be the effect
+     upon South Carolina?  Some of our best friends have supposed that
+     it would cut off Charleston from the great Western trade, which she
+     is now striking for, and would retard very greatly the progress of
+     your State.  I confess that I think differently.  I believe
+     thoroughly in our own theories, and that, even if Charleston did
+     not grow quite as fast in her trade with other States, yet the
+     relief from Federal taxation would vastly stimulate your
+     prosperity.  If so, the prestige of the Union would be destroyed,
+     and you would be the nucleus for a Southern Confederation at no
+     distant day.</p>
+
+<p>     "But I do not doubt, from all I have been able toe to learn that the
+     Federal Government would use force, beginning with the form most
+     embarrassing to you, and least calculated to excite sympathy.  I
+     mean a naval blockade.  In that event, could you stand the reaction
+     feeling which the suffering commerce of Charleston would probably
+     manifest?  Would you not lose that in which your strength consists,
+     the union of your people?  I do not mean to imply an opinion, I
+     only ask the question.</p>
+
+<p>     "If you could force this blockade, and bring the Government to
+     direct force, the feeling in Virginia would be very great.  I trust
+     in God it would bring her to your aid.  But it would be wrong in me
+     to deceive you by speaking certainly.  I cannot express the deep
+     mortification I have felt at her course this Winter.  But I do not
+     believe that the course of the Legislature is a fair expression of
+     popular feeling.  In the East, at least, the great majority
+     believes in the right of Secession, and feels the deepest sympathy
+     with Carolina in her opposition to measures which they regard as
+     she does.  But the West&mdash;Western Virginia&mdash;there is the rub!  Only
+     60,000 slaves to 494,000 whites!  When I consider this fact, and
+     the kind of argument which has been heard in this body, I cannot
+     but regard with the greatest fear the question whether Virginia
+     would assist Carolina in such an issue.</p>
+
+<p>     "I must acknowledge, my dear sir, that I look to the future with
+     almost as much apprehension as hope.  You well object to the term
+     Democrat.  Democracy, in its original philosophical sense, is
+     indeed incompatible with Slavery and the whole system of Southern
+     society.  Yet, if you look back, what change will you find made in
+     any of your State Constitutions, or in our legislation&mdash;that is, in
+     its general course&mdash;for the last fifty years, which was not in the
+     direction of this Democracy?  Do not its principles and theories
+     become daily more fixed in our practice?  (I had almost said in the
+     opinions of our people, did I not remember with pleasure the great
+     improvement of opinion in regard to the abstract question of
+     Slavery).  And if such is the case, what are we to hope in the
+     future?  I do not hesitate to say that if the question is raised
+     between Carolina and the Federal Government, and the latter
+     prevails, the last hope of republican government, and, I fear, of
+     Southern civilization, is gone.  Russia will then be a better
+     government than ours.</p>
+
+<p>     "I fear that the confusion and interruptions amid which I write
+     have made this rather a rambling letter.  Do you visit the North in
+     the Summer?  I would be very happy to welcome you to the Old
+     Dominion.</p>
+
+<p>     "I am much obliged to you for the offer to send me Hammond's Eulogy
+     on Calhoun, but I am indebted to the author for a copy.</p>
+
+<p>               "With esteem and friendship, yours truly,</p>
+
+<p>                                   "M. R. H. GARNETT.</p>
+
+<p>     "WM. H. TRESCOT, ESQ."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>
+Next morning's New York herald, in its Charleston dispatch of April 12,
+announced to the World that "The first shot [fired at Fort Sumter] from
+Stevens's battery was fired by the venerable Edmund Ruffin, of
+Virginia," and added, "That ball will do more for the cause of
+Secession, in Virginia, than volumes of stump speeches."</p>
+
+<p>"Soon," says Greeley in his History, "the thunder of fifty heavy
+breaching cannon, in one grand volley, followed by the crashing and
+crumbling of brick, stone, and mortar around and above them, apprized
+the little garrison that their stay must necessarily be short."</p>
+
+<p>Says an eye-witness of the bombardment: "Shells burst with the greatest
+rapidity in every portion of the work, hurling the loose brick and stone
+in all directions, breaking the windows and setting fire to whatever
+woodwork they burst against.  * * *  The firing from the batteries on
+Cumming's Point was scattered over the whole of the gorge or rear of the
+Fort, till it looked like a sieve.  The explosion of shells, and the
+quantity of deadly missiles that were hurled in every direction and at
+every instant of time, made it almost certain death to go out of the
+lower tier of casemates, and also made the working of the barbette or
+upper (uncovered) guns, which contained all our heaviest metal, and by
+which alone we could throw shells, quite impossible.</p>
+
+<p>"During the first day there was hardly an instant of time that there was
+a cessation of the whizzing of balls, which were sometimes coming half a
+dozen at once.  There was not a portion of the work which was not taken
+in reverse from mortars.  * * *  During Friday, the officers' barracks
+were three times set on fire by the shells and three times put out under
+the most galling and destructive cannonade.</p>
+
+<p>"For the fourth time, the barracks were set on fire early on Saturday
+morning, and attempts were made to extinguish the flames; but it was
+soon discovered that red-hot shot were being thrown into the Fort with
+fearful rapidity, and it became evident that it would be impossible to
+put out the conflagration.  The whole garrison was then set to work, or
+as many as could be spared, to remove the powder from the magazines,
+which was desperate work, rolling barrels of powder through the fire.  *
+* *  After the barracks were well on fire, the batteries directed upon
+Fort Sumter increased their cannonading to a rapidity greater than had
+been attained before."</p>
+
+<p>"About this time, the shells and ammunition in the upper
+service-magazines exploded, scattering the tower and upper portions of the
+building in every direction.  The crash of the beams, the roar of the
+flames, and the shower of fragments of the Fort, with the blackness of
+the smoke, made the scene indescribably terrific and grand.  This
+continued for several hours.  * * * "</p>
+
+<p>"There was not a portion of the Fort where a breath of air could be got
+for hours, except through a wet cloth.  The fire spread to the men's
+quarters on the right hand and on the left, and endangered the powder
+which had been taken out of the magazines.  The men went through the
+fire, and covered the barrels with wet cloths, but the danger of the
+Fort's blowing up became so imminent that they were obliged to heave the
+barrels out of the embrasures."</p>
+
+<p>Major Anderson's official report tells the whole story briefly and well,
+in these words:</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>               "STEAMSHIP BALTIC, OFF SANDY HOOK</p>
+
+<p>               "April 18, 1861, 10.30 A.M., VIA NEW YORK.</p>
+
+<p>"Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty-four hours, until the quarters
+were entirely burnt, the main gates destroyed by fire, the gorge walls
+seriously injured, the magazine surrounded by flames, and its door
+closed from the effects of heat; four barrels and three cartridges of
+powder only being available, and no provisions remaining but pork, I
+accepted terms of evacuation offered by General Beauregard&mdash;being the
+same offered by him on the 11th inst., prior to the commencement of
+hostilities&mdash;and marched out of the Fort on Sunday afternoon, the 14th
+instant, with colors flying and drums beating, bringing away company and
+private property, and saluting my flag with fifty guns.</p>
+
+<p>                         "ROBERT ANDERSON,
+                    "Major 1st Artillery, Commanding.</p>
+
+<p>"HON. SIMON CAMERON,
+"Secretary of War, Washington."</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>
+During all this thirty-four hours of bombardment, the South rejoiced
+with exceeding great joy that the time had come for the vindication of
+its peculiar ideas of State and other rights, even though it be with
+flames and the sword.  At Charleston, the people were crazy with
+exultation and wine-feasting and drinking being the order of the day and
+night.  But for the surrender, Fort Sumter would have been stormed that
+Sunday night.  As it was, Sunday was turned into a day of general
+jubilation, and while the people cheered and filled the streets, all the
+Churches of Charleston celebrated, with more or less devotional fervor
+and ceremony, the bloodless victory.</p>
+
+<p>At Montgomery, the Chiefs of the Confederate Government were serenaded.
+"Salvos of artillery were fired, and the whole population seemed to be
+in an ecstasy of triumph."&mdash;[McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p.
+114]</p>
+
+<p>The Confederate Secretary of War, flushed with the success, predicted
+that the Confederate flag "will, before the first of May, float over the
+dome of the old Capitol at Washington" and "will eventually float over
+Faneuil Hall, in Boston."</p>
+
+<p>From Maryland to Mexico, the protests of Union men of the South were
+unheard in the fierce clamor of "On to Washington!"</p>
+
+<p>The Richmond Examiner said: "There never was half the unanimity among
+the people before, nor a tithe of the zeal upon any subject, that is now
+manifested to take Washington.  From the mountain tops and valleys to
+the shores of the sea, there is one wild shout of fierce resolve to
+capture Washington City at all and every human hazard."</p>
+
+<p>So also, the Mobile Advertiser enthusiastically exclaimed:</p>
+
+<p>"We are prepared to fight, and the enemy is not.  Now is the time for
+action, while he is yet unprepared.  Let the fife sound 'Gray Jackets
+over the Border,' and let a hundred thousand men, with such arms as they
+can snatch, get over the border as quickly as they can.  Let a division
+enter every Northern border State, destroy railroad connection to
+prevent concentration of the enemy, and the desperate strait of these
+States, the body of Lincoln's country, will compel him to a peace&mdash;or
+compel his successor, should Virginia not suffer him to escape from his
+doomed capital."</p>
+
+<p>It was on Friday morning, the 12th of April, as we have seen, that the
+first Rebel shot was fired at Fort Sumter.  It was on Saturday afternoon
+and evening that the terms of surrender were agreed to, and on Sunday
+afternoon that the Federal flag was saluted and hauled down, and the
+surrender completed.  On Monday morning, being the 15th of April, in all
+the great Northern Journals of the day appeared the following:</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>"PROCLAMATION.</p>
+
+<p>"WHEREAS, the laws of the United States have been for some time past,
+and now are, opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the
+States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi,
+Louisiana, and Texas, by Combinations too powerful to be suppressed by
+the ordinary course of Judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in
+the Marshals by law; now, therefore I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the
+United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution
+and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth,
+the Militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate number
+of 75,000, in order to suppress said Combinations, and to cause the laws
+to be duly executed.</p>
+
+<p>"The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the
+State authorities through the War Department.  I appeal to all loyal
+citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the
+honor, the integrity, and existence of our National Union, and the
+perpetuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs already long
+enough endured.  I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned
+to the forces hereby called forth, will probably be to repossess the
+forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union; and
+in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the
+objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or
+interference with, property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens of
+any part of the Country; and I hereby command the persons composing the
+Combinations aforesaid, to disperse and retire peaceably to their
+respective abodes, within twenty days from this date.</p>
+
+<p>"Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an
+extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested
+by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress.  The Senators and
+Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble at their respective
+chambers at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the 4th day of July next,
+then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their
+wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand.</p>
+
+<p>"In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed.</p>
+
+<p>"Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the
+year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the
+independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.</p>
+
+<p>"By the President:  ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p>
+
+<p>"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>
+While in the North the official responses to this Call for troops were
+prompt and patriotic, in the Border and Slave States, not yet in
+Rebellion, they were anything but encouraging.</p>
+
+<p>The reply of Governor Burton, of Delaware, was by the issue of a
+proclamation "recommending the formation of volunteer companies for the
+protection of the lives and property of the people of Delaware against
+violence of any sort to which they may be exposed; the companies not
+being subject to be ordered by the Executive into the United States
+service&mdash;the law not vesting him with such authority&mdash;but having the
+option of offering their services to the General Government for the
+defense of its capital and the support of the Constitution and laws of
+the Country."</p>
+
+<p>Governor Hicks, of Maryland, in like manner, issued a proclamation for
+Maryland's quota of the troops, but stated that her four regiments would
+be detailed to serve within the limits of Maryland&mdash;or, for the defense
+of the National Capital.</p>
+
+<p>Governor Letcher, of Virginia, replied: "The militia of Virginia will
+not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such use or purpose
+as they have in view.  Your object is to subjugate the Southern States,
+and a requisition made upon me for such an object&mdash;an object, in my
+judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the Act of 1795
+&mdash;will not be complied with.  You have chosen to inaugurate Civil War,
+and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the
+Administration has exhibited toward the South."</p>
+
+<p>Governor Ellis, of North Carolina, replied to Secretary Cameron: "Your
+dispatch is received, and, if genuine&mdash;which its extraordinary character
+leads me to doubt&mdash;I have to say in reply that I regard the levy of
+troops made by the Administration, for the purpose of subjugating the
+States of the South, as in violation of the Constitution and a
+usurpation of power.  I can be no party to this wicked violation of the
+laws of the country, and to this War upon the liberties of a free
+people.  You can get no troops from North Carolina.  I will reply more
+in detail when your Call is received by mail."</p>
+
+<p>Governor Magoffin, of Kentucky, replied: "Your dispatch is received.  In
+answer I say emphatically, Kentucky will furnish no troops for the
+wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States."</p>
+
+<p>Governor Harris, of Tennessee, replied: "Tennessee will not furnish a
+single man for Coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessary, for the
+Defense of our rights or those of our Southern brethren."</p>
+
+<p>Governor Jackson, of Missouri, replied: "Your requisition is illegal,
+unconstitutional, revolutionary, inhuman, diabolical and cannot be
+complied with."</p>
+
+<p>Governor Rector, of Arkansas, replied: "None will be furnished.  The
+demand is only adding insult to injury."</p>
+
+<p>Discouraging and even insulting as were most of these replies, the
+responses of the Governors of the Free States were, on the other hand,
+full of the ring of true martial Patriotism evoked by the fall of Sumter
+and the President's first call for troops.  Twenty millions of Northern
+hearts were stirred by that Call, as they had never before been stirred.
+Party and faction became for the moment, a thing of the past.</p>
+
+<p>The Governors of the Free States made instant proclamation for
+volunteers, and the People responded not by thousands but by hundreds of
+thousands.  New York, the Empire State, by her Governor and her
+Legislature placed all her tremendous resources at the service of the
+Union; and the great State of Pennsylvania, through Governor Curtin, did
+the same.  Nor were the other States at all behind.</p>
+
+<p>The Loyal North felt that Law, Order, Liberty, the existence of the
+Nation itself was in peril, and must be both saved and vindicated.  Over
+half a million of men&mdash;from the prairies of the West and the hills and
+cities of the East&mdash;from farms and counting houses, from factories and
+mines and workshops&mdash;sprang to arms at the Call, and begged to be
+enrolled.  The merchants and capitalists throughout the North proffered
+to the Government their wealth and influence and best services.  The
+press and the people responded as only the press and people of a Free
+land can respond&mdash;with all their heart and soul.  "Fort Sumter," said
+one of the journals, "is lost, but Freedom is saved.  Henceforth, the
+Loyal States are a unit in uncompromising hostility to Treason, wherever
+plotted, however justified.  Fort Sumter is temporarily lost, but the
+Country is saved.  Live the Republic!"</p>
+
+<p>This, in a nutshell, was the feeling everywhere expressed, whether by
+the great crowds that marched through the streets of Northern cities
+with drums beating and banners flying&mdash;cheering wildly for the Union,
+singing Union songs, and compelling those of doubtful loyalty to throw
+out to the breeze from their homes the glorified Stars and Stripes&mdash;by
+the great majority of newspapers&mdash;by the pulpit, by the rostrum, by the
+bench, by all of whatever profession or calling in Northern life.  For
+the moment, the voice of the Rebel-sympathizer was hushed in the land,
+or so tremendously overborne that it seemed as if there was an absolute
+unanimity of love for the Union.</p>
+
+<p>Of course, in Border-States, bound to the South by ties of lineage and
+intermarriage and politics and business association, the feeling could
+not be the same as elsewhere.  There, they were, so to speak, drawn both
+ways at once, by the beckoning hands of kindred on the one side, and
+Country on the other!  Thus they long waited and hesitated, praying that
+something might yet happen to save the Union of their fathers, and
+prevent the shedding of brothers' blood, by brothers&mdash;hoping against
+hope-waited, in the belief that a position of armed neutrality might be
+permitted to them; and grieved, when they found this could not be.</p>
+
+<p>Each side to the great Conflict-at-arms naturally enough believed itself
+right, and that the other side was the first aggressor; but the judgment
+of Mankind has placed the blame where it properly belonged&mdash;on the
+shoulders of the Rebels.  The calm, clear statement of President
+Lincoln, in his July Message to Congress, touching the assault and its
+preceding history&mdash;together with his conclusions&mdash;states the whole
+matter in such authentic and convincing manner that it may be said to
+have settled the point beyond further controversy.  After stating that
+it "was resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina that he might
+expect an attempt would be made to provision the Fort; and that if the
+attempt should not be resisted there would be no effort to throw in men,
+arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack on
+the Fort," Mr. Lincoln continues: "This notice was accordingly given;
+whereupon the Fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even
+awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition."</p>
+
+<p>The President then proceeds: "It is thus seen that the assault upon and
+reduction of Fort Sumter was, in no sense, a matter of self-defense on
+the part of the assailants.  They well knew that the garrison in the
+Fort could, by no possibility, commit aggression upon them.  They 
+knew&mdash;they were expressly notified&mdash;that the giving of bread to the few brave
+and hungry men of the garrison was all which would on that occasion be
+attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more.
+They knew that this Government desired to keep the garrison in the Fort
+&mdash;not to assail them&mdash;but merely to maintain visible possession, and
+thus to preserve the Union from actual and immediate 
+dissolution&mdash;trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the
+ballot-box for final adjustment; and they assailed and reduced the Fort for
+precisely the reverse object&mdash;to drive out the visible authority of the
+Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution.</p>
+
+<p>"That this was their object, the Executive well understood; and, having
+said to them, in the Inaugural Address, 'you can have no conflict
+without being yourselves the aggressors,' he took pains not only to keep
+this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from the power
+of ingenious sophistry as that the World should not be able to
+misunderstand it.</p>
+
+<p>"By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that
+point was reached.  Then and thereby the assailants of the Government
+began the Conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or in expectancy to
+return their fire, save only the few in the Fort sent to that harbor
+years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that
+protection in whatever was lawful.  In this act, discarding all else,
+they have forced upon the Country, the distinct issue: 'Immediate
+dissolution or blood.'</p>
+
+<p>"And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States.  It
+presents to the whole family of Man the question whether a
+Constitutional Republic or Democracy&mdash;a government of the People by the
+same People&mdash;can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against
+its own domestic foes.  It presents the question whether discontented
+individuals, too few in numbers to control administration according to
+organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this
+case, or on any other pretences, or arbitrarily without any pretence,
+break up their Government, and thus practically put an end to free
+government upon the earth.  It forces us to ask: 'Is there in all
+republics, this inherent and fatal weakness?'  'Must a Government of
+necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak
+to maintain its own existence?'</p>
+
+<p>"So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the War power
+of the Government; and so to resist force, employed for its destruction,
+by force, for its preservation."</p>
+
+<p>The Call for Troops was made, as we have seen, on the 15th day of April.
+On the evening of the following day several companies of a Pennsylvania
+Regiment reported for duty in Washington.  On the 18th, more
+Pennsylvania Volunteers, including a company of Artillery, arrived
+there.</p>
+
+<p>On the 19th of April, the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment&mdash;whose progress
+through New York city had been triumphal&mdash;was suddenly and unexpectedly
+assailed, in its passage through Baltimore, to the defense of the
+National Capital, by a howling mob of Maryland Secessionists&mdash;worked up
+to a pitch of States-rights frenzy by Confederate emissaries and
+influential Baltimore Secession-sympathizers, by news of the sudden
+evacuation of the Federal Arsenal at Harper's Ferry, and other exciting
+tidings&mdash;and had to fight its way through, leaving three soldiers of
+that regiment dead, and a number wounded, behind it.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [At a meeting of the "National Volunteer Association," at Monument
+     Square, Baltimore, the previous evening, says Greeley's History of
+     the American Conflict, page 462, "None of the speakers directly
+     advocated attacks on the Northern troops about to pass through the
+     city; but each was open in his hostility to 'Coercion,' and
+     ardently exhorted his hearers to organize, arm and drill, for the
+     Conflict now inevitable.  Carr (Wilson C. N. Carr) said: 'I do not
+     care how many Federal troops are sent to Washington; they will soon
+     find themselves surrounded by such an army from Virginia and
+     Maryland, that escape to their homes will be impossible; and when
+     the 75,000 who are intended to invade the South shall have polluted
+     that soil with their touch, the South will extermininate and sweep
+     them from the Earth.' (Frantic cheering and yelling).  The meeting
+     broke up with stentorian cheers for 'the South' and for 'President
+     Davis."']</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Ten companies of Philadelphia troops, reaching Baltimore at the same
+time, unarmed, were also violently assailed by the crazy mob, and, after
+a two hours' fight, reached the cars and returned to Philadelphia.</p>
+
+<p>Washington City&mdash;already, by the Secession of Virginia, cut off from the
+South&mdash;was thus practically cut off from the North as well; and to
+isolate it more completely, the telegraph wires were cut down and the
+railroad bridges burned.  A mere handful of regulars, the few volunteers
+that had got through before the outbreak in Baltimore, and a small
+number of Union residents and Government department clerks&mdash;these, under
+General Winfield Scott, constituted the paltry force that, for ten days
+after the Call for troops, held the National Capital.</p>
+
+<p>Informed, as the Rebels must have been, by their swarming spies, of the
+weakness of the Federal metropolis, it seems absolutely marvelous that
+instant advantage was not taken of it.</p>
+
+<p>The Richmond Examiner, of April 23d, said: "The capture of Washington
+City is perfectly within the power of Virginia and Maryland, if Virginia
+will only make the effort with her constituted authorities; nor is there
+a single moment to lose.  * * *  The fanatical yell for the immediate
+subjugation of the whole South is going up hourly from the united voices
+of all the North; and, for the purpose of making their work sure, they
+have determined to hold Washington City as the point whence to carry on
+their brutal warfare.  Our people can take it&mdash;they will take it&mdash;and
+Scott, the arch-traitor, and Lincoln, the Beast, combined, cannot
+prevent it.  The just indignation of an outraged and deeply injured
+people will teach the Illinois Ape to repeat his race and retrace his
+journey across the borders of the Free Negro States still more rapidly
+than he came.  * * *  Great cleansing and purification are needed and
+will be given to that festering sink of iniquity, that wallow of Lincoln
+and Scott&mdash;the desecrated city of Washington; and many indeed will be
+the carcasses of dogs and caitiff that will blacken the air upon the
+gallows before the great work is accomplished.  So let it be!"</p>
+
+<p>But despite all this fanfaronade of brutal bluster, and various
+movements that looked somewhat threatening, and this complete isolation
+for more than a week from the rest of the World, the city of Washington
+was not seized by the Rebels, after all.</p>
+
+<p>This nervous condition of affairs, however, existed until the 25th&mdash;and
+to General Benjamin F. Butler is due the chief credit of putting an end
+to it.  It seems he had reached the Susquehanna river at Perryville,
+with his Eighth Massachusetts Regiment on the 20th&mdash;the day after the
+Sixth Massachusetts had been mobbed at Baltimore&mdash;and, finding his
+further progress to Washington via Baltimore, barred by the destruction
+of the bridge across the Susquehanna, etc., he at once seized a large
+ferry steamer, embarked his men on her, steamed down the river and
+Chesapeake Bay to Annapolis, the capital of Maryland, took possession of
+the frigate Constitution, the Naval Academy, and the city itself,
+gathered supplies, and being reinforced by the arrival by water of the
+famous New York Seventh, and other regiments, repaired the branch
+railroad to Annapolis Junction (on the main line of railroad between
+Baltimore and Washington), and transferred his column from thence, by
+cars, on the 25th, to the National Capital&mdash;soon thereafter also taking
+military possession of Baltimore, which gave no further trouble to the
+Union Cause.  In the meantime, however, other untoward events to that
+Cause had happened.</p>
+
+<p>Two days after the Call for troops, the Virginia Convention (April 17th)
+secretly voted to Secede from the Union.  An expedition of Virginia
+troops was almost at once started to capture the Federal Arsenal at
+Harper's Ferry, which, as has already been intimated, was evacuated
+hastily on the night of the 18th, by the handful of Union regulars
+garrisoning it, after a futile effort to destroy the public property and
+stores it held.  Another expedition was started to seize the Federal
+Navy Yard at Norfolk&mdash;a rich prize, containing as it did, between 2,000
+and 3,000 pieces of heavy ordnance (300 of them Dahlgrens), three old
+line-of-battle ships and a number of frigates, including the Cumberland
+and the fine forty-gun steam frigate Merrimac, together with thousands
+of kegs of powder and immense stores of other munitions of war, and
+supplies&mdash;that had cost in all some $10,000,000.  Without an enemy in
+sight, however, this fine Navy Yard was shamefully evacuated, after
+partly scuttling and setting fire to the vessels&mdash;the Cumberland alone
+being towed away&mdash;and spiking the guns, and doing other not very
+material damage.</p>
+
+<p>So also, in North Carolina, Rebel influence was equally active.  On the
+20th of April Governor Ellis seized the Federal Branch Mint at,
+Charlotte, and on the 22d the Federal Arsenal at Fayetteville.  A few
+days thereafter his Legislature authorized him to tender to 
+Virginia&mdash;which had already joined the Confederacy&mdash;or to the Government of the
+Confederate States itself, the volunteer forces of North Carolina.  And,
+although at the end of January the people of that State had decided at
+the polls that no Secession Convention be held, yet the subservient
+Legislature did not hesitate, on demand, to call one together which met
+in May and ordained such Secession.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, by the end of May, 1861, the Confederacy had grown to comprise
+nine instead of seven States, and the Confederate troops were
+concentrating on Richmond&mdash;whither the Rebel Government was soon to
+remove, from Montgomery.</p>
+
+<p>By this time also not only had the ranks of the regular Union Army been
+filled and largely added to, but 42,000 additional volunteers had been
+called out by President Lincoln; and the blockade of the Southern ports
+(including those of Virginia and North Carolina) that had been
+proclaimed by him, was, despite all obstacles, now becoming effectual
+and respected.</p>
+
+<p>Washington City and its suburbs, by the influx of Union volunteers, had
+during this month become a vast armed camp; the Potomac river had been
+crossed and the Virginia hills (including Arlington heights) which
+overlooked the Federal Capital, had been occupied and fortified by Union
+troops; the young and gallant Colonel Ellsworth had been killed by a
+Virginia Rebel while pulling down a Rebel flag in Alexandria; and
+General Benjamin F. Butler, in command at Fortress Monroe, had by an
+inspiration, solved one of the knottiest points confronting our armies,
+by declaring of three Negroes who had fled from their master so as to
+escape working on Rebel fortifications, that they should not be returned
+to that master&mdash;under the Fugitive Slave Law, as demanded by a Rebel
+officer with a flag of truce&mdash;but were confiscated "property," and would
+be retained, as "contraband of war."</p>
+
+<p>It was about this time, too, that the New Orleans Picayune fell into
+line with other unscrupulous Rebel sheets, by gravely declaring that:
+"All the Massachusetts troops now in Washington are Negroes, with the
+exception of two or three drummer boys.  General Butler, in command, is
+a native of Liberia.  Our readers may recollect old Ben, the barber, who
+kept a shop in Poydras street, and emigrated to Liberia with a small
+competence.  General Butler is his son."  Little did the writer of that
+paragraph dream how soon New Orleans would crouch at the very feet of
+that same General!</p>
+
+<p>And now, while the armed hosts on either side are assembling in hostile
+array, or resting on their arms, preliminary to the approaching fray of
+battle, let us glance at the alleged causes underlying this great
+Rebellion against the Union.</p>
+
+<br><br>
+
+
+
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
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+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p1.htm">Previous Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
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+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p3.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
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+<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 3. By John Logan</title>
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+
+<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 3</h2>
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p2.htm">Previous Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p4.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+ 
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+<br><br><br><br><br><br>
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+
+
+
+
+<center>
+<h1>
+
+                         THE GREAT CONSPIRACY</h1>
+<h2>
+                        Its Origin and History<br>
+<br>
+                               Part 3.<br></h2>
+<br><br>
+                             <h2>By John Logan
+
+<br>
+<br>
+ </h2>
+<br><br>
+<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692">
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665">
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+
+<br>
+<br>
+<br><br>
+<h2>CONTENTS
+
+</h2></center>
+
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch11">CHAPTER XI.</a><br>
+                        THE CAUSES OF SECESSION.</h2>
+<br>
+ABOUNDING EVIDENCES OF CONSPIRACY&mdash;MACLAY'S UNPUBLISHED DIARY
+1787-1791&mdash;PIERCE BUTLER'S FIERCE DENUNCIATION OF THE TARIFF&mdash;SOUTH CAROLINA
+WILL "LIVE FREE OR DIE GLORIOUS"&mdash;JACKSON'S LETTER TO CRAWFORD, ON
+TARIFF AND SLAVERY&mdash;BENTON'S TESTIMONY&mdash;HENRY CLAY'S EVIDENCE&mdash;NATHAN
+APPLETON'S&mdash;A TREASONABLE CAUCUS OF SOUTHERN CONGRESSMEN&mdash;ALEXANDER H.
+STEPHEN'S EVIDENCE ON THE CAUSES OF SECESSION&mdash;WIGFALL'S ADMISSIONS&mdash;THE
+ONE "REGRETTED" CLAUSE IN THE CONSTITUTION PRECLUDING MONARCHIAL
+STATES&mdash;ADMISSIONS OF REBEL COMMISSIONERS TO WASHINGTON&mdash;ADMISSIONS IN ADDRESS
+OF SOUTH CAROLINA TO THE SLAVE-HOLDERS&mdash;JEFFERSON DAVIS'S STATEMENT IN
+SPECIAL MESSAGE OF APRIL 29, 1861&mdash;DECLARATIONS OF REBEL COMMISSIONERS,
+TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL&mdash;HIGH TARIFF AND "NOT SLAVERY" THE PRINCIPAL
+CAUSE&mdash;PERSONAL LIBERTY BILLS&mdash;PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S DECLARATION OF THE
+UNDERLYING CAUSE OF REBELLION&mdash;A WAR UPON LABOR AND THE RIGHTS OF THE
+PEOPLE&mdash;ANDREW JOHNSON ON THE "DELIBERATE DESIGN" FOR A "CHANGE OF
+GOVERNMENT"&mdash;"TIRED OF FREE GOVERNMENT"&mdash;DOUGLAS ON THE "ENORMOUS
+CONSPIRACY"&mdash;THE REBEL PLOT TO SEIZE THE CAPITOL, AND
+HOLD IT&mdash;MCDOUGALL'S GRAPHIC EXPOSURE OF THE TREASONABLE CONSPIRACY&mdash;YANCEY'S
+FAMOUS "SLAUGHTER" LETTER&mdash;JEFFERSON DAVIS'S STANDARD OF REVOLT, RAISED
+IN 1858&mdash;LAMAR'S LETTER TO JEFF. DAVIS (186O)&mdash;CAUCUS OF TREASON, AT
+WASHINGTON&mdash;EVANS'S DISCLOSURES OF THE CAUCUS PROGRAMME OF
+SECESSION&mdash;CORROBORATING TESTIMONY&mdash;YULEE'S CAPTURED LETTER&mdash;CAUCUS
+RESOLUTIONS IN
+FULL<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch12">CHAPTER XII.</a><br>
+                   COPPERHEADISM VS. UNION DEMOCRACY.</h2>
+<br>
+NORTHERN COMPLICITY WITH TREASON&mdash;MAYOR FERNANDO WOOD RECOMMENDS
+SECESSION OF NEW YORK CITY&mdash;THE REBEL JUNTA AT WASHINGTON INSPIRES
+HIM&mdash;HE OBEYS ORDERS, BUT SHAKES AT THE KNEES&mdash;KEITT BRAGS OF THE "MILLIONS
+OF DEMOCRATS IN THE NORTH," FURNISHING A "WALL OF FIRE" AGAINST
+COERCION&mdash;ATTEMPTED REBEL&mdash;SEDUCTION OF NEW JERSEY&mdash;THE PRICE-BURNETT
+CORRESPONDENCE&mdash;SECESSION RESOLUTIONS OF THE PHILADELPHIA DEMOCRACY AT
+NATIONAL HALL&mdash;LANE OF OREGON "SERVES NOTICE" OF "WAR ENOUGH AT HOME"
+FOR REPUBLICANS&mdash;"NORTHERN DEMOCRATS NEED NOT CROSS THE BORDER TO FIND
+AN ENEMY"&mdash;EX-PRESIDENT PIERCE'S CAPTURED TREASONABLE LETTER TO JEFF.
+DAVIS&mdash;THE "FIGHTING" TO BE "WITHIN OUR OWN BORDERS, IN OUR OWN
+STREETS"&mdash;ATTITUDE OF DOUGLAS, AND THE DOUGLAS DEMOCRACY, AFTER
+SUMTER&mdash;DOUGLAS CALLS ON MR. LINCOLN AT THE WHITE HOUSE&mdash;HE PATRIOTICALLY
+SUSTAINS THE UNION&mdash;HE RALLIES THE WHOLE NORTH TO STAND BY THE
+FLAG&mdash;THERE CAN BE "NO NEUTRALS IN THIS WAR; ONLY PATRIOTS AND
+TRAITORS"&mdash;LAMENTED DEATH OF "THE LITTLE GIANT"&mdash;TRIBUTES OF TRUMBULL AND MCDOUGALL
+TO HIS MEMORY&mdash;LOGAN'S ATTITUDE AT THIS TIME, AND HIS RELATIONS TO
+DOUGLAS&mdash;THEIR LAST PRIVATE INTERVIEW&mdash;DOUGLAS'S INTENTION TO "JOIN THE
+ARMY AND FIGHT"&mdash;HIS LAST EFFORTS IN CONGRESS&mdash;"CONCILIATION," BEFORE
+SUMTER&mdash;"NO HALF-WAY GROUND" AFTER IT<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2><a href="#ch13">CHAPTER XIII.</a><br>
+                          THE STORM OF BATTLE.<br></h2>
+<br>
+THE MILITARY SITUATION&mdash;THE GREAT UPRISING&mdash;POSITIONS AND NUMBERS OF THE
+UNION AND REBEL ARMIES&mdash;JOHNSTON EVACUATES HARPER'S FERRY, AND RETREATS
+UPON WINCHESTER&mdash;PATTERSON'S EXTRAORDINARY CONDUCT&mdash;HE DISOBEYS GENERAL
+SCOTT'S ORDERS TO "ATTACK AND WHIP THE ENEMY"&mdash;JOHNSTON CONSEQUENTLY
+FREE TO REINFORCE BEAUREGARD AT MANASSAS&mdash;FITZ JOHN PORTER'S
+ACCOUNTABILITY FOR THE DISASTROUS CONSEQUENCES&mdash;MCDOWELL'S ADVANCE UPON
+BEAUREGARD&mdash;PRELIMINARY BATTLE AT BLACKBURN'S FORD&mdash;JUNCTION OF JOHNSTON
+WITH BEAUREGARD&mdash;REBEL PLANS OF ADVANCE AND ATTACK&mdash;CHANGE IN MCDOWELL'S
+PLANS&mdash;GREAT PITCHED-BATTLE OF BULL RUN, OR MANASSAS, INCLUDING THE
+SECOND BATTLE AT BLACKBURN'S FORD&mdash;VICTORY, AT FIRST, WITH 
+MCDOWELL&mdash;THE CHECK&mdash;THE LEISURELY RETREAT&mdash;THE PANIC AT, AND NEAR, THE NATIONAL
+CAPITAL&mdash;THE WAR FULLY INAUGURATED<br>
+<br>
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+
+<h3>IMAGES</h3>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+
+<a href="#calhoun">JOHN C. CALHOUN,</a><br>
+<a href="#virginia">SEAT OF WAR IN VIRGINIA.</a> (Map)<br>
+<a href="#bull1">FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD.</a> (Map)<br>
+<a href="#bull2">FIRST BULL RUN BATTLE-FIELD,</a> (Map)<br>
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="calhoun"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p219-calhoun.jpg (74K)" src="images/p219-calhoun.jpg" height="799" width="589">
+</center>
+<br><br><br><br>
+
+
+<a name="ch11"></a>
+<br>
+
+<center>
+<h2>
+<br>
+                              CHAPTER XI.<br>
+<br>
+                        THE CAUSES OF SECESSION.<br>
+</h2></center>
+
+<p>In preceding Chapters of this work, it has been briefly shown, that from
+the very hour in which the Republic of the United States was born, there
+have not been wanting, among its own citizens, those who hated it, and
+when they could not rule, were always ready to do what they could, by
+Conspiracy, Sedition, Mutiny, Nullification, Secession, or otherwise, to
+weaken and destroy it.  This fact, and the processes by which the
+Conspirators worked, is very well stated, in his documentary "History of
+the Rebellion," by Edward McPherson, when he says: "In the Slaveholding
+States, a considerable body of men have always been disaffected to the
+Union.  They resisted the adoption of the National Constitution, then
+sought to refine away the rights and powers of the General Government,
+and by artful expedients, in a series of years, using the excitements
+growing out of passing questions, finally perverted the sentiments of
+large masses of men, and prepared them for Revolution."</p>
+
+<p>Before giving further incontestable proofs establishing this fact, and
+before endeavoring to sift out the true cause or causes of Secession,
+let us first examine such evidences as are submitted by him in support
+of his proposition.</p>
+
+<p>The first piece of testimony, is an extract from an unpublished journal
+of U. S. Senator Maclay of Pennsylvania, from March 4, 1789, to March 3,
+1791&mdash;the period of the First Congress under the Federal Constitution.
+It runs thus:</p>
+
+<p>"1789, June 9.&mdash;In relation to the Tariff Bill, the affair of confining
+the East India Trade to the citizens of America had been negatived, and
+a committee had been appointed to report on this business.  The report
+came in with very high duties, amounting to a prohibition.  But a new
+phenomenon had made its appearance in the House (meaning the Senate)
+since Friday.</p>
+
+<p>"Pierce Butler, from South Carolina, had taken his seat, and flamed like
+a meteor.  He arraigned the whole Impost law, and then charged
+(indirectly) the whole Congress with a design of oppressing South
+Carolina.  He cried out for encouraging the Danes and Swedes, and
+foreigners of every kind, to come and take away our produce.  In fact he
+was for a Navigation Act reversed.</p>
+
+<p>"June 11.&mdash;Attended at the hall as usual.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Ralph Izard and Mr. Butler opposed the whole of the drawbacks in
+every shape whatever.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. (William) Grayson, of Virginia, warm on this subject, said we were
+not ripe for such a thing.  We were a new Nation, and had no business
+for any such regulations&mdash;a Nation /sui generis/.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. (Richard Henry) Lee (of Virginia) said drawbacks were right, but
+would be so much abused, he could not think of admitting them.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. (Oliver) Ellsworth (of Connecticut) said New England rum would be
+exported, instead of West India, to obtain the drawback.</p>
+
+<p>"I thought it best to say a few words in reply to each.  We were a new
+Nation, it was true, but we were not a new People.  We were composed of
+individuals of like manners, habits, and customs with the European
+Nations.  What, therefore, had been found useful among them, came well
+recommended by experience to us.  Drawbacks stand as an example in this
+point of view to us.  If the thing was right in itself, there could be
+no just argument drawn against the use of a thing from the abuse of it.
+It would be the duty of Government to guard against abuses, by prudent
+appointments and watchful attention to officers.  That as to changing
+the kind of rum, I thought the collection Bill would provide for this,
+by limiting the exportation to the original casks and packages.  I said
+a great deal more, but really did not feel much interest either way.
+But the debates were very lengthy.</p>
+
+<p>"Butler flamed away, and THREATENED A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, with
+regard to his State, as sure as God was in the firmament.  He scattered
+his remarks over the whole Impost bill, calling it partial, oppressive,
+etc., and solely calculated to oppress South Carolina, and yet ever and
+anon declaring how clear of local views and how candid and dispassionate
+he was.  He degenerates into mere declamation.  His State would live
+free, or die glorious."</p>
+
+<p>The next piece of evidence is General Jackson's letter to Rev. A. J.
+Crawford, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>["Private."]</p>
+
+<p>"WASHINGTON, May 1, 1833.</p>
+
+<p>"MY DEAR SIR: * * * I have had a laborious task here, but Nullification
+is dead; and its actors and courtiers will only be remembered by the
+People to be execrated for their wicked designs to sever and destroy the
+only good Government on the globe, and that prosperity and happiness we
+enjoy over every other portion of the World.  Haman's gallows ought to
+be the fate of all such ambitious men who would involve their Country in
+Civil War, and all the evils in its train, that they might reign and
+ride on its whirlwinds and direct the storm.  The Free People of these
+United States have spoken, and consigned these wicked demagogues to
+their proper doom.  Take care of your Nullifiers; you have them among
+you; let them meet with the indignant frowns of every man who loves his
+Country.  The Tariff, it is now known, was a mere pretext&mdash;its burden
+was on your coarse woolens.  By the law of July, 1832, coarse woolen was
+reduced to five per cent., for the benefit of the South.  Mr. Clay's
+Bill takes it up and classes it with woolens at fifty per cent., reduces
+it gradually down to twenty per cent., and there it is to remain, and
+Mr. Calhoun and all the Nullifiers agree to the principle.  The cash
+duties and home valuation will be equal to fifteen per cent. more, and
+after the year 1842, you pay on coarse woolens thirty-five per cent.  If
+this is not Protection, I cannot understand; therefore the Tariff was
+only the pretext, and Disunion and a Southern Confederacy the real
+object.  The next pretext will be the Negro or Slavery question.</p>
+
+<p>"My health is not good, but is improving a little.  Present me kindly to
+your lady and family, and believe me to be your friend.  I will always
+be happy to hear from you.
+                         "ANDREW JACKSON."</p>
+
+<p>
+Another evidence is given in the following extract from Benton's "Thirty
+Years in the Senate," vol. ii., as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"The regular inauguration of this Slavery agitation dates from the year
+1835; but it had commenced two years before, and in this way:
+Nullification and Disunion had commenced in 1830, upon complaint against
+Protective Tariff.  That, being put down in 1833 under President
+Jackson's proclamation and energetic measures, was immediately
+substituted by the Slavery agitation.  Mr. Calhoun, when he went home
+from Congress in the spring of that year, told his friends that 'the
+South could never be united against the North on the Tariff 
+question&mdash;that the sugar interest of Louisiana would keep her out&mdash;and that the
+basis of Southern Union must be shifted to the Slave question.'  Then
+all the papers in his interest, and especially the one at Washington,
+published by Mr. Duff Green, dropped Tariff agitation, and commenced
+upon Slavery, and in two years had the agitation ripe for inauguration,
+on the Slavery question.  And in tracing this agitation to its present
+stage, and to comprehend its rationale, it is not to be forgotten that
+it is a mere continuation of old Tariff Disunion, and preferred because
+more available."</p>
+
+<p>Again, from p. 490 of his private correspondence, Mr. Clay's words to an
+Alabamian, in 1844, are thus given:</p>
+
+<p>"From the developments now being made in South Carolina, it is perfectly
+manifest that a Party exists in that State seeking a Dissolution of the
+Union, and for that purpose employ the pretext of the rejection of Mr.
+Tyler's abominable treaty.  South Carolina, being surrounded by Slave
+States, would, in the event of a Dissolution of the Union, suffer only
+comparative evils; but it is otherwise with Kentucky.  She has the
+boundary of the Ohio extending four hundred miles on three Free States.
+What would our condition be in the event of the greatest calamity that
+could befall this Nation?"</p>
+
+<p>Allusion is also made to a letter written by Representative Nathan
+Appleton, of Boston, December 15, 1860, in which that gentleman said
+that when he was in Congress&mdash;in 1832-33&mdash;he had "made up his mind that
+Messrs. Calhoun, Hayne, McDuffie, etc., were desirous of a separation of
+the Slave States into a separate Confederacy, as more favorable to the
+security of Slave Property."</p>
+
+<p>After mentioning that "About 1835, some South Carolinians attempted a
+Disunion demonstration," our authority says: It is thus described by
+ex-Governor Francis Thomas of Maryland, in his speech in Baltimore, October
+29, 1861:</p>
+
+<p>"Full twenty years ago, when occupying my seat in the House of
+Representatives, I was surprised one morning, after the assembling of
+the House, to observe that all the members from the Slaveholding States
+were absent.  Whilst reflecting on this strange occurrence, I was asked
+why I was not in attendance on the Southern Caucus assembled in the room
+of the Committee on Claims.  I replied that I had received no
+invitation.</p>
+
+<p>"I then proposed to go to the Committee-room to see what was being done.
+When I entered, I found that little cock-sparrow, Governor Pickens, of
+South Carolina, addressing the meeting, and strutting about like a
+rooster around a barn-yard coop, discussing the following resolution:</p>
+
+<p>"' Resolved, That no member of Congress, representing a Southern
+constituency, shall again take his seat until a resolution is passed
+satisfactory to the South on the subject of Slavery.'</p>
+
+<p>"I listened to his language, and when he had finished, I obtained the
+floor, asking to be permitted to take part in the discussion.  I
+determined at once to kill the Treasonable plot hatched by John C.
+Calhoun, the Catiline of America, by asking questions.  I said to Mr.
+Pickens, 'What next do you propose we shall do? are we to tell the
+People that Republicanism is a failure?  If you are for that, I am not.
+I came here to sustain and uphold American institutions; to defend the
+rights of the North as well as the South; to secure harmony and good
+fellowship between all Sections of our common Country.' They dared not
+answer these questions.  The Southern temper had not then been gotten
+up.  As my questions were not answered, I moved an adjournment of the
+Caucus /sine die/.  Mr. Craig, of Virginia, seconded the motion, and the
+company was broken up.  We returned to the House, and Mr. Ingersoll, of
+Pennsylvania, a glorious patriot then as now, introduced a resolution
+which temporarily calmed the excitement."</p>
+
+<p>The remarks upon this statement, made November 4, 1861, by the National
+Intelligencer, were as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"However busy Mr. Pickens may have been in the Caucus after it met, the
+most active man in getting it up and pressing the Southern members to go
+into it, was Mr. R.  B. Rhett, also a member from South Carolina.  The
+occasion, or alleged cause of this withdrawal from the House into secret
+deliberation was an anti-Slavery speech of Mr. Slade, of Vermont, which
+Mr. Rhett violently denounced, and proposed to the Southern members to
+leave the House and go into Conclave in one of the Committee-rooms,
+which they generally did, if not all of them.  We are able to state,
+however, what may not have been known to Governor Thomas, that at least
+three besides himself, of those who did attend it, went there with a
+purpose very different from an intention to consent to any Treasonable
+measure.  These three men were Henry A.  Wise, Balie Peyton, and William
+Cost Johnson.  Neither of them opened his lips in the Caucus; they went
+to observe; and we can assure Governor Thomas, that if Mr. Pickens or
+Mr. Calhoun, (whom he names) or any one else had presented a distinct
+proposition looking to Disunion, or Revolt, or Secession, he would have
+witnessed a scene not soon to be forgotten.  The three whom we have
+mentioned were as brave as they were determined.  Fortunately, perhaps,
+the man whom they went particularly to watch, remained silent and
+passive."</p>
+
+<p>Let us, however, pursue the inquiry a little further.  On the 14th of
+November, 1860, Alexander H. Stephens addressed the Legislature of
+Georgia, and in a portion of that address&mdash;replying to a speech made
+before the same Body the previous evening by Mr. Toombs, in which the
+latter had "recounted the evils of this Government"&mdash;said:</p>
+
+<p>"The first [of these evils] was the Fishing Bounties, paid mostly to the
+sailors of New England.  Our friend stated that forty-eight years of our
+Government was under the administration of Southern Presidents.  Well,
+these Fishing Bounties began under the rule of a Southern President, I
+believe.  No one of them, during the whole forty-eight years, ever set
+his Administration against the principle or policy of them.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"The next evil which my friend complained of, was the Tariff.  Well, let
+us look at that for a moment.  About the time I commenced noticing
+public matters, this question was agitating the Country almost as
+fearfully as the Slave question now is.  In 1832, when I was in college,
+South Carolina was ready to Nullify or Secede from the Union on this
+account.  And what have we seen?  The Tariff no longer distracts the
+public counsels.  Reason has triumphed!  The present Tariff was voted
+for by Massachusetts and South Carolina.  The lion and the lamb lay down
+together&mdash;every man in the Senate and House from Massachusetts and South
+Carolina, I think, voted for it, as did my honorable friend himself.
+And if it be true, to use the figure of speech of my honorable friend,
+that every man in the North that works in iron, and brass and wood, has
+his muscle strengthened by the protection of the Government, that
+stimulant was given by his vote and I believe (that of) every other
+Southern man.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. TOOMBS&mdash;The Tariff lessened the duties.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. STEPHENS&mdash;Yes, and Massachusetts with unanimity voted with the
+South to lessen them, and they were made just as low as Southern men
+asked them to be, and that is the rate they are now at.  If reason and
+argument, with experience, produced such changes in the sentiments of
+Massachusetts from 1832 to 1857, on the subject of the Tariff, may not
+like changes be effected there by the same means&mdash;reason and argument,
+and appeals to patriotism on the present vexed question?  And who can
+say that by 1875 or 1890, Massachusetts may not vote with South Carolina
+and Georgia upon all those questions that now distract the Country and
+threaten its peace and existence.</p>
+
+<p>"Another matter of grievance alluded to by my honorable friend was the
+Navigation Laws.  This policy was also commenced under the
+Administration of one of these Southern Presidents who ruled so well,
+and has been continued through all of them since. * * * One of the
+objects (of these) was to build up a commercial American marine by
+giving American bottoms the exclusive Carrying Trade between our own
+ports.  This is a great arm of national power.  This object was
+accomplished.  We have now an amount of shipping, not only coastwise,
+but to foreign countries, which puts us in the front rank of the Nations
+of the World.  England can no longer be styled the Mistress of the Seas.
+What American is not proud of the result?  Whether those laws should be
+continued is another question.  But one thing is certain; no President,
+Northern or Southern, has ever yet recommended their repeal. * * *</p>
+
+<p>"These then were the true main grievances or grounds of complaint
+against the general system of our Government and its workings&mdash;I mean
+the administration of the Federal Government.  As to the acts of the
+federal States I shall speak presently: but these three were the main
+ones used against the common head.  Now, suppose it be admitted that all
+of these are evils in the system; do they overbalance and outweigh the
+advantages and great good which this same Government affords in a
+thousand innumerable ways that cannot be estimated?  Have we not at the
+South, as well as the North, grown great, prosperous, and happy under
+its operations?  Has any part of the World ever shown such rapid
+progress in the development of wealth, and all the material resources of
+national power and greatness, as the Southern States have under the
+General Government, notwithstanding all its defects?</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. TOOMBS&mdash;In spite of it.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. STEPHENS&mdash;My honorable friend says we have, in spite of the General
+Government; that without it, I suppose he thinks, we might have done as
+well, or perhaps better, than we have done in spite of it.  * * *
+Whether we of the South would have been better off without the
+Government, is, to say the least, problematical.  On the one side we can
+only put the fact, against speculation and conjecture on the other.  * *
+*  The influence of the Government on us is like that of the atmosphere
+around us.  Its benefits are so silent and unseen that they are seldom
+thought of or appreciated.</p>
+
+<p>"We seldom think of the single element of oxygen in the air we breathe,
+and yet let this simple, unseen and unfelt agent be withdrawn, this
+life-giving element be taken away from this all-pervading fluid around
+us, and what instant and appalling changes would take place in all
+organic creation.</p>
+
+<p>"It may be that we are all that we are 'in spite of the General
+Government,' but it may be that without it we should have been far
+different from what we are now.  It is true that there is no equal part
+of the Earth with natural resources superior perhaps to ours.  That
+portion of this Country known as the Southern States, stretching from
+the Chesapeake to the Rio Grande, is fully equal to the picture drawn by
+the honorable and eloquent Senator last night, in all natural
+capacities.  But how many ages and centuries passed before these
+capacities were developed to reach this advanced age of civilization.
+There these same hills, rich in ore, same rivers, same valleys and
+plains, are as they have been since they came from the hand of the
+Creator; uneducated and uncivilized man roamed over them for how long no
+history informs us.</p>
+
+<p>"It was only under our institutions that they could be developed.  Their
+development is the result of the enterprise of our people, under
+operations of the Government and institutions under which we have lived.
+Even our people, without these, never would have done it.  The
+organization of society has much to do with the development of the
+natural resources of any Country or any Land.  The institutions of a
+People, political and moral, are the matrix in which the germ of their
+organic structure quickens into life&mdash;takes root, and develops in form,
+nature, and character.  Our institutions constitute the basis, the
+matrix, from which spring all our characteristics of development and
+greatness.  Look at Greece.  There is the same fertile soil, the same
+blue sky, the same inlets and harbors, the same AEgean, the same
+Olympus; there is the same land where Homer sung, where Pericles spoke;
+it is in nature the same old Greece&mdash;but it is living Greece no more.</p>
+
+<p>"Descendants of the same people inhabit the country; yet what is the
+reason of this vast difference?  In the midst of present degradation we
+see the glorious fragments of ancient works of art-temples, with
+ornaments and inscriptions that excite wonder and admiration&mdash;the
+remains of a once high order of civilization, which have outlived the
+language they spoke&mdash;upon them all, Ichabod is written&mdash;their glory has
+departed.  Why is this so?  I answer, their institutions have been
+destroyed.  These were but the fruits of their forms of government, the
+matrix from which their great development sprang; and when once the
+institutions of a People have been destroyed, there is no earthly power
+that can bring back the Promethean spark to kindle them here again, any
+more than in that ancient land of eloquence, poetry and song.</p>
+
+<p>"The same may be said of Italy.  Where is Rome, once the mistress of the
+World?  There are the same seven hills now, the same soil, the same
+natural resources; the nature is the same, but what a ruin of human
+greatness meets the eye of the traveler throughout the length and
+breadth of that most down-trodden land! why have not the People of that
+Heaven-favored clime, the spirit that animated their fathers?  Why this
+sad difference?</p>
+
+<p>"It is the destruction of their institutions that has caused it; and, my
+countrymen, if we shall in an evil hour rashly pull down and destroy
+those institutions which the patriotic hand of our fathers labored so
+long and so hard to build up, and which have done so much for us and the
+World, who can venture the prediction that similar results will not
+ensue?  Let us avoid it if we can.  I trust the spirit is among us that
+will enable us to do it.  Let us not rashly try the experiment, for, if
+it fails, as it did in Greece and Italy, and in the South American
+Republics, and in every other place wherever liberty is once destroyed,
+it may never be restored to us again.</p>
+
+<p>"There are defects in our government, errors in administration, and
+short-comings of many kinds; but in spite of these defects and errors,
+Georgia has grown to be a great State.  Let us pause here a moment.</p>
+
+<p>"When I look around and see our prosperity in everything, agriculture,
+commerce, art, science, and every department of education, physical and
+mental, as well as moral advancement&mdash;and our colleges&mdash;I think, in the
+face of such an exhibition, if we can, without the loss of power, or any
+essential right or interest, remain in the Union, it is our duty to
+ourselves and to posterity&mdash;let us not too readily yield to this
+temptation&mdash;to do so.  Our first parents, the great progenitors of the
+human race, were not without a like temptation, when in the Garden of
+Eden.  They were led to believe that their condition would be 
+bettered&mdash;that their eyes would be opened&mdash;and that they would become as gods.
+They in an evil hour yielded&mdash;instead of becoming gods they only saw
+their own nakedness.</p>
+
+<p>"I look upon this Country, with our institutions, as the Eden of the
+World, the Paradise of the Universe.  It may be that out of it we may
+become greater and more prosperous, but I am candid and sincere in
+telling you that I fear if we rashly evince passion, and without
+sufficient cause shall take that step, that instead of becoming greater
+or more peaceful, prosperous, and happy&mdash;instead of becoming gods, we
+will become demons, and at no distant day commence cutting one another's
+throats.  This is my apprehension.</p>
+
+<p>"Let us, therefore, whatever we do, meet those difficulties, great as
+they are, like wise and sensible men, and consider them in the light of
+all the consequences which may attend our action.  Let us see first
+clearly where the path of duty leads, and then we may not fear to tread
+therein."</p>
+
+<p>
+Said Senator Wigfall, of Texas, March 4, 1861, in the United States
+Senate, only a few hours before Mr. Lincoln's Inauguration:</p>
+
+<p>"I desire to pour oil on the waters, to produce harmony, peace and quiet
+here.  It is early in the morning, and I hope I shall not say anything
+that may be construed as offensive.  I rise merely that we may have an
+understanding of this question.</p>
+
+<p>"It is not Slavery in the Territories, it is not expansion, which is the
+difficulty.  If the resolution which the Senator from Wisconsin
+introduced here, denying the right of Secession, had been adopted by
+two-thirds of each branch of this department of the Government, and had
+been ratified by three-fourths of the States, I have no hesitation in
+saying that, so far as the State in which I live and to which I owe my
+allegiance is concerned, if she had no other cause for a disruption of
+the Union taking place, she would undoubtedly have gone out.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [To insert as an additional article of amendment to the
+     Constitution, the following: "Under this Constitution, as
+     originally adopted, and as it now exists, no State has power to
+     withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United States: but this
+     Constitution, and all laws passed in pursuance of its delegated
+     powers, are the Supreme Law of the Land, anything contained in any
+     constitution, ordinance, or act of any State, to the contrary
+     notwithstanding."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>"The moment you deny the right of self-government to the free White men
+of the South, they will leave the Government.  They believe in the
+Declaration of Independence.  They believe that:</p>
+
+<p>"'Governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from
+the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government
+becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the People to
+alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new Government, laying its
+foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form as
+to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.'</p>
+
+<p>"That principle of the Declaration of Independence is the one upon which
+the free White men of the South predicated their devotion to the present
+Constitution of the United States; and it was the denial of that, as
+much as anything else, that has created the dissatisfaction in that
+Section of the Country.</p>
+
+<p>"There is no instrument of writing that has ever been written that has
+been more misapprehended and misunderstood and misrepresented than this
+same unfortunate Declaration of Independence, and no set of gentlemen
+have ever been so slandered as the fathers who drew and signed that
+Declaration.</p>
+
+<p>"If there was a thing on earth that they did not intend to assert, it
+was that a Negro was a White man.  As I said here, a short time ago, one
+of the greatest charges they made against the British Government was,
+that old King George was attempting to establish the fact practically
+that all men were created Free and Equal.  They charged him in the
+Declaration of Independence with inciting their Slaves to insurrection.
+That is one of the grounds upon which they threw off their allegiance to
+the British Parliament.</p>
+
+<p>"Another great misapprehension is, that the men who drafted that
+Declaration of Independence had any peculiar fancy for one form of
+government rather than another.  They were not fighting to establish a
+Democracy in this country; they were not fighting to establish a
+Republican form of government in this Country.  Nothing was further from
+their intention.</p>
+
+<p>"Alexander Hamilton, after he had fought for seven years, declared that
+the British form of government was the best that the ingenuity of man
+had ever devised; and when John Adams said to him, 'without its
+corruptions;'  'Why,' said he, 'its corruptions are its greatest
+excellence; without the corruptions, it would be nothing.'</p>
+
+<p>"In the Declaration of Independence, they speak of George III., after
+this fashion.  They say:</p>
+
+<p>"'A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define
+a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free People.'</p>
+
+<p>"Now, I ask any plain common-sense man what was the meaning of that?
+Was it that they were opposed to a Monarchical form of government?  Was
+it that they believed a Monarchical form of government was incompatible
+with civil liberty?  No, sir; they entertained no such absurd idea.
+None of them entertained it; but they say that George III, was a prince
+whose character was 'marked by every act which may define a tyrant' and
+that therefore he was 'unfit to be the ruler of a free People.'  Had his
+character not been so marked by every quality which would define a
+tyrant, he might have been the fit ruler of a free People; ergo, a
+monarchical form of Government was not incompatible with civil liberty.</p>
+
+<p>"That was clearly the opinion of those men.  I do not advocate it now;
+for I have said frequently that we are wiser than our fathers, and our
+children will be wiser than we are.  One hundred years hence, men will
+understand their own affairs much better than we do.  We understand our
+affairs better than those who preceded us one hundred years.  But what I
+assert is, that the men of the Revolution did not believe that a
+Monarchical form of Government was incompatible with civil liberty.</p>
+
+<p>"What I assert is, that when they spoke of 'all men being created
+equal,' they were speaking of the White men who then had unsheathed
+their swords&mdash;for what purpose?  To establish the right of
+self-government in themselves; and when they had achieved that, they
+established, not Democracies, but Republican forms of Government in the
+thirteen sovereign, separate and independent Colonies.  Yet the
+Declaration of Independence is constantly quoted to prove Negro
+equality.  It proves no such thing; it was intended to prove no such
+thing.</p>
+
+<p>"The 'glittering generalities' which a distinguished former Senator from
+Massachusetts (Mr. Choate) spoke of, as contained in the Declaration of
+Independence, one of them at least, about all men being created 
+equal&mdash;was not original with Mr. Jefferson.  I recollect seeing a pamphlet
+called the Principles of the Whigs and Jacobites, published about the
+year 1745, when the last of the Stuarts, called 'the Pretender,' was
+striking a blow that was fatal to himself, but a blow for his crown, in
+which pamphlet the very phraseology is used, word for word and letter
+for letter.  I have not got it here to-night.  I sent the other day to
+the Library to try and find it, but could not find it; it was burnt, I
+believe, with the pamphlets that were burnt some time ago.</p>
+
+<p>"That Mr. Jefferson copied it or plagiarized it, is not true, I suppose,
+any more than the charge that the distinguished Senator from New York
+plagiarized from the Federalist in preparing his celebrated compromising
+speech which was made here a short time ago.  It was the cant phrase of
+the day in 1745, which was only about thirty years previous to the
+Declaration of Independence.  This particular pamphlet, which I have
+read, was published; others were published at the same time.  That sort
+of phraseology was used.</p>
+
+<p>"There was a war of classes in England; there were men who were
+contending for legitimacy; who were contending for the right of the
+Crown being inherent and depending on the will of God, 'the divine right
+of Kings,' for maintaining an hereditary landed-aristocracy; there was
+another Party who were contending against this doctrine of legitimacy,
+and the right of primogeniture.  These were called the Whigs; they
+established this general phraseology in denouncing the divine right and
+the doctrine of legitimacy, and it became the common phraseology of the
+Country; so that in the obscure county of Mecklenburg, in North
+Carolina, a declaration containing the same assertions was found as in
+this celebrated Declaration of Independence, written by the immortal
+Jefferson.</p>
+
+<p>"Which of us, I ask, is there upon this floor who has not read and
+re-read whatever was written within the last twenty-five or thirty years by
+the distinguished men of this country?  But enough of that.</p>
+
+<p>"As I said before, there ought not have been, and there did not
+necessarily result from our form of Government, any irrepressible
+conflict between the Slaveholding and the non-Slaveholding States.
+Nothing of the sort was necessary.</p>
+
+<p>"Strike out a single clause in the Constitution of the United States,
+that which secures to each State a Republican form of Government, and
+there is no reason why, under precisely such a Constitution as we have,
+States that are Monarchical and States that are Republican, could not
+live in peace and quiet.  They confederate together for common defense
+and general welfare, each State regulating its domestic concerns in its
+own way; those which preferred a Republican form of Government
+maintaining it, and those which preferred a Monarchical form of
+Government maintaining it.</p>
+
+<p>"But how long could small States, with different forms of Government,
+live together, confederated for common defense and general welfare, if
+the people of one Section were to come to the conclusion that their
+institutions were better than those of the other, and thereupon
+straightway set about subverting the institutions of the other?"</p>
+
+<p>
+In the reply of the Rebel "Commissioners of the Southern Confederacy"
+to Mr. Seward, April 9, 1861, they speak of our Government as being
+"persistently wedded to those fatal theories of construction of the
+Federal Constitution always rejected by the statesmen of the South, and
+adhered to by those of the Administration school, until they have
+produced their natural and often-predicted result of the destruction of
+the Union, under which we might have continued to live happily and
+gloriously together, had the spirit of the ancestry who framed the
+common Constitution animated the hearts of all their sons."</p>
+
+<p>In the "Address of the people of South Carolina, assembled in
+Convention, to the people of the Slaveholding States of the United
+States," by which the attempt was made to justify the passage of the
+South Carolina Secession Ordinance of 1860, it is declared that:</p>
+
+<p>"Discontent and contention have moved in the bosom of the Confederacy,
+for the last thirty-five years.  During this time South Carolina has
+twice called her people together in solemn Convention, to take into
+consideration, the aggressions and unconstitutional wrongs, perpetrated
+by the people of the North on the people of the South.  These wrongs
+were submitted to by the people of the South, under the hope and
+expectation that they would be final.  But such hope and expectation
+have proved to be vain.  Instead of producing forbearance, our
+acquiescence has only instigated to new forms of aggressions and
+outrage; and South Carolina, having again assembled her people in
+Convention, has this day dissolved her connection with the States
+constituting the United States.</p>
+
+<p>"The one great evil from which all other evils have flowed, is the
+overthrow of the Constitution of the United States.  The Government of
+the United States, is no longer the Government of Confederated
+Republics, but of a consolidated Democracy.  It is no longer a free
+Government, but a Despotism.  It is, in fact, such a Government as Great
+Britain attempted to set over our Fathers; and which was resisted and
+defeated by a seven years struggle for Independence.</p>
+
+<p>"The Revolution of 1776, turned upon one great principle,
+self-government,&mdash;and self-taxation, the criterion of self-government.</p>
+
+<p>"The Southern States now stand exactly in the same position towards the
+Northern States, that the Colonies did towards Great Britain.  The
+Northern States, having the majority in Congress, claim the same power
+of omnipotence in legislation as the British Parliament.  'The General
+Welfare' is the only limit to the legislation of either; and the
+majority in Congress, as in the British Parliament, are the sole judges
+of the expediency of the legislation this 'General Welfare' requires.
+Thus the Government of the United States has become a consolidated
+Government; and the people of the Southern States are compelled to meet
+the very despotism their fathers threw off in the Revolution of 1776.</p>
+
+<p>"The consolidation of the Government of Great Britain over the Colonies,
+was attempted to be carried out by the taxes.  The British Parliament
+undertook to tax the Colonies to promote British interests.  Our fathers
+resisted this pretension.  They claimed the right of self-taxation
+through their Colonial Legislatures.  They were not represented in the
+British Parliament, and, therefore, could not rightly be taxed by its
+legislation.  The British Government, however, offered them a
+representation in Parliament; but it was not sufficient to enable them
+to protect themselves from the majority, and they refused the offer.
+Between taxation without any representation, and taxation without a
+representation adequate to protection, there was no difference.  In
+neither case would the Colonies tax themselves.  Hence, they refused to
+pay the taxes laid by the British Parliament.</p>
+
+<p>"And so with the Southern States, towards the Northern States, in the
+vital matter of taxation.  They are in a minority in Congress.  Their
+representation in Congress is useless to protect them against unjust
+taxation; and they are taxed by the people of the North for their
+benefit, exactly as the people of Great Britain taxed our ancestors in
+the British Parliament for their benefit.  For the last forty years, the
+taxes laid by the Congress of the United States have been laid with a
+view of subserving the interests of the North.  The people of the South
+have been taxed by duties on imports, not for revenue, but for an object
+inconsistent with revenue&mdash;to promote, by prohibitions, Northern
+interests in the productions of their mines and manufactures.</p>
+
+<p>"There is another evil, in the condition of the Southern towards the
+Northern States, which our ancestors refused to bear towards Great
+Britain.  Our ancestors not only taxed themselves, but all the taxes
+collected from them were expended amongst them.  Had they submitted to
+the pretensions of the British Government, the taxes collected from
+them, would have been expended in other parts of the British Empire.
+They were fully aware of the effect of such a policy in impoverishing
+the people from whom taxes are collected, and in enriching those who
+receive the benefit of their expenditure.</p>
+
+<p>"To prevent the evils of such a policy, was one of the motives which
+drove them on to Revolution, yet this British policy has been fully
+realized towards the Southern States, by the Northern States.  The
+people of the Southern States are not only taxed for the benefit of the
+Northern States, but after the taxes are collected, three fourths of
+them are expended at the North.  This cause, with others, connected with
+the operation of the General Government, has made the cities of the
+South provincial.  Their growth is paralyzed; they are mere suburbs of
+Northern cities.  The agricultural productions of the South are the
+basis of the foreign commerce of the United States; yet Southern cities
+do not carry it on.  Our foreign trade is almost annihilated.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"No man can for a moment believe, that our ancestors intended to
+establish over their posterity, exactly the same sort of Government they
+had overthrown.  * * *  Yet by gradual and steady encroachments on the
+part of the people of the North, and acquiescence on the part of the
+South, the limitations in the Constitution have been swept away; and the
+Government of the United States has become consolidated, with a claim of
+limitless powers in its operations.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"A majority in Congress, according to their interested and perverted
+views, is omnipotent.  * * *  Numbers with them, is the great element of
+free Government.  A majority is infallible and omnipotent.  'The right
+divine to rule in Kings,' is only transferred to their majority.  The
+very object of all Constitutions, in free popular Government, is to
+restrain the majority.  Constitutions, therefore, according to their
+theory, must be most unrighteous inventions, restricting liberty.  None
+ought to exist; but the body politic ought simply to have a political
+organization, to bring out and enforce the will of the majority.  This
+theory is a remorseless despotism.  In resisting it, as applicable to
+ourselves, we are vindicating the great cause of free Government, more
+important, perhaps, to the World, than the existence of all the United
+States."</p>
+
+<p>
+In his Special Message to the Confederate Congress at Montgomery, April
+29, 1861, Mr. Jefferson Davis said:</p>
+
+<p>"From a period as early as 1798, there had existed in all the States a
+Party, almost uninterruptedly in the majority, based upon the creed that
+each State was, in the last resort, the sole judge, as well of its
+wrongs as of the mode and measure of redress.  * * *  The Democratic
+Party of the United States repeated, in its successful canvas of 1836,
+the declaration, made in numerous previous political contests, that it
+would faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the
+Kentucky and Virginia Legislatures of [1798 and] 1799, and that it
+adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of
+its political creed."</p>
+
+<p>In a letter addressed by the Rebel Commissioners in London (Yancey, Rost
+and Mann), August 14, 1861, to Lord John Russell, Secretary of Foreign
+Affairs, it appears that they said: "It was from no fear that the Slaves
+would be liberated, that Secession took place.  The very Party in power
+has proposed to guarantee Slavery forever in the States, if the South
+would but remain in the Union."  On the 4th of May preceding, Lord John
+had received these Commissioners at his house; and in a letter of May
+11, 1861, wrote, from the Foreign Office, to Lord Lyons, the British
+Minister at Washington, a letter, in which, alluding to his informal
+communication with them, he said: "One of these gentlemen, speaking for
+the others, dilated on the causes which had induced the Southern States
+to Secede from the Northern.  The principal of these causes, he said,
+was not Slavery, but the very high price which, for the sake of
+Protecting the Northern manufacturers, the South were obliged to pay for
+the manufactured goods which they required.  One of the first acts of
+the Southern Congress was to reduce these duties, and to prove their
+sincerity he gave as an instance that Louisiana had given up altogether
+that Protection on her sugar which she enjoyed by the legislation of the
+United States.  As a proof of the riches of the South.  He stated that
+of $350,000,000 of exports of produce to foreign countries $270,000,000
+were furnished by the Southern States."  * * *  They pointed to the new
+Tariff of the United States as a proof that British manufactures would
+be nearly excluded from the North, and freely admitted in the South.</p>
+
+<p>
+This may be as good a place as any other to say a few words touching
+another alleged "cause" of Secession.  During the exciting period just
+prior to the breaking out of the great War of the Rebellion, the
+Slave-holding and Secession-nursing States of the South, made a terrible
+hubbub over the Personal Liberty Bills of the Northern States.  And when
+Secession came, many people of the North supposed these Bills to be the
+prime, if not the only real cause of it.  Not so.  They constituted, as
+we now know, only a part of the mere pretext.  But, none the less, they
+constituted a portion of the history of that eventful time, and cannot
+be altogether ignored.</p>
+
+<p>In order then, that the reader may quickly grasp, not only the general
+nature, but also the most important details of the Personal Liberty
+Bills (in force, in 1860, in many of the Free States) so frequently
+alluded to in the Debates of Congress, in speeches on the stump, and in
+the fulminations of Seceding States and their authorized agents,
+commissioners, and representatives, it may be well now, briefly to refer
+to them, and to state that no such laws existed in California, Illinois,
+Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota, New York, Ohio and Oregon.</p>
+
+<p>Those of Maine provided that no officer of the State should in any way
+assist in the arrest or detention of a Fugitive Slave, and made it the
+duty of county attorneys to defend the Fugitive Slave against the claim
+of his master.  A Bill to repeal these laws passed the Maine Senate, but
+failed in the House.</p>
+
+<p>That of Massachusetts provided for commissioners in each county to
+defend alleged Fugitives from Service or Labor; for payment by the
+Commonwealth of all expenses of defense; prohibited the issue or service
+of process by State officers for arrest of alleged Fugitives, or the use
+of any prisons in the State for their detention, or that of any person
+aiding their escape; prohibited the kidnapping or removal of alleged
+Fugitive Slaves by any person; prohibited all officers within the State,
+down to Town officers, from arresting, imprisoning, detaining or
+returning to Service "any Person for the reason that he is claimed or
+adjudged to be a Fugitive from Service or Labor"&mdash;all such prohibitions
+being enforced by heavy fines and imprisonment.  The Act of March 25,
+1861, materially modified and softened the above provisions.</p>
+
+<p>New Hampshire's law, provided that all Slaves entering the State with
+consent of the master shall be Free, and made the attempt to hold any
+person as a Slave within the State a felony.</p>
+
+<p>Vermont's, prescribed that no process under the Fugitive Slave Law
+should be recognized by any of her Courts, officers, or citizens; nor
+any aid given in arresting or removing from the State any Person claimed
+as a Fugitive Slave; provided counsel for alleged Fugitives; for the
+issue of habeas corpus and trial by jury of issues of fact between the
+parties; ordained Freedom to all within the State who may have been held
+as Slaves before coming into it, and prescribed heavy penalties for any
+attempt to return any such to Slavery.  A bill to repeal these laws,
+proposed November, 1860, in the Vermont House of Representatives, was
+beaten by two to one.</p>
+
+<p>Connecticut's, provided that there must be two witnesses to prove that a
+Person is a Slave; that depositions are not evidence; that false
+testifying in Fugitive Slave cases shall be punishable by fine of $5,000
+and five years in State prison.</p>
+
+<p>In New Jersey, the only laws touching the subject, permitted persons
+temporarily sojourning in the State to bring and hold their Slaves, and
+made it the duty of all State officers to aid in the recovery of
+Fugitives from Service.</p>
+
+<p>In Pennsylvania, barring an old dead-letter Statute, they simply
+prohibited any interference by any of the Courts, Aldermen, or Justices
+of the Peace, of the Commonwealth, with the functions of the
+Commissioner appointed under the United States Statute in Fugitive Slave
+cases.</p>
+
+<p>In Michigan, the law required States' attorneys to defend Fugitive
+Slaves; prescribed the privileges of habeas corpus and jury trial for
+all such arrested; prohibited the use of prisons of the State for their
+detention; required evidence of two credible witnesses as to identity;
+and provided heavy penalties of fine and imprisonment for the seizure of
+any Free Person, with intent to have such Person held in Slavery.  A
+Bill to repeal the Michigan law was defeated in the House by about two
+to one.</p>
+
+<p>Wisconsin's Personal Liberty law was similar to that of Michigan, but
+with this addition, that no judgment recovered against any person in
+that State for violating the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 should be
+enforced by sale or execution of any real or personal property in that
+State.</p>
+
+<p>That of Rhode Island, forbade the carrying away of any Person by force
+out of the State; forbade the official aiding in the arrest or detention
+of a Fugitive Slave; and denied her jails to the United States for any
+such detention.</p>
+
+<p>Apropos of this subject, and before leaving it, it may be well to quote
+remarks of Mr. Simons of Rhode Island, in the United States Senate.
+Said he: "Complaint has been made of Personal Liberty Bills.  Now, the
+Massachusetts Personal Liberty Bill was passed by a Democratic House, a
+Democratic Senate, and signed by a Democratic Governor, a man who was
+afterwards nominated by Mr. Polk for the very best office in New
+England, and was unanimously confirmed by a Democratic United States
+Senate.  Further than this, the very first time the attention of the
+Massachusetts Legislature was called to the propriety of a repeal of
+this law was by a Republican Governor.  Now, on the other hand, South
+Carolina had repealed a law imprisoning British colored sailors, but
+retained the one imprisoning those coming from States inhabited by her
+own brethren!"</p>
+
+<p>These Personal Liberty Bills were undoubtedly largely responsible for
+some of the irritation on the Slavery question preceding open
+hostilities between the Sections.  But President Lincoln sounded the
+real depths of the Rebellion when he declared it to be a War upon the
+rights of the People.  In his First Annual Message, December 3, 1861, he
+said:</p>
+
+<p>"It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not
+exclusively, a War upon the first principle of popular government&mdash;the
+rights of the People.  Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most
+grave and maturely considered public documents, as well as in the
+general tone of the insurgents.  In those documents we find the
+abridgment of the existing right of suffrage, and the denial to the
+People of all right to participate in the selection of public officers,
+except the legislative, boldly advocated, with labored arguments to
+prove that large control of the People in government is the source of
+all political evil.  Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a
+possible refuge from the power of the People.</p>
+
+<p>"In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit
+raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism.</p>
+
+<p>"It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general argument should be
+made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its
+connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask brief
+attention.  It is the effort to place Capital on an equal footing with,
+if not above Labor, in the structure of the Government.</p>
+
+<p>"It is assumed that Labor is available only in connection with Capital;
+that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning Capital, somehow by the
+use of it induces him to labor.  This assumed, it is next considered
+whether it is best that Capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce
+them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and drive them to it
+without their consent.  Having proceeded so far, it is naturally
+concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers, or what we call
+Slaves.  And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer
+is fixed in that condition for life.</p>
+
+<p>"Now, there is no such relation between Capital and Labor as assumed;
+nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life, in the
+condition of a hired laborer.  Both these assumptions are false, and all
+inferences from them are groundless.</p>
+
+<p>"Labor is prior to, and independent of Capital.  Capital is only the
+fruit of Labor, and could never have existed if Labor had not first
+existed.  Labor is the superior of Capital, and deserves much the higher
+consideration.  Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of
+protection as any other rights.  Nor is it denied that there is, and
+probably always will be, a relation between Labor and Capital, producing
+mutual benefits.  The error is in assuming that the whole Labor of the
+community exists within that relation.</p>
+
+<p>"A few men own Capital, and that few, avoid labor themselves, and with
+their Capital hire or buy another few to labor for them.  A large
+majority belong to neither class&mdash;neither work for others, nor have
+others working for them.</p>
+
+<p>"In most of the Southern States, a majority of the whole people of all
+colors are neither Slaves nor masters; while in the Northern, a large
+majority are neither hirers nor hired.  Men with their families&mdash;wives,
+sons, and daughters&mdash;work for themselves, on their farms, in their
+houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and
+asking no favors of Capital on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or
+Slaves on the other.</p>
+
+<p>"It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their
+own Labor with Capital&mdash;that is they labor with their own hands, and
+also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this is only a mixed, and
+not a distinct class.  No principle stated is disturbed by the existence
+of this mixed class.</p>
+
+<p>"Again, as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such
+thing as the free hired-laborer being fixed to that condition for life.
+Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in
+their lives, were hired laborers.</p>
+
+<p>"The prudent, penniless beginner in the World, labors for wages awhile,
+saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors
+on his own account another while, and at length hires another new
+beginner to help him.  This is the just and generous and prosperous
+system, which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent
+energy and progress, and improvement of condition to all.</p>
+
+<p>"No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from
+poverty&mdash;none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not
+honestly earned.  Let them beware of surrendering a political power
+which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be
+used to close the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix
+new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of Liberty shall be
+lost.  * * *  The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day-it is
+a vast future also.  * * * "</p>
+
+<p>
+So too, Andrew Johnson, in his speech before the Senate, January 31,
+1862, spake well and truly when he said that "there has been a
+deliberate design for years to change the nature and character and
+genius of this Government."  And he added: "Do we not know that these
+schemers have been deliberately at work, and that there is a Party in
+the South, with some associates in the North, and even in the West, that
+have become tired of Free Government, in which they have lost
+confidence."</p>
+
+<p>Said he: "They raise an outcry against 'Coercion,' that they may
+paralyze the Government, cripple the exercise of the great powers with
+which it was invested, finally to change its form and subject us to a
+Southern despotism.  Do we not know it to be so?  Why disguise this
+great truth?  Do we not know that they have been anxious for a change of
+Government for years?  Since this Rebellion commenced it has manifested
+itself in many quarters.</p>
+
+<p>"How long is it since the organ of the Government at Richmond, the
+Richmond Whig, declared that rather than live under the Government of
+the United States, they preferred to take the Constitutional Queen of
+Great Britain as their protector; that they would make an alliance with
+Great Britain for the purpose of preventing the enforcement of the Laws
+of the United States.  Do we not know this?"</p>
+
+<p>
+Stephen A. Douglas also, in his great Union speech at Chicago, May 1,
+1861&mdash;only a few days before his lamented death&mdash;said:</p>
+
+<p>"The election of Mr. Lincoln is a mere pretext.  The present Secession
+movement is the result of an enormous Conspiracy formed more than a year
+since formed by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than twelve
+months ago.  They use the Slavery question as a means to aid the
+accomplishment of their ends.  They desired the election of a Northern
+candidate by a Sectional vote, in order to show that the two Sections
+cannot live together.</p>
+
+<p>"When the history of the two years from the Lecompton question down to
+the Presidential election shall be written, it will be shown that the
+scheme was deliberately made to break up this Union.</p>
+
+<p>"They desired a Northern Republican to be elected by a purely Northern
+vote, and then assign this fact as a reason why the Sections cannot live
+together.  If the Disunion candidate&mdash;(Breckinridge) in the late
+Presidential contest had carried the united South, their scheme was, the
+Northern candidate successful, to seize the Capital last Spring, and by
+a united South and divided North, hold it.</p>
+
+<p>"Their scheme was defeated, in the defeat of the Disunion candidates in
+several of the Southern States.</p>
+
+<p>"But this is no time for a detail of causes.  The Conspiracy is now
+known; Armies have been raised.  War is levied to accomplish it.  There
+are only two sides to the question.</p>
+
+<p>"Every man must be for the United States, or against it.  There can be
+no Neutrals in this War; only Patriots or Traitors!  [Cheer after
+Cheer]."</p>
+
+<p>
+In a speech made in the United States Senate, January 31, 1862, Senator
+McDougall of California&mdash;conceded to be intellectually the peer of any
+man in that Body&mdash;said:</p>
+
+<p>"We are at War.  How long have we been at War?  We have been engaged in
+a war of opinion, according to my historical recollection, since 1838.
+There has been a Systematic organized war against the Institutions
+established by our fathers, since 1832.  This is known of all men who
+have read carefully the history of our Country.  If I had the leisure,
+or had consulted the authorities, I would give it year by year, and date
+by date, from that time until the present, how men adversary to our
+Republican Institutions have been organizing War against us, because
+they did not approve of our Republican Institutions.</p>
+
+<p>"Before the Mexican War, it is well known that General Quitman, then
+Governor of Mississippi, was organizing to produce the same condition of
+things (and he hoped a better condition of things, for he hoped a
+successful Secession), to produce this same revolution that is now
+disturbing our whole Land.  The War with Mexico, fighting for a Southern
+proposition, for which I fought myself, made the Nation a unit until
+1849; and then again they undertook an Organization to produce
+Revolution.  These things are history.  This statement is true, and
+cannot be denied among intelligent men anywhere, and cannot be denied in
+this Senate.</p>
+
+<p>"The great men who sat in Council in this Hall, the great men of the
+Nation, men whose equals are not, and I fear will not be for many years,
+uniting their judgments, settled the controversy in 1850.  They did not
+settle it for the Conspirators of the South, for they were not parties
+to the compact.  Clay and Webster, and the great men who united with
+them, had no relation with the extremes of either extreme faction.  The
+Compromise was made, and immediately after it had been effected, again
+commenced the work of organization.  I had the honor to come from my
+State on the Pacific into the other branch of the Federal Congress, and
+there I learned as early as 1853, that the work of Treason was as
+industriously pursued as it is being pursued to-day.  I saw it; I felt
+it; I knew it.  I went home to the shores of the Pacific instructed
+somewhat on this subject.</p>
+
+<p>"Years passed by.  I engaged in my duties as a simple professional man,
+not connected with public affairs.  The question of the last
+Presidential election arose before the Country&mdash;one of those great
+questions that are not appreciated, I regret from my heart, by the
+American Nation, when we elect a President, a man who has more power for
+his time than any enthroned Monarch in Europe.  We organize a Government
+and place him in front as the head and the Chief of the Government.
+That question came before the American People.</p>
+
+<p>"At that time I was advised of this state of feeling&mdash;and I will state
+it in as exact form of words as I can state it, that it may be
+understood by Senators: Mr. Douglas is a man acceptable to the South.
+Mr. Douglas is a man to whom no one has just cause of exception
+throughout the South.  Mr. Douglas is more acceptable to Mississippi and
+Louisiana than Mr. Breckinridge.  Mr. Breckinridge is not acceptable to
+the South; or at least, if he is so, he is not in the same degree with
+Mr. Douglas.  Mr. Douglas is the accepted man of a great National Party,
+and if he is brought into the field he will be triumphantly elected.
+THAT MUST NOT BE DONE, because THE ORGANIZATION FOR SECESSION IS
+MATURED.  EVERYTHING IS PREPARED, and the election of Mr. Douglas would
+only postpone it for four years; and Now when we are PREPARED to carry
+out these things WE MUST INDULGE IN STRATAGEM, and the nomination of Mr.
+Breckinridge is a mere strategic movement to divide the great
+conservative Party of the Nation into two, so as to elect a Republican
+candidate AND CONSOLIDATE THE SOUTH BY THE CRY OF 'ABOLITIONIST!'</p>
+
+<p>"That is a mere simple statement of the truth, and it cannot be
+contradicted.  Now, in that scheme all the men of counsel of that Party
+were engaged.  * * *  I, on the far shores of the Pacific understood
+those things as long ago as a year last September (1860).  I was advised
+about this policy and well informed of it.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"I was at war, in California, in January (1861) last; in the maintenance
+of the opinions that I am now maintaining, I had to go armed to protect
+myself from violence.  The country, whenever there was controversy, was
+agitated to its deepest foundations.  That is known, perhaps, not to
+gentlemen who live up in Maine or Massachusetts, or where you are
+foreign to all this agitation; but known to all people where disturbance
+might have been effective in consequences.  I felt it, and had to carry
+my life in my hand by the month, as did my friends surrounding me.</p>
+
+<p>"I say that all through last winter (that of 1860-61) War had been
+inaugurated in all those parts of the Country where disturbed elements
+could have efficient result.  In January (1861), a year ago, I stood in
+the hall of the House of Representatives of my State, and there was War
+then, and angry faces and hostile men were gathered; and we knew then
+well that the Southern States had determined to withdraw themselves from
+the Federal Union.</p>
+
+<p>"I happened to be one of those men who said, 'they shall not do it;' and
+it appears to me that the whole argument is between that class of men
+and the class of men who said they would let them do it.  * * *  When
+this doctrine was started here of disintegrating the Cotton States from
+the rest of the Confederacy, I opposed it at once.  I saw immediately
+that War was to be invoked.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"I will not say these things were understood by gentlemen of the
+Republican Party * * * but I, having been accepted and received as a
+Democrat of the old school from the olden time, and HAVING FAST SOUTHERN
+SYMPATHIES, I DID KNOW ALL ABOUT THEM. * * * I KNOW THAT SECESSION WAS A
+THING DETERMINED UPON.  * * * I was advised of and understood the whole
+programme, KNEW HOW IT WAS TO BE DONE IN ITS DETAILS; and I being
+advised, made war against it.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"War had been, in fact, inaugurated.  What is War?  Was it the firing on
+our flag at Sumter?  Was that the first adversary passage?  To say so,
+is trifling with men's judgments and information.  No, sir; when they
+organized a Government, and set us at defiance, they commenced War; and
+the various steps they took afterwards, by organizing their troops, and
+forming their armies, and advancing upon Sumter; all these were merely
+acts of War; but War was inaugurated whenever they undertook to say they
+would maintain themselves as a separate and independent government; and,
+after that time, every man who gave his assistance to them was a
+Traitor, according to the highest Law."</p>
+
+<p>The following letter, written by one of the most active of the Southern
+conspirators in 1858, during the great Douglas and Lincoln Debate of
+that year, to which extended reference has already been made, is of
+interest in this connection, not only as corroborative evidence of the
+fact that the Rebellion of the Cotton States had been determined on long
+before Mr. Lincoln was elected President, but as showing also that the
+machinery for "firing the Southern heart" and for making a "solid South"
+was being perfected even then.  The subsequent split in the Democratic
+Party, and nomination of Breckinridge by the Southern wing of it, was
+managed by this same Yancey, simply as parts of the deliberate programme
+of Secession and Rebellion long before determined on by the Cotton Lords
+of the Cotton States.</p>
+
+<p>
+                         "MONTGOMERY, June 15, 1858.</p>
+
+<p>"DEAR SIR:&mdash;Your kind favor of the 13th is received.</p>
+
+<p>"I hardly agree with you that a general movement can be made that will
+clean out the Augean Stable.  If the Democracy were overthrown it would
+result in giving place to a greedier and hungrier swarm of flies.</p>
+
+<p>"The remedy of the South is not in such a process.  It is in a diligent
+organization of her true men for prompt resistance to the next
+aggression.  It must come in the nature of things.  No National Party
+can save us.  No Sectional Party can ever do it.  But if we could do as
+our fathers did&mdash;organize 'Committees of Safety' all over the Cotton
+States (and it is only in them that we can hope for any effective
+movement), we shall fire the Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind,
+give courage to each other, and at the proper moment, by one organized,
+concerted action, we can precipitate the Cotton States into a
+revolution.</p>
+
+<p>"The idea has been shadowed forth in the South by Mr. Ruffin; has been
+taken up and recommended in the Advertiser under the name of 'League of
+United Southerners,' who, keeping up their old relations on all other
+questions, will hold the Southern issues paramount, and influence
+parties, legislatures and statesmen.  I have no time to enlarge, but to
+suggest merely.</p>
+
+<p>"In haste, yours, etc.
+                         "W. L. YANCEY.</p>
+
+<p>"To JAMES S. SLAUGHTER."</p>
+
+<p>
+At Jackson, Mississippi, in the fall of the same year (1858) just after
+the great Debate between Douglas and Lincoln had closed, Jefferson Davis
+had already raised the standard of Revolution, Secession and Disunion,
+during the course of a speech, in which he said: "If an Abolitionist be
+chosen President of the United States, you will have presented to you
+the question of whether you will permit the Government to pass into the
+hands of your avowed and implacable enemies?  Without pausing for an
+answer, I will state my own position to be, that such a result would be
+a species of revolution by which the purposes of the Government would be
+destroyed, and the observance of its mere forms entitled to no respect.
+In that event, in such a manner as should be most expedient, I should
+deem it your duty to provide for your safety, outside of the Union with
+those who have already shown the will, and would have acquired the power
+to deprive you of your birthright, and to reduce you to worse than the
+Colonial dependence of your fathers."</p>
+
+<p>The "birthright" thus referred to was of course, the alleged right to
+have Slaves; but what was this "worse than Colonial dependence" to
+which, in addition to the peril supposed to threaten the Southern
+"birthright," the Cotton States of Mississippi were reduced?
+"Dependence" upon whom, and with regard to what?  Plainly upon the
+North; and with regard, not to Slavery alone&mdash;for Jefferson Davis held,
+down to the very close of the War, that the South fought "not for
+Slavery"&mdash;but as to Tariff Legislation also.  There was the rub! These
+Cotton Lords believed, or pretended to believe, that the High Tariff
+Legislation, advocated and insisted upon both by the Whigs and
+Republicans for the Protection of the American Manufacturer and working
+man, built up and made prosperous the North, and elevated Northern
+laborers; at the expense of the South, and especially themselves, the
+Cotton Lords aforesaid.</p>
+
+<p>We have already seen from the utterances of leading men in the South
+Carolina, Secession Convention, "that"&mdash;as Governor Hicks, himself a
+Southern man, said in his address to the people of Maryland, after the
+War broke out "neither the election of Mr. Lincoln, nor the
+non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, nor both combined, constitute their
+grievances.  They declare that THE REAL CAUSE of their discontent DATES
+AS FAR BACK AS 1833."</p>
+
+<p>And what was the chief cause or pretext for discontent at that time?
+Nothing less than the Tariff.  They wanted Free Trade, as well as
+Slavery.  The balance of the Union wanted Protection, as well as
+Freedom.</p>
+
+<p>The subsequent War, then, was not a War waged for Slavery alone, but for
+Independence with a view to Free Trade, as set forth in the "Confederate
+Constitution," as soon as that Independence could be achieved.  And the
+War on our part, while for the integrity of the Union in all its 
+parts&mdash;for the life of the Nation itself, and for the freedom of man, should
+also have brought the triumph of the American idea of a Protective
+Tariff, whose chief object is the building up of American manufactures
+and the Protection of the Free working-man, in the essential matters of
+education, food, clothing, rents, wages, and work.</p>
+
+<p>It is mentioned in McPherson's History of the Rebellion, p. 392, that in
+a letter making public his reasons for going to Washington and taking
+his seat in Congress, Mr. James L. Pugh, a Representative from Alabama,
+November 24, 1860, said: "The sole object of my visit is to promote the
+cause of Secession."</p>
+
+<p>From the manner in which they acted after reaching Washington, it is not
+unreasonable to suppose that most of those persons representing, in both
+branches of Congress, the Southern States which afterwards seceded, came
+to the National Capital with a similar object in view&mdash;taking their
+salaries and mileages for services supposed to be performed for the
+benefit of the very Government they were conspiring to injure, and
+swearing anew the sacred oath to support and defend the very
+Constitution which they were moving heaven and earth to undermine and
+destroy!</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [As a part of the history of those times, the following letter is
+     not without interest:</p>
+
+<p>     "OXFORD, December 24, 1860.</p>
+
+<p>     "MY DEAR SIR:&mdash;I regretted having to leave Washington without
+     having with you a full conference as to the great events whose
+     shadows are upon us.  The result of the election here is what the
+     most sanguine among us expected; that is, its general result is so.
+     It is as yet somewhat difficult to determine the distinctive
+     complexion of the convention to meet on the 7th of January.  The
+     friends of Southern Independence, of firm and bona fide resistance,
+     won an overwhelming victory; but I doubt whether there is any
+     precise plan.</p>
+
+<p>     "No doubt a large majority of the Convention will be for separate
+     Secession.  But unless intervening events work important changes of
+     sentiment, not all of those elected as resistance men will be for
+     immediate and separate Secession.  Our friends in Pontotoc, Tippah,
+     De Soto and Pauola took grounds which fell far short of that idea,
+     though their resolutions were very firm in regard to Disunion and
+     an ultimate result.</p>
+
+<p>     "In the meantime the Disunion sentiment among the people is growing
+     every day more intense.</p>
+
+<p>     "Upon the whole, you have great cause for gratification in the
+     action of your State.</p>
+
+<p>     "The submissionists are routed, horse, foot, and dragoons, and any
+     concession by the North will fail to restore that sacred attachment
+     to the Union which was once so deeply radicated in the hearts of
+     our people.  What they want now, is wise and sober leading.  I
+     think that there might be more of dignity and prudent foresight in
+     the action of our State than have marked the proceedings of South
+     Carolina.  I have often rejoiced that we have you to rest upon and
+     confide in.  I do not know what we could do without you.  That God
+     may preserve you to us, and that your mind may retain all its vigor
+     to carry us through these perilous times, is my most fervent
+     aspiration.</p>
+
+<p>     "I am as ever, and forever, your supporter, ally and friend.</p>
+
+<p>                              "L. Q. C. LAMAR.</p>
+
+<p>     "COL. JEFF.  DAVIS, Washington, D. C."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>
+This was but a part of the deliberate, cold-blooded plan mapped out in
+detail, early in the session succeeding the election of Mr. Lincoln, in
+a secret Caucus of the Chief Plotters of the Treason.  It was a secret
+conference, but the programme resolved on, soon leaked out.</p>
+
+<p>The following, which appeared in the Washington National Intelligencer
+on Friday, January 11, 1861, tells the story of this stage of the Great
+Conspiracy pretty clearly:</p>
+
+<p>"The subjoined communication, disclosing the designs of those who have
+undertaken to lead the movement now threatening a permanent dissolution
+of the Union, comes to us from a distinguished citizen of the South
+[understood to be Honorable Lemuel D. Evans, Representative from Texas
+in the 34th Congress, from March 4, 1855, to March 3, 1857] who formerly
+represented his State with great distinction in the popular branch of
+Congress.</p>
+
+<p>"Temporarily sojourning in this city he has become authentically
+informed of the facts recited in the subjoined letter, which he
+communicates to us under a sense of duty, and for the accuracy of which
+he makes himself responsible.</p>
+
+<p>"Nothing but assurances coming from such an intelligent, reliable source
+could induce us to accept the authenticity of these startling
+statements, which so deeply concern not only the welfare but the honor
+of the Southern people.</p>
+
+<p>"To them we submit, without present comment, the programme to which they
+are expected to yield their implicit adhesion, without any scruples of
+conscience as without any regard for their own safety.</p>
+
+<p>                    "'WASHINGTON, January 9, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"'I charge that on last Saturday night (January 5th), a Caucus was held
+in this city by the Southern Secession Senators from Florida, Georgia,
+Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas.  It was then and
+there resolved in effect to assume to themselves the political power of
+the South, and, to control all political and military operations for the
+present, they telegraphed to complete the plan of seizing forts,
+arsenals, and custom-houses, and advised the Conventions now in session,
+and soon to assemble, to pass Ordinances for immediate Secession; but,
+in order to thwart any operations of the Government here, the
+Conventions of the Seceding States are to retain their representations
+in the Senate and the House.</p>
+
+<p>"'They also advised, ordered, or directed the assembling of a Convention
+of delegates from the Seceding States at Montgomery on the 13th of
+February.  This can of course only be done by the revolutionary
+Conventions usurping the powers of the people, and sending delegates
+over whom they will lose all control in the establishment of a
+Provisional Government, which is the plan of the dictators.</p>
+
+<p>"'This Caucus also resolved to take the most effectual means to dragoon
+the Legislatures of Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and
+Virginia into following the Seceding States.  Maryland is also to be
+influenced by such appeals to popular passion as have led to the
+revolutionary steps which promise a conflict with the State and Federal
+Governments in Texas.</p>
+
+<p>"'They have possessed themselves of all the avenues of information in
+the South&mdash;the telegraph, the press, and the general control of the
+postmasters.  They also confidently rely upon defections in the army and
+navy.</p>
+
+<p>"'The spectacle here presented is startling to contemplate.  Senators
+entrusted with the representative sovereignty of the States, and sworn
+to support the Constitution of the United States, while yet acting as
+the privy councillors of the President, and anxiously looked to by their
+constituents to effect some practical plan of adjustment, deliberately
+conceive a Conspiracy for the overthrow of the Government through the
+military organizations, the dangerous secret order, the 'Knights of the
+Golden Circle,' 'Committees of Safety,' Southern leagues, and other
+agencies at their command; they have instituted as thorough a military
+and civil despotism as ever cursed a maddened Country.</p>
+
+<p>"'It is not difficult to foresee the form of government which a
+Convention thus hurriedly thrown together at Montgomery will irrevocably
+fasten upon a deluded and unsuspecting people.  It must essentially be
+'a Monarchy founded upon military principles,' or it cannot endure.
+Those who usurp power never fail to forge strong chains.</p>
+
+<p>"'It may be too late to sound the alarm.  Nothing may be able to arrest
+the action of revolutionary tribunals whose decrees are principally in
+'secret sessions.'  But I call upon the people to pause and reflect
+before they are forced to surrender every principle of liberty, or to
+fight those who are becoming their masters rather than their servants.
+                                   "'EATON"</p>
+
+<p>"As confirming the intelligence furnished by our informant we may cite
+the following extract from the Washington correspondence of yesterday's
+Baltimore Sun:</p>
+
+<p>"'The leaders of the Southern movement are consulting as to the best
+mode of consolidating their interests into a Confederacy under a
+Provisional Government.  The plan is to make Senator Hunter, of
+Virginia, Provisional President, and Jefferson Davis Commander-in-Chief
+of the army of defense.  Mr. Hunter possesses in a more eminent degree
+the philosophical characteristics of Jefferson than any other statesman
+now living.  Colonel Davis is a graduate of West Point, was
+distinguished for gallantry at Buena Vista, and served as Secretary of
+War under President Pierce, and is not second to General Scott in
+military science or courage.'</p>
+
+<p>"As further confirmatory of the above, the following telegraphic
+dispatch in the Charleston Mercury of January 7, 1861, is given:</p>
+
+<p>"'[From our Own Correspondent.]</p>
+
+<p>"'WASHINGTON, January 6.&mdash;The Senators from those of the Southern States
+which have called Conventions of their people, met in caucus last night,
+and adopted the following resolutions:</p>
+
+<p>"'Resolved, That we recommend to our respective States immediate
+Secession.</p>
+
+<p>"'Resolved, That we recommend the holding of a General Convention of the
+said States, to be holden in the city of Montgomery, Alabama, at some
+period not later than the 15th day of February, 1861.'</p>
+
+<p>"These resolutions were telegraphed this evening to the Conventions of
+Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida.  A third resolution is also known to
+have been adopted, but it is of a confidential character, not to be
+divulged at present.  There was a good deal of discussion in the caucus
+on the question of whether the Seceding States ought to continue their
+delegations in Congress till the 4th of March, to prevent unfriendly
+legislation, or whether the Representatives of the Seceding States
+should all resign together, and leave a clear field for the opposition
+to pass such bills, looking to Coercion, as they may see fit.  It is
+believed that the opinion that they should remain prevailed."</p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, upon the capture of Fernandina, Florida, in 1862, the
+following letter was found and published.  Senator Yulee, the writer,
+was present and participated as one of the Florida Senators, in the
+traitorous "Consultation" therein referred to&mdash;and hence its especial
+value:</p>
+
+<p>
+"WASHINGTON, January 7, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"My DEAR SIR:&mdash;On the other side is a copy of resolutions adopted at a
+consultation of the Senators from the Seceding States&mdash;in which Georgia,
+Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi, and Florida were
+present.</p>
+
+<p>"The idea of the meeting was that the States should go out at once, and
+provide for the early organization of a Confederate Government, not
+later than 15th February.  This time is allowed to enable Louisiana and
+Texas to participate.  It seemed to be the opinion that if we left here,
+force, loan, and volunteer Bills might be passed, which would put Mr.
+Lincoln in immediate condition for hostilities; whereas, by remaining in
+our places until the 4th of March, it is thought we can keep the hands
+of Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable the Republicans from effecting any
+legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming
+Administration.</p>
+
+<p>"The resolutions will be sent by the delegation to the President of the
+Convention.  I have not been able to find Mr. Mallory (his Senatorial
+colleague) this morning.  Hawkins (Representative from Florida) is in
+Connecticut.  I have therefore thought it best to send you this copy of
+the resolutions.</p>
+
+<p>               "In haste, yours truly
+                                   "D. L. YULEE.</p>
+
+<p>"JOSEPH FINEGAN, Esq.,
+"'Sovereignty Convention,' Tallahassee, Fla."</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br>
+
+<p>The resolutions "on the other side" of this letter, to which he refers,
+are as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, 1&mdash;That in our opinion each of the Southern States should, as
+soon as may be, Secede from the Union.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, 2&mdash;That provision should be made for a Convention to organize
+a Confederacy of the Seceding States, the Convention to meet not later
+than the 15th of February, at the city of Montgomery, in the State of
+Alabama.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That in view of the hostile legislation that is threatened
+against the Seceding States, and which may be consummated before the 4th
+of March, we ask instructions whether the delegations are to remain in
+Congress until that date for the purpose of defeating such legislation.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That a committee be and are hereby appointed, consisting of
+Messrs. Davis, Slidell, and Mallory, to carry out the objects of this
+meeting."</p>
+
+<p>
+In giving this letter to the World&mdash;from its correspondent accompanying
+the expedition&mdash;the New York Times of March 15, 1862, made these
+forcible and clear-headed comments:</p>
+
+<p>"The telegraphic columns of the Times of January 7, 1861, contained the
+following Washington dispatch: 'The Southern Senators last night
+(January 5th) held a conference, and telegraphed to the Conventions of
+their respective States to advise immediate Secession.'  Now, the
+present letter is a report by Mr. Yulee, who was present at this
+'consultation' as he calls it, of the resolutions adopted on this
+occasion, transmitted to the said Finegan, who by the way, was a member
+of the 'Sovereign Convention' of Florida, then sitting in the town of
+Tallahassee.</p>
+
+<p>"It will thus be seen that this remarkable letter, which breathes
+throughout the spirit of the Conspirator, in reality lets us into one of
+the most important of the numerous Secret Conclaves which the Plotters
+of Treason then held in the Capital.  It was then, as it appears, that
+they determined to strike the blow and precipitate their States into
+Secession.  But at the same time they resolved that it would be
+imprudent for them openly to withdraw, as in that case Congress might
+pass 'force, loan, and volunteer bills,' which would put Mr. Lincoln in
+immediate condition for hostilities.  No, no!  that would not do.  (So
+much patriotic virtue they half suspected, half feared, was left in the
+Country.)  On the contrary, 'by remaining in our places until the 4th of
+March it is thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied, and
+disable the Republicans from effecting any legislation which will
+strengthen the hands of the incoming Administration.'  Ah what a tragic
+back-ground, full of things unutterable, is there!</p>
+
+<p>"It appears, however, that events were faster than they, and instead of
+being able to retain their seats up to the 4th of March, they were able
+to remain but a very few weeks.  Mr. Davis withdrew on the 21st of
+January, just a fortnight after this 'consultation.'  But for the rest,
+mark how faithfully the programme here drawn up by this knot of Traitors
+in secret session was realized.  Each of the named States represented by
+this Cabal did, 'as soon as may be, Secede from the Union'&mdash;the
+Mississippi Convention passing its Ordinance on the heels of the receipt
+of these resolutions, on the 9th of January; Florida and Alabama on the
+11th; Louisiana on the 26th, and Texas on the 1st of February; while the
+'organization of the Confederate Government' took place at the very time
+appointed, Davis being inaugurated on the 18th of February.</p>
+
+<p>"And here is another Plot of the Traitors brought to light.  These very
+men, on withdrawing from the Senate, urged that they were doing so in
+obedience to the command of their respective States.  As Mr. Davis put
+it, in his parting speech, 'the Ordinance of Secession having passed the
+Convention of his State, he felt obliged to obey the summons, and retire
+from all official connection with the Federal Government.'  This letter
+of Mr. Yulee's clearly reveals that they had themselves pushed their
+State Conventions to the adoption of the very measure which they had the
+hardihood to put forward as an imperious 'summons' which they could not
+disobey.  It is thus that Treason did its Work."</p>
+
+<br><br>
+<a name="ch12"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+<center>
+<h2>
+                              CHAPTER XII.<br><br>
+
+                  COPPERHEADISM  VS. UNION DEMOCRACY.<br>
+</h2>
+</center>
+
+<p>When we remember that it was on the night of the 5th of January, 1861,
+that the Rebel Conspirators in the United States Senate met and plotted
+their confederated Treason, as shown in the Yulee letter, given in the
+preceding Chapter of this work, and that on the very next day, January
+6, 1861, Fernando Wood, then Mayor of the great city of New York, sent
+in to the Common Council of that metropolis, his recommendation that New
+York city should Secede from its own State, as well as the United
+States, and become "a Free City," which, said he, "may shed the only
+light and hope of a future reconstruction of our once blessed
+Confederacy," it is impossible to resist the conviction that this
+extraordinary movement of his, was inspired and prompted, if not
+absolutely directed, by the secret Rebel Conclave at Washington.  It
+bears within itself internal evidences of such prompting.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, when Mayor Wood states the case in the following words, he seems
+to be almost quoting word for word an instruction received by him from
+these Rebel leaders&mdash;in connection with their plausible argument,
+upholding it.  Says he:</p>
+
+<p>"Much, no doubt, can be said in favor of the justice and policy of a
+separation.  It may be said that Secession or revolution in any of the
+United States would be subversive of all Federal authority, and, so far
+as the central Government is concerned, the resolving of the community
+into its original elements&mdash;that, if part of the States form new
+combinations and, Governments, other States may do the same.  Then it
+may be said, why should not New York city, instead of supporting by her
+contributions in revenue two-thirds of the expenses of the United
+States, become also equally independent?  As a Free City, with but
+nominal duty on imports, her local Government could be supported without
+taxation upon her people.  Thus we could live free from taxes, and have
+cheap goods nearly duty free.  In this she would have the whole and
+united support of the Southern States, as well as all the other States
+to whose interests and rights under the Constitution she has always been
+true."</p>
+
+<p>That is the persuasive casuistry peculiar to the minds of the Southern
+Secession leaders.  It is naturally followed by a touch of that
+self-confident bluster, also at that time peculiar to Southern lips&mdash;as
+follows:</p>
+
+<p>"It is well for individuals or communities to look every danger square
+in the face, and to meet it calmly and bravely.  As dreadful as the
+severing of the bonds that have hitherto united the States has been in
+contemplation, it is now apparently a stern and inevitable fact.  We
+have now to meet it, with all the consequences, whatever they may be.
+If the Confederacy is broken up the Government is dissolved, and it
+behooves every distinct community, as well as every individual, to take
+care of themselves.</p>
+
+<p>"When Disunion has become a fixed and certain fact, why may not New York
+disrupt the bands which bind her to a venal and corrupt master&mdash;to a
+people and a Party that have plundered her revenues, attempted to ruin
+her commerce, taken away the power of self-government, and destroyed the
+Confederacy of which she was the proud Empire City? * * *"</p>
+
+<p>After thus restating, as it were, the views and "arguments" of the Rebel
+Junta, as we may presume them to have been pressed on him, he becomes
+suddenly startled at the Conclave's idea of meeting "all the
+consequences, whatever they may be," and, turning completely around,
+with blanching pen, concludes:</p>
+
+<p>"But I am not prepared to recommend the violence implied in these views.
+In stating this argument in favor of freedom, 'peaceably if we can,
+forcibly if we must,' let me not be misunderstood.  The redress can be
+found only in appeals to the magnanimity of the people of the whole
+State." * * *</p>
+
+<p>If "these views" were his own, and not those of the Rebel Conclave, he
+would either have been "prepared to recommend the violence implied in
+them," or else he would have suppressed them altogether.  But his
+utterance is that of one who has certain views for the first time placed
+before him, and shrinks from the consequences of their advocacy&mdash;shrinks
+from "the violence implied" in them&mdash;although for some reason he dares
+not refuse to place those views before the people.</p>
+
+<p>And, in carrying out his promise to do so&mdash;"In stating this argument,"
+presumably of the Rebel Conclave, "in favor of freedom, 'peaceably if we
+can, forcibly if we must'"&mdash;the language used is an admission that the
+argument is not his own.  Were it his own, would he not have said in
+"making" it, instead of in "stating" it?  Furthermore, had he been
+"making" it of his own accord, he would hardly have involved himself in
+such singular contradictions and explanations as are here apparent.  He
+was plainly "stating" the Rebel Conclave's argument, not making one
+himself.  He was obeying orders, under the protest of his fears.  And
+those fears forced his trembling pen to write the saving-clause which
+"qualifies" the Conclave's second-hand bluster preceding it.</p>
+
+<p>That the Rebels hoped for Northern assistance in case of Secession, is
+very clear from many speeches made prior to and soon after the election
+of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency&mdash;and from other sources of information.
+Thus we find in a speech made by Representative L. M. Keitt, of South
+Carolina, in Charleston, November, 1860, the following language,
+reported by the Mercury:</p>
+
+<p>"But we have been threatened.  Mr. Amos Kendall wrote a letter, in which
+he said to Colonel Orr, that if the State went out, three hundred
+thousand volunteers were ready to march against her.  I know little
+about Kendall&mdash;and the less the better.  He was under General Jackson;
+but for him the Federal treasury seemed to have a magnetic attraction.</p>
+
+<p>"Jackson was a pure man, but he had too many around him who made
+fortunes far transcending their salaries.  [Applause.]  And this Amos
+Kendall had the same good fortune under Van Buren.  He (Kendall)
+threatened us on the one side, and John Hickman on the other.  John
+Hickman said, defiantly, that if we went out of the Union, eighteen
+millions of Northern men would bring us back.</p>
+
+<p>"Let me tell you, there are a million of Democrats in the North who,
+when the Black Republicans attempt to march upon the South, will be
+found a wall of fire in the front.  [Cries of 'that's so,' and
+applause.]"</p>
+
+<p>Harper's Weekly of May 28, 1864, commenting on certain letters of M. F.
+Maury and others, then just come to light, said:</p>
+
+<p>"How far Maury and his fellow-conspirators were justified in their hopes
+of seducing New Jersey into the Rebellion, may be gathered from the
+correspondence that took place, in the spring of 1861, between
+Ex-Governor Price, of New Jersey, who was one of the representatives from
+that State in the Peace Congress, and L. W. Burnet, Esq., of Newark.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Price, in answering the question what ought New Jersey to do, says:
+'I believe the Southern confederation permanent.  The proceeding has
+been taken with forethought and deliberation&mdash;it is no hurried impulse,
+but an irrevocable act, based upon the sacred, as was supposed, equality
+of the States; and in my opinion every Slave State will in a short
+period of time be found united in one Confederacy.  * * *  Before that
+event happens, we cannot act, however much we may suffer in our material
+interests.  It is in that contingency, then, that I answer the second
+part of your question:&mdash;What position for New Jersey will best accord
+with her interests, honor, and the patriotic instincts of her people?  I
+say emphatically she would go with the South from every wise,
+prudential, and patriotic reason.'</p>
+
+<p>"Ex-Governor Price proceeds to say that he is confident the States of
+Pennsylvania and New York will 'choose also to cast their lot with the
+South, and after them, the Western and Northwestern States.'"</p>
+
+<p>The following resolution,* was adopted with others, by a meeting of
+Democrats held January 16, 1861, at National Hall, Philadelphia, and has
+been supposed to disclose "a plan, of which ex-Governor Price was likely
+aware:"</p>
+
+<p>"Twelfth&mdash;That in the deliberate judgment of the Democracy of
+Philadelphia, and, so far as we know it, of Pennsylvania, the
+dissolution of the Union by the separation of the whole South, a result
+we shall most sincerely lament, may release this Commonwealth to a large
+extent from the bonds which now connect her with the Confederacy, except
+so far as for temporary convenience she chooses to submit to them, and
+would authorize and require her citizens, through a Convention, to be
+assembled for that purpose, to determine with whom her lot should be
+cast, whether with the North and the East, whose fanaticism has
+precipitated this misery upon us, or with our brethren of the South,
+whose wrongs we feel as our own; or whether Pennsylvania should stand by
+herself, as a distinct community, ready when occasion offers, to bind
+together the broken Union, and resume her place of loyalty and
+devotion."</p>
+
+<p>Senator Lane of Oregon, replying to Senator Johnson of Tennessee,
+December 19, 1860, in the United States Senate, and speaking of and for
+the Northern Democracy, said:</p>
+
+<p>"They will not march with him under his bloody banner, or Mr. Lincoln's,
+to invade the soil of the gallant State of South Carolina, when she may
+withdraw from a Confederacy that has refused her that equality to which
+she is entitled, as a member of the Union, under the Constitution.  On
+the contrary, when he or any other gentleman raises that banner and
+attempts to subjugate that gallant people, instead of marching with him,
+we will meet him there, ready to repel him and his forces.  He shall not
+bring with him the Northern Democracy to strike down a people contending
+for rights that have been refused them in a Union that ought to
+recognize the equality of every member of the Confederacy.  * * *  I now
+serve notice that, when War is made upon that gallant South for
+withdrawing from a Union which refuses them their rights, the Northern
+Democracy will not join in the crusade.  THE REPUBLICAN PARTY WILL HAVE
+WAR ENOUGH AT HOME.  THE DEMOCRACY OF THE NORTH NEED NOT CROSS THE
+BORDER TO FIND AN ENEMY."</p>
+
+<p>The following letter from Ex-President Pierce is in the same misleading
+strain:</p>
+
+<p>"CLARENDON HOTEL, January 6, 1860.&mdash;[This letter was captured, at Jeff.
+Davis's house in Mississippi, by the Union troops.]</p>
+
+<p>"MY DEAR FRIEND:&mdash;I wrote you an unsatisfactory note a day or two since.
+I have just had a pleasant interview with Mr. Shepley, whose courage and
+fidelity are equal to his learning and talents.  He says he would rather
+fight the battle with you as the standard-bearer in 1860, than under the
+auspices of any other leader.  The feeling and judgment of Mr. S. in
+this relation is, I am confident, rapidly gaining ground in New England.
+Our people are looking for 'the coming man,' one who is raised by all
+the elements of his character above the atmosphere ordinarily breathed
+by politicians, a man really fitted for this exigency by his ability,
+courage, broad statesmanship, and patriotism.  Colonel Seymour (Thomas
+H.) arrived here this morning, and expressed his views in this relation
+in almost the identical language used by Mr. Shepley.</p>
+
+<p>"It is true that, in the present state of things at Washington and
+throughout the country, no man can predict what changes two or three
+months may bring forth.  Let me suggest that, in the running debates in
+Congress, full justice seems to me not to have been done to the
+Democracy of the North.  I do not believe that our friends at the South
+have any just idea of the state of feeling, hurrying at this moment to
+the pitch of intense exasperation, between those who respect their
+political obligations and those who have apparently no impelling power
+but that which fanatical passion on the subject of Domestic Slavery
+imparts.</p>
+
+<p>"Without discussing the question of right, of abstract power to Secede,
+I have never believed that actual disruption of the Union can occur
+without blood; and if, through the madness of Northern Abolitionism,
+that dire calamity must come, THE FIGHTING WILL NOT BE ALONG MASON'S AND
+DIXON'S LINE MERELY.  IT [WILL] BE WITHIN OUR OWN BORDERS, IN OUR OWN
+STREETS, BETWEEN THE TWO CLASSES OF CITIZENS TO WHOM I HAVE REFERRED.
+Those who defy law and scout Constitutional obligations will, if we ever
+reach the arbitrament of arms, FIND OCCUPATION ENOUGH AT HOME.</p>
+
+<p>"Nothing but the state of Mrs. Pierce's health would induce me to leave
+the Country now, although it is quite likely that my presence at home
+would be of little service.</p>
+
+<p>"I have tried to impress upon our people, especially in New Hampshire
+and Connecticut, where the only elections are to take place during the
+coming spring, that while our Union meetings are all in the right
+direction, and well enough for the present, they will not be worth the
+paper upon which their resolutions are written unless we can overthrow
+political Abolitionism at the polls and repeal the Unconstitutional and
+obnoxious laws which, in the cause of 'personal liberty,' have been
+placed upon our statute-books.  I shall look with deep interest, and not
+without hope, for a decided change in this relation.</p>
+
+<p>                    "Ever and truly your friend,
+                                        "FRANKLIN PIERCE.</p>
+
+<p>"Hon. JEFF. DAVIS,
+"Washington, D. C."</p>
+
+<p>
+But let us turn from contemplating the encouragements to Southern
+Treason and Rebellion, held out by Northern Democratic Copperheads, to
+the more pleasing spectacle of Loyalty and Patriotism exhibited by the
+Douglas wing of Democracy.</p>
+
+<p>Immediately after Sumter, and while the President was formulating his
+Message, calling for 75,000 volunteers, Douglas called upon him at the
+White House, regretted that Mr. Lincoln did not propose to call for
+thrice as many; and on the 18th of April, having again visited the White
+House, wrote, and gave the following dispatch to the Associated Press,
+for circulation throughout the Country:</p>
+
+<p>"April 18, 1861, Senator Douglas called on the President, and had an
+interesting conversation on the present condition of the Country.  The
+substance of it was, on the part of Mr. Douglas, that while he was
+unalterably opposed to the administration in all its political issues,
+he was prepared to fully sustain the President in the exercise of all
+his Constitutional functions, to preserve the Union, maintain the
+Government, and defend the Federal Capital.  A firm policy and prompt
+action was necessary.  The Capital was in danger and must be defended at
+all hazards, and at any expense of men and money.  He spoke of the
+present and future without any reference to the past."</p>
+
+<p>It is stated of this meeting and its immediate results: "The President
+was deeply gratified by the interview.  To the West, Douglas
+telegraphed, 'I am for my Country and against all its assailants.'  The
+fire of his patriotism spread to the masses of the North, and Democrat
+and Republican rallied to the support of the flag.  In Illinois the
+Democratic and Republican presses vied with each other in the utterance
+of patriotic sentiments.  * * *  Large and numerously attended Mass
+meetings met, as it were with one accord, irrespective of parties, and
+the people of all shades of political opinions buried their party
+hatchets.  Glowing and eloquent orators exhorted the people to ignore
+political differences in the present crisis, join in the common cause,
+and rally to the flag of the Union and the Constitution.  It was a noble
+truce.  From the many resolutions of that great outpouring of patriotic
+sentiment, which ignored all previous party ties, we subjoin the
+following:</p>
+
+<p>"'Resolved, that it is the duty of all patriotic citizens of Illinois,
+without distinction of party or sect, to sustain the Government through
+the peril which now threatens the existence of the Union; and of our
+Legislature to grant such aid of men and money as the exigency of the
+hour and the patriotism of our people shall demand.'</p>
+
+<p>"Governor Yates promptly issued his proclamation, dated the 15th of
+April, convening the Legislature for the 23rd inst. in Extraordinary
+Session.</p>
+
+<p>                     *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>"On the evening of the 25th of April, Mr. Douglas, who had arrived at
+the Capital the day before, addressed the General Assembly and a densely
+packed audience, in the Hall of Representatives, in that masterly
+effort, which must live and be enshrined in the hearts of his countrymen
+so long as our Government shall endure.  Douglas had ever delighted in
+the mental conflicts of Party strife; but now, when his Country was
+assailed by the red hand of Treason, he was instantly divested of his
+Party armor and stood forth panoplied only in the pure garb of a true
+Patriot.</p>
+
+<p>"He taught his auditory&mdash;he taught his Country, for his speeches were
+telegraphed all over it&mdash;the duty of patriotism at that perilous hour of
+the Nation's Life.  He implored both Democrats and Republicans to lay
+aside their Party creeds and Platforms; to dispense with Party
+Organizations and Party Appeals; to forget that they were ever divided
+until they had first rescued the Government from its assailants.  His
+arguments were clear, convincing, and unanswerable; his appeals for the
+Salvation of his Country, irresistible.  It was the last speech, but
+one, he ever made."</p>
+
+<p>Among other pithy and patriotic points made by him in that great speech
+&mdash;[July 9, 1861.]&mdash;were these: "So long as there was a hope of a
+peaceful solution, I prayed and implored for Compromise.  I have spared
+no effort for a peaceful solution of these troubles; I have failed, and
+there is but one thing to do&mdash;to rally under the flag."   "The South has
+no cause of complaint."  "Shall we obey the laws or adopt the Mexican
+system of War, on every election."  "Forget Party&mdash;all remember only
+your Country."  "The shortest road to Peace is the most tremendous
+preparation for War."  "It is with a sad heart and with a grief I have
+never before experienced, that I have to contemplate this fearful
+Struggle.  * * *  But it is our duty to protect the Government and the
+flag from every assailant, be he who he may."</p>
+
+<p>In Chicago, Douglas repeated his patriotic appeal for the preservation
+of the Union, and tersely declared that "There can be no Neutrals in
+this War&mdash;only Patriots and Traitors."  In that city he was taken with a
+mortal illness, and expired at the Tremont House, June 3, 1861&mdash;just one
+month prior to the meeting of the called Session of Congress.</p>
+
+<p>The wonderful influence wielded by Douglas throughout the North, was
+well described afterward by his colleague, Judge Trumbull, in the
+Senate, when he said: "His course had much to do in producing that
+unanimity in support of the Government which is now seen throughout the
+Loyal States.  The sublime spectacle of twenty million people rising as
+one man in vindication of Constitutional Liberty and Free Government,
+when assailed by misguided Rebels and plotting Traitors, is, to a
+considerable extent due to his efforts.  His magnanimous and patriotic
+course in this trying hour of his Country's destiny was the crowning act
+of his life."</p>
+
+<p>And Senator McDougall of California&mdash;his life-long friend&mdash;in describing
+the shock of the first intelligence that reached him, of his friend's
+sudden death, with words of even greater power, continued: "But, as,
+powerless for the moment to resist the tide of emotions, I bowed my head
+in silent grief, it came to me that the Senator had lived to witness the
+opening of the present unholy War upon our Government; that, witnessing
+it, from the Capital of his State, as his highest and best position, he
+had sent forth a War-cry worthy of that Douglass, who, as ancient
+legends tell, with the welcome of the knightly Andalusian King, was
+told,</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>               '"Take thou the leading of the van,
+               And charge the Moors amain;
+               There is not such a lance as thine
+               In all the hosts of Spain.'</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>"Those trumpet notes, with a continuous swell, are sounding still
+throughout all the borders of our Land.  I heard them upon the mountains
+and in the valleys of the far State whence I come.  They have
+communicated faith and strength to millions.  * * *  I ceased to grieve
+for Douglas.  The last voice of the dead Douglas I felt to be stronger
+than the voice of multitudes of living men."</p>
+
+<p>And here it may not be considered out of place for a brief reference to
+the writer's own position at this time; especially as it has been much
+misapprehended and misstated.  One of the fairest of these statements*
+runs thus:</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Lusk's History of the Politics of Illinois from 1856 to 1884, p.
+     175.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>"It is said that Logan did not approve the great speech made by Senator
+Douglas, at Springfield, in April, 1861, wherein he took the bold ground
+that in the contest which was then clearly imminent to him, between the
+North and the South, that there could be but two parties, Patriots and
+Traitors.  But granting that there was a difference between Douglas and
+Logan at that time, it did not relate to their adhesion to the Cause of
+their Country Logan had fought for the Union upon the plains of Mexico,
+and again stood ready to give his life, if need be, for his Country,
+even amid the cowardly slanders that were then following his pathway.</p>
+
+<p>"The difference between Douglas and Logan was this: Mr. Douglas was
+fresh from an extended campaign in the dissatisfied Sections of the
+Southern States, and he was fully apprised of their intention to attempt
+the overthrow of the Union, and was therefore in favor of the most
+stupendous preparations for War.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Logan, on the other hand, believed in exhausting all peaceable
+means before a resort to Arms, and in this he was like President
+Lincoln; but when he saw there was no alternative but to fight, he was
+ready and willing for armed resistance, and, resigning his seat in
+Congress, entered the Army, as Colonel of the Thirty-first Illinois
+Infantry, and remained in the field in active service until Peace was
+declared."</p>
+
+<p>This statement is, in the main, both fair and correct.</p>
+
+<p>It is no more correct, however, in intimating that "Logan did not
+approve the great speech made by Senator Douglas, at Springfield, in
+April, 1861, wherein he took the bold ground that in the contest which
+was then clearly imminent to him, between the North and the South, that
+there could be but two parties, Patriots and Traitors," than others have
+been in intimating that he was disloyal to the Union, prior to the
+breaking out of hostilities&mdash;a charge which was laid out flat in the
+Senate Chamber, April 19, 1881.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [In Dawson's Life of Logan, pp. 348-353, this matter is thus
+     alluded to:</p>
+
+<p>     "In an early part of this work the base charge that Logan was not
+     loyal before the War has been briefly touched on.  It may be well
+     here to touch on it more fully.  As was then remarked, the only man
+     that ever dared insinuate to Logan's face that he was a Secession
+     sympathizer before the War, was Senator Ben Hill of Georgia, in the
+     United States Senate Chamber, March 30, 1881; and Logan instantly
+     retorted: 'Any man who insinuates that I sympathized with it at
+     that time insinuates what is false,' and Senator Hill at once
+     retracted the insinuation."</p>
+
+<p>     "Subsequently, April 19, 1881, Senator Logan, in a speech,
+     fortified with indisputable record and documentary evidence,
+     forever set at rest the atrocious calumny.  From that record it
+     appears that on the 17th December, 1860, while still a Douglas
+     Democrat, immediately after Lincoln's election, and long before his
+     inauguration, and before even the first gun of the war was fired,
+     Mr. Logan, then a Representative in the House, voted affirmatively
+     on a resolution, offered by Morris of Illinois, which declared an
+     'immovable attachment' to 'our National Union,' and 'that it is our
+     patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in peace and our defense
+     in war;' that on the 7th January, 1861, Mr. Adrian having offered
+     the following 'Resolved, That we fully approve of the bold and
+     patriotic act of Major Anderson in withdrawing from Fort Moultrie
+     to Fort Sumter, and of the determination of the President to
+     maintain that fearless officer in his present position; and that we
+     will support the President in all constitutional measures to
+     enforce the laws and preserve the Union'&mdash;Mr. Logan, in casting his
+     vote, said: 'As the resolution receives my unqualified approval, I
+     vote Aye;' and that further on the 5th of February, 1861, before
+     the inauguration of President Lincoln, in a speech made by Logan in
+     the House in favor of the Crittenden Compromise measures, he used
+     the following language touching Secession:</p>
+
+<p>     "'Sir, I have always denied, and do yet deny, the right of
+     Secession.  There is no warrant for it in the Constitution.  It is
+     wrong, it is unlawful, unconstitutional, and should be called by
+     the right name&mdash;revolution.  No good, sir, can result from it, but
+     much mischief may.  It is no remedy for any grievances.  I hold
+     that all grievances can be much easier redressed inside the Union
+     than out of it.'</p>
+
+<p>     "In that same speech he also * * * said:</p>
+
+<p>     "'I have been taught that the preservation of this glorious Union,
+     with its broad flag waving over us as the shield for our protection
+     on land and on sea, is paramount to all the parties and platforms
+     that ever have existed or ever can exist.  I would, to day, if I
+     had the power, sink my own party and every other one, with all
+     their platforms, into the vortex of ruin, without heaving a sigh or
+     shedding a tear, to save the Union, or even stop the revolution
+     where it is.'</p>
+
+<p>     "In this most complete speech of vindication&mdash;which Senator Logan
+     said he put upon record, 'First, that my children, after me, may
+     not have these slanders thrown in their faces without the power of
+     dispelling or refuting them; and second, that they may endure in
+     this Senate Chamber, so that it may be a notice to Senators of all
+     parties and all creeds that hereafter, while I am here in the
+     Senate, no insinuation of that kind will be submitted to by 
+		 me'&mdash;the proofs of the falsity of the charge were piled mountain-high,
+     and among them the following voluntary statements from two
+     Democratic Senators, who were with him before the War, in the House
+     of Representatives:</p>
+
+<p>                    "'United States Senate Chamber,
+                         WASHINGTON, April 14, 1881.</p>
+
+<p>     "'DEAR SIR: In a discussion in the Senate a few weeks since you
+     referred to the fact that a Southern Senator, who had served with
+     you in Congress before the War, could testify that during your term
+     of service there you gave no encouragement to the Secession of the
+     Southern States, adding, however, that you did not ask such
+     testimony.  I was not sure at the time that your reference was to
+     me, as Senator Pugh of Alabama, was also a member of that Congress.</p>
+
+<p>     "'Since then, having learned that your reference was to me, I
+     propose on the floor of the Senate, should suitable occasion offer,
+     to state what I know of your position and views at the time
+     referred to.  But, as I may be absent from the Senate for some
+     time, I deem it best to give you this written statement, with full
+     authority to use it in any way that seems proper to you.</p>
+
+<p>     "'When you first came to Congress in&mdash;&mdash;, you were a very ardent
+     and impetuous Democrat.  In the division which took place between
+     Mr. Douglas and his friends, on the one hand, and the Southern
+     Democrats, on the other, you were a warm and uncompromising
+     supporter of Mr. Douglas; and in the course of that convention you
+     became somewhat estranged from your party associates in the South.
+     In our frequent discussions upon the subjects of difference, I
+     never heard a word of sympathy from your lips with Secession in
+     either theory or practice.  On the contrary, you were vehement in
+     your opposition to it.'</p>
+
+<p>     "'I remember well a conversation I had with you just before leaving
+     Washington to become a candidate for the Secession convention.  You
+     expressed the deep regret you felt at my proposed action, and
+     deplored the contemplated movement in terms as strong as any I
+     heard from any Republican.'
+                              Yours truly,
+                                   "'L. Q. C. LAMAR</p>
+
+<p>     "'Hon. JOHN A. LOGAN.
+     "United States Senate, Washington, D. C.'</p>
+
+<p>
+                              "Senate Chamber, April 14, 1881.</p>
+
+<p>     "'Having read the above statement of Senator Lamar, I fully concur
+     with him in my recollection of your expressions and action in
+     opposition to Secession.
+                         Truly yours,  J. L. PUGH.'</p>
+
+<p>     "At the conclusion of Senator Logan's speech of refutation, Senator
+     Brown of Georgia (Democrat) said:</p>
+
+<p>     "'Our newspapers may have misrepresented his position.  I am now
+     satisfied they did.  I have heard the Senator's statement with
+     great interest, and I take pleasure in saying&mdash;for I had some idea
+     before that there was some shadow of truth in this report&mdash;that I
+     think his vindication' is full, complete, and conclusive.'</p>
+
+<p>     "'I recollect very well during the war, when I was Governor of my
+     State and the Federal army was invading it, to have had a large
+     force of militia aiding the Confederate army, and that Gen. Logan
+     was considered by us as one of the ablest, most gallant, and
+     skillful leaders of the Federal army.  We had occasion to feel his
+     power, and we learned to respect him.'</p>
+
+<p>     "Senator Beck, of Kentucky (Democrat), referring to the fact that
+     he was kept out of the House at one time, and a great many
+     suggestions had been made to him as to General Logan, continued:</p>
+
+<p>     "'As I said the other day, I never proposed to go into such things,
+     and never have done so; but at that time General Frank Blair was
+     here, and I submitted many of the papers I received to him,&mdash;I
+     never thought of using any of them,&mdash;and I remember the remark that
+     he made to me: Beck, John Logan was one of the hardest fighters of
+     the war; and when many men who were seeking to whistle him down the
+     wind because of his politics when the war began, were snugly fixed
+     in safe places, he was taking his life in his hand wherever the
+     danger was greatest&mdash;and I tore up every paper I got, and burnt it
+     in the fire before his eyes.'</p>
+
+<p>     "Senator Dawes of Massachusetts (Republican), also took occasion to
+     say:</p>
+
+<p>     "Mr. President, I do not know that anything which can be said on
+     this side would be of any consequence to the Senator from Illinois
+     in this matter.  But I came into the House of Representatives at
+     the same session that the Senator did.</p>
+
+<p>     "'He was at that time one of the most intense of Democrats, and I
+     was there with him when the Rebellion first took root and
+     manifested itself in open and flagrant war; and I wish to say as a
+     Republican of that day, when the Senator from Illinois was a
+     Democrat, that at the earliest possible moment when the Republican
+     Party was in anxiety as to the position of the Northern Democracy
+     on the question of forcible assault on the Union, nothing did they
+     hail with more delight than the early stand which the Senator from
+     Illinois, from the Democratic side of the House, took upon the
+     question of resistance to the Government of the United States.</p>
+
+<p>     "I feel that it is right that I should state that he was among the
+     first, if not the very first, of the Northern Democrats who came
+     out openly and declared, whatever may have been their opinion about
+     the doctrines of the Republican Party, that when it came to a
+     question of forcible resistance, they should be counted on the side
+     of the Government, and in co-operation with the Republican Party in
+     the attempt to maintain its authority.'</p>
+
+<p>     "'I am very glad, whether it be of any service or not, to bear this
+     testimony to the early stand the Senator from Illinois took while
+     he was still a Democrat, and the large influence he exerted upon
+     the Northern Democracy, which kept it from being involved in the
+     condition and in the work of the Southern Democracy at that
+     time.'"]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>So far from this being the case, the fact is&mdash;and it is here mentioned
+in part to bring out the interesting point that, had he lived, Douglas
+would have been no idle spectator of the great War that was about to be
+waged&mdash;that when Douglas visited Springfield, Illinois, to make that
+great speech in the latter part of April, 1861, the writer went there
+also, to see and talk over with him the grave situation of affairs, not
+only in the Nation generally, but particularly in Illinois.  And on that
+occasion Mr. Douglas said to him, substantially: "The time has now
+arrived when a man must be either for or against his Country.  Indeed so
+strongly do I feel this, and that further dalliance with this question
+is useless, that I shall myself take steps to join the Array, and fight
+for the maintenance of the Union."</p>
+
+<p>To this the writer replied that he was "equally well convinced that each
+and every man must take his stand," and that he also "purposed at an
+early day to raise a Regiment and draw the sword in that Union's
+defense."</p>
+
+<p>This was after Sumter, and only seventy days before Congress was to meet
+in Called Session.  When that session met, Douglas had, weeks before,
+gone down to the grave amid the tears of a distracted Nation, with the
+solemn injunction upon his dying lips: "Obey the Laws and Defend the
+Constitution"&mdash;and the writer had returned to Washington, to take his
+seat in Congress, with that determination still alive in his heart.</p>
+
+<p>In fact there had been all along, substantial accord between Mr. Douglas
+and the writer.  There really was no "difference between Douglas and
+Logan" as to "preparations for War," or in "exhausting all Peaceable
+means before a resort to Arms," and both were in full accord with
+President Lincoln on these points.</p>
+
+<p>Let us see if this is not of record: Take the writer's speech in the
+House of Representatives, February 5, 1861, and it will be seen that he
+said: "I will go as far as any man in the performance of a
+Constitutional duty to put down Rebellion, to suppress Insurrection, and
+to enforce the Laws."  Again, he said, "If all the evils and calamities
+that have ever happened since the World began, could be gathered in one
+Great Catastrophe, its horrors could not eclipse, in their frightful
+proportions, the Drama that impends over us."</p>
+
+<p>From these extracts it is plain enough that even at this very early day
+the writer fully understood the "frightful proportions" of the impending
+struggle, and would "go as far as"&mdash;not only Mr. Douglas, but&mdash;"any man,
+to put down Rebellion"&mdash;which necessarily involved War, and
+"preparations for War."  But none the less, but rather the more, because
+of the horrors which he foresaw must be inseparable from so terrible a
+War, was he anxious by timely mutual Concessions&mdash;"by any sacrifice," as
+he termed it&mdash;if possible, to avert it.</p>
+
+<p>He was ready to sink Party, self, and to accept any of the Propositions
+to that end&mdash;Mr. Douglas's among them.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [See his speech of February 5, 1861, Congressional Globe]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>In this attitude also he was in accord with Mr. Douglas, who, as well as
+the writer, was ready to make any sacrifice, of Party or self; to
+"exhaust every effort at peaceful adjustment," before resorting to War.
+The fact is they were much of the time in consultation, and always in
+substantial accord.</p>
+
+<p>In a speech made in the Senate, March 15, 1861, Mr. Douglas had reduced
+the situation to the following three alternative points:</p>
+
+<p>"1. THE RESTORATION AND PRESERVATION OF THE UNION by such Amendments to
+the Constitution as will insure the domestic tranquillity, safety, and
+equality of all the States, and thus restore peace, unity, and
+fraternity, to the whole Country.</p>
+
+<p>"2. A PEACEFUL DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION by recognizing the Independence
+of such States as refuse to remain in the Union without such
+Constitutional Amendments, and the establishment of a liberal system of
+commercial and social intercourse with them by treaties of commerce and
+amity.</p>
+
+<p>"3. WAR, with a view to the subjugation and military occupation of those
+States which have Seceded or may Secede from the Union."</p>
+
+<p>As a thorough Union man, he could never have agreed to a "Peaceful
+Dissolution of the Union."  On the other hand he was equally averse to
+War, because he held that "War is Disunion.  War is final, eternal
+Separation."  Hence, all his energies and talents were given to carrying
+out his first-stated line of policy, and to persuading the Seceders to
+accept what in that line was offered to them by the dominant party.</p>
+
+<p>His speech in the Senate, March 25, 1861, was a remarkable effort in
+that respect.  Mr. Breckinridge had previously spoken, and had declared
+that: "Whatever settlement may be made of other questions, this must be
+settled upon terms that will give them [the Southern States] either a
+right, in common with others, to emigrate into all the territory, or
+will secure to them their rights on a principle of equitable division."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Douglas replied: "Now, under the laws as they stand, in every
+Territory of the United States, without any exception, a Southern man
+can go with his Slave-property on equal terms with all other property.
+* * *  Every man, either from the North or South, may go into the
+Territories with his property on terms of exact equality, subject to the
+local law; and Slave-property stands on an equal footing with all other
+kinds of property in the Territories of the United States.  It now
+stands on an equal footing in all the Territories for the first time.</p>
+
+<p>"I have shown you that, up to 1859, little more than a year ago, it was
+prohibited in part of the Territories.  It is not prohibited anywhere
+now.  For the first time, under Republican rule, the Southern States
+have secured that equality of rights in the Territories for their
+Slave-property which they have been demanding so long."</p>
+
+<p>He held that the doctrine of Congressional prohibition in all the
+Territories, as incorporated in the Wilmot proviso, had now been
+repudiated by the Republicans of both Houses of Congress, who had "all
+come over to Non-intervention and Popular Sovereignty;" that the "Wilmot
+proviso is given up; that Congressional prohibition is given up; that
+the aggressive policy is repudiated; and hereafter the Southern man and
+the Northern man may move into the Territories with their Property on
+terms of entire equality, without excepting Slaves or any other kind of
+property."</p>
+
+<p>Continuing, he said: "What more do the Southern States want?  What more
+can any man demand?  Non-intervention is all you asked.  Will it be said
+the South required in addition to this, laws of Congress to protect
+Slavery in the Territories?  That cannot be said; for only last May, the
+Senate, by a nearly unanimous vote&mdash;a unanimous vote of the Southern
+men, with one or two exceptions&mdash;declared that affirmative legislation
+was not needed at this time.  * * * What cause is there for further
+alarm in the Southern States, so far as the Territories are concerned?
+* * *</p>
+
+<p>"I repeat, the South has got all they ever claimed in all the
+Territories.  * * *  Then, sir, according to law, the Slaveholding
+States have got equality in the Territories.  How is it in fact.  * * *
+Now, I propose to show that they have got the actual equitable
+partition, giving them more than they were disposed to demand.</p>
+
+<p>"The Senator from Kentucky, * * *  Mr. Crittenden, introduced a
+proposition for an equitable partition.  That proposition was, that
+north of 36  30' Slavery should be prohibited, and South of it should be
+protected, by Territorial law.  * * *  What is now the case?  It is true
+the Crittenden proposition has not yet become part of the Constitution;
+but it is also true that an equitable partition has been made by the
+vote of the people themselves, establishing, maintaining, and protecting
+Slavery in every inch of territory South of the thirty-seventh parallel,
+giving the South half a degree more than the Crittenden Proposition.</p>
+
+<p>"There stands your Slave-code in New Mexico protecting Slavery up to the
+thirty-seventh degree as effectually as laws can be made to protect it.
+There it stands the Law of the Land.  Therefore the South has all below
+the thirty-seventh parallel, while Congress has not prohibited Slavery
+even North of it.</p>
+
+<p>                    *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>"What more, then, is demanded?  Simply that a Constitutional Amendment
+shall be adopted, affirming&mdash;what?  Precisely what every Republican in
+both Houses of Congress has voted for within a month.  Just do, by
+Constitutional Amendment, what you have voted in the Senate and House of
+Representatives, that is all.  You are not even required to do that, but
+merely to vote for a proposition submitting the question to the People
+of the States whether they will make a Constitutional Amendment
+affirming the equitable partition of the Territories which the People
+have already made.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"You may ask, why does the South want us to do it by Constitutional
+Amendment, when we have just done it voluntarily by Law?  The President
+of the United States, in his Inaugural, has told you the reason.  He has
+informed you that all of these troubles grow out of the absence of a
+Constitutional provision defining the power of Congress over the subject
+of Slavery.  * * *  He thinks that the trouble has arisen from the
+absence of such a Constitutional Provision, and suggests a National
+Convention to enable the People to supply the defect, leaving the People
+to say what it is, instead of dictating to them what it shall be."</p>
+
+<p>It may here be remarked that while Mr. Douglas held that "So far as the
+doctrine of Popular Sovereignty and Nonintervention is concerned, the
+Colorado Bill, the Nevada Bill, and the Dakota Bill, are identically the
+same with the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and in its precise language"&mdash;these
+former Bills having been passed at the last Session of the 36th
+Congress&mdash;the Republicans, on the contrary, held that neither in these
+nor other measures had they abandoned any distinctive Republican
+principle; while Breckinridge declared that they had passed those
+Territorial Bills, without the Wilmot proviso, because they felt
+perfectly secure in those Territories, with all the Federal patronage in
+Republican hands.</p>
+
+<p>However that may be, we have here, brought out in strong contrast, the
+conciliatory feeling which inspired such Union men as Douglas, and the
+strong and persistent efforts they made in behalf of Concession and
+Peace up to a period only a few weeks before the bombardment of Sumter;
+and the almost total revulsion in their sentiments after that event, as
+to the only proper means to preserve the Union.  For it was only then
+that the truth, as it fell from Douglas's lips at Springfield, was fully
+recognized, to wit: that there was no half-way ground betwixt Patriotism
+and Treason; that War was an existing fact; and that Patriots must arm
+to defend and preserve the Union against the armed Traitors assailing
+it.</p>
+
+<p>At last, July 4, 1861, the Congress met, and proceeded at once with
+commendable alacrity and patriotism, to the consideration and enactment
+of measures sufficient to meet the extraordinary exigency, whether as
+regards the raising and equipment of the vast bodies of Union volunteers
+needed to put down Rebellion, or in the raising of those enormous
+amounts of money which the Government was now, or might thereafter be,
+called upon to spend like water in preserving the Union.</p>
+
+<p>It was at this memorable Session, of little over one month, that the
+chief of the great "War Measures" as they were termed, were enacted.</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="virginia"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p274-map.jpg (153K)" src="images/p274-map.jpg" height="797" width="637">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+
+<a name="ch13"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+<center>
+<h2>
+                              CHAPTER XIII.<br><br>
+
+                  THE STORM OF BATTLE.<br>
+</h2>
+</center>
+
+
+<p>We have seen how Fort Sumter fell; how the patriotic North responded to
+President Lincoln's Call, for 75,000 three-months volunteers, with such
+enthusiasm that, had there been a sufficiency of arms and accoutrements,
+he might have had, within three months of that Call, an Army of 500,000
+men in the field; how he had called for 42,000 three-years volunteers
+early in May, besides swelling what little there was of a regular Army
+by ten full regiments; and how a strict blockade of the entire Southern
+Coast-line had not only been declared, but was now enforced and
+respected.</p>
+
+<p>General Butler, promoted Major-General for his Military successes at
+Annapolis and Baltimore, was now in command of Fortress Monroe and
+vicinity, with some 12,000 volunteers under him, confronted, on the
+Peninsula, by a nearly equal number of Rebel troops, under Generals
+Huger and Magruder&mdash;General Banks, with less than 10,000 Union troops,
+occupying Baltimore, and its vicinage.</p>
+
+<p>General Patterson, with some 20,000 Union troops&mdash;mostly Pennsylvania
+militia&mdash;was at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, with about an equal number
+of the Enemy, under General Joseph E. Johnston, at Harper's Ferry, on
+the Potomac, watching him.</p>
+
+<p>Some 50,000 Union troops were in camp, in and about Washington, on the
+Virginia side, under the immediate command of Generals McDowell and
+Mansfield&mdash;Lieutenant General Scott, at Washington, being in
+Chief-command of the Union Armies&mdash;and, confronting these Union forces, in
+Virginia, near the National Capital, were some 30,000 Rebel troops under
+the command of General Beauregard, whose success in securing the
+evacuation of Fort Sumter by its little garrison of half-starved Union
+soldiers, had magnified him, in the eyes of the rebellious South, into
+the proportions of a Military genius of the first order.</p>
+
+<p>There had been no fighting, nor movements, worthy of special note, until
+June 7th, when General Patterson advanced from Chambersburg,
+Pennsylvania, to Hagerstown, Maryland.  General Johnston at once
+evacuated Harper's Ferry, and retreated upon Winchester, Virginia.</p>
+
+<p>General McClellan, in command of the Department of the Ohio, had,
+however, crossed the Ohio river, and by the 4th of July, being at
+Grafton, West Virginia, with his small Army of Union troops, to which a
+greatly inferior Rebel force was opposed, commenced that successful
+advance against it, which led, after Bull Run, to his being placed at
+the head of all the Armies of the United States.</p>
+
+<p>Subsequently Patterson crossed the Potomac, and after trifling away over
+one month's time, at last, on the 15th of July, got within nine miles of
+Winchester and Johnston's Army.  Barring a spiritless reconnaissance,
+Patterson&mdash;who was a fervent Breckinridge-Democrat in politics, and
+whose Military judgment, as we shall see, was greatly influenced, if not
+entirely controlled, by his Chief of staff, Fitz John Porter&mdash;never got
+any nearer to the Enemy!</p>
+
+<p>Instead of attacking the Rebel force, under Johnston, or at least
+keeping it "employed," as he was ordered to do by General Scott; instead
+of getting nearer, and attempting to get between Winchester and the
+Shenandoah River, as was suggested to him by his second in command,
+General Sanford; and instead of permitting Sanford to go ahead, as that
+General desired to, with his own 8,000 men, and do it himself; General
+Patterson ordered him off to Charlestown&mdash;twelve miles to the Union left
+and rear,&mdash;and then took the balance of his Army, with himself, to the
+same place!</p>
+
+<p>In other words, while he had the most positive and definite orders, from
+General Scott, if not to attack and whip Johnston, to at least keep him
+busy and prevent that Rebel General from forming a junction, via the
+Manassas Gap railroad or otherwise, with Beauregard, Patterson
+deliberately moved his Army further away from Winchester and gave to the
+Enemy the very chance of escaping and forming that junction which was
+essential to Rebel success in the vicinity of Manassas.</p>
+
+<p>But for this disobedience of orders, Bull Run would doubtless have been
+a great victory to the Union Arms, instead of a reverse, and the War,
+which afterward lasted four years, might have been over in as many
+months.</p>
+
+<p>It is foreign to the design of this work, to present in it detailed
+descriptions of the battles waged during the great War of the Rebellion
+&mdash;it being the present intention of the writer, at some later day, to
+prepare and publish another work devoted to such stirring Military
+scenes.  Yet, as it might seem strange and unaccountable for him to pass
+by, at this time, without any description or comment, the first pitched
+battle of the Rebellion, he is constrained to pause and view that
+memorable contest.  And first, it may be well to say a word of the
+general topography of the country about the battle-field.</p>
+
+<p>The Alleghany Mountains, or that part of them with which we have now to
+do, stretch in three almost equidistant parallel ridges, from North-East
+to South-West, through the heart of Old Virginia.  An occasional pass,
+or "Gap," through these ridges, affords communication, by good roads,
+between the enclosed parallel valleys and the Eastern part of that
+State.</p>
+
+<p>The Western of these Alleghany ridges bears the name of "Alleghany
+Mountains" proper; the Eastern is called the "Blue Ridge;" while the
+Middle Ridge, at its Northern end&mdash;which rests upon the Potomac, where
+that river sweeps through three parallel ridges almost at right angles
+to their own line of direction&mdash;is called the "Great North Mountain."</p>
+
+<p>The valley, between the Middle Ridge and the Blue Ridge, is known as the
+Shenandoah Valley, taking its name from the Shenandoah River, which, for
+more than one hundred miles, flows along the Western foot of the Blue
+Ridge, toward the North-East, until it empties into the Potomac, at
+Harper's Ferry.</p>
+
+<p>The Orange and Alexandria railroad runs from Alexandria,&mdash;on the
+opposite bank of the Potomac from Washington, and a few miles below the
+Capital,&mdash;in a general Southeasterly direction, to Culpepper
+Court-House; thence Southerly to Gordonsville, where it joins the Virginia
+Central&mdash;the Western branch of which runs thence through Charlotteville,
+Staunton, and Covington, across the ridges and valleys of the
+Alleghanies, while its Eastern branch, taking a general South-easterly
+direction, crosses the Richmond and Fredricksburg railroad at Hanover
+Junction, some twenty miles North of Richmond, and thence sweeps
+Southerly to the Rebel capital.</p>
+
+<p>It is along this Easterly branch of the Virginia Central that Rebel
+re-enforcements will be hurried to Beauregard, from Richmond to
+Gordonsville, and thence, by the Orange and Alexandria railroad, to
+Manassas Junction.</p>
+
+<p>Some twenty-five miles from Alexandria, a short railroad-feeder&mdash;which
+runs from Strasburg, in the Shenandoah Valley, through the Blue Ridge,
+at Manassas Gap, in an East-South-easterly direction&mdash;strikes the
+Alexandria and Orange railroad.  The point of contact is Manassas
+Junction; and it is along this Manassas-Gap feeder that Johnston, with
+his Army at Winchester&mdash;some twenty miles North-North-East of
+Strasburg&mdash;expects, in case of attack by Patterson, to be re-enforced by
+Beauregard; or, in case the latter is assailed, to go to his assistance,
+after shaking off Patterson.</p>
+
+<p>This little link of railroad, known as the Manassas Gap railroad, is
+therefore an important factor in the game of War, now commencing in
+earnest; and it had, as we shall see, very much to do, not only with the
+advance of McDowell's Union Army upon Bull Run, but also with the result
+of the first pitched battle thereabout fought.</p>
+
+<p>From Alexandria, some twelve miles to the Westward, runs a fine turnpike
+road to Fairfax Court-House; thence, continuing Westward, but gradually
+and slightly dipping award the South, it passes through Germantown,
+Centreville, and Groveton, to Warrenton.</p>
+
+<p>This "Warrenton Pike"&mdash;as it is termed&mdash;also plays a somewhat
+conspicuous part, before, during, and after the Battle of Bull Run.  For
+most of its length, from Fairfax Court-House to Warrenton, the Warrenton
+Pike pursues a course almost parallel with the Orange and Alexandria
+railroad aforesaid, while the stream of Bull Run, pursuing a
+South-easterly course, has a general direction almost parallel with that of
+the Manassas Gap railroad.</p>
+
+<p>We shall find that it is the diamond-shaped parallelogram, formed by the
+obtuse angle junction of the two railroads on the South, and the
+similarly obtuse-angled crossing of the stream of Bull Run by the
+Warrenton Pike on the North, that is destined to become the historic
+battle-field of the first "Bull Run," or "Manassas;" and it is in the
+Northern obtuse-angle of this parallelogram that the main fighting is
+done, upon a spot not much more than one mile square, three sides of the
+same being bounded respectively by the Bull Run stream, the Warrenton
+Pike, which crosses it on a stone bridge, and the Sudley Springs road,
+which crosses the Pike, at right-angles to it, near a stone house.</p>
+
+<p>On the 3rd of June, 1861, General McDowell, in command of the Department
+of North-Eastern Virginia, with head-quarters at Arlington, near
+Washington, receives from Colonel Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General
+with Lieutenant-General Scott&mdash;who is in Chief command of all the Union
+Forces, with Headquarters at Washington&mdash;a brief but pregnant
+communication, the body of which runs thus: "General Scott desires you
+to submit an estimate of the number and composition of a column to be
+pushed toward Manassas Junction, and perhaps the Gap, say in four or
+five days, to favor Patterson's attack on Harper's Ferry.  The rumor is
+that Arlington Heights will be attacked to-night."</p>
+
+<p>In response to this request, General McDowell submits, on the day
+following, an estimate that "the actual entire force at the head of the
+column should, for the purpose of carrying the position at Manassas and
+of occupying both the road to Culpepper, and the one to the Gap, be as
+much as 12,000 Infantry, two batteries of regular Artillery, and from
+six to eight companies of Cavalry, with an available reserve, ready to
+move forward from Alexandria by rail, of 5,000 Infantry and one heavy
+field battery, rifled if possible; these numbers to be increased or
+diminished as events may indicate."  This force of raw troops he
+proposes to organize into field brigades under the command of "active
+and experienced colonels" of the regular Army.  And while giving this
+estimate as to the number of troops necessary, he suggestively adds that
+"in proportion to the numbers used will be the lives saved; and as we
+have such numbers pressing to be allowed to serve, might it not be well
+to overwhelm and conquer as much by the show of force as by the use of
+it?"</p>
+
+<p>Subsequently McDowell presents to General Scott, and Mr. Lincoln's
+Cabinet, a project of advance and attack, which is duly approved and
+ordered to be put in execution.  In that project or plan of operations,
+submitted by verbal request of General Scott, near the end of June,&mdash;the
+success of which is made contingent upon Patterson's holding Johnston
+engaged at Winchester in the Shenandoah Valley, and also upon Butler's
+holding the Rebel force near Fortress Monroe from coming to Beauregard's
+aid at Manassas Junction,&mdash;McDowell estimates Beauregard's strength at
+25,000, with a possible increase, bringing it up to 35,000 men.  The
+objective point in McDowell's plan, is Manassas Junction, and he
+proposes "to move against Manassas with a force of 30,000 of all arms,
+organized into three columns, with a reserve of 10,000."</p>
+
+<p>McDowell is fully aware that the Enemy has "batteries in position at
+several places in his front, and defensive works on Bull Run, and
+Manassas Junction."  These batteries he proposes to turn.  He believes
+Bull Run to be "fordable at almost anyplace,"&mdash;an error which ultimately
+renders his plan abortive,&mdash;and his proposition is, after uniting his
+columns on the Eastern side of Bull Run, "to attack the main position by
+turning it, if possible, so as to cut off communications by rail with
+the South, or threaten to do so sufficiently to force the Enemy to leave
+his intrenchments to guard them."</p>
+
+<p>In other words, assuming the Enemy driven back, by minor flanking
+movements, or otherwise, upon his intrenched position at Bull Run, or
+Manassas, the plan is to turn his right, destroy the Orange and
+Alexandria railroad leading South, and the bridge at Bristol, so as to
+cut off his supplies.  This done, the Enemy&mdash;if nothing worse ensues for
+him&mdash;will be in a "bad box."</p>
+
+<p>McDowell, however, has no idea that the Enemy will stand still to let
+this thing be done.  On the contrary, he is well satisfied that
+Beauregard will accept battle on some chosen ground between Manassas
+Junction and Washington.</p>
+
+<p>On the afternoon of Tuesday, the 16th of July, the advance of McDowell's
+Army commences.  That Army is organized into five divisions&mdash;four of
+which accompany McDowell, while a fifth is left to protect the defensive
+works of Washington, on the South bank of the Potomac.  This latter, the
+Fourth Division, commanded by Brigadier-General Theodore Runyon,
+comprises eight unbrigaded New Jersey regiments of (three months, and
+three years) volunteers&mdash;none of which take part in the ensuing
+conflicts-at-arms.</p>
+
+<p>The moving column consists of the First Division, commanded by
+Brigadier-General Daniel Tyler, comprising four brigades, respectively
+under Brigadier-General R.  C. Schenck, and Colonels E. D. Keyes, W. T.
+Sherman, and I. B. Richardson; the Second Division, commanded by Colonel
+David Hunter, comprising two brigades, under Colonels Andrew Porter and
+A. E. Burnside respectively; the Third Division, commanded by Colonel S.
+P. Heintzelman, comprising three brigades, under Colonels W. B.
+Franklin, O. B. Wilcox, and O. O. Howard, respectively; and the Fifth
+Division, commanded by Colonel Dixon S. Miles, comprising two brigades,
+under Colonels Lewis Blenker, and Thomas A.  Davies, respectively.</p>
+
+<p>Tyler's Division leads the advance, moving along the Leesburg road to
+Vienna, on our right, with orders to cross sharply to its left, upon
+Fairfax Court House, the following (Wednesday) morning.  Miles's
+Division follows the turnpike road to Annandale, and then moves, by the
+Braddock road,&mdash;along which Braddock, a century before, had marched his
+doomed army to disaster,&mdash;upon Fairfax Court House, then known to be
+held by Bonham's Rebel Brigade of South Carolinians.  Hunter follows
+Miles, to Annandale, and thence advances direct upon Fairfax, by the
+turnpike road&mdash;McDowell's idea being to bag Bonham's Brigade, if
+possible, by a simultaneous attack on the front and both flanks.  But
+the advance is too slow, and the Enemy's outposts, both there and
+elsewhere, have ample opportunity of falling safely back upon their main
+position, behind the stream of Bull Run.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [McDowell in his testimony before the "Committee on the Conduct of
+     the War," said: "At Fairfax Court House was the South Carolina
+     Brigade.  And I do not suppose anything would have had a greater
+     cheering effect upon the troops, and perhaps upon the Country, than
+     the capture of that brigade.  And if General Tyler could have got
+     down there any time in the forenoon instead of in the afternoon,
+     the capture of that brigade was beyond question.  It was about
+     5,000 or 6,000 men, and Tyler had 12,000, at the same time that we
+     were pressing on in front.  He did not get down there until in the
+     afternoon; none of us got forward in time."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>This slowness is due to various causes.  There is a pretty general
+dread, for example, among our troops, of threatened ambuscades, and
+hence the advance is more cautious than it otherwise would be.  It is
+thought the part of wisdom, as it were, to "feel the way."  The
+marching, moreover, is new to our troops.  General Scott had checked
+McDowell when the latter undertook to handle eight regiments together,
+near Washington, by intimating that he was "trying to make a show."
+Thus the very essential knowledge of how to manoeuvre troops in large
+bodies, has been withheld from our Union generals, while the volunteer
+regiments have either rusted in camp from inaction, or have been denied
+the opportunity of acquiring that endurance and hardiness and discipline
+which frequent movement of troops confers.  Hence, all unused to the
+discipline of the march, every moment some one falls out of line to
+"pick blackberries, or to get water."  Says McDowell, in afterward
+reporting this march: "They would not keep in the ranks, order as much
+as you pleased.  When they came where water was fresh, they would pour
+the old water out of their canteens and fill them with fresh water; they
+were not used to denying themselves much."</p>
+
+<p>Meantime, Heintzelman's Division is also advancing, by cross-roads, more
+to the left and South of the railroad line,&mdash;in accordance with
+McDowell's plan, which comprehends not only the bagging of Bonham, but
+an immediate subsequent demonstration, by Tyler, upon Centreville and
+beyond, while Heintzelman, supported by Hunter and Miles, shall swoop
+across Bull Run, at Wolf Run Shoals, some distance below Union Mills,
+turn the Enemy's right, and cut off his Southern line of railroad
+communications.  Thus, by the evening of Wednesday, the 17th,
+Heintzelman is at Sangster's Station, while Tyler, Miles, and Hunter,
+are at Fairfax.</p>
+
+<p>It is a rather rough experience that now befalls the Grand Army of the
+Union.  All unused, as we have seen, to the fatigues and other hardships
+of the march, the raw levies, of which it almost wholly consists, which
+started bright and fresh, strong and hopeful, full of the buoyant ardor
+of enthusiastic patriotism, on that hot July afternoon, only some thirty
+hours back, are now dust-begrimed, footsore, broken down, exhausted by
+the scorching sun, hungry, and without food,&mdash;for they have wasted the
+rations with which they started, and the supply-trains have not yet
+arrived.  Thus, hungry and physically prostrated, "utterly played out,"
+as many of them confess, and demoralized also by straggling and loss of
+organization, they bivouac that night in the woods, and dream uneasy
+dreams beneath the comfortless stars.</p>
+
+<p>A mile beyond Fairfax Court House, on the Warrenton Turnpike, is
+Germantown.  It is here that Tyler's Division has rested, on the night
+of the 17th.  At 7 o'clock on the morning of Thursday, the 18th, in
+obedience to written orders from McDowell, it presses forward, on that
+"Pike," to Centreville, five miles nearer to the Enemy's position behind
+Bull Run&mdash;Richardson's Brigade in advance&mdash;and, at 9 o'clock, occupies
+it.  Here McDowell has intended Tyler to remain, in accordance with the
+plan, which he has imparted to him in conversation, and in obedience to
+the written instructions to: "Observe well the roads to Bull Run and to
+Warrenton.  Do not bring on an engagement, but keep up the impression
+that we are moving on Manassas,"&mdash;this advance, by way of Centreville,
+being intended solely as a "demonstration" to mask the real movement,
+which, as we have seen, is to be made by the other divisions across Wolf
+Run Shoals, a point on Bull Run, some five or six miles below Union
+Mills, and some seven miles below Blackburn's Ford.</p>
+
+<p>Upon the arrival of Richardson's Brigade, Thursday morning, at
+Centreville, it is found that, under cover of the darkness of the
+previous night, the Enemy has retreated, in two bodies, upon Bull Run,
+the one along the Warrenton Pike, the other (the largest) down the
+ridge-road from Centreville to Blackburn's Ford.  Richardson's Brigade
+at once turns down the latter road and halts about a mile beyond
+Centreville, at a point convenient to some springs of water.  Tyler soon
+afterward rides up, and, taking from that brigade two companies of light
+Infantry and a squadron of Cavalry, proceeds, with Colonel Richardson,
+to reconnoitre the Enemy, finding him in a strong position on the
+opposite bank of Bull Run, at Blackburn's Ford.</p>
+
+<p>While this is going on, McDowell has ridden in a Southerly direction
+down to Heintzelman's Division, at Sangster's Station, "to make
+arrangements to turn the Enemy's right, and intercept his communications
+with the South," but has found, owing to the narrowness and crookedness
+of the roads, and the great distance that must be traversed in making
+the necessary detour, that his contemplated movement is too risky to be
+ventured.  Hence he at once abandons his original plan of turning the
+Enemy's right, and determines on "going around his left, where the
+country is more open, and the roads broad and good."</p>
+
+<p>McDowell now orders a concentration, for that night, of the four
+divisions, with two days cooked rations in their haversacks, upon and
+about Centreville,&mdash;the movement to commence as soon as they shall
+receive expected commissariat supplies.  But, later on the 
+18th,&mdash;learning that his advance, under Tyler, has, against orders, become
+engaged with the Enemy&mdash;he directs the concentration to be made at once.</p>
+
+<p>Let us examine, for a moment, how this premature engagement comes about.
+We left Tyler, accompanied by Richardson, with a squadron of Cavalry and
+a battalion of light Infantry making a reconnaissance, on Thursday
+morning the 18th, toward Blackburn's Ford.  They approach within a mile
+of the ford, when they discover a Rebel battery on the farther bank of
+Bull Run&mdash;so placed as to enfilade the road descending from their own
+position of observation down to the ford,&mdash;strong Rebel infantry pickets
+and skirmishing parties being in front.</p>
+
+<p>Tyler at once orders up his two rifled guns, Ayres' Battery, and
+Richardson's entire Brigade&mdash;and later, Sherman's Brigade as a reserve.
+As soon as they come up,&mdash;about noon&mdash;he orders the rifled guns into
+battery on the crest of the hill, about one mile from, and looking down
+upon, the Rebel battery aforesaid, and opens upon the Enemy; giving him
+a dozen shells,&mdash;one of them making it lively for a body of Rebel
+Cavalry which appears between the ford and Manassas.</p>
+
+<p>The Rebel battery responds with half a dozen shots, and then ceases.
+Tyler now orders Richardson to advance his brigade and throw out
+skirmishers to scour the thick woods which cover the Bull Run
+bottom-land.  Richardson at once rapidly deploys the battalion of light
+Infantry as skirmishers in advance of his brigade, pushes them forward
+to the edge of the woods, drives in the skirmishers of the Enemy in fine
+style, and supports their further advance into the woods, with the 1st
+Massachusetts Regiment.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile Tyler, discovering a favorable opening in the woods, "low down
+on the bottom of the stream," for a couple of howitzers in battery,
+sends Captain Ayres of the 5th U. S. Artillery, and a detached section
+(two 12-pound howitzers) of his battery, with orders to post it himself
+on that spot, and sends Brackett's squadron of the 2d Cavalry to his
+support.</p>
+
+<p>No sooner does Ayres open fire on the Enemy, than he awakens a Rebel
+hornet's-nest.  Volley after volley of musketry shows that the Bull Run
+bottom fairly swarms with Rebel troops, while another Rebel battery,
+more to the Rebel right, opens, with that already mentioned, a
+concentrated cross-fire upon him.</p>
+
+<p>And now Richardson orders up the 12th New York, Colonel Walrath, to the
+left of our battery.  Forming it into line-of-battle, Richardson orders
+it to charge through the woods upon the Enemy.  Gallantly the regiment
+moves forward, after the skirmishers, into the woods, but, being met by
+a very heavy fire of musketry and artillery along the whole line of the
+Enemy's position, is, for the most part, thrown back in confusion&mdash;a
+mere fragment* remaining in line, and retreating,&mdash;while the howitzers,
+and Cavalry also, are withdrawn.</p>
+
+<p>Meantime, however, Richardson has ordered up, and placed in
+line-of-battle, on the right of our battery, the 1st Massachusetts, the 2d
+Michigan (his own), and the 3d Michigan.  The skirmishers in the woods
+still bravely hold their ground, undercover, and these three regiments
+are plucky, and anxious to assault the Enemy.  Richardson proposes to
+lead them in a charge upon the Enemy's position, and drive him out of
+it; but Tyler declines to give permission, on the ground that this being
+"merely a reconnaissance," the object of which&mdash;ascertaining the
+strength and position of the Enemy&mdash;having been attained, a further
+attack is unnecessary.  He therefore orders Richardson to "fall back in
+good order to our batteries on the hill,"&mdash;which he does.</p>
+
+<p>Upon reaching these batteries, Richardson forms his 2d Michigan, in
+"close column by division," on their right, and the 1st Massachusetts
+and 3d Michigan, in "line of battle," on their left&mdash;the 12th New York
+re-forming, under cover of the woods at the rear, later on.  Then, with
+our skirmishers thrown into the woods in front, their scattering fire,
+and the musketry responses of the Rebels, are drowned in the volume of
+sound produced by the deafening contest which ensues between our
+Artillery, and that of the Enemy from his batteries behind Bull Run.</p>
+
+<p>This artillery-duel continues about one hour; and then seems to cease by
+mutual consent, about dusk&mdash;after 415 shots have been fired on the Union
+side, and have been responded to by an equal number from the Rebel
+batteries, "gun for gun"&mdash;the total loss in the engagement, on the Union
+side, being 83, to a total loss among the Enemy, of Thursday night,
+Richardson retires his brigade upon Centreville, in order to secure
+rations and water for his hungry and thirsty troops,&mdash;as no water has
+yet been found in the vicinity of the Union batteries aforesaid.  On the
+morrow, however, when his brigade re-occupies that position, water is
+found in abundance, by digging for it.</p>
+
+<p>This premature attack, at Blackburn's Ford, by Tyler, against orders,
+having failed, throws a wet blanket upon the martial spirit of
+McDowell's Army.  In like degree is the morale of the Rebel Army
+increased.</p>
+
+<p>It is true that Longstreet, in command of the Rebel troops at
+Blackburn's Ford, has not had things all his own way; that some of his
+artillery had to be "withdrawn;" that, as he acknowledges in his report,
+his brigade of three Virginia regiments (the 1st, 11th, and 17th) had
+"with some difficulty repelled" the Union assault upon his position;
+that he had to call upon General Early for re-enforcements; that Early
+re-enforced him with two Infantry regiments (the 7th Louisiana and 7th
+Virginia) at first; that one of these (the 7th Virginia) was "thrown
+into confusion;" that Early then brought up his own regiment (the 24th
+Virginia) under Lieutenant Colonel Hairston, and the entire seven guns
+of the "Washington Artillery;" and that but for the active "personal
+exertions" of Longstreet, in "encouraging the men under his command,"
+and the great numerical superiority of the Rebels, there might have been
+no Union "repulse" at all.  Yet still the attack has failed, and that
+failure, while it dispirits the Patriot Army, inspires the Rebel Army
+with renewed courage.</p>
+
+<p>Under these circumstances, Friday, the 19th of July, is devoted to
+reconnaissances by the Engineer officers of the Union Army; to the
+cooking of the supplies, which have at last arrived; and to resting the
+weary and road-worn soldiers of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>Let us take advantage of this halt in the advance of McDowell's "Grand
+Army of the United States"&mdash;as it was termed&mdash;to view the Rebel position
+at, and about Manassas, and to note certain other matters having an
+important and even determining bearing upon the issue of the impending
+shock-at-arms.</p>
+
+<p>Beauregard has received early information of McDowell's advance from
+Arlington, and of his plans.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [This he admits, in his report, when he says; "Opportunely informed
+     of the determination of the Enemy to advance on Manassas, my
+     advanced brigades, on the night of the 16th of July, were made
+     aware, from these headquarters, of the impending movement,"]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>On Tuesday the 16th, he notifies his advanced brigades.  On Wednesday,
+he sends a dispatch from Manassas, to Jefferson Davis, at Richmond,
+announcing that the Union troops have assailed his outposts in heavy
+force; that he has fallen back before them, on the line of Bull Run; and
+that he intends to make a stand at Mitchell's Ford (close to Blackburn's
+Ford) on that stream,&mdash;adding: if his (McDowell's) force is
+overwhelming, "I shall retire to the Rappahannock railroad bridge,
+saving my command for defense there, and future operations.  Please
+inform Johnston of this, via Staunton, and also Holmes.  Send forward
+any re-enforcements at the earliest possible instant, and by every
+possible means."</p>
+
+<p>In the meantime, however, Beauregard loses no time in advantageously
+posting his troops.  On the morning of the 18th of July, when the Union
+advance enters Centreville, he has withdrawn all his advanced brigades
+within the Rebel lines of Bull Run, resting them on the South side of
+that stream, from Union Mills Ford, near the Orange and Alexandria
+railroad bridge, up to the stone bridge over which the Warrenton Pike
+crosses the Run,&mdash;a distance of some six to eight miles.</p>
+
+<p>Between the Rebel left, at Stone Bridge, and the Rebel right, at Union
+Mills Ford, are several fords across Bull Run&mdash;the general course of the
+stream being from the North-West to South-East, to its confluence with
+the Occoquan River, some twelve miles from the Potomac River.</p>
+
+<p>Mitchell's Ford, the Rebel center, is about three miles to the
+South-West of, and about the same distance North-East from, Manassas Junction.
+But it may be well, right here, to locate all these fordable crossings
+of the rocky, precipitous, and well-wooded Bull Run stream, between the
+Stone Bridge and Union Mills Ford.  Thus, half a mile below the Stone
+Bridge is Lewis's Ford; half a mile below that, Ball's Ford; half a mile
+below that, Island Ford; one and one-half miles below that, Mitchell's
+Ford&mdash;one mile below that.</p>
+
+<p>Blackburn's Ford; three-quarters of a mile farther down, McLean's Ford;
+and nearly two miles lower down the stream, Union Mills Ford.</p>
+
+<p>By Thursday morning, the 18th of July, Beauregard has advantageously
+posted the seven brigades into which he has organized his forces, at
+these various positions along his extended front, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>At the Stone Bridge, Brigadier-General N. G. Evans's Seventh Brigade, of
+one regiment and one battalion of Infantry, two companies of Cavalry,
+and a battery of four six-pounders.</p>
+
+<p>At Lewis's, Balls, and Island Fords&mdash;Colonel P. St.  George Cocke's
+Fifth Brigade, of three regiments of Infantry, one battery of Artillery,
+and one company of Cavalry.</p>
+
+<p>At Mitchell's Ford, Brigadier-General M. L. Bonham's First Brigade, of
+four Infantry regiments, two batteries, and six companies of Cavalry.</p>
+
+<p>At Blackburn's Ford, Brigadier-General J. Longstreet's Fourth Brigade,
+of four Infantry regiments, with two 6-pounders.</p>
+
+<p>At McLean's Ford, Brigadier-General D. R. Jones's Third Brigade of three
+Infantry regiments, one Cavalry company, and two 6-pounders.</p>
+
+<p>At Union Mills Ford, Brigadier-General R. S. Ewell's Second Brigade, of
+three Infantry regiments, three Cavalry companies, and four 12-powder
+howitzers&mdash;Colonel Jubal A. Early's Sixth Brigade, of three Infantry
+regiments and three rifled pieces of Walton's Battery, being posted in
+the rear of, and as a support to, Ewell's Brigade.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Johnston also found, on the 20th, the Reserve Brigade of Brig.
+     Gen. T. H. Holmes&mdash;comprising two regiments of Infantry, Walker's
+     Battery of Artillery, and Scott's Cavalry-with Early's Brigade, "in
+     reserve, in rear of the right."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>The disposition and strength of Beauregard's forces at these various
+points along his line of defense on Bull Run stream, plainly shows his
+expectation of an attack on his right; but he is evidently suspicious
+that it may come upon his centre; for, as far back as July 8th, he had
+issued special orders to the effect that:</p>
+
+<p>"Should the Enemy march to the attack of Mitchell's Ford, via
+Centreville, the following movements will be made with celerity:</p>
+
+<p>"I. The Fourth Brigade will march from Blackburn's Ford to attack him on
+the flank and centre.</p>
+
+<p>"II. The Third Brigade will be thrown to the attack of his centre and
+rear toward Centreville.</p>
+
+<p>"III.  The Second and Sixth Brigades united will also push forward and
+attack him in the rear by way of Centreville, protecting their own right
+flanks and rear from the direction of Fairfax Station and Court House.</p>
+
+<p>"IV.  In the event of the defeat of the Enemy, the troops at Mitchell's
+Ford and Stone Bridge, especially the Cavalry and Artillery, will join
+in the pursuit, which will be conducted with vigor but unceasing
+prudence, and continued until he shall have been driven beyond the
+Potomac."</p>
+
+<p>And it is not without interest to note Beauregard's subsequent
+indorsement on the back of these Special Orders, that: "The plan of
+attack prescribed within would have been executed, with modifications
+affecting First and Fifth Brigades, to meet the attack upon Blackburn's
+Ford, but for the expected coming of General Johnston's command, which
+was known to be en route to join me on [Thursday] the 18th of July."</p>
+
+<p>The knowledge thus possessed on Thursday, the 18th, by Beauregard, that
+Johnston's Army is on its way to join him, is of infinite advantage to
+the former.  On the other hand, the complete ignorance, at this time, of
+McDowell on this point,&mdash;and the further fact that he has been lulled
+into a feeling of security on the subject, by General Scott's emphatic
+assurance to him that "if Johnston joins Beauregard, he shall have
+Patterson on his heels"&mdash;is a great disadvantage to the Union general.</p>
+
+<p>Were McDowell now aware of the real Military situation, he would
+unquestionably make an immediate attack, with the object of crushing
+Beauregard before Johnston can effect a junction with him.  It would
+then be a mere matter of detail for the armies of McDowell, McClellan,
+and Patterson, to bag Johnston, and bring the armed Rebellion to an
+inglorious and speedy end.  But Providence&mdash;through the plottings of
+individuals within our own lines&mdash;wills it otherwise.</p>
+
+<p>Long before this, Patterson has been informed by General Winfield Scott
+of the proposed movement by McDowell upon Manassas,&mdash;and of its date.</p>
+
+<p>On Saturday, July 13th, General Scott telegraphed to Patterson: "I
+telegraphed to you yesterday, if not strong enough to beat the Enemy
+early next week, make demonstrations so as to detain him in the Valley
+of Winchester; but if he retreats in force toward Manassas, and it be
+too hazardous to follow him, then consider the route via Keys Ferry,
+Leesburg, etc."</p>
+
+<p>On Wednesday, the 17th, Scott telegraphs to Patterson: "I have nothing
+official from you since Sunday (14th), but am glad to learn, through
+Philadelphia papers, that you have advanced.  Do not let the Enemy amuse
+and delay you with a small force in front whilst he re-enforces the
+Junction with his main body.  McDowell's first day's work has driven the
+Enemy beyond Fairfax Court House.  The Junction will probably be carried
+by to-morrow."</p>
+
+<p>On Thursday, the 18th, Patterson replies that to attack "the greatly
+superior force at Winchester when the three months volunteers' time was
+about up, and they were threatening to leave him&mdash;would be most
+hazardous" and then he asks: "Shall I attack?"</p>
+
+<p>Scott answers the same day: "I have certainly been expecting you to beat
+the Enemy.  If not, to hear that you had felt him strongly, or, at
+least, had occupied him by threats and demonstrations.  You have been at
+least his equal, and, I suppose, superior in numbers.  Has he not stolen
+a march and sent re-enforcements toward Manassas Junction?  A week is
+enough to win victories," etc.</p>
+
+<p>Patterson retorts, on the same day: "The Enemy has stolen no march upon
+me.  I have kept him actively employed, and by threats, and
+reconnaissances in force, caused him to be re-enforced.  I have
+accomplished in this respect more than the General-in-Chief asked, or
+could well be expected, in face of an Enemy far superior in numbers,
+with no line of communication to protect."</p>
+
+<p>In another dispatch, to Assistant Adjutant-General Townsend (with
+General Scott), he says, that same afternoon of Thursday, the 18th: "I
+have succeeded, in accordance with the wishes of the General-in-Chief,
+in keeping General Johnston's Force at Winchester.  A reconnaissance in
+force, on Tuesday, caused him to be largely re-enforced from Strasburg."</p>
+
+<p>Again, on Friday, the 19th, he informs Colonel Townsend that: "The
+Enemy, from last information, are still at Winchester, and being
+re-enforced every night."</p>
+
+<p>It is not until Saturday, the 20th of July, that he telegraphs to
+Townsend: "With a portion of his force, Johnston left Winchester, by the
+road to Millwood, on the afternoon of the 18th."  And he adds the
+ridiculous statement: "His whole force was about 35,200."</p>
+
+<p>Thus, despite all the anxious care of General Scott, to have Johnston's
+Army detained in the Shenandoah Valley, it has escaped Patterson so
+successfully, and entirely, that the latter does not even suspect its
+disappearance until the day before the pitched Battle of Bull Run is
+fought!  Its main body has actually reached Manassas twenty-four hours
+before Patterson is aware that it has left Winchester!</p>
+
+<p>And how is it, that Johnston gets away from Patterson so neatly?  And
+when does he do it?</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The extraordinary conduct of General Patterson at this critical
+     period, when everything seemed to depend upon his exertions, was
+     afterward the subject of inquiry by the Joint-Committee on the
+     Conduct of the War.  The testimony taken by that Committee makes it
+     clear, to any unprejudiced mind, that while Patterson himself may
+     have been loyal to the Union, he was weak enough to be swayed from
+     the path of duty by some of the faithless and unpatriotic officers
+     with whom he had partly surrounded himself&mdash;and especially by Fitz
+     John Porter, his Chief-of-staff.  Let us examine the sworn
+     testimony of two or three witnesses on this point.</p>
+
+<p>     General CHARLES W. SANFORD, who was second in command under
+     Patterson, and in command of Patterson's Left Wing, testified [see
+     pages 54-66, Report on Conduct of the War, Vol. 3, Part 2,] that he
+     was at a Council of War held at the White House, June 29th, when
+     the propriety of an attack on the Rebel lines at Manassas was
+     discussed; that he objected to any such movement until Patterson
+     was in such a position as to prevent the junction between General
+     Johnston's Army and the troops at Manassas; that on the 6th of
+     July, he was sent by General Scott, with four picked New York
+     regiments, to Patterson, and (waiving his own seniority rank)
+     reported to that General, at Williamsport; that Patterson gave him
+     command of a division of 8,000 men (and two batteries) out of a
+     total in his Army of 22,000; that he "delivered orders from General
+     Scott to General Patterson, and urged a forward movement as soon as
+     possible;" that there was "Some delay at Martinsburg,
+     notwithstanding the urgency of our matter," but they "left there on
+     [Monday] the 15th of July, and went in the direction of
+     Winchester,"&mdash;down to Bunker Hill,&mdash;Patterson with two divisions
+     going down the turnpike, and Sanford taking his division a little
+     in advance and more easterly on the side roads so as to be in a
+     position to flank Johnston's right; that on that afternoon (Monday,
+     July 15) General Patterson rode up to where Sanford was locating
+     his camp.</p>
+
+<p>     Continuing his testimony, General Sanford said: "I was then within
+     about nine miles of Johnston's fortified camp at Winchester.
+     Patterson was complimenting me upon the manner in which my
+     regiments were located, and inquiring about my pickets, which I had
+     informed him I had sent down about three miles to a stream below.
+     I had driven out the Enemy's skirmishers ahead of us.  They had
+     some cavalry there.  In answer to his compliments about the
+     comfortable location I had made, I said: 'Very comfortable,
+     General, when shall we move on?' * * *  He hesitated a moment or
+     two, and then said: 'I don't know yet when we shall move.  And if I
+     did I would not tell my own father.' I thought that was rather a
+     queer speech to make to me under the circumstances.  But I smiled
+     and said: 'General, I am only anxious that we shall get forward,
+     that the Enemy shall not escape us.'  He replied: 'There is no
+     danger of that.  I will have a reconnaissance to-morrow, and we
+     will arrange about moving at a very early period.'  He then took
+     his leave.</p>
+
+<p>     "The next day [Tuesday, July 16th], there was a reconnaissance on
+     the Winchester turnpike, about four or five miles below the
+     General's camp.  He sent forward a section of artillery and some
+     cavalry, and they found a post-and-log fence across the Winchester
+     turnpike, and some of the Enemy's cavalry on the other side of it.
+     They gave them a round of grape.  The cavalry scattered off, and
+     the reconnaissance returned.  That was the only reconnaissance I
+     heard of while we were there.  My own pickets went further than
+     that.  But it was understood, the next afternoon, that we were to
+     march forward at daylight.  I sent down Col. Morell, with 40 men,
+     to open a road down to Opequan Creek, within five miles of the camp
+     at Winchester, on the side-roads I was upon, which would enable me,
+     in the course of three hours, to get between Johnston and the
+     Shenandoah River, and effectually bar his way to Manassas.  I had
+     my ammunition all distributed, and ordered my men to have 24 hours'
+     rations in their haversacks, independent of their breakfast.  We
+     were to march at 4 o'clock the next morning.  I had this road to
+     the Opequan completed that night.  I had then with me, in addition
+     to my eight regiments amounting to about 8,000 men and a few
+     cavalry, Doubleday's heavy United States battery of 20 and 30
+     pounders, and a very good Rhode Island battery.  And I was willing
+     to take the risk, whether Gen. Patterson followed me up or not, of
+     placing myself between Johnston and the Shenandoah River, rather
+     than let Johnston escape.  And, at 4 o'clock [July 17th] I should
+     have moved over that road for that purpose, if I had had no further
+     orders.  But, a little after 12 o'clock at night [July 16th-17th,]
+     I received a long order of three pages from Gen. Patterson,
+     instructing me to move on to Charlestown, which is nearly at right
+     angles to the road I was going to move on, and twenty-two miles
+     from Winchester.  This was after I had given my orders for the
+     other movement."</p>
+
+<p>               *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>     'Question [by the Chairman].&mdash;And that left Johnston free?
+     "Answer&mdash;Yes, Sir; left him free to make his escape, which he did.
+     * * *"</p>
+
+<p>     'Question.&mdash;In what direction would Johnston have had to move to
+     get by you?
+     "Answer&mdash;Right out to the Shenandoah River, which he forded.  He
+     found out from his cavalry, who were watching us, that we were
+     actually leaving, and he started at 1 o'clock that same day, with
+     8,000 men, forded the Shenandoah where it was so deep that he
+     ordered his men to put their cartridge-boxes on their bayonets, got
+     out on the Leesburg road, and went down to Manassas."</p>
+
+<p>     "Question [by the Chairman].&mdash;Did he [Patterson] assign any reason
+     for that movement?
+     "Answer.&mdash;I was, of course, very indignant about it, and so were
+     all my officers and men; so much so that when, subsequently, at
+     Harper's Ferry, Patterson came by my camp, there was a universal
+     groan&mdash;against all discipline, of course, and we suppressed it as
+     soon as possible.  The excuse given by Gen.  Patterson was this:
+     that he had received intelligence that he could rely upon, that
+     Gen.  Johnston had been re-enforced by 20,000 men from Manassas,
+     and was going to make an attack upon him; and in the order which I
+     received that night&mdash;a long order of three pages&mdash;I was ordered to
+     occupy all the communicating roads, turning off a regiment here,
+     and two or three regiments there, and a battery at another place,
+     to occupy all the roads from Winchester to the neighborhood of
+     Charlestown, and all the cross-roads, and hold them all that day,
+     until Gen. Patterson's whole army went by me to Charlestown; and I
+     sat seven hours in the saddle near a place called Smithfield, while
+     Patterson, with his whole army, went by me on their way to
+     Charlestown, he being apprehensive, as he said, of an attack from
+     Johnston's forces."</p>
+
+<p>     "Question [by Mr. Odell].&mdash;You covered his movement?
+     "Answer&mdash;Yes, Sir.  Now the statement that he made, which came to
+     me through Colonel Abercrombie, who was Patterson's brother-in-law,
+     and commanded one division in that army, was, that Johnston had
+     been re-enforced; and Gen. Fitz-John Porter reported the same thing
+     to my officers.  Gen. Porter was then the chief of Patterson's
+     staff, and was a very excellent officer, and an accomplished
+     soldier.  They all had got this story, which was without the
+     slightest shadow of foundation; for there had not a single man
+     arrived at the camp since we had got full information that their
+     force consisted of 20,000 men, of whom 1,800 were sick with the
+     measles.  The story was, however, that they had ascertained, by
+     reliable information, of this re-enforcement.  Where they got their
+     information, I do not know.  None such reached me; and I picked up
+     deserters and other persons to get all the information I could; and
+     we since have learned, as a matter of certainty, that Johnston's
+     forces never did exceed 20,000 men there.  But the excuse Patterson
+     gave was, that Johnson had been re-enforced by 20,000 men from
+     Manassas, and was going to attack him.  That was the reason he gave
+     then for this movement.  But in this paper he has lately published,
+     he hints at another reason&mdash;another excuse&mdash;which was that it was
+     by order of Gen. Scott.  Now, I know that the peremptory order of
+     Gen. Scott to Gen. Patterson, repeated over and over again, was
+     this&mdash;I was present on several occasions when telegraphic
+     communications went from Gen. Scott to Gen. Patterson: Gen. Scott's
+     orders to Gen. Patterson were that, if he were strong enough, he
+     was to attack and beat Johnston.  But if not, then he was to place
+     himself in such a position as to keep Johnston employed, and
+     prevent him from making a junction with Beauregard at Manassas.
+     That was the repeated direction of Gen. Scott to Gen.  Patterson;
+     and it was because of Patterson's hesitancy, and his hanging back,
+     and keeping so far beyond the reach of Johnston's camp, that I was
+     ordered to go up there and re-enforce him, and assist him in any
+     operations necessary to effect that object.  The excuse of Gen.
+     Patterson now is, that he had orders from Gen. Scott to move to
+     Charlestown.  Now, that is not so.  But this state of things
+     existed: Before the movement was made from Martinsburg, General
+     Patterson suggested to General Scott that Charlestown would be a
+     better base of operations than Martinsburg and suggested that he
+     had better move on Charlestown, and thence make his approaches to
+     Winchester; that it would be better to do that than to move
+     directly to Winchester from Martinsburg; and General Scott wrote
+     back to say that, if he found that movement a better one, he was at
+     liberty to make it.  But Gen. Patterson had already commenced his
+     movement on Winchester direct from Martinsburg, and had got as far
+     as Bunker Hill; so that the movement which he had formerly
+     suggested, to Charlestown, was suppressed by his own act.  But that
+     is the pretence now given in his published speech for making the
+     movement from Bunker Hill to Charlestown, which was a retreat,
+     instead of the advance which the movement to Charlestown he first
+     proposed to Gen. Scott was intended to be."</p>
+
+<p>                   *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>     "Question [by the Chairman].&mdash;Was not that change of direction and
+     movement to Charlestown a total abandonment of the object which you
+     were pursuing?
+     "Answer.&mdash;Entirely an abandonment of the main principles of the
+     orders he was acting under."</p>
+
+<p>     "Question.&mdash;And of course an abandonment of the purpose for which
+     you were there?
+     "Answer.&mdash;Yes, Sir.</p>
+
+<p>     "Question [by Mr. Odell].&mdash;Was it not your understanding in leaving
+     here, and was it not the understanding also of Gen. Scott, that
+     your purpose in going there was to check Johnston with direct
+     reference to the movement here?
+     "Answer&mdash;Undoubtedly.  It was in consequence of the suggestion made
+     by me at the Council at the President's house.  * * *  And upon the
+     suggestion of General Scott they wanted me to go up there and
+     assist Patterson in this movement against Johnston, so as to carry
+     out the point I had suggested of first checkmating Johnston before
+     the movement against Manassas was made here."</p>
+
+<p>                    *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>     Question [by the Chairman].&mdash;Would there have been any difficulty
+     in preventing Johnston from going to Manassas?
+     "Answer.&mdash;None whatever."</p>
+
+<p>                    *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>     "Question [by the Chairman.]&mdash;I have heard it suggested that he
+     (Patterson) undertook to excuse this movement on the ground that
+     the time of many of his troops had expired, and they refused to
+     accompany him.
+     "Answer.&mdash;That to my knowledge, is untrue.  The time of none of
+     them had expired when this movement was made.  All the troops that
+     were there were in the highest condition for the service.  These
+     three-months' men, it may be well to state to you who are not
+     Military men, were superior to any other volunteer troops that we
+     had, in point of discipline.  They were the disciplined troops of
+     the Country.  The three-months' men were generally the organized
+     troops of the different States&mdash;New York, Pennsylvania, etc.  We
+     had, for instance, from Patterson's own city, Philadelphia, one of
+     the finest regiments in the service, which was turned over to me,
+     at their own request; and the most of my regiments were disciplined
+     and organized troops.  They were all in fine condition, anxious,
+     zealous, and earnest for a fight.  They thought they were going to
+     attack Johnston's camp at Winchester.  Although I had suggested to
+     Gen. Patterson that there was no necessity for that, the camp being
+     admirably fortified with many of their heavy guns from Norfolk, I
+     proposed to him to place ourselves between Johnston and the
+     Shenandoah, which would have compelled him to fight us there, or to
+     remain in his camp, either of which would have effected General
+     Scott's object.  If I had got into a fight, it was very easy, over
+     this road I had just been opening, for Patterson to have
+		 re-enforced me and to have come up to the fight in time.  The
+     proposition was to place ourselves between Johnston's fortified
+     camp and the Shenandoah, where his fortified camp would have been
+     of no use to him."</p>
+
+<p>     "Question.&mdash;Even if you had received a check there, it would have
+     prevented his junction with the forces at Manassas?
+     "Answer.&mdash;Yes, Sir; I would have risked a battle with my own
+     division rather than Johnston should have escaped.  If he had
+     attacked me, I could have taken a position where I could have held
+     it, while Patterson could have fallen upon him and repulsed him."</p>
+
+<p>     "Question [by Mr. Odell].&mdash;Had you any such understanding with
+     Patterson?
+     "Answer.&mdash;I told him I would move down on this side-road in
+     advance, leaving Gen. Patterson to sustain me if I got into a
+     fight.  So, on the other hand, if he should attack Patterson, I was
+     near enough to fall upon Johnston's flank and to support Patterson.
+     By using this communication of mine to pass Opequan Creek&mdash;where, I
+     had informed Patterson, I had already pushed forward my pickets,
+     [200 men in the day and 400 more at night,] to prevent the Enemy
+     from burning the bridge&mdash;it would have enabled me to get between
+     Johnston and the Shenandoah River.  On the morning [Wednesday, July
+     17th] of our march to Charlestown, Stuart's cavalry, which figured
+     so vigorously at Bull Run, was upon my flank all day.  They were
+     apparently about 800 strong.  I saw them constantly on my flank for
+     a number of miles.  I could distinguish them, with my glass, with
+     great ease.  Finally, they came within about a mile of the line of
+     march I was pursuing and I sent a battery around to head them off,
+     and the 12th Regiment across the fields in double-quick time to
+     take them in the rear.  I thought I had got them hemmed in.  But
+     they broke down the fences, and went across the country to
+     Winchester, and I saw nothing more of them.  They were then about
+     eight miles from Winchester, and must have got there in the course
+     of a couple of hours.  That day [Wednesday, the 17th] at 10
+     o'clock&mdash;as was ascertained from those who saw him crossing the
+     Shenandoah&mdash;Johnston started from Winchester with 8,000 men, forded
+     the Shenandoah, and got to Manassas on Friday night; and his second
+     in command started the next day with all the rest of the available
+     troops&mdash;something like 9,000 men; leaving only the sick, and a few
+     to guard them, in the camp at Winchester&mdash;and they arrived at the
+     battle-field in the midst of the fight, got out of the cars, rushed
+     on the battle-field, and turned the scale.  I have no doubt that,
+     if we had intercepted Johnston, as we ought to have done, the
+     battle of Bull Run would have been a victory for us instead of a
+     defeat.  Johnston was undoubtedly the ablest general they had in
+     their army."</p>
+
+<p>     Colonel CRAIG BIDDLE, testified that he was General Patterson's
+     aide-de-camp at the time.  In answer to a question by the Chairman,
+     he continued:</p>
+
+<p>     "Answer.&mdash;I was present, of course, at all the discussions.  The
+     discussion at Martinsburg was as to whether or not General
+     Patterson should go on to Winchester.  General Patterson was very
+     full of that himself.  He was determined to go to Winchester; but
+     the opinions of all the regular officers who were with him, were
+     against it.  The opinions of all the men in whose judgment I had
+     any confidence, were against it.  They seemed to have the notion
+     that General Patterson had got his Irish blood up by the fight we
+     had had at Falling Waters, and was bound to go ahead.  He decided
+     upon going ahead, against the remonstrances of General [Fitz John]
+     Porter, who advised against it.  He told me he considered he had
+     done his duty, and said no more.  The movement was delayed in
+     consequence of General Stone's command not being able to move right
+     away.  It was then evident that there was so much opposition to it
+     that the General was induced to call a council of the general
+     officers in his command, at which I was present.  They were
+     unanimously opposed to the advance.  That was at Martinsburg."</p>
+
+<p>                   *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>     "Question.&mdash;While at Bunker Hill, the night before you left there,
+     were any orders issued to march in the evening?
+     "Answer.&mdash;I think there were such orders."</p>
+
+<p>     "Question.&mdash;Did not General Patterson issue orders at Bunker Hill,
+     the night before you marched to Charlestown, for an attack on the
+     Enemy?
+     "Answer.&mdash;I think such orders were written.  I do not think they
+     were issued.  I think General Patterson was again persuaded not to
+     make an advance."</p>
+
+<p>     Colonel R. BUTLER PRICE, Senior aide to Patterson, testified as
+     follows:</p>
+
+<p>                    *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>     "Question [by Mr. Gooch].&mdash;Was it not the intention to move from
+     Bunker Hill to Winchester?
+     "Answer.&mdash;Yes, Sir.  At one time General Patterson had given an
+     order to move from Bunker Hill to Winchester.  He was very
+     unwilling to leave Johnston even at Winchester without attacking
+     him; and on the afternoon before we left Bunker Hill he decided to
+     attack him, notwithstanding his strong force."</p>
+
+<p>     "Question.&mdash;Behind his intrenchments?
+     "Answer.&mdash;Yes, Sir; it went so far that his order was written by
+     his adjutant, General [Fitz John] Porter.  It was very much against
+     the wishes of General [Fitz John] Porter; and he asked General
+     Patterson if he would send for Colonel Abercrombie and Colonel
+     Thomas and consult them on the movement.  General Patterson
+     replied: No, Sir; for I know they will attempt to dissuade me from
+     it, and I have made up my mind to fight Johnston under all
+     circumstances.  That was the day before we left Bunker Hill.  Then
+     Colonel [Fitz John] Porter asked to have Colonel Abercrombie and
+     Colonel Thomas sent for and consulted as to the best manner to
+     carry out his wishes.  He consented, and they came, and after half
+     an hour they dissuaded him from it."</p>
+
+<p>     "Question.&mdash;At that time General Patterson felt it was so important
+     to attack Johnston that he had determined to do it?
+     "Answer.&mdash;Yes, Sir; the order was not published, but it was
+     written."</p>
+
+<p>     "Question.&mdash;You understood General Patterson to be influenced to
+     make that attempt because he felt there was a necessity for
+     detaining Johnston?
+     "Answer.&mdash;Yes, Sir; to detain him as long as he possibly could."</p>
+
+<p>     "Question.&mdash;That order was not countermanded until late on Tuesday,
+     the 16th, was it?
+     "Answer.&mdash;That order never was published.  It was written; but, at
+     the earnest solicitation of Colonel [Fitz John] Porter, it was
+     withheld until he could have a consultation with Colonel
+     Abercrombie and Colonel Thomas."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<center>
+<a name="bull1"></a>
+<img alt="p288-map.jpg (98K)" src="images/p288-map.jpg" height="772" width="626">
+</center>
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+
+
+<p>It is about 1 o'clock on the morning of Thursday, July 18th,&mdash;that same
+day which witnesses the preliminary Battle of Blackburn's Ford&mdash;that
+Johnston, being at Winchester, and knowing of Patterson's peculiarly
+inoffensive and timid movement to his own left and rear, on Charlestown,
+receives from the Rebel Government at Richmond, a telegraphic dispatch,
+of July 17th, in these words: "General Beauregard is attacked.  To
+strike the Enemy a decisive blow, a junction of all your effective force
+will be needed.  If practicable, make the movement.  * * *  In all the
+arrangements exercise your discretion."</p>
+
+<p>Johnston loses no time in deciding that it is his duty to prevent, if
+possible, disaster to Beauregard's Army; that to do this he must effect
+a junction with him; and that this necessitates either an immediate
+fight with, and defeat of, Patterson,&mdash;which may occasion a fatal
+delay&mdash;or else, that Union general must be eluded.  Johnston determines
+on the latter course.</p>
+
+<p>Leaving his sick, with some militia to make a pretense of defending the
+town in case of attack, Johnston secretly and rapidly marches his Army,
+of 9,000 effective men, Southeasterly from Winchester, at noon of
+Thursday, the 18th; across by a short cut, wading the Shenandoah River,
+and then on through Asby's Gap, in the Blue Ridge, that same night;
+still on, in the same direction, to a station on the Manassas Gap
+railroad, known as Piedmont, which is reached by the next (Friday)
+morning,&mdash;the erratic movements of Stuart's Cavalry entirely concealing
+the manoeuvre from the knowledge of Patterson.</p>
+
+<p>From Piedmont, the Artillery and Cavalry proceed to march the remaining
+twenty-five miles, or so, to Manassas Junction, by the roads.  The 7th
+and 8th Georgia Regiments of Bartow's Brigade, with Jackson's 
+Brigade,&mdash;comprising the 2d, 4th, 5th, 27th and 33d Virginia Regiments&mdash;are
+embarked on the cars, and hurriedly sent in advance, by rail, to
+Manassas, reaching there on that same (Friday) afternoon and evening.
+These are followed by General Johnston, with Bee's Brigade&mdash;comprising
+the 4th Alabama, 2d Mississippi, and a battalion of the 11th
+Mississippi&mdash;which arrive at Manassas about noon of Saturday, the 20th
+of July, the balance of Johnston's Infantry being billed for arrival
+that same day, or night.</p>
+
+<p>Upon Johnston's own arrival at Manassas, Saturday noon,&mdash;the very day
+that Patterson ascertains that "the bird has flown,"&mdash;after assuming
+command, by virtue of seniority, he proceeds to examine Beauregard's
+position.  This he finds "too extensive, and the ground too densely
+wooded and intricate," to be learned quickly, and hence he is impelled
+to rely largely upon Beauregard for information touching the strength
+and positions of both the Rebel and Union Armies.</p>
+
+<p>Beauregard has now 21,833 men, and 29 pieces of artillery of his own
+"Army of the Potomac."  Johnston's and Holmes's junction with him has
+raised the Rebel total to 32,000 effectives, and 55 guns.  McDowell, on
+the other hand, who started with 30,000 effectives, finds himself on the
+19th&mdash;owing to the departure of one of his regiments and a battery of
+Artillery, because of the expiration of their term of enlistment,&mdash;with
+but "28,000 men at the utmost."&mdash;[Comte de Paris.]</p>
+
+<p>On the evening of Saturday, the 20th of July, Johnston and Beauregard
+hold an important consultation.  The former feels certain that
+Patterson, with his more than 20,000 effectives, will now lose no time
+in essaying a junction with McDowell's Army, and that such junction will
+probably be effected by July 22nd.  Hence he perceives the necessity of
+attacking McDowell, and if possible, with the combined Rebel Forces,
+whipping him before Patterson can come up to his assistance.</p>
+
+<p>At this consultation it is agreed by the two Rebel generals to assume
+the offensive, at once.  Beauregard proposes a plan of battle&mdash;which is
+an immediate general advance of the Rebel centre and left,
+concentrating, from all the fords of Bull Run, upon Centreville, while
+the Rebel right advances toward Sangster's cross-roads, ready to fall
+either on Centreville, or upon Fairfax Court House, in its rear,
+according to circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>The plan proposed, is accepted at once by Johnston.  The necessary order
+is drawn up by Beauregard that night; and at half past four o'clock on
+Sunday morning, July 21st, Johnston signs the written order.  Nothing
+now remains, apparently, but the delivery of the order to the Rebel
+brigade commanders, a hurried preparation for the forward movement, and
+then the grand attack upon McDowell, at Centreville.</p>
+
+<p>Already, no doubt, the fevered brain of Beauregard pictures, in his
+vivid imagination, the invincible thunders of his Artillery, the
+impetuous advance of his Infantry, the glorious onset of his Cavalry,
+the flight and rout of the Union forces, his triumphal entry into
+Washington&mdash;Lincoln and Scott and the Congress crouching at his 
+feet&mdash;and the victorious South and conquered North acclaiming him Dictator!
+The plan is Beauregard's own, and Beauregard is to have command.  Hence
+all the glory of capturing the National Capital, must be Beauregard's.
+Why not?  But "man proposes, and God disposes."  The advance and attack,
+are, in that shape, never to be made.</p>
+
+<p>McDowell, in the meantime, all unconscious of what has transpired in the
+Shenandoah Valley, and between there and Manassas; never dreaming for an
+instant that Patterson has failed to keep Johnson there&mdash;even if he has
+not attacked and defeated him; utterly unsuspicious that his own
+lessened Union Army has now to deal with the Forces of Johnston and
+Beauregard combined&mdash;with a superior instead of an inferior force; is
+executing a plan of battle which he has decided upon, and announced to
+his general officers, on that same Saturday evening, at his Headquarters
+in Centreville.</p>
+
+<p>Instead of attempting to turn the Enemy's right, and cut off his
+communications with Richmond and the South, McDowell has now determined
+to attack the Enemy's left, cut his communication, via the Manassas Gap
+railroad, with Johnston's Army,&mdash;still supposed by him to be in the
+Valley of the Shenandoah&mdash;and, taking him in the left flank and rear,
+roll him upon Manassas, in disorder and defeat&mdash;with whatever might
+follow.</p>
+
+<p>That is the plan&mdash;in its general features.  In executing it, Blenker's
+Brigade of Miles's Division is to remain at Centreville as a reserve,
+throwing up intrenchments about its Heights, upon which to fall back, in
+case of necessity; Davies's Brigade of the same Division, with
+Richardson's Brigade of Tyler's Division&mdash;as the Left Wing&mdash;are to
+demonstrate at Blackburn's Ford, toward the Enemy's right; Tyler's other
+three brigades, under Keyes, Schenck, and Sherman, are to feign an
+attack on the Enemy's left, posted behind the strongly-defended Stone
+Bridge over which the Warrenton turnpike, running Westward, on its way
+from Centreville to Warrenton, crosses Bull Run stream; while the strong
+divisions under Hunter and Heintzelman&mdash;forming McDowell's Right 
+Wing&mdash;are to follow Tyler's Division Westward down the turnpike to a point
+within one mile and a half of the Stone Bridge, thence, by cross-road,
+diverge several miles to the North, then sweep around gradually to the
+West, and then Southwardly over Bull Run at Sudley Springs Ford,
+swooping down the Sudley road upon the Enemy's left flank and rear, near
+Stone Bridge, rolling it back toward his center, while Tyler's remaining
+three brigades cross the bridge and join in the assault.  That is the
+whole plan in a nutshell.</p>
+
+<p>It has been McDowell's intention to push forward, from Centreville along
+the Warrenton Pike a few miles, on the evening of this Military
+conference; but he makes his first mistake, in allowing himself to be
+dissuaded from that, by those, who, in his own words, "have the greatest
+distance to go," and who prefer "starting early in the morning and
+making but one move."</p>
+
+<p>The attacking divisions now have orders to march at 2:30 A. M., in order
+"to avoid the heat," which is excessive.  Tyler's three immediate
+brigades&mdash;or some of them&mdash;are slow in starting Westward, along the
+Warrenton Pike, to the Stone Bridge; and this leads to a two or three
+hours delay of the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman, before they can
+follow that Pike beyond Centreville, and commence the secret detour to
+their right, along the cross-road leading to Sudley Springs.</p>
+
+<p>At 6:30 A.M., Tyler's Artillery gets into position, to cannonade the
+Enemy's batteries, on the West Bank of Bull Run, commanding the Stone
+Bridge, and opens fire.  Half an hour before this, (at 6 A.M.), the
+Rebel artillerists, posted on a hill South of the Pike, and 600 yards
+West of the bridge, have caught sight of Tyler's Union blue-jackets.
+Those of the Rebel gunners whose eyes are directed to the North-East,
+soon see, nearly a mile away, up the gradual slope, a puff of blue
+smoke.  Immediately the bang of a solitary rifle cannon is heard, and
+the scream of a rifled shot as it passes over their heads.  At
+intervals, until past 9 A.M., that piece and others in the same
+position, keep hammering away at the Rebel left, under Evans, at Stone
+Bridge.</p>
+
+<p>The Rebel response to this cannonade, is very feeble.  McDowell observes
+this.  He suspects there has been a weakening of the Enemy's force at
+the bridge, in order to strengthen his right for some purpose.  And what
+can that purpose be, but to throw his augmented right upon our left, at
+Blackburn's Ford, and so, along the ridge-road, upon Centreville?  Thus
+McDowell guesses, and guesses well.  To be in readiness to protect his
+own left and rear, by reenforcing Miles's Division, at Centreville and
+along the ridge to Blackburn's Ford, he temporarily holds back Howard's
+Brigade of Heintzelman's Division at the point where the cross-road to
+Sudley Springs Ford&mdash;along which Hunter's Division, followed by the
+Brigades of Franklin and Wilcox, of Heintzelman's Division, have already
+gone&mdash;intersects the Warrenton Pike.</p>
+
+<p>It is 9 o'clock.  Beauregard, as yet unaware of McDowell's new plan,
+sends an order to Ewell, on his right, to hold himself ready "to take
+the offensive, at a moment's notice,"&mdash;and directing that Ewell be
+supported in his advance, toward Sangster's cross-roads and the rear of
+Centreville, by Holmes's Brigade.  In accordance with that order, Ewell,
+who is "at Union Mills and its neighborhood," gets his brigade ready,
+and Holmes moves up to his support.  After waiting two hours, Ewell
+receives another order, for both Ewell and Holmes "to resume their
+places."  Something must have occurred since 9 o'clock, to defeat
+Beauregard's plan of attack on Centreville&mdash;with all its glorious
+consequences!  What can it be?  We shall see.</p>
+
+<p>While Tyler's Artillery has been cannonading the Rebel left, under
+Evans, at Stone Bridge,&mdash;fully impressed with the prevailing Union
+belief that the bridge is not only protected by strong masked batteries,
+heavy supports of Infantry, and by abatis as well as other defenses, but
+is also mined and ready to be blown up at the approach of our troops,
+when in reality the bridge is not mined, and the Rebel force in men and
+guns at that point has been greatly weakened in anticipation of
+Beauregard's projected advance upon Centreville,&mdash;the Union column,
+under Hunter and Heintzelman, is advancing from Centreville, in the
+scorching heat and suffocating dust of this tropical July morning,
+slowly, but surely, along the Warrenton Pike and the cross-road to
+Sudley Springs Ford&mdash;a distance of some eight miles of weary and
+toilsome marching for raw troops in such a temperature&mdash;in this order:
+Burnside's Brigade, followed by Andrew Porter's Brigade,&mdash;both of
+Hunter's Division; then Franklin's Brigade, followed by Willcox's
+Brigade,&mdash;both of Heintzelman's Division.</p>
+
+<p>It is half past 9 o'clock; before Burnside's Brigade has crossed the
+Bull Run stream, at Sudley's Ford, and the head of Andrew Porter's
+Brigade commences to ford it.  The troops are somewhat slow in crossing.
+They are warm, tired, thirsty, and as to dust,&mdash;their hair and eyes and
+nostrils and mouths are full of it, while most of the uniforms, once
+blue, have become a dirty gray.  The sky is clear.  The sun already is
+fiercely hot.  The men stop to drink and fill their canteens.  It is
+well they do.</p>
+
+<p>McDowell, who has been waiting two or three hours at the turn, impatient
+at the delay, has ridden over to the front of the Flanking column, and
+now reaches Sudley's Ford.  He feels that much valuable time is already
+lost.  His plan has, in a measure, been frustrated by delay.  He had
+calculated on crossing Bull Run, at Sudley's Ford, and getting to the
+rear of the Enemy's position, at Stone Bridge, before a sufficient Rebel
+force could be assembled to contest the Union advance.  He sends back an
+aide with orders to the regimental commanders in the rear, to "break
+from column, and hurry forward separately, as fast as possible."
+Another aide he sends, with orders to Howard to bring his brigade
+across-fields.  To Tyler he also sends orders to "press forward his
+attack, as large bodies of the Enemy are passing in front of him to
+attack the division (Hunter's) which has passed over."</p>
+
+<p>It may here be explained, that the Sudley road, running about six miles
+South-Southeasterly from Sudley Springs Ford to Manassas Junction, is
+crossed at right angles, about two miles South of the Springs, by the
+Warrenton Pike, at a point about one mile and a half West of the Stone
+Bridge.  For nearly a mile South of Sudley Ford, the Sudley road passes
+through thick woods on the left, and alternate patches of wooded and
+cleared lands on the right.  The country farther South, opens into
+rolling fields, occasionally cut by transverse gullies, and patched with
+woods.  This is what Burnside's Brigade beholds, as it marches
+Southward, along the Sudley road, this eventful morning.</p>
+
+<p>Thus far, the cannonade of Tyler's batteries, and the weak return-fire
+of the Rebel Artillery, at Stone Bridge, over two miles South-East of
+Sudley Ford, is about the only music by which the Union march has kept
+time.</p>
+
+<p>But now, as Burnside's foremost regiment emerges from the woods, at half
+past 10 o'clock, the Artillery of the Enemy opens upon it.</p>
+
+<p>Let us see how this happens.  Evans's Brigade, defending the Stone
+Bridge, and constituting the Enemy's extreme left, comprises, as has
+already been mentioned, Sloan's 4th South Carolina Regiment, Wheat's
+Louisiana battalion, Terry's squadron of Virginia Cavalry, and
+Davidson's section of Latham's Battery of six-pounders.</p>
+
+<p>Earlier in the morning Evans has supposed, from the cannonade of Tyler's
+batteries among the pines on the hills obliquely opposite the Enemy's
+left, as well as from the sound of the cannonade of the Union batteries
+away down the stream on the Enemy's right, near Blackburn's Ford, that
+McDowell is about to make an attack upon the whole front of the Rebel
+line of defense along Bull Run&mdash;by way of the Stone Bridge, and the
+various fords below it, which cross that stream.  But by 10 o'clock,
+that Rebel general begins to feel doubtful, suspicious, and uneasy.
+Despite the booming of Tyler's guns, he has caught in the distance the
+rumbling sounds of Hunter's Artillery wheels.</p>
+
+<p>Evans finds himself pondering the meaning of those long lines of dust,
+away to his left; and then, like a flash, it bursts upon him, that all
+this Military hubbub in his front, and far away to his right, is but a
+feint; that the real danger is somehow connected with that mysterious
+far-away rumble, and those lines of yellow dust; that the main attack is
+to be on the unprepared left and rear of the Rebel position!</p>
+
+<p>No sooner has the Rebel brigade-commander thus divined the Union plan of
+attack, than he prepares, with the limited force at his command, to
+thwart it.  Burnside and he are about equidistant, by this time, from
+the intersection of the Sudley road, running South, with the Warrenton
+Pike, running West.  Much depends upon which of them shall be the first
+to reach it,&mdash;and the instinctive, intuitive knowledge of this, spurs
+Evans to his utmost energy.  He leaves four of his fifteen companies,
+and Rogers's section of the Loudoun Artillery,&mdash;which has come up from
+Cocke's Brigade, at the ford below&mdash;to defend the approaches to the
+Stone Bridge, from the East side of Bull Run,&mdash;and, with the other
+eleven companies, and Latham's half-battery, he hurries Westward, along
+the Warrenton Pike, toward the Sudley road-crossing, to resist the
+impending Union attack.</p>
+
+<p>It is now 10:30 o'clock, and, as he hurries along, with anxious eyes,
+scanning the woods at the North, he suddenly catches the glitter of
+Burnside's bayonets coming down through them, East of the Sudley road,
+in "column of regiments" toward Young's Branch&mdash;a small stream turning,
+in a Northern and Southern loop, respectively above and below the
+Warrenton Pike, much as the S of a prostrate dollar-mark twines above
+and below its horizontal line, the vicinity of which is destined to be
+hotly-contested ground ere night-fall.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Says Captain D.  P.  Woodbury, U.  S.  corps of engineers, and
+     who, with Captain Wright, guided the divisions of Hunter and
+     Heintzelman in making the detour to the upper part of Bull Run: "At
+     Sudley's Mills we lingered about an hour to give the men and horses
+     water and a little rest before going into action, our advance guard
+     in the mean time going ahead about three quarters of a mile.
+     Resuming our march, we emerged from the woods about one mile South
+     of the ford, and came upon a beautiful open valley about one and a
+     quarter miles square, bounded on the right or West by a wooded
+     ridge, on the Fast by the rough spurs or bluffs of Bull Run, on the
+     North by an open plain and ridge, on which our troops began to
+     form, and on the South by another ridge, on which the Enemy was
+     strongly posted, with woods behind their backs.  The Enemy was also
+     in possession of the bluffs of Bull Run on our left."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Sending word to Headquarters, Evans pushes forward and gaining Buck
+Ridge, to the North of the Northern loop of Young's Branch, forms his
+line-of-battle upon that elevation&mdash;which somewhat compensates him for
+the inferiority of his numbers&mdash;nearly at right angles to the Bull Run
+line; rapidly puts his Artillery in position; the Rebel guns open on
+Burnside's advance&mdash;their hoarse roar soon supplemented by the rattle of
+Rebel musketry, and the answering roar and rattle of the Union onset;
+and the Battle of Bull Run has commenced!</p>
+
+<p>It is after 10:30 A.M., and Beauregard and Johnston are upon an eminence
+in the rear of the centre of the Enemy's Bull Run line.  They have been
+there since 8 o'clock.  An hour ago, or more, their Signal Officer has
+reported a large body of Union troops crossing the Bull Run Valley, some
+two or three miles above the Stone Bridge; upon the strength of which,
+Johnston has ordered Bee's Brigade from near Cocke's position, with
+Hampton's Legion and Stonewall Jackson's Brigade from near Bonham's
+left, to move to the Rebel left, at Stone Bridge; and these troops are
+now hastening thither, guided by the sound of the guns.</p>
+
+<p>The artillery-firing is also heard by Johnston and Beauregard, but
+intervening wooded slopes prevent them from determining precisely whence
+it comes.  Beauregard, with a badly-organized staff, is chaffing over
+the delay that has occurred in carrying out his own plan of battle.  He
+is waiting to hear of the progress of the attack which he has ordered
+upon the Union Army,&mdash;supposed by him to be at Centreville,&mdash;and
+especially as to the advance of his right toward Sangster's Station.  In
+the meantime also,&mdash;from early morning,&mdash;the Rebel commanders have heard
+heavy firing in the direction of Blackburn's Ford, toward their right,
+where the Artillery attached to the brigades of Davies and Richardson,
+constituting McDowell's Left Wing, is demonstrating in a lively manner,
+in accordance with McDowell's plan.</p>
+
+<p>It is 11 o'clock.  Beauregard has become satisfied that his orders for
+the Rebel advance and attack on Centreville, have failed or miscarried.
+His plan is abandoned, and the orders countermanded.  At the same time
+the growing volume of artillery-detonations upon the left of the Bull
+Run line of defense&mdash;together with the clouds of dust which indicate the
+route of march of Hunter's and Heintzelman's Divisions from near
+Centreville to the point of conflict, satisfies both Johnston and
+Beauregard, that a serious attack is imperilling the Rebel left.</p>
+
+<p>Beauregard at once proposes to Johnston "a modification of the abandoned
+plan," viz.: "to attack with the" Rebel "right, while the left stands on
+the defensive."  But rapidly transpiring events conspire to make even
+the modified plan impracticable.</p>
+
+<p>Johnston, convinced by the still growing volume of battle-sounds on the
+Rebel left, that the main attack of McDowell is being made there, urges
+Beauregard to strengthen the left, as much as possible; and, after that
+general has sent orders to this end,&mdash;to Holmes and Early to come up
+with their Brigades from Union Mills Ford, moving "with all speed to the
+sound of the firing," and to Bonham to promptly send up, from Mitchell's
+Ford, a battery and two of his regiments&mdash;both he and Beauregard put
+spurs to their horses, and gallop at full speed toward the firing, four
+miles away on their left,&mdash;stopping on the way only long enough for
+Johnston to order his Chief-of-artillery, Colonel Pendleton, to "follow,
+with his own, and Alburtis's Batteries."</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile let us return and witness the progress of the battle, on the
+Rebel left,&mdash;where we were looking on, at 10:30 o'clock.  Evans had then
+just posted his eleven companies of Infantry on Buck Ridge, with one of
+his two guns on his left, near the Sudley road, and the other not far
+from the Robinson House, upon the Northern spur of the elevated plateau
+just South of Young's Branch, and nearly midway between the Sudley road
+and Stone Bridge.</p>
+
+<p>The battle, as we have seen, has opened.  As Burnside's Brigade appears
+on the slope, to the North of Buck Ridge (or Hill), it is received by a
+rapid, well-sustained, and uncomfortable, but not very destructive fire,
+from Evans's Artillery, and, as the Union regiments press forward, in
+column, full of impulsive ardor, the Enemy welcomes the head of the
+column with a hot musketry-fire also, delivered from the crest of the
+elevation behind which the Rebel Infantry lie flat upon the ground.</p>
+
+<p>This defense by Evan's demi-Brigade still continues, although half an
+hour, or more, has elapsed.  Burnside has not yet been able to dislodge
+the Enemy from the position.  Emboldened to temerity by this fact, Major
+Wheat's Louisiana battalion advances through the woods in front, upon
+Burnside, but is hurled back by a galling fire, which throws it into
+disorder and flight.</p>
+
+<p>At this moment, however, the brigades of Bee and Bartow&mdash;comprising the
+7th and 8th Georgia, 2nd Mississippi, 4th Alabama, 6th North Carolina,
+and two companies of the 11th Mississippi, with Imboden's Battery of
+four pieces&mdash;recently arrived with Johnston from Winchester, come up,
+form on the right of Sloan's 4th South Carolina Regiment, while Wheat
+rallies his remnant on Sloan's left, now resting on the Sudley road, and
+the whole new Rebel line opens a hot fire upon Burnside's Brigade.</p>
+
+<p>Hunter, for the purpose of better directing the Union attack, is at this
+moment rapidly riding to the left of the Union line,&mdash;which is advancing
+Southwardly, at right angles to Bull Run stream and the old line of
+Rebel defense thereon.  He is struck by the fragment of a shell, and
+carried to the rear.</p>
+
+<p>Colonel John S. Slocum's, 2nd Rhode Island, Regiment, with Reynold's
+Rhode Island Battery (six 13-pounders), having been sent to the front of
+Burnside's left, and being closely pressed by the Enemy, Burnside's own
+regiment the 1st Rhode Island, is gallantly led by Major Balch to the
+support of the 2nd, and together they handsomely repulse the Rebel
+onset.  Burnside now sends forward Martin's 71st New York, with its two
+howitzers, and Marston's 2nd New Hampshire,&mdash;his whole Brigade, of four
+regiments and a light artillery battery, being engaged with the heavy
+masked battery (Imboden's and two other pieces), and nearly seven full
+regiments of the Enemy.</p>
+
+<p>The regiments of Burnside's Brigade are getting considerably cut up.
+Colonels Slocum and Marston, and Major Balch, are wounded.  There is
+some confusion in the ranks, and the Rhode Island Battery is in danger
+of capture, when General Andrew Porter&mdash;whose own brigade has just
+reached the field and is deploying to the right of Burnside's&mdash;succeeds
+Hunter in command of the division, and rides over to his left.  Burnside
+asks him for Sykes's battalion of regulars, which is accordingly
+detached from the extreme right of Andrew Porter's Division, rapidly
+forms on the left, in support of the Rhode Island Battery, and opens a
+hot and effective fire which, in connection with the renewed fire of
+Burnside's rallied regiments, and the opening artillery practice of
+Griffin's Battery&mdash;that has just come up at a gallop and gone into a
+good position upon an eminence to the right of Porter's Division, and to
+the right of the Sudley road looking South&mdash;fairly staggers the Enemy.</p>
+
+<p>And now the brigades of Sherman and Keyes, having been ordered across
+Bull Run by General Tyler, are seen advancing from Poplar Ford, at the
+rear of our left,&mdash;Sherman's Brigade, headed by Corcoran's 69th New York
+Regiment, coming up on Burnside's left, while Keves's Brigade is
+following, to the left again of, Sherman.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Sherman, in his Official Report, after mentioning the receipt by
+     him of Tyler's order to "cross over with the whole brigade to the
+     assistance of Colonel Hunter"&mdash;which he did, so far as the Infantry
+     was concerned, but left his battery under Ayres behind, on account
+     of the impassability of the bluff on the Western bank of Bull 
+		 Run&mdash;says: "Early in the day, when reconnoitering the ground, I had seen
+     a horseman descend from a bluff in our front, cross the stream, and
+     show himself in the open field, and, inferring we could cross over
+     at the same point, I sent forward a company as skirmishers, and
+     followed with the whole brigade, the New York Sixty-ninth leading."</p>
+
+<p>     This is evidently the ford at the elbow of Bull Run, to the right
+     of Sherman's front, which is laid down on the Army-maps as "Poplar
+     Ford," and which McDowell's engineers had previously discovered and
+     mapped; and to which Major Barnard of the U. S.  Engineer Corps
+     alludes when, in his Official Report, he says: "Midway between the
+     Stone Bridge and Sudley Spring our maps indicated another ford,
+     which was said to be good."</p>
+
+<p>     The Comte de Paris, at page 241, vol. I. of his admirable "History
+     of the Civil War in America," and perhaps other Military
+     historians, having assumed and stated&mdash;upon the strength of this
+     passage in Sherman's Report&mdash;that "the Military instinct" of that
+     successful soldier had "discovered" this ford; and the impression
+     being thus conveyed, however undesignedly, to their readers, that
+     McDowell's Engineer corps, after spending two or three days in
+     reconnaissances, had failed to find the ford which Sherman had in a
+     few minutes "discovered" by "Military instinct;" it is surely due
+     to the truth of Military history, that the Engineers be fairly
+     credited with the discovery and mapping of that ford, the existence
+     of which should also have been known to McDowell's brigade
+     commanders.</p>
+
+<p>     If, on the other hand, the Report of the Rebel Captain Arthur L.
+     Rogers, of the Loudoun Artillery, to General Philip St. George
+     Cocke, be correct, it would seem that Sherman attempted to cross
+     Bull Run lower down than Poplar Ford, which is "about one mile
+     above the Stone Bridge," but was driven back by the fire of
+     Rogers's guns to cross at that particular ford; for Rogers, in that
+     Report, says that about 11 o'clock A. M., the first section of the
+     Loudoun Artillery, under his command, "proceeded to the crest of
+     the hill on the West Side of Bull Run, commanding Stone Bridge.  *
+     * * Here."  continues he, "I posted my section of Artillery, and
+     opened a brisk fire upon a column of the Enemy's Infantry, supposed
+     to be two regiments, advancing towards me, and supported by his
+     battery of rifled cannon on the hills opposite.  These poured into
+     my section a steady fire of shot and shell.  After giving them some
+     fifty rounds, I succeeded in heading his column, and turned it up
+     Bull Run to a ford about one mile above Stone Bridge, where, with
+     the regiments which followed, they crossed, and proceeded to join
+     the rest of the Enemy's forces in front of the main body of our
+     Army."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Before this developing, expanding, and advancing attack of the Union
+forces, the Rebel General Bee, who&mdash;since his coming up to support
+Evans, with his own and Bartow's Brigades, to which had since been added
+Hampton's Legion,&mdash;has been in command of this new Rebel line of defense
+upon the left of the Bull Run line, concludes that that attack is
+getting too strong for him, and orders his forces to retreat to the
+Southward, and re-form on a second line, parallel to their present line,
+and behind the rising ground at their rear.  They do so, somewhat faster
+than he desires.  The whole line of the Rebel centre gives way, followed
+by the wings, as far as the victorious Union troops can see.</p>
+
+<p>We must be blind if we cannot perceive that thus far, the outlook, from
+the Union point of view,&mdash;despite numberless mistakes of detail, and
+some, perhaps, more general in their character&mdash;is very good.  The "Boys
+in Blue" are irresistibly advancing, driving the "Rebel Gray" back and
+back, without let or hindrance, over the Buck Hill ridge, over Young's
+Branch, back to, and even over, the Warrenton Pike.  Time, to be sure,
+is flying&mdash;valuable time; but the Enemy also is retiring.&mdash;There is some
+slight confusion in parts of our own ranks; but there is much more in
+his.  At present, we have decidedly the best of it.  McDowell's plan has
+been, thus far, successful.  Will that success continue?  We shall see.</p>
+
+<p>Heintzelman's Division is coming, up from the rear, to the Union 
+right&mdash;Franklin's Brigade, made up of the 5th and 11th Massachusetts, and 1st
+Minnesota, with Ricketts's splendid battery of six 10-pounder Parrotts,
+forming on the right of Andrew Porter's Brigade and Division; while
+Willcox's demi-Brigade, with its 11th ("Fire Zouaves") and 38th New
+York&mdash;having left Arnold's Battery of four pieces, with the 1st Michigan
+as its support, posted on a hill commanding Sudley's Ford&mdash;comes in, on
+the right of Franklin, thus forming the extreme right of the advancing
+Union line of attack.</p>
+
+<p>As our re-enforcing brigades come up, on our right, and on our left, the
+Enemy falls back, more and more discouraged and dismayed.  It seems to
+him, as it does to us, "as though nothing can stop us."  Jackson,
+however, is now hurrying up to the relief of the flying and disordered
+remnants of Bee's, Bartow's, and Evans's Brigades; and these
+subsequently rally, with Hampton's Legion, upon Jackson's strong brigade
+of fresh troops, so that, on a third new line, to which they have been
+driven back, they soon have&mdash;6,500 Infantry, 13 pieces of Artillery, and
+Stuart's cavalry&mdash;posted in a belt of pines which fringes the Southern
+skirt of the Henry House plateau&mdash;in a line-of-battle which, with its
+left resting upon the Sudley road, three-quarters of a mile South of its
+intersection with the Warrenton Pike, is the irregular hypothenuse of a
+right-angled triangle, formed by itself and those two intersecting
+roads, to the South-East of such intersection.  It is within this
+right-angled triangular space that the battle, now proceeding, bids fair to
+rage most fiercely.</p>
+
+<p>Johnston and Beauregard, riding up from their rear, reach this new
+(third) line to which the Rebel troops have been driven, about noon.
+They find the brigades of Bee, Bartow, and Evans, falling back in great
+disorder, and taking shelter in a wooded ravine, South of the Robinson
+House and of the Warrenton Pike.  Hampton's Legion, which has just been
+driven backward over the Pike, with great loss, still holds the Robinson
+House.  Jackson, however, has reached the front of this line of defense,
+with his brigade of the 2nd, 4th, 5th, 27th, and 33rd Virginia Infantry,
+and Pendleton's Battery&mdash;all of which have been well rested, since their
+arrival, with other brigades of Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, from
+Winchester, a day or two back.</p>
+
+<p>As Jackson comes up, on the left of "the ravine and woods occupied by
+the mingled remnants of Bee's, Bartow's and Evans's commands," he posts
+Imboden's, Stanard's, and Pendleton's Batteries in line, "below the brim
+of the Henry House plateau," perhaps one-eighth of a mile to the
+East-Southeastward of the Henry House, at his centre; Preston's 4th Virginia,
+and Echol's 27th Virginia, at the rear of the battery-line; Harper's 5th
+Virginia, with Radford's Cavalry, at its right; and, on its left,
+Allen's 2nd Virginia; with Cumming's 33rd Virginia to the left of that
+again, and Stuart's Cavalry covering the Rebel left flank.</p>
+
+<p>It is about this time that the chief Rebel generals find their position
+so desperate, as to necessitate extraordinary measures, and personal
+exposure, on their part.  Now it is, that Jackson earns the famous
+sobriquet which sticks to him until he dies.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>
+     [Bee approaches Jackson&mdash;so goes the story, according to Swinton;
+     he points to the disordered remnants of his own brigade mingled
+     with those of the brigades of Bartow and Evans huddled together in
+     the woods, and exclaims: "General, they are beating us back!"
+     "Sir," responds Jackson, drawing himself up, severely, "We'll give
+     them the bayonet!" And Bee, rushing back among his confused troops,
+     rallies them with the cry: "There is Jackson, standing like a Stone
+     wall!  Let us determine to die here, and we will conquer."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Now it is, that Johnston and Beauregard, accompanied by their staffs,
+ride backward and forward among the Rebel ranks, rallying and
+encouraging them.  Now it is, that, Bee and Bartow and Hampton being
+wounded, and the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Hampton Legion killed,
+Beauregard leads a gallant charge of that legion in person.  And now it
+is, that Johnston himself, finding all the field-officers of the 4th
+Alabama disabled, "impressively and gallantly charges to the front" with
+the colors of that regiment at his side!</p>
+
+<p>These conspicuous examples of bravery, inspire the Rebel troops with
+fresh courage, at this admittedly "critical" moment.</p>
+
+<p>Johnston now assigns to Beauregard the chief "command of the left" of
+the Bull Run line,&mdash;that is to say, the chief command of the Enemy's new
+line of defense, which, as we have seen, is on the left of, and at right
+angles to, the old Bull Run line&mdash;while he himself, riding back to the
+Lewis House, resumes "the command of the whole field."</p>
+
+<p>On his way to his rear, Johnston orders Cocke to send reenforcements to
+Beauregard.  He also dispatches orders to hurry up to that Rebel
+general's support, the brigades of Holmes and Early from near the Union
+Mills Ford, and that of Bonham  from Mitchell's Ford,&mdash;Ewell with his
+brigade,  being also directed to "follow with all speed" from Union
+Mills Ford-making a total of over 10,000 fresh troops.</p>
+
+<p>From the "commanding elevation" of the Lewis House, Johnston can observe
+the position of the Union forces beyond Bull Run, at Blackburn's Ford
+and Stone Bridge; the coming of his own re-enforcing brigades from far
+down the valley, toward Manassas; and the manoeuvres of our advancing
+columns under McDowell.</p>
+
+<p>As the battle proceeds, the Enemy's strength on the third new line of
+defense increases, until he has 22 guns, 260 Cavalry, and 12 regiments
+of Infantry, now engaged.  It is interesting to observe also, that, of
+these, 16 of the guns, 9 of the regiments, and all of the Cavalry
+(Stuart's), belong to Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah, while only 6
+guns and 3 Infantry regiments thus engaged, belong to Beauregard's Army
+of the Potomac.  Thus the burden of the battle has been, and is being,
+borne by Johnston's, and not Beauregard's troops&mdash;in the proportion of
+about three of the former, to one of the latter,&mdash;which, for over two
+hours, maintain their position despite many successive assaults we make
+upon them.</p>
+
+<p>It is after 2 o'clock P.M., when Howard's Brigade, of Heintzelman's
+Division, reaches the battle-field, almost broken down with exhaustion.
+By order of Heintzelman it has moved at double-quick for a mile of the
+way, until, under the broiling heat, it can do so no longer.  The last
+two miles of the weary tramp, while the head of the brigade has moved at
+quick time, the rear, having lost distances, moves, much of the time, at
+a double-quick.  As a consequence, many of Howard's men drop out, and
+absolutely faint from exhaustion.</p>
+
+<p>As Howard's Brigade approaches the field, besides the ambulances and
+litters, conveying to the rear the wounded and dying, crowds of
+retreating stragglers meet and tell it to hurry along; that the Enemy
+has been driven back a mile; but, as it marches along, its regiments do
+not feel particularly encouraged by the disorganization so prevalent;
+and the fact that as they come into action, the thunders of the Rebel
+Artillery do not seem to meet an adequately voluminous response&mdash;from
+the Union side, seems to them, a portent of evil.  Weary and fagged out,
+they are permitted to rest, for a while, under cover.</p>
+
+<p>Up to this time, our line, increased, as it has been, by the brigades of
+Sherman and Keyes, on the left of Burnside, and of Franklin and Wilcox,
+on the right of Porter, has continued to advance victoriously.  Our
+troops are, to be sure, considerably scattered, having been "moved from
+point to point" a good deal.  On our left, the Enemy has been driven
+back nearly a mile, and Keyes's Brigade is pushing down Bull Run, under
+shelter of the bluffs, trying to turn the right of the Enemy's new line,
+and give Schenck's Brigade a better chance for crossing the Stone
+Bridge, still commanded by some of the Rebel guns.</p>
+
+<p>Having "nothing to do" there, "several of the Union regiments" are
+coming over, from our left toward our right, with a view of overlapping,
+and turning, the Enemy's left.</p>
+
+<p>It is about half past 2 o'clock.  The batteries of Griffin and Ricketts
+have already been advanced as far as the eminence, upon our right, upon
+which stands the Dogan House.  Supported by Lyons's gallant 14th New
+York Chasseurs, Griffin's and Ricketts's Batteries are still pouring a
+terribly destructive fire into the batteries and columns of the Enemy,
+now behind the brow of the Henry House hill, wherever exposed, while
+Palmer's seven companies of Union Cavalry are feeling the Enemy's left
+flank, which McDowell proposes to turn.  The flags of eight Union
+regiments, though "borne somewhat wearily" now point toward the hilly
+Henry House plateau, beyond which "disordered masses of Rebels" have
+been seen "hastily retiring."</p>
+
+<p>There is a lull in the battle.  The terrible heat is exhausting to the
+combatants on both sides.  Griffin and Ricketts have wrought such havoc
+with their guns, that "nothing remains to be fired at."  Victory seems
+most surely to be ours.</p>
+
+<p>Away down at his headquarters at the Lewis House, the Rebel General
+Johnston stands watching the progress of the battle, as it goes against
+him.  Nervously he glances, every now and then, over his left shoulder,
+as if expecting something.  An officer is galloping toward him, from
+Manassas.  He comes from the office of Beauregard's Adjutant-General, at
+that point.  He rides up and salutes.  "General," says he, breathlessly,
+"a United States Army has reached the line of the Manassas Gap railroad,
+and is now but three or four miles from our left flank!"</p>
+
+<p>Johnston clenches his teeth nervously.  Thick beads of perspiration
+start from his forehead.  He believes it is Patterson's Army that has
+followed "upon his heels" from before Winchester, faster than has been
+anticipated; and, as he thinks of Kirby Smith, who should long since
+have arrived with Elzey's Brigade&mdash;all, of his own "Army of the
+Shenandoah," that has not yet followed him to Manassas,&mdash;the exclamation
+involuntarily bursts from his lips: "Oh, for four regiments!"</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Says a correspondent and eye-witness of the battle, writing to the
+     Richmond Dispatch, from the battle-field, July 23d: "Between two
+     and three o'clock large numbers of men were leaving the field, some
+     of them wounded, others exhausted by the long struggle, who gave us
+     gloomy reports; but, as the firing on both sides continued
+     steadily, we felt sure that our brave Southerners had not been
+     conquered by the overwhelming hordes of the North.  It is, however,
+     due to truth to say that the result at this hour hung trembling in
+     the balance.  We had lost numbers of our most distinguished
+     officers.  Gens. Barlow and Bee had been stricken down; Lieut; Col.
+     Johnson of the Hampton Legion had been killed; Col. Hampton had
+     been wounded.  But there was at hand a fearless general whose
+     reputation was staked on this battle: Gen. Beauregard promptly
+     offered to lead the Hampton Legion into action, which he executed
+     in a style unsurpassed and unsurpassable.  Gen. Beauregard rode up
+     and down our lines, between the Enemy and his own men, regardless
+     of the heavy fire, cheering and encouraging our troops.  About this
+     time, a shell struck his horse, taking its head off, and killing
+     the horses of his aides, Messrs. Ferguson and Hayward.  * * *  Gen.
+     Johnston also threw himself into the thickest of the fight, seizing
+     the colors of a Georgia (Alabama) regiment, and rallying then to
+     the charge.  * * *  Your correspondent heard Gen.  Johnston exclaim
+     to Gen. Cocke, just at the critical moment, 'Oh, for four
+     regiments!'  His wish was answered; for in the distance our
+		 re-enforcements appeared.  The tide of battle was turned in our favor
+     by the arrival of Gen. Kirby Smith, from Winchester, with 4,000 men
+     of Gen. Johnston's Division.  Gen. Smith heard, while on the
+     Manassas Railroad cars, the roar of battle.  He stopped the train,
+     and hurried his troops across the fields to the point just where he
+     was most needed.  They were at first supposed to be the Enemy,
+     their arrival at that point of the field being entirely unexpected.
+     The Enemy fell back, and a panic seized them.  Cheer after cheer
+     from our men went up, and we knew the battle had been won."</p>
+
+<p>     Another Rebel correspondent who, as an officer of the Kentucky
+     battalion of General Johnston's Division of the Rebel Army,
+     participated in the battle, wrote to the Louisville Courier from
+     Manassas, July 22, an account of it, in which, after mentioning
+     that the Rebel Army had been forced back for two miles, he
+     continues; "The fortunes of the day were evidently against us.
+     Some of our best officers had been slain, and the flower of our
+     Army lay strewn upon the field, ghastly in death or gaping with
+     wounds.  At noon, the cannonading is described as terrific.  It was
+     an incessant roar for more than two hours, the havoc and
+     devastation at this time being fear ful.  McDowell * * * had nearly
+     outflanked us, and they were just in the act of possessing
+     themselves of the Railway to Richmond.  Then all would have been
+     lost.  But most opportunely&mdash;I may say Providentially&mdash;at this
+     juncture, Gen. Johnston, [Kirby Smith it should be] with the
+     remnant of Johnston's Division&mdash;our Army, as we fondly call it, for
+     we have been friends and brothers in camp and field for three
+     months&mdash;reappeared, and made one other desperate struggle to obtain
+     the vantage-ground.  Elzey's Brigade of Marylanders and Virginians
+     led the charge; and right manfully did they execute the work,"]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>"The prayer of the wicked availeth not," 'tis said; yet never was the
+prayer of the righteous more quickly answered than is that of the Rebel
+General-in-chief!  Johnston himself, alluding to this exigent moment,
+afterward remarks, in his report: "The expected reenforcements appeared
+soon after."  Instead of Patterson's Union Army, it is Kirby Smith,
+coming up, with Elzey's Brigade, from Winchester!</p>
+
+<p>Satisfied of the safe arrival of Kirby Smith, and ordering him up, with
+Elzey's Brigade, Johnston directs Kershaw's 2nd and Cash's 8th South
+Carolina Regiments, which have just come up, with Kemper's Battery, from
+Bonham's Brigade, to strengthen the Rebel left, against the attempt
+which we are still making to reach around it, about the Sudley road, to
+take it in reverse.  Fisher's 6th North Carolina Regiment arriving about
+the same time, is also hurried along to help Beauregard.</p>
+
+<p>But during the victorious lull, heretofore alluded to, something is
+happening on our side, that is of very serious moment.  Let us see what
+it is:</p>
+
+<p>The batteries of Griffin and Ricketts, at the Dogan House, having
+nothing to fire at, as we have seen, are resting, pleased with the
+consciousness of their brilliant and victorious service against the
+Rebel batteries and Infantry columns, when they are ordered by McDowell
+&mdash;who, with his staff, is upon elevated ground to the rear of our
+right,&mdash;to advance 1,000 yards further to the front, "upon a hill near
+the Henry House."</p>
+
+<p>Ricketts considers this a perilous job&mdash;but proceeds to execute the
+order as to his own battery.  A small ravine is in his front.  With
+Ricketts gallantly leading, the battery dashes across the ravine at full
+gallop, breaking one wheel as it goes, which is at once replaced.  A
+fence lies across the way.  The cannoniers demolish it.  The battery
+ascends the hill near the Henry House, which is full of the Enemy's
+sharpshooters.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [For this, and what immediately follows, see the testimony of
+     Ricketts and others, before the Committee on the Conduct of the
+     War.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Soon as Ricketts gets his guns in battery, his men and horses begin to
+fall, under the fire of these sharpshooters.  He turns his guns upon the
+Henry House,&mdash;and "literally riddles it."  Amid the moans of the
+wounded, the death scream of a woman is heard!  The Enemy had permitted
+her to remain in her doomed house!</p>
+
+<p>But the execution is not all on one side, by any means.  Ricketts is in
+a very hot place&mdash;the hottest, he afterward declares, that he has ever
+seen in his life&mdash;and he has seen fighting before this.</p>
+
+<p>The Enemy is behind the woods, at the front and right of Ricketts's
+Battery.  This, with the added advantage of the natural slope of the
+ground, enables him to deliver upon the brave Union artillerists a
+concentrated fire, which is terribly destructive, and disables so many
+of Rickett's horses that he cannot move, if he would.  Rickett's own
+guns, however, are so admirably served, that a smooth-bore battery of
+the Enemy, which has been stubbornly opposing him, is driven back,
+despite its heavy supports.</p>
+
+<p>And Griffin's Battery now comes rapidly up into position on the left of,
+and in line with, Ricketts.  For Griffin also has been ordered from the
+Dogan House hill, to this new, and dangerously exposed, position.</p>
+
+<p>But when Major Barry, General McDowell's Chief of Artillery, brings him
+the order, Griffin hesitates&mdash;for he has no Infantry support.</p>
+
+<p>"The Fire Zouaves&mdash;[The 11th New York]&mdash;will support you," says Barry,
+"They are just ready to follow you at the double-quick!"</p>
+
+<p>"Then why not let them go and get in position on the hill," says
+Griffin; "then, let Ricketts's and my batteries come into battery
+behind; and then, let them (the Zouaves) fall back?"</p>
+
+<p>Griffin advises, also, as a better position for his own battery, a hill
+500 yards in the rear of the Henry House hill.  But advice is thrown
+away.  His artillery-chief is inflexible.</p>
+
+<p>"I tell you," says Griffin again, "the Fire Zouaves won't support us."</p>
+
+<p>"They will," replies Barry.  "At any rate it is General McDowell's order
+to go there!"</p>
+
+<p>That settles the business.  "I will go," responds Griffin; "but mark my
+words, they will not support us!"</p>
+
+<p>Griffin's Battery, indeed, starts first, but, owing to the mistake of
+one of his officers, it has to be countermarched, so that Ricketts's is
+thrown to the front, and, as we have seen, first reaches the crest of
+the Henry House hill.</p>
+
+<p>Griffin, as he comes up with his guns, goes into battery on the left of
+Ricketts, and at once opens briskly on the Enemy.  One of Griffin's guns
+has a ball lodged in the bore, which cannot be got in or out.  His other
+five guns, with the six guns of Ricketts, make eleven pieces, which are
+now side by side-all of them driving away at the Enemy's (Stonewall
+Jackson's) strong batteries, not more than 300 yards away.</p>
+
+<p>They have been at it half an hour perhaps, when Griffin moves two of his
+pieces to the right of Ricketts, and commences firing with them.  He has
+hardly been there five minutes, when a Rebel regiment coming out of the
+woods at Griffin's right front, gets over a rail fence, its Colonel
+steps out between his regiment (now standing up to the knees in rank
+grass) and the battery, and commences a speech to his men!</p>
+
+<p>Griffin orders one of his officers to load with canister, and let drive
+at them.  The guns are loaded, and ready to fire, when up gallops Barry,
+exclaiming: "Captain, don't fire there; those are your
+battery-supports!"</p>
+
+<p>At this supreme moment, Reynolds's gorgeous looking Marines are sitting
+down in close column, on the ground, to the left of the Union batteries.
+The showy 11th New York "Fire Zouaves" are a little to the rear of the
+right of the guns.  The gallant 14th New York Chasseurs, in their
+dust-covered red uniforms, who had followed Griffin's Battery, at some
+distance, have, only a little while since, pushed finely up, from the
+ravine at the rear of our batteries, into the woods, to the right of
+Griffin and Ricketts, at a double-quick.  To the left of the batteries,
+close to the battalion of Marines, Heintzelman bestrides his horse, near
+some of his own Division.</p>
+
+<p>To Major Barry's startling declaration, Captain Griffin excitedly
+shouts: "They are Confederates!  Sure as the world, they are
+Confederates!"</p>
+
+<p>But Barry thinks he knows better, and hastily responds: "I know they are
+your battery-support."</p>
+
+<p>Griffin spurs toward his pieces, countermands his previous order, and
+firing is resumed in the old direction.</p>
+
+<p>Andrew Porter, has just ridden up to Heintzelman's side, and now catches
+sight of the Rebel regiment.  "What troops are those?" he asks of
+General Hientzelman, pointing in their direction.</p>
+
+<p>While Heintzelman is replying, and just as Averell drops his reins and
+levels his field-glass at them, "down come their pieces-rifles and
+muskets,&mdash;and probably," as Averell afterward said, "there never was
+such a destructive fire for a few minutes.  It seemed as though every
+man and horse of that battery just laid right down, and died right off!"</p>
+
+<p>It is a dreadful mistake that has been made.  And there seems to have
+been no excuse for it either.  The deliberateness of the Rebel colonel
+has given Barry abundant time to have discovered his error.  For Griffin
+subsequently declared, under oath, that, "After the officer who had been
+talking to the regiment had got through, he faced them to the left,
+marched them about fifty yards to the woods, then faced them to the
+right again, marched them about forty yards toward us, then opened fire
+upon us&mdash;and that was the last of us!"</p>
+
+<p>It is a terrible blunder.  For, up to this moment, the battle is
+undeniably ours.  And, while the Rebel colonel has been haranguing his
+brave men, there has been plenty of time to have "passed the word" along
+the line of our batteries, and poured canister into the Rebel regiment
+from the whole line of eleven guns, at point-blank range, which must
+inevitably have cut it all to pieces.  The fate of the day hung balanced
+right there and then&mdash;with all the chances in favor of McDowell.  But
+those chances are now reversed.  Such are the fickle changes in the
+fortunes of battle!</p>
+
+<p>Instead of our batteries cutting to pieces the Rebel Infantry regiment,
+the Rebel Infantry regiment has mowed down the gallant artillerists of
+our batteries.  Hardly a man of them escapes.  Death and destruction
+reap a wondrous and instant harvest.  Wounded, dying, or dead, lie the
+brave cannoniers at their guns, officers and men alike hors du combat,
+while wounded horses gallop wildly back, with bounding caissons, down
+the gentle declivity, carrying disorder, and further danger, in their
+mad flight.</p>
+
+<p>The supporting Fire Zouaves and Marines, on the right and left of our
+line of guns, stand, with staring eyes and dumb open-mouths, at the
+sudden turn of affairs.  They are absolutely paralyzed with
+astonishment.  They do not run at first.  They stand, quaking and
+panic-stricken.  They are urged to advance upon the Rebel regiment&mdash;"to give
+them a volley, and then try the bayonet."  In vain!  They fire perhaps
+100 scattering shots; and receive in return, as they break and run down
+the hill to the rear, volley after volley, of deadly lead, from the
+Rebel muskets.</p>
+
+<p>But, as this Rebel regiment (Cummings's 33rd Virginia) advances to seize
+the crippled and defenceless guns, it is checked, and driven back, by
+the 1st Michigan Regiment of Willcox's Brigade, which has pushed forward
+in the woods at our extreme right.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, having been ordered by McDowell to support Ricketts's
+Battery, Howard has formed his four tired regiments into two 
+lines&mdash;Berry's 4th Maine, and Whitney's 2nd Vermont, on the right and left of
+the first; and Dunnell's 5th, and his own 3rd Maine, under Staples, in
+the second line.  Howard himself leads his first line up the elevated
+plateau of the Henry House.  Reaching the crest, the line delivers its
+fire, volley after volley, despite the concentrated hail of the Enemy's
+Artillery and muskets.  As the second line advances, a Rebel
+cannon-ball, and an unfortunate charge of our own Cavalry, scatters most of the
+5th Maine.  The 2nd Vermont, which has advanced 200 yards beyond the
+crest, rapidly firing, while the Enemy retires, is now, in turn, forced
+back by the Enemy's hot fire, and is replaced by the 3rd Maine, while
+the remnant of the 5th moves up to the extreme right of Howard's now
+single line.  But the Rebel fire grows hotter and hotter, and owing to
+this, and a misunderstood order, Howard's line begins to dissolve, and
+then retires in confusion,&mdash;Howard and others vainly striving to rally
+his own utterly exhausted men.</p>
+
+<p>Sherman's Brigade, too, has come over from our left, and now advances
+upon the deadly plateau, where lie the disabled Union batteries&mdash;the
+prizes, in full sight of both Armies, for which each seems now to be so
+desperately striving.</p>
+
+<p>Quinby's 13th New York Rifles, in column of companies, leads the
+brigade, followed by Lieutenant-Colonel Peck's 2d Wisconsin, Cameron's
+79th New York (Highlanders), and Corcoran's 69th New York (Irish), "in
+line of battle."  Down the slope, across the ravine, and up, on the
+other side, steadily presses Quinby, till he reaches the crest.  He
+opens fire.  An advancing Rebel regiment retires, as he pushes up to
+where the Union batteries and cannoniers lie wounded and dying&mdash;the
+other three regiments following in line-of-battle until near the crest,
+when the fire of the Enemy's rifles and musketry, added to his heavy
+cannonading, grows so severe that the brigade is forced back to shelter
+in a roadway leading up the plateau.</p>
+
+<p>Peck's 2nd Wisconsin, now emerges from this sheltered roadway, and
+steadily mounts the elevation, in the face of the Enemy's severe
+fire-returning it, with spirit, as it advances.  But the Rebel fire becomes
+too galling.  The gray-clad Wisconsin boys return to the sheltered road
+again, while the cry goes up from Sherman's ranks: "Our own men are
+firing at them!"  Rallying at the road, the 2nd Wisconsin again returns,
+with desperate courage, to the crest of the hill, delivers its fire, and
+then, unable to withstand the dreadful carnage, falls back once more, in
+disorder.</p>
+
+<p>At this, the 79th (Highland) Regiment springs forward, to mount the brow
+of the fatal hill, swept as it is, with this storm of shot and shell and
+musket-balls.  Up, through the lowering smoke, lit with the Enemy's
+incessant discharges in the woods beyond, the brave Highlanders jauntily
+march, and, with Cameron and their colors at their head, charge
+impetuously across the bloody hill-crest, and still farther, to the
+front.  But it is not in human nature to continue that advance in the
+teeth of the withering fire from Jackson's batteries, strengthened, as
+they are, by Pelham's and Kemper's.  The gallant fellows fall back,
+rally again, advance once more, retire again, and at last,&mdash;the heroic
+Cameron being mortally wounded,&mdash;fall back, in confusion, under the
+cover of the hill.</p>
+
+<p>And now, while Quinby's Regiment, on another ridge, more to the left, is
+also again engaging the Enemy, the 69th New York, led by the fearless
+Corcoran, dashes forward, up the Henry House hill, over the forbidding
+brow, and beyond.  As the brave Irishmen reach the abandoned batteries,
+the hoarse roar of cannon, the sharp rattle of musketry-volleys, the
+scream of shot and shell, and the whistling of bullets, is at once
+deafening and appalling, while the air seems filled with the iron and
+leaden sleet which sweeps across the scorched and blasted plateau of the
+Henry House.  Nobly the Irish Regiment holds its ground for a time; but,
+at last, it too falls back, before the hurtling tempest.</p>
+
+<p>The fortunes of the day are plainly turning against us.  Time is also
+against us&mdash;as it has been all along&mdash;while it is with the Enemy.  It is
+past 3 o'clock.</p>
+
+<p>Since we last looked at Beauregard's third new defensive line, there
+have been material accessions to it.  The remains of the brigades of
+Bee, Evans, and Bartow, have been reformed on the right of Jackson's
+Brigade&mdash;Bee on his immediate right, Evans to the right of Bee, and
+Bartow to the right of Evans, with a battery which has been engaging
+Schenck's Brigade on the other side of Bull Run near the Stone Bridge;
+while Cocke's Brigade watches Bull Run to the rear of Bartow.  On the
+left of Jackson's.  Brigade, is now to be seen a part of Bonham's
+Brigade (Kershaw's 2nd South Carolina, and Cash's 8th South Carolina)
+with Kemper's Battery on its left.  Kirby Smith has reached the front,
+from Manassas, and&mdash;in advancing from his position on the left of
+Bonham's demi-Brigade, just West of the Sudley road, with Elzey's
+Brigade, in a counter-attack upon our right-is wounded, and carried to
+the rear, leaving his command to Elzey.  Stuart's Cavalry are in the
+woods, still farther to the Enemy's left, supporting Beckham's Battery.
+Early's Brigade is also coming up, from Union Mills Ford, not far to the
+rear of the Enemy's left, with the design of coming into line between
+Elzey's Brigade and Beckham's Battery, and out-flanking and attacking
+our right.  But let us bring our eyes back to the bloody contest, still
+going on, for the possession of the batteries of Griffin and Ricketts.</p>
+
+<p>Arnold's Battery has raced up on our right, and is delivering shot,
+shell, spherical case, and canister, with effect, although exposed to a
+severe and accurate fire from the Enemy.  Wilcox, with what is left of
+the 1st Michigan, after once retaking the batteries on the plateau, from
+the 7th Georgia, has got around the Enemy's left flank and is actually
+engaged with the Enemy's rear, while that Enemy's front is engaged with
+Franklin and Sherman!  But Hobart Ward's 38th New York, which Wilcox has
+ordered up to support the 1st Michigan, on our extreme right, in this
+flanking movement, has been misdirected, and is now attacking the
+Enemy's centre, instead of his left; and Preston's 28th Virginia&mdash;which,
+with Withers's 18th Virginia, has come up to the Rebel left, from
+Cocke's Brigade, on the Enemy's right&mdash;finding the 1st Michigan broken,
+in the woods, attacks it, and wounds and captures Wilcox.  Withers's
+Regiment has, with a yell&mdash;the old "Rebel yell," now rising everywhere
+from Rebel throats, and so often heard afterward,&mdash;charged the 14th New
+York Chasseurs, in the woods; and the Chasseurs, though retiring, have
+fired upon it with such precision as to throw some of their assailants
+into disorder.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Says General Keyes, who had kept on down the Run, "on the extreme
+     left of our advance&mdash;having separated from Sherman on his right:&mdash;I
+     thought the day was won about 2 o'clock; but about half past 3
+     o'clock a sudden change in the firing took place, which, to my ear,
+     was very ominous.  I knew that the moment the shout went up from
+     the other side, there appeared to be an instantaneous change in the
+     whole sound of the battle.  * * *  That, as far as I can learn, was
+     the shout that went up from the Enemy's line when they found out
+     for certain that it was Johnston [Kirby Smith] and not Patterson,
+     that had come."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Meanwhile McDowell is making one more effort to retrieve the misfortunes
+of the day.  Lawrence's 5th, and Clark's 11th Massachusetts, with
+Gorman's 1st Minnesota,&mdash;all belonging to Franklin's Brigade&mdash;together
+with Corcoran's 69th New York, of Sherman's Brigade, have been brought
+into line-of-battle, by the united efforts of Franklin, Averell, and
+other officers, at our centre, and with the remnants of two or three
+other regiments, are moving against the Enemy's centre, to support the
+attack of the Chasseurs&mdash;rallied and led forward again by Heintzelman
+upon the Rebel left, and that of the 38th New York upon the Rebel left
+centre,&mdash;in another effort to recapture the abandoned batteries.</p>
+
+<p>Charge after charge, is made by our gallant regiments, and
+counter-charge after counter-charge, is made by the fresh troops of the Enemy.
+For almost half an hour, has the contest over the batteries rolled
+backward and forward.  Three several times have the batteries been
+taken, and re-taken,&mdash;much of the determined and desperate struggle
+going on, over the prostrate and bleeding bodies of the brave Union
+artillerists,&mdash;but without avail.  Regiment after regiment, has been
+thrown back, by the deadly fusillade of the Enemy's musketry from the
+skirt of woods at his front and left, and the canister, case, and
+bursting shells, of his rapidly-served Artillery.</p>
+
+<p>It is now near upon 4 o'clock.  Our last effort to recapture the
+batteries has failed.  The Union line of advance has been seriously
+checked.  Some of our own guns in those batteries are turned on us.  The
+Enemy's Infantry make a rush over the blood-soaked brow of the fatal
+plateau, pouring into our men a deadly fire, as they advance,&mdash;while
+over to our right and rear, at the same moment, are seen the fresh
+regiments of Early's Brigade coming out of the woods&mdash;deploying rapidly
+in several lines&mdash;with Stuart's handful of Rebel Cavalry, while
+Beckham's guns, in the same quarter, open an oblique enfilading reverse
+fire upon us, in a lively manner.</p>
+
+<p>At once the minds of the fagged-out Union troops become filled with the
+dispiriting idea that the exhausting fight which they have made all day
+long, has been simply with Beauregard's Army of the Potomac, and that
+these fresh Rebel troops, on the Union right and rear, are the vanguard
+of Johnston's Army of the Shenandoah!  After all the hard marching and
+fighting they have done during the last thirteen hours,&mdash;with empty
+stomachs, and parched lips, under a scorching sun that still, as it
+descends in the West, glowers down upon them, through the murky air,
+like a great, red, glaring eye,&mdash;the very thought is terrible!</p>
+
+<p>Without fear, yet equally without hope, the Union troops crumble to
+groups, and then to individuals.  The attempt of McDowell to turn the
+left of the Enemy's Bull Run line, has failed.</p>
+
+<p>McDowell and his officers heroically but vainly strive, at great
+personal risk to themselves, to stem the tide of confusion, and
+disorder.  Sykes's battalion of regulars, which has been at our left,
+now steadily moves obliquely across the field of battle toward our
+right, to a hill in the midground, which it occupies, and, with the aid
+of Arnold's Battery and Palmer's Cavalry, holds, while the exhausted and
+disorganized troops of the Union Army doggedly and slowly retire toward
+Sudley Ford, their rear covered by an irregular square of Infantry,
+which, mainly by the exertions of Colonel Corcoran, has been formed to
+resist a threatened charge of Stuart's Cavalry.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [At the rate of "not more than two, or two and a half, miles an
+     hour," and not "helter-skelter," as some narrators state.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>It is not fear, that has got the better of our Union troops.  It is
+physical exhaustion for one thing; it is thirst for another.  Men must
+drink,&mdash;even if they have foolishly thrown away their canteens,&mdash;and
+many have retired to get water.  It is the moral effect also&mdash;the
+terrible disappointment&mdash;of seeing what they suppose are Johnston's
+fresh troops from the Shenandoah Valley, without Patterson "on their
+heels," suddenly appear on their flank and rear.  It is not fear; though
+some of them are panic-stricken, and, as they catch sight of Stuart's
+mounted men,&mdash;no black horse or uniform among them,&mdash;raise the cry of
+"The Black Horse Cavalry!&mdash;The Black Horse Cavalry!"</p>
+
+<p>The Union attack has been repulsed, it is true; but the Union soldiers,
+though disorganized, discouraged, and disappointed, are not dismayed.
+Their officers not yet having learned how to fight, and themselves
+lacking the cohesion of discipline, the men have lost their regimental
+organizations, and owing to the causes mentioned, slowly retire across
+Sudley Ford of Bull Run, in a condition of disintegration, their retreat
+being bravely covered by the 27th and 69th New York, (which have rallied
+and formed there), Sykes's Infantry battalion, Arnold's Battery, and
+Palmer's Cavalry.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [In his report to Major Barnard, Capt. D. P.  Woodbury, of the
+     corps of Engineers, says: "It is not for me to give a history of
+     the battle.  The Enemy was driven on our left, from cover to cover,
+     a mile and a half.  Our position for renewing the action the next
+     morning was excellent; whence, then, our failure?  It will not be
+     out of place, I hope, for me to give my own opinion of the cause of
+     this failure.  An old soldier feels safe in the ranks, unsafe out
+     of the ranks, and the greater the danger the more pertinaciously he
+     clings to his place.  The volunteer of three months never attains
+     this instinct of discipline.  Under danger, and even under mere
+     excitement, he flies away from his ranks, and looks for safety in
+     dispersion.  At four o'clock in the afternoon of the 21st, there
+     were more than twelve thousand volunteers on the battle-field of
+     Bull Run, who had entirely lost their regimental organizations.
+     They could no longer be handled as troops, for the officers and men
+     were not together.  Men and officers mingled together
+     promiscuously; and it is worthy of remark that this disorganization
+     did not result from defeat or fear, for up to four o'clock we had
+     been uniformly successful.  The instinct of discipline, which keeps
+     every man in his place, had not been acquired.  We cannot suppose
+     that the troops of the Enemy had attained a higher degree of
+     discipline than our own, but they acted on the defensive, and were
+     not equally exposed to disorganization."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>While the divisions of Hunter and Heintzelman, which came down in the
+morning across Sudley Ford, are now, with one brigade (Sherman's) of
+Tyler's Division, retiring again, in this disordered condition, by that
+ford; two other brigades of Tyler's Division, viz., that of 
+Schenck&mdash;which, at 4 o'clock, was just in the act of advancing upon, and across,
+the Stone Bridge, to join in the Union attack, and of Keyes, which was,
+at the same time, just succeeding in its effort to turn the right flank
+of the Enemy's third new line,&mdash;are withdrawing from the field, across
+Bull Run stream, by the Warrenton Pike, and other roads leading them
+directly toward Centreville.  The brigades of both Keyes and Schenck are
+retiring in good order; that of Keyes, at "an ordinary pace," following
+close after McDowell, who, with his staff, has ridden across the
+battlefield and Bull Run; while part of that of Schenck, united with the
+2nd Maine (of Keyes' Brigade) and Ayres's Battery, "promptly and
+effectively" repulses a charge of the Enemy's Cavalry, and covers the
+rear of Tyler's Division.  Both of these brigades reach Centreville,
+hungry and weary, but otherwise, for the most part, in good shape.</p>
+
+<p>But during this grand all-day attack, by two of McDowell's divisions,
+directly aided by part of a third, upon the left of the Enemy's original
+Bull Run line of defense&mdash;which attack, while it has failed in its
+purpose, has also utterly upset and defeated the Enemy's purpose to
+carry out Beauregard's plan of attacking Centreville that same 
+morning&mdash;what has the Left Wing of McDowell's Army been doing?  Let us go back to
+Sunday morning, and ascertain:</p>
+
+<p>All the Army of McDowell, save his Left Wing&mdash;which, comprising the two
+brigades (Blenker's and Davies's) of Miles's Division, and Richardson's
+Brigade of Tyler's Division that fought the preliminary battle of
+Blackburn's Ford, is now under the command of Miles,&mdash;moved away from
+Centreville, down the Warrenton Pike, as we have seen, very early in the
+morning.</p>
+
+<p>Blenker remains with his brigade as a reserve, on the heights a little
+East of Centreville, to throw up intrenchments; which, however, he does
+not do, for lack of trenching implements.  Richardson and Davies are to
+make a feint, at Blackburn's Ford, so as to draw the Enemy's troops
+there, while the heavy blow of McDowell's Right Wing and Centre falls
+upon the left flank and rear of the Enemy's Bull Run line.</p>
+
+<p>Richardson's Brigade is already down the ridge, in his old position at
+Blackburn's Ford, when Davies with his brigade reaches it, from
+Centreville, and, by virtue of seniority, takes command of the two
+brigades.  Leaving Richardson's Brigade and Greene's Battery exactly on
+the battle-ground of the 18th July, Davies posts two regiments (the 18th
+and 32nd New York) of his own brigade, with Hunt's Battery, on the brow
+of a hill, in an open wheat field, some eighty yards to the
+South-Eastward of Richardson, distant some 1,500 yards from Longstreet's
+batteries on the Western side of Bull Run,&mdash;and commences a rapid fire,
+upon the Enemy's position at Blackburn's Ford, from both of the Union
+batteries.</p>
+
+<p>At 10 o'clock, there is a lull in this Union fire.  The Artillery
+ammunition is running short.  The demonstration, however, seems, thus
+far, to be successful&mdash;judging by the movement of Rebel troops toward
+Blackburn's Ford.  The lull continues until 11 o'clock.  At that time
+Miles arrives at his front, in a towering rage.</p>
+
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="bull2"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p304-map.jpg (427K)" src="images/p304-map.jpg" height="524" width="650">
+</center>
+<a href="images/p304-map.jpg" target="_blank"><img alt="Full Size" src="images/enlarge.jpg"></a>
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+
+
+<p>On his way down the ridge, that morning, early, Davies had made a
+discovery.  While passing a roadway, his guide had casually remarked:
+"There is a road that leads around to the Enemy's camp, direct."  "Ah!"
+&mdash;said Davies&mdash;"and can they get through that road?"  "Oh, yes," replied
+the guide.  Davies had at once halted, and, after posting his 16th and
+31st New York Regiments, with two guns of Hunt's Battery, near this
+road, at its junction with the ridge road running up to Centreville and
+Black burn's Ford, had proceeded, with the rest of his regiments and
+guns, to the position where Miles finds him.</p>
+
+<p>But Miles has discovered what Davies has done, in this matter of the
+flanking roadway; and&mdash;without knowing, or apparently caring to know,
+the reason underlying the posting of the two regiments and two guns in
+its vicinity,&mdash;flies into "a terrible passion" because of it; in "no
+very measured language," gives Davies "a severe dressing down;" and
+orders him to bring both regiments and guns down to the front.  Davies
+complies, and says nothing.  Miles also orders him to continue the
+firing from his batteries, without regard to the quantity of ammunition.
+This order, also, Davies obeys&mdash;and the firing proceeds, for two solid
+hours, until another order comes, about 1 o'clock P.M., to stop firing.</p>
+
+<p>The fact is, that Miles is not at all himself&mdash;but is suffering under
+such a strain of mental excitement, he afterward claims, that he is not
+responsible.</p>
+
+<p>Miles, however, returns to Centreville about noon; and no sooner is he
+gone, than Davies at once sends back pioneers to obstruct that road
+which would bring the Enemy around his left flank and rear, to
+Centreville.  These, work so industriously, that they cut down a quarter
+of a mile of trees, and block the road up completely.  Davies also posts
+a few pickets there, in case of accidents.  It is well he does so.  It
+is not long before the Enemy makes an attempt to get around to his rear,
+by that road; but, finding it both obstructed and picketed, retires
+again.  Davies does not see the Rebels making that attempt, but catches
+sight of them on their return, and gives them a severe shelling for
+their pains.</p>
+
+<p>Davies keeps up his firing, more or less&mdash;according to the condition of
+the Enemy and of his own ammunition&mdash;until 4 o'clock, when the firing
+occasioned by the Union flanking movement, six miles to his right,
+ceases.  Then there reaches him a note from Richardson, so badly
+penciled that he can only make out the one word "beaten,"&mdash;but cannot,
+for the life of him, make out, whether the beaten one is our Right Wing,
+or the Enemy!</p>
+
+<p>Of what followed, he tells the story himself,&mdash;under oath, before the
+Committee on the Conduct of the War&mdash;so graphically, that the temptation
+to give it, in his own words, is irresistible.  "I saw unmistakable
+evidence," said he, "that we were going to be attacked on our Left Wing.
+I got all ready for the attack, but did not change my front.</p>
+
+<p>"About 5 o'clock, I think, the Rebels made their appearance back upon
+this very road up which they had gone before; but instead of keeping up
+the road, they turned past a farm-house, went through the farm-yard, and
+came down and formed right in front of me, in a hollow, out of my sight.
+Well, I let them all come down there, keeping a watch upon their
+movements.  I told the Artillery not to fire any shot at them until they
+saw the rear column go down, so as to get them all down in the little
+hollow or basin, there.  There was a little basin there, probably a
+quarter of a mile every way.  I should think that, maybe, 3,000 men
+filed down, before I changed front.</p>
+
+<p>"We lay there, with two regiments back, and the Artillery in front,
+facing Bull Run.  As soon as about 3,000 of the Enemy got down in this
+basin, I changed the front of the Artillery around to the left, in face
+of the Enemy, and put a company of Infantry between each of the pieces
+of Artillery, and then deployed the balance of the regiments right and
+left, and made my line-of-battle.</p>
+
+<p>"I gave directions to the Infantry not to fire a shot, under any
+circumstances, until they got the word of command from me.  I
+furthermore said I would shoot the first man that fired a shot before I
+gave the command to do so.</p>
+
+<p>"I gave them orders all to lie down on their faces.  They, (the Rebels)
+were just over the brow of the hill, so that, if they came up in front
+of us, they could not hit a man.</p>
+
+<p>"As soon as I saw the rear column, I told * * * Lieutenant Benjamin to
+fire.  * * *  He fired the first shot when the rear column presented
+itself.  It just went over their heads, and hit a horse and rider in
+their rear.  As soon as the first shot was fired, I gave the order for
+the whole six pieces of Artillery to open with grape and canister.  The
+effect was terrible.  They were all there, right before us, about 450
+yards off, and had not suspected that we were going to fire at all,
+though they did not know what the reason was.  Hunt's Battery (belonging
+to Richardson&mdash;who had by mistake got Greene's) performed so well, that,
+in thirty minutes, we dispersed every one of them!</p>
+
+<p>"I do not know how many were killed, but we so crippled their entire
+force that they never came after us an inch.  A man, who saw the effect
+of the firing, in the valley, said it was just like firing into a wheat
+field; the column gave way at once, before the grape and canister; they
+were just within available distance.  I knew very well that if they but
+got into that basin, the first fire would cut them all to pieces; and it
+did.  We continued to fire for thirty minutes, when there was nothing
+more to fire at, and no more shots were returned."</p>
+
+<p>At a later hour&mdash;while remaining victorious at their well defended
+position, with the Enemy at their front, dispersed and silenced,&mdash;these
+two brigades of the Left Wing, receive orders to fall back on
+Centreville, and encamp.  With the brigade of Richardson, and Greene's
+Battery in advance, Davies's own brigade and Hunt's Battery following,
+they fall back on the heights of Centreville "without the least
+confusion and in perfect order"&mdash;reaching them at 7 P.M.</p>
+
+<p>Meantime Miles has been relieved from command, and McDowell has ordered
+Blenker's Brigade to take position a mile or more in advance of
+Centreville, toward Bull Run, on both sides of the Warrenton Pike, to
+protect the retreat, now being made, in "a few collected bodies," but
+mainly in great disorder&mdash;owing partly to the baggage-wagons choking the
+road, along which both venturesome civilians and fagged-out troops are
+retreating upon Centreville.  This confused retreat passes through
+Blenker's lines until 9 o'clock P.M.&mdash;and then, all is secure.</p>
+
+<p>At midnight, McDowell has decided to make no stand at Centreville, but
+to retire upon the defensive works at Washington.  The order to retreat,
+is given, and, with the rear well guarded by Richardson's and Blenker's
+Brigades, is carried out, the van of the retreat, with no Enemy
+pursuing, degenerating finally into a "mob," which carries more or less
+panic into Washington itself, as well as terrible disappointment and
+chagrin to all the Loyal States of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>Knowing what we now do, concerning the Battle of Bull Run, it is
+somewhat surprising, at this day, to read the dispatches sent by
+McDowell to General Scott's headquarters at Washington, immediately
+after it.  They are in these words:</p>
+
+<p>               "CENTREVILLE, July 21, 1861&mdash;5:45 P.M.</p>
+
+<p>"We passed Bull Run, engaged the Enemy, who, it seems, had just been
+re-enforced by General Johnston.  We drove them for several hours, and
+finally routed them."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     ["No one who did not share in the sad experience will be able to
+     realize the consternation which the news of this 
+		 discomfiture&mdash;grossly exaggerated&mdash;diffused over the loyal portion of our
+     Country.  Only the tidings which had reached Washington up to four
+     o'clock&mdash;all presaging certain and decisive victory&mdash;were permitted
+     to go North by telegraph that day and evening; so that, on Monday
+     morning, when the crowd of fugitives from our grand Army was
+     pouring into Washington, a heedless, harmless, worthless mob, the
+     Loyal States were exulting over accounts of a decisive triumph.
+     But a few hours brought different advices; and these were as much
+     worse than the truth as the former had been better: our Army had
+     been utterly destroyed-cut to pieces, with a loss of twenty-five to
+     thirty thousand men, besides all its artillery and munitions, and
+     Washington lay at the mercy of the Enemy, who were soon to advance
+     to the capture and sack of our great commercial cities.  Never
+     before had so black a day as that black Monday lowered upon the
+     loyal hearts of the North; and the leaden, weeping skies reflected
+     and heightened, while they seemed to sympathize with, the general
+     gloom.  It would have been easy, with ordinary effort and care, to
+     have gathered and remanded to their camps or forts around
+     Alexandria or Arlington, all the wretched stragglers to whom fear
+     had lent wings, and who, throwing away their arms and equipments,
+     and abandoning all semblance of Military order or discipline, had
+     rushed to the Capital to hide therein their shame, behind a cloud
+     of exaggerations and falsehoods.  The still effective batteries,
+     the solid battalions, that were then wending their way slowly back
+     to their old encampments along the South bank of the Potomac,
+     depressed but unshaken, dauntless and utterly unassailed, were
+     unseen and unheard from; while the panic-stricken racers filled and
+     distended the general ear with their tales of impregnable
+     intrenchments and masked batteries, of regiments slaughtered,
+     brigades utterly cut to pieces, etc., making out their miserable
+     selves to be about all that was left of the Army.  That these men
+     were allowed thus to straggle into Washington, instead of being
+     peremptorily stopped at the bridges and sent back to the
+     encampments of their several regiments, is only to be accounted for
+     on the hypothesis that the reason of our Military magnates had been
+     temporarily dethroned, so as to divest them of all moral
+     responsibility," Greeley's Am. Conflict, pp.  552-53., vol. I.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>"They rallied and repulsed us, but only to give us again the victory,
+which seemed complete.  But our men, exhausted with fatigue and thirst,
+and confused by firing into each other, were attacked by the Enemy's
+reserves, and driven from the position we had gained, overlooking
+Manassas.  After this, the men could not be rallied, but slowly left the
+field.  In the meantime the Enemy outflanked Richardson at Blackburn's
+Ford, and we have now to hold Centreville till our men can get behind
+it.  Miles's Division is holding the town.  It is reported that Colonel
+Cameron is killed, Hunter and Heintzelman wounded, neither dangerously.<br>
+                         "IRWIN MCDOWELL,<br>
+                    "Brigadier-General, Commanding.</p>
+
+<p>"Lieutenant-Colonel TOWNSEND."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+                    "FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE, July 21, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"The men having thrown away their haversacks in the battle, and left
+them behind, they are without food; have eaten nothing since breakfast.
+We are without artillery ammunition.  The larger part of the men are a
+confused mob, entirely demoralized.  It was the opinion of all the
+commanders that no stand could be made this side of the Potomac.  We
+will, however, make the attempt at Fairfax Court House.  From a prisoner
+we learn that 20,000 from Johnston joined last night, and they march on
+us to-night.<br>
+                              "IRWIN MCDOWELL.</p>
+
+<p>"Colonel TOWNSEND"</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+               "FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE, [July] 22, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"Many of the volunteers did not wait for authority to proceed to the
+Potomac, but left on their own decision.  They are now pouring through
+this place in a state of utter disorganization.  They could not be
+prepared for action by to-morrow morning even were they willing.  I
+learn from prisoners that we are to be pressed here to-night and
+tomorrow morning, as the Enemy's force is very large, and they are
+elated.  I think we heard cannon on our rear-guard.  I think now, as all
+of my commanders thought at Centreville, there is no alternative but to
+fall back to the Potomac, and I shall proceed to do so with as much
+regularity as possible.<br>
+                                   "IRWIN MCDOWELL.</p>
+
+<p>"Colonel TOWNSEND."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+                    "ARLINGTON, July 22, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"I avail myself of the re-establishing of telegraph to report my
+arrival.  When I left the forks of the Little River turnpike and
+Columbia turnpike, where I had been for a couple of hours turning
+stragglers and parties of regiments upon this place and Alexandria, I
+received intelligence that the rear-guard, under Colonel Richardson, had
+left Fairfax Court House, and was getting along well.  Had not been
+attacked.  I am now trying to get matters a little organized over here.<br>
+                         "IRWIN MCDOWELL.<br>
+                         "Brigadier-General.<br><br>
+"E. D. TOWNSEND."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+McDowell had unquestionably been repulsed, in his main attack, with his
+Right Wing, and much of his Army was badly demoralized; but, on the
+other hand, it may be well to repeat that the Enemy's plan of attack
+that same morning had been frustrated, and most of his forces so badly
+shattered and demoralized that he dared not follow up the advantage
+which, more by our own blunders than by his prowess, he had gained.</p>
+
+<p>If the Union forces&mdash;or at least the Right Wing of them&mdash;were whipped,
+the Enemy also was whipped.  Jackson himself confesses that while he
+had, at the last moment, broken our centre, our forces had turned both
+of his flanks.  The Enemy was, in fact, so badly used up, that he not
+only dared not pursue us to Washington&mdash;as he would have down had he
+been able&mdash;but he was absolutely afraid McDowell would resume the
+attack, on the right of the original Bull Run line, that very night!
+For, in a letter to General Beauregard; dated Richmond, Virginia, August
+4, 1861, Jefferson Davis,&mdash;who was on the ground at Bull Run, July
+21st,&mdash;alluding to the Battle of Bull Run, and Beauregard's excuses for
+not pursuing the Union troops, says:</p>
+
+<p>"I think you are unjust to yourself in putting your failure to pursue
+the Enemy to Washington, to the account of short supplies of subsistence
+and transportation.  Under the circumstances of our Army, and in the
+absence of the knowledge since acquired&mdash;if, indeed, the statements be
+true&mdash;it would have been extremely hazardous to have done more than was
+performed.  You will not fail to remember that, so far from knowing that
+the Enemy was routed, a large part of our forces was moved by you, in
+the night of the 21st, to repel a supposed attack upon our right, and
+the next day's operations did not fully reveal what has since been
+reported of the Enemy's panic."</p>
+
+<p>And Jefferson Davis's statement is corroborated by the Report of Colonel
+Withers, of the 18th Virginia, who, after starting with other regiments,
+in an attempt to cut off the Union retreat, was recalled to the Stone
+Bridge,&mdash;and who says: "Before reaching the point we designed to occupy
+(near the Stone Bridge) we were met by another order to march
+immediately to Manassas Junction, as an attack was apprehended that
+night.  Although it was now after sunset, and my men had had no food all
+day, when the command to march to Manassas was given, they cheerfully
+took the route to that place."</p>
+
+<p>Colonel Davies, who, as we have seen, commanded McDowell's stubborn Left
+Wing, was after all, not far wrong, when, in his testimony before the
+Committee on the Conduct of the War, he declared, touching the story of
+the Bull Run Battle: "It ought to have read that we were victorious with
+the 13,000 troops of the Left Wing, and defeated in the 18,000 of the
+Right Wing.  That is all that Bull Run amounts to."</p>
+
+<p>In point of fact, the Battle of Bull Run&mdash;the first pitched battle of
+the War&mdash;was a drawn battle.</p>
+
+<p>War was now fully inaugurated&mdash;Civil War&mdash;a stupendous War between two
+great Sections of one common Country; those of our People, on the one
+side, fighting for the dissolution of the Union&mdash;and incidentally for
+Free Trade, and for Slavery; those on the other side, fighting for the
+preservation of the Union&mdash;and incidentally for Protection to our Free
+Industries, and for the Freedom of the Slave.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the Republican Party controlled both Houses of Congress it
+provided Protection to our Free Industries, and to the Free Labor
+engaged in them, by the Morill Tariff Act of 1860&mdash;the foundation Act of
+all subsequent enactments on the subject.  In subsequent pages of this
+work we shall see how the Freedom of the Slave was also accomplished by
+the same great Party.</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+<br>
+<br>
+
+
+
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+<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 4. By John Logan</title>
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+
+<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 4</h2>
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p3.htm">Previous Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p5.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+ 
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+ 
+
+<br><br><br><br><br><br>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<center><h1><br>
+
+                         THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br>
+<br>
+                        Its Origin and History<br>
+<br><br><br>
+                                Part 4.<br>
+						<br><br>
+																by John Logan</h1>
+<br>
+<br>
+  <h2>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692">
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665">
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+
+<br>
+<br><br><br>
+CONTENTS
+
+</h2></center>
+<br>
+<br>
+
+
+                             <h2><a href="#ch14">CHAPTER XIV.</a><br>
+                        THE COLORED CONTRABAND.<br></h2>
+<br>
+THE KNELL OF SLAVERY&mdash;THE "IMPLIED POWERS" OF CONGRESS IN THE
+CONSTITUTION&mdash;PATRICK HENRY'S PREDICTION&mdash;JOHN QUINCY ADAMS'S
+PROPHECY&mdash;JOHN SHERMAN'S NON-INTERFERENCE&mdash;WITH-SLAVERY RESOLUTIONS&mdash;JOHN Q. ADAMS
+ON EMANCIPATION&mdash;POWERS OF CONGRESS AND MILITARY COMMANDERS&mdash;GENERAL
+MCCLELLAN'S WEST VIRGINIA PROCLAMATION OF NONINTERFERENCE WITH
+SLAVES&mdash;GENERAL BUTLER'S CORRESPONDENCE WITH GENERAL SCOTT AND SECRETARY
+CAMERON&mdash;CAMERON'S REPLY&mdash;MILITARY TENDERNESS FOR THE DOOMED
+INSTITUTION&mdash;CONGRESS, AFTER BULL RUN&mdash;CONFISCATION, AND EMANCIPATION,
+OF SLAVES USED TO AID REBELLION&mdash;RINGING WORDS OF TRUMBULL, WILSON,
+MCDOUGALL, AND TEN EYCK, IN THE SENATE&mdash;ROMAN COURAGE OF THE
+HOUSE&mdash;CRITTENDEN'S STATEMENTS&mdash;WAR RESOLUTIONS&mdash;BRECKINRIDGE'S TREASONABLE
+SPEECH UPON "THE SANCTITY" OF THE CONSTITUTION&mdash;BAKER'S GLORIOUS
+REPLY&mdash;HIS MATCHLESS APOSTROPHE TO FREEDOM&mdash;HIS SELF-SACRIFICING DEVOTION AND
+HEROIC DEATH AT BALL'S BLUFF
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch15">CHAPTER XV.</a><br>
+                         FREEDOM'S EARLY DAWN.<br></h2>
+<br>
+THADDEUS STEVENS'S STARTLING UTTERANCES&mdash;CAPTURED SLAVES MUST BE FREE
+FOREVER&mdash;"NO TRUCES WITH THE REBELS"&mdash;HIS PROPHECY AS TO ARMING SLAVES
+TO FIGHT REBELLION&mdash;SECRETARY CAMERON'S LETTER TOUCHING FUGITIVES FROM
+SERVICE&mdash;GENERAL FREMONT'S PROCLAMATION OF CONFISCATION AND
+EMANCIPATION&mdash;ITS EFFECT NORTH AND SOUTH&mdash;JEFF. THOMPSON'S SAVAGE
+PROCLAMATION OF RETALIATION&mdash;PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S EMBARRASSMENT&mdash;HE
+PRIVATELY SUGGESTS TO FREMONT CERTAIN MODIFICATIONS&mdash;FREMONT DEFENDS HIS
+COURSE&mdash;"STRONG AND VIGOROUS MEASURES NECESSARY TO SUCCESS"&mdash;THE
+PRESIDENT PUBLICLY ORDERS THE MODIFICATION OF FREMONT'S
+PROCLAMATION&mdash;THE MILITARY MIND GREATLY CONFUSED&mdash;GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS ISSUED BY THE
+WAR DEPARTMENT&mdash;GENERAL T. W. SHERMAN'S PORT ROYAL PROCLAMATION&mdash;GENERAL
+WOOL'S SPECIAL AND GENERAL ORDERS AS TO EMPLOYMENT OF
+"CONTRABANDS"&mdash;GENERAL DIX'S PROCLAMATION FOR REPULSION OF FUGITIVE SLAVES FROM HIS
+LINES&mdash;HALLECK ORDERS EXPULSION AS WELL AS REPULSION&mdash;HIS LETTER OF
+EXPLANATION TO FRANK P. BLAIR&mdash;SEWARD'S LETTER TO MCCLELLAN ON
+"CONTRABANDS" IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch16">CHAPTER XVI.</a><br>
+                  "COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION."<br></h2>
+<br>
+PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ATTITUDE&mdash;SACRIFICES OF PATRIOTISM&mdash;ASSERTION BY
+CONGRESS OF ITS EMANCIPATING WAR-POWERS&mdash;THE CAUSE OF FREEDOM SLOWLY
+"MARCHING ON"&mdash;ABANDONED SLAVES OF BEAUFORT, S. C.&mdash;SECRETARY CAMERON
+FAVORS ARMING THEM&mdash;THE PRESIDENT'S CAUTIOUS ADVANCES&mdash;HE MODIFIES
+CAMERON'S REPORT TO CONGRESS ON THE SUBJECT&mdash;THE MILITARY MIND, ALL "AT
+SEA"&mdash;COMMANDERS GUIDED BY POLITICAL BIAS&mdash;HALLECK'S ST. LOUIS
+PROCLAMATION, 1862&mdash;BUELL'S LETTER&mdash;CONTRARY ACTION OF DIX AND HALLECK,
+BUELL AND HOOKER, FREMONT AND DOUBLEDAY&mdash;LINCOLN'S MIDDLE COURSE&mdash;HE
+PROPOSES TO CONGRESS, COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION&mdash;INTERVIEW
+BETWEEN MR. LINCOLN AND THE BORDER-STATE REPRESENTATIVES&mdash;INTERESTING
+REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT&mdash;MR. LINCOLN BETWEEN TWO FIRES&mdash;VIEWS, ON
+COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION, OF MESSRS. NOELL, CRISFIELD, MENZIES,
+WICKLIFFE, AND HALL&mdash;ROSCOE CONKLING'S JOINT RESOLUTION, ADOPTED BY BOTH
+HOUSES&mdash;HOOKER'S "CAMP BAKER" ORDER&mdash;MARYLAND FUGITIVE&mdash;SLAVE HUNTERS
+PERMITTED TO SEARCH THE CAMP&mdash;UNION SOLDIERS ENRAGED&mdash;SICKLES ORDERS THE
+SLAVE HUNTERS OFF&mdash;DOUBLEDAY'S DISPATCH AS TO "ALL NEGROES" ENTERING HIS
+LINES&mdash;TO BE "TREATED AS PERSONS, NOT AS CHATTELS"
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2><a href="#ch17">CHAPTER XVII.</a><br>
+                       BORDER&mdash;STATE OPPOSITION.<br></h2>
+<br>
+APPOINTMENT OF A SELECT COMMITTEE, IN HOUSE, ON GRADUAL
+EMANCIPATION&mdash;DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA EMANCIPATION ACT&mdash;THE PRESIDENT'S SPECIAL MESSAGE
+OF APPROVAL&mdash;GEN. HUNTER'S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION&mdash;PRESIDENT LINCOLN
+PROMPTLY RESCINDS IT BY PROCLAMATION&mdash;HIS SOLEMN AND IMPASSIONED APPEAL
+TO PEOPLE OF THE BORDER-STATES&mdash;HE BEGS THEIR CONSIDERATION OF GRADUAL
+COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION&mdash;GEN. WILLIAMS'S ORDER EXPELLING RUNAWAY
+NEGROES FROM CAMP, AT BATON ROUGE&mdash;LIEUT.-COL. ANTHONY'S ORDER EXCLUDING
+FUGITIVE-SLAVE HUNTERS FROM "CAMP ETHERIDGE"&mdash;GEN. MCCLELLAN'S FAMOUS
+"HARRISON'S LANDING LETTER" TO THE PRESIDENT&mdash;"FORCIBLE ABOLITION OF
+SLAVERY" AND "A CIVIL AND MILITARY POLICY"&mdash;SLAVEHOLDING BORDER-STATE
+SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES AT THE WHITE HOUSE&mdash;PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S
+ADDRESS TO THEM, JULY, 1862&mdash;GRADUAL EMANCIPATION THE
+THEME&mdash;COMPENSATION AND COLONIZATION TO ACCOMPANY IT&mdash;THE ABOLITION PRESSURE
+UPON THE PRESIDENT INCREASING&mdash;HE BEGS THE BORDER STATESMEN TO RELIEVE
+HIM AND THE COUNTRY IN ITS PERIL&mdash;THEIR VARIOUS RESPONSES
+<br>
+<br>
+
+<br><br><br>
+<h3>PORTRAITS.</h3>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+<a href="#crittenden">J. J. CRITTENDEN</a><br>
+<a href="#wigfall">LOUIS T. WIGFALL</a><br>
+<a href="#hunter">DAVID HUNTER</a><br>
+<a href="#henry">PATRICK HENRY</a><br>
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="crittenden"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p154-crittenden.jpg (69K)" src="images/p154-crittenden.jpg" height="842" width="588">
+</center>
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+
+<center><h2>
+<a name="ch14"></a>
+<br>
+<br>
+                              CHAPTER XIV.<br>
+<br>
+                        THE COLORED CONTRABAND.<br></h2></center>
+
+
+<p>When the first gun was fired at Fort Sumter, its sullen echoes sounded
+the funeral knell of Slavery.  Years before, it had been foretold, and
+now it was to happen. Years before, it had been declared, by competent
+authority, that among the implications of the Constitution was that of
+the power of the General Government to Emancipate the Slaves, as a War
+measure.  Hence, in thus commencing the War of the Rebellion, the South
+marched with open eyes upon this, as among other of the legitimate and
+logical results of such a War.</p>
+
+<p>Patrick Henry, in opposing the ratification by Virginia of the Federal
+Constitution, had declared to the Slaveholders of that State that "Among
+ten thousand implied powers" which Congress may assume, "they may, if we
+be engaged in War, liberate every one of your Slaves, if they please, *
+* * Have they not power to provide for the General Defense and Welfare?
+May they not think that these call for the abolition of Slavery?  May
+they not pronounce all Slaves Free? and will they not be warranted by
+that power?  * * *  They have the power, in clear, unequivocal terms,
+and will clearly and certainly exercise it."</p>
+
+<p>So, too, in his great speech of May 25, 1836, in the House of
+Representatives, John Quincy Adams had declared that in "the last great
+conflict which must be fought between Slavery and Emancipation,"
+Congress "must and will interfere" with Slavery, "and they will not only
+possess the Constitutional power so to interfere, but they will be bound
+in duty to do it, by the express provisions of the Constitution itself."
+And he followed this declaration with the equally emphatic words: "From
+the instant that your Slave-holding States become the theatre of
+War&mdash;civil, servile, or foreign&mdash;from that instant, the War powers of
+Congress extend to interference with the Institution of Slavery in every
+Way by which it can be interfered with."</p>
+
+<p>The position thus announced by these expounders of the Constitution&mdash;the
+one from Virginia, the other from Massachusetts&mdash;was not to be shaken
+even by the unanimous adoption, February 11, 1861, by the House of
+Representatives on roll call, of the resolution of Mr. Sherman, of Ohio,
+in these words:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That neither the Congress of the United States nor the people
+or governments of the non-Slaveholding States have the Constitutional
+right to legislate upon or interfere with Slavery in any of the
+Slaveholding States in the Union."</p>
+
+<p>Ex-President J. Q. Adams's cogent exposition of the Constitution,
+twenty-five years before, in that same House, demonstrating not only
+that Congress had the right but the Constitutional power to so
+interfere&mdash;and his further demonstration April 15, 1842, of his
+statement that under the laws of War, "when a Country is invaded, and
+two hostile armies are set in martial array, the Commanders of both
+Armies have power to Emancipate all the Slaves in the invaded
+territory"&mdash;as not to be overcome by a mere vote of one House, however
+unanimous.  For the time being, however, it contributed, with other
+circumstances, to confuse the public mind and conscience.  Indeed as
+early as May of 1861, the attitude of our Government and its troops
+toward Negro Slaves owned or used by Rebels in rebellious States, began
+to perturb the public, bother the Administration, and worry the Military
+officers.</p>
+
+<p>For instance, in Major-General McClellan's proclamation to the Union men
+of West Virginia, issued May 26, 1861, he said:</p>
+
+<p>"The General Government cannot close its ears to the demand you have
+made for assistance.  I have ordered troops to cross the river.  They
+come as your friends and brothers&mdash;as enemies only to armed Rebels, who
+are preying upon you; your homes, your families, and your property are
+safe under our protection.  All your rights shall be religiously
+respected, notwithstanding all that has been said by the Traitors to
+induce you to believe our advent among you will be signalized by an
+interference with your Slaves.  Understand one thing clearly: not only
+will we abstain from all such interference, but we will, on the
+contrary, with an iron hand crush any attempt at insurrection on their
+part."</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the very next day, May 27, 1861, Major-General
+Butler, in command of the "Department of  A Virginia," wrote to
+Lieutenant-General Scott as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"Since I wrote my last dispatch the question in regard to Slave property
+is becoming one of very serious magnitude.  The inhabitants of Virginia
+are using their Negroes in the batteries, and are preparing to send the
+women and children South.  The escapes from them are very numerous, and
+a squad has come in this morning to my pickets bringing their women and
+children.  Of course these cannot be dealt with upon the theory on which
+I designed to treat the services of able-bodied men and women who might
+come within my lines, and of which I gave you a detailed account in my
+last dispatch.  I am in the utmost doubt what to do with this species of
+Property.</p>
+
+<p>"Up to this time I have had come within my lines men and women with
+their children, entire families, each family belonging to the same
+owner.  I have, therefore, determined to employ, as I can do very
+profitably, the able-bodied persons in the party, issuing proper food
+for the support of all, and charging against their services the expense
+of care and sustenance of the non-laborers, keeping a strict and
+accurate account as well of the services as of the expenditure, having
+the worth of the services, and the cost of the expenditure, determined
+by a Board of Survey, to be hereafter detailed.  I know of no other
+manner in which to dispose of this subject and the questions connected
+therewith.</p>
+
+<p>"As a matter of Property to the Insurgents, it will be of very great
+moment, the number that I now have amounting, as I am informed, to what,
+in good times, would be of the value of sixty thousand dollars.  Twelve
+of these Negroes, I am informed, have escaped from the batteries on
+Sewall's Point, which, this morning, fired upon my expedition as it
+passed by out of range.  As a means of offense, therefore, in the
+Enemy's hands, these Negroes, when able-bodied, are of the last
+importance.  Without them the batteries could not have been erected, at
+least for many weeks.</p>
+
+<p>"As a Military question it would seem to be a measure of necessity to
+deprive their masters of their services.  How can this be done?  As a
+political question and a question of humanity, can I receive the
+services of a father and mother, and not take the children?  Of the
+humanitarian aspect I have no doubt.  Of the political one I have no
+right to judge.  I therefore submit all this to your better judgment,
+and as the questions have a political aspect, I have ventured, and I
+trust I am not wrong in so doing, to duplicate the parts of my dispatch
+relating to this subject, and forward them to the Secretary of War."</p>
+
+<p>In reply to the duplicate copy of this letter received by him, Secretary
+Cameron thus answered:</p>
+
+<p>                         "WASHINGTON, May 30, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"SIR: Your action in respect to the Negroes who came within your lines
+from the service of the Rebels is approved.  The Department is sensible
+of the embarrassments which must surround officers conducting Military
+operations in a State by the laws of which Slavery is sanctioned.</p>
+
+<p>"The Government cannot recognize the rejection by any State of the
+Federal obligations, nor can it refuse the performance of the Federal
+obligations resting upon itself.  Among these Federal obligations,
+however, none can be more important than that of suppressing and
+dispersing armed combinations formed for the purpose of overthrowing its
+whole Constitutional authority.</p>
+
+<p>"While, therefore, you will permit no interference by the persons under
+your command, with the relations of Persons held to Service under the
+laws of any State, you will, on the other hand, so long as any State,
+within which your Military operations are conducted, is under the
+control of such armed combinations, refrain from surrendering to alleged
+masters any Person who may come within your lines.</p>
+
+<p>"You will employ such Persons in the services to which they may be best
+adapted, keeping an account of the labor by them performed, of the value
+of it, and the expenses of their maintenance.  The question of their
+final disposition will be reserved for future determination.</p>
+
+<p>                              "SIMON CAMERON,<br>
+
+                              "Secretary of War.</p>
+
+<p>"To Major General BUTLER."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Great tenderness, however, was exhibited by many of the Union Generals
+for the doomed Institution.  On June 3, 1861, from Chambersburg, Pa., a
+proclamation signed "By order of Major General Patterson, F. J. Porter,
+Asst.  Adj. General," was issued from "Headquarters Department of
+Pennsylvania," "To the United States troops of this Department," in
+which they are admonished "that, in the coming campaign in Virginia,
+while it is your duty to punish Sedition, you must protect the Loyal,
+and, should the occasion offer, at once suppress Servile Insurrection."</p>
+
+<p>
+"General Orders No. 33," issued from "Headquarters Department of
+Washington," July 17, 1861, "By command of Brigadier General Mansfield,
+Theo. Talbot, Assistant Adjutant General," were to this effect:
+"Fugitive Slaves will under no pretext whatever, be permitted to reside,
+or be in any way harbored, in the quarters or camps of the troops
+serving in this Department.  Neither will such Slaves be allowed to
+accompany troops on the march.  Commanders of troops will be held
+responsible for a strict observance of this order."  And early in August
+a Military order was issued at Washington "that no Negroes, without
+sufficient evidence of their being Free or of their right to travel, are
+permitted to leave the city upon the cars."</p>
+
+<p>But Bull Run did much to settle the Military as well as public mind in
+proper grooves on this subject.</p>
+
+<p>Besides employing Negro Slaves to aid Rebellion, by the digging of
+ditches, the throwing up of intrenchments, and the erection of
+batteries, their Rebel masters placed in their hands arms with which to
+shoot down Union soldiers at the Battle of Bull Run, which, as we have
+seen, occurred on Sunday, July 21, 1861&mdash;and resulted in a check to the
+Union Cause.</p>
+
+<p>The terror and confusion and excitement already referred to, that
+prevailed in Washington all that night and the next day, as the
+panic-stricken crowd of soldiers and civilians poured over the Long Bridge,
+footsore with running, faint with weariness, weak with hunger, and
+parched with thirst and the dust of the rout, can hardly be described.</p>
+
+<p>But, however panicky the general condition of the inhabitants of the
+National Capital, the Congress bravely maintained its equanimity.</p>
+
+<p>In the Senate, on the day following the disaster, a bill  touching the
+Confiscation of Property used for insurrectionary purposes being up for
+consideration, the following amendment was offered to it:</p>
+
+<p>"And be it further enacted, That whenever any person claiming to be
+entitled to the Service or Labor of any other Person under the laws of
+any State, shall employ such Person in aiding or promoting any
+Insurrection, or in resisting the Laws of the United States, or shall
+permit him to be so employed, he shall forfeit all right to such Service
+or Labor, and the Person whose Labor or Service is thus claimed shall be
+thenceforth discharged therefrom, any law to the contrary
+notwithstanding."</p>
+
+<p>This amendment, emancipating Slaves employed by their masters to aid
+Rebellion, was adopted by 33 yeas to 6 nays.</p>
+
+<p>As showing the feeling expressed right upon the very heels of what
+seemed to be a great disaster, and when rumor, at any rate, placed the
+victorious Enemy at the very gates of the Capital City, a few lines from
+the debate may be interesting.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Trumbull said: "I am glad the yeas and nays have been called to let
+us see who is willing to vote that the Traitorous owner of a Negro shall
+employ him to shoot down the Union men of the Country, and yet insist
+upon restoring him to the Traitor that owns him.  I understand that
+Negroes were in the fight which has recently occurred.  I take it that
+Negroes who are used to destroy the Union, and to shoot down the Union
+men by the consent of Traitorous masters, ought not to be restored to
+them.  If the Senator from Kentucky is in favor of restoring them, let
+him vote against the amendment."</p>
+
+<p>Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, said: "I shall vote with more heart
+than I vote for ordinary measures, for this proposition.  I hope the
+Senate and the House of Representatives will sustain it, and that this
+Government will carry it out with an inflexibility that knows no change.
+The idea that men who are in arms destroying their Country shall be
+permitted to use others for that purpose, and that we shall stand by and
+issue orders to our Commanders, that we should disgrace our Cause and
+our Country, by returning such men to their Traitorous masters, ought
+not longer to be entertained.  The time has come for that to cease; and,
+by the blessing of God, so far as I am concerned, I mean it shall cease.</p>
+
+<p>"If there is anybody in this Chamber that chooses to take the other
+path, let him do it; let him know what our purpose is.  Our purpose is
+to save this Government and save this Country, and to put down Treason;
+and if Traitors use bondsmen to destroy this Country, my doctrine is
+that the Government shall at once convert these bondsmen into men that
+cannot be used to destroy our Country.  I have no apologies to make for
+this position, I take it proudly.</p>
+
+<p>"I think the time has come when this Government, and the men who are in
+arms under the Government, should cease to return to Traitors their
+Fugitive Slaves, whom they are using to erect batteries to murder brave
+men who are fighting under the flag of their Country.  The time has come
+when we should deal with the men who are organizing Negro companies, and
+teaching them to shoot down loyal men for the only offence of upholding
+the flag of their Country.</p>
+
+<p>"I hope further, Sir, that there is a public sentiment in this Country
+that will blast men who will rise, in the Senate or out it, to make
+apologies for Treason, or to defend or to maintain the doctrine that
+this Government is bound to protect Traitors in converting their Slaves
+into tools for the destruction of the Republic."</p>
+
+<p>Senator McDougall, of California, said: "I regard this as a Confiscation
+for Treason, and I am for the proposition."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Ten Eyck, said: "No longer ago than Saturday last I voted in the
+Judiciary Committee against this amendment, for two reasons: First, I
+did not believe that persons in Rebellion against this Government would
+make use of such means as the employment of Persons held to Labor or
+Service, in their Armies; secondly, because I did not know what was to
+become of these poor wretches if they were discharged.  God knows we do
+not want them in our Section of the Union.  But, Sir, having learned and
+believing that these persons have been employed with arms in their hands
+to shed the blood of the Union-loving men of this Country, I shall now
+vote in favor of that amendment with less regard to what may become of
+these people than I had on Saturday.  I will merely instance that there
+is a precedent for this.  If I recollect history aright, General
+Jackson, in the Seminole War, declared that every Slave who was taken in
+arms against the United States should be set Free,"</p>
+
+<p>So, too, in the House of Representatives, the retrograde of a badly
+demoralized Army, its routed fragments still coming in with alarming
+stories of a pursuing Enemy almost at the gates of the city, had no
+terrors for our legislators; and there was something of Roman dignity,
+patriotism, and courage, in the adoption, on that painfully memorable
+Blue Monday, (the first&mdash;[Offered by Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky]&mdash;with
+only two dissenting votes, on a yea and nay vote; and, the
+second&mdash;[Offered by Mr. Vandever, of Iowa.]&mdash;with entire unanimity) of the
+following Resolutions:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved by the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
+States, That the present deplorable Civil War has been forced upon the
+Country by the Disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against
+the Constitutional Government, and in arms around the Capital; that in
+this National emergency, Congress, banishing all feelings of mere
+passion or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole
+Country; that this War is not waged on their part in any spirit of
+oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of
+overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established Institutions
+of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the
+Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality,
+and rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon as these
+objects are accomplished, the War ought to cease."</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That the maintenance of the Constitution, the preservation of
+the Union, and the enforcement of the Laws, are sacred trusts which must
+be executed; that no disaster shall discourage us from the most ample
+performance of this high duty; and that we pledge to the Country and the
+World, the employment of every resource, National and individual, for
+the suppression, overthrow, and punishment of Rebels in arms."</p>
+
+<p>The first of these Resolutions was intended to calm the fears of the
+Border States&mdash;excited by Rebel emissaries; the second, to restore
+confidence and courage to the patriot hearts of Union-men, everywhere.
+Both were effectual.</p>
+
+<p>And here it will hardly be amiss to glance, for an instant, toward the
+Senate Chamber; and especially at one characteristic incident.  It was
+the afternoon of August the 1st, 1861,&mdash;scarce ten days since the check
+to the Union arms at Bull Run; and Breckinridge, of Kentucky, not yet
+expelled from the United States Senate, was making in that Body his
+great speech against the "Insurrection and Sedition Bill," and upon "the
+sanctity of the Constitution."</p>
+
+<p>Baker, of Oregon,&mdash;who, as Sumner afterward said: "with a zeal that
+never tired, after recruiting men drawn by the attraction of his name,
+in New York and Philadelphia and elsewhere, held his Brigade in camp,
+near the Capitol, so that he passed easily from one to the other, and
+thus alternated the duties of a Senator and a General," having reached
+the Capitol, direct from his Brigade-camp, entered the Senate Chamber,
+in his uniform, while Breckinridge was speaking.</p>
+
+<p>When the Kentucky Senator "with Treason in his heart, if not on his
+lips," resumed his seat, the gray-haired soldier-Senator at once rose to
+reply.  "He began,"&mdash;said Charles Sumner, in alluding to the
+incident&mdash;"simply and calmly; but as he proceeded, his fervid soul broke forth in
+words of surpassing power.  As on a former occasion he had presented the
+well-ripened fruits of study, so now he spoke with the spontaneous
+utterance of his own mature and exuberant eloquence&mdash;meeting the
+polished Traitor at every point with weapons keener and brighter than
+his own."</p>
+
+<p>After demolishing Breckinridge's position touching the alleged
+Unconstitutionality of the measure, and characterizing his other
+utterances as "reproof, malediction, and prediction combined," the
+Patriot from the Far-West turned with rising voice and flashing eye upon
+the gloomy Kentuckian:</p>
+
+<p>"I would ask him," said he, "what would you have us do now&mdash;a
+Confederate Army within twenty miles of us, advancing, or threatening to
+advance, to overwhelm your Government; to shake the pillars of the
+Union, to bring it around your head, if you stay here, in ruins?  Are we
+to stop and talk about an uprising sentiment in the North against the
+War?  Are we to predict evil, and retire from what we predict?  Is it
+not the manly part to go on as we have begun, to raise money, and levy
+Armies, to organize them, to prepare to advance; when we do advance, to
+regulate that advance by all the laws and regulations that civilization
+and humanity will allow in time of battle?  Can we do anything more?  To
+talk to us about stopping, is idle; we will never stop.  Will the
+Senator yield to Rebellion?  Will he shrink from armed Insurrection?
+Will his State justify it?  Will its better public opinion allow it?
+Shall we send a flag of Truce?  What would he have?  Or would he conduct
+this War so feebly, that the whole World would smile at us in derision?"</p>
+
+<p>And then cried the orator-his voice rising to a higher key, penetrating,
+yet musical as the blast from a silver trumpet: "What would he have?
+These speeches of his, sown broadcast over the Land, what clear distinct
+meaning have they?  Are they not intended for disorganization in our
+very midst?  Are they not intended to dull our weapons?  Are they not
+intended to destroy our zeal?  Are they not intended to animate our
+enemies?  Sir, are they not words of brilliant, polished Treason, even
+in the very Capitol of the Nation?</p>
+
+<p>"What would have been thought, if, in another Capitol, in another
+Republic, in a yet more martial age, a Senator as grave, not more
+eloquent or dignified than the Senator from Kentucky, yet with the Roman
+purple flowing over his shoulder, had risen in his place, surrounded by
+all the illustrations of Roman glory, and declared that the cause of
+advancing Hannibal was just, and that Carthage ought to be dealt with in
+terms of peace?  What would have been thought if, after the battle of
+Cannae, a Senator there had risen in his place and denounced every levy
+of the Roman People, every expenditure of its treasure, and every appeal
+to the old recollections and the old glories?"</p>
+
+<p>The speaker paused.  The sudden and intent silence was broken by another
+voice: "He would have been hurled from the Tarpeian rock."</p>
+
+<p>"Sir," continued the soldier-orator, "a Senator, himself learned far
+more than myself in such lore, [Mr. Fessenden,] tells me, in a voice
+that I am glad is audible, that he would have been hurled from the
+Tarpeian Rock!  It is a grand commentary upon the American Constitution
+that we permit these words [Senator Breckinridge's] to be uttered.</p>
+
+<p>"I ask the Senator to recollect, too, what, save to send aid and comfort
+to the Enemy, do these predictions of his amount to?  Every word thus
+uttered falls as a note of inspiration upon every Confederate ear.
+Every sound thus uttered is a word, (and, falling from his lips, a
+mighty word) of kindling and triumph to a Foe that determines to
+advance.</p>
+
+<p>"For me, I have no such word as a Senator, to utter.  For me"&mdash;and here
+his eyes flashed again while his martial voice rang like a clarion-call
+to battle&mdash;"amid temporary defeat, disaster, disgrace, it seems that my
+duty calls me to utter another word, and that word is, bold, sudden,
+forward, determined, WAR, according to the laws of War, by Armies, by
+Military Commanders clothed with full power, advancing with all the past
+glories of the Republic urging them on to conquest!</p>
+
+<p>                     *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>"I tell the Senator," continued the inspired Patriot, "that his
+predictions, sometimes for the South, sometimes for the Middle States,
+sometimes for the North-East, and then wandering away in airy visions
+out to the Far Pacific, about the dread of our people, as for loss of
+blood and treasure, provoking them to Disloyalty, are false in
+sentiment, false in fact, and false in Loyalty.  The Senator from
+Kentucky is mistaken in them all.</p>
+
+<p>"Five hundred million dollars!  What then?  Great Britain gave more than
+two thousand million in the great Battle for Constitutional Liberty
+which she led at one time almost single-handed against the World.  Five
+hundred thousand men!  What then?  We have them; they are ours; they are
+the children of the Country; they belong to the whole Country; they are
+our sons; our kinsmen; and there are many of us who will give them all
+up before we will abate one word of our just demand, or will retreat one
+inch from the line which divides right from wrong.</p>
+
+<p>"Sir, it is not a question of men or of money in that sense.  All the
+money, all the men, are, in our judgment, well bestowed in such a cause.
+When we give them, we know their value.  Knowing their value well, we
+give them with the more pride and the, more joy.  Sir, how can we
+retreat?  Sir, how can we make Peace?  Who shall treat?  What
+Commissioners?  Who would go?  Upon what terms?  Where is to be your
+boundary line?  Where the end of the principles we shall have to give
+up?  What will become of Constitutional Government?  What will become of
+public Liberty?  What of past glories?  What of future hopes?</p>
+
+<p>"Shall we sink into the insignificance of the grave&mdash;a degraded,
+defeated, emasculated People, frightened by the results of one battle,
+and scared at the visions raised by the imagination of the Senator from
+Kentucky on this floor?  No, Sir! a thousand times, no, Sir!  We will
+rally&mdash;if, indeed, our words be necessary&mdash;we will rally the People, the
+Loyal People, of the whole Country.  They will pour forth their
+treasure, their money, their men, without stint, without measure.  The
+most peaceable man in this body may stamp his foot upon this Senate
+Chamber floor, as of old a warrior and a Senator did, and from that
+single tramp there will spring forth armed Legions.</p>
+
+<p>"Shall one battle determine the fate of empire, or a dozen?&mdash;the loss of
+one thousand men, or twenty thousand?  or one hundred million or five
+hundred million dollars?  In a year's Peace&mdash;in ten years, at most, of
+peaceful progress&mdash;we can restore them all.  There will be some graves
+reeking with blood, watered by the tears of affection.  There will be
+some privation; there will be some loss of luxury; there will be
+somewhat more need for labor to procure the necessaries of life.  When
+that is said, all is said.  If we have the Country, the whole Country,
+the Union, the Constitution, Free Government&mdash;with these there will
+return all the blessings of well-ordered civilization; the path of the
+Country will be a career of greatness and of glory such as, in the olden
+time, our Fathers saw in the dim visions of years yet to come, and such
+as would have been ours now, to-day, if it had not been for the Treason
+for which the Senator too often seeks to apologize."</p>
+
+<p>This remarkable speech was the last utterance of that glorious and
+courageous soul, in the National Senate.  Within three months, his
+lifeless body, riddled by Rebel rifle balls, was borne away from the
+fatal field of Ball's Bluff&mdash;away, amid the lamentations of a
+Nation&mdash;away, across land and ocean&mdash;to lie beside his brave friend Broderick,
+on that Lone Mountain whose solemn front looks out upon the calm
+Pacific.</p>
+
+<p>He had not lived in vain.  In his great speech at the American Theatre
+in San Francisco, after his election by Oregon (1860) to represent her
+in the United States Senate, he had aroused the people to a sense of
+shame, that, as he said: "Here, in a land of written Constitutional
+Liberty it is reserved for us to teach the World that, under the
+American Stars and Stripes, Slavery marches in solemn procession; that,
+under the American flag, Slavery is protected to the utmost verge of
+acquired territory; that under the American banner, the name of Freedom
+is to be faintly heard, the songs of Freedom faintly sung; that, while
+Garibaldi, Victor Emanuel, every great and good man in the World,
+strives, struggles, fights, prays, suffers and dies, sometimes on the
+scaffold, sometimes in the dungeon, often on the field of battle,
+rendered immortal by his blood and his valor; that, while this triumphal
+procession marches on through the arches of Freedom&mdash;we, in this land,
+of all the World, shrink back trembling when Freedom is but mentioned!"</p>
+
+<p>And never was a shamed people more suddenly lifted up from that shame
+into a grand frenzy of patriotic devotion than were his auditors, when,
+with the inspiration of his matchless genius, he continued:</p>
+
+<p>"As for me, I dare not, will not, be false to Freedom.  Where the feet
+of my youth were planted, there, by Freedom, my feet shall ever stand.
+I will walk beneath her banner.  I will glory in her strength.  I have
+watched her in history struck down on an hundred chosen fields of
+battle.  I have seen her friends fly from her; her foes gather around
+her.  I have seen her bound to the stake; I have seen them give her
+ashes to the winds.  But when they turned to exult, I have seen her
+again meet them face to face, resplendent in complete steel, brandishing
+in her strong right hand a flaming sword, red with Insufferable light!
+I take courage.  The People gather around her.  The genius of America
+will, at last, lead her sons to Freedom."</p>
+
+<p>Never were grander utterances delivered by man in all the ages; never
+was there exhibited a more sublime faith; never a truer spirit of
+prophecy; never a more heroic spirit.</p>
+
+<p>He was then on his way to Washington; on his way to perform the last
+acts in the drama of his own career&mdash;on his way to death.  He knew the
+time had come, of which, ten years before, he had prophetically spoken
+in the House of Representatives, when he said: "I have only to say that,
+if the time should come when Disunion rules the hour, and discord is to
+reign supreme, I shall again be ready to give the best blood in my veins
+to my Country's Cause.  I shall be prepared to meet all antagonists with
+lance in rest, to do battle in every land, in defense of the
+Constitution of the Country which I have sworn to support, to the last
+extremity, against Disunionists, and all its Enemies, whether of the
+South or North; to meet them everywhere, at all times, with speech or
+hand, with word or blow, until thought and being shall be no longer
+mine."  And right nobly did he fulfil in all respects his promise; so
+that at the end&mdash;as was afterward well said of him by Mr. Colfax&mdash;he had
+mounted so high, that, "doubly crowned, as statesman, and as warrior&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>     'From the top of Fame's ladder he stepped to the Sky!'"</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [This orator and hero was a naturalized Englishman, and commanded
+     an American regiment in the Mexican War.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="wigfall"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p180-wigfall.jpg (70K)" src="images/p180-wigfall.jpg" height="844" width="580">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch15"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                              CHAPTER XV.<br><br>
+
+                         FREEDOM'S EARLY DAWN.<br>
+</h2>
+</center>
+
+<p>On the day following Baker's great reply to Breckinridge, another
+notable speech was made, in the House of Representatives&mdash;notable,
+especially, in that it foreshadowed Emancipation, and, coming so soon
+after Bull Run, seemed to accentuate a new departure in political
+thought as an outgrowth of that Military reverse.  It was upon the
+Confiscation Act, and it was Thaddeus Stevens who made it.  Said he:</p>
+
+<p>"If we are justified in taking property from the Enemy in War, when you
+have rescued an oppressed People from the oppression of that Enemy, by
+what principle of the Law of Nations, by what principle of philanthropy,
+can you return them to the bondage from which you have delivered them,
+and again rivet the chains you have once broken?  It is a disgrace to
+the Party which advocates it.  It is against the principle of the Law of
+Nations.  It is against every principle of philanthropy.  I for one,
+shall never shrink from saying when these Slaves are once conquered by
+us, 'Go and be Free.'  God forbid that I should ever agree that they
+should be returned again to their masters!  I do not say that this War
+is made for that purpose.  Ask those who made the War, what is its
+object.  Do not ask us.  * * *  Our object is to subdue the Rebels.</p>
+
+<p>"But," continued he, "it is said that if we hold out this thing, they
+will never submit&mdash;that we cannot conquer them&mdash;that they will suffer
+themselves to be slaughtered, and their whole country to be laid waste.
+Sir, War is a grievous thing at best, and Civil War more than any other;
+but if they hold this language, and the means which they have suggested
+must be resorted to; if their whole country must be laid waste, and made
+a desert, in order to save this Union from destruction, so let it be.  I
+would rather, Sir, reduce them to a condition where their whole country
+is to be re-peopled by a band of freemen than to see them perpetrate the
+destruction of this People through our agency.  I do not say that it is
+time to resort to such means, and I do not know when the time will come;
+but I never fear to express my sentiments.  It is not a question with me
+of policy, but a question of principle.</p>
+
+<p>"If this War is continued long, and is bloody, I do not believe that the
+free people of the North will stand by and see their sons and brothers
+and neighbors slaughtered by thousands and tens of thousands by Rebels,
+with arms in their hands, and forbear to call upon their enemies to be
+our friends, and to help us in subduing them; I for one, if it continues
+long, and has the consequences mentioned, shall be ready to go for it,
+let it horrify the gentleman from New York (Mr. Diven) or anybody else.
+That is my doctrine, and that will be the doctrine of the whole free
+people of the North before two years roll round, if this War continues.</p>
+
+<p>"As to the end of the War, until the Rebels are subdued, no man in the
+North thinks of it.  If the Government are equal to the People, and I
+believe they are, there will be no bargaining, there will be no
+negotiation, there will be no truces with the Rebels, except to bury the
+dead, until every man shall have laid down his arms, disbanded his
+organization, submitted himself to the Government, and sued for mercy.
+And, Sir, if those who have the control of the Government are not fit
+for this task and have not the nerve and mind for it, the People will
+take care that there are others who are&mdash;although, Sir, I have not a bit
+of fear of the present Administration, or of the present Executive.</p>
+
+<p>"I have spoken more freely, perhaps, than gentlemen within my hearing
+might think politic, but I have spoken just what I felt.  I have spoken
+what I believe will be the result; and I warn Southern gentlemen, that
+if this War is to continue, there will be a time when my friend from New
+York (Mr. Diven) will see it declared by this free Nation, that every
+bondman in the South&mdash;belonging to a Rebel, recollect; I confine it to
+them&mdash;shall be called upon to aid us in War against their masters, and
+to restore this Union."</p>
+
+<p>The following letter of instruction from Secretary Cameron, touching the
+Fugitive Slave question, dated seven days after Thaddeus Stevens'
+speech, had also an interesting bearing on the subject:</p>
+<br>
+<p>                         "WASHINGTON, August 8, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"GENERAL: The important question of the proper disposition to be made of
+Fugitives from Service in States in Insurrection against the Federal
+Government, to which you have again directed my attention in your letter
+of July 30, has received my most attentive consideration.</p>
+
+<p>"It is the desire of the President that all existing rights, in all the
+States, be fully respected and maintained.  The War now prosecuted on
+the part of the Federal Government is a War for the Union, and for the
+preservation of all Constitutional rights of States, and the citizens of
+the States, in the Union.  Hence, no question can arise as to Fugitives
+from Service within the States and Territories in which the authority of
+the Union is fully acknowledged.  The ordinary forms of Judicial
+proceeding, which must be respected by Military and Civil authorities
+alike, will suffice for the enforcement of all legal claims.</p>
+
+<p>"But in States wholly or partially under Insurrectionary control, where
+the Laws of the United States are so far opposed and resisted that they
+cannot be effectually enforced, it is obvious that rights dependent on
+the execution of those laws must, temporarily, fail; and it is equally
+obvious that rights dependent on the laws of the States within which
+Military operations are conducted must be necessarily subordinated to
+the Military exigences created by the Insurrection, if not wholly
+forfeited by the Treasonable conduct of parties claiming them.  To this
+general rule, rights to Services can form no exception.</p>
+
+<p>"The Act of Congress, approved August 6, 1861, declares that if Persons
+held to Service shall be employed in hostility to the United States, the
+right to their services shall be forfeited, and such Persons shall be
+discharged therefrom.  It follows, of necessity, that no claim can be
+recognized by the Military authorities of the Union to the services of
+such Persons when fugitives.</p>
+
+<p>"A more difficult question is presented in respect to Persons escaping
+from the Service of Loyal masters.  It is quite apparent that the laws
+of the State, under which only the services of such fugitives can be
+claimed, must needs be wholly, or almost wholly, suspended, as to
+remedies, by the Insurrection and the Military measures necessitated by
+it.  And it is equally apparent that the substitution of Military for
+Judicial measures for the enforcement of such claims must be attended by
+great inconveniences, embarrassments, and injuries.</p>
+
+<p>"Under these circumstances it seems quite clear that the substantial
+rights of Loyal masters will be best protected by receiving such
+fugitives, as well as fugitives from Disloyal masters, into the service
+of the United States, and employing them under such organizations and in
+such occupations as circumstances may suggest or require.</p>
+
+<p>"Of course a record should be kept showing the name and description of
+the fugitives, the name and the character, as Loyal or Disloyal, of the
+master, and such facts as may be necessary to a correct understanding of
+the circumstances of each case after tranquillity shall have been
+restored.  Upon the return of Peace, Congress will, doubtless, properly
+provide for all the persons thus received into the service of the Union,
+and for just compensation to Loyal masters.  In this way only, it would
+seem, can the duty and safety of the Government and the just rights of
+all be fully reconciled and harmonized.</p>
+
+<p>"You will therefore consider yourself as instructed to govern your
+future action, in respect to Fugitives from Service, by the principles
+here stated, and will report from time to time, and at least twice in
+each month, your action in the premises to this Department.</p>
+
+<p>"You will, however, neither authorize, nor permit any interference, by
+the troops under your command, with the servants of peaceful citizens in
+house or field; nor will you, in any way, encourage such servants to
+leave the lawful Service of their masters; nor will you, except in cases
+where the Public Safety may seem to require, prevent the voluntary
+return of any Fugitive, to the Service from which he may have escaped."</p>
+
+<p>"I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p>
+
+<p>                              "SIMON CAMERON,<br>
+                              "Secretary of War.</p>
+
+<p>"Major-General B. F. BUTLER,<br>
+"Commanding Department of Virginia,<br>
+"Fortress Monroe."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Whether or not inspired by the prophetic speech of Thaddeus Stevens,
+aforesaid, the month of August was hardly out before its prophecy seemed
+in a fair way of immediate fulfilment.  Major-General John Charles
+Fremont at that time commanded the Eastern Department&mdash;comprising the
+States of Missouri, Kansas, Illinois, and Kentucky&mdash;and he startled the
+Country by issuing the following Emancipation proclamation:</p>
+<br>
+<p>
+               "HEADQUARTERS OF THE WESTERN DEPARTMENT.</p>
+
+<p>                    "St. Louis, August 30, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"Circumstances, in my judgment, of sufficient urgency, render it
+necessary that the commanding general of this Department should assume
+the administrative powers of the State.  Its disorganized condition, the
+helplessness of the civil authority, the total insecurity of life, and
+the devastation of property by bands of murderers and marauders, who
+infest nearly every county of the State, and avail themselves of the
+public misfortunes and the vicinity of a hostile force to gratify
+private and neighborhood vengeance, and who find an enemy wherever they
+find plunder, finally demand the severest measures to repress the daily
+increasing crimes and outrages which are driving off the inhabitants and
+ruining the State.</p>
+
+<p>"In this condition, the public safety and the success of our arms
+require unity of purpose, without let or hinderance, to the prompt
+administration of affairs.</p>
+
+<p>"In order, therefore, to suppress disorder, to maintain as far as now
+practicable the public peace, and to give security and protection to the
+persons and property of loyal citizens, I do hereby extend and declare
+established Martial Law throughout the State of Missouri.</p>
+
+<p>"The lines of the Army of Occupation in this State are for the present
+declared to extend from Leavenworth by way of the posts of Jefferson
+City, Rolla, and Ironton, to Cape Girardeau, on the Mississippi river.</p>
+
+<p>"All persons who shall betaken with arms in their hands within these
+lines shall be tried by Court-Martial, and if found guilty will be shot.</p>
+
+<p>"The property, real and personal, of all persons, in the State of
+Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall
+be directly proven to have taken an active part with their Enemies in
+the field, is declared to be confiscated to the public use, and their
+Slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared Free men.</p>
+
+<p>"All persons who shall be proven to have destroyed, after the
+publication of this order, railroad tracks, bridges, or telegraphs,
+shall suffer the extreme penalty of the law.</p>
+
+<p>"All persons engaged in Treasonable correspondence, in giving or
+procuring aid to the Enemies of the United States, in fomenting tumults,
+in disturbing the public tranquillity by creating and circulating false
+reports or incendiary documents, are in their own interests warned that
+they are exposing themselves to sudden and severe punishment.</p>
+
+<p>"All persons who have been led away from their allegiance, are required
+to return to their homes forthwith; any such absence, without sufficient
+cause, will be held to be presumptive evidence against them.</p>
+
+<p>"The object of this declaration is to place in the hands of the Military
+authorities the power to give instantaneous effect to existing laws, and
+to supply such deficiencies as the conditions of War demand.  But this
+is not intended to suspend the ordinary Tribunals of the Country, where
+the Law will be administered by the Civil officers in the usual manner,
+and with their customary authority, while the same can be peaceably
+exercised.</p>
+
+<p>"The commanding general will labor vigilantly for the public Welfare,
+and in his efforts for their safety hopes to obtain not only the
+acquiescence, but the active support of the Loyal People of the Country.</p>
+
+<p>                              "J. C. FREMONT,<br>
+                         "Major-General Commanding."</p>
+<br>
+<p>
+Fremont's Proclamation of Confiscation and Emancipation, was hailed with
+joy by some Patriots in the North, but was by others looked upon as rash
+and premature and inexpedient; while it bitterly stirred the anger of
+the Rebels everywhere.</p>
+
+<p>The Rebel Jeff. Thompson, then in command of the Rebel forces about St.
+Louis, at once issued the following savage proclamation of retaliation:</p>
+
+<p>
+     "HEADQUARTERS FIRST MILITARY DISTRICT, M. S. G.</p>
+
+<p>               'St. Louis, August 31, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"To all whom it may concern:</p>
+
+<p>"Whereas Major-General John C.  Fremont, commanding the minions of
+Abraham Lincoln in the State of Missouri, has seen fit to declare
+Martial Law throughout the whole State, and has threatened to shoot any
+citizen-soldier found in arms within certain limits; also, to Confiscate
+the property and Free the Negroes belonging to the members of the
+Missouri State Guard:</p>
+
+<p>"Therefore, know ye, that I, M. Jeff. Thompson, Brigadier-General of
+the First Military District of Missouri, having not only the Military
+authority of Brigadier-General, but certain police powers granted by
+Acting-Governor Thomas C. Reynolds, and confirmed afterward by Governor
+Jackson, do most solemnly promise that for every member of the Missouri
+State Guard, or soldier of our allies, the Armies of the Confederate
+States, who shall be put to death in pursuance of the said order of
+General Fremont, I will hang, draw, and quarter a minion of said Abraham
+Lincoln.</p>
+
+<p>"While I am anxious that this unfortunate War shall be conducted, if
+possible, upon the most liberal principles of civilized warfare&mdash;and
+every order that I have issued has been with that object&mdash;yet, if this
+rule is to be adopted (and it must first be done by our Enemies) I
+intend to exceed General Fremont in his excesses, and will make all
+tories that come within my reach rue the day that a different policy was
+adopted by their leaders.</p>
+
+<p>"Already mills, barns, warehouses, and other private property have been
+wastefully and wantonly destroyed by the Enemy in this district, while
+we have taken nothing except articles strictly contraband or absolutely
+necessary.  Should these things be repeated, I will retaliate ten-fold,
+so help me God!"</p>
+
+<p>                              "M. JEFF. THOMPSON,<br>
+                    "Brigadier-General Commanding."</p>
+
+<br><br>
+
+<p>"President Lincoln, greatly embarrassed by the precipitate action of his
+subordinate, lost no time in suggesting to General Fremont certain
+modifications of his Emancipation proclamation&mdash;as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"[PRIVATE.]
+               "WASHINGTON, D.  C., September 2, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"MY DEAR SIR: Two points in your proclamation of August 30th give me
+some anxiety:</p>
+
+<p>"First.  Should you shoot a man according to the proclamation, the
+Confederates would very certainly shoot our best man in their hands, in
+retaliation; and so, man for man, indefinitely.  It is, therefore, my
+order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without
+first having my approbation or consent.</p>
+
+<p>"Second.  I think there is great danger that the closing paragraph, in
+relation to the Confiscation of Property, and the liberating Slaves of
+Traitorous owners, will alarm our Southern Union friends, and turn them
+against us; perhaps ruin our rather fair prospect for Kentucky.</p>
+
+<p>"Allow me, therefore, to ask that you will, as of your own motion,
+modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections
+of the Act of Congress entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for
+Insurrectionary purposes,' approved August 6, 1861, a copy of which Act
+I herewith send you.</p>
+
+<p>"This letter is written in a spirit of caution, and not of censure.</p>
+
+<p>"I send it by a special messenger, in that it may certainly and speedily
+reach you.<br>
+                              "Yours very truly,<br>
+                              "A. LINCOLN.</p>
+
+<p>"Major-General FREMONT."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+General Fremont replied to President Lincoln's suggestions, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>                    "HEADQUARTERS WESTERN DEPARTMENT,<br>
+                    "St.  Louis, September 8, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the second, by special
+messenger, I know to have been written before you had received my
+letter, and before my telegraphic dispatches and the rapid developments
+of critical conditions here had informed you of affairs in this quarter.
+I had not written to you fully and frequently, first, because in the
+incessant change of affairs I would be exposed to give you contradictory
+accounts; and secondly, because the amount of the subjects to be laid
+before you would demand too much of your time.</p>
+
+<p>"Trusting to have your confidence, I have been leaving it to events
+themselves to show you whether or not I was shaping affairs here
+according to your ideas.  The shortest communication between Washington
+and St. Louis generally involves two days, and the employment of two
+days, in time of War, goes largely toward success or disaster.  I
+therefore went along according to my own judgment, leaving the result of
+my movement to justify me with you.</p>
+
+<p>"And so in regard to my proclamation of the thirtieth.  Between the
+Rebel Armies, the Provisional Government, and the home Traitors, I felt
+the position bad, and saw danger.  In the night I decided upon the
+proclamation and the form of it&mdash;I wrote it the next morning and printed
+it the same day.  I did it without consultation or advice with any one,
+acting solely with my best judgment to serve the Country and yourself,
+and perfectly willing to receive the amount of censure which should be
+thought due, if I had made a false movement.</p>
+
+<p>"This is as much a movement in the War, as a battle, and, in going into
+these, I shall have to act according to my judgment of the ground before
+me, as I did on this occasion.  If upon reflection, your better judgment
+still decides that I am wrong in the article respecting the Liberation
+of Slaves, I have to ask that you will openly direct me to make the
+correction.  The implied censure will be received as a soldier always
+should the reprimand of his chief.</p>
+
+<p>"If I were to retract of my own accord, it would imply that I myself
+thought it wrong, and that I had acted without the reflection which the
+gravity of the point demanded.  But I did not.  I acted with full
+deliberation, and upon the certain conviction that it was a measure
+right and necessary, and I think so still.</p>
+
+<p>"In regard to the other point of the proclamation to which you refer, I
+desire to say that I do not think the Enemy can either misconstrue or
+urge anything against it, or undertake to make unusual retaliation.  The
+shooting of men who shall rise in arms against an Army in the Military
+occupation of a Country, is merely a necessary measure of defense, and
+entirely according to the usages of civilized warfare.  The article does
+not at all refer to prisoners of war, and certainly our Enemies have no
+grounds for requiring that we should waive in their benefit any of the
+ordinary advantages which the usages of War allow to us.</p>
+
+<p>"As promptitude is itself an advantage in War, I have also to ask that
+you will permit me to carry out upon the spot the provisions of the
+proclamation in this respect.</p>
+
+<p>"Looking at affairs from this point of view, I am satisfied that strong
+and vigorous measures have now become necessary to the success of our
+Arms; and hoping that my views may have the honor to meet your approval,</p>
+
+<p>     "I am, with respect and regard, very truly yours,<br>
+                         "J. C. FREMONT.</p>
+
+<p>"THE PRESIDENT."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+President Lincoln subsequently rejoined, ordering a modification of the
+proclamation.  His letter ran thus:</p>
+
+<p>"WASHINGTON, September 11, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"SIR: Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, is just
+received.  Assuming that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the
+necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing
+your Proclamation of August 30th, I perceived no general objection to
+it.</p>
+
+<p>"The particular clause, however, in relation to the Confiscation of
+Property and the Liberation of Slaves, appeared to me to be
+objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Congress, passed the
+6th of last August, upon the same subjects; and hence I wrote you
+expressing my wish that that clause should be modified accordingly.</p>
+
+<p>"Your answer, just received, expresses the preference, on your part,
+that I should make an open order for the modification, which I very
+cheerfully do.</p>
+
+<p>"It is therefore Ordered, that the said clause of said proclamation be
+so modified, held, and construed as to conform to, and not to transcend,
+the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress
+entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary
+Purposes,' approved August 6, 1861, and that said Act be published at
+length with this Order.</p>
+
+<p>                         "Your obedient servant,<br>
+                                   "A. LINCOLN.</p>
+
+<p>"Major-General JOHN C. FREMONT."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+In consequence, however, of the agitation on the subject, the extreme
+delicacy with which it was thought advisable in the earliest stages of
+the Rebellion to treat it, and the confusion of ideas among Military men
+with regard to it, the War Department issued the following General
+Instructions on the occasion of the departure of the Port Royal
+Expedition, commanded by General T. W. Sherman:</p>
+
+<p>
+                    "WAR DEPARTMENT, October 14, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"SIR: In conducting Military Operations within States declared by the
+Proclamation of the President to be in a State of Insurrection, you will
+govern yourself, so far as Persons held to Service under the laws of
+such States are concerned, by the principles of the letters addressed by
+me to Major-General Butler on the 30th of May and the 8th of August,
+copies of which are herewith furnished to you.</p>
+
+<p>"As special directions, adapted to special circumstances, cannot be
+given, much must be referred to your own discretion as Commanding
+General of the Expedition.  You will, however, in general avail yourself
+of the services of any Persons, whether Fugitives from Labor or not, who
+may offer them to the National Government; you will employ such Persons
+in such services as they may be fitted for, either as ordinary
+employees, or, if special circumstances seem to require it, in any other
+capacity with such organization, in squads, companies, or otherwise, as
+you deem most beneficial to the service.  This, however, not to mean a
+general arming of them for Military service.</p>
+
+<p>"You will assure all Loyal masters that Congress will provide just
+compensation to them for the loss of the services of the Persons so
+employed.</p>
+
+<p>"It is believed that the course thus indicated will best secure the
+substantial rights of Loyal masters, and the benefits to the United
+States of the services of all disposed to support the Government, while
+it avoids all interference with the social systems or local Institutions
+of every State, beyond that which Insurrection makes unavoidable and
+which a restoration of peaceful relations to the Union, under the
+Constitution, will immediately remove.
+                              "Respectfully,<br>
+                                   "SIMON CAMERON,<br>
+                                   "Secretary of War.</p>
+
+<p>"Brigadier-General T. W. SHERMAN,<br>
+"Commanding Expedition to the Southern Coast."</p>
+<br>
+<p>
+Brigadier-General Thomas W.  Sherman, acting upon his own interpretation
+of these instructions, issued a proclamation to the people of South
+Carolina, upon occupying the Forts at Port Royal, in which he said:</p>
+
+<p>"In obedience to the orders of the President of these United States of
+America, I have landed on your shores with a small force of National
+troops.  The dictates of a duty which, under these circumstances, I owe
+to a great sovereign State, and to a proud and hospitable people, among
+whom I have passed some of the pleasantest days of my life, prompt me to
+proclaim that we have come amongst you with no feelings of personal
+animosity, no desire to harm your citizens, destroy your property, or
+interfere with any of your lawful rights or your social or local
+Institutions, beyond what the causes herein alluded to may render
+unavoidable."</p>
+
+<p>Major-General Wool, at Fortress Monroe, where he had succeeded General
+Butler, likewise issued a Special Order on the subject of Contrabands,
+as follows:</p>
+
+<p>
+"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF VIRGINIA,<br>
+"FORT MONROE, October 14, 1861.<br>
+"[Special Orders No. 72.]</p>
+
+<p>"All Colored Persons called Contrabands, employed as servants by
+officers and others residing within Fort Monroe, or outside of the Fort
+at Camp Hamilton and Camp Butler, will be furnished with their
+subsistence and at least eight dollars per month for males, and four
+dollars per month for females, by the officers or others thus employing
+them.</p>
+
+<p>"So much of the above-named sums, as may be necessary to furnish
+clothing, to be decided by the Chief Quartermaster of the Department,
+will be applied to that purpose, and the remainder will be paid into his
+hands to create a fund for the support of those Contrabands who are
+unable to work for their own support.</p>
+
+<p>"All able-bodied Colored Persons who are under the protection of the
+troops of this Department, and who are not employed as servants, will be
+immediately put to work in either the Engineer's or Quartermaster's
+Department.</p>
+
+<p>"By command of Major-General Wool:</p>
+
+<p>"[Signed]  WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE,<br>
+"Assistant Adjutant General."</p>
+<br>
+<p>
+He subsequently also issued the following General Order:</p>
+
+<p>"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF VIRGINIA,<br>
+"FORT MONROE, November 1, 1861.<br>
+"[General Orders No. 34.]</p>
+
+<p>"The following pay and allowances will constitute the valuation of the
+Labor of the Contrabands at work in the Engineer, Ordnance,
+Quartermaster, Commissary, and Medical Departments at this Post, to be
+paid as hereinafter mentioned;</p>
+
+<p>"Class 1st.&mdash;Negro man over eighteen years of age, and able-bodied, ten
+dollars per month, one ration and the necessary amount of clothing.</p>
+
+<p>"Class 2d.&mdash;Negro boys from 12 to 18 years of age, and sickly and infirm
+Negro men, five dollars per month, one ration, and the necessary amount
+of clothing.</p>
+
+<p>"The Quartermaster will furnish all the clothing.  The Department
+employing these men will furnish the subsistence specified above, and as
+an incentive to good behavior (to be withheld at the direction of the
+chiefs of the departments respectively), each individual of the first
+class will receive $2 per month, and each individual of the second class
+$1 per month, for their own use.  The remainder of the money valuation
+of their Labor, will be turned over to the Quartermaster, who will
+deduct from it the cost of the clothing issued to them; the balance will
+constitute a fund to be expended by the Quartermaster under the
+direction of the Commanding officer of the Department of Virginia for
+the support of the women and children and those that are unable to work.</p>
+
+<p>"For any unusual amount of Labor performed, they may receive extra pay,
+varying in amount from fifty cents to one dollar, this to be paid by the
+departments employing them, to the men themselves, and to be for their
+own use.</p>
+
+<p>"Should any man be prevented from working, on account of sickness, for
+six consecutive days, or ten days in any one month, one-half of the
+money value will be paid.  For being prevented from laboring for a
+longer period than ten days in any one month all pay and allowances
+cease.</p>
+
+<p>"By command of Major-General Wool:</p>
+
+<p>"[Signed]  "WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE,<br>
+"Assistant Adjutant General."</p>
+<br>
+<p>
+On November 13, 1861, Major-General Dix, in a proclamation addressed to
+the people of Accomac and Northampton Counties, Va., ordered the
+repulsion of Fugitive Slaves seeking to enter the Union lines, in these
+words:</p>
+
+<p>"The Military Forces of the United States are about to enter your
+Counties as a part of the Union.  They will go among you as friends, and
+with the earnest hope that they may not, by your own acts, be forced to
+become your enemies.  They will invade no rights of person or property.
+On the contrary, your Laws, your Institutions, your Usages, will be
+scrupulously respected.  There need be no fear that the quietude of any
+fireside will be disturbed, unless the disturbance is caused by
+yourselves.</p>
+
+<p>"Special directions have been given not to interfere with the condition
+of any Person held to domestic service; and, in order that there may be
+no ground for mistake or pretext for misrepresent action, Commanders of
+Regiments and Corps have been instructed not to permit any such Persons
+to come within their lines."</p>
+
+<p>On the 20th of November, 1861, Major General Halleck issued the
+following Genera., Order&mdash;which went even further, in that it expelled,
+as well as repelled Fugitive Slaves from our lines:</p>
+
+<p>
+"HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF MISSOURI,<br>
+"St. Louis, November 20, 1861.<br>
+"[General Orders No. 3.]</p>
+
+<p>"I.  It has been represented that important information respecting the
+number and condition of our Forces, is conveyed to the Enemy by means of
+Fugitive Slaves who are admitted within our lines.  In order to remedy
+this evil, it is directed that no such Persons be hereafter permitted to
+enter the lines of any camp, or of any forces on the march; and that any
+now within such lines be immediately excluded therefrom."</p>
+
+<p>This Order was subsequently explained in a letter, of December 8, 1861,
+from General Halleck to Hon. F. P.  Blair, in which he said:</p>
+
+<p>" * * * Order No. 3 was in my mind, clearly a Military necessity.
+Unauthorized persons, black or white, Free or Slaves, must be kept out
+of our camps, unless we are willing to publish to the Enemy everything
+we do or intend to do.  It was a Military and not a political order.  I
+am ready to carry out any lawful instructions in regard to Fugitive
+Slaves which my superiors may give me, and to enforce any law which
+Congress may pass.  But I cannot make law, and will not violate it.  You
+know my private opinion on the policy of Confiscating the Slave Property
+of Rebels in Arms.  If Congress shall pass it, you may be certain that I
+shall enforce it.  Perhaps my policy as to the treatment of Rebels and
+their property is as well set out in Order No. 13, issued the day
+(December 4, 1861), your letter was written, as I could now describe
+it."</p>
+
+<p>It may be well also to add here, as belonging to this period of
+doubtfulness touching the status of escaped Slaves, the following
+communication sent by Secretary Seward to General McClellan, touching
+"Contrabands" in the District of Columbia:</p>
+
+<p>
+"DEPARTMENT OF STATE,<br>
+"WASHINGTON, December 4, 1861.</p>
+
+<p>"To Major-General GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, Washington:</p>
+
+<p>"GENERAL: I am directed by the President to call your attention to the
+following subject:</p>
+
+<p>"Persons claimed to be held to Service or Labor under the laws of the
+State of Virginia, and actually employed in hostile service against the
+Government of the United States, frequently escape from the lines of the
+Enemy's Forces and are received within the lines of the Army of the
+Potomac.</p>
+
+<p>"This Department understands that such Persons afterward coming into the
+city of Washington are liable to be arrested by the city police, upon
+the presumption, arising from color, that they are Fugitives from
+Service or Labor.</p>
+
+<p>"By the 4th section of the Act of Congress approved August 6, 1861,
+entitled, 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary
+purposes,' such hostile employment is made a full and sufficient answer
+to any further claim to Service or Labor.  Persons thus employed and
+escaping are received into the Military protection of the United States,
+and their arrest as Fugitives from Service or Labor should be
+immediately followed by the Military arrest of the parties making the
+seizure.</p>
+
+<p>"Copies of this communication will be sent to the Mayor of the city of
+Washington and to the Marshal of the District of Columbia, that any
+collision between the Civil and Military authorities may be avoided.</p>
+
+<p>"I am, General, your very obedient,</p>
+
+<p>                              "WILLIAM H. SEWARD."</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="hunter"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p312-hunter.jpg (63K)" src="images/p312-hunter.jpg" height="771" width="577">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch16"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                              CHAPTER XVI.<br><br>
+
+                         "COMPENSATED GRADUAL EMANCIPATION.".<br>
+</h2>
+</center>
+
+
+<p>Thus far the reader's eye has been able to review in their successive
+order some of the many difficulties and perplexities which beset the
+pathway of President Lincoln as he felt his way in the dark, as it were,
+toward Emancipation.  It must seem pretty evident now, however, that his
+chief concern was for the preservation of the Union, even though all
+other things&mdash;Emancipation with them&mdash;had to be temporarily sacrificed.</p>
+
+<p>Something definite, however, had been already gained.  Congress had
+asserted its right under the War powers of the Constitution, to release
+from all claim to Service or Labor those Slaves whose Service or Labor
+had been used in hostility to the Union.  And while some of the Union
+Generals obstructed the execution of the Act enforcing that right, by
+repelling and even as we have seen, expelling, from the Union lines all
+Fugitive Slaves&mdash;whether such as had or had not been used in hostility
+to us&mdash;yet still the cause of Freedom to all, was slowly and silently
+perhaps, yet surely and irresistibly, marching on until the time when,
+becoming a chief factor in the determination of the question of "whether
+we should have a Country at all," it should triumph coincidently with
+the preservation of the Republic.</p>
+
+<p>But now a new phase of the Slave question arose&mdash;a question not
+involving what to do with Fugitive Slaves of any sort, whether engaged
+or not engaged in performing services hostile to the Union cause, but
+what to do with Slaves whom their panic-stricken owners had, for the
+time being, abandoned in the presence of our Armies.</p>
+
+<p>This question was well discussed in the original draft of the report of
+the Secretary of War, December 1, 1861 in which Secretary Cameron said:</p>
+
+<p>"It has become a grave question for determination what shall be done
+with the Slaves abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops
+into Southern territory, as in the Beaufort district of South Carolina.
+The whole White population therein is six thousand, while the number of
+Negroes exceeds thirty-two thousand.  The panic which drove their
+masters in wild confusion from their homes, leaves them in undisputed
+possession of the soil.  Shall they, armed by their masters, be placed
+in the field to fight against us, or shall their labor be continually
+employed in reproducing the means for supporting the Armies of
+Rebellion?</p>
+
+<p>"The War into which this Government has been forced by rebellious
+Traitors is carried on for the purpose of repossessing the property
+violently and treacherously seized upon by the Enemies of the
+Government, and to re-establish the authority and Laws of the United
+States in the places where it is opposed or overthrown by armed
+Insurrection and Rebellion.  Its purpose is to recover and defend what
+is justly its own.</p>
+
+<p>"War, even between Independent Nations, is made to subdue the Enemy, and
+all that belongs to that Enemy, by occupying the hostile country, and
+exercising dominion over all the men and things within its territory.
+This being true in respect to Independent Nations at war with each
+other, it follows that Rebels who are laboring by force of arms to
+overthrow a Government, justly bring upon themselves all the
+consequences of War, and provoke the destruction merited by the worst of
+crimes.  That Government would be false to National trust, and would
+justly excite the ridicule of the civilized World, that would abstain
+from the use of any efficient means to preserve its own existence, or to
+overcome a rebellious and traitorous Enemy, by sparing or protecting the
+property of those who are waging War against it.</p>
+
+<p>"The principal wealth and power of the Rebel States is a peculiar
+species of Property, consisting of the service or labor of African
+Slaves, or the descendants of Africans.  This Property has been
+variously estimated at the value of from seven hundred million to one
+thousand million dollars.</p>
+
+<p>"Why should this Property be exempt from the hazards and consequences of
+a rebellious War?</p>
+
+<p>"It was the boast of the leader of the Rebellion, while he yet had a
+seat in the Senate of the United States, that the Southern States would
+be comparatively safe and free from the burdens of War, if it should be
+brought on by the contemplated Rebellion, and that boast was accompanied
+by the savage threat that 'Northern towns and cities would become the
+victims of rapine and Military spoil,' and that 'Northern men should
+smell Southern gunpowder and feel Southern steel.'</p>
+
+<p>"No one doubts the disposition of the Rebels to carry that threat into
+execution.  The wealth of Northern towns and cities, the produce of
+Northern farms, Northern workshops and manufactories would certainly be
+seized, destroyed, or appropriated as Military spoil.  No property in
+the North would be spared from the hands of the Rebels, and their rapine
+would be defended under the laws of War.  While the Loyal States thus
+have all their property and possessions at stake, are the insurgent
+Rebels to carry on warfare against the Government in peace and security
+to their own property?</p>
+
+<p>"Reason and justice and self-preservation forbid that such should be;
+the policy of this Government, but demand, on the contrary, that, being
+forced by Traitors and Rebels to the extremity of war, all the rights
+and powers of war should be exercised to bring it to a speedy end.</p>
+
+<p>"Those who war against the Government justly forfeit all rights of
+property, privilege, or security, derived from the Constitution and
+Laws, against which they are in armed Rebellion; and as the labor and
+service of their Slaves constitute the chief Property of the Rebels,
+such Property should share the common fate of War to which they have
+devoted the property of Loyal citizens.</p>
+
+<p>"While it is plain that the Slave Property of the South is justly
+subjected to all the consequences of this Rebellious War, and that the
+Government would be untrue to its trust in not employing all the rights
+and powers of War to bring it to a speedy close, the details of the plan
+for doing so, like all other Military measures, must, in a great degree,
+be left to be determined by particular exigencies.  The disposition of
+other property belonging to the Rebels that becomes subject to our arms
+is governed by the circumstances of the case.</p>
+
+<p>"The Government has no power to hold Slaves, none to restrain a Slave of
+his Liberty, or to exact his service.  It has a right, however, to use
+the voluntary service of Slaves liberated by War from their Rebel
+masters, like any other property of the Rebels, in whatever mode may be
+most efficient for the defense of the Government, the prosecution of the
+War, and the suppression of Rebellion.  It is clearly a right of the
+Government to arm Slaves when it may become necessary, as it is to take
+gunpowder from the Enemy; whether it is expedient to do so, is purely a
+Military question.  The right is unquestionable by the laws of War.  The
+expediency must be determined by circumstances, keeping in view the
+great object of overcoming the Rebels, reestablishing the Laws, and
+restoring Peace to the Nation.</p>
+
+<p>"It is vain and idle for the Government to carry on this War, or hope to
+maintain its existence against rebellious force, without employing all
+the rights and powers of War.  As has been said, the right to deprive
+the Rebels of their Property in Slaves and Slave Labor is as clear and
+absolute as the right to take forage from the field, or cotton from the
+warehouse, or powder and arms from the magazine.  To leave the Enemy in
+the possession of such property as forage and cotton and military
+stores, and the means of constantly reproducing them, would be madness.
+It is, therefore, equal madness to leave them in peaceful and secure
+possession of Slave Property, more valuable and efficient to them for
+war than forage, cotton, military stores.  Such policy would be National
+suicide.</p>
+
+<p>"What to do with that species of Property is a question that time and
+circumstances will solve, and need not be anticipated further than to
+repeat that they cannot be held by the Government as Slaves.  It would
+be useless to keep them as prisoners of War; and self-preservation, the
+highest duty of a Government, or of individuals, demands that they
+should be disposed of or employed in the most effective manner that will
+tend most speedily to suppress the Insurrection and restore the
+authority of the Government.  If it shall be found that the men who have
+been held by the Rebels as Slaves, are capable of bearing arms and
+performing efficient Military service, it is the right, and may become
+the duty, of this Government to arm and equip them, and employ their
+services against the Rebels, under proper Military regulations,
+discipline, and command.</p>
+
+<p>"But in whatever manner they may be used by the Government, it is plain
+that, once liberated by the rebellious act of their masters they should
+never again be restored to bondage.  By the master's Treason and
+Rebellion he forfeits all right to the labor and service of his Slave;
+and the Slave of the rebellious master, by his service to the
+Government, becomes justly entitled to Freedom and protection.</p>
+
+<p>"The disposition to be made of the Slaves of Rebels, after the close of
+the War, can be safely left to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress.
+The Representatives of the People will unquestionably secure to the
+Loyal Slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the
+Constitution of the Country."</p>
+
+<p>This original draft of the report was modified, at the instance of
+President Lincoln, to the following&mdash;and thus appeared in Secretary
+Cameron's report of that date, as printed:</p>
+
+<p>"It is already a grave question what shall be done with those Slaves who
+were abandoned by their owners on the advance of our troops into
+Southern territory, as at Beaufort district, in South Carolina.  The
+number left within our control at that point is very considerable, and
+similar cases will probably occur.  What should be done with them?  Can
+we afford to send them forward to their masters, to be by them armed
+against us, or used in producing supplies to sustain the Rebellion?</p>
+
+<p>"Their labor may be useful to us; withheld from the Enemy it lessens his
+Military resources, and withholding them has no tendency to induce the
+horrors of Insurrection, even in the Rebel communities.  They constitute
+a Military resource, and, being such, that they should not be turned
+over to the Enemy is too plain to discuss.  Why deprive him of supplies
+by a blockade, and voluntarily give him men to produce them?</p>
+
+<p>"The disposition to be made of the Slaves of Rebels, after the close of
+the War, can be safely left to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress.
+The Representatives of the People will unquestionably secure to the
+Loyal Slaveholders every right to which they are entitled under the
+Constitution of the Country.</p>
+
+<p>SIMON CAMERON.<br>
+"Secretary of War."</p>
+<br>
+<p>
+The language of this modification is given to show that the President,
+at the close of the year 1861, had already reached a further step
+forward toward Emancipation&mdash;and the sound reasoning upon which he made
+that advance.  He was satisfying his own mind and conscience as he
+proceeded, and thus, while justifying himself to himself, was also
+simultaneously carrying conviction to the minds and consciences of the
+People, whose servant and agent he was.</p>
+
+<p>That these abandoned Slaves would "constitute a Military resource" and
+"should not be turned over to the Enemy" and that "their labor may be
+useful to us" were propositions which could not be gainsaid.  But to
+quiet uncalled-for apprehensions, and to encourage Southern loyalty, he
+added, in substance, that at the close of this War&mdash;waged solely for the
+preservation of the Union&mdash;Congress would decide the doubtful status of
+the Slaves of Rebels, while the rights of Union Slave-holders would be
+secured.</p>
+
+<p>The Contraband-Slave question, however, continued to agitate the public
+mind for many months&mdash;owing to the various ways in which it was treated
+by the various Military commanders, to whose discretion its treatment,
+in their several commands, was left&mdash;a discretion which almost
+invariably leaned toward the political bias of the commander.  Thus, in
+a proclamation, dated St. Louis, February 23, 1862, Halleck, commanding
+the Department of Missouri, said:</p>
+
+<p>"Soldiers! let no excess on your part tarnish the glory of our arms!</p>
+
+<p>"The order heretofore issued in this department, in regard to pillaging
+and marauding, the destruction of private property, and the stealing or
+concealment of Slaves, must be strictly enforced.  It does not belong to
+the Military to decide upon the relation of Master and Slave.  Such
+questions must be settled by the civil Courts.  No Fugitive Slaves will
+therefore be admitted within our lines or camps, except when especially
+ordered by the General Commanding.  * * * "</p>
+
+<p>And Buell, commanding the Department of the Ohio, in response to a
+communication on the subject from the Chairman of the Military Committee
+of the Kentucky Legislature, wrote, March 6, 1862:</p>
+
+<p>"It has come to my knowledge that Slaves sometimes make their way
+improperly into our lines, and in some instances they may be enticed
+there, but I think the number has been magnified by report.  Several
+applications have been made to me by persons whose servants have been
+found in our camps, and in every instance that I know of the master has
+recovered his servant and taken him away."</p>
+
+<p>Thus, while some of our Commanders, like Dix and Halleck, repelled or
+even expelled the Fugitive Slave from their lines; and others, like
+Buell and Hooker, facilitated the search for, and restoration to his
+master, of the black Fugitive found within our lines; on the other hand,
+Fremont, as we have seen, and Doubleday and Hunter, as we shall yet see,
+took totally different ground on this question.</p>
+
+<p>President Lincoln, however, harassed as he was by the extremists on both
+sides of the Slavery question, still maintained that calm statesman-like
+middle-course from which the best results were likely to flow.  But he
+now thought the time had come to broach the question of a compensated,
+gradual Emancipation.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly, on March 6, 1862, he sent to Congress the following
+message:</p>
+
+<p>"Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:</p>
+
+<p>"I recommend the adoption of a joint Resolution by your honorable
+bodies, which shall be substantially as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State
+which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State
+pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to compensate
+for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of
+system.</p>
+
+<p>"If the proposition contained in the Resolution does not meet the
+approval of Congress and the Country, there is the end; but if it does
+command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and
+people immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of
+the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject
+it, The Federal Government would find its highest interest in such a
+measure, as one of the most efficient means of self preservation.</p>
+
+<p>"The leaders of the existing Insurrection entertain the hope that this
+Government will ultimately be forced to acknowledge the Independence of
+some part of the disaffected region, and that all the Slave States North
+of such part will then say, 'the Union for which we have struggled being
+already gone, we now choose to go with the Southern Section.'</p>
+
+<p>"To deprive them of this hope, substantially ends the Rebellion; and the
+initiation of Emancipation completely deprives them of it, as to all the
+States initiating it.  The point is not that all the States tolerating
+Slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate Emancipation; but that,
+while the offer is equally made to all, the more Northern shall, by such
+initiation, make it certain to the more Southern that in no event will
+the former ever join the latter in their proposed Confederacy.  I say,
+'initiation,' because in my judgment, gradual, and not sudden
+Emancipation, is better for all.</p>
+
+<p>"In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with
+the census tables and Treasury reports before him, can readily see for
+himself how very soon the current expenditures of this War would
+purchase, at fair valuation, all the Slaves in any named State.</p>
+
+<p>"Such a proposition on the part of the General Government sets up no
+claim of a right by Federal authority to interfere with Slavery within
+State limits, referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject
+in each case to the State and its people immediately interested.  It is
+proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them.</p>
+
+<p>"In the Annual Message last December, I thought fit to say, 'the Union
+must be preserved; and hence all indispensable means must be employed.'
+I said this, not hastily, but deliberately.  War has been made, and
+continues to be an indispensable means to this end.  A practical
+reacknowledgment of the National authority would render the War
+unnecessary, and it would at once cease.  If, however, resistance
+continues, the War must also continue; and it is impossible to foresee
+all the incidents which may attend, and all the ruin which may follow
+it.  Such as may seem indispensable, or may obviously promise great
+efficiency toward ending the struggle, must and will come.</p>
+
+<p>"The proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope it may be
+esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered
+would not be of more value to the States and private persons concerned,
+than are the Institution, and Property in it, in the present aspect of
+affairs?</p>
+
+<p>"While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be
+merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is
+recommended in the hope that it would soon lead to important practical
+results.  In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my
+Country, I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the People to the
+subject.</p>
+
+<p>"March 6, 1862."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+In compliance with the above suggestion from the President, a Joint
+Resolution, in the precise words suggested, was introduced into the
+House, March 10, by Roscoe Conkling, and on the following day was
+adopted in the House by 97 yeas to 36 nays.</p>
+
+<p>Of the 36 members of the House who voted against this Resolution, were
+34 Democrats, and among them were Messrs. Crisfield of Maryland, and
+Messrs. Crittenden, Mallory, and Menzies of Kentucky.  These gentleman
+afterward made public a report, drawn by themselves, of an interesting
+interview they had held with President Lincoln on this important
+subject, in the words following:</p>
+<br>
+<p>
+"MEMORANDUM OF AN INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND SOME BORDER
+SLAVE-STATE REPRESENTATIVES MARCH 10, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"'DEAR SIR:&mdash;I called, at the request of the President, to ask you to
+come to the White House to-morrow morning, at nine o'clock, and bring
+such of your colleagues as are in town.'"</p>
+
+<p>
+"'WASHINGTON, March 10, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"Yesterday on my return from church I found Mr. Postmaster General Blair
+in my room, writing the above note, which he immediately suspended, and
+verbally communicated the President's invitation; and stated that the
+President's purpose was to have some conversation with the delegations
+of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Virginia, and Delaware, in explanation
+of his Message of the 6th inst.</p>
+
+<p>"This morning these delegations, or such of them as were in town,
+assembled at the White House at the appointed time, and after some
+little delay were admitted to an audience.</p>
+
+<p>"After the usual salutations and we were seated, the President said, in
+substance, that he had invited us to meet him to have some conversation
+with us in explanation of his Message of the 6th; that since he had sent
+it in, several of the gentlemen then present had visited him, but had
+avoided any allusion to the Message, and he therefore inferred that the
+import of the Message had been misunderstood, and was regarded as
+inimical to the interests we represented; and he had resolved he would
+talk with us, and disabuse our minds of that erroneous opinion.</p>
+
+<p>"The President then disclaimed any intent to injure the interests or
+wound the sensibilities of the Slave States.  On the contrary, his
+purpose was to protect the one and respect the other; that we were
+engaged in a terrible, wasting, and tedious War; immense Armies were in
+the field, and must continue in the field as long as the War lasts; that
+these Armies must, of necessity, be brought into contact with Slaves in
+the States we represented and in other States as they advanced; that
+Slaves would come to the camps, and continual irritation was kept up;
+that he was constantly annoyed by conflicting and antagonistic
+complaints; on the one side, a certain class complained if the Slave was
+not protected by the Army; persons were frequently found who,
+participating in these views, acted in a way unfriendly to the
+Slaveholder; on the other hand, Slaveholders complained that their
+rights were interfered with, their Slaves induced to abscond, and
+protected within the lines, these complaints were numerous, loud, and
+deep; were a serious annoyance to him and embarrassing to the progress
+of the War; that it kept alive a spirit hostile to the Government in the
+States we represented; strengthened the hopes of the Confederates that
+at some day the Border States would unite with them, and thus tend to
+prolong the War; and he was of opinion, if this Resolution should be
+adopted by Congress and accepted by our States, these causes of
+irritation and these hopes would be removed, and more would be
+accomplished towards shortening the War than could be hoped from the
+greatest victory achieved by Union Armies; that he made this proposition
+in good faith, and desired it to be accepted, if at all, voluntarily,
+and in the same patriotic spirit in which it was made; that Emancipation
+was a subject exclusively under the control of the States, and must be
+adopted or rejected by each for itself; that he did not claim nor had
+this Government any right to coerce them for that purpose; that such was
+no part of his purpose in making this proposition, and he wished it to
+be clearly understood; that he did not expect us there to be prepared to
+give him an answer, but he hoped we would take the subject into serious
+consideration; confer with one another, and then take such course as we
+felt our duty and the interests of our constituents required of us.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Noell, of Missouri, said that in his State, Slavery was not
+considered a permanent Institution; that natural causes were there in
+operation which would, at no distant day, extinguish it, and he did not
+think that this proposition was necessary for that; and, besides that,
+he and his friends felt solicitous as to the Message on account of the
+different constructions which the Resolution and Message had received.
+The New York Tribune was for it, and understood it to mean that we must
+accept gradual Emancipation according to the plan suggested, or get
+something worse.</p>
+
+<p>"The President replied, he must not be expected to quarrel with the New
+York Tribune before the right time; he hoped never to have to do it; he
+would not anticipate events.  In respect to Emancipation in Missouri, he
+said that what had been observed by Mr. Noell was probably true, but the
+operation of these natural causes had not prevented the irritating
+conduct to which he had referred, or destroyed the hopes of the
+Confederates that Missouri would at some time range herself alongside of
+them, which, in his judgment, the passage of this Resolution by
+Congress, and its acceptance by Missouri, would accomplish.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Crisfield, of Maryland, asked what would be the effect of the
+refusal of the State to accept this proposal, and desired to know if the
+President looked to any policy beyond the acceptance or rejection of
+this scheme.</p>
+
+<p>"The President replied that he had no designs beyond the action of the
+States on this particular subject.  He should lament their refusal to
+accept it, but he had no designs beyond their refusal of it.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Menzies, of Kentucky, inquired if the President thought there was
+any power, except in the States themselves, to carry out his scheme of
+Emancipation?</p>
+
+<p>"The President replied, he thought there could not be.  He then went off
+into a course of remark not qualifying the foregoing declaration, nor
+material to be repeated to a just understanding of his meaning.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Crisfield said he did not think the people of Maryland looked upon
+Slavery as a permanent Institution; and he did not know that they would
+be very reluctant to give it up if provision was made to meet the loss,
+and they could be rid of the race; but they did not like to be coerced
+into Emancipation, either by the direct action of the Government or by
+indirection, as through the Emancipation of Slaves in this District, or
+the Confiscation of Southern Property as now threatened; and he thought
+before they would consent to consider this proposition they would
+require to be informed on these points.</p>
+
+<p>"The President replied that 'unless he was expelled by the act of God or
+the Confederate Armies, he should occupy that house for three years, and
+as long as he remained there, Maryland had nothing to fear, either for
+her Institutions or her interests, on the points referred to.'</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Crisfield immediately added: 'Mr. President, what you now say could
+be heard by the people of Maryland, they would consider your proposition
+with a much better feeling than I fear without it they will be inclined
+to do.'</p>
+
+<p>"The President: 'That (meaning a publication of what he said), will not
+do; it would force me into a quarrel before the proper time;' and again
+intimating, as he had before done, that a quarrel with the 'Greeley
+faction' was impending, he said, 'he did not wish to encounter it before
+the proper time, nor at all if it could be avoided.'</p>
+
+<p>"Governor Wickliffe, of Kentucky, then asked him respecting the
+Constitutionality of his scheme.</p>
+
+<p>"The President replied: 'As you may suppose, I have considered that; and
+the proposition now submitted does not encounter any Constitutional
+difficulty.  It proposes simply to co-operate with any State by giving
+such State pecuniary aid;' and he thought that the Resolution, as
+proposed by him, would be considered rather as the expression of a
+sentiment than as involving any Constitutional question.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Hall, of Missouri, thought that if this proposition was adopted at
+all, it should be by the votes of the Free States, and come as a
+proposition from them to the Slave States, affording them an inducement
+to put aside this subject of discord; that it ought not to be expected
+that members representing Slaveholding Constituencies should declare at
+once, and in advance of any proposition to them, for the Emancipation of
+Slaves.</p>
+
+<p>"The President said he saw and felt the force of the objection; it was a
+fearful responsibility, and every gentleman must do as he thought best;
+that he did not know how this scheme was received by the Members from
+the Free States; some of them had spoken to him and received it kindly;
+but for the most part they were as reserved and chary as we had been,
+and he could not tell how they would vote.</p>
+
+<p>"And, in reply to some expression of Mr. Hall as to his own opinion
+regarding Slavery, he said he did not pretend to disguise his
+Anti-Slavery feeling; that he thought it was wrong and should continue to
+think so; but that was not the question we had to deal with now.
+Slavery existed, and that, too, as well by the act of the North, as of
+the South; and in any scheme to get rid of it, the North, as well as the
+South, was morally bound to do its full and equal share.  He thought the
+Institution, wrong, and ought never to have existed; but yet he
+recognized the rights of Property which had grown out of it, and would
+respect those rights as fully as similar rights in any other property;
+that Property can exist, and does legally exist.  He thought such a law,
+wrong, but the rights of Property resulting must be respected; he would
+get rid of the odious law, not by violating the right, but by
+encouraging the proposition, and offering inducements to give it up."</p>
+
+<p>"Here the interview, so far as this subject is concerned, terminated by
+Mr. Crittenden's assuring the President that whatever might be our final
+action, we all thought him solely moved by a high patriotism and sincere
+devotion to the happiness and glory of his Country; and with that
+conviction we should consider respectfully the important suggestions he
+had made.</p>
+
+<p>"After some conversation on the current war news we retired, and I
+immediately proceeded to my room and wrote out this paper.<br><br>
+                              "J. W. CRISFIELD."</p>
+<br>
+<p>"We were present at the interview described in the foregoing paper of
+Mr. Crisfield, and we certify that the substance of what passed on the
+occasion is in this paper, faithfully and fully given.</p>
+
+<p>"J. W. MENZIES,<br>
+"J. J. CRITTENDEN,<br>
+"R. MALLORY.<br>
+"March 10, 1862."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Upon the passage of the Joint-Resolution in the House only four
+Democrats (Messrs.  Cobb, Haight, Lehman, and Sheffield) voted in the
+affirmative, and but two Republicans (Francis Thomas, and Leary) in the
+negative.  On the 2nd of April, it passed the Senate by a vote of 32
+yeas&mdash;all Republicans save Messrs. Davis and Thomson&mdash;to 10 nays, all
+Democrats.</p>
+
+<p>Meantime the question of the treatment of the "Contraband" in our
+Military camps, continued to grow in importance.</p>
+
+<p>On March 26, 1862, General Hooker issued the following order touching
+certain Fugitive Slaves and their alleged owners:</p>
+
+<p>"HEADQUARTERS, HOOKER'S DIVISION, CAMP BAKER,<br>
+"LOWER POTOMAC, March 26, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"To BRIGADE AND REGIMENTAL COMMANDERS OF THIS DIVISION:</p>
+
+<p>"Messrs.  Nally, Gray, Dummington, Dent, Adams, Speake, Price, Posey,
+and Cobey, citizens of Maryland, have Negroes supposed to be with some
+of the regiments of this Division; the Brigadier General commanding
+directs that they be permitted to visit all the camps of his command, in
+search of their Property, and if found, that they be allowed to take
+possession of the same, without any interference whatever.  Should any
+obstacle be thrown in their way by any officer or soldier in the
+Division, they will be at once reported by the regimental commanders to
+these headquarters.</p>
+
+<p>"By command of Brigadier General Hooker;</p>
+
+<p>"JOSEPH DICKINSON,<br>
+"Assistant Adjutant General."</p>
+<br>
+<p>
+On the following day, by direction of General Sickles, the following
+significant report was made touching the above order:</p>
+
+<p>"HEADQUARTERS, SECOND REGIMENT, EXCELSIOR BRIGADE.<br>
+"CAMP HALL, March 27, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"LIEUTENANT:&mdash;In compliance with verbal directions from Brigadier
+General D. E. Sickles, to report as to the occurrence at this camp on
+the afternoon of the 26th instant, I beg leave to submit the following:</p>
+
+<p>"At about 3:30 o'clock P. M., March 26, 1862, admission within our lines
+was demanded by a party of horsemen (civilians), numbering, perhaps,
+fifteen.  They presented the lieutenant commanding the guard, with an
+order of entrance from Brigadier General Joseph Hooker, Commanding
+Division (copy appended), the order stating that nine men should be
+admitted.</p>
+
+<p>"I ordered that the balance of the party should remain without the
+lines; which was done.  Upon the appearance of the others, there was
+visible dissatisfaction and considerable murmuring among the soldiers,
+to so great an extent that I almost feared for the safety of the
+Slaveholders.  At this time General Sickles opportunely arrived, and
+instructed me to order them outside the camp, which I did, amidst the
+loud cheers of our soldiers.</p>
+
+<p>"It is proper to add, that before entering our lines, and within about
+seventy-five or one hundred yards of our camp, one of their number
+discharged two pistol shots at a Negro, who was running past them, with
+an evident intention of taking his life.  This justly enraged our men.</p>
+
+<p>          "All of which is respectfully submitted.</p>
+
+<p>                    "Your obedient servant,<br>
+                    "JOHN TOLEN.<br>
+               "Major Commanding Second Regiment, E. B.</p>
+
+<p>"To Lieutenant J. L. PALMER, Jr.,<br>
+"A. D. C. and A. A. A.  General."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+On April 6, the following important dispatch, in the nature of an order,
+was issued by General Doubleday to one of his subordinate officers:</p>
+
+<p>"HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DEFENSES,<br>
+"NORTH OF THE POTOMAC,<br>
+"WASHINGTON, April 6, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"SIR:&mdash;I am directed by General Doubleday to say, in answer to your
+letter of the 2d instant, that all Negroes coming into the lines of any
+of the camps or forts under his command, are to be treated as persons,
+and not as chattels.</p>
+
+<p>"Under no circumstances has the Commander of a fort or camp the power of
+surrendering persons claimed as Fugitive Slaves, as it cannot be done
+without determining their character.</p>
+
+<p>"The Additional Article of War recently passed by Congress positively
+prohibits this.</p>
+
+<p>"The question has been asked, whether it would not be better to exclude
+Negroes altogether from the lines.  The General is of the opinion that
+they bring much valuable information, which cannot be obtained from any
+other source.  They are acquainted with all the roads, paths, fords, and
+other natural features of the country, and they make excellent guides.
+They also know and frequently have exposed the haunts of Secession spies
+and Traitors and the existence of Rebel organizations.  They will not,
+therefore, be excluded.</p>
+
+<p>"The General also directs me to say that civil process cannot be served
+directly in the camps or forts of his command, without full authority be
+obtained from the Commanding Officer for that purpose.</p>
+
+<p>"I am very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p>
+
+<p>"E. P. HALSTED,<br>
+"Assistant Adjutant General.</p>
+
+<p>"Lieut. Col. JOHN D. SHANE,<br>
+"Commanding 76th Reg.  N. Y. Vols."</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="henry"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p344-henry.jpg (75K)" src="images/p344-henry.jpg" height="784" width="587">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch17"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                              CHAPTER XVII.<br><br>
+
+                         BORDER-STATE OPPOSITION.<br>
+</h2>
+</center>
+
+<p>On April 3, 1862, the United States Senate passed a Bill to liberate all
+Persons of African descent held to Service or Labor within the District
+of Columbia, and prohibiting Slavery or involuntary servitude in the
+District except as a punishment for crime&mdash;an appropriation being made
+to pay to loyal owners an appraised value of the liberated Slaves not to
+exceed $300 for each Slave.  The vote on its passage in the Senate was
+29 yeas to 14 nays&mdash;all the yeas being Republican, and all but two of
+the nays Democratic.</p>
+
+<p>April 11th, the Bill passed the House by 92 yeas to 39 nays&mdash;all the
+yeas save 5 being Republican, and all the nays, save three, being
+Democratic.</p>
+
+<p>April 7, 1862, the House adopted a resolution, by 67 yeas to 52
+nays&mdash;all the yeas, save one, Republican, and all the nays, save 12,
+Democratic&mdash;for the appointment of a Select Committee of nine, to
+consider and report whether any plan could be proposed and recommended
+for the gradual Emancipation of all the African Slaves, and the
+extinction of Slavery in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky,
+Tennessee, and Missouri, by the people or local authorities thereof, and
+how far and in what way the Government of the United States could and
+ought equitably to aid in facilitating either of those objects.</p>
+
+<p>On the 16th President Lincoln sent the following Message to Congress:</p>
+
+<p>"Fellow citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:</p>
+
+<p>"The Act entitled 'An Act for the release of certain Persons held to
+Service or Labor in the District of Columbia,' has this day been
+approved and signed.</p>
+
+<p>"I have never doubted the Constitutional authority of Congress to
+abolish Slavery in this District; and I have ever desired to see the
+National Capital freed from the Institution in some satisfactory way.
+Hence there has never been in my mind any question upon the subject
+except the one of expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>"If there be matters within and about this Act which might have taken a
+course or shape more satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to
+specify them.  I am gratified that the two principles of compensation
+and colonization are both recognized and practically applied in the Act.</p>
+
+<p>"In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be
+presented within ninety days from the passage of the Act, 'but not
+thereafter;' and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert, insane,
+or absent persons.  I presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and
+I recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or Supplemental Act.</p>
+
+<p>"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.<br>
+"April 16, 1862."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Subsequently, in order to meet the President's views, such an amendatory
+or Supplemental Act was passed and approved.</p>
+
+<p>But now, Major General Hunter having taken upon himself to issue an
+Emancipation proclamation, May 9, 1862, the President, May 19, 1862,
+issued a proclamation rescinding it as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"Whereas there appears in the public prints what purports to be a
+proclamation of Major General Hunter, in the words and figures
+following, to wit:</p>
+
+<p>"'HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH,<br>
+'HILTON HEAD, S. C., May 9, 1862.<br>
+'[General Orders No.  11.]</p>
+
+<p>'The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising
+the Military Department of the South, having deliberately declared
+themselves no longer under the protection of the United States of
+America, and having taken up arms against the said United States, it
+becomes a Military necessity to declare them under Martial Law.  This
+was accordingly done on the 25th day of April, 1862.  Slavery and
+Martial Law, in a Free Country, are altogether incompatible; the Persons
+in these three States&mdash;Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina&mdash;heretofore
+held as Slaves, are therefore declared forever Free.</p>
+
+<p>'DAVID HUNTER,<br>
+'Major-General Commanding.</p>
+
+<p>'Official:<br>
+ED. W. SMITH,<br>
+'Acting Assistant Adjutant General.'</p>
+<br>
+<p>
+"And whereas the same is producing some excitement and misunderstanding,</p>
+
+<p>"Therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, proclaim
+and declare, that the Government of the United States had no knowledge,
+information, or belief, of an intention on the part of General Hunter to
+issue such a proclamation; nor has it yet any authentic information that
+the document is genuine.  And further, that neither General Hunter, nor
+any other Commander, or person, has been authorized by the Government of
+the United States to make proclamations declaring the Slaves of any
+State Free; and that the supposed proclamation, now in question, whether
+genuine or false, is altogether void, so far as respects such
+declaration.</p>
+
+<p>"I further make known that whether it be competent for me, as
+Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to declare the Slaves of any State or
+States free, and whether, at any time, in any case, it shall have become
+a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the Government, to
+exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my
+responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified
+in leaving to the decision of Commanders in the field.  These are
+totally different questions from those of police regulations in armies
+and camps.</p>
+
+<p>"On the sixth day of March last, by a Special Message, I recommended to
+Congress the adoption of a Joint Resolution to be substantially as
+follows:</p>
+
+<p>"' Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State
+which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State
+pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to
+compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such
+change of system.'</p>
+
+<p>"The Resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large
+majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic,
+definite, and solemn proposal of the Nation to the States and people
+most immediately interested in the subject-matter.  To the people of
+those States I now earnestly appeal&mdash;I do not argue&mdash;I beseech you to
+make the argument for yourselves&mdash;you cannot, if you would, be blind to
+the signs of the times&mdash;I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration
+of them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partisan
+politics.  This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting
+no reproaches upon any.  It acts not the Pharisee.  The changes it
+contemplates would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or
+wrecking anything.  Will you not embrace it?  So much good has not been
+done, by one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it
+is now your high privilege to do.  May the vast future not have to
+lament that you have neglected it.</p>
+
+<p>"In witness thereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed.</p>
+
+<p>"Done at the city of Washington this nineteenth day of May, in the year
+of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the
+Independence of the United States the eighty-sixth.</p>
+
+<p>"By the President.  ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p>
+
+<p>"WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+On June 5th, 1862, General T. Williams issued the following Order:</p>
+
+<p>"HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE,<br>
+"BATON ROUGE, June 5, 1862.<br>
+"[General Orders No.  46.]</p>
+
+<p>"In consequence of the demoralizing and disorganizing tendencies to the
+troops, of harboring runaway Negroes, it is hereby ordered that the
+respective Commanders of the camps and garrisons of the several
+regiments, Second Brigade, turn all such Fugitives in their camps or
+garrisons out beyond the limits of their respective guards and
+sentinels.</p>
+
+<p>"By order of Brigadier-General T.  Williams:</p>
+
+<p>"WICKHAM HOFFMAN,<br>
+"Assistant-Adjutant General."</p>
+<br><br>
+
+<p>
+Lieutenant-Colonel D.  R.  Anthony, of the Seventh Kansas Volunteers,
+commanding a Brigade, issued the following order, at a date subsequent
+to the Battle of Pittsburg Landing and the evacuation of Corinth:</p>
+
+<p>"HEADQUARTERS MITCHELL'S BRIGADE,<br>
+"ADVANCE COLUMN, FIRST BRIGADE, FIRST DIVISION,<br>
+"GENERAL ARMY OF THE MISSISSIPPI,<br>
+"CAMP ETHERIDGE, TENNESSEE, June 18, 1862.<br>
+"[General Orders No. 26.]</p>
+
+<p>"1. The impudence&mdash;and impertinence of the open and armed Rebels,
+Traitors, Secessionists, and Southern-Rightsmen of this section of the
+State of Tennessee, in arrogantly demanding the right to search our camp
+for Fugitive Slaves, has become a nuisance, and will no longer be
+tolerated.  "Officers will see that this class of men, who visit our
+camp for this purpose, are excluded from our lines.</p>
+
+<p>"2.  Should any such persons be found within our lines, they will be
+arrested and sent to headquarters.</p>
+
+<p>"3.  Any officer or soldier of this command who shall arrest and deliver
+to his master a Fugitive Slave, shall be summarily and severely
+punished, according to the laws relative to such crimes.</p>
+
+<p>"4.  The strong Union sentiment in this Section is most gratifying, and
+all officers and soldiers, in their intercourse with the loyal, and
+those favorably disposed, are requested to act in their usual kind and
+courteous manner and protect them to the fullest extent.</p>
+
+<p>"By order of D. R. Anthony, <br>
+Lieutenant-Colonel Seventh Kansas Volunteers, commanding:</p>
+
+<p>"W. W. H. LAWRENCE,<br>
+"Captain and Assistant-Adjutant General."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Lieutenant-Colonel Anthony was subsequently placed under arrest for
+issuing the above order.</p>
+
+<p>It was about this time, also, that General McClellan addressed to
+President Lincoln a letter on "forcible Abolition of Slavery," and "a
+Civil and Military policy"&mdash;in these terms:</p>
+
+<p>"HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC,<br>
+"CAMP NEAR HARRISON'S LANDING, VA., July 7, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"MR. PRESIDENT:&mdash;You have been fully informed that the Rebel Army is in
+the front, with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our
+positions or reducing us by blocking our river communications.  I cannot
+but regard our condition as critical, and I earnestly desire, in view of
+possible contingencies, to lay before your Excellency, for your private
+consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the
+Rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the situation of this
+Army, or strictly come within the scope of my official duties.  These
+views amount to convictions, and are deeply impressed upon my mind and
+heart.</p>
+
+<p>"Our cause must never be abandoned; it is the cause of Free institutions
+and Self-government.  The Constitution and the Union must be preserved,
+whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and blood.</p>
+
+<p>"If Secession is successful, other dissolutions are clearly to be seen
+in the future.  Let neither Military disaster, political faction, nor
+Foreign War shake your settled purpose to enforce the equal operation of
+the Laws of the United States upon the people of every State.</p>
+
+<p>"The time has come when the Government must determine upon a Civil and
+Military policy, covering the whole ground of our National trouble.</p>
+
+<p>"The responsibility of determining, declaring, and supporting such Civil
+and Military policy, and of directing the whole course of National
+affairs in regard to the Rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised by
+you, or our Cause will be lost.  The Constitution gives you power, even
+for the present terrible exigency.</p>
+
+<p>"This Rebellion has assumed the character of a War; as such it should be
+regarded, and it should be conducted upon the highest principles known
+to Christian civilization.  It should not be a War looking to the
+subjugation of the people of any State, in any event.  It should not be
+at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political
+organizations.  Neither Confiscation of property, political executions
+of persons, territorial organizations of States, or forcible Abolition
+of Slavery, should be contemplated for a moment.</p>
+
+<p>"In prosecuting the War, all private property and unarmed persons should
+be strictly protected, subject only to the necessity of Military
+operations; all private property taken for Military use should be paid
+or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high crimes;
+all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited and offensive demeanor by
+the military towards citizens promptly rebuked.</p>
+
+<p>"Military arrests should not be tolerated, except in places where active
+hostilities exist; and oaths, not required by enactments,
+Constitutionally made, should be neither demanded nor received.</p>
+
+<p>"Military Government should be confined to the preservation of public
+order and the protection of political right.  Military power should not
+be allowed to interfere with the relations of Servitude, either by
+supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for
+repressing disorder, as in other cases.  Slaves, contraband under the
+Act of Congress, seeking Military protection, should receive it.</p>
+
+<p>"The right of the Government to appropriate permanently to its own
+service claims to Slave-labor should be asserted, and the right of the
+owner to compensation therefor should be recognized.</p>
+
+<p>"This principle might be extended, upon grounds of Military necessity
+and security, to all the Slaves of a particular State, thus working
+manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia
+also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure is
+only a question of time.</p>
+
+<p>"A system of policy thus Constitutional, and pervaded by the influences
+of Christianity and Freedom, would receive the support of almost all
+truly Loyal men, would deeply impress the Rebel masses and all foreign
+nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend itself to
+the favor of the Almighty.</p>
+
+<p>"Unless the principles governing the future conduct of our Struggle
+shall be made known and approved, the effort to obtain requisite forces
+will be almost hopeless.  A declaration of radical views, especially
+upon Slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present Armies.</p>
+
+<p>"The policy of the Government must be supported by concentrations of
+Military power.  The National Forces should not be dispersed in
+expeditions, posts of occupation, and numerous armies, but should be
+mainly collected into masses, and brought to bear upon the Armies of the
+Confederate States.  Those Armies thoroughly defeated, the political
+structure which they support would soon cease to exist,</p>
+
+<p>"In carrying out any system of policy which you may form, you will
+require a Commander-in-chief of the Army, one who possesses your
+confidence, understands your views, and who is competent to execute your
+orders, by directing the Military Forces of the Nation to the
+accomplishment of the objects by you proposed.  I do not ask that place
+for myself, I am willing to serve you in such position as you may assign
+me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever subordinate served superior.</p>
+
+<p>"I may be on the brink of Eternity; and as I hope forgiveness from my
+Maker, I have written this letter with sincerity towards you and from
+love for my Country.</p>
+
+<p>"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p>
+
+<p>"GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN,<br>
+"Major-General Commanding.</p>
+
+<p>"His Excellency A. LINCOLN, President."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+July 12, 1862, Senators and Representatives of the Border Slave-holding
+States, having been specially invited to the White House for the
+purpose, were addressed by President Lincoln, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"GENTLEMEN:&mdash;After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall have
+no opportunity of seeing you for several months.  Believing that you of
+the Border States hold more power for good than any other equal number
+of members, I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive, to make
+this appeal to you.</p>
+
+<p>"I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my
+opinion, if you all had voted for the Resolution in the Gradual
+Emancipation Message of last March, the War would now be substantially
+ended.  And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most potent and
+swift means of ending it.  Let the States which are in Rebellion see
+definitely and certainly that in no event will the States you represent
+ever join their proposed Confederacy, and they cannot much longer
+maintain the contest.</p>
+
+<p>"But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with
+them so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the Institution
+within your own States.  Beat them at elections, as you have
+overwhelmingly done, and nothing daunted, they still claim you as their
+own.  You and I know what the lever of their power is.  Break that lever
+before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever.</p>
+
+<p>"Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I
+trust you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively your
+own, when, for the sake of the whole Country, I ask, 'Can you, for your
+States, do better than to take the course I urge?' Discarding punctilio
+and maxims adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to the
+unprecedentedly stern facts of our case, can you do better in any
+possible event?</p>
+
+<p>"You prefer that the Constitutional relations of the States to the
+Nation shall be practically restored without disturbance of the
+Institution; and, if this were done, my whole duty, in this respect,
+under the Constitution and my oath of office, would be performed.  But
+it is not done, and we are trying to accomplish it by War.</p>
+
+<p>"The incidents of the War cannot be avoided.  If the War continues long,
+as it must, if the object be not sooner attained, the Institution in
+your States will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion&mdash;by the
+mere incidents of the War.  It will be gone, and you will have nothing
+valuable in lieu of it.  Much of its value is gone already.</p>
+
+<p>"How much better for you and for your people to take the step which at
+once shortens the War and secures substantial compensation for that
+which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event!  How much better to
+thus save the money which else we sink forever in the War!  How: much
+better to do it while we can, lest the War ere long render us
+pecuniarily unable to do it!  How much better for you, as seller, and
+the Nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy out that without which the War
+could never have been, than to sink both the thing to be sold and the
+price of it in cutting one another's throats!</p>
+
+<p>"I do not speak of Emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to
+Emancipate gradually.  Room in South America for colonization can be
+obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large
+enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed people
+will not be so reluctant to go.</p>
+
+<p>"I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned; one which threatens
+division among those who, united, are none too strong.  An instance of
+it is known to you.  General Hunter is an honest man.  He was, and I
+hope still is, my friend.  I value him none the less for his agreeing
+with me in the general wish that all men everywhere could be freed.  He
+proclaimed all men Free within certain States, and I repudiated the
+proclamation.  He expected more good and less harm from the measure than
+I could believe would follow.</p>
+
+<p>"Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to many
+whose support the Country cannot afford to lose.  And this is not the
+end of it.  The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and is
+increasing.  By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much
+more, can relieve the Country in this important point.</p>
+
+<p>"Upon these considerations I have again begged your attention to the
+Message of March last.  Before leaving the Capitol, consider and discuss
+it among yourselves.  You are Patriots and Statesmen, and as such I pray
+you consider this proposition; and, at the least, commend it to the
+consideration of your States and people.  As you would perpetuate
+popular Government for the best people in the World, I beseech you that
+you do in nowise omit this.</p>
+
+<p>"Our common Country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views and
+boldest action to bring a speedy relief.  Once relieved, its form of
+Government is saved to the World, its beloved history and cherished
+memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully assured and rendered
+inconceivable grand.  To you, more than to any others, the privilege is
+given to assure that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to link your
+own names therewith forever."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>The gentlemen representing in Congress the Border-States, to whom this
+address was made, subsequently met and discussed its subject matter, and
+made written reply in the shape of majority and minority replies, as
+follows:</p>
+
+<p>THE MAJORITY REPLY:</p>
+
+<p>"WASHINGTON, July 14, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"TO THE PRESIDENT:</p>
+
+<p>"The undersigned, Representatives of Kentucky, Virginia, Missouri, and
+Maryland, in the two Houses of Congress, have listened to your address
+with the profound sensibility naturally inspired by the high source from
+which it emanates, the earnestness which marked its delivery, and the
+overwhelming importance of the subject of which it treats.  We have
+given it a most respectful consideration, and now lay before you our
+response.  We regret that want of time has not permitted us to make it
+more perfect.</p>
+
+<p>"We have not been wanting, Mr. President, in respect to you, and in
+devotion to the Constitution and the Union.  We have not been
+indifferent to the great difficulties surrounding you, compared with
+which all former National troubles have been but as the summer cloud;
+and we have freely given you our sympathy and support.  Repudiating the
+dangerous heresies of the Secessionists, we believed, with you, that the
+War on their part is aggressive and wicked, and the objects for which it
+was to be prosecuted on ours, defined by your Message at the opening of
+the present Congress, to be such as all good men should approve.</p>
+
+<p>"We have not hesitated to vote all supplies necessary to carry it on
+vigorously.  We have voted all the men and money you have asked for, and
+even more; we have imposed onerous taxes on our people, and they are
+paying them with cheerfulness and alacrity; we have encouraged
+enlistments, and sent to the field many of our best men; and some of our
+number have offered their persons to the enemy as pledges of their
+sincerity and devotion to the Country.</p>
+
+<p>"We have done all this under the most discouraging circumstances, and in
+the face of measures most distasteful to us and injurious to the
+interests we represent, and in the hearing of doctrines avowed by those
+who claim to be your friends, must be abhorrent to us and our
+constituents.</p>
+
+<p>"But, for all this, we have never faltered, nor shall we as long as we
+have a Constitution to defend and a Government which protects us.  And
+we are ready for renewed efforts, and even greater sacrifices, yea, any
+sacrifice, when we are satisfied it is required to preserve our
+admirable form of Government and the priceless blessings of
+Constitutional Liberty.</p>
+
+<p>"A few of our number voted for the Resolution recommended by your
+Message of the 6th of March last, the greater portion of us did not, and
+we will briefly state the prominent reasons which influenced our action.</p>
+
+<p>"In the first place, it proposed a radical change of our social system,
+and was hurried through both Houses with undue haste, without reasonable
+time for consideration and debate, and with no time at all for
+consultation with our constituents, whose interests it deeply involved.
+It seemed like an interference by this Government with a question which
+peculiarly and exclusively belonged to our respective States, on which
+they had not sought advice or solicited aid.</p>
+
+<p>"Many of us doubted the Constitutional power of this Government to make
+appropriations of money for the object designated, and all of us thought
+our finances were in no condition to bear the immense outlay which its
+adoption and faithful execution would impose upon the National Treasury.
+If we pause but a moment to think of the debt its acceptance would have
+entailed, we are appalled by its magnitude.  The proposition was
+addressed to all the States, and embraced the whole number of Slaves.</p>
+
+<p>"According to the census of 1860 there were then nearly four million
+Slaves in the Country; from natural increase they exceed that number
+now.  At even the low average of $300, the price fixed by the
+Emancipation Act for the Slaves of this District, and greatly below
+their real worth, their value runs up to the enormous sum of
+$1,200,000,000; and if to that we add the cost of deportation and
+colonization, at $100 each, which is but a fraction more than is
+actually paid&mdash;by the Maryland Colonization Society, we have
+$400,000,000 more.</p>
+
+<p>"We were not willing to impose a tax on our people sufficient to pay the
+interest on that sum, in addition to the vast and daily increasing debt
+already fixed upon them by exigencies of the War, and if we had been
+willing, the Country could not bear it.  Stated in this form the
+proposition is nothing less than the deportation from the Country of
+$1,600,000,000 worth of producing labor, and the substitution, in its
+place, of an interest-bearing debt of the same amount.</p>
+
+<p>"But, if we are told that it was expected that only the States we
+represent would accept the proposition, we respectfully submit that even
+then it involves a sum too great for the financial ability of this
+Government at this time.  According to the census of 1860:</p>
+
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+
+
+
+
+  <tr><td>      </td><td>   &nbsp;       </td><td>      Slaves</td></tr>
+<tr><td>         </td><td> Kentucky had  </td><td>225,490</td></tr>
+<tr><td>         </td><td> Maryland      </td><td>87,188</td></tr>
+<tr><td>         </td><td> Virginia     </td><td>490,887</td></tr>
+<tr><td>          </td><td>Delaware    </td><td>1,798</td></tr>
+<tr><td>          </td><td>Missouri  </td><td>114,965</td></tr>
+<tr><td>          </td><td>Tennessee  </td><td>275,784</td></tr>
+<tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
+ <tr><td>         </td><td>Making in the whole  </td><td>1,196,112</td></tr>
+<tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>          </td><td>At the same rate of valuation these would</td></tr>
+<tr><td>          </td><td>amount to  </td><td>$358,933,500</td></tr>
+<tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
+<tr><td>          </td><td>Add for deportation and colonization $100 each</td></tr>
+<tr><td> &nbsp;    </td><td>&nbsp;      </td><td>$118,244,533</td></tr>
+<tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
+ <tr><td>        </td><td> And we have the</td></tr>
+ <tr><td>        </td><td> enormous sum of  </td><td>$478,038,133</td></tr>
+
+
+</table>
+</center>
+
+<p>
+"We did not feel that we should be justified in voting for a measure
+which, if carried out, would add this vast amount to our public debt at
+a moment when the Treasury was reeling under the enormous expenditure of
+the War.</p>
+
+<p>"Again, it seemed to us that this Resolution was but the annunciation of
+a sentiment which could not or was not likely to be reduced to an actual
+tangible proposition.  No movement was then made to provide and
+appropriate the funds required to carry it into effect; and we were not
+encouraged to believe that funds would be provided.  And our belief has
+been fully justified by subsequent events.</p>
+
+<p>"Not to mention other circumstances, it is quite sufficient for our
+purpose to bring to your notice the fact that, while this resolution was
+under consideration in the Senate, our colleague, the Senator from
+Kentucky, moved an amendment appropriating $500,000 to the object
+therein designated, and it was voted down with great unanimity.</p>
+
+<p>"What confidence, then, could we reasonably feel that if we committed
+ourselves to the policy it proposed, our constituents would reap the
+fruits of the promise held out; and on what ground could we, as fair
+men, approach them and challenge their support?</p>
+
+<p>"The right to hold Slaves, is a right appertaining to all the States of
+this Union.  They have the right to cherish or abolish the Institution,
+as their tastes or their interests may prompt, and no one is authorized
+to question the right or limit the enjoyment.  And no one has more
+clearly affirmed that right than you have.  Your Inaugural Address does
+you great honor in this respect, and inspired the Country with
+confidence in your fairness and respect for the Law.  Our States are in
+the enjoyment of that right.</p>
+
+<p>"We do not feel called on to defend the Institution or to affirm it is
+one which ought to be cherished; perhaps, if we were to make the
+attempt, we might find that we differ even among ourselves.  It is
+enough for our purpose to know that it is a right; and, so knowing, we
+did not see why we should now be expected to yield it.</p>
+
+<p>"We had contributed our full share to relieve the Country at this
+terrible crisis; we had done as much as had been required of others in
+like circumstances; and we did not see why sacrifices should be expected
+of us from which others, no more loyal, were exempt.  Nor could we see
+what good the Nation would derive from it.</p>
+
+<p>"Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would not have strengthened the arm
+of this Government or weakened that of the Enemy.  It was not necessary
+as a pledge of our Loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a
+reasonable doubt, in every form, and at every place possible.  There was
+not the remotest probability that the States we represent would join in
+the Rebellion, nor is there now, or of their electing to go with the
+Southern Section in the event of a recognition of the Independence of
+any part of the disaffected region.</p>
+
+<p>"Our States are fixed unalterably in their resolution to adhere to and
+support the Union.  They see no safety for themselves, and no hope for
+Constitutional Liberty, but by its preservation.  They will, under no
+circumstances, consent to its dissolution; and we do them no more than
+justice when we assure you that, while the War is conducted to prevent
+that deplorable catastrophe, they will sustain it as long as they can
+muster a man, or command a dollar.</p>
+
+<p>"Nor will they ever consent, in any event, to unite with the Southern
+Confederacy.  The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of that region
+will forever prevent them from placing their security and happiness in
+the custody of an association which has incorporated in its Organic Law
+the seeds of its own destruction.</p>
+
+<p>"We cannot admit, Mr. President, that if we had voted for the Resolution
+in the Emancipation Message of March last, the War would now be
+substantially ended.  We are unable to see how our action in this
+particular has given, or could give, encouragement to the Rebellion.
+The Resolution has passed; and if there be virtue in it, it will be
+quite as efficacious as if we had voted for it.</p>
+
+<p>"We have no power to bind our States in this respect by our votes here;
+and, whether we had voted the one way or the other, they are in the same
+condition of freedom to accept or reject its provisions.</p>
+
+<p>"No, Sir, the War has not been prolonged or hindered by our action on
+this or any other measure.  We must look for other causes for that
+lamented fact.  We think there is not much difficulty, not much
+uncertainty, in pointing out others far more probable and potent in
+their agencies to that end.</p>
+
+<p>"The Rebellion derives its strength from the Union of all classes in the
+Insurgent States; and while that Union lasts the War will never end
+until they are utterly exhausted.  We know that, at the inception of
+these troubles, Southern society was divided, and that a large portion,
+perhaps a majority, were opposed to Secession.  Now the great mass of
+Southern people are united.</p>
+
+<p>"To discover why they are so, we must glance at Southern society, and
+notice the classes into which it has been divided, and which still
+distinguish it.  They are in arms, but not for the same objects; they
+are moved to a common end, but by different and even inconsistent
+reasons.</p>
+
+<p>"The leaders, which comprehend what was previously known as the State
+Rights Party, and is much the lesser class, seek to break down National
+Independence and set up State domination.  With them it is a War against
+Nationality.</p>
+
+<p>"The other class is fighting, as it supposes, to maintain and preserve
+its rights of Property and domestic safety, which it has been made to
+believe are assailed by this Government.  This latter class are not
+Disunionists per se; they are so only because they have been made to
+believe that this Administration is inimical to their rights, and is
+making War on their domestic Institutions.  As long as these two classes
+act together they will never assent to a Peace.</p>
+
+<p>"The policy, then, to be pursued, is obvious.  The former class will
+never be reconciled, but the latter may be.  Remove their apprehensions;
+satisfy them that no harm is intended to them and their Institutions;
+that this Government is not making War on their rights of Property, but
+is simply defending its legitimate authority, and they will gladly
+return to their allegiance as soon as the pressure of Military dominion
+imposed by the Confederate authority is removed from them.</p>
+
+<p>"Twelve months ago, both Houses of Congress, adopting the spirit of your
+Message, then but recently sent in, declared with singular unanimity the
+objects of the War, and the Country instantly bounded to your side to
+assist you in carrying it on.  If the spirit of that Resolution had been
+adhered to, we are confident that we should before now have seen the end
+of this deplorable conflict.  But what have we seen?</p>
+
+<p>"In both Houses of Congress we have heard doctrines subversive of the
+principles of the Constitution, and seen measure after measure, founded
+in substance on those doctrines, proposed and carried through, which can
+have no other effect than to distract and divide loyal men, and
+exasperate and drive still further from us and their duty the people of
+the rebellious States.</p>
+
+<p>"Military officers, following these bad examples, have stepped beyond
+the just limits of their authority in the same direction, until in
+several instances you have felt the necessity of interfering to arrest
+them.  And even the passage of the Resolution to which you refer has
+been ostentatiously proclaimed as the triumph of a principle which the
+people of the Southern States regard as ruinous to them.  The effect of
+these measures was foretold, and may now be seen in the indurated state
+of Southern feeling.</p>
+
+<p>"To these causes, Mr. President, and not to our omission to vote for the
+Resolution recommended by you, we solemnly believe we are to attribute
+the terrible earnestness of those in arms against the Government, and
+the continuance of the War.  Nor do we (permit us to say, Mr. President,
+with all respect to you) agree that the Institution of Slavery is 'the
+lever of their power,' but we are of the opinion that 'the lever of
+their power' is the apprehension that the powers of a common Government,
+created for common and equal protection to the interests of all, will be
+wielded against the Institutions of the Southern States.</p>
+
+<p>"There is one other idea in your address we feel called on to notice.
+After stating the fact of your repudiation of General Hunter's
+Proclamation, you add:</p>
+
+<p>"'Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to
+many whose support the Country cannot afford to lose.  And this is not
+the end of it.  The pressure in this direction is still upon me and is
+increasing.  By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much
+more, can relieve the Country, in this important point,'</p>
+
+<p>"We have anxiously looked into this passage to discover its true import,
+but we are yet in painful uncertainty.  How can we, by conceding what
+you now ask, relieve you and the Country from the increasing pressure to
+which you refer?  We will not allow ourselves to think that the
+proposition is, that we consent to give up Slavery, to the end that the
+Hunter proclamation may be let loose on the Southern people, for it is
+too well known that we would not be parties to any such measure, and we
+have too much respect for you to imagine you would propose it.</p>
+
+<p>"Can it mean that by sacrificing our interest in Slavery we appease the
+spirit that controls that pressure, cause it to be withdrawn, and rid
+the Country of the pestilent agitation of the Slavery question?  We are
+forbidden so to think, for that spirit would not be satisfied with the
+liberation of 100,000 Slaves, and cease its agitation while 3,000,000
+remain in bondage.  Can it mean that by abandoning Slavery in our States
+we are removing the pressure from you and the Country, by preparing for
+a separation on the line of the Cotton States?</p>
+
+<p>"We are forbidden so to think, because it is known that we are, and we
+believe that you are, unalterably opposed to any division at all.  We
+would prefer to think that you desire this concession as a pledge of our
+support, and thus enable you to withstand a pressure which weighs
+heavily on you and the Country.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. President, no such sacrifice is necessary to secure our support.
+Confine yourself to your Constitutional authority; confine your
+subordinates within the same limits; conduct this War solely for the
+purpose of restoring the Constitution to its legitimate authority;
+concede to each State and its loyal citizens their just rights, and we
+are wedded to you by indissoluble ties.  Do this, Mr. President, and you
+touch the American heart, and invigorate it with new hope.  You will, as
+we solemnly believe, in due time restore Peace to your Country, lift it
+from despondency to a future of glory, and preserve to your countrymen,
+their posterity, and man, the inestimable treasure of a Constitutional
+Government.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. President, we have stated with frankness and candor the reasons on
+which we forbore to vote for the Resolution you have mentioned; but you
+have again presented this proposition, and appealed to us with an
+earnestness and eloquence which have not failed to impress us, to
+'consider it, and at the least to commend it to the consideration of our
+States and people.'</p>
+
+<p>"Thus appealed to by the Chief Magistrate of our beloved Country, in the
+hour of its greatest peril, we cannot wholly decline.  We are willing to
+trust every question relating to their interest and happiness to the
+consideration and ultimate judgment of our own people.</p>
+
+<p>"While differing from you as to the necessity of Emancipating the Slaves
+of our States as a means of putting down the Rebellion, and while
+protesting against the propriety of any extra-territorial interference
+to induce the people of our States to adopt any particular line of
+policy on a subject which peculiarly and exclusively belongs to them,
+yet, when you and our brethren of the Loyal States sincerely believe
+that the retention of Slavery by us is an obstacle to Peace and National
+harmony, and are willing to contribute pecuniary aid to compensate our
+States and people for the inconveniences produced by such a change of
+system, we are not unwilling that our people shall consider the
+propriety of putting it aside.</p>
+
+<p>"But we have already said that we regard this Resolution as the
+utterance of a sentiment, and we had no confidence that it would assume
+the shape of a tangible practical proposition, which would yield the
+fruits of the sacrifice it required.  Our people are influenced by the
+same want of confidence, and will not consider the proposition in its
+present impalpable form.  The interest they are asked to give up is, to
+them, of immense importance, and they ought not to be expected even to
+entertain the proposal until they are assured that when they accept it
+their just expectations will not be frustrated.</p>
+
+<p>"We regard your plan as a proposition from the Nation to the States to
+exercise an admitted Constitutional right in a particular manner, and
+yield up a valuable interest.  Before they ought to consider the
+proposition, it should be presented in such a tangible, practical,
+efficient shape, as to command their confidence that its fruits are
+contingent only upon their acceptance.  We cannot trust anything to the
+contingencies of future legislation.</p>
+
+<p>"If Congress, by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide
+sufficient funds and place them at your disposal to be applied by you to
+the payment of any of our States, or the citizens thereof, who shall
+adopt the Abolishment of Slavery, either gradual or immediate, as they
+may determine, and the expense of deportation and colonization of the
+liberated Slaves, then will our States and people take this proposition
+into careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is
+demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole
+Country.  We have the honor to be, with great respect,</p>
+
+<p>"C. A. WICKLIFFE, Ch'man,<br>
+CHAS. B. CALVERT,<br>
+GARRETT DAVIS,<br>
+C. L. L. LEARY,<br>
+R. WILSON,<br>
+EDWIN H. WEBSTER,<br>
+J. J. CRITTENDEN,<br>
+R. MALLORY,<br>
+JOHN S. CARLILE,<br>
+AARON HARDING,<br>
+J. W. CRISFIELD,<br>
+JAMES S. ROLLINS,<br>
+J. S. JACKSON,<br>
+J. W. MENZIES,<br>
+H. GRIDER,<br>
+THOMAS L. PRICE,<br>
+JOHN S. PHELPS,<br>
+G.  W.  DUNLAP,<br>
+FRANCIS THOMAS,
+WILLIAM A. HALL."</p>
+
+
+<br><br>
+<p>
+THE MINORITY REPLY.</p>
+
+<p>"WASHINGTON, July 15, 1863.</p>
+
+<p>"MR. PRESIDENT:&mdash;The undersigned, members of Congress from the Border
+States, in response to your address of Saturday last, beg leave to say
+that they attended a meeting, on the same day the address was delivered,
+for the purpose of considering the same.  The meeting appointed a
+Committee to report a response to your address.  That report was made on
+yesterday, and the action of the majority indicated clearly that the
+response, or one in substance the same, would be adopted and presented
+to you.</p>
+
+<p>"Inasmuch as we cannot, consistently with our own sense of duty to the
+Country, under the existing perils which surround us, concur in that
+response, we feel it to be due to you and to ourselves to make to you a
+brief and candid answer over our own signatures.</p>
+
+<p>"We believe that the whole power of the Government, upheld and sustained
+by all the influences and means of all loyal men in all Sections, and of
+all Parties, is essentially necessary to put down the Rebellion and
+preserve the Union and the Constitution.  We understand your appeal to
+us to have been made for the purpose of securing this result.</p>
+
+<p>"A very large portion of the People in the Northern States believe that
+Slavery is the 'lever-power of the Rebellion.'  It matters not whether
+this belief be well-founded or not.  The belief does exist, and we have
+to deal with things as they are, and not as we would have them be.</p>
+
+<p>"In consequence of the existence of this belief, we understand that an
+immense pressure is brought to bear for the purpose of striking down
+this Institution through the exercise of Military authority.  The
+Government cannot maintain this great struggle if the support and
+influence of the men who entertain these opinions be withdrawn.  Neither
+can the Government hope for early success if the support of that element
+called "Conservative" be withdrawn.</p>
+
+<p>"Such being the condition of things, the President appeals to the
+Border-State men to step forward and prove their patriotism by making
+the first sacrifice.  No doubt, like appeals have been made to extreme
+men in the North to meet us half-way, in order that the whole moral,
+political, pecuniary, and physical force of the Nation may be firmly and
+earnestly united in one grand effort to save the Union and the
+Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>"Believing that such were the motives that prompted your Address, and
+such the results to which it looked, we cannot reconcile it to our sense
+of duty, in this trying hour, to respond in a spirit of fault-finding or
+querulousness over the things that are past.</p>
+
+<p>"We are not disposed to seek for the cause of present misfortunes in the
+errors and wrongs of others who now propose to unite with us in a common
+purpose.</p>
+
+<p>"But, on the other hand, we meet your address in the spirit in which it
+was made, and, as loyal Americans, declare to you and to the World that
+there is no sacrifice that we are not ready to make to save the
+Government and institutions of our fathers.  That we, few of us though
+there may be, will permit no man, from the North or from the South, to
+go further than we in the accomplishment of the great work before us.
+That, in order to carry out these views, we will, so far as may be in
+our power, ask the people of the Border States calmly, deliberately, and
+fairly to consider your recommendations.</p>
+
+<p>"We are the more emboldened to assume this position from the fact, now
+become history, that the leaders of the Southern Rebellion have offered
+to abolish Slavery among them as a condition to foreign intervention in
+favor of their Independence as a Nation.</p>
+
+<p>"If they can give up Slavery to destroy the Union, we can surely ask our
+people to consider the question of Emancipation to save the Union.</p>
+
+<p>"With great respect, your obedient servants,</p>
+
+<p>"JOHN W. NOELL,<br>
+"SAMUEL L. CASEY,<br>
+"GEORGE P. FISHER,<br>
+"A. J. CLEMENTS,<br>
+"WILLIAM G. BROWN,<br>
+"JACOB B. BLAIR,
+"W. T. WILLEY."</p>
+
+<br><br>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>
+     [The following separate replies, subsequently made, by
+     Representative Maynard of Tennessee, and Senator Henderson of
+     Missouri, are necessarily given to complete this part of the Border
+     State record.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>                           MR. MAYNARD'S REPLY.</p>
+
+<p>"HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, July 16, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"SIR:&mdash;The magnitude and gravity of the proposition submitted by you to
+Representatives from the Slave States would naturally occasion
+diversity, if not contrariety, of opinion.  You will not, therefore, be
+surprised that I have not been able to concur in view with the majority
+of them.</p>
+
+<p>"This is attributable, possibly, to the fact that my State is not a
+Border State, properly so called, and that my immediate constituents are
+not yet disenthralled from the hostile arms of the Rebellion.  This fact
+is a physical obstacle in the way of my now submitting to their
+consideration this, or any other proposition looking to political
+action, especially such as, in this case, would require a change in the
+Organic Law of the State.</p>
+
+<p>"But do not infer that I am insensible to your appeal.  I am not; you
+are surrounded with difficulties far greater than have embarrassed any
+of your predecessors.  You need the support of every American citizen,
+and you ought to have it&mdash;active, zealous and honest.  The union of all
+Union men to aid you in preserving the Union, is the duty of the time.
+Differences as to policy and methods must be subordinated to the common
+purpose.</p>
+
+<p>"In looking for the cause of this Rebellion, it is natural that each
+Section and each Party should ascribe as little blame as possible to
+itself, and as much as possible to its opponent Section and Party.
+Possibly you and I might not agree on a comparison of our views.  That
+there should be differences of opinion as to the best mode of conducting
+our Military operations, and the best men to lead our Armies, is equally
+natural.  Contests on such questions weaken ourselves and strengthen our
+enemies.  They are unprofitable, and possibly unpatriotic.  Somebody
+must yield, or we waste our strength in a contemptible struggle among
+ourselves.</p>
+
+<p>"You appeal to the loyal men of the Slave States to sacrifice something
+of feeling and a great deal of interest.  The sacrifices they have
+already made and the sufferings they have endured give the best
+assurance that the appeal will not have been made in vain.  He who is
+not ready to yield all his material interests, and to forego his most
+cherished sentiments and opinions for the preservation of his Country,
+although he may have periled his life on the battle-field in her
+defense, is but half a Patriot.  Among the loyal people that I
+represent, there are no half-patriots.</p>
+
+<p>"Already the Rebellion has cost us much, even to our undoing; we are
+content, if need be, to give up the rest, to suppress it.  We have stood
+by you from the beginning of this struggle, and we mean to stand by you,
+God willing, till the end of it.</p>
+
+<p>"I did not vote for the Resolution to which you allude, solely for the
+reason that I was absent at the Capital of my own State.  It is right.</p>
+
+<p>"Should any of the Slave States think proper to terminate that
+Institution, as several of them, I understand, or at least some of their
+citizens propose, justice and a generous comity require that the Country
+should interpose to aid in lessening the burden, public and private,
+occasioned by so radical a change in its social and industrial
+relations.</p>
+
+<p>"I will not now speculate upon the effect, at home or abroad, of the
+adoption of your policy, nor inquire what action of the Rebel leaders
+has rendered something of the kind important.  Your whole administration
+gives the highest assurance that you are moved, not so much from a
+desire to see all men everywhere made free, as from a higher desire to
+preserve free institutions for the benefit of men already free; not to
+make Slaves, Freemen, but to prevent Freemen from being made Slaves; not
+to destroy an Institution, which a portion of us only consider bad, but
+to save institutions which we all alike consider good.  I am satisfied
+you would not ask from any of your fellow-citizens a sacrifice not, in
+your judgment, imperatively required by the safety of the Country.</p>
+
+<p>"This is the spirit of your appeal, and I respond to it in the same
+spirit.</p>
+
+<p>"I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p>
+
+<p>                              "HORACE MAYNARD.</p>
+
+<p>"To the PRESIDENT."</p>
+
+<br><br>
+
+<p>                        SENATOR HENDERSON'S REPLY.</p>
+
+<p>"WASHINGTON CITY, July 21, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"MR. PRESIDENT:&mdash;The pressure of business in the Senate during the last
+few days of the session prevented my attendance at the meeting of the
+Border-State members, called to consider your proposition in reference
+to gradual emancipation in our States.</p>
+
+<p>"It is for this reason only, and not because I fail to appreciate their
+importance or properly respect your suggestions, that my name does not
+appear to any of the several papers submitted in response.  I may also
+add that it was my intention, when the subject came up practically for
+consideration in the Senate, to express fully my views in regard to it.
+This of course would have rendered any other response unnecessary.  But
+the want of time to consider the matter deprived me of that opportunity,
+and, lest now my silence be misconstrued, I deem it proper to say to you
+that I am by no means indifferent to the great questions so earnestly,
+and as I believe so honestly, urged by you upon our consideration.</p>
+
+<p>"The Border States, so far, are the chief sufferers by this War, and the
+true Union men of those States have made the greatest sacrifices for the
+preservation of the Government.  This fact does not proceed from
+mismanagement on the part of the Union authorities, or a want of regard
+for our people, but it is the necessary result of the War that is upon
+us.</p>
+
+<p>"Our States are the battle-fields.  Our people, divided among
+themselves, maddened by the struggle, and blinded by the smoke of
+battle, invited upon our soil contending armies&mdash;the one to destroy the
+Government, the other to maintain it.  The consequence to us is plain.
+The shock of the contest upturns Society and desolates the Land.  We
+have made sacrifices, but at last they were only the sacrifices demanded
+by duty, and unless we are willing to make others, indeed any that the
+good of the Country, involved in the overthrow of Treason, may expect at
+our hands, our title to patriotism is not complete.</p>
+
+<p>"When you submitted your proposition to Congress, in March last, 'that
+the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a
+gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to
+be used by such State in its discretion, to compensate for the
+inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system,'
+I gave it a most cheerful support, and I am satisfied it would have
+received the approbation of a large majority of the Border States
+delegations in both Branches of Congress, if, in the first place, they
+had believed the War, with its continued evils&mdash;the most prominent of
+which, in a material point of view, is its injurious effect on the
+Institution of Slavery in our States&mdash;could possibly have been
+protracted for another twelve months; and if, in the second place, they
+had felt assured that the party having the majority in Congress would,
+like yourself, be equally prompt in practical action as in the
+expression of a sentiment.</p>
+
+<p>"While scarcely any one doubted your own sincerity in the premises, and
+your earnest wish speedily to terminate the War, you can readily
+conceive the grounds for difference of opinion where conclusions could
+only be based on conjecture.</p>
+
+<p>"Believing, as I did, that the War was not so near its termination as
+some supposed, and feeling disposed to accord to others the same
+sincerity of purpose that I should claim for myself under similar
+circumstances, I voted for the proposition.  I will suppose that others
+were actuated by no sinister motives.</p>
+
+<p>"In doing so, Mr. President, I desire to be distinctly understood by you
+and by my constituents.  I did not suppose at the time that I was
+personally making any sacrifice by supporting the Resolution, nor that
+the people of my State were called upon to make any sacrifices, either
+in considering or accepting the proposition, if they saw fit.</p>
+
+<p>"I agreed with you in the remarks contained in the Message accompanying
+the Resolution, that 'the Union must be preserved, and hence all
+indispensable means must be employed.  * * * War has been and continues
+to be an indispensable means to this end.  A practical reacknowledgment
+of the National authority would render the War unnecessary, and it would
+at once cease.  If, however, resistance continues, the War must also
+continue; and it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may
+attend and all the ruin which may follow it.'</p>
+
+<p>"It is truly 'impossible' to foresee all the evils resulting from a War
+so stupendous as the present.  I shall be much rejoiced if something
+more dreadful than the sale of Freedom to a few Slaves in the Border
+States shall not result from it.</p>
+
+<p>"If it closes with the Government of our Fathers secure, and
+Constitutional Liberty in all its purity guaranteed to the White man,
+the result will be better than that having a place in the fears of many
+good men at present, and much better than the past history of such
+revolutions can justify us in expecting.</p>
+
+<p>"In this period of the Nation's distress, I know of no human institution
+too sacred for discussion; no material interest belonging to the citizen
+that he should not willingly place upon the altar of his Country, if
+demanded by the public good.</p>
+
+<p>"The man who cannot now sacrifice Party and put aside selfish
+considerations is more than half disloyal.  Such a man does not deserve
+the blessings of good government.  Pride of opinion, based upon
+Sectional jealousies, should not be permitted to control the decision of
+any political question.  These remarks are general, but apply with
+peculiar force to the People of the Border States at present.</p>
+
+<p>"Let us look at our condition.  A desolating War is upon us.  We cannot
+escape it if we would.  If the Union Armies were to-day withdrawn from
+the Border States without first crushing the Rebellion in the South, no
+rational man can doubt for a moment that the adherents of the Union
+Cause in those States would soon be driven in exile from their homes by
+the exultant Rebels, who have so long hoped to return and take vengeance
+upon us.</p>
+
+<p>"The People of the Border States understand very well the unfriendly and
+selfish spirit exercised toward them by the leaders of this Cotton-State
+Rebellion, beginning some time previous to its outbreak.  They will not
+fail to remember their insolent refusal to counsel with us, and their
+haughty assumption of responsibility upon themselves for their misguided
+action.</p>
+
+<p>"Our people will not soon forget that, while declaiming against
+Coercion, they closed their doors against the exportation of Slaves from
+the Border States into the South, with the avowed purpose of forcing us
+into Rebellion through fears of losing that species of Property.  They
+knew very well the effect to be produced on Slavery by a Civil War,
+especially in those States into which hostile Armies might penetrate,
+and upon the soil of which the great contests for the success of
+Republican Government were to be decided.</p>
+
+<p>"They wanted some intermediate ground for the conflict of arms-territory
+where the population would be divided.  They knew, also, that by keeping
+Slavery in the Border States the mere 'friction and abrasion' to which
+you so appropriately allude, would keep up a constant irritation,
+resulting necessarily from the frequent losses to which the owners would
+be subjected.</p>
+
+<p>"They also calculated largely, and not without reason, upon the
+repugnance of Non-Slaveholders in those States to a Free Negro
+population.  In the meantime they intended persistently to charge the
+overthrow of Slavery to be the object of the Government, and hostility
+to this Institution the origin of the War.  By this means the
+unavoidable incidents of the strife might easily he charged as the
+settled purposes of the Government.</p>
+
+<p>"Again, it was well understood, by these men, that exemplary conduct on
+the part of every officer and soldier employed by the Government could
+not in the nature of things be expected, and the hope was entertained,
+upon the most reasonable grounds, that every commission of wrong and
+every omission of duty would produce a new cause for excitement and a
+new incentive to Rebellion.</p>
+
+<p>"By these means the War was to be kept in the Border States, regardless
+of our interests, until an exhausted Treasury should render it necessary
+to send the tax-gatherer among our people, to take the little that might
+be left them from the devastations of War.</p>
+
+<p>"They then expected a clamor for Peace by us, resulting in the
+interference of France and England, whose operatives in the meantime
+would be driven to want, and whose aristocracy have ever been ready to
+welcome a dissolution of the American Union.</p>
+
+<p>"This cunningly-devised plan for securing a Gulf-Confederacy, commanding
+the mouths of the great Western rivers, the Gulf of Mexico, and the
+Southern Atlantic ocean, with their own territory unscathed by the
+horrors of war, and surrounded by the Border States, half of whose
+population would be left in sympathy with them, for many years to come,
+owing to the irritations to which I have alluded, has, so far, succeeded
+too well.</p>
+
+<p>"In Missouri they have already caused us to lose a third or more of the
+Slaves owned at the time of the last census.  In addition to this, I can
+make no estimate of the vast amount of property of every character that
+has been destroyed by Military operations in the State.  The loss from
+general depreciation of values, and the utter prostration of every
+business-interest of our people, is wholly beyond calculation.</p>
+
+<p>"The experience of Missouri is but the experience of other Sections of
+the Country similarly situated.  The question is therefore forced upon
+us, 'How long is this War to continue; and, if continued, as it has
+been, on our soil, aided by the Treason and folly of our own citizens,
+acting in concert with the Confederates, how long can Slavery, or, if
+you please, any other property-interest, survive in our States?'</p>
+
+<p>"As things now are, the people of the Border-States yet divided, we
+cannot expect an immediate termination of the struggle, except upon
+condition of Southern Independence, losing thereby control of the lower
+Mississippi.  For this, we in Missouri are not prepared, nor are we
+prepared to become one of the Confederate States, should the terrible
+calamity of Dissolution occur.</p>
+
+<p>"This, I presume, the Union men of Missouri would resist to the death.
+And whether they should do so or not, I will not suppose for an instant,
+that the Government of the United States would, upon any condition,
+submit to the loss of territory so essential to its future commercial
+greatness as is the State of Missouri.</p>
+
+<p>"But should all other reasons fail to prevent such a misfortune to our
+people of Missouri, there is one that cannot fail.  The Confederates
+never wanted us, and would not have us.  I assume, therefore, that the
+War will not cease, but will be continued until the Rebellion shall be
+overcome.  It cannot and will not cease, so far as the people of
+Missouri are concerned, except upon condition of our remaining in the
+Union, and the whole West will demand the entire control of the
+Mississippi river to the Gulf.</p>
+
+<p>"Our interest is therefore bound up with the interests of those States
+maintaining the Union, and especially with the great States of the West
+that must be consulted in regard to the terms of any Peace that may be
+suggested, even by the Nations of Europe, should they at any time
+unfortunately depart from their former pacific policy and determine to
+intervene in our affairs.</p>
+
+<p>"The War, then, will have to be continued until the Union shall be
+practically restored.  In this alone consists the future safety of the
+Border-States themselves.  A separation of the Union is ruinous to them.
+The preservation of the Union can only be secured by a continuation of
+the War.  The consequences of that continuation may be judged of by the
+experience of the last twelve months.  The people of my State are as
+competent to pass judgment in the premises as I am.  I have every
+confidence in their intelligence, their honesty, and their patriotism.</p>
+
+<p>"In your own language, the proposition you make 'sets up no claim of a
+right by Federal authority to interfere with Slavery within State
+limits,' referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject in
+each case to the State and its people immediately interested.  It is
+proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them.</p>
+
+<p>"In this view of the subject I can frankly say to you that, personally,
+I never could appreciate the objections so frequently urged against the
+proposition.  If I understood you properly, it was your opinion, not
+that Slavery should be removed in order to secure our loyalty to the
+Government, for every personal act of your administration precludes such
+an inference, but you believe that the peculiar species of Property was
+in imminent danger from the War in which we were engaged, and that
+common justice demanded remuneration for the loss of it.</p>
+
+<p>"You then believe, and again express the opinion, that the peculiar
+nature of the contest is such that its loss is almost inevitable, and
+lest any pretext for a charge of injustice against the Government be
+given to its enemies, you propose to extend to the people of those
+States standing by the Union, the choice of payment for their Slaves or
+the responsibility of loss, should it occur, without complaint against
+the Government.</p>
+
+<p>"Placing the matter in this light, (a mere remuneration for losses
+rendered inevitable by the casualties of War), the objection of a
+Constitutional character may be rendered much less formidable in the
+minds of Northern Representatives whose constituents will have to share
+in the payment of the money; and, so far as the Border States are
+concerned, this objection should be most sparingly urged, for it being a
+matter entirely of their 'own free choice,' in case of a desire to
+accept, no serious argument will likely be urged against the receipt of
+the money, or a fund for Colonization.</p>
+
+<p>"But, aside from the power derived from the operations of war, there may
+be found numerous precedents in the legislation of the past, such as
+grants of land and money to the several States for specified objects
+deemed worthy by the Federal Congress.  And in addition to this may be
+cited a deliberate opinion of Mr. Webster upon this very subject, in one
+of the ablest arguments of his life.</p>
+
+<p>"I allude to this question of power merely in vindication of the
+position assumed by me in my vote for the Resolution of March last.</p>
+
+<p>"In your last communication to us, you beg of us 'to commend this
+subject to the consideration of our States and people.'  While I
+entirely differ with you in the opinion expressed, that had the members
+from the Border States approved of your Resolution of March last 'the
+War would now be substantially ended,' and while I do not regard the
+suggestion 'as one of the most potent and swift means of ending' the
+War, I am yet free to say that I have the most unbounded confidence in
+your sincerity of purpose in calling our attention to the dangers
+surrounding us.</p>
+
+<p>"I am satisfied that you appreciate the troubles of the Border States,
+and that your suggestions are intended for our good.  I feel the force
+of your urgent appeal, and the logic of surrounding circumstances brings
+conviction even to an unwilling believer.</p>
+
+<p>"Having said that, in my judgment, you attached too much importance to
+this measure as a means for suppressing the Rebellion, it is due to you
+that I shall explain.</p>
+
+<p>"Whatever may be the status of the Border States in this respect, the
+War cannot be ended until the power of the Government is made manifest
+in the seceded States.  They appealed to the sword; give them the sword.
+They asked for War; let them see its evils on their own soil.</p>
+
+<p>"They have erected a Government, and they force obedience to its
+behests.  This structure must be destroyed; this image, before which an
+unwilling People have been compelled to bow, must be broken.  The
+authority of the Federal Government must be felt in the heart of the
+rebellious district.  To do this, let armies be marched upon them at
+once, and let them feel what they have inflicted on us in the Border.
+Do not fear our States; we will stand by the Government in this work.</p>
+
+<p>"I ought not to disguise from you or the people of my State, that
+personally I have fixed and unalterable opinions on the subject of your
+communication.  Those opinions I shall communicate to the people in that
+spirit of frankness that should characterize the intercourse of the
+Representative with his constituents.</p>
+
+<p>"If I were to-day the owner of the lands and Slaves of Missouri, your
+proposition, so far as that State is concerned, would be immediately
+accepted.  Not a day would be lost.  Aside from public considerations,
+which you suppose to be involved in the proposition, and which no
+Patriot, I agree, should disregard at present, my own personal interest
+would prompt favorable and immediate action.</p>
+
+<p>"But having said this, it is proper that I say something more.  The
+Representative is the servant and not the master of the People.  He has
+no authority to bind them to any course of action, or even to indicate
+what they will, or will not, do when the subject is exclusively theirs
+and not his.</p>
+
+<p>"I shall take occasion, I hope honestly, to give my views of existing
+troubles and impending dangers, and shall leave the rest to them,
+disposed, as I am, rather to trust their judgment upon the case stated
+than my own, and at the same time most cheerfully to acquiesce in their
+decision.</p>
+
+<p>"For you, personally, Mr. President, I think I can pledge the kindest
+considerations of the people of Missouri, and I shall not hesitate to
+express the belief that your recommendation will be considered by them
+in the same spirit of kindness manifested by you in its presentation to
+us, and that their decision will be such as is demanded 'by their
+interests, their honor, and their duty to the whole Country.'</p>
+
+<p>"I am very respectfully, your obedient servant,</p>
+
+<p>                              "J. B. HENDERSON.</p>
+
+<p>"To his Excellency,<br>
+"A. LINCOLN, PRESIDENT."</p>
+
+
+
+
+<br>
+<br>
+
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p3.htm">Previous Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p5.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+ 
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+
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+<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 5</title>
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+
+<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 5</h2>
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p4.htm">Previous Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p6.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+ 
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+ 
+
+
+<br><br><br><br><br><br>
+
+
+
+<center><h1><br>
+<br>
+                         THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br>
+<br>
+                        Its Origin and History<br>
+<br><br>
+                               Part 5.<br><br><br>
+
+															 By John Logan<br><br>
+
+<br>
+<br>
+</h1><h2>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692">
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665">
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+
+
+
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+CONTENTS
+</h2></center>
+<br>
+<br>
+
+   <h2><a href="#ch18">CHAPTER XVIII.</a><br>
+                       FREEDOM PROCLAIMED TO ALL.<br></h2>
+<br>
+PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEAL TO COLORED FREEMEN&mdash;HE BEGS THEM TO
+HELP IN THE COLONIZATION OF THEIR RACE&mdash;PROPOSED AFRICAN COLONY IN
+CENTRAL AMERICA&mdash;EXECUTIVE ORDER OF JULY 2, 1862&mdash;EMPLOYMENT OF NEGROES
+FOR MILITARY PURPOSES OF THE UNION&mdash;JEFF. DAVIS RETALIATES&mdash;MCCLELLAN
+PROMULGATES THE EXECUTIVE ORDER WITH ADDENDA OF HIS OWN&mdash;HORACE
+GREELEY'S LETTER TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN&mdash;THE LATTER ACCUSED OF
+"SUBSERVIENCY" TO THE SLAVE HOLDERS&mdash;AN "UNGRUDGING EXECUTION OF THE
+CONFISCATION ACT" DEMANDED&mdash;MR. LINCOLN'S FAMOUS REPLY&mdash;HIS "PARAMOUNT
+OBJECT, TO SAVE THE UNION, AND NOT EITHER TO SAVE OR DESTROY
+SLAVERY"&mdash;VISIT TO THE WHITE HOUSE OF A RELIGIOUS DEPUTATION FROM
+CHICAGO&mdash;MEMORIAL ASKING FOR IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION, BY PROCLAMATION&mdash;THE
+PRESIDENT'S REPLY TO THE DEPUTATION&mdash;"THE POPE'S BULL AGAINST THE
+COMET"&mdash;VARIOUS OBJECTIONS STATED TENTATIVELY&mdash;"A PROCLAMATION OF
+LIBERTY TO THE SLAVES" IS "UNDER ADVISEMENT"&mdash;THE PROCLAMATION OF
+EMANCIPATION ISSUED&mdash;ITS POPULAR RECEPTION&mdash;MEETING OF LOYAL GOVERNORS
+AT ALTOONA&mdash;THEIR STIRRING ADDRESS&mdash;HOMAGE TO OUR SOLDIERS&mdash;PLEDGED
+SUPPORT FOR VIGOROUS PROSECUTION OF THE WAR TO TRIUMPHANT END&mdash;PRESIDENT
+LINCOLN'S HISTORICAL RESUME AND DEFENSE OF EMANCIPATION&mdash;HE SUGGESTS TO
+CONGRESS, PAYMENT FOR SLAVES AT ONCE EMANCIPATED BY BORDER
+STATES&mdash;ACTION OF THE HOUSE, ON RESOLUTIONS SEVERALLY REPREHENDING AND ENDORSING
+THE PROCLAMATION&mdash;SUPPLEMENTAL EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION OF JAN. 1, 1863
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2> <a href="#ch19">CHAPTER XIX.</a><br>
+                           HISTORICAL REVIEW.<br></h2>
+<br>
+COURSE OF SOUTHERN OLIGARCHS THROUGHOUT&mdash;THEIR EVERLASTING GREED AND
+RAPACITY&mdash;BROKEN COVENANTS AND AGGRESSIVE METHODS&mdash;THEIR UNIFORM GAINS
+UNTIL 1861&mdash;UPS AND DOWNS OF THE TARIFF&mdash;FREE TRADE, SLAVERY,
+STATES
+RIGHTS, SECESSION, ALL PARTS OF ONE CONSPIRACY&mdash;"INDEPENDENCE" THE FIRST
+OBJECT OF THE WAR&mdash;DREAMS, AMBITIONS, AND PLANS OF THE
+CONSPIRATORS&mdash;LINCOLN'S FAITH IN NORTHERN NUMBERS AND ENDURANCE&mdash;"RIGHT
+MAKES MIGHT"&mdash;THE SOUTH SOLIDLY-CEMENTED BY BLOOD&mdash;THE 37TH CONGRESS&mdash;ITS WAR
+MEASURES&mdash;PAVING THE WAY TO DOWNFALL OF SLAVERY AND REBELLION
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch20">CHAPTER XX.</a><br>
+                  LINCOLN'S TROUBLES AND TEMPTATIONS.<br></h2>
+<br>
+INTERFERENCE WITH SLAVERY FORCED BY THE WAR&mdash;EDWARD EVERETT'S
+OPINION&mdash;BORDER-STATES DISTRUST OF LINCOLN&mdash;IMPOSSIBILITY OF SATISFYING THEIR
+REPRESENTATIVES&mdash;THEIR JEALOUS SUSPICIONS AND CONGRESSIONAL
+ACTION&mdash;PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE OF KINDLY WARNING&mdash;STORMY CONTENTION IN
+CONGRESS&mdash;CRITTENDEN'S ARGUMENT ON "PROPERTY" IN MAN&mdash;BORDER&mdash;STATES "BID" FOR
+MR. LINCOLN&mdash;THE "NICHE IN THE TEMPLE OF FAME" OFFERED HIM&mdash;LOVEJOY'S
+ELOQUENT COUNTERBLAST&mdash;SUMNER (JUNE, 1862,) ON LINCOLN AND
+EMANCIPATION&mdash;THE PRESIDENT HARRIED AND WORRIED&mdash;SNUBBED BY BORDER
+STATESMEN&mdash;MCCLELLAN'S THREAT&mdash;ARMY-MISMANAGEMENT&mdash;ARMING THE BLACKS&mdash;HOW THE
+EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION WAS WRITTEN&mdash;CABINET SUGGESTIONS&mdash;MILITARY
+SITUATION&mdash;REBEL ADVANCE NORTHWARD&mdash;LINCOLN, AND THE
+BREAST-WORKS&mdash;WASHINGTON AND BALTIMORE MENACED&mdash;ANTIETAM, AND THE FIAT OF
+FREEDOM&mdash;BORDER-STATE DENUNCIATION&mdash;KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE, ETC.
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch21">CHAPTER XXI.</a><br>
+                           THE ARMED&mdash;NEGRO.<br></h2>
+<br>
+"WHO WOULD BE FREE, HIMSELF MUST STRIKE THE BLOW!"&mdash;THE COLORED TROOPS
+AT PORT HUDSON&mdash;THEIR HEROISM&mdash;STIRRING INCIDENTS&mdash;AT MILLIKEN'S
+BEND&mdash;AT FORT WAGNER&mdash;AT PETERSBURG AND ABOUT RICHMOND&mdash;THE REBEL CONSPIRATORS
+FURIOUS&mdash;OUTLAWRY OF GENERAL BUTLER, ETC.&mdash;JEFFERSON DAVIS'S MESSAGE TO
+THE REBEL CONGRESS&mdash;ATROCIOUS, COLD-BLOODED RESOLUTIONS OF THAT
+BODY&mdash;DEATH OR SLAVERY TO THE ARMED FREEMAN&mdash;PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S RETALIATORY
+ORDER&mdash;THE BLOODY BUTCHERY AT FORT PILLOW&mdash;SAVAGE MALIGNITY OF THE
+REBELS&mdash;A COMMON ERROR, CORRECTED&mdash;ARMING OF NEGROES COMMENCED BY THE
+REBELS&mdash;SIMILAR SCHEME OF A REVOLUTIONARY HERO, IN 1778&mdash;REBEL CONGRESSIONAL ACT,
+CONSCRIPTING NEGROES&mdash;JEFFERSON DAVIS'S POSITION&mdash;GENERAL LEE'S LETTER
+TO BARKSDALE ON THE SUBJECT
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br><br>
+<h3>PORTRAITS.</h3>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+<a href="#baker">EDWARD D. BAKER</a><br>
+<a href="#fremont">JOHN C. FREMONT</a><br>
+<a href="#cameron">SIMON CAMERON</a><br>
+<a href="#halleck">H. W. HALLECK</a><br>
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="baker"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p354-baker.jpg (76K)" src="images/p354-baker.jpg" height="808" width="577">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch18"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center><h2>
+<br>
+<br>
+                             CHAPTER XVIII.<br>
+<br>
+                       FREEDOM PROCLAIMED TO ALL.
+</h2></center>
+
+<p>While mentally revolving the question of Emancipation&mdash;now, evidently
+"coming to a head,"&mdash;no inconsiderable portion of Mr. Lincoln's thoughts
+centered upon, and his perplexities grew out of, his assumption that the
+"physical difference" between the Black and White&mdash;the  African and
+Caucasian races, precluded the idea of their living together in the one
+land as Free men and equals.</p>
+
+<p>In his speeches during the great Lincoln-Douglas debate we have seen
+this idea frequently advanced, and so, in his later public utterances as
+President.</p>
+
+<p>As in his appeal to the Congressional delegations from the Border-States
+on the 12th of July, 1862, he had held out to them the hope that "the
+Freed people will not be so reluctant to go" to his projected colony in
+South America, when their "numbers shall be large enough to be company
+and encouragement for one another," so, at a later date&mdash;on the 14th of
+August following&mdash;he appealed to the Colored Free men themselves to help
+him found a proposed Negro colony in New Granada, and thus aid in the
+solution of this part of the knotty problem, by the disenthrallment of
+the new race from its unhappy environments here.</p>
+
+<p>The substance of the President's interesting address, at the White
+House, to the delegation of Colored men, for whom he had sent, was thus
+reported at the time:</p>
+
+<p>"Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary
+observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by
+Congress, and placed at his disposition, for the purpose of aiding the
+colonization in some country of the people, or a portion of them, of
+African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time
+been his inclination, to favor that cause; and why, he asked, should the
+people of your race be colonized, and where?</p>
+
+<p>"Why should they leave this Country?  This is perhaps the first question
+for proper consideration.  You and we are different races.  We have
+between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two
+races.  Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss; but this
+physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think.
+Your race suffers very greatly, many of them by living among us, while
+ours suffers from your presence.  In a word we suffer on each side.  If
+this is admitted, it affords a reason, at least, why we should be
+separated.  You here are Freemen, I suppose?</p>
+
+<p>"A VOICE&mdash;Yes, Sir.</p>
+
+<p>"THE PRESIDENT&mdash;Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives.
+Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted on
+any people.  But even when you cease to be Slaves, you are yet far
+removed from being placed on an equality with the White race.  You are
+cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoys.  The
+aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free; but on
+this broad continent not a single man of your race is made the equal of
+a single man of ours.  Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is
+still upon you.  I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it as
+a fact, with which we have to deal.  I cannot alter it if I would.  It
+is a fact about which we all think and feel alike, I and you.  We look
+to our condition.</p>
+
+<p>"Owing to the existence of the two races on this continent, I need not
+recount to you the effects upon White men, growing out of the
+institution of Slavery.  I believe in its general evil effects on the
+White race.  See our present condition&mdash;the Country engaged in War!  our
+white men cutting one another's throats&mdash;none knowing how far it will
+extend&mdash;and then consider what we know to be the truth.  But for your
+race among us there could not be War, although many men engaged on
+either side do not care for you one way or the other.  Nevertheless, I
+repeat, without the institution of Slavery, and the Colored race as a
+basis, the War could not have an existence.  It is better for us both,
+therefore, to be separated.</p>
+
+<p>"I know that there are Free men among you who, even if they could better
+their condition, are not as much inclined to go out of the Country as
+those who, being Slaves, could obtain their Freedom on this condition.
+I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization
+is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be
+advanced by it.  You may believe that you can live in Washington, or
+elsewhere in the United States, the remainder of your life; perhaps more
+so than you can in any foreign country, and hence you may come to the
+conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a
+foreign country.</p>
+
+<p>"This is, (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the
+case.  But you ought to do something to help those who are not so
+fortunate as yourselves.  There is an unwillingness on the part of our
+People, harsh as it may be, for you free Colored people to remain with
+us.  Now if you could give a start to the White people you would open a
+wide door for many to be made free.  If we deal with those who are not
+free at the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by Slavery, we
+have very poor material to start with.</p>
+
+<p>"If intelligent Colored men, such as are before me, could move in this
+matter, much might be accomplished.  It is exceedingly important that we
+have men at the beginning capable of thinking as White men, and not
+those who have been systematically oppressed.  There is much to
+encourage you.</p>
+
+<p>"For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your
+present comfort for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the
+White people.  It is a cheering thought throughout life, that something
+can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subject
+to the hard usages of the World.  It is difficult to make a man
+miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself and claims kindred to
+the great God who made him.</p>
+
+<p>"In the American Revolutionary War, sacrifices were made by men engaged
+in it, but they were cheered by the future.  General Washington himself
+endured greater physical hardships than if he had remained a British
+subject, yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in benefiting
+his race, in doing something for the children of his neighbors, having
+none of his own.</p>
+
+<p>"The Colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time.  In a certain
+sense it is a success.  The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just
+been with me the first time I ever saw him.  He says they have, within
+the bounds of that Colony, between three and four hundred thousand
+people, or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island, or
+Delaware, or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of our
+larger ones.  They are not all American colonists or their descendants.
+Something less than 12,000 have been sent thither from this Country.
+Many of the original settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere,
+their offspring outnumber those deceased.</p>
+
+<p>"The question is, if the Colored people are persuaded to go anywhere,
+why not there?  One reason for unwillingness to do so is that some of
+you would rather remain within reach of the country of your nativity.  I
+do not know how much attachment you may have toward our race.  It does
+not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them.  But still
+you are attached to them at all events.</p>
+
+<p>"The place I am thinking about having for a colony, is in Central
+America.  It is nearer to us than Liberia&mdash;not much more than one-fourth
+as far as Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers.  Unlike
+Liberia, it is a great line of travel&mdash;it is a highway.  The country is
+a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural resources
+and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of climate with
+your native soil, thus being suited to your physical condition.</p>
+
+<p>"The particular place I have in view, is to be a great highway from the
+Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and this particular
+place has all the advantages for a colony.  On both sides there are
+harbors among the finest in the World.  Again, there is evidence of very
+rich coal mines.  A certain amount of coal is valuable in any country.
+Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford an
+opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get
+ready to settle permanently in their homes.</p>
+
+<p>"If you take colonists where there is no good landing, there is a bad
+show; and so, where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which to make
+a farm.  But if something is started so that you can get your daily
+bread as soon as you reach there, it is a great advantage.  Coal land is
+the best thing I know of, with which to commence an enterprise.</p>
+
+<p>"To return&mdash;you have been talked to upon this subject, and told that a
+speculation is intended by gentlemen who have an interest in the
+country, including the coal mines.  We have been mistaken all our lives
+if we do not know Whites, as well as Blacks, look to their
+self-interest.  Unless among those deficient of intellect, everybody you
+trade with makes something.  You meet with these things here and
+everywhere.  If such persons have what will be an advantage to them, the
+question is, whether it cannot be made of advantage to you?</p>
+
+<p>"You are intelligent, and know that success does not as much depend on
+external help, as on self-reliance.  Much, therefore, depends upon
+yourselves.  As to the coal mines, I think I see the means available for
+your self-reliance.  I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you
+engaged, have provision made that you shall not be wronged.  If you will
+engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the money intrusted to
+me.  I am not sure you will succeed.  The Government may lose the money,
+but we cannot succeed unless we try; but we think, with care, we can
+succeed.</p>
+
+<p>"The political affairs in Central America are not in quite as
+satisfactory condition as I wish.  There are contending factions in that
+quarter; but it is true, all the factions are agreed alike on the
+subject of colonization, and want it; and are more generous than we are
+here.  To your Colored race they have no objection.  Besides, I would
+endeavor to have you made equals, and have the best assurance that you
+should be the equals of the best.</p>
+
+<p>"The practical thing I want to ascertain is, whether I can get a number
+of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to
+go, when I present evidence of encouragement and protection.  Could I
+get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children,
+and able to 'cut their own fodder' so to speak?  Can I have fifty?  If I
+could find twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and
+children&mdash;good things in the family relation, I think I could make a
+successful commencement.</p>
+
+<p>"I want you to let me know whether this can be done or not.  This is the
+practical part of my wish to see you.  These are subjects of very great
+importance&mdash;worthy of a month's study, of a speech delivered in an hour.
+I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not as pertaining to yourselves
+merely, nor for your race, and ours, for the present time, but as one of
+the things, if successfully managed, for the good of mankind&mdash;not
+confined to the present generation, but as:</p>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+             'From age to age descends the lay<br />
+               To millions yet to be,<br />
+               Till far its echoes roll away<br />
+               Into eternity.'"<br />
+
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+<p>President Lincoln's well-meant colored colonization project, however,
+fell through, owing partly to opposition to it in Central America, and
+partly to the very natural and deeply-rooted disinclination of the
+Colored free men to leave the land of their birth.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, limited Military Emancipation of Slaves was announced and
+regulated, on the 22d July, 1862, by the following Executive
+Instructions, which were issued from the War Department by order of the
+President&mdash;the issue of which was assigned by Jefferson Davis as one
+reason for his Order of August 1, 1862, directing "that the commissioned
+officers of Pope's and Steinwehr's commands be not entitled, when
+captured, to be treated as soldiers and entitled to the benefit of the
+cartel of exchange:"</p>
+
+<p>
+"WAR DEPARTMENT,<br>
+"WASHINGTON, D.C., July 22, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"First.  Ordered that Military Commanders within the States of Virginia,
+North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana,
+Texas, and Arkansas, in an orderly manner seize and use any property,
+real or personal, which may be necessary or convenient for their several
+commands, for supplies, or for other Military purposes; and that while
+property may be destroyed for proper Military objects, none shall be
+destroyed in wantonness or malice.</p>
+
+<p>"Second.  That Military and Naval Commanders shall employ as laborers,
+within and from said States, so many Persons of African descent as can
+be advantageously used for Military or Naval purposes, giving them
+reasonable wages for their labor.</p>
+
+<p>"Third.  That, as to both property, and Persons of African descent,
+accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show
+quantities and amounts, and from whom both property and such Persons
+shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation can be made in
+proper cases; and the several departments of this Government shall
+attend to and perform their appropriate parts towards the execution of
+these orders.</p>
+
+<p>"By Order of the President:</p>
+
+<p>                         "EDWIN M. STANTON,<br>
+                         "Secretary of War."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+On the 9th of August, 1862, Major General McClellan promulgated the
+Executive Order of July 22, 1862, from his Headquarters at Harrison's
+Landing, Va., with certain directions of his own, among which were the
+following:</p>
+
+<p>"Inhabitants, especially women and children, remaining peaceably at
+their homes, must not be molested; and wherever commanding officers find
+families peculiarly exposed in their persons or property to marauding
+from this Army, they will, as heretofore, so far as they can do with
+safety and without detriment to the service, post guards for their
+protection.</p>
+
+<p>"In protecting private property, no reference is intended to Persons
+held to service or labor by reason of African Descent.  Such Persons
+will be regarded by this Army, as they heretofore have been, as
+occupying simply a peculiar legal status under State laws, which
+condition the Military authorities of the United States are not required
+to regard at all in districts where Military operations are made
+necessary by the rebellious action of the State governments.</p>
+
+<p>"Persons subject to suspicion of hostile purposes, residing or being
+near our Forces, will be, as heretofore, subject to arrest and
+detention, until the cause or necessity is removed.  All such arrested
+parties will be sent, as usual, to the Provost-Marshal General, with a
+statement of the facts in each case.</p>
+
+<p>"The General Commanding takes this occasion to remind the officers and
+soldiers of this Army that we are engaged in supporting the Constitution
+and the Laws of the United States and suppressing Rebellion against
+their authority; that we are not engaged in a War of rapine, revenge, or
+subjugation; that this is not a contest against populations, but against
+armed forces and political organizations; that it is a struggle carried
+on with the United States, and should be conducted by us upon the
+highest principles known to Christian civilization.</p>
+
+<p>"Since this Army commenced active operations, Persons of African
+descent, including those held to service or labor under State laws, have
+always been received, protected, and employed as laborers at wages.
+Hereafter it shall be the duty of the Provost-Marshal General to cause
+lists to be made of all persons of African descent employed in this Army
+as laborers for Military purposes&mdash;such lists being made sufficiently
+accurate and in detail to show from whom such persons shall have come.</p>
+
+<p>"Persons so subject and so employed have always understood that after
+being received into the Military service of the United States, in any
+capacity, they could never be reclaimed by their former holders.  Except
+upon such understanding on their part, the order of the President, as to
+this class of Persons, would be inoperative.  The General Commanding
+therefore feels authorized to declare to all such employees, that they
+will receive permanent Military protection against any compulsory return
+to a condition of servitude."</p>
+
+<p>Public opinion was now rapidly advancing, under the pressure of Military
+necessity, and the energetic efforts of the immediate Emancipationists,
+to a belief that Emancipation by Presidential Proclamation would be wise
+and efficacious as an instrumentality toward subduing the Rebellion;
+that it must come, sooner or later&mdash;and the sooner, the better.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, great fault was found, by some of these, with what they
+characterized as President Lincoln's "obstinate slowness" to come up to
+their advanced ideas on the subject.  He was even accused of failing to
+execute existing laws touching confiscation of Slaves of Rebels coming
+within the lines of the Union Armies.  On the 19th of August, 1862, a
+letter was addressed to him by Horace Greeley which concluded thus:</p>
+
+<p>"On the face of this wide Earth, Mr. President, there is not one
+disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union Cause who
+does not feel that all attempts to put down the Rebellion, and at the
+same time uphold its inciting cause, are preposterous and futile&mdash;that
+the Rebellion, if crushed out to-morrow, would be renewed within a year
+if Slavery were left in full vigor&mdash;that Army officers, who remain to
+this day devoted to Slavery, can at best be but half-way loyal to the
+Union&mdash;and that every hour of deference to Slavery is an hour of added
+and deepened peril to the Union.</p>
+
+<p>"I appeal to the testimony of your embassadors in Europe.  It is freely
+at your service, not mine.  Ask them to tell you candidly whether the
+seeming subserviency of your policy to the Slaveholding,
+Slavery-upholding interest, is not the perplexity, the despair, of Statesmen of
+all parties; and be admonished by the general answer.</p>
+
+<p>"I close, as I began, with the statement that what an immense majority
+of the loyal millions of your countrymen require of you, is a frank,
+declared, unqualified, ungrudging execution of the Laws of the Land,
+more especially of the Confiscation Act.  That Act gives Freedom to the
+Slaves of Rebels coming within our lines, or whom those lines may at any
+time inclose.  We ask you to render it due obedience by publicly
+requiring all your subordinates to recognize and obey it.</p>
+
+<p>"The Rebels are everywhere using the late Anti-Negro riots in the North
+&mdash;as they have long used your officers' treatment of Negroes in the
+South&mdash;to convince the Slaves that they have nothing to hope from a
+Union success&mdash;that we mean in that case to sell them into a bitter
+Bondage to defray the cost of the War.</p>
+
+<p>"Let them impress this as a truth on the great mass of their ignorant
+and credulous Bondmen, and the Union will never be restored&mdash;never.  We
+can not conquer ten millions of people united in solid phalanx against
+us, powerfully aided by Northern sympathizers and European allies.</p>
+
+<p>"We must have scouts, guides, spies, cooks, teamsters, diggers, and
+choppers, from the Blacks of the South&mdash;whether we allow them to fight
+for us or not&mdash;or we shall be baffled and repelled.</p>
+
+<p>"As one of the Millions who would gladly have avoided this struggle, at
+any sacrifice but that of principle and honor, but who now feel that the
+triumph of the Union is indispensable not only to the existence of our
+Country, but to the well-being of mankind, I entreat you to render a
+hearty and unequivocal obedience to the Law of the Land.<br>
+                         "Yours,<br>
+                              "HORACE GREELEY."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+To this letter, President Lincoln at once made the following memorable
+reply:</p>
+
+<p>                         "EXECUTIVE MANSION,<br>
+               "WASHINGTON, Friday, August 22, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>"HON. HORACE GREELEY</p>
+
+<p>"DEAR SIR:&mdash;I have just read yours of the 19th inst. addressed to myself
+through the New York Tribune.</p>
+
+<p>"If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may
+know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them.</p>
+
+<p>"If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I
+do not now and here argue against them.</p>
+
+<p>"If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I
+waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always
+supposed to be right.</p>
+
+<p>"As to the policy I 'seem to be pursuing,' as you say, I have not meant
+to leave any one in doubt.  I would save the Union.  I would save it in
+the shortest way under the Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>"The sooner the National authority can be restored, the nearer the Union
+will be&mdash;the Union as it was.</p>
+
+<p>"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the
+same time save Slavery, I do not agree with them.</p>
+
+<p>"If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the
+same time destroy Slavery, I do not agree, with them.</p>
+
+<p>"My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or
+destroy Slavery.</p>
+
+<p>"If I could save the Union without freeing any Slave, I would do it&mdash;and
+if I could save it by freeing all the Slaves, I would do it&mdash;and if I
+could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do
+that.</p>
+
+<p>"What I do about Slavery and the Colored race, I do because I believe it
+helps to save the Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not
+believe it would help to save the Union.</p>
+
+<p>"I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the
+cause, and shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the
+cause.</p>
+
+<p>"I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall
+adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.</p>
+
+<p>"I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty,
+and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all
+men everywhere could be free.<br>
+                         "Yours,<br>
+                                   "A. LINCOLN."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+On the 13th of September, 1862, a deputation from all the religious
+denominations of Chicago presented to President Lincoln a memorial for
+the immediate issue of a Proclamation of Emancipation, to which, and the
+Chairman's remarks, he thus replied:</p>
+
+<p>"The subject presented in the Memorial is one upon which I have thought
+much for weeks past, and I may even say, for months.  I am approached
+with the most opposite opinions, and advice, and that by religious men,
+who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will.  I am sure
+that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and
+perhaps, in some respects, both.  I hope it will not be irreverent for
+me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal His will to
+others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed He
+would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself
+than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence
+in this matter.  And if I can learn what it is, I will do it!</p>
+
+<p>"These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be
+granted that I am not to expect a direct Revelation; I must study the
+plain physical aspects of the case, ascertain what is possible, and
+learn what appears to be wise and right!</p>
+
+<p>"The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree.  For instance, the
+other day, four gentlemen, of standing and intelligence, from New York,
+called, as a delegation, on business connected with the War; but, before
+leaving, two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general
+Emancipation, upon which the other two at once attacked them.</p>
+
+<p>"You know also that the last Session of Congress had a decided majority
+of Anti-Slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy.  And the
+same is true of the religious people; why the Rebel soldiers are praying
+with a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and
+expecting God to favor their side; for one of our soldiers, who had been
+taken prisoner, told Senator Wilson, a few days since, that he met
+nothing so discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among
+in their prayers.  But we will talk over the merits of the case.</p>
+
+<p>"What good would a Proclamation of Emancipation from me do, especially
+as we are now situated?  I do not want to issue a document that the
+whole World will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's
+Bull against the Comet!  Would my word free the Slaves, when I cannot
+even enforce the Constitution in the Rebel States?  Is there a single
+Court or Magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there?
+And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon
+the Slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved and which
+offers protection and Freedom to the Slaves of Rebel masters who came
+within our lines?  Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single
+Slave to come over to us.</p>
+
+<p>"And suppose they could be induced by a Proclamation of Freedom from me
+to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them?  How can we
+feed and care for such a multitude?  General Butler wrote me a few days
+since that he was issuing more rations to the Slaves who have rushed to
+him, than to all the White troops under his command.  They eat, and that
+is all; though it is true General Butler is feeding the Whites also, by
+the thousand; for it nearly amounts to a famine there.</p>
+
+<p>"If, now, the pressure of the War should call off our forces from New
+Orleans to defend some other point, what is to prevent the masters from
+reducing the Blacks to Slavery again; for I am told that whenever the
+Rebels take any Black prisoners, Free or Slave, they immediately auction
+them off!  They did so with those they took from a boat that was aground
+in the Tennessee river a few days ago.</p>
+
+<p>"And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it!  For instance, when,
+after the late battles at and near Bull Run, an expedition went out from
+Washington, under a flag of truce, to bury the dead and bring in the
+wounded, and the Rebels seized the Blacks who went along to help, and
+sent them into Slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the
+Government would probably do nothing about it.  What could I do?</p>
+
+<p>"Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would
+follow the issuing of such a Proclamation as you desire?  Understand, I
+raise no objections against it on legal or Constitutional grounds, for,
+as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, in time of War, I suppose I
+have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the Enemy, nor do
+I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of
+insurrection and massacre at the South.  I view this matter as a
+practical War measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or
+disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the Rebellion.</p>
+
+<p>                *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>"I admit that Slavery is at the root of the Rebellion, or, at least, its
+sine qua non.  The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to
+act, but they would have been impotent without Slavery as their
+instrument.  I will also concede that Emancipation would help us in
+Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than
+ambition.  I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North,
+though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine.</p>
+
+<p>"Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the War,
+and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the Rebels by drawing off
+their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we
+could do much with the Blacks.  If we were to arm them, I fear that in
+a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the Rebels; and, indeed,
+thus far, we have not had arms enough to equip our White troops.</p>
+
+<p>"I will mention another thing, though it meet only your scorn and
+contempt.  There are 50,000 bayonets in the Union Army from the Border
+Slave States.  It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a
+Proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the Rebels.  I
+do not think they all would&mdash;not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as
+six months ago&mdash;not so many to-day, as yesterday.  Every day increases
+their Union feeling.  They are also getting their pride enlisted, and
+want to beat the Rebels.</p>
+
+<p>"Let me say one thing more: I think you should admit that we already
+have an important principle to rally and unite the People, in the fact
+that Constitutional Government is at stake.  This is a fundamental idea
+going down about as deep as anything!</p>
+
+<p>               *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>"Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections.
+They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in
+some such way as you desire.</p>
+
+<p>"I have not decided against a Proclamation of Liberty to the Slaves, but
+hold the matter under advisement.  And I can assure you that the subject
+is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other.  Whatever shall
+appear to be God's will I will do.</p>
+
+<p>"I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I
+have not in any respect injured your feelings."</p>
+
+<p>
+On the 22d day of September, 1862, not only the Nation, but the whole
+World, was electrified by the publication&mdash;close upon the heels of the
+Union victory of Antietam&mdash;of the Proclamation of Emancipation&mdash;weighted
+with consequences so wide and far-reaching that even at this late day
+they cannot all be discerned.  It was in these words:</p>
+
+<br><br>
+
+<p>"I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and
+Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and
+declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the War will be prosecuted for
+the object of practically restoring the Constitutional relation between
+the United States and each of the States and the people thereof, in
+which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.</p>
+
+<p>"That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again
+recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to
+the free acceptance or rejection of all Slave States, so called, the
+people whereof may not then be in Rebellion against the United States,
+and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may
+voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of Slavery within
+their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize Persons of
+African descent with their consent upon this continent or elsewhere,
+with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there,
+will be continued.</p>
+
+<p>"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand
+eight hundred and sixty-three, all Persons held as Slaves within any
+State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in
+Rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and
+forever Free; and the Executive Government of the United States,
+including the Military and Naval authority thereof, will recognize and
+maintain the Freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to
+repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for
+their actual Freedom.</p>
+
+<p>"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by
+Proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which
+the people thereof respectively, shall then be in Rebellion against the
+United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall
+on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United
+States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the
+qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the
+absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive
+evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not in Rebellion
+against the United States.</p>
+
+<p>"That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled 'An Act
+to make an additional Article of War,' approved March 31, 1862, and
+which Act is in the words and figures following:</p>
+
+<p>"'Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following
+shall be promulgated as an additional Article of War, for the government
+of the Army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as
+such.</p>
+
+<p>"ARTICLE&mdash;All officers or persons in the Military or Naval service of
+the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under
+their respective commands for the purpose of returning Fugitives from
+service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such
+service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be
+found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be
+dismissed from the service.</p>
+
+<p>"'SECTION 2.&mdash;And be it further enacted, That this Act shall take effect
+from and after its passage.'</p>
+
+<p>"Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an Act entitled 'An Act to
+suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and Rebellion, to seize and
+confiscate property of Rebels, and for other purposes,' approved July
+17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following:</p>
+
+<p>"'SEC. 9.&mdash;And be it further enacted, That all Slaves of persons who
+shall hereafter be engaged in Rebellion against the Government of the
+United States or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto,
+escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the
+Army; and all Slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and
+coming under the control of the Government of the United States; and all
+Slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied by
+Rebel forces and afterward occupied by the forces of the United States,
+shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever Free of their
+servitude, and not again held as Slaves.</p>
+
+<p>"'SEC. 10.&mdash;And be it further enacted, That no Slave escaping into any
+State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State,
+shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty,
+except for crime, or some offense against the laws, unless the person
+claiming said Fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the
+labor or service of such Fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful
+owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present
+Rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person
+engaged in the Military or Naval service of the United States shall,
+under any pretense whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the
+claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or
+surrender up any such Person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed
+from the service."</p>
+
+<p>"And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the
+Military and Naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and
+enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the Act and
+sections above recited.</p>
+
+<p>"And the Executive will in due time recommend that all
+citizens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto
+throughout the Rebellion shall (upon the restoration of the
+Constitutional relation between the United States and their respective
+States and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or
+disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States,
+including the loss of Slaves.</p>
+
+<p>"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed.</p>
+
+<p>"Done at the city of Washington this twenty-second day of September, in
+the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of
+the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.</p>
+
+<p>"By the President:<br>
+"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p>
+
+<p>"WILLIAM H.  SEWARD, Secretary of State."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+This Proclamation, promising Freedom to an Enslaved race, was hailed
+with acclamations everywhere save in the rebellious Southern-Slave
+States, and in the Border-Slave States.</p>
+
+<p>At a meeting of Governors of Loyal States, held at Altoona,
+Pennsylvania, to take measures for the more active support of the
+Government, an Address was adopted, on the very day that the
+Proclamation was promulgated, which well expressed the general feeling
+prevailing throughout the Northern States, at this time.  It was in
+these patriotic words:</p>
+
+<p>"After nearly one year and a half spent in contest with an armed and
+gigantic Rebellion against the National Government of the United States,
+the duty and purpose of the Loyal States and people continue, and must
+always remain as they were at its origin&mdash;namely to restore and
+perpetuate the authority of this Government and the life of the Nation.
+No matter what consequences are involved in our fidelity, this work of
+restoring the Republic, preserving the institutions of democratic
+Liberty, and justifying the hopes and toils of our Fathers, shall not
+fail to be performed.</p>
+
+<p>"And we pledge, without hesitation, to the President of the United
+States, the most loyal and cordial support, hereto as heretofore, in
+the exercise of the functions of his great office.  We recognize in him
+the chief Executive magistrate of the Nation, the Commander-in-Chief of
+the Army and Navy of the United States, their responsible and
+constitutional head, whose rightful authority and power, as well as the
+Constitutional powers of Congress, must be rigorously and religiously
+guarded and preserved, as the condition on which alone our form of
+Government and the constitutional rights and liberties of the People
+themselves can be saved from the wreck of anarchy or from the gulf
+'despotism.</p>
+
+<p>"In submission to the laws which may have been or which may be duly
+enacted, and to the lawful orders of the President, cooperating always
+in our own spheres with the National Government, we mean to continue in
+the most rigorous exercise of all our lawful and proper powers,
+contending against Treason, Rebellion, and the public Enemies, and,
+whether in public life or in private station, supporting the arms of the
+Union, until its Cause shall conquer, until final victory shall perch
+upon its standard, or the Rebel foe will yield a dutiful, rightful, and
+unconditional submission.  And, impressed with the conviction that an
+Army of reserve ought, until the War shall end, to be constantly kept on
+foot, to be raised, armed, equipped, and trained at home, and ready for
+emergencies, we respectfully ask the President to call such a force of
+volunteers for one year's service, of not less than one hundred thousand
+in the aggregate, the quota of each State to be raised after it shall
+have led its quota of the requisitions already made, both for volunteers
+and militia.  We believe that this would be a Leasure of Military
+prudence, while it would greatly promote the Military education of the
+People.</p>
+
+<p>"We hail with heartfelt gratitude and encouraged hope the Proclamation
+of the President, issued on the 22nd instant, declaring Emancipated from
+their bondage all Persons held to Service or Labor as Slaves in the
+Rebel States, whose Rebellion shall last until the first day of January
+next ensuing.</p>
+
+<p>"The right of any person to retain authority to compel any portion of
+the subjects of the National Government to rebel against it, or to
+maintain its Enemies, implies in those who are allowed possession of
+such authority the right to rebel themselves; and therefore, the right
+to establish Martial Law or Military Government in a State or Territory
+in Rebellion implies the right and the duty of the Government to
+liberate the minds of all men living therein by appropriate
+Proclamations and assurances of protection, in order that all who are
+capable, intellectually and morally, of loyalty and obedience, may not
+be forced into Treason as the unwilling tools of rebellious Traitors.</p>
+
+<p>"To have continued indefinitely the most efficient cause, support, and
+stay of the Rebellion, would have been, in our judgment, unjust to the
+Loyal people whose treasure and lives are made a willing sacrifice on
+the altar of patriotism&mdash;would have discriminated against the wife who
+is compelled to surrender her husband, against the parent who is to
+surrender his child, to the hardships of the camp and the perils of
+battle, in favor of Rebel masters permitted to retain their Slaves.  It
+would have been a final decision alike against humanity, justice, the
+rights and dignity of the Government, and against sound and wise
+National policy.</p>
+
+<p>"The decision of the President to strike at the root of the Rebellion
+will lend new vigor to efforts, and new life and hope to the hearts of
+the People.  Cordially tendering to the President our respectful
+assurances of personal and official confidence, we trust and believe
+that the policy now inaugurated will be crowned with success, will give
+speedy and triumphant victories over our enemies, and secure to this
+Nation and this People the blessing and favor of Almighty God.</p>
+
+<p>"We believe that the blood of the heroes who have already fallen, and
+those who may yet give their lives to their Country, will not have been
+shed in vain.</p>
+
+<p>"The splendid valor of our soldiers, their patient endurance, their
+manly patriotism, and their devotion to duty, demand from us and from
+all their countrymen the homage of the sincerest gratitude and the
+pledge of our constant reinforcement and support.  A just regard for
+these brave men, whom we have contributed to place in the field, and for
+the importance of the duties which may lawfully pertain to us hereafter,
+has called us into friendly conference.</p>
+
+<p>"And now, presenting to our National Chief Magistrate this conclusion of
+our deliberations, we devote ourselves to our Country's service, and we
+will surround the President with our constant support, trusting that the
+fidelity and zeal of the Loyal States and People will always assure him
+that he will be constantly maintained in pursuing, with the utmost
+vigor, this War for the preservation of the National life and hope of
+humanity.</p>
+
+<p>"A. G. CURTIN,<br>
+"JOHN A. ANDREW,<br>
+"RICHARD YATES,<br>
+"ISRAEL WASHBURNE, Jr.,<br>
+"EDWARD SOLOMON,<br>
+"SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD,<br>
+"O. P. MORTON,&mdash;By D.  G.  ROSE, his Representative,<br>
+"WM. SPRAGUE,<br>
+"F. H. PEIRPOINT,<br>
+"DAVID TOD,<br>
+"N. S. BERRY,
+"AUSTIN BLAIR."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Some two months after the issue of his great Proclamation of Liberty,
+President Lincoln (in his Second Annual Message to Congress, December 1,
+1862), took occasion again to refer to compensated Emancipation, and,
+indeed, to the entire matter of Slavery and Freedom, in most instructive
+and convincing manner, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"On the 22d day of September last, a Proclamation was issued by the
+Executive, a copy of which is herewith  submitted.</p>
+
+<p>"In accordance with the purpose in the second paragraph of that paper, I
+now respectfully recall your attention to what may be called
+'compensated Emancipation.'</p>
+
+<p>"A Nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its
+laws.  The territory is the only part which is of certain durability.
+'One generation passeth away, and another generation cometh, but the
+Earth abideth forever.'  It is of the first importance to duly consider
+and estimate this ever-enduring part.</p>
+
+<p>"That portion of the Earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the
+People of the United States, is well adapted to be the home of one
+National family; and it is not well adapted for two, or more.  Its vast
+extent, and its variety of climate and productions, are of advantage, in
+this age, for one People, whatever they might have been in former ages.
+Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence, have brought these to be an
+advantageous combination for one united People.</p>
+
+<p>"In the Inaugural Address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of
+Disunion, as a remedy for the differences between the people of the two
+Sections.  I did so in language which I cannot improve, and which,
+therefore, I beg to repeat:</p>
+
+<p>"'One Section of our Country believes Slavery is right, and ought to be
+extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be
+extended.  This is the only substantial dispute.  The Fugitive Slave
+clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the
+foreign Slave Trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can
+ever be in a community where the moral sense of the People imperfectly
+supports the law itself.</p>
+
+<p>"The great body of the People abide by the dry legal obligation in both
+cases, and a few break over in each.  This, I think, cannot be perfectly
+cured; and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the
+Sections, than before.  The foreign Slave Trade, now imperfectly
+suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one
+Section; while Fugitive Slaves, now only partially surrendered, would
+not be surrendered at all by the other.</p>
+
+<p>"Physically speaking, we cannot separate.  We cannot remove our
+respective Sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall
+between them.  A husband and wife may be divorced, and each go out of
+the presence and beyond the reach of the other; but the different parts
+of our Country cannot do this.  They cannot but remain face to face; and
+intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them.</p>
+
+<p>"'Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or
+more satisfactory after separation than before?  Can aliens make
+treaties easier than friends can make laws?  Can treaties be more
+faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? suppose
+you go to War, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on
+both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old
+questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.'</p>
+
+<p>"There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a National boundary
+upon which to divide.  Trace through, from East to West, upon the line
+between the Free and Slave Country, and we shall find a little more than
+one third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated,
+or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while nearly all its
+remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk
+back and forth without any consciousness of their presence.</p>
+
+<p>"No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass, by writing
+it down on paper or parchment as a National boundary.  The fact of
+separation, if it comes, gives up, on the part of the seceding Section,
+the Fugitive Slave clause, along with all other Constitutional
+obligations upon the Section seceded from, while I should expect no
+treaty stipulations would ever be made to take its place.</p>
+
+<p>"But there is another difficulty.  The great interior region, bounded
+East by the Alleghanies, North by the British dominions, West by the
+Rocky Mountains, and South by the line along which the culture of corn
+and cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of
+Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin,
+Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of
+Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above ten million
+people, and will have fifty millions within fifty years, if not
+prevented by any political folly or mistake.</p>
+
+<p>"It contains more than one-third of the country owned by the United
+States-certainly more than one million square miles.  Once half as
+populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more than
+seventy-five million people.  A glance at the map shows that, territorially
+speaking, it is the great body of the Republic.  The other parts are but
+marginal borders to it, the magnificent region sloping West, from the
+Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest and also the richest
+in undeveloped resources.  In the production of provisions, grains,
+grasses, and all which proceed from them, this great interior region is
+naturally one of the most important in the World.</p>
+
+<p>"Ascertain from the statistics the small proportion of the region which
+has, as yet, been brought into cultivation, and also the large and
+rapidly increasing amount of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed
+with the magnitude of the prospect presented.  And yet this region has
+no sea coast, touches no ocean anywhere.  As part of one Nation, its
+people now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York,
+to South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San
+Francisco.</p>
+
+<p>"But separate our common Country into two nations, as designed by the
+present Rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is
+thereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets, not, perhaps, by
+a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations.</p>
+
+<p>"And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed.
+Place it between the now Free and Slave country, or place it South of
+Kentucky, or North of Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none South
+of it can trade to any port or place North of it, and none North of it
+can trade to any port or place South of it except upon terms dictated by
+a Government foreign to them.</p>
+
+<p>"These outlets, East, West, and South, are indispensable to the
+well-being of the people inhabiting, and to inhabit, this vast interior
+region.  Which of the three may be the best, is no proper question.
+All, are better than either; and all, of right belong to that People,
+and to their successors forever.  True to themselves, they will not ask
+where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there
+shall be no such line.</p>
+
+<p>"Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to
+and through them, to the great outside World.  They too, and each of
+them, must have access to this Egypt of the West without paying toll at
+the crossing of any National boundary.</p>
+
+<p>"Our National strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the
+Land we inhabit; not from our National homestead.  There is no possible
+severing of this, but would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among us.
+In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands Union, and abhors
+separation.  In fact it would, ere long, force reunion, however much of
+blood and treasure the separation might have cost.</p>
+
+<p>"Our strife pertains to ourselves&mdash;to the passing generations of men;
+and it can, without convulsion, be hushed forever&mdash;with the passing of
+one generation.</p>
+
+<p>"In this view I recommend the adoption of the following Resolution and
+Articles Amendatory of the Constitution of the United States.</p>
+
+<p>"'Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
+States of America, in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses
+concurring).  That the following Articles be proposed to the
+Legislatures (or Conventions) of the several States, as Amendments to
+the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which Articles when
+ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures (or Conventions) to
+be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, namely:</p>
+
+<p>"'ARTICLE&mdash;Every State wherein Slavery now exists, which shall abolish
+the same therein, at any time, or times, before the first day of
+January, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall
+receive compensation from the United States, as follows, to wit;</p>
+
+<p>"'The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State,
+bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of per cent.
+per annum, to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of for each Slave
+shown to have been therein by the eighth census of the United States,
+said bonds to be delivered to such States by installments, or in one
+parcel, at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same
+shall have been gradual, or at one time, within such State; and interest
+shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its
+delivery as aforesaid.  Any State having received bonds as aforesaid,
+and afterward reintroducing or tolerating Slavery therein, shall refund
+to the United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and
+all interest paid thereon.</p>
+
+<p>"'ARTICLE&mdash;All Slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the
+chances of the War at any time before the end of the Rebellion, shall be
+forever Free; but all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal,
+shall be compensated for them, at the same rates as is provided for
+States adopting abolishment of Slavery, but in such way that no Slave
+shall be twice accounted for.</p>
+
+<p>"'ARTICLE&mdash;Congress may appropriate money, and otherwise provide for
+colonizing Free Colored Persons, with their own consent, at any place or
+places within the United States.'</p>
+
+<p>
+"I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed Articles at some length.
+Without Slavery the Rebellion could never have existed; without Slavery
+it could not continue.</p>
+
+<p>"Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment
+and of policy in regard to Slavery, and the African race among us.  Some
+would perpetuate Slavery; some would abolish it suddenly, without
+compensation; some would abolish it gradually, and with compensation;
+some would remove the Freed people from us; and some would retain them
+with us; and there are yet other minor diversities.  Because of these
+diversities, we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves.</p>
+
+<p>"By mutual Concession we should harmonize and act together.  This would
+be Compromise; but it would be Compromise among the friends, and not
+with the enemies of the Union.  These Articles are intended to embody a
+plan of such mutual concessions.  If the plan shall be adopted, it is
+assumed that Emancipation will follow, at least, in several of the
+States.</p>
+
+<p>"As to the first Article, the main points are: first, the Emancipation;
+secondly, the length of time for consummating it&mdash;thirty-seven years;
+and, thirdly, the compensation.</p>
+
+<p>"The Emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual
+Slavery; but the length of time should greatly mitigate their
+dissatisfaction.  The time spares both races from the evils of sudden
+derangement&mdash;in fact from the necessity of any derangement&mdash;while most
+of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the
+measure will have passed away before its consummation.  They will never
+see it.</p>
+
+<p>"Another class will hail the prospect of Emancipation, but will
+deprecate the length of time.  They will feel that it gives too little
+to the now living Slaves.  But it really gives them much.  It saves them
+from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate
+Emancipation in localities where their numbers are very great; and it
+gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be Free
+forever.</p>
+
+<p>"The plan leaves to each State, choosing to act under it, to abolish
+Slavery now, or at the end of the century, or at any intermediate time,
+or by degrees, extending over the whole or any part of the period; and
+it obliges no two States to proceed alike.  It also provides for
+compensation,&mdash;and generally, the mode of making it.  This, it would
+seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor
+perpetual Slavery, and especially of those who are to receive the
+compensation.  Doubtless some of those who are to pay, and not to
+receive, will object.  Yet the measure is both just and economical.</p>
+
+<p>"In a certain sense, the liberation of Slaves is the destruction of
+Property&mdash;Property acquired by descent, or by purchase, the same as any
+other property.  It is no less true for having been often said, that the
+people of the South are not more responsible for the original
+introduction of this Property than are the people of the North; and when
+it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar, and
+share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say
+that the South has been more responsible than the North for its
+continuance.</p>
+
+<p>"If, then, for a common object, this Property is to be sacrificed, is it
+not just that it be done at a common charge?</p>
+
+<p>"And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the
+benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the War alone, is it
+not also economical to do it?  Let us consider it then.  Let us
+ascertain the sum we have expended in the War since compensated
+Emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether, if that
+measure had been promptly accepted, by even some of the Slave States,
+the same sum would not have done more to close the War than has been
+otherwise done.  If so, the measure would save money, and, in that view,
+would be a prudent and economical measure.</p>
+
+<p>"Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing;
+but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one.  And
+it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it
+before we are able.  The War requires large sums, and requires them at
+once.</p>
+
+<p>"The aggregate sum necessary for compensated Emancipation of course
+would be large.  But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds,
+even, any faster than the Emancipation progresses.  This might not, and
+probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven years.  At
+that time we shall probably have a hundred million people to share the
+burden, instead of thirty-one millions, as now.  And not only so, but
+the increase of our population may be expected to continue, for a long
+time after that period, as rapidly as before; because our territory will
+not have become full.</p>
+
+<p>"I do not state this inconsiderately.  At the same ratio of increase
+which we have maintained, on an average, from our first National census
+in 1790, until that of 1860, we should, in 1900, have a population of
+103,208,415.  And why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that
+period?</p>
+
+<p>"Our abundant room&mdash;our broad National homestead&mdash;is our ample resource.
+Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly
+our population could not expand as stated.  Instead of receiving the
+foreign born, as now, we should be compelled to send part of the
+Native-born away.</p>
+
+<p>"But such is not our condition.  We have two million nine hundred and
+sixty-three thousand square miles.  Europe has three million and eight
+hundred thousand, with a population averaging seventy-three and
+one-third persons to the square mile.  Why may not our Country at some time,
+average as many?  Is it less fertile?  Has it more waste surface by
+mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes?  Is it inferior to
+Europe in any natural advantage?</p>
+
+<p>"If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how soon?
+As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present; as to
+when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union.</p>
+
+<p>"Several of our States are already above the average of
+Europe&mdash;seventy-three and a third to the square mile.  Massachusetts has 157; Rhode
+Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and New Jersey, each, 80.  Also
+two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the
+former having 63, and the latter 59.  The States already above the
+European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio,
+since passing that point, as ever before; while no one of them is equal
+to some other parts of our Country in natural capacity for sustaining a
+dense population.</p>
+
+<p>"Taking the Nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and
+ratio of increase, for the several decennial periods, to be as follows:</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>YEAR.  POPULATION. RATIO OF INCREASE</p>
+
+<p>1790&mdash;   3,929,827</p>
+
+<p>1800&mdash;   5,305,937  &mdash;35.02 Per Cent.</p>
+
+<p>1810&mdash;   7,239,814  &mdash;36.45</p>
+
+<p>1820&mdash;   9,638,131  &mdash;33.13</p>
+
+<p>1830&mdash;  12,866,020  &mdash;33.49</p>
+
+<p>1840&mdash;  17,069,453  &mdash;32.67</p>
+
+<p>1850&mdash;  23,191,876  &mdash;35.87</p>
+
+<p>1860&mdash;  31,443,790  &mdash;35.58</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>"This shows an average Decennial Increase of 34.69 per cent. in
+population through the seventy years from our first to our last census
+yet taken.  It is seen that the ratio of increase, at no one of these
+seven periods, is either two per cent. below or two per cent. above the
+average; thus showing how inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable,
+the law of Increase, in our case, is.</p>
+
+<p>"Assuming that it will continue, gives the following results:</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>YEAR.  POPULATION.</p>
+
+<p>1870&mdash;   42,323,041</p>
+
+<p>1880&mdash;   56,967,216</p>
+
+<p>1890&mdash;   76,677,872</p>
+
+<p>1900&mdash;  103,208,415</p>
+
+<p>1910&mdash;  138,918,526</p>
+
+<p>1920&mdash;  186,984,335</p>
+
+<p>1930&mdash;  251,680,914</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>"These figures show that our Country may be as populous as Europe now is
+at some point between 1920 and 1930&mdash;say about 1925&mdash;our territory, at
+seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile, being of capacity
+to contain 217,186,000.</p>
+
+<p>"And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the
+chance by the folly and evils of Disunion or by long and exhausting War
+springing from the only great element of National discord among us.
+While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of
+Secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population,
+civilization and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it
+would be very great and injurious.</p>
+
+<p>"The proposed Emancipation would shorten the War, perpetuate Peace,
+insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of
+the Country.  With these, we should pay all the Emancipation would cost,
+together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt
+without it.</p>
+
+<p>"If we had allowed our old National debt to run at six per cent. per
+annum, simple interest, from the end of our Revolutionary Struggle until
+to-day, without paying anything on either principal or interest, each
+man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it
+then; and this because our increase of men through the whole period has
+been greater than six per cent.; has run faster than the interest upon
+the debt.  Thus, time alone, relieves a debtor Nation, so long as its
+population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its
+debt.</p>
+
+<p>"This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly
+due, but it shows the great importance of time in this connection&mdash;the
+great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we
+number a hundred millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to
+pay now, when we number but thirty-one millions.  In a word, it shows
+that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the War, than will be a
+dollar for Emancipation on the proposed plan.  And then the latter will
+cost no blood, no precious life.  It will be a saving of both.</p>
+
+<p>"As to the Second Article, I think it would be impracticable to return
+to Bondage the class of Persons therein contemplated.  Some of them,
+doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners and hence
+provision is made in this Article for compensating such.</p>
+
+<p>"The Third Article relates to the future of the Freed people.  It does
+not oblige, but merely authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such as
+may consent.  This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one
+hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing, unless by the
+mutual consent of the people to be deported, and the American voters,
+through their Representatives in Congress.</p>
+
+<p>"I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly favor
+colonization.  And yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against
+free Colored persons remaining in the Country which is largely
+imaginary, if not sometimes malicious.</p>
+
+<p>"It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace White
+labor and White laborers.  If there ever could be a proper time for mere
+catch arguments, that time surely is not now.  In times like the present
+men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be
+responsible through Time and in Eternity.</p>
+
+<p>"Is it true, then, that Colored people can displace any more White labor
+by being Free, than by remaining Slaves?  If they stay in their old
+places, they jostle no White laborers; if they leave their old places,
+they leave them open to White laborers.  Logically, there is neither
+more nor less of it.</p>
+
+<p>"Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the
+wages of White labor, and, very surely would not reduce them.  Thus, the
+customary amount of labor would still have to be performed; the freed
+people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it and,
+very probably, for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to
+White laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and
+consequently enhancing the wages of it.</p>
+
+<p>"With deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to White
+labor is mathematically certain.  Labor is like any other commodity in
+the market-increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it.
+Reduce the supply of Black labor by colonizing the Black laborer out of
+the Country, and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and
+wages of White labor.</p>
+
+<p>"But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the
+whole Land!  Are they not already in the Land?  Will liberation make
+them any more numerous?  Equally distributed among the Whites of the
+whole Country, there would be but one Colored, in seven Whites.  Could
+the one, in any way, greatly disturb the seven?</p>
+
+<p>"There are many communities now, having more than one free Colored
+person to seven Whites; and this, without any apparent consciousness of
+evil from it.  The District of Columbia, and the States of Maryland and
+Delaware, are all in this condition.  The District has more than one
+free Colored to six Whites; and yet, in its frequent petitions to
+Congress I believe it has never presented the presence of free Colored
+persons as one of its grievances.</p>
+
+<p>"But why should Emancipation South, send the freed people North? people
+of any color, seldom run, unless there be something to run from.
+Heretofore, Colored people, to some extent, have fled North from
+bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution.  But if
+gradual Emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither
+to flee from.</p>
+
+<p>"Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can
+be procured; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly give their labor
+for the wages, till new homes can be found for them, in congenial
+climes, and with people of their own blood and race.</p>
+
+<p>"This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved.  And,
+in any event, cannot the North decide for itself, whether to receive
+them?</p>
+
+<p>"Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case, has there been
+any irruption of Colored people Northward because of the abolishment of
+Slavery in this District last Spring?  What I have said of the
+proportion of free Colored persons to the Whites in the District is from
+the census of 1860, having no reference to persons called Contrabands,
+nor to those made free by the Act of Congress abolishing Slavery here.</p>
+
+<p>"The plan consisting of these Articles is recommended, not but that a
+restoration of the National authority would be accepted without its
+adoption.</p>
+
+<p>"Nor will the War, nor proceedings under the Proclamation of September
+22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan.  Its
+timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay
+both.</p>
+
+<p>"And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress
+provides by law for compensating any State which may adopt Emancipation
+before this plan shall have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly
+renewed.  Such would be only an advance part of the plan, and the same
+arguments apply to both.</p>
+
+<p>"This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but
+additional to, all others, for restoring and preserving the National
+authority throughout the Union.  The subject is presented exclusively in
+its economical aspect.</p>
+
+<p>"The plan would, I am confident, secure Peace more speedily, and
+maintain it more permanently, than can be done by force alone; while all
+it would cost, considering amounts, and manner of payment, and times of
+payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the
+War, if we rely solely upon force.  It is much, very much, that it would
+cost no blood at all.</p>
+
+<p>"The plan is proposed as permanent Constitutional Law.  It cannot become
+such without the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and
+afterward, three-fourths of the Slave States.  The requisite
+three-fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the Slave
+States.  Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their
+severally adopting Emancipation at no very distant day upon the new
+Constitutional terms.  This assurance would end the struggle now and
+save the Union forever.</p>
+
+<p>"I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed
+to the Congress of the Nation by the Chief Magistrate of the Nation.
+Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you
+have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs.  Yet I
+trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me, you will
+perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may
+seem to display.</p>
+
+<p>"Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten
+the War, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood?  Is it
+doubted that it would restore the National authority and National
+prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely?  Is it doubted that we
+here&mdash;Congress and Executive&mdash;can secure its adoption; will not the good
+people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us?  Can we, can
+they, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital
+objects; we can succeed only by concert.</p>
+
+<p>"It is not, 'Can any of us imagine better?' but,'Can we all do better?'
+Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs, 'Can we do
+better?  The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy
+present.  The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise
+with the occasion.  As our case is new, so we must think anew, and act
+anew.  We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our
+Country.</p>
+
+<p>"Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history.  We, of this Congress and
+this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves.  No
+personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of
+us.  The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor
+or dishonor, to the latest generation.</p>
+
+<p>"We say we are for the Union.  The World will not forget that we say
+this.  We know how to save the Union.</p>
+
+<p>"The World knows we do know how to save it.  We even we here&mdash;hold the
+power, and bear the responsibility.</p>
+
+<p>"In giving Freedom to the Slave, we assure Freedom to the Free-Honorable
+alike in what we give and what we preserve.  We shall nobly save, or
+meanly lose, the last, best hope of Earth.  Other means may succeed;
+this could not fail.  The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just&mdash;a way
+which, if followed, the World would forever applaud, and God must
+forever bless.</p>
+
+<p>                              "ABRAHAM LINCOLN."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+The popular Branch of Congress responded with heartiness to what Mr.
+Lincoln had done.  On December 11, 1862, resolutions were offered by Mr.
+Yeaman in the House of Representatives, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate Concurring), That
+the Proclamation of the President of the United States, of date the 22d
+of September, 1862, is not warranted by the Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That the policy of Emancipation as indicated in that
+Proclamation, is not calculated to hasten the restoration of Peace, was
+not well chosen as a War measure, and is an assumption of power
+dangerous to the rights of citizens and to the perpetuity of a Free
+People."</p>
+
+<p>These resolutions were laid on the table by 95 yeas to 47 nays&mdash;the yeas
+all Republicans, save three, and the nays all Democrats save five.</p>
+
+<p>On December 15, 1862, Mr. S. C. Fessenden, of Maine, offered resolutions
+to the House, in these words:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That the Proclamation of the President of the United States,
+of the date of 22d September, 1862, is warranted by the Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That the policy of Emancipation, as indicated in that
+Proclamation, is well adapted to hasten the restoration of Peace, was
+well chosen as a War measure, and is an exercise of power with proper
+regard for the rights of the States, and the perpetuity of Free
+Government."</p>
+
+<p>These resolutions were adopted by 78 yeas to 52 nays&mdash;the yeas all
+Republicans, save two, and the nays all Democrats, save seven.</p>
+
+<p>The Proclamation of September 22d, 1862, was very generally endorsed and
+upheld by the People at large; and, in accordance with its promise, it
+was followed at the appointed time, January 1st, 1863, by the
+supplemental Proclamation specifically Emancipating the Slaves in the
+rebellious parts of the United States&mdash;in the following terms:</p>
+
+<p>"WHEREAS, On the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord
+one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a Proclamation was issued by
+the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the
+following, to wit:</p>
+
+<p>"'That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand
+eight hundred and sixty-three, all Persons held as Slaves within any
+State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be
+in Rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward,
+and forever Free; and the Executive Government of the United States,
+including the Military and Naval Authority thereof, will recognize and
+maintain the Freedom of such Persons, and will do no act or acts to
+repress such Persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for
+their actual Freedom.</p>
+
+<p>"'That the Executive will, on the First day of January aforesaid, by
+Proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which
+the people thereof, respectively, shall then be in Rebellion against the
+United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall
+on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United
+States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the
+qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the
+absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive
+evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in
+Rebellion against the United States.'</p>
+
+<p>"Now, therefore, I ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, by
+virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
+Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed Rebellion against the
+authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and
+necessary War measure for suppressing said Rebellion, do, on this First
+day of January, in the Year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
+sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly
+proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first
+above mentioned, Order and designate as the States and parts of States
+wherein the people thereof, respectively, are this day in Rebellion
+against the United States, the following, to wit:</p>
+
+<p>"Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St.  Bernard,
+Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension,
+Assumption, Terre Bonne, Lafouche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans,
+including the City of New Orleans,) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida,
+Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the
+forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties
+of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann,
+and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which
+excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this
+Proclamation were not issued.</p>
+
+<p>"And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do Order
+and declare that all Persons held as Slaves within said designated
+States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, Free; and
+that the Executive Government of the United States, including the
+Military and Naval authorities thereof; will recognize and maintain the
+Freedom of said Persons.</p>
+
+<p>"And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be Free, to abstain
+from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to
+them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for
+reasonable wages.</p>
+
+<p>"And I further declare and make known that such Persons, of suitable
+condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States
+to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man
+vessels of all sorts in said service.</p>
+
+<p>"And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice,
+warranted by the Constitution upon Military necessity, I invoke the
+considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.</p>
+
+<p>"In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of
+the United States to be affixed.</p>
+
+<p>"Done at the City of Washington, this First day of January, in the year
+of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the
+Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.</p>
+
+<p>"By the President:<br>
+"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.</p>
+
+<p>"WILLIAM H.  SEWARD,  Secretary of State."</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="fremont"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p368-fremont.jpg (70K)" src="images/p368-fremont.jpg" height="803" width="580">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch19"></a><br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                              CHAPTER XIX.<br><br>
+
+                           HISTORICAL REVIEW.
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+<p>
+Let us now refresh recollection by glancing backward over the history of
+our Country, and we shall see, as recorded in these pages, that, from
+the first, there existed in this Nation a class of individuals greedily
+ambitious of power and determined to secure and maintain control of this
+Government; that they left unturned no stone which would contribute to
+the fostering and to the extension of African Slavery; that, hand in
+hand with African Slavery&mdash;and as a natural corollary to it&mdash;they
+advocated Free Trade as a means of degrading Free White labor to the
+level of Black Slave labor, and thus increasing their own power; that
+from the first, ever taking advantage of the general necessities of the
+Union, they arrogantly demanded and received from a brow-beaten People,
+concession after concession, and compromise after compromise; that every
+possible pretext and occasion was seized by them to increase,
+consolidate, and secure their power, and to extend the territorial
+limits over which their peculiar Pro-Slavery and Pro-Free-Trade
+doctrines prevailed; and that their nature was so exacting, and their
+greed so rapacious, that it was impossible ever to satisfy them.</p>
+
+<p>Nor were they burdened with over-much of that high sense of honor&mdash;a
+quality of which they often vaunted themselves&mdash;which impelled others to
+stand by their agreements.  It seemed as though they considered the most
+sacred promises and covenants of no account, and made only to be
+trampled upon, when in the way of their Moloch.</p>
+
+<p>We remember the bitter Slavery agitation in Congress over the admission
+of the State of Missouri, and how it eventuated in the Missouri
+Compromise.  That compromise, we have seen, they afterward trod upon,
+and broke, with as little compunction as they would have stepped upon
+and crushed a toad.</p>
+
+<p>They felt their own growing power, and gloried in their strength and
+arrogance; and Northern timidity became a scoff and by-word in their
+mouths.</p>
+
+<p>The fact is, that from its very conception, as well as birth, they hated
+and opposed the Union, because they disliked a Republican and preferred
+a Monarchical form of Government.  Their very inability to prevent the
+consummation of that Union, imbittered them.  Hence their determination
+to seize every possible occasion and pretext afterward to destroy it,
+believing, as they doubtless did, that upon the crumbled and mouldering
+ruins of a dissevered Union and ruptured Republic, Monarchical ideas
+might the more easily take root and grow.  But experience had already
+taught them that it would be long before their real object could even be
+covertly hinted at, and that in the meantime it must be kept out of
+sight by the agitation of other political issues.  The formulation and
+promulgation therefore, by Jefferson, in the Kentucky Resolutions of
+1798, and by Madison, in the Virginia Resolutions of 1799, of the
+doctrine of States Rights already referred to, was a perfect "God-send"
+to these men.  For it not only enabled them to keep from public view and
+knowledge their ultimate aim and purpose, but constituted the whip which
+they thenceforth everlastingly flourished and cracked over the shrinking
+heads of other and more patriotic people&mdash;the whip with which, through
+the litter of their broken promises, they ruthlessly rode into, and, for
+so long a period of years held on to, supreme power and place in the
+Land.</p>
+
+<p>Including within the scope of States Rights, the threats of
+Nullification, Disunion and Secession&mdash;ideas abhorrent to the Patriot's
+mind&mdash;small wonder is it that, in those days, every fresh demand made by
+these political autocrats was tremblingly acceded to, until patience and
+concession almost utterly exhausted themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Originally disturbing only South Carolina and Georgia to any extent,
+these ambitious men, who believed in anything rather than a Republic,
+and who were determined to destroy the Union, gradually spread the
+spirit of jealousy and discontent into other States of the South; their
+immediate object being to bring the Southern States into the closest
+possible relations the one with the other; to inspire them all with
+common sympathies and purposes; to compact and solidify them, so that in
+all coming movements against the other States of the Union, they might
+move with proportionately increased power, and force, and effect,
+because of such unity of aim and strength.</p>
+
+<p>This spirit of Southern discontent, and jealousy of the Northern States,
+was, as we have seen, artfully fanned by the Conspirators, in heated
+discussions over the Tariff Acts of 1824, and 1828, and 1832, until, by
+the latter date, the people of the Cotton-States were almost frantic,
+and ready to fight over their imaginary grievances.  Then it was that
+the Conspirators thought the time had come, for which they had so long
+and so earnestly prayed and worked, when the cotton Sampson should wind
+his strong arms around the pillars of the Constitution and pull down the
+great Temple of our Union&mdash;that they might rear upon its site another
+and a stronger edifice, dedicated not to Freedom, but to Free-Trade and
+to other false gods.</p>
+
+<p>South Carolina was to lead off, and the other Cotton States would
+follow.  South Carolina did lead off&mdash;but the other Cotton-States did
+not follow.</p>
+
+<p>It has been shown in these pages how South Carolina declared the Tariff
+Acts aforesaid, null and void, armed herself to resist force, and
+declared that any attempt of the general Government to enforce those
+Acts would cause her to withdraw from the Union.  But Jackson as we know
+throttled the treason with so firm a grip that Nullification and
+Secession and Disunion were at once paralyzed.</p>
+
+<p>The concessions to the domineering South, in Clay's Compromise Tariff of
+1833, let the Conspirators down easily, so to speak; and they pretended
+to be satisfied.  But they were satisfied only as are the thirsty sands
+of Africa with the passing shower.</p>
+
+<p>The Conspirators had, however, after all, made substantial gains.  They
+had established a precedent for an attempt to secede.  That was
+something.  They had demonstrated that a single Southern State could
+stand up, armed and threatening, strutting, blustering, and bullying,
+and at least make faces at the general Government without suffering any
+very dreadful consequences.  That was still more.</p>
+
+<p>They had also ascertained that, by adopting such a course, a single
+Southern State could force concessions from the fears of the rest of the
+United States.  That was worth knowing, because the time might come,
+when it might be desirable not only for one but for all the Southern
+States to secede upon some other pretext, and when it would be awkward,
+and would interfere with the Disunion programme, to have the other
+States either offer or make concessions.</p>
+
+<p>They had also learned the valuable lesson that the single issue of
+Free-Trade was not sufficiently strong of itself to unite all the Southern
+States in a determination to secede, and thus dissolve the Union.  They
+saw they must agitate some other issue to unify the South more
+thoroughly and justify Disunion.  On looking over the whole field they
+concluded that the Slavery question would best answer their purpose, and
+they adopted it.</p>
+
+<p>It was doubtless a full knowledge of the fact that they had adopted it,
+that led Jackson to make the declaration, heretofore in these pages
+given, which has been termed "prophetic."  At any rate, thenceforth the
+programme of the Conspirators was to agitate the Slavery question in all
+ways possible, so as to increase, extend and solidify the influence and
+strength of the Slave power; strain the bonds uniting them with the Free
+States; and weaken the Free States by dividing them upon the question.
+At the same time the Free-Trade question was to be pressed forward to a
+triumphal issue, so that the South might be enriched and strengthened,
+and the North impoverished and weakened, by the result.</p>
+
+<p>That was their programme, in the rough, and it was relentlessly adhered
+to.  Free-Trade and Slavery by turns, if not together, from that time
+onward, were ever at the front, agitating our People both North and
+South, and not only consolidating the Southern States on those lines, as
+the Conspirators designed, but also serving ultimately to consolidate,
+to some extent&mdash;in a manner quite unlooked for by the
+Conspirators&mdash;Northern sentiment, on the opposite lines of Protection and Freedom.</p>
+
+<p>The Compromise Tariff Act of 1833&mdash;which Clay was weak enough to
+concede, and even stout old Jackson to permit to become law without his
+signature&mdash;gave to the Conspirators great joy for years afterward, as
+they witnessed the distress and disaster brought by it to Northern homes
+and incomes&mdash;not distress and disaster alone, but absolute and
+apparently irreparable ruin.</p>
+
+<p>The reaction occasioned by this widespread ruin having brought the Whigs
+into power, led to the enactment of the Protective-Tariff of 1842
+and&mdash;to the chagrin of the Conspirators&mdash;industrial prosperity and plenty to
+the Free North again ensued.</p>
+
+<p>Even as Cain hated his brother Abel because his sacrifices were
+acceptable in the sight of God, while his own were not, so the Southern
+Conspirators, and other Slave-owners also, had, by this time, come to
+hate the Northern free-thinking, free-acting, freedom-loving mechanic
+and laboring man, because the very fact and existence of his Godgiven
+Freedom and higher-resulting civilization was a powerful and perpetual
+protest against the&mdash;abounding iniquities and degradations of Slavery as
+practiced by themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Hence, by trickery, by cajoling the People With his, and their own,
+assurances that he was in favor of Protection&mdash;they secured the election
+in 1844 of a Free-Trade President, the consequent repeal of the
+Protective-Tariff of 1842&mdash;which had repaired the dreadful mischief
+wrought by the Compromise Act of 1833&mdash;and the enactment of the infamous
+Free-Trade Tariff of 1846, which blasted the manufacturing and farming
+and trade industries of the Country again, as with fire.</p>
+
+<p>The discovery of the great gold fields of California, and the enormous
+amount of the precious metal poured by her for many succeeding years
+into the lap of the Nation, alone averted what otherwise would
+inevitably have been total ruin.  As it was, in 1860, the National
+credit had sunk to a lower point than ever before in all its history.
+It was confessedly bankrupt, and ruin stalked abroad throughout the
+United States.</p>
+
+<p>But while, with rapid pen, the carrying out of that part of the Southern
+Conspirators' Disunion programme which related to Free-Trade, is thus
+brought again to mind, the other part of that programme, which related
+to Slavery, must not be neglected or overlooked.  On this question they
+had determined, as we have seen, to agitate without ceasing&mdash;having in
+view, primarily, as already hinted, the extension of Slave territory and
+the resulting increase of Slave power in the Land; and, ulteriorly, the
+solidifying of that power, and Disunion of the Republic, with a view to
+its conversion into an Oligarchy, if not a Monarchy.</p>
+
+<p>The bitterness of the struggle over the admission of Missouri as a Slave
+State in 1820, under the Missouri Compromise, was to be revived by the
+Conspirators, at the earliest possible moment.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly in 1836&mdash;only three years after the failure of Nullification
+in South Carolina, the Territory, of Arkansas was forced in as a Slave
+State, and simultaneously the Slave-owning henchmen of the Conspirators,
+previously settled there for the purpose, proclaimed the secession from
+Mexico, and independence, of Texas.  This was quickly followed, in 1844,
+by Calhoun's hastily negotiated treaty of annexation with Texas; its
+miscarriage in the Senate; and the Act of March 2, 1845&mdash;with its sham
+compromise&mdash;consenting to the admission of Texas to the Union of States.</p>
+
+<p>Then came the War with Mexico; the attempt by means of the Wilmot
+proviso to check the growing territorial-greed and rapacity of the
+Slave-power; and the acquisition by the United States, of California and
+New Mexico, under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, which brought
+Peace.</p>
+
+<p>Then occurred the agitation over the organization of  Territorial
+governments for Oregon, California, and New Mexico, and the strong
+effort to extend to the Pacific Ocean the Missouri-Compromise line of
+36  30', and to extend to all future Territorial organizations the
+principles of that compromise.</p>
+
+<p>Then came the struggle in 1850, over the admission of California as a
+State, and New Mexico and Utah to Territorial organization&mdash;ending in
+the passage of Clay's Compromise measures of 1850.</p>
+
+<p>Yet still the Southern Conspirators&mdash;whose forces, both in Congress and
+out, were now well-disciplined, compacted, solidified, experienced, and
+bigotedly enthusiastic and overbearing&mdash;were not satisfied.  It was not
+their intention to be satisfied with anything less than the destruction
+of the Union and of our Republican form of Government.  The trouble was
+only beginning, and, so far, almost everything had progressed to their
+liking.  The work must proceed.</p>
+
+<p>In 1852-3 they commenced the Kansas-Nebraska agitation; and, what with
+their incessant political and colonizing movements in those Territories;
+the frequent and dreadful atrocities committed by their tools, the
+Border-ruffians; the incessant turmoil created by cruelties to their
+Fugitive-slaves; their persistent efforts to change the Supreme Court to
+their notions; these&mdash;with the decision and opinion of the Supreme Court
+in the Dred Scott case&mdash;together worked the Slavery question up to a
+dangerous degree of heat, by the year 1858.</p>
+
+<p>And, by 1860&mdash;when the people of the Free States, grown sick unto death
+of the rule of the Slave-power in the General Government, arose in their
+political might, and shook off this "Old Man of the Sea," electing,
+beyond cavil and by the Constitutional mode, to the Presidential office,
+a man who thoroughly represented in himself their conscience, on the one
+hand, which instinctively revolted against human Slavery as a wrong
+committed against the laws of God, and their sense of justice and equity
+on the other, which would not lightly overlook, or interfere with vested
+rights under the Constitution and the laws of man&mdash;the Conspirators had
+reached the point at which they had been aiming ever since that failure
+in 1832 of their first attempt at Disunion, in South Carolina.</p>
+
+<p>They had now succeeded in irritating both the Free and the Slave-holding
+Sections of our Country against each other, to an almost unbearable
+point; had solidified the Southern States on the Slavery and Free-Trade
+questions; and at last&mdash;the machinations of these same Conspirators
+having resulted in a split in the Democratic Party, and the election of
+the Republican candidate to the Presidency, as the embodiment of the
+preponderating National belief in Freedom and equality to all before the
+Law, with Protection to both Labor and Capital&mdash;they also had the
+pretext for which they had both been praying and scheming and preparing
+all those long, long years&mdash;they, and some of their fathers before them.</p>
+
+<p>It cannot be too often repeated that to secure a Monarchy, or at least
+an Oligarchy, over which the leading Conspirators should rule for
+life&mdash;whether that Monarchy or that Oligarchy should comprise the States of
+the South by themselves, or all the States on a new basis of Union&mdash;was
+the great ultimate aim of the Conspirators; and this could be secured
+only by first disrupting the then existing Republican Union of
+Republican States.</p>
+
+<p>The doctrine of the right of Secession had now long been taught, and had
+become a part of the Southern Slave-holders' Democratic creed, as fully
+as had the desirability of Slavery and Free-Trade&mdash;and even many of the
+Northern Democrats, and some Republicans as well, were not much inclined
+to dispute, although they cared not to canvass, the point.</p>
+
+<p>The programme of action was therefore much the same as had been laid
+down in the first attempt in 1832:&mdash;first South Carolina would secede
+and declare her independence; then the other Slave States in quick
+succession would do likewise; then a new Constitution for a solid
+Southern Union; then, if necessary, a brief War to cement it&mdash;which
+would end, of course, in the independence of the South at least, but
+more probably in the utter subjugation and humiliation of the Free
+States.</p>
+
+<p>When the time should come, during or after this War&mdash;as come, in their
+belief, it would&mdash;for a change in the form of Government, then they
+could seize the first favorable occasion and change it.  At present,
+however, the cry must be for "independence."  That accomplished, the
+rest would be easy.  And until that independence was accomplished, no
+terms of any sort, no settlement of any kind, were either to be proposed
+or accepted by them.</p>
+
+<p>These were their dreams, their ambitions, their plans; and the tenacious
+courage with which they stuck to them "through thick and thin," through
+victory and disaster, were worthy of a better cause.</p>
+
+<p>While, therefore, the pretexts for Secession were "Slavery" and
+"Free-Trade"&mdash;both of which were alleged to be jeopardized in the election and
+inauguration of Abraham Lincoln&mdash;yet, no sooner had hostilities
+commenced between the seceding States and the Union, than they declared
+to the World that their fight was not for Slavery, but for Independence.</p>
+
+<p>They dared not acknowledge to the World that they fought for Slavery,
+lest the sympathies of the World should be against them.  But it was
+well understood by the Southern masses, as well as the other people of
+the Union, that both Slavery and Free-Trade were involved in the
+fight&mdash;as much as independence, and the consequent downfall of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>President Lincoln, however, had made up his mind to do all he properly
+could to placate the South.  None knew better than he, the history of
+this Secession movement, as herein described.  None knew better than he,
+the fell purpose and spirit of the Conspirators.  Yet still, his kindly
+heart refused to believe that the madness of the Southern leaders was so
+frenzied, and their hatred of Free men, Free labor, and Free
+institutions, so implacable, that they would wilfully refuse to listen
+to reason and ever insist on absolutely inadmissible terms of
+reconciliation.</p>
+
+<p>From the very beginning of his Administration, he did all that was
+possible to mollify their resentment and calm their real or pretended
+fears.  Nor was this from any dread or doubt as to what the outcome of
+an armed Conflict would be; for, in his speech at Cincinnati, in the
+Autumn of 1859, he had said, while addressing himself to Kentuckians and
+other Southern men: "Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as
+brave men as live; that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, man
+for man, as any other people living; that you have shown yourselves
+capable of this upon various occasions; but man for man, you are not
+better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us.
+You will never make much of a hand at whipping us.  If we were fewer in
+numbers than you, I think that you could whip us; if we were equal it
+would likely be a drawn battle; but being inferior in numbers, you will
+make nothing by attempting to master us."</p>
+
+<p>And early in 1860, in his famous New York Cooper Institute speech he had
+said "Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let
+us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it."  He plainly
+believed to the end, that "right makes might;" and he believed in the
+power of numbers&mdash;as also did Napoleon, if we may judge from his famous
+declaration that "The God of battles is always on the side of the
+heaviest battalions."  Yet, so believing, President Lincoln exerted
+himself in all possible ways to mollify the South. His assurances,
+however, were far from satisfying the Conspirators.  They never had been
+satisfied with anything in the shape of concession.  They never would
+be.  They had been dissatisfied with and had broken all the compacts and
+compromises, and had spit upon all the concessions, of the past; and
+nothing would now satisfy them, short of the impossible.</p>
+
+<p>They were not satisfied now with Lincoln's promise that the Government
+would not assail them&mdash;organized as, by this time, they were into a
+so-called Southern "Confederacy" of States&mdash;and they proceeded accordingly
+to assail that Government which would not assail them.  They opened fire
+on Fort Sumter.</p>
+
+<p>This was done, as has duly appeared, in the hope that the shedding of
+blood would not only draw the States of the Southern Confederacy more
+closely together in their common cause, and prevent the return of any of
+them to their old allegiance, but also to so influence the wavering
+allegiance to the Union, of the Border States, as to strengthen that
+Confederacy and equivalently weaken that Union, by their Secession.</p>
+
+<p>Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, of the Border States
+that were wavering, were thus gathered into the Confederate fold, by
+this policy of blood-spilling&mdash;carried bodily thither, by a desperate
+and frenzied minority, against the wishes of a patriotic majority.</p>
+
+<p>Virginia, especially, was a great accession to the Rebel cause.  She
+brought to it the prestige of her great name.  To secure the active
+cooperation of "staid old Virginia," "the Mother of Statesmen," in the
+struggle, was, in the estimation of the Rebels, an assurance of victory
+to their cause.  And the Secession of Virginia for a time had a
+depressing influence upon the friends of the Union everywhere.</p>
+
+<p>The refusal of West Virginia to go with the rest of the State into
+Rebellion, was, to be sure, some consolation; and the checkmating of the
+Conspirators' designs to secure to the Confederacy the States of
+Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, helped the confidence of Union men.  In
+fact, as long as the National Capital was secure, it was felt that the
+Union was still safe.</p>
+
+<p>But while the Confederacy, by the firing upon Fort Sumter, and thus
+assailing that Government which Lincoln had promised would not assail
+the Rebels, had gained much in securing the aid of the States mentioned,
+yet the Union Cause, by that very act, had gained more.  For the echoes
+of the Rebel guns of Fort Moultrie were the signal for such an uprising
+of the Patriots of the North and West and Middle States, as, for the
+moment, struck awe to the hearts of Traitors and inspired with courage
+and hopefulness the hearts of Union men throughout the Land.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover it put the Rebels in their proper attitude, in the eyes of the
+World&mdash;as the first aggressors&mdash;and thus deprived them, to a certain
+extent, of that moral support from the outside which flows from
+sympathy.</p>
+
+<p>Those echoes were the signal, not only of that call to arms which led to
+such an uprising, but for the simultaneous calling together of the
+Thirty-seventh Congress of the United States in Extra Session&mdash;the
+Congress whose measures ultimately enabled President Lincoln and the
+Union Armies to subdue the Rebellion and save the Union&mdash;the Congress
+whose wise and patriotic deliberations resulted in the raising of those
+gigantic Armies and Navies, and in supplying the unlimited means,
+through the Tariff and National Bank Systems and otherwise, by which
+those tremendous Forces could be both created and effectively
+operated&mdash;the Congress which cooperated with President Lincoln and those Forces in
+preparing the way for the destruction of the very corner-stone of the
+Confederacy, Slavery itself.</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="cameron"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p384-cameron.jpg (77K)" src="images/p384-cameron.jpg" height="792" width="582">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch20"></a><br><br>
+
+
+<center>
+<h2>
+                              CHAPTER XX.<br><br>
+
+                           LINCOLN'S TROUBLES AND TEMPTATIONS.
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+<p>The Rebels themselves, as has already been noted, by the employment of
+their Slaves in the construction of earthworks and other fortifications,
+and even in battle, at Bull Run and elsewhere, against the Union Forces,
+brought the Thirty-seventh Congress, as well as the Military Commanders,
+and the President, to an early consideration of the Slavery question.
+But it was none the less a question to be treated with the utmost
+delicacy.</p>
+
+<p>The Union men, as well as the Secession-sympathizers, of Kentucky and
+Tennessee and Missouri and Maryland, largely believed in Slavery, or at
+least were averse to any interference with it.  These, would not see
+that the right to destroy that unholy Institution could pertain to any
+authority, or be justified by any exigency; much less that, as held by
+some authorities, its existence ceased at the moment when its hands, or
+those of the State in which it had existed, were used to assail the
+General Government.</p>
+
+<p>They looked with especial suspicion and distrust upon the guarded
+utterances of the President upon all questions touching the future of
+the Colored Race.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [At Faneuil Hall, Edward Everett is reported to have said, in
+     October of 1864:</p>
+
+<p>     "It is very doubtful whether any act of the Government of the
+     United States was necessary to liberate the Slaves in a State which
+     is in Rebellion.  There is much reason for the opinion that, by the
+     simple act of levying War against the United States, the relation
+     of Slavery was terminated; certainly, so far as concerns the duty
+     of the United States to recognize it, or to refrain from
+     interfering with it.</p>
+
+<p>     "Not being founded on the Law of Nature, and resting solely on
+     positive Local Law&mdash;and that, not of the United States&mdash;as soon as
+     it becomes either the motive or pretext of an unjust War against
+     the Union&mdash;an efficient instrument in the hands of the Rebels for
+     carrying on the War&mdash;source of Military strength to the Rebellion,
+     and of danger to the Government at home and abroad, with the
+     additional certainty that, in any event but its abandonment, it
+     will continue, in all future time to work these mischiefs, who can
+     suppose it is the duty of the United States to continue to
+     recognize it.</p>
+
+<p>     "To maintain this would be a contradiction in terms.  It would be
+     two recognize a right in a Rebel master to employ his Slave in acts
+     of Rebellion and Treason, and the duty of the Slave to aid and abet
+     his master in the commission of the greatest crime known to the
+     Law.  No such absurdity can be admitted; and any citizen of the
+     United States, from thee President down, who should, by any overt
+     act, recognize the duty of a Slave to obey a Rebel master in a
+     hostile operation, would himself be giving aid and comfort to the
+     Enemy."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>They believed that when Fremont issued the General Order&mdash;heretofore
+given in full&mdash;in which that General declared that "The property, real
+and personal, of all persons, in the State of Missouri, who shall take
+up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to
+have taken an active part with their enemies in the field, is declared
+to be confiscated to the public use, and their Slaves, if any they have,
+are hereby declared Free men," it must have been with the concurrence,
+if not at the suggestion, of the President; and, when the President
+subsequently, September 11,1861, made an open Order directing that this
+clause of Fremont's General Order, or proclamation, should be "so
+modified, held, and construed, as to conform to, and not to transcend,
+the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress
+entitled 'An Act to Confiscate Property used for Insurrectionary
+Purposes,' approved August 6, 1861," they still were not satisfied.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The sections of the above Act, bearing upon the matter, are the
+     first and fourth, which are in these words:</p>
+
+<p>     "That if, during the present or any future insurrection against the
+     Government of the United States, after the President of the United
+     States shall have declared, by proclamation, that the laws of the
+     United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, by
+     combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course
+     of judicial proceedings, or by the power vested in the marshals by
+     law, any person or persons, his, her, or their agent, attorney, or
+     employee, shall purchase or acquire, sell or give, any property of
+     whatsoever kind or description, with intent to use or employ the
+     same, or suffer the same to be used or employed, in aiding,
+     abetting, or promoting such insurrection or resistance to the laws,
+     or any persons engaged therein; or if any person or persons, being
+     the owner or owners of any such property, shall knowingly use or
+     employ, or consent to the use or employment of the same as
+     aforesaid, all such property is hereby declared to be lawful
+     subject of prize and capture wherever found; and it shall be the
+     duty of the President of the United States to cause the same to be
+     seized, confiscated and condemned."</p>
+
+<p>                     *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 4.  That whenever hereafter, during the present insurrection
+     against the Government of the United States, any person claimed to
+     be held to Labor or Service under the law of any State shall be
+     required or permitted by the person to whom such Labor or Service
+     is claimed to be due, or by the lawful agent of such person, to
+     take up arms against the United States; or shall be required or
+     permitted by the person to whom such Labor or Service is claimed to
+     be due, or his lawful agent, to work or to be employed in or upon
+     any fort, navy-yard, dock, armory, ship, entrenchment, or in any
+     Military or Naval service whatsoever, against the Government and
+     lawful authority of the United States, then, and in every such
+     case, the person to whom such Labor or Service is claimed to be
+     due, shall forfeit his claim to such Labor, any law of the State or
+     of the United States to the contrary notwithstanding.  And whenever
+     thereafter the person claiming such Labor or Service shall seek to
+     enforce his claim, it shall be a full and sufficient answer to such
+     claim that the person whose Service or Labor is claimed had been
+     employed in hostile service against the Government of the United
+     States, contrary to the provisions of this act."</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>It seemed as impossible to satisfy these Border-State men as it had been
+to satisfy the Rebels themselves.</p>
+
+<p>The Act of Congress, to which President Lincoln referred
+in his Order modifying Fremont's proclamation, had itself been opposed
+by them, under the lead of their most influential Representative and
+spokesman, Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, in its passage through that
+Body.  It did not satisfy them.</p>
+
+<p>Neither had they been satisfied, when, within one year and four days
+after "Slavery opened its batteries of Treason, upon Fort Sumter," that
+National curse and shame was banished from the Nation's Capital by
+Congressional enactment.</p>
+
+<p>They were not satisfied even with Mr. Lincoln's conservative suggestions
+embodied in the Supplemental Act.</p>
+
+<p>Nor were they satisfied with the General Instructions, of October 14,
+1861, from the War Department to its Generals, touching the employment
+of Fugitive Slaves within the Union Lines, and the assurance of just
+compensation to loyal masters, therein contained, although all avoidable
+interference with the Institution was therein reprobated.</p>
+
+<p>Nothing satisfied them.  It was indeed one of the most curious of the
+many phenomena of the War of the Rebellion, that when&mdash;as at the end of
+1861&mdash;it had become evident, as Secretary Cameron held, that it "would
+be National suicide" to leave the Rebels in "peaceful and secure
+possession of Slave Property, more valuable and efficient to them for
+War, than forage, cotton, and Military stores," and that the Slaves
+coming within our lines could not "be held by the Government as Slaves,"
+and should not be held as prisoners of War&mdash;still the loyal people of
+these Border-States, could not bring themselves to save that Union,
+which they professed to love, by legislation on this tender subject.</p>
+
+<p>On the contrary, they opposed all legislation looking to any
+interference with such Slave property.  Nothing that was proposed by Mr.
+Lincoln, or any other, on this subject, could satisfy them.</p>
+
+<p>Congress enacted a law, approved March 13, 1862, embracing an additional
+Article of War, which prohibited all officers "from employing any of the
+forces under their respective Commands for the purpose of returning
+Fugitives from Service or Labor who may have escaped from
+any persons to whom such Service or Labor is claimed to be due," and
+prescribed that "Any officer who shall be found guilty by Court-Martial
+of violating this Article shall be dismissed from the Service." In both
+Houses, the loyal Border-State Representatives spoke and voted against
+its passage.</p>
+
+<p>One week previously (March 6, 1862), President Lincoln, in an admirable
+Message, hitherto herein given at length, found himself driven to broach
+to Congress the subject of Emancipation.  He had, in his First Annual
+Message (December, 1861), declared that "the Union must be preserved;
+and hence all indispensable means must be employed;" but now, as a part
+of the War Policy, he proposed to Congress the adoption of a Joint
+Resolution declaring "That the United States ought to cooperate with any
+State which may adopt gradual abolishment of Slavery, giving to such
+State, pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to
+compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such
+change of System."</p>
+
+<p>It was high time, he thought, that the idea of a gradual, compensated
+Emancipation, should begin to occupy the minds of those interested, "so
+that," to use his own words, "they may begin to consider whether to
+accept or reject it," should Congress approve the suggestion.</p>
+
+<p>Congress did approve, and adopt, the Joint-Resolution, as we
+know&mdash;despite the opposition from the loyal element of the Border States&mdash;an
+opposition made in the teeth of their concession that Mr. Lincoln, in
+recommending its adoption, was "solely moved by a high patriotism and
+sincere devotion to the glory of his Country."</p>
+
+<p>But, consistently with their usual course, they went to the House of
+Representatives, fresh from the Presidential presence, and, with their
+ears still ringing with the common-sense utterances of the President,
+half of them voted against the Resolution, while the other half
+refrained from voting at all.  And their opposition to this wise and
+moderate proposition was mainly based upon the idea that it carried with
+it a threat&mdash;a covert threat.</p>
+
+<p>It certainly was a warning, taking it in connection with the balance of
+the Message, but a very wise and timely one.</p>
+
+<p>These loyal Border-State men, however, could not see its wisdom, and at
+a full meeting held upon the subject decided to oppose it, as they
+afterward did.  Its conciliatory spirit they could not comprehend; the
+kindly, temperate warning, they would not heed.  The most moderate of
+them all,&mdash;[Mr. Crittenden of Kentucky.]&mdash;in the most moderate of his
+utterances, could not bring himself to the belief that this Resolution
+was "a measure exactly suited to the times."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [And such was the fatuity existing among the Slave-holders of the
+     Border States, that not one of those Slave States had wisdom enough
+     to take the liberal offer thus made by the General Government, of
+     compensation.  They afterward found their Slaves freed without
+     compensation.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>So, also, one month later, (April 11, 1862), when the Senate Bill
+proposing Emancipation in the District of Columbia, was before the
+House, the same spokesman and leader of the loyal Border-State men
+opposed it strenuously as not being suited to the times.  For, he
+persuasively protested: "I do not say that you have not the power; but
+would not that power be, at such a time as this, most unwisely and
+indiscreetly exercised.  That is the point.  Of all the times when an
+attempt was ever made to carry this measure, is not this the most
+inauspicious?  Is it not a time when the measure is most likely to
+produce danger and mischief to the Country at large?  So it seems to
+me."</p>
+
+<p>It was not now, nor would it ever be, the time, to pass this, or any
+other measure, touching the Institution of Slavery, likely to benefit
+that Union to which these men professed such love and loyalty.</p>
+
+<p>Their opposition, however, to the march of events, was of little
+avail&mdash;even when backed, as was almost invariably the case, by the other
+Democratic votes from the Free States.  The opposition was obstructive,
+but not effectual.  For this reason it was perhaps the more irritating
+to the Republicans, who were anxious to put Slavery where their great
+leader, Mr. Lincoln, had long before said it should be placed&mdash;"in
+course of ultimate extinction."</p>
+
+<p>This very irritation, however, only served to press such Anti-Slavery
+Measures more rapidly forward.  By the 19th of June, 1862, a Bill "to
+secure Freedom to all persons within the Territories of the United
+States"&mdash;after a more strenuous fight against it than ever, on the part
+of Loyal and Copperhead Democrats, both from the Border and Free
+States,&mdash;had passed Congress, and been approved by President Lincoln.
+It provided, in just so many words, "That, from and after the passage of
+this Act, there shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude in
+any of the Territories of the United States now existing, or which may
+at any time hereafter be formed or acquired by the United States,
+otherwise than in punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been
+duly convicted."</p>
+
+<p>Here, then, at last, was the great end and aim, with which Mr. Lincoln
+and the Republican Party started out, accomplished.  To repeat his
+phrase, Slavery was certainly now in course of ultimate extinction.</p>
+
+<p>But since that doctrine had been first enunciated by Mr. Lincoln, events
+had changed the aspect of things.  War had broken out, and the Slaves of
+those engaged in armed Rebellion against the authority of the United
+States Government, had been actually employed, as we have seen, on Rebel
+works and fortifications whose guns were trailed upon the Armies of the
+Union.</p>
+
+<p>And now, the question of Slavery had ceased to be simply whether it
+should be put in course of ultimate extinction, but whether, as a War
+Measure&mdash;as a means of weakening the Enemy and strengthening the
+Union&mdash;the time had not already come to extinguish it, so far, at least, as the
+Slaves of those participating in the Rebellion, were concerned.</p>
+
+<p>Congress, as has been heretofore noted, had already long and heatedly
+debated various propositions referring to Slavery and African
+Colonization, and had enacted such of them as, in its wisdom, were
+considered necessary; and was now entering a further stormy period of
+contention upon various other projects touching the Abolition of the
+Fugitive Slave Laws, the Confiscation of Rebel Property, and the
+Emancipation of Slaves&mdash;all of which, of course, had been, and would be,
+vehemently assailed by the loyal Border-States men and their Free-State
+Democratic allies.</p>
+
+<p>This contention proceeded largely upon the lines of construction of that
+clause in the Constitution of the United States and its Amendments,
+which provides that no person shall be deprived of Life, Liberty, or
+Property, without due process of Law, etc.  The one side holding that,
+since the beginning of our Government, Slaves had been, under this
+clause, Unconstitutionally deprived of their Liberty; the other side
+holding that Slaves being "property," it would be Unconstitutional under
+the same clause, to deprive the Slave-owner of his Slave property.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Crittenden, the leader of the loyal Border-States men in Congress,
+was at this time especially eloquent on this latter view of the
+Constitution.  In his speech of April 23, 1862, in the House of
+Representatives, he even undertook to defend American Slavery under the
+shield of English Liberty!</p>
+
+<p>Said he: "It is necessary for the prosperity of any Government, for
+peace and harmony, that every man who acquires property shall feel that
+he shall be protected in the enjoyment of it, and in his right to hold
+it.  It elevates the man; it gives him a feeling of dignity.  It is the
+great old English doctrine of Liberty.  Said Lord Mansfield, the rain
+may beat against the cabin of an Englishman, the snow may penetrate it,
+but the King dare not enter it without the consent of its owner.  That
+is the true English spirit.  It is the source of England's power."</p>
+
+<p>And again: "The idea of property is deeply seated in our minds.  By the
+English Law and by the American Law you have the right to take the life
+of any man who attempts, by violence, to take your property from you.
+So far does the Spirit of these Laws go.  Let us not break down this
+idea of property.  It is the animating spirit of the Country.  Indeed it
+is the Spirit of Liberty and Freedom."</p>
+
+<p>There was at this time, a growing belief in the minds of these loyal
+Border-States men, that this question of Slavery-abolition was reaching
+a crisis.  They saw "the handwriting on the wall," but left no stone
+unturned to prevent, or at least to avert for a time, the coming
+catastrophe.  They egged Congress, in the language of the distinguished
+Kentuckian, to "Let these unnecessary measures alone, for the present;"
+and, as to the President, they now, not only volunteered in his defense,
+against the attacks of others, but strove also to capture him by their
+arch flatteries.</p>
+
+<p>"Sir,"&mdash;said Mr. Crittenden, in one of his most eloquent bursts, in the
+House of Representatives,&mdash;"it is not my duty, perhaps, to defend the
+President of the United States.  * * * I voted against Mr. Lincoln, and
+opposed him honestly and sincerely; but Mr. Lincoln has won me to his
+side.  There is a niche in the Temple of Fame, a niche near to
+Washington, which should be occupied by the statue of him who shall,
+save this Country.  Mr. Lincoln has a mighty destiny.  It is for him, if
+he will, to step into that niche.  It is for him to be but President of
+the People of the United States, and there will his statue be.  But, if
+he choose to be, in these times, a mere sectarian and a party man, that
+niche will be reserved for some future and better Patriot.  It is in his
+power to occupy a place next Washington,&mdash;the Founder, and the
+Preserver, side by side.  Sir, Mr. Lincoln is no coward.  His not doing
+what the Constitution forbade him to do, is no proof of his cowardice."</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, Owen Lovejoy, the fiery Abolitionist, the very next
+day after the above remarks of Mr. Crittenden were delivered in the
+House, made a great speech in reply, taking the position that "either
+Slavery, or the Republic, must perish; and the question for us to decide
+is, which shall it be?"</p>
+
+<p>He declared to the House: "You cannot put down the rebellion and restore
+the Union, without destroying Slavery."  He quoted the sublime language
+of Curran touching the Spirit of the British Law, which consecrates the
+soil of Britain to the genius of Universal Emancipation,</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [In these words:</p>
+
+<p>     "I speak in the Spirit of the British law, which makes Liberty
+     commensurate with, and inseparable from, the British soil; which
+     proclaims even to the stranger and the sojourner the moment he sets
+     his foot upon British earth, that the ground on which he treads is
+     holy, and consecrated by the genius Of UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION.</p>
+
+<p>     "No matter in what language his doom may have been pronounced; no
+     matter what complexion incompatible with Freedom, an Indian or an
+     African sun may have burnt upon him; no matter in what disastrous
+     battle his Liberty may have been cloven down; no matter with what
+     solemnities he may have been devoted upon the altar of Slavery; the
+     first moment he touches the sacred soil of Britain, the altar and
+     the god sink together in the dust; his Soul walks abroad in her own
+     majesty; his Body swells beyond the measure of his chains, that
+     burst from around him, and he stands redeemed, regenerated, and
+     disenthralled by the irresistible genius of UNIVERSAL
+     EMANCIPATION."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>And Cowper's verse, wherein the poet says:</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     "Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs
+     Receive our air, that moment they are Free,"</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>&mdash;and, after expressing his solicitude to have this true of America, as
+it already was true of the District of Columbia, he proceeded to say:</p>
+
+<p>"The gentleman from Kentucky says he has a niche for Abraham Lincoln.
+Where is it?  He pointed upward!  But, Sir, should the President follow
+the counsels of that gentleman, and become the defender and perpetuator
+of human Slavery, he should point downward to some dungeon in the Temple
+of Moloch, who feeds on human blood and is surrounded with fires, where
+are forged manacles and chains for human limbs&mdash;in the crypts and
+recesses of whose Temple, woman is scourged, and man tortured, and
+outside whose walls are lying dogs, gorged with human flesh, as Byron
+describes them stretched around Stamboul.  That is a suitable place for
+the statue of one who would defend and perpetuate human Slavery."</p>
+
+<p>And then&mdash;after saying that "the friends of American Slavery need not
+beslime the President with their praise.  He is an Anti-Slavery man.  He
+hates human Bondage "&mdash;the orator added these glowing words:</p>
+
+<p>"I, too, have a niche for Abraham Lincoln; but it is in Freedom's Holy
+Fane, and not in the blood-besmeared Temple of human Bondage; not
+surrounded by Slaves, fetters and chains, but with the symbols of
+Freedom; not dark with Bondage, but radiant with the light of Liberty.
+In that niche he shall stand proudly, nobly, gloriously, with shattered
+fetters and broken chains and slave-whips beneath his feet.  If Abraham
+Lincoln pursues the path, evidently pointed out for him in the
+providence of God, as I believe he will, then he will occupy the proud
+position I have indicated.  That is a fame worth living for; ay, more,
+that is a fame worth dying for, though that death led through the blood
+of Gethsemane and the agony of the Accursed Tree.  That is a fame which
+has glory and honor and immortality and Eternal Life.  Let Abraham
+Lincoln make himself, as I trust he will, the Emancipator, the
+Liberator, as he has the opportunity of doing, and his name shall not
+only be enrolled in this Earthly Temple, but it will be traced on the
+living stones of that Temple which rears itself amid the Thrones and
+Hierarchies of Heaven, whose top-stone is to be brought in with shouting
+of 'Grace, grace unto it!'"</p>
+
+<p>We have seen how the loyal Border-State men, through their chosen
+Representative&mdash;finding that their steady and unfaltering opposition to
+all Mr. Lincoln's propositions, while quite ineffectual, did not serve
+by any means to increase his respect for their peculiar kind of loyalty
+&mdash;offered him posthumous honors and worship if he would but do as they
+desired.  Had they possessed the power, no doubt they would have taken
+him up into an exceeding high mountain and have offered to him all the
+Kingdoms of the Earth to do their bidding.  But their temptations were
+of no avail.</p>
+
+<p>President Lincoln's duty, and inclination alike&mdash;no less than the
+earnest importunities of the Abolitionists&mdash;carried him in the opposite
+direction; but carried him no farther than he thought it safe, and wise,
+to go.  For, in whatever he might do on this burning question of
+Emancipation, he was determined to secure that adequate support from the
+People without which even Presidential Proclamations are waste paper.</p>
+
+<p>But now, May 9, 1862, was suddenly issued by General Hunter, commanding
+the "Department of the South," comprising Georgia, Florida and South
+Carolina, his celebrated Order announcing Martial Law, in those States,
+as a Military Necessity, and&mdash;as "Slavery and Martial Law in a Free
+Country are altogether incompatible"&mdash;declaring all Slaves therein,
+"forever Free."</p>
+
+<p>This second edition, as it were, of Fremont's performance, at once threw
+the loyal Border-State men into a terrible ferment.  Again, they, and
+their Copperhead and other Democratic friends of the North, meanly
+professed belief that this was but a part of Mr. Lincoln's programme,
+and that his apparent backwardness was the cloak to hide his
+Anti-Slavery aggressiveness and insincerity.</p>
+
+<p>How hurtful the insinuations, and even direct charges, of the day, made
+by these men against President Lincoln, must have been to his honest,
+sincere, and sensitive nature, can scarcely be conceived by those who
+did not know him; while, on the other hand, the reckless impatience of
+some of his friends for "immediate and universal Emancipation," and
+their complaints at his slow progress toward that goal of their hopes,
+must have been equally trying.</p>
+
+<p>True to himself, however, and to the wise conservative course which he
+had marked out, and, thus far, followed, President Lincoln hastened to
+disavow Hunter's action in the premises, by a Proclamation, heretofore
+given, declaring that no person had been authorized by the United States
+Government to declare the Slaves of any State, Free; that Hunter's
+action in this respect was void; that, as Commander-in-chief he reserved
+solely to himself, the questions, first, as to whether he had the power
+to declare the Slaves of any State or States, Free, and, second, whether
+the time and necessity for the exercise of such supposed power had
+arrived.  And then, as we may remember, he proceeded to cite the
+adoption, by overwhelming majorities in Congress, of the Joint
+Resolution offering pecuniary aid from the National Government to "any
+State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of Slavery;" and to make a
+most earnest appeal, for support, to the Border-States and to their
+people, as being "the most interested in the subject matter."</p>
+
+<p>In his Special Message to Congress,&mdash;[Of March 6, 1862.]&mdash;recommending
+the passage of that Joint Resolution, he had plainly and emphatically
+declared himself against sudden Emancipation of Slaves.  He had therein
+distinctly said: "In my judgment, gradual, and not immediate,
+Emancipation, is better for all."  And now, in this second appeal of his
+to the Border-States men, to patriotically close with the proposal
+embraced in that.  Resolution, he said: "The changes it contemplates
+would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or wrecking
+anything.  Will you not embrace it?  So much good has not been done, by
+one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it is now
+your high privilege to do!  May the vast future not have to lament that
+you have neglected it!"</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The following letter, from Sumner, shows the impatience of some of
+     the President's friends, the confidence he inspired in others
+     nearer in his counsels, and how entirely, at this time, his mind
+     was absorbed in his project for gradual and compensated
+     Emancipation.]</p>
+
+<p>                         "SENATE CHAMBER, June 5, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>     "MY DEAR SIR.&mdash;Your criticism of the President is hasty.  I am
+     confident that, if you knew him as I do, you would not make it.  Of
+     course the President cannot be held responsible for the
+     misfeasances of subordinates, unless adopted or at least tolerated
+     by him.  And I am sure that nothing unjust or ungenerous will be
+     tolerated, much less adopted, by him.</p>
+
+<p>     "I am happy to let you know that he has no sympathy with Stanly in
+     his absurd wickedness, closing the schools, nor again in his other
+     act of turning our camp into a hunting ground for Slaves.  He
+     repudiates both&mdash;positively.  The latter point has occupied much of
+     his thought; and the newspapers have not gone too far in recording
+     his repeated declarations, which I have often heard from his own
+     lips, that Slaves finding their way into the National lines are
+     never to be Re-enslaved&mdash;This is his conviction, expressed without
+     reserve.</p>
+
+<p>     "Could you have seen the President&mdash;as it was my privilege
+often&mdash;while he was considering the great questions on which he has
+     already acted&mdash;the invitation to Emancipation in the States,
+     Emancipation in the District of Columbia, and the acknowledgment of
+     the Independence of Hayti and Liberia&mdash;even your zeal would have
+     been satisfied, for you would have felt the sincerity of his
+     purpose to do what he could to carry forward the principles of the
+     Declaration of Independence.</p>
+
+<p>     "His whole soul was occupied, especially by the first proposition,
+     which was peculiarly his own.  In familiar intercourse with him, I
+     remember nothing more touching than the earnestness and
+     completeness with which he embraced this idea.  To his mind, it was
+     just and beneficent, while it promised the sure end of Slavery.  Of
+     course, to me, who had already proposed a bridge of gold for the
+     retreating fiend, it was most welcome.  Proceeding from the
+     President, it must take its place among the great events of
+     history.</p>
+
+<p>     "If you are disposed to be impatient at any seeming
+     shortcomings, think, I pray you, of what has been done in a brief
+     period, and from the past discern the sure promise of the future.
+     Knowing something of my convictions and of the ardor with which I
+     maintain them, you may, perhaps, derive some assurance from my
+     confidence; I may say to you, therefore, stand by the
+     Administration.  If need be, help it by word and act, but stand by
+     it and have faith in it.</p>
+
+<p>     "I wish that you really knew the President, and had heard the
+     artless expression of his convictions on those questions which
+     concern you so deeply.  You might, perhaps, wish that he were less
+     cautious, but you would be grateful that he is so true to all that
+     you have at heart.  Believe me, therefore, you are wrong, and I
+     regret it the more because of my desire to see all our friends
+     stand firmly together.</p>
+
+<p>     "If I write strongly it is because I feel strongly; for my constant
+     and intimate intercourse with the President, beginning with the 4th
+     of March, not only binds me peculiarly to his Administration, but
+     gives me a personal as well as a political interest in seeing that
+     justice is done him.</p>
+
+<p>     "Believe me, my dear Sir, with much regard, ever faithfully yours,<br>
+                              "CHARLES SUMNER."</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<br><br>
+<p>But stones are not more deaf to entreaty than were the ears of the loyal
+Border-State men and their allies to President Lincoln's renewed appeal.
+"Ephraim" was "wedded to his idols."</p>
+
+<p>McClellan too&mdash;immediately after his retreat from the Chickahominy to
+the James River&mdash;seized the opportunity afforded by the disasters to our
+arms, for which he was responsible, to write to President Lincoln a
+letter (dated July 7, 1862) in which he admonished him that owing to the
+"critical" condition of the Army of the Potomac, and the danger of its
+being "overwhelmed" by the Enemy in front, the President must now
+substantially assume and exercise the powers of a Dictator, or all would
+be lost; that "neither Confiscation of property * * * nor forcible
+Abolition of Slavery, should be contemplated for a moment;" and that "A
+declaration of Radical views, especially upon Slavery, will rapidly
+disintegrate our present Armies."</p>
+
+<p>Harried, and worried, on all sides,&mdash;threatened even by the Commander of
+the Army of the Potomac,&mdash;it is not surprising, in view of the
+apparently irreconcilable attitude of the loyal Border-State men to
+gradual and compensated Emancipation, that the tension of President
+Lincoln's mind began to feel a measure of relief in contemplating
+Military Emancipation in the teeth of all such threats.</p>
+
+<p>He had long since made up his mind that the existence of Slavery was not
+compatible with the preservation of the Union.  The only question now
+was, how to get rid of it?  If the worst should come to the
+worst&mdash;despite McClellan's threat&mdash;he would have to risk everything on the turn
+of the die&mdash;would have to "play his last card;" and that "last card" was
+Military Emancipation.  Yet still he disliked to play it.  The time and
+necessity for it had not yet arrived&mdash;although he thought he saw them
+coming.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [In the course of an article in the New York Tribune, August, 1885,
+     Hon.  George S.  Boutwell tells of an interview in "July or early
+     in August" of 1862, with President Lincoln, at which the latter
+     read two letters: one from a Louisiana man "who claimed to be a
+     Union man," but sought to impress the President with "the dangers
+     and evils of Emancipation;" the other, Mr. Lincoln's reply to him,
+     in which, says Mr. B., "he used this expression: 'you must not
+     expect me to give up this Government without playing my last card.'
+     Emancipation was his last card."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Things were certainly, at this time, sufficiently unpromising to chill
+the sturdiest Patriot's heart.  It is true, we had scored some important
+victories in the West; but in the East, our arms seemed fated to
+disaster after disaster.  Belmont, Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, and
+Pittsburg Landing, were names whose mention made the blood of Patriots
+to surge in their veins; and Corinth, too, had fallen.  But in the East,
+McClellan's profitless campaign against Richmond, and especially his
+disastrous "change of base" by a "masterly" seven days' retreat,
+involving as many bloody battles, had greatly dispirited all Union men,
+and encouraged the Rebels and Rebel-sympathizers to renewed hopes and
+efforts.</p>
+
+<p>And, as reverses came to the Union Arms, so seemed to grow
+proportionately the efforts, on all sides, to force forward, or to stave
+off, as the case might be, the great question of the liberation and
+arming of the Slaves, as a War Measure, under the War powers of the
+Constitution.  It was about this time (July 12, 1862) that President
+Lincoln determined to make a third, and last, attempt to avert the
+necessity for thus emancipating and arming the Slaves.  He invited all
+the Senators and Representatives in Congress from the Border-States, to
+an interview at the White House, and made to them the appeal, heretofore
+in these pages given at length.</p>
+
+<p>It was an earnest, eloquent, wise, kindly, patriotic, fatherly appeal in
+behalf of his old proposition, for a gradual, compensated Emancipation,
+by the Slave States, aided by the resources of the National Government.</p>
+
+<p>At the very time of making it, he probably had, in his drawer, the rough
+draft of the Proclamation which was soon to give Liberty to all the
+Colored millions of the Land.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [McPherson gives a letter, written from Washington, by Owen Lovejoy
+     (Feb. 22, 1864), to Wm. Lloyd Garrison, in which the following
+     passage occurs:</p>
+
+<p>     "Recurring to the President, there are a great many reports
+     concerning him which seem to be reliable and authentic, which,
+     after all, are not so.  It was currently reported among the
+		 Anti-Slavery men of Illinois that the Emancipation Proclamation was
+     extorted from him by the outward pressure, and particularly by the
+     Delegation from the Christian Convention that met at Chicago.</p>
+
+<p>     "Now, the fact is this, as I had it from his own lips: He had
+     written the Proclamation in the Summer, as early as June, I
+		 think&mdash;but will not be certain as to the precise time&mdash;and called his
+     Cabinet together, and informed them he had written it and meant to
+     make it, but wanted to read it to them for any criticism or remarks
+     as to its features or details.</p>
+
+<p>     "After having done so, Mr. Seward suggested whether it would not be
+     well for him to withhold its publication until after we had gained
+     some substantial advantage in the Field, as at that time we had met
+     with many reverses, and it might be considered a cry of despair.
+     He told me he thought the suggestion a wise one, and so held on to
+     the Proclamation until after the Battle of Antietam."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Be that as it may, however, sufficient evidences exist, to prove that he
+must have been fully aware, at the time of making that appeal to the
+supposed patriotism of these Border-State men, how much, how very much,
+depended on the manner of their reception of it.</p>
+
+<p>To him, that meeting was a very solemn and portentous one.  He had
+studied the question long and deeply&mdash;not from the standpoint of his own
+mere individual feelings and judgment, but from that of fair
+Constitutional construction, as interpreted by the light of Natural or
+General Law and right reason.  What he sought to impress upon them was,
+that an immediate decision by the Border-States to adopt, and in due
+time carry out, with the financial help of the General Government, a
+policy of gradual Emancipation, would simultaneously solve the two
+intimately-blended problems of Slavery-destruction and
+Union-preservation, in the best possible manner for the pockets and feelings
+of the Border-State Slave-holder, and for the other interests of both
+Border-State Slave-holder and Slave.</p>
+
+<p>His great anxiety was to "perpetuate," as well as to save, to the People
+of the World, the imperiled form of Popular Government, and assure to it
+a happy and a grand future.</p>
+
+<p>He begged these Congressmen from the Border-States, to help him carry
+out this, his beneficent plan, in the way that was best for all, and
+thus at the same time utterly deprive the Rebel Confederacy of that
+hope, which still possessed them, of ultimately gathering these States
+into their rebellious fold.  And he very plainly, at the same time,
+confessed that he desired this relief from the Abolition pressure upon
+him, which had been growing more intense ever since he had repudiated
+the Hunter proclamation.</p>
+
+<p>But the President's earnest appeal to these loyal Representatives in
+Congress from the Border-States, was, as we have seen, in vain.  It
+might as well have been made to actual Rebels, for all the good it did.
+For, a few days afterward, they sent to him a reply signed by more than
+two-thirds of those present, hitherto given at length in these pages, in
+which-after loftily sneering at the proposition as "an interference by
+this Government with a question which peculiarly and exclusively
+belonged to" their "respective States, on which they had not sought
+advice or solicited aid," throwing doubts upon the Constitutional power
+of the General Government to give the financial aid, and undertaking by
+statistics to prove that it would absolutely bankrupt the Government to
+give such aid,&mdash;they insultingly declared, in substance, that they could
+not "trust anything to the contingencies of future legislation," and
+that Congress must "provide sufficient funds" and place those funds in
+the President's hands for the purpose, before the Border-States and
+their people would condescend even to "take this proposition into
+careful consideration, for such decision as in their judgment is
+demanded by their interest, their honor, and their duty to the whole
+Country."</p>
+
+<p>Very different in tone, to be sure, was the minority reply, which, after
+stating that "the leaders of the Southern Rebellion have offered to
+abolish Slavery among them as a condition to Foreign Intervention in
+favor of their Independence as a Nation," concluded with the terse and
+loyal deduction: "If they can give up Slavery to destroy the Union, we
+can surely ask our people to consider the question of Emancipation to
+save the Union."</p>
+
+<p>But those who signed this latter reply were few, among the many.
+Practically, the Border-State men were a unit against Mr. Lincoln's
+proposition, and against its fair consideration by their people.  He
+asked for meat, and they gave him a stone.</p>
+
+<p>Only a few days before this interview, President Lincoln&mdash;alarmed by the
+report of McClellan, that the magnificent Army of the Potomac under his
+command, which, only three months before, had boasted 161,000 men, had
+dwindled down to not more than "50,000 men left with their colors"&mdash;had
+been to the front, at Harrison's Landing, on the James river, and,
+although he had not found things quite so disheartening as he had been
+led to believe, yet they were bad enough, for only 86,000 men were found
+by him on duty, while 75,000 were unaccounted for&mdash;of which number
+34,4172 were afterward reported as "absent by authority."</p>
+
+<p>This condition of affairs, in connection with the fact that McClellan
+was always calling for more troops, undoubtedly had its influence in
+bringing Mr. Lincoln's mind to the conviction, hitherto mentioned, of
+the fast-approaching Military necessity for Freeing and Arming the
+Slaves.</p>
+
+<p>It was to ward this off, if possible, that he had met and appealed to
+the Border-State Representatives.  They had answered him with sneers and
+insults; and nothing was left him but the extreme course of almost
+immediate Emancipation.</p>
+
+<p>Long and anxiously he had thought over the matter, but the time for
+action was at hand.</p>
+
+<p>And now, it cannot be better told, than in President Lincoln's own
+words, as given to the portrait-painter Carpenter, and recorded in the
+latter's, "Six months in the White House," what followed:</p>
+
+<p>"It had got to be," said he, "midsummer, 1862.  Things had gone on from
+bad to worse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on
+the plan of operations we had been pursuing; that we had about played
+our last card, and must change our tactics, or lose the game!</p>
+
+<p>"I now determined upon the adoption of the Emancipation Policy; and,
+without consultation with, or the knowledge of, the Cabinet, I prepared
+the original draft of the Proclamation, and, after much anxious thought,
+called a Cabinet meeting upon the subject.  This was the last of July,
+or the first part of the month of August, 1862."  (The exact date he did
+not remember.)</p>
+
+<p>"This Cabinet meeting took place, I think, upon a Saturday.  All were
+present, excepting Mr. Blair, the Postmaster-General, who was absent at
+the opening of the discussion, but came in subsequently.  I said to the
+Cabinet, that I had resolved upon this step, and had not called them
+together to ask their advice, but to lay the subject-matter of a
+Proclamation before them; suggestions as to which would be in order,
+after they had heard it read.</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Lovejoy was in error" when he stated "that it excited no comment,
+excepting on the part of Secretary Seward.  Various suggestions were
+offered.  Secretary Chase wished the language stronger, in reference to
+the arming of the Blacks.  Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the
+policy, on the ground that it would cost the Administration the fall
+elections.</p>
+
+<p>"Nothing, however, was offered, that I had not already
+fully anticipated and settled in my own mind, until Secretary Seward
+spoke.  He said in substance: 'Mr. President, I approve of the
+Proclamation, but I question the expediency of its issue at this
+juncture.  The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our
+repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a
+step.  It may be viewed as the last Measure of an exhausted Government,
+a cry for help, the Government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia,
+instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the Government.'</p>
+
+<p>"His idea," said the President "was that it would be considered our last
+shriek, on the retreat." (This was his precise expression.)  "' Now,'
+continued Mr. Seward, 'while I approve the Measure, I suggest, Sir, that
+you postpone its issue, until you can give it to the Country supported
+by Military success, instead of issuing it, as would be the case now,
+upon the greatest disasters of the War!'"</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Lincoln continued: "The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of
+State, struck me with very great force.  It was an aspect of the case
+that, in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked.
+The result was that I put the draft of the Proclamation aside, as you do
+your sketch for a picture, waiting for a victory."</p>
+
+<p>It may not be amiss to interrupt the President's narration to Mr.
+Carpenter, at this point, with a few words touching "the Military
+Situation."</p>
+
+<p>After McClellan's inexplicable retreat from before the Rebel
+Capital&mdash;when, having gained a great victory at Malvern Hills, Richmond would
+undoubtedly have been ours, had he but followed it up, instead of
+ordering his victorious troops to retreat like "a whipped Army"&mdash;[See
+General Hooker's testimony before the Committee on the Conduct of the
+War.]&mdash;his recommendation, in the extraordinary letter (of July 7th) to
+the President, for the creation of the office of General-in-Chief, was
+adopted, and Halleck, then at Corinth, was ordered East, to fill it.</p>
+
+<p>Pope had previously been called from the West, to take
+command of the troops covering Washington, comprising some 40,000 men,
+known as the Army of Virginia; and, finding cordial cooperation with
+McClellan impossible, had made a similar suggestion.</p>
+
+<p>Soon after Halleck's arrival, that General ordered the transfer of the
+Army of the Potomac, from Harrison's Landing to Acquia creek&mdash;on the
+Potomac&mdash;with a view to a new advance upon Richmond, from the
+Rappahannock river.</p>
+
+<p>While this was being slowly accomplished, Lee, relieved from fears for
+Richmond, decided to advance upon Washington, and speedily commenced the
+movement.</p>
+
+<p>On the 8th of August, 1862, Stonewall Jackson, leading the Rebel
+advance, had crossed the Rapidan; on the 9th the bloody Battle of Cedar
+Mountain had been fought with part of Pope's Army; and on the 11th,
+Jackson had retreated across the Rapidan again.</p>
+
+<p>Subsequently, Pope having retired across the Rappahannock, Lee's Forces,
+by flanking Pope's Army, again resumed their Northern advance.  August
+28th and 29th witnessed the bloody Battles of Groveton and Gainesville,
+Virginia; the 30th saw the defeat of Pope, by Lee, at the second great
+Battle of Bull Run, and the falling back of Pope's Army toward
+Washington; and the succeeding Battle of Chantilly took place September
+1, 1862.</p>
+
+<p>It is not necessary at this time to even touch upon the causes and
+agencies which brought such misfortune to the Union Arms, under Pope.
+It is sufficient to say here, that the disaster of the second Bull Run
+was a dreadful blow to the Union Cause, and correspondingly elated the
+Rebels.</p>
+
+<p>Jefferson Davis, in transmitting to the Rebel Congress at Richmond,
+Lee's victorious announcements, said, in his message: "From these
+dispatches it will be seen that God has again extended His shield over
+our patriotic Army, and has blessed the cause of the Confederacy with a
+second signal victory, on the field already memorable by the gallant
+achievement of our troops."</p>
+
+<p>Flushed with victory, but wisely avoiding the fortifications of the
+National Capital, Lee's Forces now swept past Washington; crossed the
+Potomac, near Point of Rocks, at its rear; and menaced both the National
+Capital and Baltimore.</p>
+
+<p>Yielding to the apparent necessity of the moment, the President again
+placed.  McClellan in command of the Armies about Washington, to wit:
+the Army of the Potomac; Burnside's troops that had come up from North
+Carolina; what remained of Pope's Army of Virginia; and the large
+reinforcements from fresh levies, constantly and rapidly pouring in.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [This was probably about the time of the occurrence of an amusing
+     incident, touching Lincoln, McClellan, and the fortifications
+     around Washington, afterward told by General J. G. Barnard, then
+     Chief of Engineers on the staff of General George B.
+		 McClellan.&mdash;See New York Tribune, October 21, 1885.  It seems that the
+     fortifications having been completed, McClellan invited Mr. Lincoln
+     and his Cabinet to inspect them.  "On the day appointed," said
+     Barnard, "the Inspection commenced at Arlington, to the Southwest
+     of Washington, and in front of the Enemy.  We followed the line of
+     the works southerly, and recrossed the Potomac to the easterly side
+     of the river, and continued along the line easterly of Washington
+     and into the heaviest of all the fortifications on the northerly
+     side of Washington.  When we reached this point the President asked
+     General McClellan to explain the necessity of so strong a
+     fortification between Washington and the North.</p>
+
+<p>     "General McClellan replied: 'Why, Mr. President, according to
+     Military Science it is our duty to guard against every possible or
+     supposable contingency that may arise.  For example, if under any
+     circumstances, however fortuitous, the Enemy, by any chance or
+     freak, should, in a last resort, get in behind Washington, in his
+     efforts to capture the city, why, there the fort is to defend it.'</p>
+
+<p>     "'Yes, that's so General,' said the President; 'the precaution is
+     doubtless a wise one, and I'm glad to get so clear an explanation,
+     for it reminds me of an interesting question once discussed for
+     several weeks in our Lyceum, or Moot Court, at Springfield, Ill.,
+     soon after I began reading law.'</p>
+
+<p>     "'Ah!' says General McClellan.  'What question was that, Mr.
+     President?'</p>
+
+<p>     "'The question,' Mr. Lincoln replied, 'was, "Why does man have
+     breasts?"' and he added that after many evenings' debate, the
+     question was submitted to the presiding Judge, who wisely decided
+     'That if under any circumstances, however fortuitous, or by any
+     chance or freak, no matter of what nature or by what cause, a man
+     should have a baby, there would be the breasts to nurse it.'"]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Yet, it was not until the 17th of September that the Battle of Antietam
+was fought, and Lee defeated&mdash;and then only to be allowed to slip back,
+across the Potomac, on the 18th&mdash;McClellan leisurely following him,
+across that river, on the 2nd of November!</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Arnold, in his "Life of Abraham Lincoln," says that President
+     Lincoln said of him: "With all his failings as a soldier, McClellan
+     is a pleasant and scholarly gentleman.  He is an admirable
+     Engineer, but" he added, "he seems to have a special talent for a
+     stationary Engine."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+
+<p>On the 5th, McClellan was relieved,&mdash;Burnside taking the command,&mdash;and
+Union men breathed more freely again.</p>
+
+<p>But to return to the subject of Emancipation.  President Lincoln's own
+words have already been given&mdash;in conversation with Carpenter&mdash;down to
+the reading of the Proclamation to his Cabinet, and Seward's suggestion
+to "wait for a victory" before issuing it, and how, adopting that
+advice, he laid the Proclamation aside, waiting for a victory.</p>
+
+<p>"From time to time," said Mr. Lincoln, continuing his narration, "I
+added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously
+waiting the progress of events.  Well, the next news we had was of
+Pope's disaster at Bull Run.  Things looked darker than ever.  Finally,
+came the week of the Battle of Antietam.  I determined to wait no
+longer.</p>
+
+<p>"The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our
+side.  I was then staying at the Soldiers' Home (three miles out of
+Washington.)  Here I finished writing the second draft of the
+preliminary Proclamation; came up on Saturday; called the Cabinet
+together to hear it; and it was published the following Monday."</p>
+
+<p>It is not uninteresting to note, in this connection, upon the same
+authority, that at the final meeting of the Cabinet prior to this issue
+of the Proclamation, when the third paragraph was read, and the words of
+the draft "will recognize the Freedom of such Persons," were reached,
+Mr. Seward suggested the insertion of the words "and maintain" after the
+word "recognize;" and upon his insistence, the President said, "the
+words finally went in."</p>
+
+<p>At last, then, had gone forth the Fiat&mdash;telegraphed and read throughout
+the Land, on that memorable 22d of September, 1862&mdash;which, with the
+supplemental Proclamation of January 1, 1863, was to bring joy and
+Freedom to the millions of Black Bondsmen of the South.</p>
+
+<p>Just one month before its issue, in answer to Horace Greeley's Open
+letter berating him for "the seeming subserviency" of his "policy to the
+Slave-holding, Slave up-holding interest," etc., President Lincoln had
+written his famous "Union letter" in which he had conservatively said:
+"My paramount object is to save the Union, and not either to save or
+destroy Slavery.  If I could save the Union without freeing any Slave, I
+would do it&mdash;and if I could save it by freeing all the Slaves, I would
+do it&mdash;and if I could save it by freeing some, and leaving others alone,
+I would also do that."</p>
+
+<p>No one outside of his Cabinet dreamed, at the time he made that answer,
+that the Proclamation of Emancipation was already written, and simply
+awaited a turn in the tide of battle for its issue!</p>
+
+<p>Still less could it have been supposed, when, on the 13th of
+September&mdash;only two days before Stonewall Jackson had invested, attacked, and
+captured Harper's Ferry with nearly 12,000 prisoners, 73 cannon, and
+13,000 small arms, besides other spoils of War&mdash;Mr. Lincoln received the
+deputation from the religious bodies of Chicago, bearing a Memorial for
+the immediate issue of such a Proclamation.</p>
+
+<p>The very language of his reply,&mdash;where he said to them: "It is my
+earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter.  And if I
+can learn what it is, I will do it!  These are not, however, the days of
+miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a
+direct revelation.  I must study the plain physical aspects of the case,
+ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and
+right"&mdash;when taken in connection with the very strong argument with
+which he followed it up, against the policy of Emancipation advocated in
+the Memorial, and his intimation that a Proclamation of Emancipation
+issued by him "must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's Bull
+against the Comet!"&mdash;would almost seem to have been adopted with the
+very object of veiling his real purpose from the public eye, and leaving
+the public mind in doubt.  At all events, it had that effect.</p>
+
+<p>Arnold, in his "Life of Lincoln," says of this time, when General Lee
+was marching Northward toward Pennsylvania, that "now, the President,
+with that tinge of superstition which ran through his character, 'made,'
+as he said, 'a solemn vow to God, that, if Lee was driven back, he would
+issue the Proclamation;'" and, in the light of that statement, the
+concluding words of Mr. Lincoln's reply to the deputation aforesaid:&mdash;"I
+can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more
+than any other.  Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will
+do,"&mdash;have a new meaning.</p>
+
+<p>The Emancipation Proclamation, when issued, was a great surprise, but
+was none the less generally well-received by the Union Armies, and
+throughout the Loyal States of the Union, while, in some of them, its
+reception was most enthusiastic.</p>
+
+<p>It happened, too, as we have seen, that the Convention of the Governors
+of the Loyal States met at Altoona, Penn., on the very day of its
+promulgation, and in an address to the President adopted by these loyal
+Governors, they publicly hailed it "with heartfelt gratitude and
+encouraged hope," and declared that "the decision of the President to
+strike at the root of the Rebellion will lend new vigor to efforts, and
+new life and hope to the hearts, of the People."</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the loyal Border-States men were dreadfully exercised
+on the subject; and those of them in the House of Representatives
+emphasized their disapproval by their votes, when, on the 11th and 15th
+of the following December, Resolutions, respectively denouncing, and
+endorsing, "the policy of Emancipation, as indicated in that
+Proclamation," of September 22, 1862, were offered and voted on.</p>
+
+<p>In spite of the loyal Border-States men's bitter opposition, however,
+the Resolution endorsing that policy as a War Measure, and declaring the
+Proclamation to be "an exercise of power with proper regard for the
+rights of the States and the perpetuity of Free Government," as we have
+seen, passed the House.</p>
+
+<p>Of course the Rebels themselves, against whom it was aimed, gnashed
+their teeth in impotent rage over the Proclamation.  But they lost no
+time in declaring that it was only a proof of what they had always
+announced: that the War was not for the preservation of the American
+Union, but for the destruction of African Slavery, and the spoilation of
+the Southern States.</p>
+
+<p>Through their friends and emissaries, in the Border and other Loyal
+States of the Union,&mdash;the "Knights of the Golden Circle,"&mdash;</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The "Knights of the Golden Circle" was the most extensive of these
+     Rebel organizations.  It was "an auxiliary force to the Rebel
+     Army."  Its members took an obligation of the most binding
+     character, the violation of which was punishable by death, which
+     obligation, in the language of another, "pledged them to use every
+     possible means in their power to aid the Rebels to gain their
+     Independence; to aid and assist Rebel prisoners to escape; to vote
+     for no one for Office who was not opposed to the further
+     prosecution of the War; to encourage desertions from the Union
+     Army; to protect the Rebels in all things necessary to carry out
+     their designs, even to the burning and destroying of towns and
+     cities, if necessary to produce the desired result; to give such
+     information as they had, at all times, of the movements of our
+     Armies, and of the return of soldiers to their homes; and to try
+     and prevent their going back to their regiments at the front."</p>
+
+<p>     In other words the duty of the Organization and of its members, was
+     to hamper, oppose, and prevent all things possible that were being
+     done at any time for the Union Cause, and to encourage, forward,
+     and help all things possible in behalf of the Rebel Cause.</p>
+
+<p>     It was to be a flanking force of the Enemy&mdash;a reverse fire&mdash;a fire
+     in the rear of the Union Army, by Northern men; a powerful
+     cooperating force&mdash;all the more powerful because secret&mdash;operating
+     safely because secretly and in silence&mdash;and breeding discontent,
+     envy, hatred, and other ill feelings wherever possible, in and out
+     of Army circles, from the highest to the lowest, at all possible
+     times, and on all possible occasions.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>&mdash;the "Order of American Knights" or "Sons of Liberty," and other
+Copperhead organizations, tainted with more or less of Treason&mdash;they
+stirred up all the old dregs of Pro-Slavery feeling that could possibly
+he reached; but while the venomous acts and utterances of such
+organizations, and the increased and vindictive energy of the armed
+Rebels themselves, had a tendency to disquiet the public mind with
+apprehensions as to the result of the Proclamation, and whether, indeed,
+Mr. Lincoln himself would be able to resist the pressure, and stand up
+to his promise of that Supplemental Proclamation which would give
+definiteness and practical effect to the preliminary one, the masses of
+the people of the Loyal States had faith in him.</p>
+
+<p>There was also another element, in chains, at the South, which at this
+time must have been trembling with that mysterious hope of coming
+Emancipation for their Race, conveyed so well in Whittier's lines,
+commencing: "We pray de Lord; he gib us signs, dat some day we be Free"
+&mdash;a hope which had long animated them, as of something almost too good
+for them to live to enjoy, but which, as the War progressed, appeared to
+grow nearer and nearer, until now they seemed to see the promised Land,
+flowing with milk and honey, its beautiful hills and vales smiling under
+the quickening beams of Freedom's glorious sun.  But ah! should they
+enter there?&mdash;or must they turn away again into the old wilderness of
+their Slavery, and this blessed Liberty, almost within their grasp,
+mockingly elude them?</p>
+
+<p>They had not long to wait for an answer.  The 1st of January, 1863,
+arrived, and with it&mdash;as a precious New Year's Gift&mdash;came the
+Supplemental Proclamation, bearing the sacred boon of Liberty to the
+Emancipated millions.</p>
+
+<p>At last, at last, no American need blush to stand up and proclaim his
+land indeed, and in truth, "the Land of Freedom."</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="halleck"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p492-halleck.jpg (83K)" src="images/p492-halleck.jpg" height="817" width="596">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch21"></a><br><br>
+
+
+<center>
+<h2>
+                              CHAPTER XXI.<br><br>
+
+                           THE ARMED NEGRO.
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+<p>Little over five months had passed, since the occurrence of the great
+event in the history of the American Nation mentioned in the preceding
+Chapter, before the Freed Negro, now bearing arms in defense of the
+Union and of his own Freedom, demonstrated at the first attack on Port
+Hudson the wisdom of emancipating and arming the Slave, as a War
+measure.  He seemed thoroughly to appreciate and enter into the spirit
+of the words; "who would be Free, himself must strike the blow."</p>
+
+<p>At the attack (of May 27th, 1863), on Port Hudson, where it held the
+right, the "Black Brigade" covered itself with glory.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     At Baton Rouge, before starting for Port Hudson, the color-guard of
+     the First Louisiana Regiment&mdash;of the Black Brigade&mdash;received the
+     Regimental flags from their white colonel, (Col. Stafford,) then
+     under arrest, in a speech which ended with the injunction:
+		 "Color-guard, protect, defend, die for, but do not surrender these flags;"
+     to which Sergeant Planciancois replied: "Colonel, I will bring
+     these colors to you in honor, or report to God the reason why!"  He
+     fell, mortally wounded, in one of the many desperate charges at
+     Port Hudson, with his face to the Enemy, and the colors in his
+     hand.</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Banks, in his Report, speaking of the Colored regiments, said: "Their
+conduct was heroic.  No troops could be more determined or more daring.
+They made, during the day, three charges upon the batteries of the
+Enemy, suffering very heavy losses, and holding their positions at
+nightfall with the other troops on the right of our line.  The highest
+commendation is bestowed upon them by all the officers in command on the
+right."</p>
+
+<p>The New York Times' correspondent said:&mdash;"The deeds of heroism performed
+by these Colored men were such as the proudest White men might emulate.
+Their colors are torn to pieces by shot, and literally bespattered by
+blood and brains.  The color-sergeant of the 1st Louisiana, on being
+mortally wounded (the top of his head taken off by a sixpounder), hugged
+the colors to his breast, when a struggle ensued between the two
+color-corporals on each side of him, as to who should have the honor of
+bearing the sacred standard, and during this generous contention one was
+seriously wounded."</p>
+
+<p>So again, on Sunday the 6th of June following, at Milliken's Bend, where
+an African brigade, with 160 men of the 23rd Iowa, although surprised in
+camp by a largely superior force of the Enemy, repulsed him
+gallantly&mdash;of which action General Grant, in his official Report, said: "In this
+battle, most of the troops engaged were Africans, who had but little
+experience in the use of fire-arms.  Their conduct is said, however, to
+have been most gallant."</p>
+
+<p>So, also, in the bloody assault of July 18th, on Fort Wagner, which was
+led by the 54th Massachusetts (Colored) Regiment with intrepidity, and
+where they planted, and for some time maintained, their Country's flag
+on the parapet, until they "melted away before the Enemy's fire, their
+bodies falling down the slope and into the ditch."</p>
+
+<p>And from that time on, through the War&mdash;at Wilson's Wharf, in the many
+bloody charges at Petersburg, at Deep Bottom, at Chapin's Farm, Fair
+Oaks, and numerous other battle-fields, in Virginia and elsewhere, right
+down to Appomattox&mdash;the African soldier fought courageously, fully
+vindicating the War-wisdom of Abraham Lincoln in emancipating and arming
+the Race.</p>
+
+<p>The promulgation of this New Year's Proclamation of Freedom
+unquestionably had a wonderful effect in various ways, upon the outcome
+of the War.</p>
+
+<p>It cleared away the cobwebs which the arguments of the loyal
+Border-State men, and of the Northern Copperheads and other Disunion and
+Pro-Slavery allies of the Rebels were forever weaving for the
+discouragement, perplexity and ensnarement, of the thoroughly loyal
+out-and-out Union men of the Land.  It largely increased our strength in
+fighting material.  It brought to us the moral support of the World,
+with the active sympathy of philanthropy's various forces.  And besides,
+it correspondingly weakened the Rebels.  Every man thus freed from his
+Bondage, and mustered into the Union Armies, was not only a gain of one
+man on the Union side, but a loss of one man to the Enemy.  It is not,
+therefore, surprising that the Disunion Conspirators&mdash;whether at the
+South or at the North&mdash;were furious.</p>
+
+<p>The Chief Conspirator, Jefferson Davis, had already, (December 23,
+1862,) issued a proclamation of outlawry against General B. F. Butler,
+for arming certain Slaves that had become Free upon entering his
+lines&mdash;the two last clauses of which provided: "That all Negro Slaves captured
+in arms, be at once delivered over to the Executive authorities of the
+respective States to which they belong, to be dealt with according to
+the laws of said States," and "That the like orders be executed in all
+cases with respect to all commissioned Officers of the United States,
+when found serving in company with said Slaves in insurrection against
+the authorities of the different States of this Confederacy."</p>
+
+<p>He now called the attention of the Rebel Congress to President Lincoln's
+two Proclamations of Emancipation, early in January of 1863; and that
+Body responded by adopting, on the 1st of May of that year, a
+Resolution, the character of which was so cold-bloodedly atrocious, that
+modern Civilization might well wonder and Christianity shudder at its
+purport.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [It was in these words:</p>
+
+<p>     "Resolved, by the Congress of the Confederate States of America, In
+     response to the Message of the President, transmitted to Congress
+     at the commencement of the present session, That, in the opinion of
+     Congress, the commissioned officers of the Enemy ought not to be
+     delivered to the authorities of the respective States, as suggested
+     in the said Message, but all captives taken by the Confederate
+     forces ought to be dealt with and disposed of by the Confederate
+     Government.</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 2.&mdash;That, in the judgment of Congress, the proclamations of
+     the President of the United States, dated respectively September
+     22, 1862, and January 1, 1863, and the other measures of the
+     Government of the United States and of its authorities, commanders,
+     and forces, designed or tending to emancipate slaves in the
+     Confederate States, or to abduct such slaves, or to incite them to
+     insurrection, or to employ negroes in war against the Confederate
+     States, or to overthrow the institution of African Slavery, and
+     bring on a servile war in these States, would, if successful,
+     produce atrocious consequences, and they are inconsistent with the
+     spirit of those usages which, in modern warfare, prevail among
+     civilized nations; they may, therefore, be properly and lawfully
+     repressed by retaliation.</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 3.&mdash;That in every case wherein, during the present war, any
+     violation of the laws or usages of war among civilized nations
+     shall be, or has been, done and perpetrated by those acting under
+     authority of the Government of the United States, on persons or
+     property of citizens of the Confederate States, or of those under
+     the protection or in the land or naval service of the Confederate
+     States, or of any State of the Confederacy, the President of the
+     Confederate States is hereby authorized to cause full and ample
+     retaliation to be made for every such violation, in such manner and
+     to such extent as he may think proper.</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 4.&mdash;That every white person, being a commissioned officer, or
+     acting as such, who, during the present war, shall command negroes
+     or mulattoes in arms against the Confederate States, or who shall
+     arm, train, organize, or prepare negroes or mulattoes for military
+     service against the Confederate States, or who shall voluntarily
+     aid negroes or mulattoes in any military enterprise, attack, or
+     conflict in such service, shall be deemed as inciting servile
+     insurrection, and shall, if captured, be put to death, or be
+     otherwise punished at the discretion of the Court.</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 5.&mdash;Every person, being a commissioned officer, or acting as
+     such in the service of the Enemy, who shall, during the present
+     war, excite, attempt to excite, or cause to be excited, a servile
+     insurrection, or who shall incite, or cause to be incited, a slave
+     to rebel, shall, if captured, be put to death, or be otherwise
+     punished at the discretion of the court.</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 6.&mdash;Every person charged with an offense punishable under the
+     preceding resolutions shall, during the present war, be tried
+     before the military court attached to the army or corps by the
+     troops of which he shall have been captured, or by such other
+     military court as the President may direct, and in such manner and
+     under such regulations as the President shall prescribe; and, after
+     conviction, the President may commute the punishment in such manner
+     and on such terms as he may deem proper.</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 7.&mdash;All negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged in war, or
+     be taken in arms against the Confederate States, or shall give aid
+     or comfort to the enemies of the Confederate States, shall, when
+     captured in the Confederate States, be delivered to the authorities
+     of the State or States in which they shall be captured, to be dealt
+     with according to the present or future laws of such State or
+     States."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>But atrocious as were the provisions of the Resolution, or Act
+aforesaid, in that they threatened death or Slavery to every Black man
+taken with Union arms in his hand, and death to every White commissioned
+officer commanding Black soldiers, yet the manner in which they were
+executed was still more barbarous.</p>
+
+<p>At last it became necessary to adopt some measure by which captured
+Colored Union soldiers might be protected equally with captured White
+Union soldiers from the frequent Rebel violations of the Laws of War in
+the cases of the former.</p>
+
+<p>President Lincoln, therefore, issued an Executive Order prescribing
+retaliatory measures.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [In the following words:</p>
+
+<p>     "EXECUTIVE MANSION,</p>
+
+<p>     "WASHINGTON, July 30, 1863.</p>
+
+<p>     "It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its
+     citizens, of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to
+     those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service.
+     The Law of Nations, and the usages and customs of War, as carried
+     on by civilized Powers, permit no distinction as to color in the
+     treatment of prisoners of War, as public enemies.</p>
+
+<p>     "To sell or Enslave any captured person, on account of his Color,
+     and for no offense against the Laws of War, is a relapse into
+     barbarism, and a crime against the civilization of the age.</p>
+
+<p>     "The Government of the United States will give the same protection
+     to all its soldiers, and if the Enemy shall sell or Enslave any one
+     because of his color, the offense shall be punished by Retaliation
+     upon the Enemy's prisoners in our possession.</p>
+
+<p>     "It is therefore Ordered, that, for every soldier of the United
+     States killed in violation of the Laws of War, a Rebel soldier
+     shall be executed; and for every one Enslaved by the Enemy or sold
+     into Slavery, a Rebel soldier shall be placed at hard work on the
+     public works, and continued at such labor until the other shall be
+     released and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of War.</p>
+
+<p>     "By order of the Secretary of War.  <br>
+ABRAHAM LINCOLN.  E. D.<br>
+     TOWNSEND, Assistant Adjutant-General."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<br><br>
+<p>It was hoped that the mere announcement of the decision of our
+Government to retaliate, would put an instant stop to the barbarous
+conduct of the Rebels toward the captured Colored Union troops, but the
+hope was vain.  The atrocities continued, and their climax was capped by
+the cold-blooded massacres perpetrated by Forrest's 5,000 Cavalry, after
+capturing Fort Pillow, a short distance above Memphis, on the
+Mississippi river.</p>
+
+<p>The garrison of that Fort comprised less than 600 Union soldiers, about
+one-half of whom were White, and the balance Black.  These brave fellows
+gallantly defended the Fort against eight times their number, from
+before sunrise until the afternoon, when&mdash;having failed to win by fair
+means, under the Laws of War,&mdash;the Enemy treacherously crept up the
+ravines on either side of the Fort, under cover of flags of truce, and
+then, with a sudden rush, carried it, butchering both Blacks and Whites
+&mdash;who had thrown away their arms, and were striving to escape&mdash;until
+night temporarily put an end to the sanguinary tragedy.</p>
+
+<p>On the following morning the massacre was completed by the butchery and
+torture of wounded remnants of these brave Union defenders&mdash;some being
+buried alive, and others nailed to boards, and burned to death.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [For full account of these hideous atrocities, see testimony of
+     survivors before the Committee on Conduct and Expenditures of the
+     War.  (H. R.  Report, No. 65, 1st S.  38th Cong.)]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>And all this murderous malignity, for what?&mdash;Simply, and only, because
+one-half of the Patriot victims had Black skins, while the other half
+had dared to fight by the side of the Blacks!</p>
+
+<p>In the after-days of the War, the cry with which our Union Black
+regiments went into battle:&mdash;"Remember Fort Pillow!"&mdash;inspired them to
+deeds of valor, and struck with terror the hearts of the Enemy.  On many
+a bloody field, Fort Pillow was avenged.</p>
+
+<p>It is a common error to suppose that the first arming of the Black man
+was on the Union side.  The first Black volunteer company was a Rebel
+one, raised  early in May, 1861, in the city of Memphis, Tenn.; and at
+Charleston, S. C., Lynchburg, Va., and Norfolk, Va., large bodies of
+Free Negroes volunteered, and were engaged, earlier than that, to do
+work on the Rebel batteries.</p>
+
+<p>On June 28th of the same year, the Rebel Legislature of Tennessee passed
+an Act not only authorizing the Governor "to receive into the Military
+service of the State all male Free persons of Color between the ages of
+fifteen and fifty, or such number as may be necessary, who may be sound
+in mind and body, and capable of actual service," but also prescribing
+"That in the event a sufficient number of Free persons of Color to meet
+the wants of the State shall not tender their services, the Governor is
+empowered, through the Sheriffs of the different counties, to press such
+persons until the requisite number is obtained."</p>
+
+<p>At a review of Rebel troops, at New Orleans, November 23, 1861, "One
+regiment comprised 1,400 Free Colored men."  Vast numbers of both Free
+Negroes and Slaves were employed to construct Rebel fortifications
+throughout the War, in all the Rebel States.  And on the 17th of
+February, 1864, the Rebel Congress passed an Act which provides in its
+first section "That all male Free Negroes * * * resident in the
+Confederate States, between the ages of eighteen and fifty years, shall
+be held liable to perform such duties with the Army, or in connection
+with the Military defenses of the Country, in the way of work upon the
+fortifications, or in Government works for the production or preparation
+of materials of War, or in Military hospitals, as the Secretary of War
+or the Commanding General of the Trans-Mississippi Department may, from
+time to time, prescribe:" while the third section provides that when the
+Secretary of War shall "be unable to procure the service of Slaves in
+any Military Department, then he is authorized to impress the services
+of as many male Slaves, not to exceed twenty thousand, as may be
+required, from time to time, to discharge the duties indicated in the
+first section of the Act."</p>
+
+<p>And this Act of, the Rebel Congress was passed only forty days before
+the fiendish massacre of the Union Whites and Blacks who together, at
+Fort Pillow, were performing for the Union, "such duties with the Army,"
+and "in connection with the Military defenses of the Country," as had
+been prescribed for them by their Commanding General!</p>
+
+<p>Under any circumstances&mdash;and especially under this state of
+facts&mdash;nothing could excuse or palliate that shocking and disgraceful and
+barbarous crime against humanity; and the human mind is incapable of
+understanding how such savagery can be accounted for, except upon the
+theory that "He that nameth Rebellion nameth not a singular, or one only
+sin, as is theft, robbery, murder, and such like; but he nameth the
+whole puddle and sink of all sins against God and man; against his
+country, his countrymen, his children, his kinsfolk, his friends, and
+against all men universally; all sins against God and all men heaped
+together, nameth he that nameth Rebellion."</p>
+
+<p>The inconsistency of the Rebels, in getting insanely and murderously
+furious over the arming of Negroes for the defense of the imperiled
+Union and the newly gained liberties of the Black Race, when they had
+themselves already armed some of them and made them fight to uphold the
+Slave-holders' Rebellion and the continued Enslavement of their race, is
+already plain enough.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The writer is indebted to the courtesy of a prominent South
+     Carolinian, for calling his attention to the "Singular coincidence,
+     that a South Carolinian should have proposed in 1778, what was
+     executed in 1863-64&mdash;the arming of Negroes for achieving their
+     Freedom"&mdash;as shown in the following very curious and interesting
+     letters written by the brave and gifted Colonel John Laurens, of
+     Washington's staff, to his distinguished father:</p>
+
+<p>                         HEAD QUARTERS, 14th Jan., 1778.</p>
+
+<p>     I barely hinted to you, my dearest father, my desire to augment the
+     Continental forces from an untried source.  I wish I had any
+     foundation to ask for an extraordinary addition to those favours
+     which I have already received from you.  I would solicit you to
+     cede me a number of your able bodied men slaves, instead of leaving
+     me a fortune.</p>
+
+<p>     I would bring about a two-fold good; first I would advance those
+     who are unjustly deprived of the rights of mankind to a state which
+     would be a proper gradation between abject slavery and perfect
+     liberty, and besides I would reinforce the defenders of liberty
+     with a number of gallant soldiers.  Men, who have the habit of
+     subordination almost indelibly impressed on them, would have one
+     very essential qualification of soldiers.  I am persuaded that if I
+     could obtain authority for the purpose, I would have a corps of
+     such men trained, uniformly clad, equip'd and ready in every
+     respect to act at the opening of the next campaign.  The ridicule
+     that may be thrown on the color, I despise, because I am sure of
+     rendering essential service to my country.</p>
+
+<p>     I am tired of the languor with which so sacred a war as this is
+     carried on.  My circumstances prevent me from writing so long a
+     letter as I expected and wish'd to have done on a subject which I
+     have much at heart.  I entreat you to give a favorable answer to <br>
+                    Your most affectionate <br>
+                                   JOHN LAURENS.</p>
+
+<p>     The Honble Henry Laurens Esq.<br>
+     President of Congress.</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+                         HEAD QUARTERS, 2nd Feb., 1778.</p>
+
+<p>     My Dear Father:</p>
+
+<p>     The more I reflect upon the difficulties and delays which are
+     likely to attend the completing our Continental regiments, the more
+     anxiously is my mind bent upon the scheme, which I lately
+     communicated to you.  The obstacles to the execution of it had
+     presented themselves to me, but by no means appeared
+     insurmountable.  I was aware of having that monstrous popular
+     prejudice, open-mouthed against me, of undertaking to transform
+     beings almost irrational, into well disciplined soldiers, of being
+     obliged to combat the arguments, and perhaps the intrigues, of
+     interested persons.  But zeal for the public service, and an ardent
+     desire to assert the rights of humanity, determined me to engage in
+     this arduous business, with the sanction of your consent.  My own
+     perseverance, aided by the countenance of a few virtuous men, will,
+     I hope, enable me to accomplish it.</p>
+
+<p>     You seem to think, my dear father, that men reconciled by long
+     habit to the miseries of their condition, would prefer their
+     ignominious bonds to the untasted sweets of liberty, especially
+     when offer'd upon the terms which I propose.</p>
+
+<p>     I confess, indeed, that the minds of this unhappy species must be
+     debased by a servitude, from which they can hope for no relief but
+     death, and that every motive to action but fear, must be nearly
+     extinguished in them.  But do you think they are so perfectly
+     moulded to their state as to be insensible that a better exists?
+     Will the galling comparison between themselves and their masters
+     leave them unenlightened in this respect?  Can their self love be
+     so totally annihilated as not frequently to induce ardent wishes
+     for a change?</p>
+
+<p>     You will accuse me, perhaps, my dearest friend, of consulting my
+     own feelings too much; but I am tempted to believe that this
+     trampled people have so much human left in them, as to be capable
+     of aspiring to the rights of men by noble exertions, if some friend
+     to mankind would point the road, and give them a prospect of
+     success.  If I am mistaken in this, I would avail myself, even of
+     their weakness, and, conquering one fear by another, produce equal
+     good to the public.  You will ask in this view, how do you consult
+     the benefit of the slaves?  I answer, that like other men, they are
+     creatures of habit.  Their cowardly ideas will be gradually
+     effaced, and they will be modified anew.  Their being rescued from
+     a state of perpetual humiliation, and being advanced as it were, in
+     the scale of being, will compensate the dangers incident to their
+     new state.</p>
+
+<p>     The hope that will spring in each man's mind, respecting his own
+     escape, will prevent his being miserable.  Those who fall in battle
+     will not lose much; those who survive will obtain their reward.
+     Habits of subordination, patience under fatigues, sufferings and
+     privations of every kind, are soldierly qualifications, which these
+     men possess in an eminent degree.</p>
+
+<p>     Upon the whole, my dearest friend and father, I hope that my plan
+     for serving my country and the oppressed negro race will not appear
+     to you the chimera of a young mind, deceived by a false appearance
+     of moral beauty, but a laudable sacrifice of private interest, to
+     justice and the public good.</p>
+
+<p>     You say, that my resources would be small, on account of the
+     proportion of women and children.  I do not know whether I am
+     right, for I speak from impulse, and have not reasoned upon the
+     matter.  I say, altho' my plan is at once to give freedom to the
+     negroes, and gain soldiers to the states; in case of concurrence, I
+     should sacrifice the former interest, and therefore we change the
+     women and children for able-bodied men.  The more of these I could
+     obtain, the better; but forty might be a good foundation to begin
+     upon.</p>
+
+<p>     It is a pity that some such plan as I propose could not be more
+     extensively executed by public authority.  A well-chosen body of
+     5,000 black men, properly officer'd, to act as light troops, in
+     addition to our present establishment, might give us decisive
+     success in the next campaign.</p>
+
+<p>     I have long deplored the wretched state of these men, and
+     considered in their history, the bloody wars excited in Africa, to
+     furnish America with slaves&mdash;the groans of despairing multitudes,
+     toiling for the luxuries of merciless tyrants.</p>
+
+<p>     I have had the pleasure of conversing with you, sometimes, upon the
+     means of restoring them to their rights.  When can it be better
+     done, than when their enfranchisement may be made conducive to the
+     public good, and be modified, as not to overpower their weak minds?</p>
+
+<p>     You ask, what is the general's opinion, upon this subject?  He is
+     convinced, that the numerous tribes of blacks in the southern parts
+     of the continent, offer a resource to us that should not be
+     neglected.  With respect to my particular plan, he only objects to
+     it, with the arguments of pity for a man who would be less rich
+     than he might be.</p>
+
+<p>     I am obliged, my dearest friend and father, to take my leave for
+     the present; you will excuse whatever exceptionable may have
+     escaped in the course of my letter, and accept the assurance of
+     filial love, and respect of <br>
+                         Your <br>
+                              JOHN LAURENS]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<br><br>
+<p>If, however, it be objected that the arming of Negroes by the Rebels was
+exceptional and local, and, that otherwise, the Rebels always used their
+volunteer or impressed Negro forces in work upon fortifications and
+other unarmed Military Works, and never proposed using them in the clash
+of arms, as armed soldiers against armed White men, the contrary is
+easily proven.</p>
+
+<p>In a message to the Rebel Congress, November 7, 1864, Jefferson Davis
+himself, while dissenting at that time from the policy, advanced by
+many, of "a general levy and arming of the Slaves, for the duty of
+soldiers," none the less declared that "should the alternative ever be
+presented of subjugation, or of the employment of the Slave as a
+soldier, there seems no reason to doubt what should then be our
+decision."</p>
+
+<p>In the meantime, however, he recommended the employment of forty
+thousand Slaves as pioneer and engineer laborers, on the ground that
+"even this limited number, by their preparatory training in intermediate
+duties Would form a more valuable reserve force in case of urgency, than
+threefold their number suddenly called from field labor; while a fresh
+levy could, to a certain extent, supply their places in the special
+service" of pioneer and engineer work; and he undertook to justify the
+inconsistency between his present recommendation, and his past attitude,
+by declaring that "A broad, moral distinction exists between the use of
+Slaves as soldiers in defense of their homes, and the incitement of the
+same persons to insurrection against their masters, for," said he, "the
+one is justifiable, if necessary; the other is iniquitous and unworthy
+of a civilized people."</p>
+
+<p>So also, while a Bill for the arming of Slaves was pending before the
+Rebel Congress early in 1865, General Robert E. Lee wrote, February
+18th, from the Headquarters of the Rebel Armies, to Hon. E. Barksdale,
+of the Rebel House of Representatives, a communication, in which, after
+acknowledging the receipt of a letter from him of February 12th, "with
+reference to the employment of Negroes as soldiers," he said: "I think
+the Measure not only expedient but necessary * * * in my opinion, the
+Negroes, under proper circumstances, will make efficient soldiers.  * *
+*  I think those who are employed, should be freed.  It would be neither
+just nor wise, in my opinion, to require them to remain as
+Slaves"&mdash;thus, not only approving the employment of Black Slaves as soldiers, to
+fight White Union men, but justifying their Emancipation as a reward for
+Military service.  And, a few days afterward, that Rebel Congress passed
+a Bill authorizing Jefferson Davis to take into the Rebel Army as many
+Negro Slaves "as he may deem expedient, for and during the War, to
+perform Military service in whatever capacity he may direct," and at the
+same time authorizing General Lee to organize them as other "troops" are
+organized.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [This Negro soldier Bill, according to McPherson's Appendix, p.
+     611-612, passed both Houses, and was in these words:</p>
+
+<p>     A Bill to increase the Military Forces of the Confederate States.</p>
+
+<p>     "The Congress of the Confederate States of America do Enact, That
+     in order to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain
+     the rightful possession of the Confederate States, secure their
+     Independence and preserve their Institutions, the President be and
+     he is hereby authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of
+     Slaves the services of such number of able-bodied Negro men as he
+     may deem expedient for and during the War, to perform Military
+     service in whatever capacity he may direct.</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 2.&mdash;That the General-in-Chief be authorized to organize the
+     said Slaves into companies, battalions, regiments, and brigades,
+     under such rules and regulations as the Secretary of War may
+     prescribe, and to be commanded by such officers as the President
+     may appoint.</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 3.&mdash;That, while employed in the Service, the said troops
+     shall receive the same rations, clothing, and compensation as are
+     allowed to other troops in the same branch of the Service.</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 4.&mdash;That if, under the previous sections of this Act, the
+     President shall not be able to raise a sufficient number of troops
+     to prosecute the War successfully and maintain the Sovereignty of
+     the States, and the Independence of the Confederate States, then he
+     is hereby authorized to call on each State, whenever he thinks it
+     expedient, for her quota of 300,000 troops, in addition to those
+     subject to Military service, under existing laws, or so many
+     thereof as the President may deem necessary, to be raised from such
+     classes of the population, irrespective of color, in each State, as
+     the proper authorities thereof may determine: Provided, that not
+     more than 25 per cent. of the male Slaves, between the ages of 18
+     and 45, in any State, shall be called for under the provisions of
+     this Act.</p>
+
+<p>     "SEC. 5.&mdash;That nothing in this Act shall be construed to authorize
+     a change in the relation of said Slaves."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<br><br>
+
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p4.htm">Previous Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
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+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p6.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
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+<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 6</title>
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+
+
+<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 6</h2>
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p5.htm">Previous Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p7.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+ 
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+ 
+
+<br><br><br><br><br><br>
+
+
+
+
+<center>
+<h1>
+<br>
+                         THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br><br>
+<br>
+                        Its Origin and History<br><br><br>
+<br>
+                               Part 6.<br><br><br>
+
+															 By John Logan
+<br></h1>
+<br>
+ <h2>
+
+ <br><br><br><br><br>
+ <img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692">
+ <br><br><br><br><br>
+ <img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665">
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<br><br><br>
+CONTENTS
+</h2></center>
+<br>
+<br>
+
+<br>
+<br>
+                            <h2> <a href="#ch22">CHAPTER XXII</a>.<br>
+                      FREEDOM'S SUN STILL RISING.<br></h2>
+<br>
+DEFINITE CONGRESSIONAL ACTION, ON EMANCIPATION, GERMINATING&mdash;GLORIOUS
+NEWS FROM THE WEST AND EAST&mdash;FALL OF VICKSBURG&mdash;GETTYSBURG&mdash;LINCOLN'S
+GETTYSBURG ORATION&mdash;THE DRAFT&mdash;THE REBEL "FIRE IN THE REAR"&mdash;DRAFT RIOTS
+IN NEW YORK&mdash;LINCOLN'S LETTER, AUGUST, 1863, ON THE
+SITUATION&mdash;CHATTANOOGA&mdash;THE CHEERING FALL-ELECTIONS&mdash;VALLANDIGHAM'S
+DEFEAT&mdash;EMANCIPATION AS A "POLITICAL" MEASURE&mdash;"THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" REPORTED
+IN THE SENATE&mdash;THADDEUS STEVENS'S RESOLUTIONS, AND TEST VOTE IN THE
+HOUSE&mdash;LOVEJOY'S DEATH&mdash;ELOQUENT TRIBUTES OF ARNOLD, WASHBURNE,
+GRINNELL, THADDEUS STEVENS, AND SUMNER
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2><a href="#ch23">CHAPTER XXIII.</a><br>
+                 "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" IN THE SENATE.<br></h2>
+<br>
+GREAT DEBATE IN THE U. S. SENATE, ON EMANCIPATION&mdash;THE WHOLE VILLANOUS
+HISTORY OF SLAVERY, LAID BARE&mdash;SPEECHES OF TRUMBULL, HENRY WILSON,
+HARLAN, SHERMAN, CLARK, HALL, HENDERSON, SUMNER, REVERDY JOHNSON,
+MCDOUGALL, SAULSBURY, GARRETT DAVIS, POWELL, AND HENDRICKS&mdash;BRILLIANT
+ARRAIGNMENT AND DEFENSE OF "THE INSTITUTION"&mdash;U. S. GRANT, NOW "GENERAL
+IN CHIEF"&mdash;HIS PLANS PERFECTED, HE GOES TO THE VIRGINIA FRONT&mdash;MR.
+LINCOLN'S SOLICITUDE FOR THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT&mdash;BORDER&mdash;STATE
+OBSTRUCTIVE MOTIONS, AMENDMENTS, AND SUBSTITUTES, ALL VOTED DOWN&mdash;MR.
+LINCOLN'S LETTER TO HODGES, OF KENTUCKY, REVIEWING EMANCIPATION AS A
+WAR MEASURE&mdash;THE DECISIVE FIELD-DAY (APRIL 8, 1864)&mdash;THE DEBATE ABLY
+CLOSED&mdash;THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT PASSED BY THE SENATE
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2><a href="#ch24">CHAPTER XXIV.</a><br>
+                     TREASON IN THE NORTHERN CAMPS.<br></h2>
+<br>
+EMANCIPATION TEST&mdash;VOTES IN THE HOUSE&mdash;ARNOLD'S RESOLUTION&mdash;BLUE
+PROSPECTS FOR THE THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT&mdash;LINCOLN'S ANXIETY&mdash;CONGRESSIONAL
+COPPERHEADS&mdash;THINLY-DISGUISED TREASON&mdash;SPEECHES OF VOORHEES, WASHBURNE,
+AND KELLEY&mdash;SPRINGFIELD COPPERHEAD PEACE-CONVENTION&mdash;"THE UNION AS IT
+WAS"&mdash;PEACE ON ANY TERMS&mdash;VALLANDIGHAM'S LIEUTENANTS&mdash;ATTITUDE OF COX,
+DAVIS, SAULSBURY, WOOD, LONG, ALLEN, HOLMAN, AND OTHERS&mdash;NORTHERN
+ENCOURAGEMENT TO REBELS&mdash;CONSEQUENT SECOND INVASION, OF THE NORTH, BY
+LEE&mdash;500,000 TREASONABLE NORTHERN "SONS OF LIBERTY"&mdash;RITUAL AND OATHS OF
+THE "K. G. C."  AND "O. A. K."&mdash;COPPERHEAD EFFORTS TO SPLIT THE NORTH
+AND WEST, ON TARIFF-ISSUES&mdash;SPALDING AND THAD.  STEVENS DENOUNCE
+TREASON-BREEDING COPPERHEADS
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch25">CHAPTER XXV.</a><br>
+                        THE "FIRE IN THE REAR."<br></h2>
+<br>
+THE REBEL MANDATE&mdash;"AGITATE THE NORTH!"&mdash;OBEDIENT COPPERHEADS&mdash;THEIR
+DENUNCIATIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT&mdash;BROOKS, FERNANDO WOOD, AND WHITE, ON
+THE "FOLLY" OF THE WAR FOR THE UNION&mdash;EDGERTON'S PEACE
+RESOLUTIONS&mdash;ECKLEY, ON COPPERHEAD MALIGNITY&mdash;ALEXANDER LONG GOES "A BOW-SHOT BEYOND
+THEM ALL"&mdash;HE PROPOSES THE ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF SOUTHERN
+INDEPENDENCE&mdash;GARFIELD ELOQUENTLY DENOUNCES LONG'S TREASON&mdash;LONG DEFIANTLY REITERATES
+IT&mdash;SPEAKER COLFAX OFFERS A RESOLUTION TO EXPEL LONG&mdash;COX AND JULIAN'S
+VERBAL DUEL&mdash;HARRIS'S TREASONABLE BID FOR EXPULSION&mdash;EXTRAORDINARY SCENE
+IN THE HOUSE&mdash;FERNANDO WOOD'S BID&mdash;HE SUBSEQUENTLY "WEAKENS"&mdash;EXCITING
+DEBATE&mdash;LONG AND HARRIS VOTED "UNWORTHY MEMBERS" OF THE HOUSE
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2><a href="#ch26">CHAPTER XXVI.</a><br>
+             "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE.<br></h2>
+<br>
+GLANCE AT THE MILITARY SITUATION&mdash;"BEGINNING OF THE END"&mdash;THE
+CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT&mdash;HOLMAN "OBJECTS" TO "SECOND READING"&mdash;KELLOGG
+SCORES THE COPPERHEAD-DEMOCRACY&mdash;CONTINUOUS "FIRE IN THE REAR" IN BOTH
+HOUSES&mdash;THE PROPOSED AMENDMENT ATTACKED&mdash;THE ADMINISTRATION
+ATTACKED&mdash;THE TARIFF ATTACKED&mdash;SPEECHES OF GARRETT DAVIS, AND
+COX&mdash;PEACE-RESOLUTIONS OF LAZEAR AND DAVIS&mdash;GRINNELL AND STEVENS, SCORE COX AND
+WOOD&mdash;HENDRICKS ON THE DRAFT&mdash;"ON" TO RICHMOND AND ATLANTA&mdash;VIOLENT
+DIATRIBES OF WOOD, AND HOLMAN&mdash;FARNSWORTH'S REPLY TO ROSS, PRUYN, AND
+OTHERS&mdash;ARNOLD, ON THE ETHICS OF SLAVERY&mdash;INGERSOLL'S ELOQUENT
+BURST&mdash;RANDALL, ROLLINS, AND PENDLETON, CLOSING THE DEBATE&mdash;THE THIRTEENTH
+AMENDMENT DEFEATED&mdash;ASHLEY'S MOTION TO RECONSIDER&mdash;CONGRESS ADJOURNS
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2><a href="#ch27">CHAPTER XXVII.</a><br>
+                      SLAVERY DOOMED AT THE POLLS.<br></h2>
+<br>
+THE ISSUE BETWEEN FREEDOM AND SLAVERY&mdash;MR. LINCOLN'S
+RENOMINATION&mdash;ENDORSED, AT ALL POINTS, BY HIS PARTY&mdash;HIS FAITH IN THE PEOPLE&mdash;HORATIO
+SEYMOUR'S COPPERHEAD DECLARATIONS&mdash;THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY DECLARE THE
+WAR "A FAILURE"&mdash;THEIR COPPERHEAD PLATFORM, AND UNION
+CANDIDATE&mdash;MCCLELLAN THEIR NOMINEE&mdash;VICTORIES AT ATLANTA AND MOBILE&mdash;FREMONT'S
+THIRD PARTY&mdash;SUCCESSES OF GRANT AND SHERIDAN&mdash;DEATH OF CHIEF-JUSTICE
+TANEY&mdash;MARYLAND BECOMES "FREE"&mdash;MORE UNION VICTORIES&mdash;REPUBLICAN
+"TIDAL-WAVE" SUCCESS&mdash;LINCOLN RE-ELECTED&mdash;HIS SERENADE-SPEECHES&mdash;AMAZING
+CONGRESSIONAL-RETURNS&mdash;THE DEATH OF SLAVERY INSURED&mdash;IT BECOMES SIMPLY A
+MATTER OF TIME
+<br>
+<br>
+<br><br><br><br>
+<h4>PORTRAITS.</h4>
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+<a href="#butler">BENJ. F. BUTLER</a><br>
+<a href="#trumbell">LYMAN TRUMBULL</a><br>
+<a href="#wade">BENJ. F. WADE</a><br>
+<a href="#mcclellan">GEO. B. MCCLELLAN</a><br>
+
+
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+<br><br>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="butler"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p502-butler.jpg (85K)" src="images/p502-butler.jpg" height="863" width="584">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch22"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+
+<center><h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXII.<br>
+<br>
+                      FREEDOM'S SUN STILL RISING.<br>
+</h2>
+<br>
+</center>
+<p>After President Lincoln had issued his Proclamation of Emancipation, the
+friends of Freedom clearly perceived&mdash;and none of them more clearly than
+himself that until the incorporation of that great Act into the
+Constitution of the United States itself, there could be no real
+assurance of safety to the liberties of the emancipated; that unless
+this were done there would be left, even after the suppression of the
+Rebellion, a living spark of dissension which might at any time again be
+fanned into the flames of Civil War.</p>
+
+<p>Hence, at all proper times, Mr. Lincoln favored and even
+urged Congressional action upon the subject.  It was not, however, until
+the following year that definite action may be said to have commenced in
+Congress toward that end; and, as Congress was slow, he found it
+necessary to say in his third Annual Message: "while I remain in my
+present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the
+Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to Slavery any person who
+is Free by the terms of that Proclamation, or by any of the Acts of
+Congress."</p>
+
+<p>Meantime, however, occurred the series of glorious
+Union victories in the West, ending with the surrender to Grant's
+triumphant Forces on the 4th of July, 1863, of Vicksburg&mdash;"the Gibraltar
+of the West"&mdash;with its Garrison, Army, and enormous quantities of arms
+and munitions of war; thus closing a brilliant and successful Campaign
+with a blow which literally "broke the back" of the Rebellion; while,
+almost simultaneously, July 1-3, the Union Forces of the East, under
+Meade, gained the great victory of Gettysburg, and, driving the hosts of
+Lee from Pennsylvania, put a second and final end to Rebel invasion of
+Northern soil; gaining it, on ground dedicated by President Lincoln,
+before that year had closed&mdash;as a place of sepulture for the
+Patriot-soldiers who there had fallen in a brief, touching and immortal Address,
+which every American child should learn by heart, and every American
+adult ponder deeply, as embodying the very essence of true
+Republicanism.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [President Lincoln's Address, when the National Cemetery at
+     Gettysburg, Pa., was dedicated Nov.  19, 1863, was in these
+     memorable words:</p>
+
+<p>     "Fourscore and seven years ago, our Fathers brought forth upon this
+     continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the
+     proposition that all men are created equal.</p>
+
+<p>     "Now we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that
+     Nation, or any Nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long
+     endure.</p>
+
+<p>     "We are met on a great battlefield of that War.  We have come here
+     to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for
+     those who here gave their lives that that Nation might live.</p>
+
+<p>     "It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.</p>
+
+<p>     "But in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate,
+     we can not hallow, this ground.  The brave men, living and dead,
+     who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add
+     or detract.</p>
+
+<p>     "The World will little note, nor long remember, what we say here;
+     but it can never forget what they did here.</p>
+
+<p>     "It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the
+     unfinished work which they who fought here have, thus far, so nobly
+     advanced.</p>
+
+<p>     "It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task
+     remaining before us; that from these honored dead we take increased
+     devotion to that Cause for which they gave the last full measure of
+     devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not
+     have died in vain; that this Nation, under God, shall have a new
+     birth of Freedom; and that Government of the People, by the People,
+     and for the People, shall not perish front the Earth."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>That season of victory for the Union arms, coming, as it did, upon a
+season of depression and doubtfulness, was doubly grateful to the loyal
+heart of the Nation.  Daylight seemed to be breaking at last.
+Gettysburg had hurled back the Southern invader from our soil; and
+Vicksburg, with the immediately resulting surrender of Port Hudson, had
+opened the Mississippi river from Cairo to the Gulf, and split the
+Confederacy in twain.</p>
+
+<p>But it happened just about this time that, the enrollment of the whole
+Militia of the United States (under the Act of March, 1863), having been
+completed, and a Draft for 300,000 men ordered to be made and executed,
+if by a subsequent time the quotas of the various States should not be
+filled by volunteering, certain malcontents and Copperheads, inspired by
+agents and other friends of the Southern Conspirators, started and
+fomented, in the city of New York, a spirit of unreasoning opposition
+both to voluntary enlistment, and conscription under the Draft, that
+finally culminated, July 13th, in a terrible Riot, lasting several days,
+during which that great metropolis was in the hands, and completely at
+the mercy, of a brutal mob of Secession sympathizers, who made day and
+night hideous with their drunken bellowings, terrorized everybody even
+suspected of love for the Union, plundered and burned dwellings,
+including a Colored Orphan Asylum, and added to the crime of arson, that
+of murdering the mob-chased, terror-stricken Negroes, by hanging them to
+the lamp-posts.</p>
+
+<p>These Riots constituted a part of that "Fire in the Rear" with which the
+Rebels and their Northern Democratic sympathizers had so frequently
+menaced the Armies of the Union.</p>
+
+<p>Alluding to them, the N. Y.  Tribune on July 15th, while its office was
+invested and threatened with attack and demolition, bravely said: "They
+are, in purpose and in essence, a Diversion in favor of Jefferson Davis
+and Lee.  Listen to the yells of the mob and the harangues of its
+favorite orators, and you will find them surcharged with 'Nigger,'
+'Abolition,' 'Black Republican,' denunciation of prominent Republicans,
+The Tribune, etc. etc.&mdash;all very wide of the Draft and the exemption.
+Had the Abolitionists, instead of the Slaveholders, revolted, and
+undertaken to upset the Government and dissolve the Union, nine-tenths
+of these rioters would have eagerly volunteered to put them down.  It is
+the fear, stimulated by the recent and glorious triumphs of the Union
+Arms, that Slavery and the Rebellion must suffer, which is at the bottom
+of all this arson, devastation, robbery, and murder."</p>
+
+<p>The Democratic Governor, Seymour, by promising to "have this Draft
+suspended and stopped," did something toward quieting the Riots, but it
+was not until the Army of the Potomac, now following Lee's retreat, was
+weakened by the sending of several regiments to New York that the
+Draft-rioting spirit, in that city, and to a less extent in other cities, was
+thoroughly cowed.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [In reply to Gov. Seymour's appeal for delay in the execution of
+     the Draft Law, in order to test its Constitutionality, Mr. Lincoln,
+     on the 7th of August, said he could not consent to lose the time
+     that would be involved in obtaining a decision from the U. S.
+     Supreme Court on that point, and proceeded: "We are contending with
+     an Enemy who, as I understand, drives every able-bodied man he can
+     reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a
+     slaughter-pen.  No time is wasted, no argument is used.</p>
+
+<p>     "This system produces an Army which will soon turn upon our now
+     victorious soldiers already in the field, if they shall not be
+     sustained by recruits as they should be.</p>
+
+<p>     It produces an Army with a rapidity not to be matched on our side,
+     if we first waste time to re-experiment with the Volunteer system,
+     already deemed by Congress, and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted
+     as to be inadequate; and then more time to obtain a Court decision
+     as to whether a law is Constitutional which requires a part of
+     those not now in the Service to go to those who are already in it,
+     and still more time to determine with absolute certainty that we
+     get those who are to go, in the precisely legal proportion to those
+     who are not to go.</p>
+
+<p>     "My purpose is to be in my action Just and Constitutional, and yet
+     Practical, in performing the important duty with which I am
+     charged, of maintaining the Unity and the Free principles of our
+     common Country."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Worried and weakened by this Democratic opposition to the Draft, and the
+threatened consequent delays and dangers to the success of the Union
+Cause, and depressed moreover by the defeat of the National forces under
+Rosecrans at Chickamauga; yet, the favorable determination of the Fall
+elections on the side of Union and Freedom, and the immense majorities
+upholding those issues, together with Grant's great victory (November,
+1863) of Chattanooga&mdash;where the three days of fighting in the
+Chattanooga Valley and up among the clouds of Lookout Mountain and
+Mission Ridge, not only effaced the memory of Rosecrans's previous
+disaster, but brought fresh and imperishable laurels to the Union
+Arms&mdash;stiffened the President's backbone, and that of Union men everywhere.</p>
+
+<p>Not that Mr. Lincoln had shown any signs of weakness or wavering, or any
+loss of hope in the ultimate result of this War for the preservation of
+the Union&mdash;which now also involved Freedom to all beneath its banner.
+On the contrary, a letter of his written late in August shows
+conclusively enough that he even then began to see clearly the coming
+final triumph&mdash;not perhaps as "speedy," as he would like, in its coming,
+but none the less sure to come in God's "own good time," and furthermore
+not appearing "to be so distant as it did" before Gettysburg, and
+especially Vicksburg, was won; for, said he: "The signs look better.
+The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the Sea".</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [This admirable letter, reviewing "the situation" and his policy,
+     was in these words</p>
+
+<p>                         EXECUTIVE MANSION,<br>
+                    WASHINGTON, August 26.  1863.</p>
+
+<p>     HON. JAMES C. CONKLING</p>
+
+<p>     MY DEAR SIR; Your letter inviting me to attend a Mass Meeting of
+     unconditional Union men to be held at the Capital of Illinois, on
+     the 3rd day of September, has been received.  It would be very
+     agreeable for me thus to meet my old friends at my own home; but I
+     cannot just now be absent from here so long a time as a visit there
+     would require.</p>
+
+<p>     The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional
+     devotion to the Union; and I am sure that my old political friends
+     will thank me for tendering, as I do, the Nation's gratitude to
+     those other noble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can
+     make false to the Nation's life.</p>
+
+<p>     There are those who are dissatisfied with me.  To such I would say:
+     you desire Peace, and you blame me that we do not have it.  But how
+     can we attain it?  There are but three conceivable ways: First, to
+     suppress the Rebellion by force of Arms.  This I am trying to do.
+     Are you for it?  If you are, so far we are agreed.  If you are not
+     for it, a second way is to give up the Union.  I am against this.
+     Are you for it?  If you are, you should say so plainly.  If you are
+     not for Force, nor yet for Dissolution, there only remains some
+     imaginable Compromise.</p>
+
+<p>     I do not believe that any Compromise embracing the maintenance of
+     the Union is now possible.  All that I learn leads to a directly
+     opposite belief.  The strength of the Rebellion is its Military,
+     its Army.  That Army dominates all the Country, and all the people,
+     within its range.  Any offer of terms made by any man or men within
+     that range, in opposition to that Army, is simply nothing for the
+     present: because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce
+     their side of a Compromise, if one were made with them.</p>
+
+<p>     To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South, and Peace men of
+     the North, get together in Convention, and frame and proclaim a
+     Compromise embracing a restoration of the Union.  In what way can
+     that Compromise be used to keep Lee's Army out of Pennsylvania?
+     Meade's Army can keep Lee's Army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think,
+     can ultimately drive it out of existence.  But no paper Compromise
+     to which the controllers of Lee's Army are not agreed, can at all
+     affect that Army.  In an effort at such Compromise we would waste
+     time, which the Enemy would improve to our disadvantage; and that
+     would be all.</p>
+
+<p>     A Compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who
+     control the Rebel Army, or with the people, first liberated from
+     the domination of that Army, by the success of our own Army.  Now,
+     allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from that Rebel
+     Army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any
+     Peace Compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief.  All
+     charges and insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and
+     groundless.  And I promise you that if any such proposition shall
+     hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from
+     you.  I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the People,
+     according to the bond of service, the United States Constitution;
+     and that, as such, I am responsible to them.</p>
+
+<p>     But, to be plain.  You are dissatisfied with me about the Negro.
+     Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and
+     myself upon that subject.  I certainly wish that all men could be
+     Free, while you, I suppose, do not.  Yet I have neither adopted nor
+     proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your view,
+     provided that you are for the Union.  I suggested compensated
+     Emancipation; to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to
+     buy Negroes.  But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy Negroes,
+     except in such a way as to save you from greater taxation to save
+     the Union, exclusively by other means.</p>
+
+<p>     You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have
+     it retracted.  You say it is Unconstitutional.  I think
+     differently.  I think the Constitution invests the
+		 Commander-in-Chief with the Law of War in Time of War.  The most that can be
+     said, if so much, is, that Slaves are property.  Is there, has
+     there ever been, any question that, by the Law of War, property,
+     both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed?  And is it
+     not needed whenever it helps us and hurts the Enemy?  Armies, the
+     World over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it; and
+     even destroy their own to keep it from the Enemy.  Civilized
+     belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the
+     Enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel.  Among
+     the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and
+		 non-combatants, male and female.</p>
+
+<p>     But the Proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid.  If
+     it is not valid, it needs no retraction.  If it is valid it cannot
+     be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life.  Some
+     of you profess to think its retraction would operate favorably for
+     the Union.  Why better after the retraction than before the issue?
+     There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the
+     Rebellion before the Proclamation was issued, the last one hundred
+     days of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming,
+     unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance.
+     The War has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the
+     issue of the Proclamation as before.</p>
+
+<p>     I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others that some of
+     the Commanders of our Armies in the field, who have given us our
+     most important victories, believe the Emancipation policy and the
+     use of Colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to
+     the Rebellion, and that at least one of those important successes
+     could not have been achieved when it was, but for the aid of Black
+     soldiers.</p>
+
+<p>     Among the Commanders who hold these views are some who have never
+     had an affinity with what is called "Abolitionism," or with
+     "Republican party politics," but who hold them purely as Military
+     opinions.  I submit their opinions as entitled to some weight
+     against the objections often urged that Emancipation and arming the
+     Blacks are unwise as Military measures, and were not adopted as
+     such, in good faith.</p>
+
+<p>     You say that you will not fight to Free Negroes.  Some of them seem
+     willing to fight for you; but no matter.  Fight you, then,
+     exclusively to save the Union.  I issued the Proclamation on
+     purpose to aid you in saving the Union.  Whenever you shall have
+     conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to
+     continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare
+     you will not fight to Free Negroes.  I thought that in your
+     struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the Negroes should cease
+     helping the Enemy, to that extent it weakened the Enemy in his
+     resistance to you.  Do you think differently?  I thought whatever
+     Negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for
+     White soldiers to do in saving the Union.  Does it appear otherwise
+     to you?  But Negroes, like other people, act upon motives.  Why
+     should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them?  If
+     they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the
+     strongest motives, even the promise of Freedom.  And the promise,
+     being made, must be kept.</p>
+
+<p>     The signs look better.  The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to
+     the Sea.  Thanks to the great Northwest for it; nor yet wholly to
+     them.  Three hundred miles up, they met New England, Empire,
+     Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left.  The Sunny
+     South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a helping hand.  On
+     the spot, their part of the history was jotted down in Black and
+     White.  The job was a great National one, and let none be slighted
+     who bore an honorable part in it.  And while those who have cleared
+     the Great River may well be proud, even that is not all.  It is
+     hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than
+     at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less
+     note.  Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten.  At all the
+     watery margins they have been present, not only on the deep Sea,
+     the broad Bay, and the rapid River, but also up the narrow, muddy
+     Bayou, and wherever the ground was a little damp they had been, and
+     made their tracks.  Thanks to all.  For the Great Republic&mdash;for the
+     principle it lives by, and keeps alive&mdash;for Man's vast
+		 future&mdash;thanks to all.</p>
+
+<p>     Peace does not appear so distant as it did.  I hope it will come
+     soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in
+     all future time.  It will then have been proved that among Freemen
+     there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet,
+     and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and
+     pay the cost.  And there will be some Black men who can remember
+     that, with silent tongue, and clinched teeth, and steady eye, and
+     well poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great
+     consummation, while I fear there will be some White ones unable to
+     forget that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they have
+     striven to hinder it.</p>
+
+<p>     Still, let us not be over sanguine of a speedy, final triumph.  Let
+     us be quite sober.  Let us diligently apply the means, never
+     doubting that a just God, in his own good time, will give us the
+     rightful result.</p>
+
+<p>                    Yours very truly,<br>
+                                   A. LINCOLN.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+But Chattanooga, and the grand majorities in all the Fall
+State-elections, save that of New Jersey,&mdash;and especially the manner in which
+loyal Ohio sat down upon the chief Copperhead-Democrat and
+Treason-breeder of the North, Vallandigham&mdash;came most auspiciously to strengthen
+the President's hands.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The head of the Knights of the Golden Circle, and the Democratic
+     candidate for Governor of Ohio]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>And now he saw, more clearly still, the approach of that time when the
+solemn promise and declaration of Emancipation might be recorded upon
+the sacred roll of the Constitution, and thus be made safe for all time.</p>
+
+<p>In his Annual Message of December, 1863, therefore, President Lincoln,
+after adverting to the fact that "a year ago the War had already lasted
+nearly twenty months," without much ground for hopefulness, proceeded to
+say:</p>
+
+<p>"The preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, issued in September, was
+running its assigned period to the beginning of the New Year.  A month
+later the final Proclamation came, including the announcement that
+Colored men of suitable condition would be received into the War
+service.  The policy of Emancipation, and of employing Black soldiers,
+gave to the future a new aspect, about which hope, and fear, and doubt,
+contended in uncertain conflict.</p>
+
+<p>"According to our political system, as a matter of Civil Administration,
+the General Government had no lawful power to effect Emancipation in any
+State, and for a long time it had been hoped that the Rebellion could be
+suppressed without resorting to it as a Military measure.  It was all
+the while deemed possible that the necessity for it might come, and that
+if it should, the crisis of the contest would then be presented.  It
+came, and, as was anticipated, it was followed by dark and doubtful
+days.</p>
+
+<p>"Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to take another view
+* * * Of those who were Slaves at the beginning of the Rebellion, full
+one hundred thousand are now in the United States Military service,
+about one half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks; thus
+giving the double advantage of taking so much labor from the Insurgent
+cause, and supplying the places which otherwise must be filled with so
+many White men.  So far as tested, it is difficult to say they are not
+as good soldiers as any.</p>
+
+<p>"No servile insurrection, or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked
+the measures of Emancipation and arming the Blacks.  These measures have
+been much discussed in Foreign Countries, and contemporary with such
+discussion the tone of public sentiment there is much improved.  At
+home, the same measures have been fully discussed, supported,
+criticised, and denounced, and the annual elections following are highly
+encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the Country
+through this great trial.  Thus we have the new reckoning.  The crisis
+which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past."</p>
+
+<p>After alluding to his Proclamation of Amnesty, issued simultaneously
+with this Message, to all repentant Rebels who would take an oath
+therein prescribed, and contending that such an oath should be (as he
+had drawn it) to uphold not alone the Constitution and the Union, but
+the Laws and Proclamations touching Slavery as well, President Lincoln
+continued:</p>
+
+<p>"In my judgment they have aided and will further aid, the Cause for
+which they were intended.  To now abandon them, would be not only to
+relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding
+breach of faith."  And, toward the close of the Message, he added:</p>
+
+<p>"The movements by State action, for Emancipation, in several of the
+States not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are matters of
+profound gratulation.  And while I do not repeat in detail what I have
+heretofore so earnestly urged upon the subject, my general views remain
+unchanged; and I trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of
+AIDING THESE IMPORTANT STEPS TO A GREAT CONSUMMATION."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Lincoln's patient but persistent solicitude, his earnest and
+unintermitted efforts&mdash;exercised publicly through his Messages and
+speeches, and privately upon Members of Congress who called upon, or
+whose presence was requested by him at the White House&mdash;in behalf of
+incorporating Emancipation in the Constitution, were now to give
+promise, at least, of bearing good fruit.</p>
+
+<p>Measures looking to this end were submitted in both Houses of Congress
+soon after its meeting, and were referred to the respective Judiciary
+Committees of the same, and on the 10th of February, 1864, Mr. Trumbull
+reported to the Senate, from the Senate Judiciary Committee, of which he
+was Chairman, a substitute Joint Resolution providing for the submission
+to the States of an Amendment to the United States Constitution in the
+following words:</p>
+
+<p>"ART. XIII., SEC. I.  Neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude, except
+as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly
+convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to
+their jurisdiction.</p>
+
+<p>"SEC. II.  Congress shall have power to enforce this Article by
+appropriate legislation."</p>
+
+<p>This proposed Amendment came up for consideration in the Senate, on the
+28th of March, and a notable debate ensued.</p>
+
+<p>On the same day, in the House of Representatives, Thaddeus Stevens&mdash;with
+the object perhaps of ascertaining the strength, in that Body, of the
+friends of out-and-out Emancipation&mdash;offered a Resolution proposing to
+the States the following Amendments to the United States Constitution:</p>
+
+<p>"ART. I.  Slavery and Involuntary Servitude, except for the punishment
+of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, is forever
+prohibited in the United States and all its Territories.</p>
+
+<p>"ART. II.  So much of Article four, Section two, as refers to the
+delivery up of Persons held to Service or Labor, escaping into another
+State, is annulled."</p>
+
+<p>The test was made upon a motion to table the Resolution, which motion
+was defeated by 38 yeas to 69 nays, and showed the necessity for
+converting three members from the Opposition.  Subsequently, at the
+instance of Mr. Stevens himself, the second Article of the Resolution
+was struck out by 72 yeas to 26 nays.</p>
+
+<p>The proceedings in both Houses of Congress upon these propositions to
+engraft upon the National Constitution a provision guaranteeing Freedom
+to all men upon our soil, were now interrupted by the death of one who
+would almost have been willing to die twice over, if, by doing so, he
+could have hastened their adoption.</p>
+
+<p>Owen Lovejoy, the life-long apostle of Abolitionism, the fervid
+gospeller of Emancipation, was dead; and it seemed almost the irony of
+Fate that, at such a time, when Emancipation most needed all its friends
+to make it secure, its doughtiest champion should fall.</p>
+
+<p>But perhaps the eloquent tributes paid to his memory, in the Halls of
+Congress, helped the Cause no less.  They at least brought back to the
+public mind the old and abhorrent tyrannies of the Southern Slave power;
+how it had sought not not only to destroy freedom of Action, but freedom
+of Speech, and hesitated not to destroy human Life with these; reminded
+the Loyal People of the Union of much that was hateful, from which they
+had escaped; and strengthened the purpose of Patriots to fix in the
+chief corner-stone of the Constitution, imperishable muniments of human
+Liberty.</p>
+
+<p>Lovejoy's brother had been murdered at Alton, Illinois, while
+vindicating freedom of Speech and of the Press; and the blood of that
+martyr truly became "the seed of the Church."  Arnold&mdash;recalling a
+speech of Owen Lovejoy's at Chicago, and a passage in it, descriptive of
+the martyrdom,&mdash;said to the House, on this sad occasion: "I remember
+that, after describing the scene of that death, in words&mdash;which stirred
+every heart, he said he went a pilgrim to his brother's grave, and,
+kneeling upon the sod beneath which sleeps that brother, he swore, by
+the everlasting God, eternal hostility to African Slavery."  And,
+continued Arnold, "Well and nobly has he kept that oath."</p>
+
+<p>Washburne, too, reminded the House of the memorable episode in that very
+Hall when, (April 5, 1860), the adherents of Slavery crowding around
+Lovejoy with fierce imprecations and threats, seeking then and there to
+prevent Free Speech, "he displayed that undaunted courage and matchless
+bearing which extorted the admiration of even his most deadly foes."
+"His"&mdash;continued the same speaker&mdash;"was the eloquence of Mirabeau, which
+in the Tiers Etat and in the National Assembly made to totter the throne
+of France; it was the eloquence of Danton, who made all France to
+tremble from his tempestuous utterances in the National Convention.
+Like those apostles of the French Revolution, his eloquence could stir
+from the lowest depths all the passions of Man; but unlike them, he was
+as good and as pure as he was eloquent and brave, a noble minded
+Christian man, a lover of the whole human Race, and of universal Liberty
+regulated by Law."</p>
+
+<p>Grinnell, in his turn, told also with real pathos, of his having
+recently seen Lovejoy in the chamber of sickness.  "When," said
+Grinnell, "I expressed fears for his recovery, I saw the tears course
+down his manly cheek, as he said 'Ah! God's will be done, but I have
+been laboring, voting, and praying for twenty years that I might see the
+great day of Freedom which is so near and which I hope God will let me
+live to rejoice in.  I want a vote on my Bill for the destruction of
+Slavery, root and branch.'"</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>
+     [Sumner, afterward speaking of Lovejoy and this Measure, said: "On
+     the 14th of December, 1863, he introduced a Bill, whose title
+     discloses its character: 'A Bill to give effect to the Declaration
+     of Independence, and also to certain Provisions of the Constitution
+     of the United States.'  It proceeds to recite that All Men were
+     Created Equal, and were Endowed by the Creator with the Inalienable
+     Right to Life, Liberty and the Fruits of honest Toil; that the
+     Government of the United States was Instituted to Secure those
+     Rights; that the Constitution declares that No Person shall be
+     Deprived of Liberty without due Process of Law, and also
+		 provides&mdash;article five, clause two&mdash;that this Constitution, and the Laws of
+     the United States made in pursuance thereof, shall be the Supreme
+     Law of the Land, and the Judges in each State shall be bound
+     thereby, anything in the Constitution and Laws of any State to the
+     contrary notwithstanding; that it is now demonstrated by the
+     Rebellion that Slavery is absolutely incompatible with the Union,
+     Peace, and General Welfare for which Congress is to Provide; and it
+     therefore Enacts that All Persons heretofore held in Slavery in any
+     of the States or Territories of the United States are declared
+     Freedmen, and are Forever Released from Slavery or Involuntary
+     Servitude except as Punishment for Crime on due conviction.  On the
+     same day he introduced another Bill to Protect Freedmen and to
+     Punish any one for Enslaving them.  These were among his last
+     Public acts,"&mdash;Cong. Globe, 1st S., 38th C., Pt. 2, p.  1334]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>And staunch old Thaddeus Stevens said: "The change to him, is great
+gain.  The only regret we can feel is that he did not live to see the
+salvation of his Country; to see Peace and Union restored, and universal
+Emancipation given to his native land.  But such are the ways of
+Providence.  Moses was not permitted to enter the Promised Land with
+those he had led out of Bondage; he beheld it from afar off, and slept
+with his fathers."  "The deceased," he impressively added, "needs no
+perishable monuments of brass or marble to perpetuate his name.  So long
+as the English language shall be spoken or deciphered, so long as
+Liberty shall have a worshipper, his name will be known!"</p>
+
+<p>What influence the death of Owen Lovejoy may have had on the subsequent
+proceedings touching Emancipation interrupted as we have seen by his
+demise&mdash;cannot be known; but among all the eloquent tributes to his
+memory called forth by the mournful incident, perhaps none, could he
+have heard it, would have better pleased him than those two opening
+sentences of Charles Summer's oration in the Senate&mdash;where he said of
+Owen Lovejoy: "Could his wishes prevail, he would prefer much that
+Senators should continue in their seats and help to enact into Law some
+one of the several Measures now pending to secure the obliteration of
+Slavery.  Such an Act would be more acceptable to him than any personal
+tribute,&mdash;" unless it might be these other words, which followed from
+the same lips: "How his enfranchised Soul would be elevated even in
+those Abodes to which he has been removed, to know that his voice was
+still heard on Earth encouraging, exhorting, insisting that there should
+be no hesitation anywhere in striking at Slavery; that this unpardonable
+wrong, from which alone the Rebellion draws its wicked life, must be
+blasted by Presidential proclamation, blasted by Act of Congress,
+blasted by Constitutional prohibition, blasted in every possible way, by
+every available agency, and at every occurring opportunity, so that no
+trace of the outrage may continue in the institutions of the Land, and
+especially that its accursed foot-prints may no longer defile the
+National Statute-book.  Sir, it will be in vain that you pass
+Resolutions in tribute to him, if you neglect that Cause for which he
+lived, and do not hearken to his voice!"</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="trumbell"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p528-trumbell.jpg (65K)" src="images/p528-trumbell.jpg" height="827" width="584">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch23"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXIII.<br><br>
+
+                 "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" IN THE SENATE.
+
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+<p>During the great debate, which now opened in the Senate, upon the
+Judiciary Committee's substitute resolution for the Amendment of the
+Constitution, so as forever to prohibit Slavery within the United
+States, and to empower Congress to pass such laws as would make that
+prohibition effective&mdash;participated in by Messrs. Trumbull, Wilson,
+Saulsbury, Davis, Harlan, Powell, Sherman, Clark, Hale, Hendricks,
+Henderson, Sumner, McDougall and others&mdash;the whole history of Slavery
+was enquired into and laid bare.</p>
+
+<p>Trumbull insisted that Slavery was at the bottom of all the internal
+troubles with which the Nation had from its birth been afflicted, down
+to this wicked Rebellion, with all the resulting "distress, desolation,
+and death;" and that by 1860, it had grown to such power and arrogance
+that "its advocates demanded the control of the Nation in
+its interests, failing in which, they attempted its overthrow."  He
+reviewed, at some length, what had been done by our Government with
+regard to Slavery, since the breaking out of hostilities against us in
+that mad attempt against the National life; how, "in the earlier stages
+of the War, there was an indisposition on the part of the Executive
+Authority to interfere with Slavery at all;" how, for a long time,
+Slaves, escaping to our lines, were driven back to their Rebel masters;
+how the Act of Congress of July, 1861, which gave Freedom to all Slaves
+allowed by their Rebel masters to assist in the erection of Rebel works
+and fortifications, had "not been executed," and, said Mr. Trumbull, "so
+far as I am advised, not a single Slave has been set at liberty under
+it;" how, "it was more than a year after its enactment before any
+considerable number of Persons of African descent were organized and
+armed" under the subsequent law of December, 1861, which not only gave
+Freedom to all Slaves entering our Military lines, or who, belonging to
+Rebel masters, were deserted by them, or were found in regions once
+occupied by Rebel forces and later by those of the Union, but also
+empowered the President to organize and arm them to aid in the
+suppression of the Rebellion; how, it was not until this law had been
+enacted that Union officers ceased to expel Slaves coming within our
+lines&mdash;and then only when dismissal from the public service was made the
+penalty for such expulsion; how, by his Proclamations of Emancipation,
+of September, 1862, and January, 1863, the President undertook to
+supplement Congressional action&mdash;which had, theretofore, been confined
+to freeing the Slaves of Rebels, and of such of these only as had come
+within the lines of our Military power-by also declaring, Free, the
+Slaves "who were in regions of country from which the authority of the
+United States was expelled;" and how, the "force and effect" of these
+Proclamations were variously understood by the enemies and friends of
+those measures&mdash;it being insisted on the one side that Emancipation as a
+War-stroke was within the Constitutional War-power of the President as
+Commander-in-Chief, and that, by virtue of those Proclamations, "all
+Slaves within the localities designated become ipso facto Free," and on
+the other, that the Proclamations were "issued without competent
+authority," and had not effected and could not effect, "the Emancipation
+of a single Slave," nor indeed could at any time, without additional
+legislation, go farther than to liberate Slaves coming within the Union
+Army lines.</p>
+
+<p>After demonstrating that "any and all these laws and Proclamations,
+giving to each the largest effect claimed by its friends, are
+ineffectual to the destruction of Slavery," and protesting that some
+more effectual method of getting rid of that Institution must be
+adopted, he declared, as his judgment, that "the only effectual way of
+ridding the Country of Slavery, so that it cannot be resuscitated, is by
+an Amendment of the Constitution forever prohibiting it within the
+jurisdiction of the United States."</p>
+
+<p>He then canvassed the chances of adoption of such an Amendment by an
+affirmative vote of two thirds in each House of Congress, and of its
+subsequent ratification by three-fourths of the States of the Union, and
+declared that "it is reasonable to suppose that if this proposed
+Amendment passes Congress, it will, within a year, receive the
+ratification of the requisite number of States to make it a part of the
+Constitution."  His prediction proved correct&mdash;but only after a
+protracted struggle.</p>
+
+<p>Henry Wilson also made a strong speech, but on different grounds.  He
+held that the Emancipation Proclamations formed, together, a "complete,
+absolute, and final decree of Emancipation in Rebel States," and, being
+"born of Military necessity" and "proclaimed by the Commander-in-Chief
+of the Army and Navy, is the settled and irrepealable Law of the
+Republic, to be observed, obeyed, and enforced, by Army and Navy, and is
+the irreversible voice of the Nation."</p>
+
+<p>He also reviewed what had been done since the outbreak of the Rebellion,
+by Congress and the President, by Laws and Proclamations; and, while
+standing by the Emancipation Proclamations, declared that "the crowning
+Act, in this series of Acts, for the restriction and extinction of
+Slavery in America, is this proposed Amendment to the Constitution
+prohibiting the existence of Slavery in the Republic of the United
+States."</p>
+
+<p>The Emancipation Proclamation, according to his view, only needed
+enforcement, to give "Peace and Order, Freedom and Unity, to a now
+distracted Country;" but the "crowning act" of incorporating this
+Amendment into the Constitution would do even more than all this, in
+that it would "obliterate the last lingering vestiges of the Slave
+System; its chattelizing, degrading, and bloody codes; its malignant,
+barbarizing spirit; all it was, and is; everything connected with it or
+pertaining to it, from the face of the Nation it has scarred with moral
+desolation, from the bosom of the Country it has reddened with the blood
+and strewn with the graves of patriotism."</p>
+
+<p>While the debate proceeded, President Lincoln watched it with careful
+interest.  Other matters, however, had, since the Battle of Chattanooga,
+largely engrossed his attention.</p>
+
+<p>The right man had at last been found&mdash;it was believed&mdash;to control as
+well as to lead our Armies.  That man was Ulysses S. Grant.  The grade
+of Lieutenant General of the Army of the United States&mdash;in desuetude
+since the days of Washington, except by brevet, in the case of Winfield
+Scott,&mdash;having been especially revived by Congress for and filled by the
+appointment and confirmation of Grant, March 2, 1864, that great soldier
+immediately came on to Washington, received his commission at the hands
+of President Lincoln, in the cabinet chamber of the White House, on the
+9th, paid a flying visit to the Army of the Potomac, on the 10th, and at
+once returned to Nashville to plan future movements.</p>
+
+<p>On the 12th, a General Order of the War Department (No.  98) was issued,
+relieving Major-General Halleck, "at his own request," from duty as
+"General-in-Chief" of the Army, and assigning Lieutenant-General U. S.
+Grant to "the command of the Armies of the United States," "the
+Headquarters of the Army" to be in Washington, and also with
+Lieutenant-General Grant in the Field, Halleck being assigned to "duty, in
+Washington, as Chief-of-staff of the Army, under the direction of the
+Secretary of War and the Lieutenant-General commanding."</p>
+
+<p>By the same order, Sherman was assigned to the command of the "Military
+Division of the Mississippi," composed of the Departments of the Ohio,
+the Cumberland, the Tennessee, and the Arkansas; and McPherson to that
+of the Department and Army of the Tennessee.</p>
+
+<p>On the 23rd of March, Grant was back again at Washington, and at once
+proceeded to Culpepper Court-house, Virginia, where his Headquarters in
+the field were, for a time, to be.</p>
+
+<p>Here he completed his plans, and reorganized his Forces, for the coming
+conflicts, in the South-west and South-east, which were to result in a
+full triumph to the Union Arms, and Peace to a preserved Union.</p>
+
+<p>It is evident, from the utterances of Mr. Lincoln when Vicksburg fell,
+that he had then become pretty well satisfied that Grant was "the coming
+man," to whom it would be safe to confide the management and chief
+leadership of our Armies.  Chattanooga merely confirmed that belief&mdash;as
+indeed it did that of Union men generally.  But the concurrent judgment
+of Congress and the President had now, as we have seen, placed Grant in
+that chief command; and the consequent relief to Mr. Lincoln, in thus
+having the heavy responsibility of Army-control, long unwillingly
+exercised by him, taken from his own shoulders and placed upon those of
+the one great soldier in whom he had learned to have implicit faith,&mdash;a
+faith earned by steady and unvaryingly successful achievements in the
+Field&mdash;must have been most grateful.</p>
+
+<p>Other responsibilities would still press heavily enough upon the
+President's time and attention.  Questions touching the Military and
+Civil government of regions of the Enemy's country, conquered by the
+Union arms; of the rehabilitation or reconstruction of the Rebel States;
+of a thousand and one other matters, of greater or lesser perplexity,
+growing out of these and other questions; besides the ever pressing and
+gigantic problems involved in the raising of enormous levies of troops,
+and prodigious sums of money, needed in securing, moving, and supplying
+them, and defraying the extraordinary expenses growing out of the
+necessary blockade of thousands of miles of Southern Coast, and other
+Naval movements; not to speak of those expenditures belonging to the
+more ordinary business transactions of the Government.</p>
+
+<p>But chief of all things claiming his especial solicitude, as we have
+seen, was this question of Emancipation by Constitutional enactment, the
+debate upon which was now proceeding in the Senate.  That solicitude was
+necessarily increased by the bitter opposition to it of Northern
+Copperheads, and by the attitude of the Border-State men, upon whose
+final action, the triumph or defeat of this great measure must
+ultimately depend.</p>
+
+<p>Many of the latter, were, as has already been shown in these pages,
+loyal men; but the loyalty of some of these to their Country, was still
+so questionably and so thoroughly tainted with their worshipful devotion
+to Slavery&mdash;although they must have been blind indeed not to have
+discovered, long ere this, that it was a "slowly-dying cause"&mdash;that they
+were ever on the alert to delay, hamper, and defeat, any action, whether
+Executive or Legislative, and however necessary for the preservation of
+the Union and the overthrow of its mortal enemies, which, never so
+lightly, impinged upon their "sacred Institution."</p>
+
+<p>This fact was well set forth, in this very debate, by a Senator from New
+England&mdash;[Wilson of Massachusetts]&mdash;when, after adjuring the
+anti-Slavery men of the age, not to forget the long list of Slavery's crimes,
+he eloquently proceeded:</p>
+
+<p>"Let them remember, too, that hundreds of thousands of our countrymen in
+Loyal States&mdash;since Slavery raised the banners of Insurrection, and sent
+death, wounds, sickness, and sorrow, into the homes of the People&mdash;have
+resisted, and still continue to resist, any measure for the defense of
+the Nation, if that measure tended to impair the vital and animating
+powers of Slavery.  They resisted the Act making Free the Slaves used by
+Rebels for Military purposes; the Confiscation of Rebel property and the
+Freedom of the Slaves of Rebel masters; the Abolition of Slavery in the
+Capital of the Nation, and the consecration of the Territories to Free
+Labor and Free laboring men; the Proclamation of Emancipation; the
+enlistment of Colored men to fight the battles of the Country; the
+Freedom of the Black soldier, who is fighting, bleeding, dying for the
+Country; and the Freedom of his wife and children.  And now, when War
+has for nearly three years menaced the life of the Nation, bathed the
+Land in blood, and filled two hundred thousand graves with our slain
+sons, these men of the Loyal States still cling to the falling fortunes
+of the relentless and unappeasable Enemy of their Country and its
+democratic institutions; they mourn, and will not be comforted, over the
+expiring System, in the Border Slave-States; and, in tones of
+indignation or of anguish, they utter lamentations over the Proclamation
+of Emancipation, and the policy that is bringing Rebel States back again
+radiant with Freedom."</p>
+
+<p>Among these "loyal" Democratic opponents of Emancipation, in any shape,
+or any where, were not wanting men&mdash;whether from Loyal Northern or
+Border States&mdash;who still openly avowed that Slavery was right; that
+Rebellion, to preserve its continuance, was justifiable; and that there
+was no Constitutional method of uprooting it.</p>
+
+<p>Saulsbury of Delaware, was representative and spokesman of this class,
+and he took occasion during this very debate&mdash;[In the Senate, March 31,
+1864.]&mdash;to defend Slavery as a Divine Institution, which had the
+sanction both of the Mosaic and Christian Dispensations!</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Said he: "Slavery had existed under some form or other from the
+     first period of recorded history.  It dates back even beyond the
+     period of Abraham, the Father of the Faithful, in whose seed all
+     the Nations of the Earth were to be blessed.  We find that,
+     immediately after the Flood, the Almighty, for purposes inscrutable
+     to us, condemned a whole race to Servitude: 'Vayomer Orur Knoan
+     Efet Afoatim Yeahio Le-echot:' 'And he said, Cursed be Canaan;
+     Slave of Slaves he shall be to his brethren.'  It continued among
+     all people until the advent of the Christian era.  It was
+     recognized in that New Dispensation, which was to supersede the
+     Old.  It has the sanction of God's own Apostle; for when Paul sent
+     back Onesimus to Philemon, whom did he send?  A Freeman?  No, Sir.
+     He sent his (doulos,) a Slave, born as such, not even his
+     andrapodon, who was such by captivity in War.  Among all people,
+     and in all ages, has this Institution, if such it is to be called,
+     existed, and had the countenance of wise and good men, and even of
+     the Christian Church itself, until these modern times, up at least
+     to the Nineteenth Century.  It exists in this Country, and has
+     existed from the beginning."</p>
+
+<p>     Mr. Harlan's reply to the position of Mr. Saulsbury that Slavery is
+     right, is a Divine Institution, etc., was very able and
+     interesting.  He piled up authority after authority, English as
+     well as American, to show that there is no support of Slavery&mdash;and
+     especially of the title to services of the adult offspring of a
+     Slave&mdash;at Common Law; and, after also proving, by the mouth of a
+     favorite son of Virginia, that it has no legal existence by virtue
+     of any Municipal or Statutory Law, he declared that the only
+     remaining Law that can be cited for its support is the Levitical
+     Code"&mdash;as follows:</p>
+
+<p>     "'Both thy Bondmen, and thy Bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall
+     be of the heathen that are round about you; of them shall ye buy
+     Bondmen and Bondmaids.</p>
+
+<p>     "'Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among
+     you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you,
+     which they begat in your land; and they shall be your possession.</p>
+
+<p>     "'And ye shall take them as an Inheritance for your children after
+     you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your Bondmen
+     forever."'</p>
+
+<p>     "I remark," said he, "in this connection, that the Levitical Code,
+     or the Hebrew Law, contains a provision for the Naturalization of
+     Foreigners, whether captives of War, or voluntary emigrants.  By
+     compliance with the requirements of this law they became citizens,
+     entitled to all the rights and privileges and immunities of native
+     Hebrews.  The Hebrew Slave Code, applicable to Enslaved Hebrews, is
+     in these words:</p>
+
+<p>     "'And if thy brother, an Hebrew man, or an Hebrew woman, be sold
+     unto thee, and serve thee six years, then in the seventh year thou
+     shalt let him go Free from thee.'</p>
+
+<p>     "Here I request the attention of those who claim compensation for
+     Emancipated Slaves to the text:</p>
+
+<p>     "'And when thou sendest him out Free from thee, thou shalt not let
+     him go away empty:</p>
+
+<p>     "'Thou shalt furnish him liberally out of thy floor'&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>     "Which means granaries&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>     "'and out of thy wine-press: of that wherewith the Lord thy God
+     hath blessed thee, thou shalt give unto him.'</p>
+
+<p>     "'It shall not seem hard unto thee, when thou sendest him away Free
+     from thee, for he hath been worth a double-hired servant to thee,
+     in serving thee six years.'</p>
+
+<p>     "These Hebrew Statutes provide that the heathen might be purchased
+     and held as Slaves, and their posterity after them; that under
+     their Naturalization Laws all strangers and sojourners, Bond and
+     Free, have the privilege of acquiring the rights of citizenship;
+     that all Hebrews, natives or naturalized, might assert and maintain
+     their right to Freedom.</p>
+
+<p>     "At the end of six years a Hebrew Slave thus demanding his Liberty,
+     was not to be sent away empty; the owner, so far from claiming
+     compensation from his neighbors or from the Public Treasury for
+     setting him Free, was bound to divide with the Freedman, of his own
+     possessions: to give him of his flocks, of his herds, of his
+     granary, and of his winepress, of everything with which the Lord
+     Almighty had blessed the master during the years of his Servitude;
+     and then the owner was admonished that he was not to regard it as a
+     hardship to be required to Liberate the Slave, and to divide with
+     him of his substance.</p>
+
+<p>     "The Almighty places the Liberated Slave's claim to a division of
+     his former master's property on the eternal principles of Justice,
+     the duty to render an equivalent for an equivalent.  The Slave
+     having served six years must be paid for his Service, must be paid
+     liberally because he had been worth even more than a hired servant
+     during the period of his enslavement.</p>
+
+<p>     "If, then," continued Mr. Harlan, "the justice of this claim cannot
+     be found either in Reason, Natural Justice, or the principles of
+     the Common Law, or in any positive Municipal or Statute regulation
+     of any State, or in the Hebrew Code written by the Finger of God
+     protruded from the flame of fire on the summit of Sinai, I ask
+     whence the origin of the title to the services of the adult
+     offspring of the Slave mother?  or is it not manifest that there is
+     no just title?  Is it not a mere usurpation without any known mode
+     of justification, under any existing Code of Laws, human or
+     Divine?"]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>He also undertook to justify Secession on the singular ground that "we
+are sprung from a Race of Secessionists," the proof of which he held to
+be in the fact that, while the preamble to, as well as the body of the
+Convention of Ratification of, the old Articles of Confederation between
+the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and
+Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and
+Georgia, declared that Confederation to be a "Perpetual Union," yet,
+within nine years thereafter, all the other States Seceded from New
+York, Virginia, North Carolina, and Rhode Island by ratifying the new
+Constitution for "a more perfect Union."</p>
+
+<p>He also endeavored to maintain the extraordinary proposition that "if
+the Senate of the United States were to adopt this Joint-resolution, and
+were to submit it to all the States of this Union, and if three-fourths
+of the States should ratify the Amendment, it would not be binding on
+any State whose interest was affected by it, if that State protested
+against it!"  And beyond all this, he re-echoed the old, old cry of the
+Border-state men, that "the time is unpropitious for such a measure as
+this."</p>
+
+<p>Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, however, by his great speech, of April
+5th, in the Senate, did much to clear the tangle in the minds of some
+faltering Union statesmen on this important subject.</p>
+
+<p>He reviewed the question of human Slavery from the time when the
+Constitutional Convention was held; showed that at that period, as well
+as at the time of the Declaration of our Independence "there was but one
+sentiment upon the subject among enlightened Southern statesmen"&mdash;and
+that was, that Slavery "is a great affliction to any Country where it
+prevails;" and declared that "a prosperous and permanent Peace can never
+be secured if the Institution is permitted to survive."</p>
+
+<p>He then traversed the various methods by which statesmen were seeking to
+prevent that survival of Slavery, addressing himself by turns to the
+arguments of those who, with John Sherman, "seemed," said he, "to
+consider it as within the power of Congress by virtue of its Legislative
+authority;" to those of the "many well-judging men, with the President
+at their head, who," to again use his own words, "seem to suppose that
+it is within the reach of the Executive;" and lastly, to those "who
+express the opinion that it is not within the scope of either Executive
+or Legislative authority, or of Constitutional Amendment;" and after
+demolishing the arguments of those who held the two former of these
+positions, he proceeded to rebut the assumption that Slavery could not
+be abolished at all because it was not originally abolished by the
+Constitution.</p>
+
+<p>Continuing, he said: "Remember, now, the question is, can that
+Institution, which deals with Humanity as Property, which claims to
+shackle the mind, the soul, and the body, which brings to the level of
+the brute a portion of the race of Man, cease to be within the reach of
+the political power of the People of the United States, not because it
+was not at one time within their power, but because at that time they
+did not exert the power?</p>
+
+<p>"What says the Preamble to the Constitution?  How pregnant with a
+conclusive answer is the Preamble, to the proposition that Slavery
+cannot be abolished!  What does that Preamble state to have been the
+chief objects that the great and wise and good men had at heart, in
+recommending the Constitution, with that Preamble, to the adoption of
+the American People?  That Justice might be established; that
+Tranquillity might be preserved; that the common Defense and general
+Welfare might be maintained; and, last and chief of all, that Liberty
+might be secured.</p>
+
+<p>"Is there no Justice in putting an end to human Slavery?  Is there no
+danger to the Tranquillity of the Country in its existence?  May it not
+interfere with the common Defense and general Welfare?  And, above all,
+is it consistent with any notion, which the mind of man can conceive, of
+human Liberty?"</p>
+
+<p>He held that the very Amendatory clause of the Constitution under which
+it was proposed to make this Amendment, was probably inserted there from
+a conviction of that coming time "when Justice would call so loudly for
+the extinction of the Institution that her call could not be disobeyed,"
+and, when "the Peace and Tranquillity of the Land would demand, in
+thunder tones," its destruction, "as inconsistent with such Peace and
+Tranquillity."</p>
+
+<p>To the atrocious pretence that "there was a right to make a Slave of any
+human being"&mdash;which he said would have shocked every one of the framers
+of the Constitution had they heard it; and, what he termed, the nauseous
+declaration that "Slavery of the Black race is of Divine origin," and
+was intended to be perpetual; he said:</p>
+
+<p>"The Saviour of Mankind did not put an end to it by physical power, or
+by the declaration of any existing illegality, in word.  His mission
+upon Earth was not to propagate His doctrines by force.  He came to
+save, not to conquer.  His purpose was not to march armed legions
+throughout the habitable Globe, securing the allegiance of those for
+whose safety He was striving.  He warred by other influences.  He aimed
+at the heart, principally.  He inculcated his doctrines, more ennobling
+than any that the World, enlightened as it was before His advent upon
+Earth, had been able to discover.  He taught to Man the obligation of
+brotherhood.  He announced that the true duty of Man was to do to others
+as he would have others do to him&mdash;to all men, the World over; and
+unless some convert to the modern doctrine that Slavery itself finds not
+only a guarantee for its existence, but for its legal existence, in the
+Scripture, excepts from the operation of the influences which His
+morality brought to bear on the mind of the Christian world, the Black
+man, and shows that it was not intended to apply to Black men, then it
+is not true, it cannot be true, that He designed His doctrine not to be
+equally applicable to the Black and to the White, to the Race of Man as
+he then existed, or as he might exist in all after-time."</p>
+
+<p>To the assumption that the African Slaves were too utterly deficient and
+degraded, mentally and morally, to appreciate the blessings of Freedom,
+he opposed the eloquent fact that "wherever the flag of the United
+States, the symbol of human Liberty, now goes; under it, from their
+hereditary bondage, are to be found men and women and children
+assembling and craving its protection 'fleeing from' the iron of
+oppression that had pierced their souls, to the protection of that flag
+where they are 'gladdened by the light of Liberty.'"</p>
+
+<p>"It is idle to deny," said he&mdash;"we feel it in our own persons&mdash;how, with
+reference to that sentiment, all men are brethren.  Look to the
+illustrations which the times now afford, how, in the illustration of
+that sentiment, do we differ from the Black man?  He is willing to incur
+every personal danger which promises to result in throwing down his
+shackles, and making him tread the Earth, which God has created for all,
+as a man, and not as a Slave."</p>
+
+<p>Said he: "It is an instinct of the Soul.  Tyranny may oppress it for
+ages and centuries; the pall of despotism may hang over it; but the
+sentiment is ever there; it kindles into a flame in the very furnace of
+affliction, and it avails itself of the first opportunity that offers,
+promising the least chance of escape, and wades through blood and
+slaughter to achieve it, and, whether it succeeds or fails,
+demonstrates, vindicates in the very effort, the inextinguishable right
+to Liberty."</p>
+
+<p>He thought that mischiefs might result from this measure, owing to the
+uneducated condition of the Slave, but they would be but temporary.  At
+all events to "suffer those Africans," said he, "whom we are calling
+around our standard, and asking to aid us in restoring the Constitution
+and the power of the Government to its rightful authority, to be reduced
+to bondage again," would be "a disgrace to the Nation."  The
+"Institution" must be terminated.</p>
+
+<p>"Terminate it," continued he, "and the wit of man will, as I think, be
+unable to devise any other topic upon which we can be involved in a
+fratricidal strife.  God and nature, judging by the history of the past,
+intend us to be one.  Our unity is written in the mountains and the
+rivers, in which we all have an interest.  The very differences of
+climate render each important to the other, and alike important.</p>
+
+<p>"That mighty horde which, from time to time, have gone from the
+Atlantic, imbued with all the principles of human Freedom which animated
+their fathers in running the perils of the mighty Deep and seeking
+Liberty here, are now there; and as they have said, they will continue
+to say, until time shall be no more: 'We mean that the Government in
+future shall be, as it has been in the past&mdash;Once an exemplar of human
+Freedom, for the light and example of the World; illustrating in the
+blessings and the happiness it confers, the truth of the principles
+incorporated into the Declaration of Independence, that Life and Liberty
+are Man's inalienable right."</p>
+
+<p>Fortunately the Democratic opposition, in the Senate, to
+this measure, was too small in numbers to beat the proposed Amendment,
+but by offering amendments to it, its enemies succeeded in delaying its
+adoption.</p>
+
+<p>However, on the 5th of April, an amendment, offered by Garrett Davis,
+was acted upon.  It was to strike out all after the preamble of the
+XIIIth Article of Amendment to the Constitution, proposed by the
+Judiciary Committee, and insert the words:</p>
+
+<p>"No Negro, or Person whose mother or grandmother is or was a Negro,
+shall be a citizen of the United States and be eligible to any Civil or
+Military office, or to any place of trust or profit under the United
+States."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Davis's amendment was rejected by a vote of 5 yeas to 32 nays; when
+he immediately moved to amend, by adding precisely the same words at the
+end of Section 1 of the proposed Article.  It was again rejected.  He
+then moved to amend by adding to the said Section these words:</p>
+
+<p>"But no Slave shall be entitled to his or her Freedom under this
+Amendment if resident at the time it takes effect in any State, the laws
+of which forbid Free Negroes to reside therein, until removed from such
+State by the Government of the United States."</p>
+
+<p>This also was rejected.  Whereupon Mr. Powell moved to add, at the end
+of the first Section, the words:</p>
+
+<p>"No Slave shall be Emancipated by this Article unless the owner thereof
+shall be first paid the value of the Slave or Slaves so Emancipated."</p>
+
+<p>This likewise was rejected, on a yea and nay vote, by 2 yeas (Davis and
+Powell) to 34 nays; when Mr. Davis moved another amendment, viz.: to add
+at the end of Section 2 of the proposed Article, the following:</p>
+
+<p>"And when this Amendment of the Constitution shall have taken effect by
+Freeing the Slaves, Congress shall provide for the distribution and
+settlement of all the population of African descent in the United States
+among the several States and Territories thereof, in proportion to the
+White population of each State and Territory to the aggregate population
+of those of African descent."</p>
+
+<p>This met a like fate; whereupon the Senate adjourned, but, on the
+following day, the matter came up again for consideration:</p>
+
+<p>Hale, of New Hampshire, jubilantly declared that "this is a day that I
+and many others have long wished for, long hoped for, long striven for.
+* * *  A day when the Nation is to commence its real life; or, if it is
+not the day, it is the dawning of the day; the day is near at hand * * *
+when the American People are to wake up to the meaning of the sublime
+truths which their fathers uttered years ago, and which have slumbered,
+dead-letters, upon the pages of our Constitution, of our Declaration of
+Independence, and of our history."</p>
+
+<p>McDougall, of California, on the other hand,&mdash;utterly regardless of the
+grandly patriotic resolutions of the Legislature of his State, which had
+just been presented to the Senate by his colleague&mdash;lugubriously
+declared:</p>
+
+<p>"In my judgment, it may well be said of us:</p>
+
+<center>               'Let the Heavens be hung in black<br>
+               And let the Earth put mourning on,'</center>
+
+<p>for in the history of no Free People, since the time the Persians came
+down upon Athens, have I known as melancholy a period as this day and
+year of Our Lord in our history; and if we can, by the blessing of God
+and by His favor, rise above it, it will be by His special providence,
+and by no act of ours."</p>
+
+<p>The obstructive tactics were now resumed, Mr. Powell leading off by a
+motion to amend, by adding to the Judiciary Committee's proposed
+Thirteenth Article of the Constitution, the following:</p>
+
+<p>"ART. 14.&mdash;The President and Vice-President shall hold their Offices for
+the term of four&mdash;[Which he subsequently modified to:
+'six years']&mdash;years.  The person who has filled the Office of President shall not be
+reeligible."</p>
+
+<p>This amendment was rejected by 12 yeas to 32 nays; whereupon Mr. Powell
+moved to add to the Committee's Proposition another new Article, as
+follows:</p>
+
+<p>"ART. 14.&mdash;The principal Officer in each of the Executive Departments,
+and all persons connected with the Diplomatic Service, may be removed
+from office at the pleasure of the President.  All other officers of the
+Executive Departments may be removed at any time by the President or
+other appointing power when their services are unnecessary, or for
+dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty,
+and when so removed, the removal shall be reported to the Senate,
+together with the reasons therefor."</p>
+
+<p>This amendment also being rejected, Mr. Powell offered another, which
+was to add a separate Article as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"ART. 14.&mdash;Every law, or Resolution having the force of law, shall
+relate to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in its title."</p>
+
+<p>This also being rejected&mdash;the negative vote being, as in other cases,
+without reference to the merits of the proposition&mdash;and Mr. Powell
+having now apparently exhausted his obstructive amendatory talents, Mr.
+Davis came to the aid of his Kentucky colleague by moving an amendment,
+to come in as an additional Article, being a new plan of Presidential
+election designed to do away with the quadrennial Presidential campaign
+before the People by giving to each State the right to nominate one
+candidate, and leaving it to a Convention of both Houses of
+Congress&mdash;and, in case of disagreement, to the Supreme Court of the United States
+&mdash;to elect a President and a Vice-President.</p>
+
+<p>The rejection of this proposition apparently exhausted the stock of
+possible amendments possessed by the Democratic opposition, and the
+Joint Resolution, precisely as it came from the Judiciary Committee,
+having been agreed to by that body, "as in Committee of the Whole," was
+now, April 6th, reported to the Senate for its concurrence.</p>
+
+<p>On the following day, Mr. Hendricks uttered a lengthy jeremiad on the
+War, and its lamentable results; intimated that along the Mississippi,
+the Negroes, freed by the advance of our invading Armies and Navies,
+instead of being happy and industrious, were without protection or
+provision and almost without clothing, while at least 200,000 of them
+had prematurely perished, and that such was the fate reserved for the
+4,000,000 Negroes if liberated; and declared he would not vote for the
+Resolution, "because," said he, "the times are not auspicious."</p>
+
+<p>Very different indeed was the attitude of Mr. Henderson, of Missouri,
+Border-State man though he was.  In the course of a speech, of much
+power, which he opened with an allusion to the 115,000 Slaves owned in
+his State in 1860&mdash;as showing how deeply interested Missouri "must be in
+the pending proposition"&mdash;the Senator announced that: "Our great
+interest, as lovers of the Union, is in the preservation and
+perpetuation of the Union."  He declared himself a Slaveholder, yet none
+the less desired the adoption of this Thirteenth Article of Amendment,
+for, said he: "We cannot save the Institution if we would.  We ought not
+if we could.  * * *  If it were a blessing, I, for one, would be
+defending it to the last.  It is a curse, and not a blessing.  Therefore
+let it go.  * * * Let the iniquity be cast away!"</p>
+
+<p>It was about this time that a remarkable letter written by Mr. Lincoln
+to a Kentuckian, on the subject of Emancipation, appeared in print.  It
+is interesting as being not alone the President's own statement of his
+views, from the beginning, as to Slavery, and how he came to be "driven"
+to issue the Proclamation of Emancipation, and as showing how the Union
+Cause had gained by its issue, but also in disclosing, indirectly, how
+incessantly the subject was revolved in his own mind, and urged by him
+upon the minds of others.  The publication of the letter, moreover, was
+not without its effect on the ultimate action of the Congress and the
+States in adopting the Thirteenth Amendment.  It ran thus:</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br>
+
+<p>                    "EXECUTIVE MANSION.<br>
+                    "WASHINGTON, April 4, 1864.</p>
+
+<p>"A. G. HODGES, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.</p>
+
+<p>"MY DEAR SIR: You ask me to put in writing the substance of&mdash;what I
+verbally said the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and
+Senator Dixon.  It was about as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"I am naturally anti-Slavery.  If Slavery is not wrong, nothing is
+wrong.  I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I
+have never understood that the 'Presidency conferred upon me an
+unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling.</p>
+
+<p>"It was in the oath I took, that I would to the best of my ability
+preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.  I
+could not take the Office without taking the oath.  Nor was it my view
+that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using the
+power.</p>
+
+<p>"I understood, too, that in ordinary and Civil Administration this oath
+even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on
+the moral question of Slavery.  I had publicly declared this many times,
+and in many ways.</p>
+
+<p>"And I aver that, to this day, I have done no Official act in mere
+deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on Slavery.</p>
+
+<p>"I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to
+the best of my ability, imposed upon me the duty of preserving by every
+indispensable means, that Government&mdash;that Nation, of which that
+Constitution was the Organic Law.</p>
+
+<p>"Was it possible to lose the Nation and yet preserve the Constitution?</p>
+
+<p>"By General Law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must
+be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a
+limb.  I felt that measures, otherwise Unconstitutional, might become
+lawful, by becoming Indispensable to the Constitution through the
+preservation of the Nation.</p>
+
+<p>"Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it.  I could not
+feel that, to the best of my ability, I have even tried to preserve the
+Constitution, if, to save Slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit
+the wreck of Government, Country, and Constitution, altogether.</p>
+
+<p>"When, early in the War, General Fremont attempted Military
+Emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an
+Indispensable Necessity.</p>
+
+<p>"When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested
+the Arming of the Blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an
+Indispensable Necessity.</p>
+
+<p>"When, still later, General Hunter attempted Military Emancipation, I
+again forbade it, because I did not yet think the Indispensable
+Necessity had come.</p>
+
+<p>"When in March, and May, and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive
+appeals to the Border-States to favor compensated Emancipation, I
+believed the Indispensable Necessity for Military Emancipation and
+arming the Blacks would come, unless averted by that measure.</p>
+
+<p>"They declined the proposition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven
+to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it, the
+Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the Colored element.  I
+chose the latter.  In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss,
+but of this I was not entirely confident.</p>
+
+<p>"More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our Foreign
+Relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white
+Military force, no loss by it anyhow, or anywhere.  On the contrary, it
+shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen,
+and laborers.</p>
+
+<p>"These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no
+cavilling.  We have the men; and we could not have had them without the
+measure.</p>
+
+<p>"And now let any Union man who complains of this measure, test himself
+by writing down in one line, that he is for subduing the Rebellion by
+force of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking one hundred and
+thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they
+would be best for the measure he condemns.  If he cannot face his case
+so stated, it is only because he cannot face the truth.</p>
+
+<p>"I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation.  In telling this
+tale, I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity.  I claim not to have
+controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me.
+Now at the end of three years' struggle, the Nation's condition is not
+what either Party, or any man, devised or expected.  God alone can claim
+it.</p>
+
+<p>"Whither it is tending seems plain.  If God now wills the removal of a
+great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the
+South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial
+history will find therein new causes to attest and revere the Justice
+and goodness of God.<br>
+                    "Yours truly,<br>
+                              "A. LINCOLN."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+The 8th of April (1864) turned out to be the decisive field-day in the
+Senate.  Sumner endeavored to close the debate on that day in a speech
+remarkable no less for its power and eloquence of statement, its
+strength of Constitutional exposition, and its abounding evidences of
+extensive historical research and varied learning, than for its
+patriotic fervor and devotion to human Freedom.</p>
+
+<p>Toward the end of that great speech, however, he somewhat weakened its
+force by suggesting a change in the phraseology of the proposed
+Thirteenth Amendment, so that, instead of almost precisely following the
+language of the Jeffersonian Ordinance of 1787, as recommended by the
+Judiciary Committee of the Senate, it should read thus:</p>
+
+<p>"All Persons are Equal before the Law, so that no person can hold
+another as a Slave; and the Congress may make all laws necessary and
+proper to carry this Article into effect everywhere within the United
+States and the jurisdiction thereof."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Sumner's idea in antagonizing the Judiciary Committee's proposition
+with this, was to introduce into our Organic Act, distinctive words
+asserting the "Equality before the Law" of all persons, as expressed in
+the Constitutional Charters of Belgium, Italy and Greece, as well as in
+the various Constitutions of France&mdash;beginning with that of September,
+1791, which declared (Art. 1) that "Men are born and continue Free and
+Equal in Rights;" continuing in that of June, 1793, which declares that
+"All Men are Equal by Nature and before the Law:" in that of June, 1814,
+which declares that "Frenchmen are Equal before the Law, whatever may be
+otherwise their title and ranks;" and in the Constitutional Charter of
+August, 1830 in similar terms to the last.</p>
+
+<p>"But," said he, "while desirous of seeing the great rule of Freedom
+which we are about to ordain, embodied in a text which shall be like the
+precious casket to the more precious treasure, yet * * * I am consoled
+by the thought that the most homely text containing such a rule will be
+more beautiful far than any words of poetry or eloquence, and that it
+will endure to be read with gratitude when the rising dome of this
+Capitol, with the Statue of Liberty which surmounts it, has crumbled to
+dust."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Sumner's great speech, however, by no means ended the debate.  It
+brought Mr. Powell to his feet with a long and elaborate contention
+against the general proposition, in the course of which he took occasion
+to sneer at Sumner's "most remarkable effort," as one of his "long
+illogical rhapsodies on Slavery, like:</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>                              '&mdash;a Tale
+               Told by an Idiot, full of sound and fury,
+               Signifying nothing.'"</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>He professed that he wanted "the Union to be restored with the
+Constitution as it is;" that he verily believed the passage of this
+Amendment would be "the most effective Disunion measure that could be
+passed by Congress"&mdash;and, said he, "As a lover of the Union I oppose
+it."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [This phrase slightly altered, in words, but not in meaning, to
+     "The Union as it was, and the Constitution as it is," afterward
+     became the Shibboleth under which the Democratic Party in the
+     Presidential Campaign of 1864, marched to defeat.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>He endeavored to impute the blame for the War, to the northern
+Abolitionists, for, said he: "Had there been no Abolitionists, North,
+there never would have been a Fire-eater, South,"&mdash;apparently ignoring
+the palpable fact that had there been no Slavery in the South, there
+could have been no "Abolitionists, North."</p>
+
+<p>He heatedly denounced the "fanatical gentlemen" who desired the passage
+of this measure; declared they intended by its passage "to destroy the
+Institution of Slavery or to destroy the Union," and exclaimed: "Pass
+this Amendment and you make an impassable chasm, as if you were to put a
+lake of burning fire, between the adhering States and those who are out.
+You will then have to make it a War of conquest and extermination before
+you can ever bring them back under the flag of the Government.  There is
+no doubt about that proposition."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Sumner, at this point, withdrew his proposed amendment, at the
+suggestion of Mr. Howard, who expressed a preference "to dismiss all
+reference to French Constitutions and French Codes, and go back to the
+good old Anglo-Saxon language employed by our Fathers, in the Ordinance
+of 1787, (in) an expression adjudicated upon repeatedly, which is
+perfectly well understood both by the public and by Judicial
+Tribunals&mdash;a phrase, which is peculiarly near and dear to the people of the
+Northwestern Territory, from whose soil Slavery was excluded by it."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The following is the language of "the Ordinance of 1787" thus
+     referred to:</p>
+
+<p>     "ART. 6.&mdash;There shall be neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude
+     in the said Territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes,
+     whereof the party shall have been duly convicted: * * *."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Mr. Davis thereupon made another opposition speech and, at its
+conclusion, Mr. Saulsbury offered, as a substitute, an Article,
+comprising no less than twenty sections&mdash;that, he said, "embodied in
+them some things" which "did not meet his personal approbation," but he
+had consented to offer them to the Senate as "a Compromise"&mdash;as "a Peace
+offering."</p>
+
+<p>The Saulsbury substitute being voted down, the debate closed with a
+speech by Mr. McDougall&mdash;an eloquent protest from his standpoint, in
+which, after endorsing the wild statement of Mr. Hendricks that 250,000
+of the people of African descent had been prematurely destroyed on the
+Mississippi, he continued.</p>
+
+<p>"This policy will ingulf them.  It is as simple a truth as has ever been
+taught by any history.  The Slaves of ancient time were not the Slaves
+of a different Race.  The Romans compelled the Gaul and the Celt,
+brought them to their own Country, and some of them became great poets,
+and some eloquent orators, and some accomplished wits, and they became
+citizens of the Republic of Greece, and of the Republic of Rome, and of
+the Empire.</p>
+
+<p>"This is not the condition of these persons with whom we are now
+associated, and about whose affairs we undertake to establish
+administration.  They can never commingle with us.  It may not be within
+the reading of some learned Senators, and yet it belongs to demonstrated
+Science, that the African race and the European are different; and I
+here now say it as a fact established by science, that the eighth
+generation of the Mixed race formed by the union of the African and
+European, cannot continue their species.  Quadroons have few children;
+with Octoroons reproduction is impossible.</p>
+
+<p>"It establishes as a law of nature that the African has no proper
+relation to the European, Caucasian, blood.  I would have them kindly
+treated.  * * *  Against all such policy and all such conduct I shall
+protest as a man, in the name of humanity, and of law, and of truth, and
+of religion."</p>
+
+<p>The amendment made, as in Committee of the Whole, having been concurred
+in, etc., the Joint Resolution, as originally reported by the Judiciary
+Committee, was at last passed, (April 8th)&mdash;by a vote of 38 yeas to 6
+nays&mdash;Messrs.  Hendricks and McDougall having the unenviable distinction
+of being the only two Senators, (mis-)representing Free States, who
+voted against this definitive Charter of American Liberty.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The full Senate vote, on passing the Thirteenth Amendment, was:</p>
+
+<p>     YEAS&mdash;Messrs.  Anthony, Brown, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Conness,
+     Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale,
+     Harding, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, Johnson, Lane of
+     Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morgan, Morrill, Nesmith, Pomeroy, Ramsey,
+     Sherman, Sprague, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Wade,
+     Wilkinson, Willey, and Wilson&mdash;38.</p>
+
+<p>     NAYs&mdash;Messrs.  Davis, Hendricks, McDougall, Powell, Riddle, and
+     Saulsbury.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="wade"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p552-wade.jpg (82K)" src="images/p552-wade.jpg" height="872" width="581">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch24"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXIV.<br><br>
+
+                 TREASON IN THE NORTHERN CAMPS.
+
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+
+<p>The immortal Charter of Freedom had, as we have seen, with comparative
+ease, after a ten days' debate, by the power of numbers, run the
+gauntlet of the Senate; but now it was to be subjected to the much more
+trying and doubtful ordeal of the House.  What would be its fate there?
+This was a question which gave to Mr. Lincoln, and the other friends of
+Liberty and Union, great concern.</p>
+
+<p>It is true that various votes had recently been taken in that body, upon
+propositions which had an indirect bearing upon the subject of
+Emancipation, as, for instance, that of the 1st of February, 1864, when,
+by a vote of 80 yeas to 46 nays, it had adopted a Resolution declaring
+"That a more vigorous policy to enlist, at an early day, and in larger
+numbers, in our Army, persons of African descent, would meet the
+approbation of the House;" and that vote, although indirect, being so
+very nearly a two-thirds vote, was most encouraging.  But, on the other
+hand, a subsequent Resolution, squarely testing the sense of the House
+upon the subject, had been carried by much less than a two-thirds vote.</p>
+
+<p>This latter Resolution, offered by Mr. Arnold, after conference with Mr.
+Lincoln, with the very purpose of making a test, was in these direct
+terms:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That the Constitution shall be so amended as to Abolish
+Slavery in the United States wherever it now exists, and to prohibit its
+existence in every part thereof forever."</p>
+
+<p>The vote, adopting it, was but 78 yeas to 62 nays.  * This vote,
+therefore, upon the Arnold Resolution, being nowhere near the two-thirds
+affirmative vote necessary to secure the passage through the House of
+the Senate Joint Resolution on this subject amendatory of the
+Constitution, was most discouraging.</p>
+
+<p>It was definite enough, however, to show the necessity of a change from
+the negative to the affirmative side of at least fifteen votes.  While
+therefore the outlook was discouraging it was far from hopeless.  The
+debate in the Senate had already had its effect upon the public mind.
+That, and the utterances of Mr. Lincoln&mdash;and further discussion in the
+House, it was thought, might produce such a pressure from the loyal
+constituencies both in the Free and Border Slave-States as to compel
+success.</p>
+
+<p>But from the very beginning of the year 1864, as if instinctively aware
+that their Rebel friends were approaching the crisis of their fate, and
+needed now all the help that their allies of the North could give them,
+the Anti-War Democrats, in Congress, and out, had been stirring
+themselves with unusual activity.</p>
+
+<p>In both Houses of Congress, upon all possible occasions, they had been
+striving, as they still strove, with the venom of their
+widely-circulated speeches, to poison the loyal Northern and Border-State mind,
+in the hope that the renomination of Mr. Lincoln might be defeated, the
+chance for Democratic success at the coming Presidential election be
+thereby increased, and, if nothing else came of it, the Union Cause be
+weakened and the Rebel Cause correspondingly strengthened.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time, evidently under secret instructions from their
+friends, the Conspirators in arms, they endeavored to create
+heart-burnings and jealousies and ill-feeling between the Eastern (especially
+the New England) States and the Western States, and unceasingly attacked
+the Protective-Tariff, Internal Revenue, the Greenback, the Draft, and
+every other measure or thing upon which the life of the Union depended.</p>
+
+<p>Most of these Northern-Democratic agitators, "Stealing the livery of
+Heaven to serve the Devil in," endeavored to conceal their treacherous
+designs under a veneer of gushing lip-loyalty, but that disguise was
+"too thin" to deceive either their contemporaries or those who come
+after them.  Some of their language too, as well as their blustering
+manner, strangely brought back to recollection the old days of Slavery
+when the plantation-whip was cracked in the House, and the air was blue
+with execration of New England.</p>
+
+<p>Said Voorhees, of Indiana, (January 11, 1864) when the House was
+considering a Bill "to increase the Internal Revenue and for other
+purposes:"</p>
+
+<p>"I want to know whether the West has any friends upon the floor of this
+House?  We pay every dollar that is to be levied by this Tax Bill.  * *
+*  The Manufacturing Interest pays not a dollar into the public Treasury
+that stays there.  And yet airs of patriotism are put on here by men
+representing that interest.  I visited New England last Summer, * * *
+when I heard the swelling hum of her Manufactories, and saw those who
+only a short time ago worked but a few hands, now working their
+thousands, and rolling up their countless wealth, I felt that it was an
+unhealthy prosperity.  To my mind it presented a wealth wrung from the
+labor, the sinews, the bone and muscle of the men who till the soil,
+taxed to an illegitimate extent to foster and support that great System
+of local wealth.  * * *  I do not intend to stand idly by and see one
+portion of the Country robbed and oppressed for the benefit of another."</p>
+
+<p>And the same day, replying to Mr. Morrill of Vermont, he exclaimed: "Let
+him show me that the plethoric, bloated Manufacturers of New England are
+paying anything to support the Government, and I will recognize it."</p>
+
+<p>Washburne, of Illinois got back at this part of Mr. Voorhees's speech
+rather neatly, by defending the North-west as being "not only willing to
+stand taxation" which had been "already imposed, but * * * any
+additional taxation which," said he, "may be necessary to crush out this
+Rebellion, and to hang the Rebels in the South, and the Rebel
+sympathizers in the North."  And, he pointedly added: "Complaint has
+been made against New England.  I know that kind of talk.  I have heard
+too often that kind of slang about New England.  I heard it here for ten
+years, when your Barksdales, and your Keitts's, and your other Traitors,
+now in arms against the Government, filled these Halls with their
+pestilential assaults not only upon New England, but on the Free North
+generally."</p>
+
+<p>Kelley of Pennsylvania, however, more fitly characterized the speech of
+Voorhees, when he termed it "a pretty, indeed a somewhat striking,
+paraphrase of the argument of Mr. Lamar, the Rebel Agent,&mdash;[in 1886,
+Secretary of the Interior]&mdash;to his confreres in Treason, as we find it
+in the recently published correspondence: 'Drive gold coin out of the
+Country, and induce undue Importation of Foreign products so as to
+strike down the Financial System.  You can have no further hope for
+Foreign recognition.  It is evident the weight of arms is against us;
+and it is clear that we can only succeed by striking down the Financial
+System of the Country.' It was an admirable paraphrase of the
+Instructions of Mr. Lamar to the Rebel Agents in the North."</p>
+
+<p>The impression was at this time abroad, and there were not wanting
+elements of proof, that certain members of Congress were trusted
+Lieutenants of the Arch-copperhead and Outlaw, Vallandigham.  Certain it
+is, that many of these leaders, six months before, attended and
+addressed the great gathering from various parts of the Country, of
+nearly one hundred thousand Vallandigham-Anti-War Peace-Democrats, at
+Springfield, Illinois&mdash;the very home of Abraham Lincoln&mdash;which adopted,
+during a lull, when they were not yelling themselves hoarse for
+Vallandigham, a resolution declaring against "the further offensive
+prosecution of the War" as being subversive of the Constitution and
+Government, and proposing a National Peace Convention, and, as a
+consequence, Peace, "the Union as it was," and, substantially such
+Constitutional guarantees as the Rebels might choose to demand!  And
+this too, at a time (June 13, 1863), when Grant, after many recent
+glorious victories, had been laying siege to Vicksburg, and its Rebel
+Army of 37,000 men, for nearly a month, with every reason to hope for
+its speedy fall.</p>
+
+<p>No wonder that under such circumstances, the news of such a gathering of
+the Northern Democratic sympathizers with Treason, and of their adoption
+of such treasonable Resolutions, should encourage the Rebels in the same
+degree that Union men were disheartened!  No wonder that Lee, elated by
+this and other evidences of Northern sympathy with Rebellion, at once
+determined to commence a second grand invasion of the North, and on the
+very next day (June 14th,) moved Northward with all his Rebel hosts to
+be welcomed, he fondly hoped, by his Northern friends of Maryland and
+elsewhere!  As we have seen, it took the bloody Battle of Gettysburg to
+undeceive him as to the character of that welcome.</p>
+
+<p>Further than this, Mr. Cox had stumped Ohio, in the succeeding election,
+in a desperate effort to make the banished Traitor, Vallandigham&mdash;the
+Chief Northern commander of the "Knights of the Golden Circle"
+(otherwise known as the "Order of the Sons of Liberty," and "O. A. K."
+or "Order of American Knights")&mdash;Governor of that great State.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The Rebel General Sterling Price being the chief Southern
+     commander of this many-named treasonable organization, which in the
+     North alone numbered over 500,000 men.</p>
+
+<p>     August, 1864.&mdash;See Report of Judge Advocate Holt on certain "Secret
+     Associations," in Appendix,]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>And it only lacked a few months of the time when quantities of copies of
+the treasonable Ritual of the "Order of American Knights"&mdash;as well as
+correspondence touching the purchase of thousands of Garibaldi rifles
+for transportation to the West&mdash;were found in the offices of leading
+Democrats then in Congress.</p>
+
+<p>When, therefore, it is said, and repeated, that there were not wanting
+elements of proof, outside of Congressional utterances and actions, that
+leading Democrats in Congress were trusted Lieutenants of the Supreme
+Commander of over half a million of Northern Rebel-sympathizers bound
+together, and to secrecy, by oaths, which were declared to be paramount
+to all other oaths, the violation of which subjected the offender to a
+shameful death somewhat like that, of being "hung, drawn, and
+quartered," which was inflicted in the middle ages for the crime of
+Treason to the Crown&mdash;it will be seen that the statement is supported by
+circumstantial, if not by positive and direct, evidence.</p>
+
+<p>Whether the Coxes, the Garret Davises, the Saulsburys, the Fernando
+Woods, the Alexander Longs, the Allens, the Holmans, and many other
+prominent Congressmen of that sort,&mdash;were merely in close communion with
+these banded "Knights," or were actual members of their secret
+organizations, may be an open question.  But it is very certain that if
+they all were not oath-bound members, they generally pursued the precise
+methods of those who were; and that, as a rule, while they often loudly
+proclaimed loyalty and love for the Union, they were always ready to act
+as if their loyalty and love were for the so-called Confederacy.</p>
+
+<p>Indeed, it was one of these other "loyal" Democrats, who even preceded
+Voorhees, in raising the Sectional cry of: The West, against New
+England.  It was on this same Internal Revenue Bill, that Holman of
+Indiana had, the day before Voorhees's attack, said:</p>
+
+<p>"If the Manufacture of the Northwest is to be taxed so heavily, a
+corresponding rate of increase must be imposed on the Manufactures of
+New England and Pennsylvania, or, will gentlemen tax us without limit
+for the benefit of their own Section?  * * * I protest against what I
+believe is intended to be a discrimination against one Section of the
+Country, by increasing the tax three-fold, without a corresponding
+increase upon the burdens of other Sections."</p>
+
+<p>But these dreadfully "loyal" Democrats&mdash;who did the bidding of
+traitorous masters in their Treason to the Union, and thus, while
+posturing as "Patriots," "fired upon the rear" of our hard-pressed
+Armies&mdash;were super-sensitive on this point.  And, when they could get
+hold of a quiet sort of a man, inclined to peaceful methods of
+discussion, how they would, terrier-like, pounce upon him, and extract
+from him, if they could, some sort of negative satisfaction!</p>
+
+<p>Thus, for instance, on the 22nd of January, when one of these quiet men
+&mdash;Morris of New York&mdash;was in the midst of an inoffensive speech, Mr. Cox
+"bristled up," and blusteringly asked whether he meant to say that he
+(Cox) had "ever been the apologist or the defender of a Traitor?"</p>
+
+<p>And Morris not having said so, mildly replied that he did "not so
+charge"&mdash;all of which little bit of by-play hugely pleased the touchy
+Mr. Cox, and his clansmen.</p>
+
+<p>But on the day following, their smiles vanished under the words of
+Spalding or Ohio, who, after referring to the crocodile-tears shed by
+Democratic Congressmen over the Confiscation Resolution&mdash;on the pretense
+that it would hunt down "innocent women and children" of the Rebels,
+when they had never a word of sympathy for the widows and children of
+the two hundred thousand dead soldiers of the Union&mdash;continued:</p>
+
+<p>"They can see our poor soldiers return, minus an arm, minus a leg, as
+they pass through these lobbies, but their only care is to protect the
+property of Rebels.  And we are asked by one of my colleagues, (Mr. Cox)
+does the gentleman from New York intend to call us Traitors?  My friend,
+Mr. Morris, modestly answered no!  If he had asked that question of me,
+he knows what my answer would have been!  I have seen Rebel officers at
+Johnson's Island, and I have taken them by the hand because they have
+fought us fairly in the field and did not seek to break down the
+Government while living under its protection.  Yes, Sir, that gentleman
+knows that I would have said to him that I have more respect for an open
+and avowed Traitor in the field, than for a sympathizer in this Hall.
+Four months have scarcely gone by since that gentleman and his political
+friends were advocating the election of a man for the Gubernatorial
+office in my State, who was an open and avowed advocate of Secession&mdash;AN
+OUTLAW AT THAT!"</p>
+
+<p>And old Thaddeus Stevens&mdash;the clear-sighted and courageous "Old
+Commoner"&mdash;followed up Spalding, and struck very close to the root and
+animus of the Democratic opposition, when he exclaimed:</p>
+
+<p>"All this struggle by calm and dignified and moderate 'Patriots;' all
+this clamor against 'Radicals;' all this cry of 'the Union as it Was,
+and the Constitution as it Is;' is but a persistent effort to
+reestablish Slavery, and to rivet anew and forever the chains of Bondage
+on the limbs of Immortal beings.  May the God of Justice thwart their
+designs and paralyze their wicked efforts!"</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="mcclellan"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p594-mcclellan.jpg (63K)" src="images/p594-mcclellan.jpg" height="764" width="581">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch25"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXV.<br><br>
+
+                  "THE FIRE IN THE REAR."
+
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+
+<p>The treacherous purposes of professedly-loyal Copperheads being seen
+through, and promptly and emphatically denounced to the Country by Union
+statesmen, the Copperheads aforesaid concluded that the profuse
+circulation of their own Treason-breeding speeches&mdash;through the medium
+of the treasonable organizations before referred to, permeating the
+Northern States,&mdash;would more than counteract all that Union men could
+say or do.  Besides, the fiat had gone forth, from their Rebel masters
+at Richmond, to Agitate the North.</p>
+
+<p>Hence, day after day, Democrat after Democrat, in the one House or the
+other, continued to air his disloyal opinions, and to utter more or less
+virulent denunciations of the Government which guarded and protected
+him.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, Brooks, of New York, on the 25th of January (1864), sneeringly
+exclaimed: "Why, what absurdity it is to talk at this Capitol of
+prosecuting the War by the liberation of Slaves, when from the dome of
+this building there can be heard at this hour the booming of cannon in
+the distance!"</p>
+
+<p>Thus, also, on the day following, Fernando Wood&mdash;the same man who, while
+Mayor of New York at the outbreak of the Rebellion, had, under
+Rebel-guidance, proposed the Secession from the Union, and the Independence,
+of that great Metropolis,&mdash;declared to the House that: "No Government
+has pursued a foe with such unrelenting, vindictive malignity as we are
+now pursuing those who came into the Union with us, whose blood has been
+freely shed on every battle-field of the Country until now, with our
+own; who fought by our side in the American Revolution, and in the War
+of 1812 with Great Britain; who bore our banners bravest and highest in
+our victorious march from Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico, and who but
+yesterday sat in these Halls contributing toward the maintenance of our
+glorious institutions."</p>
+
+<p>Then he went on, in the spirit of prophecy, to declare that: "No purely
+agricultural people, fighting for the protection of their own Domestic
+Institutions upon their own soil, have ever yet been conquered.  I say
+further, that no revolted people have ever been subdued after they have
+been able to maintain an Independent government for three years."  And
+then, warming up to an imperative mood, he made this explicit
+announcement: "We are at War.  * * *  Whether it be a Civil War,
+Rebellion, Revolution, or Foreign War, it matters little.  IT MUST
+CEASE; and I want this Administration to tell the American People WHEN
+it will cease!"  Again, only two days afterward, he took occasion to
+characterize a Bill, amendatory of the enrollment Act, as "this
+infamous, Unconstitutional conscription Act!"</p>
+
+<p>C. A. White, of Ohio, was another of the malcontents who undertook, with
+others of the same Copperhead faith, to "maintain, that," as he
+expressed it, "the War in which we are at present engaged is wrong in
+itself; that the policy adopted by the Party in power for its
+prosecution is wrong; that the Union cannot be restored, or, if
+restored, maintained, by the exercise of the coercive power of the
+Government, by War; that the War is opposed to the restoration of the
+Union, destructive of the rights of the States and the liberties of the
+People.  It ought, therefore, to be brought to a speedy and immediate
+close."</p>
+
+<p>It was about this time also that, emboldened by immunity from punishment
+for these utterances in the interest of armed Rebels, Edgerton of
+Indiana, was put forward to offer resolutions "for Peace, upon the basis
+of a restoration of the Federal Union under the Constitution as it is,"
+etc.</p>
+
+<p>Thereafter, in both Senate and House, such speeches by
+Rebel-sympathizers, the aiders and abettors of Treason, grew more frequent and
+more virulent than ever.  As was well said to the House, by one of the
+Union members from Ohio (Mr. Eckley):</p>
+
+<p>"A stranger, if he listened to the debates here, would think himself in
+the Confederate Congress.  I do not believe that if these Halls were
+occupied to-day by Davis, Toombs, Wigfall, Rhett, and Pryor, they could
+add anything to the violence of assault, the falsity of accusation, or
+the malignity of attack, with which the Government has been assailed,
+and the able, patriotic, and devoted men who are charged with its
+Administration have been maligned, in both ends of the Capitol.  The
+closing scenes of the Thirty-Sixth Congress, the treasonable
+declarations there made, contain nothing that we cannot hear, in the
+freedom of debate, without going to Richmond or to the camps of Treason,
+where most of the actors in those scenes are now in arms against us."</p>
+
+<p>With such a condition of things in Congress, it is not surprising that
+the Richmond Enquirer announced that the North was "distracted,
+exhausted, and impoverished," and would, "through the agency of a strong
+conservative element in the Free States," soon treat with the Rebels "on
+acceptable terms."</p>
+
+<p>Things indeed had reached such a pass, in the House of Representatives
+especially, that it was felt they could not much longer go on in this
+manner; that an example must be made of some one or other of these
+Copperheads.  But the very knowledge of the existence of such a feeling
+of just and patriotic irritation against the continued free utterance of
+such sentiments in the Halls of Congress, seemed only to make some of
+them still more defiant.  And, when the 8th of April dawned, it was
+known among all the Democrats in Congress, that Alexander Long proposed
+that day to make a speech which would "go a bow-shot beyond them all" in
+uttered Treason.  He would speak right out, what the other Conspirators
+thought and meant, but dared not utter, before the World.</p>
+
+<p>A crowded floor, and packed galleries, were on hand to listen to the
+written, deliberate Treason, as it fell from his lips in the House.  His
+speech began with an arraignment of the Government for treachery,
+incompetence, failure, tyranny, and all sorts of barbarous actions and
+harsh intentions, toward the Rebels&mdash;which led him to the indignant
+exclamation:</p>
+
+<p>"Will they throw down their arms and submit to the terms?  Who shall
+believe that the free, proud American blood, which courses with as quick
+pulsation through their veins as our own, will not be spilled to the
+last drop in resistance?"</p>
+
+<p>Warming up, he proceeded to say: "Can the Union be restored by War?  I
+answer most unhesitatingly and deliberately, No, never; 'War is final,
+eternal separation.'"</p>
+
+<p>He claimed that the War was "wrong;" that it was waged "in violation of
+the Constitution," and would "if continued, result speedily in the
+destruction of the Government and the loss of Civil Liberty, and ought
+therefore, to immediately cease."</p>
+
+<p>He held also "that the Confederate States are out of the Union,
+occupying the position of an Independent Power de facto; have been
+acknowledged as a belligerent both by Foreign Nations and our own
+Government; maintained their Declaration of Independence, for three
+years, by force of arms; and the War has cut asunder all the obligations
+that bound them under the Constitution."</p>
+
+<p>"Much better," said he, "would it have been for us in the beginning,
+much better would it be for us now, to consent to a division of our
+magnificent Empire, and cultivate amicable relations with our estranged
+brethren, than to seek to hold them to us by the power of the sword.  *
+* * I am reluctantly and despondingly forced to the conclusion that the
+Union is lost, never to be restored.  * * * I see neither North nor
+South, any sentiment on which it is possible to build a Union.  * * * in
+attempting to preserve our Jurisdiction over the Southern States we have
+lost our Constitutional Form of Government over the Northern.  * * * The
+very idea upon which this War is founded, coercion of States, leads to
+despotism.  * * * I now believe that there are but two alternatives, and
+they are either an acknowledgment of the Independence of the South as an
+independent Nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a
+People; and of these alternatives I prefer the former."</p>
+
+<p>As Long took his seat, amid the congratulations of his Democratic
+friends, Garfield arose, and, to compliments upon the former's peculiar
+candor and honesty, added denunciation for his Treason.  After drawing
+an effective parallel between Lord Fairfax and Robert E. Lee, both of
+whom had cast their lots unwillingly with the enemies of this Land, when
+the Wars of the Revolution and of the Rebellion respectively opened,
+Garfield proceeded:</p>
+
+<p>"But now, when hundreds of thousands of brave souls have gone up to God
+under the shadow of the Flag, and when thousands more, maimed and
+shattered in the Contest, are sadly awaiting the deliverance of death;
+now, when three years of terrific warfare have raged over us, when our
+Armies have pushed the Rebellion back over mountains and rivers and
+crowded it back into narrow limits, until a wall of fire girds it; now,
+when the uplifted hand of a majestic People is about to let fall the
+lightning of its conquering power upon the Rebellion; now, in the quiet
+of this Hall, hatched in the lowest depths of a similar dark Treason,
+there rises a Benedict Arnold and proposes to surrender us all up, body
+and spirit, the Nation and the Flag, its genius and its honor, now and
+forever, to the accursed Traitors to our Country.  And that proposition
+comes&mdash;God forgive and pity my beloved State!&mdash;it comes from a citizen
+of the honored and loyal Commonwealth of Ohio!  I implore you, brethren
+in this House, not to believe that many such births ever gave pangs to
+my mother-State such as she suffered when that Traitor was born!"</p>
+
+<p>As he uttered these sturdy words, the House and galleries were agitated
+with that peculiar rustling movement and low murmuring sound known as a
+"sensation," while the Republican side with difficulty restrained the
+applause they felt like giving, until he sadly proceeded:</p>
+
+<p>"I beg you not to believe that on the soil of that State another such
+growth has ever deformed the face of Nature and darkened the light of
+God's day."</p>
+
+<p>The hush that followed was broken by the suggestive whisper:
+"Vallandigham!"</p>
+
+<p>"But, ah," continued the Speaker&mdash;as his voice grew sadder still&mdash;"I am
+reminded that there are other such.  My zeal and love for Ohio have
+carried me too far.  I retract.  I remember that only a few days since,
+a political Convention met at the Capital of my State, and almost
+decided, to select from just such material, a representative for the
+Democratic Party in the coming contest; and today, what claims to be a
+majority of the Democracy of that State say that they have been cheated
+or they would have made that choice!"</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [This refers to Horatio Seymour, the Democratic Governor of New
+     York.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>After referring to the "insidious work" of the "Knights of the Golden
+Circle" in seeking "to corrupt the Army and destroy its efficiency;" the
+"riots and murders which," said he, "their agents are committing
+throughout the Loyal North, under the lead and guidance of the Party
+whose Representatives sit yonder across the aisle;" he continued: "and
+now, just as the time is coming on when we are to select a President for
+the next four years, one rises among them and fires the Beacon, throws
+up the blue-light&mdash;which will be seen, and rejoiced over, at the Rebel
+Capital in Richmond&mdash;as the signal that the Traitors in our camp are
+organized and ready for their hellish work!  I believe the utterance of
+to-day is the uplifted banner of revolt.  I ask you to mark the signal
+that blazes here, and see if there will not soon appear the answering
+signals of Traitors all over the Land.  * * * If these men do mean to
+light the torch of War in all our homes; if they have resolved to begin
+the fearful work which will redden our streets, and this Capitol, with
+blood, the American People should know it at once, and prepare to meet
+it."</p>
+
+<p>At the close of Mr. Garfield's patriotic and eloquent remarks, Mr. Long
+again got the floor, declared that what he had said, he believed to be
+right, and he would "stand by it," though he had to "stand solitary and
+alone," and "even if it were necessary to brave bayonets, and prisons,
+and all the tyranny which may be imposed by the whole power and force of
+the Administration."</p>
+
+<p>Said he: "I have deliberately uttered my sentiments in that speech, and
+I will not retract one syllable of it."  And, to "rub it in" a little
+stronger, he exclaimed, as he took his seat, just before adjournment:
+"Give me Liberty, even if confined to an Island of Greece, or a Canton
+of Switzerland, rather than an Empire and a Despotism as we have here
+to-day!"</p>
+
+<p>This treasonable speech naturally created much excitement throughout the
+Country.</p>
+
+<p>On the following day (Saturday, April 9, 1864), immediately after
+prayer, the reading of the Journal being dispensed with, the Speaker of
+the House (Colfax) came down from the Speaker's Chair, and, from the
+floor, offered a Preamble and Resolution, which ended thus:</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That Alexander Long, a Representative from the second
+district of Ohio, having, on the 8th day of April, 1864, declared
+himself in favor of recognizing the Independence and Nationality of the
+so-called Confederacy now in arms against the Union, and thereby 'given
+aid, Countenance and encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility
+to the United States,' is hereby expelled."</p>
+
+<p>The debate which ensued consumed nearly a week, and every member of
+prominence, on both the Republican and Democratic sides, took part in
+it&mdash;the Democrats almost invariably being careful to protest their own
+loyalty, and yet attempting to justify the braver and more candid
+utterances of the accused member.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Cox led off, April 9th, in the defense, by counterattack.  He quoted
+remarks made to the House (March 18, 1864) by Mr. Julian, of Indiana, to
+the effect that "Our Country, united and Free, must be saved, at
+whatever hazard or cost; and nothing, not even the Constitution, must be
+allowed to hold back the uplifted arm of the Government in blasting the
+power of the Rebels forever;"&mdash;and upon this, adopting the language of
+another&mdash;[Judge Thomas, of Massachusetts.]&mdash;Mr. Cox declared that "to
+make this a War, with the sword in one hand to defend the Constitution,
+and a hammer in the other to break it to pieces, is no less treasonable
+than Secession itself; and that, outside the pale of the Constitution,
+the whole struggle is revolutionary."</p>
+
+<p>He thought, for such words as he had just quoted, Julian ought to have
+been expelled, if those of Long justified expulsion!</p>
+
+<p>Finally, being pressed by Julian to define his own position, as between
+the Life of the Nation, and the Infraction of the United States
+Constitution, Mr. Cox said: "I will say this, that UNDER NO
+CIRCUMSTANCES CONCEIVABLE BY THE HUMAN MIND WOULD I EVER VIOLATE THAT
+CONSTITUTION FOR ANY PURPOSE!"</p>
+
+<p>This sentiment was loudly applauded, and received with cries of "THAT IS
+IT!"  "THAT'S IT!" by the Democratic side of the House, apparently in
+utter contempt for the express and emphatic declaration of Jefferson
+that: "A strict observance of the written laws is doubtless one of the
+highest duties of a good citizen, but it is not the highest.  The laws
+of Necessity, of Self-preservation, of SAVING OUR COUNTRY WHEN IN
+DANGER, are of higher obligation.  To LOSE OUR COUNTRY by a scrupulous
+adherence to written law WOULD BE TO LOSE THE LAW ITSELF, with Life,
+Liberty, Property, and all those who are enjoying them with us; thus
+absolutely SACRIFICING THE END TO THE MEANS."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [In a letter to J.  B.  Colvin, Sept.  20, 1810, quoted at the time
+     for their information, and which may be found at page 542 of vol.
+     v., of Jefferson's Works.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Indeed these extreme sticklers for the letter of the Constitution, who
+would have sacrificed Country, kindred, friends, honesty, truth, and all
+ambitions on Earth and hopes for Heaven, rather than violate it&mdash;for
+that is what Mr. Cox's announcement and the Democratic endorsement of it
+meant, if they meant anything&mdash;were of the same stripe as those
+querulous Ancients, for the benefit of whom the Apostle wrote: "For THE
+LETTER KILLETH, but the Spirit giveth life."</p>
+
+<p>And now, inspired apparently by the reckless utterances
+of Long, if not by the more cautious diatribe of Cox, Harris of
+Maryland, determining if possible to outdo them all, not only declared
+that he was willing to go with his friend Long wherever the House chose
+to send him, but added: "I am a peace man, a radical peace man; and I am
+for Peace by the recognition of the South, for the recognition of the
+Southern Confederacy; and I am for acquiescence in the doctrine of
+Secession."  And, said he, in the midst of the laughter which followed
+the sensation his treasonable words occasioned, "Laugh as you may, you
+have got to come to it!"  And then, with that singular obfuscation of
+ideas engendered, in the heads of their followers, by the astute
+Rebel-sympathizing leaders, he went on:</p>
+
+<p>"I am for Peace, and I am for Union too.  I am as good a Union man as
+any of you.  [Laughter.] I am a better Union man than any of you!
+[Great Laughter.] * * * I look upon War as Disunion."</p>
+
+<p>After declaring that, if the principle of the expulsion Resolution was
+to be carried out, his "friend," Mr. Long, "would be a martyr in a
+glorious cause"&mdash;he proceeded to announce his own candidacy for
+expulsion, in the following terms:</p>
+
+<p>"Mr. Speaker, in the early part of this Secession movement, there was a
+Resolution offered, pledging men and money to carry on the War.  My
+principles were then, and are now, against the War.  I stood, solitary
+and alone, in voting against that Resolution, and whenever a similar
+proposition is brought here it will meet with my opposition.  Not one
+dollar, nor one man, I swear, by the Eternal, will I vote for this
+infernal, this stupendous folly, more stupendous than ever disgraced any
+civilized People on the face of God's Earth.  If that be Treason, make
+the most of it!</p>
+
+<p>"The South asked you to let them go in peace.  But no, you said you
+would bring them into subjugation.  That is not done yet, and God
+Almighty grant that it never may be.  I hope that you will never
+subjugate the South.  If she is to be ever again in the Union, I hope it
+will be with her own consent; and I hope that that consent will be
+obtained by some other mode than by the sword.  'If this be Treason,
+make the most of it!'"</p>
+
+<p>An extraordinary scene at once occurred&mdash;Mr. Tracy desiring "to know
+whether, in these Halls, the gentleman from Maryland invoked Almighty
+God that the American Arms should not prevail?"  "Whether such language
+is not Treason?" and "whether it is in order to talk Treason in this
+Hall?"&mdash;his patriotic queries being almost drowned in the incessant
+cries of "Order!"  "Order!"  and great disorder, and confusion, on the
+Democratic side of the House.</p>
+
+<p>Finally the treasonable language was taken down by the Clerk, and, while
+a Resolution for the expulsion of Mr. Harris was being written out, Mr.
+Fernando Wood&mdash;coming, as he said, from a bed of "severe sickness,"
+quoted the language used by Mr. Long, to wit:</p>
+
+<p>"I now believe there are but two alternatives, and they are either the
+acknowledgment of the Independence of the South as an independent
+Nation, or their complete subjugation and extermination as a People; and
+of these alternatives I prefer the former"&mdash;and declared that "if he is
+to be expelled for the utterance of that sentiment, you may include me
+in it, because I concur fully in that sentiment."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [He afterwards (April 11,) said he did not agree with Mr. Long's
+     opinions.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Every effort was unavailingly made by the Democrats, under the lead of
+Messrs. Cox&mdash;[In 1886 American Minister at Constantinople.]&mdash;and
+Pendleton,&mdash;[In 1886 American Minister at Berlin.]&mdash;to prevent action
+upon the new Resolution of expulsion, which was in these words:</p>
+
+<p>"Whereas, Hon. Benjamin G. Harris, a member of the House of
+Representatives of the United States from the State of Maryland, has on
+this day used the following language, to wit: 'The South asked you to
+let them go in peace.  But no; you said you would bring them into
+subjection.  That is not done yet, and God Almighty grant that it never
+may be.  I hope that you will never subjugate the South.'  And whereas,
+such language is treasonable, and is a gross disrespect of this House:
+Therefore, Be it Resolved, That the said Benjamin G. Harris be expelled
+from this House."</p>
+
+<p>Upon reaching a vote, however, the Resolution was lost, there being only
+81 yeas, to 58 (Democratic) nays&mdash;two-thirds not having voted
+affirmatively.  Subsequently, despite Democratic efforts to obstruct, a
+Resolution, declaring Harris to be "an unworthy Member" of the House,
+and "severely" censuring him, was adopted.</p>
+
+<p>The debate upon the Long-expulsion Resolution now proceeded, and its
+mover, in view of the hopelessness of securing a two-thirds affirmative
+vote, having accepted an amendment comprising other two Resolutions and
+a Preamble, the question upon adopting these was submitted on the 14th
+of April.  They were in the words following:</p>
+
+<p>"Whereas, ALEXANDER LONG, a Representative from the second district of
+Ohio, by his open declarations in the National Capitol, and publications
+in the City of New York, has shown himself to be in favor of a
+recognition of the so-called Confederacy now trying to establish itself
+upon the ruins of our Country, thereby giving aid and comfort to the
+Enemy in that destructive purpose&mdash;aid to avowed Traitors, in creating
+an illegal Government within our borders, comfort to them by assurances
+of their success and affirmations of the justice of their Cause; and
+whereas, such conduct is at the same time evidence of disloyalty, and
+inconsistent with his oath of office, and his duty as a Member of this
+Body: Therefore,</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That the said Alexander Long, a Representative from the
+second district of Ohio, be, and he is hereby declared to be an unworthy
+Member of the House of Representatives.</p>
+
+<p>"Resolved, That the Speaker shall read these Resolutions to the said
+Alexander Long during the session of the House."</p>
+
+<p>The first of these Resolutions was adopted, by 80 yeas to 69 nays; the
+second was tabled, by 71 yeas to 69 nays; and the Preamble was agreed
+to, by 78 yeas to 63 nays.</p>
+
+<p>And, among the 63 Democrats, who were not only unwilling to declare
+Alexander Long "an unworthy Member," or to have the Speaker read such a
+declaration to him in a session of the House, but also refused by their
+votes even to intimate that his conduct evidenced disloyalty, or gave
+aid and comfort to the Enemy, were the names of such democrats as Cox,
+Eldridge, Holman, Kernan, Morrisson, Pendleton, Samuel J. Randall,
+Voorhees, and Fernando Wood.</p>
+
+<p>Hence Mr. Long not only escaped expulsion for his treasonable
+utterances, but did not even receive the "severe censure" which, in
+addition to being declared (like himself) "an unworthy Member," had been
+voted to Mr. Harris for recklessly rushing into the breach to help him!</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The Northern Democracy comprised two well-recognized classes: The
+     Anti-War (or Peace) Democrats, commonly called "Copperheads," who
+     sympathized with the Rebellion, and opposed the War for the Union;
+     and the War (or Union) Democrats, who favored a vigorous
+     prosecution of the War for the preservation of the Union.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<br><br><br><br>
+<a name="ch26"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXVI.<br><br>
+
+                 "THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT" DEFEATED IN THE HOUSE.
+
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+<p>The debate in the House of Representatives, upon the Thirteenth
+Amendment to the Constitution&mdash;interrupted by the treasonable episode
+referred to in the last Chapter&mdash;was subsequently resumed.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, however, Fort Pillow had been stormed, and its garrison of
+Whites and Blacks, massacred.</p>
+
+<p>And now commenced the beginning of the end&mdash;so far as the Military aspect
+of the Rebellion was concerned.  Early in May, Sherman's Atlanta
+Campaign commenced, and, simultaneously, General Grant began his
+movement toward Richmond.  In quick succession came the news of the
+bloody battles of the Wilderness, and those around Spottsylvania, Va.;
+at Buzzard Roost Gap, Snake Creek Gap, and Dalton, Ga.; Drury's Bluff,
+Va.; Resaca, Ga.; the battles of the North Anna, Va.; those around
+Dallas, and New Hope church, Ga; the crossing of Grant's forces to the
+South side of the James and the assault on Petersburg.  While the Union
+Armies were thus valiantly attacking and beating those of the Rebels, on
+many a sanguinary field the loyal men of the North, both in and out of
+Congress, pressed for favorable action upon the Thirteenth Amendment.
+"Friends of the wounded in Fredericksburg from the Battle of the
+Wilderness"&mdash;exclaimed Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, of May
+31st,&mdash;"friends and relatives of the soldiers of Grant's Army beyond the
+Wilderness, let us all join hands and swear upon our Country's altar
+that we will never cease this War until African Slavery in the United
+States is dead forever, and forever buried!"</p>
+
+<p>Peace Democrats, however, were deaf to all such entreaties.  On the very
+same day, Mr. Holman, in the House, objected even to the second reading
+of the Joint Resolution Amendatory of the Constitution, and there were
+so many "Peace Democrats" to back him, that the vote was: 55 yeas to 76
+nays, on the question "shall the Joint Resolution be rejected!"</p>
+
+<p>The old cry, that had been repeated by Hendricks and others, in the
+Senate and House, time and again, was still used&mdash;threadbare though it
+was&mdash;"this is not the right time for it!"  On this very day, for
+instance, Mr. Herrick said: "I ask if this is the proper time for our
+People to consider so grave a measure as the Amendment of the
+Constitution in so vital a point?  * * * this is no fitting time for
+such work."</p>
+
+<p>Very different was the attitude of Kellogg, of New York, and well did he
+show up the depths to which the Democracy&mdash;the Peace Democracy&mdash;had now
+fallen.  "We are told," said he, "of a War Democracy, and such there
+are&mdash;their name is legion&mdash;good men and true; they are found in the
+Union ranks bearing arms in support of the Government and the
+Administration that wields it.  At the ballot-box, whether at home or in
+the camp, they are Union men, and vote as they fight, and hold little in
+common with the political leaders of the Democratic Party in or out of
+this Hall&mdash;the Seymours, the Woods, the Vallandighams, the Woodwards,
+and their indorsers, who hold and control the Democratic Party here, and
+taint it with Treason, till it is a stench in the nostrils of all
+patriotic men."</p>
+
+<p>After referring to the fact that the leaders of the Rebellion had from
+the start relied confidently upon assistance from the Northern
+Democracy, he proceeded:</p>
+
+<p>"The Peace Democracy, and mere Party-hacks in the North, are fulfilling
+their masters' expectations industriously, unceasingly, and as far as in
+them lies.  Not even the shouts for victory, in these Halls, can divert
+their Southern allies here.  A sullen gloom at the defeat and
+discomfiture of their Southern brethren settles down on their disastrous
+countenances, from which no ray of joy can be reflected.  * * *  They
+even vote solid against a law to punish guerrillas.</p>
+
+<p>"Sir," continued he, "in my judgment, many of those who withhold from
+their Country the support they would otherwise give, find allegiance to
+Party too strong for their patriotism.  * * *  Rejecting the example and
+counsels of Stanton and Dickinson and Butler and Douglas and Dix and
+Holt and Andrew Johnson and Logan and Rosecrans and Grant and a host of
+others, all Democrats of the straightest sect, to forget all other ties,
+and cleave only to their Country for their Country's sake, and rejecting
+the overtures and example of the Republican Party to drop and forget
+their Party name, that all might unite and band together for their
+Country's salvation as Union men, they turn a deaf ear and cold
+shoulder, and sullenly pass by on the other side, thanking God they are
+not as other men are, and lend, if at all, a calculating, qualified, and
+conditional and halting support, under protest, to their Country's
+cause; thus justifying the only hope of the Rebellion to-day, that Party
+spirit at the North will distract its counsels, divide and discourage
+and palsy its efforts, and ultimately make way for the Traitor and the
+parricide to do their worst."</p>
+
+<p>Besides the set speeches made against the proposed
+Constitutional amendment in the House, Peace-Democrats of the Senate
+continued to keep up a running fire at it in that Chamber, on every
+possible occasion.  Garrett Davis was especially garrulous on the
+subject, and also launched the thunders of his wrath at the President
+quite frequently and even vindictively.  For instance, speaking in the
+Senate&mdash;[May 31,1864,]&mdash;of the right of Property in Slaves; said he:</p>
+
+<p>"This new-born heresy 'Military Necessity,' as President Lincoln claims,
+and exercises it, is the sum of all political and Military villianies * *
+* and it is no less absurd than it is villianous.  * * * The man has
+never spoken or lived who can prove by any provision of the
+Constitution, or by any principle, or by any argument to be deduced
+logically and fairly from it, that he has any such power as this vast,
+gigantic, all-conquering and all-crushing power of Military Necessity
+which he has the audacity to claim.</p>
+
+<p>"This modern Emperor, this Tiberius, a sort of a Tiberius, and his
+Sejanus, a sort of a Sejanus, the head of the War Department, are
+organizing daily their Military Courts to try civilians.  * * *</p>
+
+<p>"Sir, I want one labor of love before I die.  I want the President of
+the United States, I want his Secretary of War, I want some of his high
+officers in Military command to bring a civilian to a Military
+execution, and me to have the proud privilege of prosecuting them for
+murder.  * * * I want the law and its just retribution to be visited
+upon these great delinquents.</p>
+
+<p>"I would sooner, if I had the power, bring about such an atonement as
+that, than I would even put down the Rebellion.  It would be a greater
+victory in favor of Freedom and Constitutional Liberty, a thousand-fold,
+of all the People of America besides, than the subjugation of the Rebel
+States could possibly be."</p>
+
+<p>But there seemed to be no end to the' attacks upon the Administration,
+made, in both Houses, by these peculiar Peace-Democrats.  Union blood
+might flow in torrents on the fields of the rebellious South, atrocities
+innumerable might be committed by the Rebels, cold-blooded massacres of
+Blacks and Whites, as at Fort Pillow, might occur without rebuke from
+them; but let the Administration even dare to sneeze, and&mdash;woe to the
+Administration.</p>
+
+<p>It was not the Thirteenth Amendment only, that they assailed, but
+everything else which the Administration thought might help it in its
+effort to put down the Rebellion.  Nor was it so much their malignant
+activity in opposition to any one measure intended to strengthen the
+hands of the Union, but to all such measures; and superadded to this was
+the incessant bringing forward, in both Houses of Congress, by these
+restless Rebel-sympathizers, of Peace-Resolutions, the mere presentation
+of which would be, and were, construed by the Rebel authorities at
+Richmond, as evidences of a weakening.</p>
+
+<p>Even some of the best of the Peace-Democrats, like S. S.  Cox, for
+instance, not only assailed the Tariff&mdash;under which the Union Republican
+Party sought to protect and build up American Industry, as well as to
+raise as much revenue as possible to help meet the enormous current
+expenditures of the Government&mdash;but also denounced our great paper-money
+system, which alone enabled us to secure means to meet all deficiencies
+in the revenues otherwise obtained, and thus to ultimately conquer the
+hosts of Rebellion.</p>
+
+<p>He declared (June 2, 1864) that "The People are the victims of the
+joint-robbery of a system of bounties under the guise of duties, and of
+an inconvertible and depreciated paper currency under the guise of
+money," and added: "No man is now so wise and gifted that he can save
+this Nation from bankruptcy.  * * *  No borrowing system can save us.
+The scheme of making greenbacks a legal tender, which enabled the debtor
+to cheat his creditor, thereby playing the old game of kingcraft, to
+debase the currency in order to aid the designs of despotism, may float
+us for a while amidst the fluctuations and bubbles of the day; but as no
+one possesses the power to repeal the Law of the Almighty, which decrees
+(and as our Constitution has established) that gold and silver shall be
+the standard of value in the World, so they will ever thus remain,
+notwithstanding the legislation of Congress."</p>
+
+<p>Not satisfied with this sort of "fire in the rear," it was attempted by
+means of Democratic Free-Trade and antipaper-currency sophistries, to
+arouse jealousies, heart-burnings and resentful feelings in the breasts
+of those living in different parts of the Union&mdash;to implant bitter
+Sectional antagonisms and implacable resentments between the Eastern
+States, on the one hand, and the Western States, on the other&mdash;and thus,
+by dividing, to weaken the Loyal Union States.</p>
+
+<p>That this was the cold-blooded purpose of all who pursued this course,
+would no doubt be warmly denied by some of them; but the fact remains no
+less clear, that the effect of that course, whether so intended or not,
+was to give aid and comfort to the Enemy at that critical time when the
+Nation most needed all the men, money, and moral as well as material
+support, it was possible to get, to put an end to the bloody Rebellion,
+now&mdash;under the continuous poundings of Grant's Army upon that of Lee in
+Virginia, and the advance of Sherman's Army upon that of Johnston in
+Georgia&mdash;tottering to its overthrow. Thus this same speaker (S. S. Cox),
+in his untimely speech, undertook to divide the Union-loving States
+"into two great classes: the Protected States and the Unprotected
+States;" and&mdash;having declared that "The Manufacturing States, mainly the
+New England States and Pennsylvania, are the Protected States," and "The
+Agricultural States," mainly the eleven Western States, which he named,
+"are the Unprotected States"&mdash;proceeded to intemperately and violently
+arraign New England, and especially Massachusetts, in the same way that
+had years before been adopted by the old Conspirators of the South when
+they sought&mdash;alas, too successfully!&mdash;to inflame the minds of Southern
+citizens to a condition of unreasoning frenzy which made attempted
+Nullification and subsequent armed Rebellion and Secession possible.</p>
+
+<p>Well might the thoroughly loyal Grinnell, of Iowa&mdash;after exposing what
+he termed the "sophistry of figures" by which Mr. Cox had seen fit "to
+misrepresent and traduce" the Western States&mdash;exclaim: "Sir, I have no
+words which I can use to execrate sufficiently such language, in
+arraying the Sections in opposition during a time of War; as if we were
+not one People, descended from one stock, having one interest, and bound
+up in one destiny!"</p>
+
+<p>The damage that might have been done to the Union Cause by such
+malignant Democratic attacks upon the National unity and strength, may
+be imagined when we reflect that at this very time the annual expenses
+of our Government were over $600,000,000, and growing still larger; and
+that $1.90 in legal tender notes of the United States was worth but
+$1.00 in gold, with a downward tendency.  Said stern old Thaddeus
+Stevens, alluding on this occasion, to Statesmanship of the peculiar
+stamp of the Coxes and Fernando Woods: "He who in this time will pursue
+such a course of argument for the mere sake of party, can never hope to
+be ranked among Statesmen; nay, Sir, he will not even rise to the
+dignity of a respectable Demagogue!"</p>
+
+<p>Within a week after this, (June 9, 1864), we find in the Senate also,
+similarly insidious attacks upon the strength of the Government, made by
+certain Northern Democrats, who never tired of undermining Loyalty, and
+creating and spreading discontent among the People.  The Bill then up,
+for consideration, was one "to prohibit the discharge of persons from
+liability to Military duty, by reason of the payment of money."</p>
+
+<p>In the terribly bloody Campaign that had now been entered upon by Grant
+&mdash;in the West, under Sherman, and in the East, under his own personal
+eye&mdash;it was essential to send to the front, every man possible.  Hence
+the necessity for a Bill of this sort, which moreover provided, in order
+as far as possible to popularize conscription, that all calls for drafts
+theretofore made under the Enrolling Act of March 3, 1863, should be for
+not over one year's service, etc.</p>
+
+<p>This furnished the occasion for Mr. Hendricks, among other Peace
+Democrats, to make opposing speeches.  He, it seems, had all along been
+opposed to drafting Union soldiers; and because, during the previous
+Winter, the Senate had been unwilling to abolish the clause permitting a
+drafted man to pay a commutation of $300 (with which money a substitute
+could be procured) instead of himself going, at a time when men were not
+quite so badly needed as now, therefore Mr. Hendricks pretended to think
+it very strange and unjustifiable that now, when everything depended on
+getting every possible man in the field, the Senate should think of
+"abandoning that which it thought right last Winter!"</p>
+
+<p>He opposed drafting; but if drafting must be resorted to, then he
+thought that what he termed "the Horror of the Draft" should be felt by
+as many of the Union people as possible!&mdash;or, in his own words: "the
+Horror of the Draft ought to be divided among the People."  As if this
+were not sufficient to conjure dreadful imaginings, he added: "if one
+set of men are drafted this year to serve twelve months, and they have
+to go because the power of the Government makes them go, whether they
+can go well or not, then at the end of the year their neighbors should
+be subjected to the same Horror, and let this dreadful demand upon the
+service, upon the blood, and upon the life of the People be distributed
+upon all."</p>
+
+<p>And, in order apparently to still further intensify public feeling
+against all drafting, and sow the seeds of dissatisfaction in the hearts
+of those drafted at this critical time, when the fate of the Union and
+of Republican Government palpably depended upon conscription, he added:
+"It is not so right to say to twenty men in a neighborhood: 'You shall
+go; you shall leave your families whether you can or not; you shall go
+without the privilege of commutation whether you leave starving wives
+and children behind you or not,' and then say to every other man of the
+neighborhood: 'Because we have taken these twenty men for three years,
+you shall remain with your wives and children safely and comfortably at
+home for these three years.'  I like this feature of the amendment,
+because it distributes the Horror of the Draft more equally and justly
+over the whole People."</p>
+
+<p>Not satisfied with rolling the "Horror of the Draft" so often and
+trippingly over his tongue, he also essayed the role of Prophet in the
+interest of the tottering god of Slavery.  "The People," said he,
+"expect great results from this Campaign; and when another year comes
+rolling around, and it is found that this War is not closed, and that
+there is no reasonable probability of its early close, my colleague
+(Lane) and other Senators who agree with him will find that the People
+will say that this effusion of blood must stop; that THERE MUST BE SOME
+ADJUSTMENT.  I PROPHESY THIS."</p>
+
+<p>And, as a further declaration likely to give aid and comfort to the
+Rebel leaders, he said: "I do not believe many men are going to be
+obtained by a draft; I do not believe a very good Army will be got by a
+draft; I do not believe an Army will be put in the field, by a draft,
+that will whip General Lee."</p>
+
+<p>But while all such statements were, no doubt, intended to help the foes
+of the Union, and dishearten or dismay its friends, the really loyal
+People, understanding their fell object, paid little heed to them.  The
+predictions of these Prophets of evil fell flat upon the ears of lovers
+of their Country.  Conspirators, however much they might masquerade in
+the raiment of Loyalty, could not wholly conceal the ear-marks of
+Treason.  The hand might be the hand of Esau, but the voice was the
+voice of Jacob.</p>
+
+<p>On the 8th of June&mdash;after a month of terrific and bloody fighting
+between the immediate forces of Grant and Lee&mdash;a dispatch from Sherman,
+just received at Washington, was read to the House of Representatives,
+which said: "The Enemy is not in our immediate front, but his signals
+are seen at Lost Mountain, and Kenesaw."  So, at the same time, at the
+National Capital, while the friends of the Union there, were not
+immediately confronted with an armed Enemy, yet the signals of his
+Allies could be seen, and their fire upon our rear could be heard, daily
+and almost hourly, both in the Senate and the House of Representatives.</p>
+
+<p>The fight in the House, upon the Thirteenth Amendment, now seemed
+indeed, to be reaching a climax.  During the whole of June 14th, until
+midnight, speech after speech on the subject, followed each other in
+rapid succession.  Among the opposition speeches, perhaps those of
+Fernando Wood and Holman were most notable for extravagant and
+unreasoning denunciation of the Administration and Party in power&mdash;whose
+every effort was put forth, and strained at this very time to the
+utmost, to save the Union.</p>
+
+<p>Holman, for instance, declared that, "Of all the measures of this
+disastrous Administration, each in its turn producing new calamities,
+this attempt to tamper with the Constitution threatens the most
+permanent injury."  He enumerated the chief measures of the
+Administration during its three and a half years of power&mdash;among them the
+Emancipation Proclamation, the arming of the Blacks, and what he
+sneeringly termed "their pet system of finance" which was to "sustain
+the public credit for infinite years," but which "even now," said he,
+"totters to its fall!"  And then, having succeeded in convincing himself
+of Republican failure, he exultingly exclaimed: "But why enumerate?
+What measure of this Administration has failed to be fatal!  Every step
+in your progress has been a mistake.  I use the mildest terms of
+censure!"</p>
+
+<p>Fernando Wood, in his turn also, "mildly" remarked upon Republican
+policy as "the bloody and brutal policy of the Administration Party."
+He considered this "the crisis of the fate of the Union;" declared that
+Slavery was "the best possible condition to insure the happiness of the
+Negro race"&mdash;a position which, on the following day, he
+"reaffirmed"&mdash;and characterized those members of the Democratic Party who saw Treason
+in the ways and methods and expressions of Peace Democrats of his own
+stamp, as a "pack of political jackals known as War Democrats."</p>
+
+<p>On the 15th of June, Farnsworth made a reply to Ross&mdash;who had claimed to
+be friendly to the Union soldier&mdash;in which the former handled the
+Democratic Party without gloves.  "What," said he, referring to Mr.
+Ross, "has been the course of that gentleman and his Party on this floor
+in regard to voting supplies to the Army?  What has been their course in
+regard to raising money to pay the Army?  His vote will be found
+recorded in almost every instance against the Appropriation Bills,
+against ways and means for raising money to pay the Army.  It is only a
+week ago last Monday, that a Bill was introduced here to punish
+guerrillas * * *  and how did my colleague vote?  Against the Bill.* * *
+On the subject of arming Slaves, of putting Negroes into the Army, how
+has my colleague and his Party voted?  Universally against it.  They
+would strip from the backs of these Black soldiers, now in the service
+of the Country, their uniforms, and would send them back to Slavery with
+chains and manacles.  And yet they are the friends of the soldier!"* * *
+"On the vote to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law, how did that (Democratic)
+side of the House vote?  Does not the Fugitive Slave Law affect the
+Black soldier in the Army who was a Slave?  That side of the House are
+in favor of continuing the Fugitive Slave Law, and of disbanding Colored
+troops.  How did that side of the House vote on the question of arming
+Slaves and paying them as soldiers?  They voted against it.  They are in
+favor of disbanding the Colored regiments, and, armed with the Fugitive
+Slave Law, sending them back to their masters!"</p>
+
+<p>He took occasion also to meet various Democratic arguments against the
+Resolution,&mdash;among them, one, hinging on the alleged right of Property
+in Slaves.  This was a favorite idea with the Border-State men
+especially, that Slaves were Property&mdash;mere chattels as it were,&mdash;and,
+only the day before, a Northern man, Coffroth of Pennsylvania, had said:</p>
+
+<p>"Sir, we should pause before proceeding any further in this
+Unconstitutional and censurable legislation.  The mere abolition of
+Slavery is not my cause of complaint.  I care not whether Slavery is
+retained or abolished by the people of the States in which it
+exists&mdash;the only rightful authority.  The question to me is, has Congress a
+right to take from the people of the South their Property; or, in other
+words, having no pecuniary interest therein, are we justified in freeing
+the Slave-property of others?  Can we Abolish Slavery in the Loyal State
+of Kentucky against her will?  If this Resolution should pass, and be
+ratified by three-fourths of the States&mdash;States already Free&mdash;and
+Kentucky refuses to ratify it, upon what principle of right or law would
+we be justified in taking this Slave-property of the people of Kentucky?
+Would it be less than stealing?"</p>
+
+<p>And Farnsworth met this idea&mdash;which had also been advanced by Messrs.
+Ross, Fernando Wood, and Pruyn&mdash;by saying: "What constitutes property?
+I know it is said by some gentlemen on the other side, that what the
+statute makes property, is property.  I deny it.  What 'vested right'
+has any man or State in Property in Man?  We of the North hold property,
+not by virtue of statute law, not by virtue of enactments.  Our property
+consists in lands, in chattels, in things.  Our property was made
+property by Jehovah when He gave Man dominion over it.  But nowhere did
+He give dominion of Man over Man.  Our title extends back to the
+foundation of the World.  That constitutes property.  There is where we
+get our title.  There is where we get our 'vested rights' to property."</p>
+
+<p>Touching the ethics of Slavery, Mr. Arnold's speech on the same occasion
+was also able, and in parts eloquent, as where he said: 'Slavery is
+to-day an open enemy striking at the heart of the Republic.  It is the soul
+and body, the spirit and motive of the Rebellion.  It is Slavery which
+marshals yonder Rebel hosts, which confront the patriot Armies of Grant
+and Sherman.  It is the savage spirit of this barbarous Institution
+which starves the Union prisoners at Richmond, which assassinates them
+at Fort Pillow, which murders the wounded on the field of battle, and
+which fills up the catalogue of wrong and outrage which mark the conduct
+of the Rebels during all this War.</p>
+
+<p>"In view of all the long catalogue of wrongs which Slavery has inflicted
+upon the Country, I demand to-day, of the Congress of the United States,
+the death of African Slavery.  We can have no permanent Peace, while
+Slavery lives.  It now reels and staggers toward its last death-struggle.
+Let us strike the monster this last decisive blow."</p>
+
+<p>And, after appealing to both Border-State men, and Democrats of the Free
+States, not to stay the passage of this Resolution which "will strike
+the Rebellion at the heart," he continued: "Gentlemen may flatter
+themselves with a restoration of the Slave-power in this Country.  'The
+Union as it was!'  It is a dream, never again to be realized.  The
+America of the past, has gone forever.  A new Nation is to be born from
+the agony through which the People are now passing.  This new Nation is
+to be wholly Free.  Liberty, Equality before the Law, is to be the great
+Corner-stone."</p>
+
+<p>So, too, Mr. Ingersoll eloquently said&mdash;among many other good
+things:&mdash;"It is well to eradicate an evil.  That Slavery is an evil, no sane,
+honest man will deny.  It has been the great curse of this Country from
+its infancy to the present hour, And now that the States in Rebellion
+have given the Loyal States the opportunity to take off that curse, to
+wipe away the foul stain, I say let it be done.  We owe it to ourselves;
+we owe it to posterity; we owe it to the Slaves themselves to
+exterminate Slavery forever by the adoption of the proposed Amendment to
+the Constitution.  * * *  I believe Slavery is the mother of this
+Rebellion, that this Rebellion can be attributed to no other cause but
+Slavery; from that it derived its life, and gathers its strength to-day.
+Destroy the mother, and the child dies.  Destroy the cause, and the
+effect will disappear.</p>
+
+<p>"Slavery has ever been the enemy of liberal principles.  It has ever
+been the friend of ignorance, prejudice, and all the unlawful, savage,
+and detestable passions which proceed therefrom.  It has ever been
+domineering, arrogant, exacting, and overbearing.  It has claimed to be
+a polished aristocrat, when in reality it has only been a coarse,
+swaggering, and brutal boor.  It has ever claimed to be a gentleman,
+when in reality it has ever been a villain.  I think it is high time to
+clip its overgrown pretensions, strip it of its mask, and expose it, in
+all its hideous deformity, to the detestation of all honest and
+patriotic men."</p>
+
+<p>After Mr. Samuel J.  Randall had, at a somewhat later hour, pathetically
+and poetically invoked the House, in its collective unity, as a
+"Woodman," to "spare that tree" of the Constitution, and to "touch not a
+single bough," because, among other reasons, "in youth it sheltered"
+him; and furthermore, because "the time" was "most inopportune;" and,
+after Mr. Rollins, of Missouri, had made a speech, which he afterward
+suppressed; Mr. Pendleton closed the debate in an able effort, from his
+point of view, in which he objected to the passage of the Joint
+Resolution because "the time is not auspicious;" because, said he, "it
+is impossible that the Amendment proposed, should be ratified without a
+fraudulent use of the power to admit new States, or a fraudulent use of
+the Military power of the Federal Government in the Seceded
+States,"&mdash;and, said he, "if you should attempt to amend the Constitution by such
+means, what binding obligation would it have?"</p>
+
+<p>He objected, also, because "the States cannot, under the pretense of
+amending the Constitution, subvert the structure, spirit, and theory of
+this Government."  "But," said he, "if this Amendment were within the
+Constitutional power of amendment; if this were a proper time to
+consider it; if three-fourths of the States were willing to ratify it;
+and if it did not require the fraudulent use of power, either in this
+House or in the Executive Department, to secure its adoption, I would
+still resist the passage of this Resolution.  It is another step toward
+consolidation, and consolidation is Despotism; confederation is
+Liberty."</p>
+
+<p>It was about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of June 15th, that the House
+came to a vote, on the passage of the Joint Resolution.  At first the
+strain of anxiety on both sides was great, but, as the roll proceeded,
+it soon became evident that the Resolution was doomed to defeat.  And so
+it transpired.  The vote stood 93 yeas, to 65 nays&mdash;Mr. Ashley having
+changed his vote, from the affirmative to the negative, for the purpose
+of submitting, at the proper time, a motion to reconsider.</p>
+
+<p>That same evening, Mr. Ashley made the motion to reconsider the vote by
+which the proposed Constitutional Amendment was rejected; and the motion
+was duly entered in the Journal, despite the persistent efforts of
+Messrs.  Cox, Holman, and others, to prevent it.</p>
+
+<p>On the 28th of June, just prior to the Congressional Recess, Mr. Ashley
+announced that he had been disappointed in the hope of securing enough
+votes from the Democratic side of the House to carry the Amendment.
+"Those," said he, "who ought to have been the champions of this great
+proposition are unfortunately its strongest opponents.  They have
+permitted the golden opportunity to pass.  The record is made up, and we
+must go to the Country on this issue thus presented."  And then he gave
+notice that he would call the matter up, at the earliest possible moment
+after the opening of the December Session of Congress.</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br>
+<a name="ch27"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXVII.<br><br>
+
+                 SLAVERY DOOMED AT THE POLLS.
+
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+<p>The record was indeed made up, and the issue thus made, between Slavery
+and Freedom, would be the chief one before the People.  Already the
+Republican National Convention, which met at Baltimore, June 7, 1864,
+had not only with "enthusiastic unanimity," renominated Mr. Lincoln for
+the Presidency, but amid "tremendous applause," the delegates rising and
+waving their hats&mdash;had adopted a platform which declared, in behalf of
+that great Party: "That, as Slavery was the cause, and now constitutes
+the strength, of this Rebellion, and as it must be, always and
+everywhere, hostile to the principles of Republican government, Justice
+and the National safety demand its utter and complete extirpation from
+the soil of the Republic; and that while we uphold and maintain the Acts
+and Proclamations by which the Government, in its own defense, has aimed
+a death-blow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of
+such an Amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the People in
+conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever prohibit
+the existence of Slavery within the limits or the jurisdiction of the
+United States."</p>
+
+<p>So, too, with vociferous plaudits, had they received and adopted another
+Resolution, wherein they declared "That we approve and applaud the
+practical wisdom, the unselfish patriotism and the unswerving fidelity
+to the Constitution and the principles of American Liberty, with which
+Abraham Lincoln has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled
+difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the Presidential
+Office; that we approve and endorse, as demanded by the emergency, and
+essential to the preservation of the Nation, and as within the
+provisions of the Constitution; the Measures and Acts which he has
+adopted to defend the Nation against its open and secret foes; that we
+approve, especially, the Proclamation of Emancipation, and the
+employment, as Union soldiers, of men heretofore held in Slavery; and
+that we have full confidence in his determination to carry these and all
+other Constitutional Measures essential to the salvation of the Country,
+into full and complete effect."</p>
+
+<p>Thus heartily, thoroughly and unreservedly, endorsed in all the great
+acts of his Administration&mdash;and even more emphatically, if possible, in
+his Emancipation policy&mdash;by the unanimous vote of his Party, Mr.
+Lincoln, although necessarily "chagrined and disappointed"
+by the House-vote which had defeated the Thirteenth Amendment, might well feel
+undismayed.  He always had implicit faith in the People; he felt sure
+that they would sustain him; and this done, why could not the votes of a
+dozen, out of the seventy Congressional Representatives opposing that
+Amendment, be changed?  Even failing in this, it must be but a question
+of time.  He thought he could afford to bide that time.</p>
+
+<p>On the 29th of August, the Democratic National Convention met at
+Chicago.  Horatio Seymour was its permanent President; that same
+Governor of New York whom the 4th of July, 1863, almost at the moment
+when Vicksburg and Gettysburg had brought great encouragement to the
+Union cause, and when public necessity demanded the enforcement of the
+Draft in order to drive the Rebel invader from Northern soil and bring
+the Rebellion speedily to an end&mdash;had threateningly said to the
+Republicans, in the course of a public speech, during the Draft-riots at
+New York City: "Remember this, that the bloody, and treasonable, and
+revolutionary doctrine of public necessity can be proclaimed by a mob as
+well as by a Government.  * * * When men accept despotism, they may have
+a choice as to who the despot shall be!"</p>
+
+<p>In his speech to this Democratic-Copperhead National Convention,
+therefore, it is not surprising that he should, at this time, declare
+that "this Administration cannot now save this Union, if it would."
+That the body which elected such a presiding officer,&mdash;after the bloody
+series of glorious Union victories about Atlanta, Ga., then fast leading
+up to the fall of that great Rebel stronghold, (which event actually
+occurred long before most of these Democratic delegates, on their
+return, could even reach their homes)&mdash;should adopt a Resolution
+declaring that the War was a "failure," was not surprising either.</p>
+
+<p>That Resolution&mdash;"the material resolution of the Chicago platform," as
+Vallandigham afterward characters it, was written and "carried through
+both the Subcommittee and the General Committee" by that Arch-Copperhead
+and Conspirator himself.&mdash;[See his letter of October 22, 1864, to the
+editor of the New York News,]</p>
+
+<p>It was in these words: "Resolved, That this Convention does explicitly
+declare as the sense of the American People, that after four years of
+failure to restore the Union by the experiment of War, during which,
+under the pretense of a military necessity, or War&mdash;power higher than the
+Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every
+part, and public Liberty and private right alike trodden down and the
+material prosperity of the Country essentially impaired&mdash;Justice,
+Humanity, Liberty, and the public welfare demand that immediate efforts
+be made for a cessation of hostilities, with a view to an ultimate
+Convention of the States, or other peaceable means, to the end that at
+the earliest practicable moment Peace may be restored on the basis of
+the Federal Union of the States."</p>
+
+<p>With a Copperhead platform, this Democratic Convention thought it
+politic to have a Union candidate for the Presidency.  Hence, the
+nomination of General McClellan; but to propitiate the out-and-out
+Vallandigham Peace men, Mr. Pendleton was nominated to the second place
+on the ticket.</p>
+
+<p>This combination was almost as great a blunder as was the platform&mdash;than
+which nothing could have been worse.  Farragut's Naval victory at
+Mobile, and Sherman's capture of Atlanta, followed so closely upon the
+adjournment of the Convention as to make its platform and candidates the
+laughing stock of the Nation; and all the efforts of Democratic orators,
+and of McClellan himself, in his letter of acceptance, could not prevent
+the rise of that great tidal wave of Unionism which was soon to engulf
+the hosts of Copperhead-Democracy.</p>
+
+<p>The Thanksgiving-services in the churches, and the thundering salutes of
+100 guns from every Military and Naval post in the United States, which
+&mdash;during the week succeeding that Convention's sitting&mdash;betokened the
+Nation's especial joy and gratitude to the victorious Union Forces of
+Sherman and Farragut for their fortuitously-timed demonstration that the
+"experiment of War" for the restoration of the Union was anything but a
+"Failure" all helped to add to the proportions of that rapidly-swelling
+volume of loyal public feeling.</p>
+
+<p>The withdrawal from the canvass, of General Fremont, nominated for the
+Presidency by the "radical men of the Nation," at Cleveland, also
+contributed to it.  In his letter of withdrawal, September 17th, he
+said:</p>
+
+<p>"The Presidential contest has, in effect, been entered upon in such a
+way that the union of the Republican Party has become a paramount
+necessity.  The policy of the Democratic Party signifies either
+separation, or reestablishment with Slavery.  The Chicago platform is
+simply separation.  General McClellan's letter of acceptance is
+reestablishment, with Slavery.  The Republican candidate is, on the
+contrary, pledged to the reestablishment of the Union without Slavery;
+and, however hesitating his policy may be, the pressure of his Party
+will, we may hope, force him to it.  Between these issues, I think no
+man of the Liberal Party can remain in doubt."</p>
+
+<p>And now, following the fall of Atlanta before Sherman's Forces, Grant
+had stormed "Fort Hell," in front of Petersburg; Sheridan had routed the
+Rebels, under Early, at Winchester, and had again defeated Early at
+Fisher's Hill; Lee had been repulsed in his attack on Grant's works at
+Petersburg; and Allatoona had been made famous, by Corse and his 2,000
+Union men gallantly repulsing the 5,000 men of Hood's Rebel Army, who
+had completely surrounded and attacked them in front, flank, and rear.</p>
+
+<p>All these Military successes for the Union Cause helped the Union
+political campaign considerably, and, when supplemented by the
+remarkable results of the October elections in Pennsylvania, Indiana,
+and Maryland, made the election of Lincoln and Johnson a foregone
+conclusion.</p>
+
+<p>The sudden death of Chief-Justice Taney, too, happening, by a strange
+coincidence, simultaneously with the triumph of the Union Party of
+Maryland in carrying the new Constitution of that State, which
+prohibited Slavery within her borders, seemed to have a significance*
+not without its effect upon the public mind, now fast settling down to
+the belief that Slavery everywhere upon the soil of the United States
+must die.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Greeley well said of it: "His death, at this moment, seemed to
+     mark the transition from the Era of Slavery to that of Universal
+     Freedom."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Then came, October 19th, the Battle of Cedar Creek, Va. where the Rebel
+General Early, during Sheridan's absence, surprised and defeated the
+latter's forces, until Sheridan, riding down from Winchester, turned
+defeat into victory for the Union Arms, and chased the armed Rebels out
+of the Shenandoah Valley forever; and the fights of October 27th and
+28th, to the left of Grant's position, at Petersburg, by which the
+railroad communications of Lee's Army at Richmond were broken up.</p>
+
+<p>At last, November 8, 1864, dawned the eventful day of election.  By
+midnight of that date it was generally believed, all over the Union,
+that Lincoln and Johnson were overwhelmingly elected, and that the Life
+as well as Freedom of the Nation had thus been saved by the People.</p>
+
+<p>Late that very night, President Lincoln was serenaded by a Pennsylvania
+political club, and, in responding to the compliment, modestly said:</p>
+
+<p>"I earnestly believe that the consequences of this day's work (if it be
+as you assure, and as now seems probable) will be to the lasting
+advantage, if not to the very salvation, of the Country.  I cannot at
+this hour say what has been the result of the election.  But whatever it
+may be, I have no desire to modify this opinion, that all who have
+labored to-day in behalf of the Union organization have wrought for the
+best interests of their Country and the World, not only for the present
+but for all future ages.</p>
+
+<p>"I am thankful to God," continued he, "for this approval of the People;
+but, while deeply gratified for this mark of their confidence in me, if
+I know my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal
+triumph.  I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me.  It is
+no pleasure to me to triumph over any one; but I give thanks to the
+Almighty for this evidence of the People's resolution to stand by Free
+Government and the rights of Humanity."</p>
+
+<p>On the 10th of November, in response to another serenade given at the
+White House, in the presence of an immense and jubilantly enthusiastic
+gathering of Union men, by the Republican clubs of the District of
+Columbia, Mr. Lincoln said:</p>
+
+<p>"It has long been a grave question whether any Government, not too
+strong for the Liberties of its People, can be strong enough to maintain
+its existence in great emergencies.  On this point the present
+Rebellion has brought our Republic to a severe test, and a
+Presidential election, occurring in regular course during the Rebellion,
+has added not a little to the strain.  * * *  But the election, along
+with its incidental and undesired strife, has done good, too.  It has
+demonstrated that a People's Government can sustain a National election
+in the midst of a great Civil War, until now it has not been known to
+the World that this was a possibility.  It shows, also, how sound and
+how strong we still are.</p>
+
+<p>"But," said he, "the Rebellion continues; and now that the election is
+over, may not all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to
+save our common Country?</p>
+
+<p>"For my own part," continued he&mdash;as the cheering, elicited by this
+forcible appeal, ceased&mdash;"I have striven, and shall strive, to avoid
+placing any obstacle in the way.  So long as I have been here I have not
+willingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom.  While I am deeply
+sensible to the high compliment of a reelection, and duly grateful, as I
+trust, to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen to a right
+conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing to my
+satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by the
+result."</p>
+
+<p>And, as the renewed cheering evoked by this kindly, Christian utterance
+died away again, he impressively added: "May I ask those who have not
+differed with me, to join with me in this same spirit, towards those who
+have?"</p>
+
+<p>So, too, on the 17th of November, in his response to the complimentary
+address of a delegation of Union men from Maryland.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [W. H. Purnell, Esq., in behalf of the Committee, delivered an
+     address, in which he said they rejoiced that the People, by such an
+     overwhelming and unprecedented majority, had again reelected Mr.
+     Lincoln to the Presidency and endorsed his course&mdash;elevating him to
+     the proudest and most honorable position on Earth.  They felt under
+     deep obligation to him because he had appreciated their condition
+     as a Slave-State.  It was not too much to say that by the exercise
+     of rare discretion on his part, Maryland to-day occupies her
+     position in favor of Freedom.  Slavery has been abolished therefrom
+     by the Sovereign Decree of the People.  With deep and lasting
+     gratitude they desired that his Administration, as it had been
+     approved in the past, might also be successful in the future, and
+     result in the Restoration of the Union, with Freedom as its
+     immutable basis.  They trusted that, on retiring from his high and
+     honorable position, the universal verdict might be that he deserved
+     well of mankind, and that favoring Heaven might 'Crown his days
+     with loving kindness and tender mercies.']</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>The same kindly anxiety to soften and dispel the feeling of bitterness
+that had been engendered in the malignant bosoms of the
+Copperhead-Democracy by their defeat, was apparent when he said with emphasis and
+feeling:</p>
+
+<p>"I have said before, and now repeat, that I indulge in no feeling of
+triumph over any man who has thought or acted differently from myself.
+I have no such feeling toward any living man;" and again, after
+complimenting Maryland for doing "more than double her share" in the
+elections, in that she had not only carried the Republican ticket, but
+also the Free Constitution, he added: "Those who have differed with us
+and opposed us will yet see that the result of the Presidential election
+is better for their own good than if they had been successful."</p>
+
+<p>The victory of the Union-Republican Party at this election was an
+amazing one, and in the words of General Grant's dispatch of
+congratulation to the President, the fact of its "having passed off
+quietly" was, in itself, "a victory worth more to the Country than a
+battle won,"&mdash;for the Copperheads had left no stone unturned in their
+efforts to create the utmost possible rancor, in the minds of their
+partisans, against the Administration and its Party.</p>
+
+<p>Of twenty-five States voting, Lincoln and Johnson had carried the
+electoral votes of twenty-two of them, viz.: Maine, New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York,
+Pennsylvania, Maryland, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Michigan,
+Iowa, Wisconsin, Minnesota, California, Oregon, Kansas, West Virginia,
+and Nevada; while McClellan and Pendleton had carried the twenty-one
+electoral votes of the remaining three, viz.: New Jersey, Delaware, and
+Kentucky&mdash;the popular vote reaching the enormous number of 2,216,067 for
+Lincoln, to 1,808,725 for McClellan&mdash;making Lincoln's popular majority
+407,342, and his electoral majority 191!</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="poll"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p598-poll.jpg (170K)" src="images/p598-poll.jpg" height="959" width="637">
+</center>
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+
+<p>But if the figures upon the Presidential candidacy were so gratifying
+and surprising to all who held the cause of Union above all others, no
+less gratifying and surprising were those of the Congressional
+elections, which indicated an entire revulsion of popular feeling on the
+subject of the Administration's policy.  For, while in the current
+Congress (the 38th), there were only 106 Republican-Union to 77
+Democratic Representatives, in that for which the elections had just
+been held, (the 39th), there would be 143 Republican-Union to 41
+Democratic Representatives.</p>
+
+<p>It was at once seen, therefore, that, should the existing House of
+Representatives fail to adopt the Thirteenth Amendment to the
+Constitution, there would be much more than the requisite two-thirds
+majority for such a Measure in both Houses of the succeeding Congress;
+and moreover that in the event of its failure at the coming Session, it
+was more than probable that President Lincoln would consider himself
+justified in calling an Extra Session of the Thirty-ninth Congress for
+the especial purpose of taking such action.  So far then, as the
+prospects of the Thirteenth Amendment were concerned, they looked
+decidedly more encouraging.</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+<br>
+<br>
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p5.htm">Previous Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p7.htm">Next Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+ 
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+
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+<head>
+<title>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 7, By John Logan</title>
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+
+<h2>THE GREAT CONSPIRACY, Part 7</h2>
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
+<tr><td>
+ 
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="p6.htm">Previous Part</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+</td><td>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="7140-h.htm">Main Index</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
+ 
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+ 
+<br><br><br><br><br><br>
+
+
+
+
+
+<center>
+<h1>
+<br>
+                         THE GREAT CONSPIRACY<br>
+<br>
+                        Its Origin and History<br><br>
+<br>
+                               Part 7<br><br><br>
+
+															 By John Logan
+<br></h1>
+<br>
+<h2>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="titlepage.jpg (65K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" height="1134" width="692">
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<img alt="frontspiece.jpg (101K)" src="images/frontspiece.jpg" height="934" width="665">
+<br><br>
+
+
+
+<br>
+<br><br>
+<br>
+CONTENTS
+</h2></center>
+<br>
+<br>
+                            <h2><a href="#ch28">CHAPTER XXVIII.</a><br>
+                        FREEDOM AT LAST ASSURED.<br></h2>
+<br>
+THE WINTER OF 1864&mdash;THE MILITARY SITUATION&mdash;THE "MARCH TO THE
+SEA"&mdash;THOMAS AND HOOD&mdash;LOGAN'S INTERVIEW WITH THE PRESIDENT&mdash;VICTORIES OF
+NASHVILLE AND SAVANNAH&mdash;MR. LINCOLN'S MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, ON THIRTEENTH
+AMENDMENT&mdash;CONGRESSIONAL RECESS&mdash;PRESIDENT LINCOLN STILL WORKING WITH,
+THE BORDER-STATE REPRESENTATIVES&mdash;ROLLINS'S INTERVIEW WITH HIM&mdash;THE
+THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT UP, IN THE HOUSE, AGAIN&mdash;VIGOROUS AND ELOQUENT
+DEBATE&mdash;SPEECHES OF COX, BROOKS, VOORHEES, MALLORY, HOLMAN, WOOD, AND
+PENDLETON, AGAINST THE AMENDMENT&mdash;SPEECHES OF CRESWELL, SCOFIELD,
+ROLLINS, GARFIELD, AND STEVENS, FOR IT&mdash;RECONSIDERATION OF ADVERSE
+VOTE&mdash;THE AMENDMENT ADOPTED&mdash;EXCITING SCENE IN THE HOUSE&mdash;THE GRAND SALUTE TO
+LIBERTY&mdash;SERENADE TO MR. LINCOLN&mdash;"THIS ENDS THE JOB"
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2><a href="#ch29">CHAPTER XXIX.</a><br>
+                     LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURATION.<br></h2>
+<br>
+REBELLION ON ITS "LAST LEGS"&mdash;PEACE COMMISSIONS AND
+PROPOSITIONS&mdash;EFFORTS OF GREELEY, JACQUES, GILMORE, AND BLAIR&mdash;LINCOLN'S
+ADVANCES&mdash;JEFFERSON DAVIS'S DEFIANT MESSAGE TO HIM&mdash;THE PRESIDENT AND THE REBEL
+COMMISSIONERS AT HAMPTON ROADS&mdash;VARIOUS ACCOUNTS, OF THE SECRET
+CONFERENCE, BY PARTICIPANTS THE PROPOSITIONS ON BOTH SIDES&mdash;FAILURE&mdash;THE
+MILITARY OUTLOOK&mdash;THE REBEL CAUSE DESPERATE&mdash;REBEL
+DESERTIONS&mdash;"MILITARY" PEACE-CONVENTION PROPOSED BY REBELS&mdash;DECLINED&mdash;CORRESPONDENCE
+BETWEEN GRANT AND LEE, ETC.&mdash;THE SECOND INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT
+LINCOLN&mdash;A STRANGE OMEN&mdash;HIS IMMORTAL SECOND-INAUGURAL
+<br>
+<br>
+                              <h2><a href="#ch30">CHAPTER XXX.</a><br>
+                   COLLAPSE OF THE ARMED CONSPIRACY.<br></h2>
+<br>
+PROGRESS OF THE WAR&mdash;CAMPAIGN OF THE CAROLINAS, 1865&mdash;MEETING, AT CITY
+POINT, OF LINCOLN, GRANT, AND SHERMAN&mdash;SHERMAN'S ACCOUNT OF WHAT
+PASSED&mdash;GRANT NOW FEELS "LIKE ENDING THE MATTER"&mdash;THE BATTLES OF DINWIDDIE
+COURT HOUSE AND FIVE FORKS&mdash;UNION ASSAULT ON THE PETERSBURG WORKS&mdash;UNION
+VICTORY EVERYWHERE&mdash;PETERSBURG AND RICHMOND EVACUATED&mdash;LEE'S RETREAT CUT
+OFF BATTLE OF SAILOR'S CREEK&mdash;GRANT ASKS LEE TO SURRENDER&mdash;LEE
+DELAYS&mdash;SHERIDAN CATCHES HIM, AND HIS ARMY, IN A TRAP&mdash;THE REBELS SURRENDER, AT
+APPOMATTOX&mdash;GRANT'S GENEROUS AND MAGNANIMOUS TERMS&mdash;THE STARVING REBELS
+FED WITH UNION RATIONS&mdash;SURRENDER OF JOHNSTON'S ARMY&mdash;OTHER REBEL FORCES
+SURRENDER&mdash;THE REBELLION STAMPED OUT&mdash;CAPTURE OF JEFFERSON DAVIS&mdash;THE
+REBELS "YIELD EVERYTHING THEY HAD FOUGHT FOR"&mdash;THEY CRAVE PARDON AND
+OBLIVION FOR THEIR OFFENCES
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2><a href="#ch31">CHAPTER XXXI.</a><br>
+                             ASSASSINATION!<br></h2>
+<br>
+PRESIDENT LINCOLN AT RICHMOND&mdash;HIS RECEPTIONS AT JEFFERSON DAVIS'S
+MANSION&mdash;RETURN TO WASHINGTON&mdash;THE NEWS OF LEE'S SURRENDER&mdash;LINCOLN'S
+LAST PUBLIC SPEECH&mdash;HIS THEME, "RECONSTRUCTION"&mdash;GRANT ARRIVES AT THE
+NATIONAL CAPITAL&mdash;PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S LAST CABINET MEETING&mdash;HIS FOND
+HOPES OF THE FUTURE&mdash;AN UNHEEDED PRESENTIMENT&mdash;AT FORD'S THEATRE&mdash;THE
+LAST ACCLAMATION OF THE PEOPLE&mdash;THE PISTOL SHOT THAT HORRIFIED THE
+WORLD&mdash;SCULKING, RED HANDED TREASON&mdash;THE ASSASSINATION PLOT-COMPLICITY
+OF THE REBEL AUTHORITIES, BELIEVED BY THE BEST INFORMED MEN&mdash;TESTIMONY
+AS TO THREE ATTEMPTS TO KILL LINCOLN&mdash;THE CHIEF REBEL-CONSPIRATORS
+"RECEIVE PROPOSITIONS TO ASSASSINATE"&mdash;A NATION'S WRATH&mdash;ANDREW
+JOHNSON'S VEHEMENT ASSEVERATIONS&mdash;"TREASON MUST BE MADE
+ODIOUS"&mdash;RECONSTRUCTION
+<br>
+<br>
+                             <h2><a href="#ch32">CHAPTER XXXII.</a><br>
+                         TURNING BACK THE HANDS<br></h2>
+<br>
+"RECONSTRUCTION" OF THE SOUTH&mdash;MEMORIES OF THE WAR, DYING OUT&mdash;THE
+FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH AMENDMENTS&mdash;THE SOUTHERN STATES REHABILITATED
+BY ACCEPTANCE OF AMENDMENTS, ETC.&mdash;REMOVAL OF REBEL
+DISABILITIES&mdash;CLEMENCY OF THE CONQUERORS&mdash;THE OLD CONSPIRATORS HATCH A NEW
+CONSPIRACY&mdash;THE "LOST CAUSE" TO BE REGAINED&mdash;THE MISSISSIPPI SHOT-GUN PLAN&mdash;FRAUD,
+BARBARITY, AND MURDERS, EFFECT THE PURPOSE&mdash;THE "SOUTH" CEMENTED "SOLID"
+BY BLOOD&mdash;PEONAGE REPLACES SLAVERY&mdash;THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF
+1876&mdash;THE TILDEN "BARREL," AND "CIPHER DISPATCHES"&mdash;THE "FRAUD" CRY&mdash;THE OLD
+LEADERS DICTATE THE DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENTIAL NOMINEE OF 1880&mdash;THEIR
+FREE-TRADE ISSUE TO THE FRONT AGAIN&mdash;SUCCESSIVE DEMOCRATIC EFFORTS TO FORCE
+FREE-TRADE THROUGH THE HOUSE, SINCE REBELLION&mdash;EFFECT OF SUCH
+EFFORTS&mdash;REPUBLICAN MODIFICATIONS OF THEIR OWN PROTECTIVE TARIFF&mdash;THE "SOLID
+SOUTH" SUCCEEDS, AT LAST, IN "ELECTING" ITS CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT&mdash;IS
+THIS STILL A REPUBLIC, OR IS IT AN OLIGARCHY?
+<br>
+<br>
+                            <h2><a href="#ch33">CHAPTER XXXIII.</a><br>
+                               WHAT NEXT?<br></h2>
+<br>
+THE PRESENT OUTLOOK&mdash;COMMERCIAL PROSPECTS, BRIGHT&mdash;WHAT THE PEOPLE OF
+THE NORTHERN AND WESTERN STATES SEE&mdash;WHAT IS A "REPUBLICAN FORM OF
+GOVERNMENT?"&mdash;WHAT DID THE FATHERS MEAN BY IT&mdash;THE REASON FOR THE
+GUARANTEE IN THE NATIONAL CONSTITUTION&mdash;PURPOSES OF "THE PEOPLE" IN
+CREATING THIS REPUBLIC&mdash;THE "SOLID-SOUTHERN" OLIGARCHS DEFEAT THOSE
+PURPOSES&mdash;THE REPUBLICAN PARTY NOT BLAMELESS FOR THE PRESENT CONDITION
+OF THINGS&mdash;THE OLD REBEL-CHIEFTAINS AND COPPERHEADS, IN CONTROL&mdash;THEY
+GRASP ALMOST EVERYTHING THAT WAS LOST BY THE REBELLION&mdash;THEIR GROWING
+AGGRESSIVENESS&mdash;THE FUTURE&mdash;"WATCHMAN, WHAT OF THE NIGHT?"
+<br>
+<br><br><br><br>
+<h4>IMAGES.</h4>
+
+<center>
+<table summary="">
+<tr><td>
+
+<a href="#stevens">THAD. STEVENS</a><br>
+<a href="#davis">HENRY WINTER DAVIS</a><br>
+<a href="#breckinridge">J. C. BRECKINRIDGE</a><br>
+
+
+</td></tr>
+</table>
+</center>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="stevens"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p606-stevens.jpg (72K)" src="images/p606-stevens.jpg" height="809" width="586">
+</center>
+<br><br><br>
+<a name="ch28"></a>
+<br>
+<br>
+<center><h2>                            CHAPTER XXVIII.<br>
+<br>
+                        FREEDOM AT LAST ASSURED.
+</h2></center>
+<br>
+
+<p>As to the Military situation, a few words are, at this time, necessary:
+Hood had now marched Northward, with some 50,000 men, toward Nashville,
+Tenn., while Sherman, leaving Thomas and some 35,000 men behind, to
+thwart him, had abandoned his base, and was marching Southward from
+Atlanta, through Georgia, toward the Sea.</p>
+
+<p>On the 30th of November, 1864, General Schofield, in command of the 4th
+and 23rd Corps of Thomas's Army, decided to make a stand against Hood's
+Army, at Franklin, in the angle of the Harpeth river, in order to give
+time for the Union supply-trains to cross the river.  Here, with less
+than 20,000 Union troops, behind some hastily constructed works, he had
+received the impetuous and overwhelming assault of the Enemy&mdash;at first
+so successful as to threaten a bloody and disastrous rout to the Union
+troops&mdash;and, by a brilliant counter-charge, and subsequent obstinate
+defensive-fighting, had repulsed the Rebel forces, with nearly three
+times the Union losses, and withdrew the next day in safety to the
+defenses of Nashville.</p>
+
+<p>A few days later, Hood, with his diminished Rebel Army, sat down before
+the lines of Thomas's somewhat augmented Army, which stretched from bank
+to bank of the bight of the Cumberland river upon which Nashville is
+situated.</p>
+
+<p>And now a season of intense cold set in, lasting a week or ten days.
+During this period of apparent inaction on both sides&mdash;which aroused
+public apprehension in the North, and greatly disturbed General Grant&mdash;I
+was ordered to City Point, by the General-in-Chief, with a view to his
+detailing me to Thomas's Command, at Nashville.</p>
+
+<p>On the way, I called on President Lincoln, at the White House.  I found
+him not very well, and with his feet considerably swollen.  He was
+sitting on a chair, with his feet resting on a table, while a barber was
+shaving him.  Shaking him by the hand, and asking after his health, he
+answered, with a humorous twinkle of the eye, that he would illustrate
+his condition by telling me a story.  Said he: "Two of my neighbors, on
+a certain occasion, swapped horses.  One of these horses was large, but
+quite thin.  A few days after, on inquiry being made of the man who had
+the big boney horse, how the animal was getting along?&mdash;whether
+improving or not?&mdash;the owner said he was doing finely; that he had
+fattened almost up to the knees already!"</p>
+
+<p>Afterward&mdash;when, the process of shaving had been completed, we passed to
+another room&mdash;our conversation naturally turned upon the War; and his
+ideas upon all subjects connected with it were as clear as those of any
+other person with whom I ever talked.  He had an absolute conviction as
+to the ultimate outcome of the War&mdash;the final triumph of the Union Arms;
+and I well remember, with what an air of complete relief and perfect
+satisfaction he said to me, referring to Grant&mdash;"We have now at the head
+of the Armies, a man in whom all the People can have confidence."</p>
+
+<p>But to return to Military operations: On December 10th? Sherman reached
+the sea-board and commenced the siege of Savannah, Georgia; on the 13th,
+Fort McAllister was stormed and Sherman's communications opened with the
+Sea; on the 15th and 16th, the great Battle of Nashville was fought,
+between the Armies of Thomas and Hood, and a glorious victory gained by
+the Union Arms&mdash;Hood's Rebel forces being routed, pursued for days, and
+practically dispersed; and, before the year ended, Savannah surrendered,
+and was presented to the Nation, as "a Christmas gift," by Sherman.</p>
+
+<p>And now the last Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress having commenced,
+the Thirteenth Amendment might at any time come up again in the House.
+In his fourth and last Annual Message, just sent in to that Body,
+President Lincoln had said:</p>
+
+<p>"At the last Session of Congress a proposed Amendment of the
+Constitution abolishing Slavery throughout the United States, passed the
+Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the
+House of Representatives.  Although the present is the same Congress,
+and nearly the same members, and without questioning the wisdom or
+patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the
+reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present Session.  Of
+course the abstract question is not changed; but an intervening election
+shows, almost certainly, that the next Congress will pass the measure if
+this does not.  Hence there is only a question of time as to when the
+proposed Amendment will go to, the States for their action.  And as it
+is to so go, at all, events, may we not agree that the sooner the
+better?  It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on
+members to change their views or their votes, any farther than, as an
+additional element to be considered, their judgment may be affected by
+it.  It is the voice of the People now, for the first time, heard upon
+the question.  In a great National crisis like ours, unanimity of action
+among those seeking a common end is very desirable&mdash;almost
+indispensable.  And yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable
+unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority simply
+because it is the will of the majority.  In this case the common end is
+the maintenance of the Union; and, among the means to secure that end,
+such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of
+such Constitutional Amendment."</p>
+
+<p>After affirming that, on the subject of the preservation of the Union,
+the recent elections had shown the existence of "no diversity among the
+People;" that "we have more men now than we had when the War began;"
+that "we are gaining strength" in all ways; and that, after the
+evidences given by Jefferson Davis of his unchangeable opposition to
+accept anything short of severance from the Union, "no attempt at
+negotiation with the Insurgent leader could result in any good," he
+appealed to the other Insurgents to come back to the fold&mdash;the door of
+amnesty and pardon, being still "open to all."  But, he continued:</p>
+
+<p>"In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the National
+Authority, on the part of the Insurgents, as the only indispensable
+condition to ending the War, on the part of the Government, I retract
+nothing heretofore said as to Slavery.  I repeat the declaration made a
+year ago, that 'while I remain in my present position I shall not
+attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I
+return to Slavery any Person who is Free by the terms of that
+Proclamation, or by any of the Acts of Congress.'  If the People should,
+by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty to Reenslave such
+Persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it.  In
+stating a single condition of Peace I mean simply to say that the War
+will cease on the part of the Government, whenever it shall have ceased
+on the part of those who began it."</p>
+
+<p>On the 22d of December, 1864, in accordance with the terms of a
+Concurrent Resolution that had passed both Houses, Congress adjourned
+until January 5, 1865.  During the Congressional Recess, however, Mr.
+Lincoln, anxious for the fate of the Thirteenth Amendment, exerted
+himself, as it afterward appeared, to some purpose, in its behalf, by
+inviting private conferences with him, at the White House, of such of
+the Border-State and other War-Democratic Representatives as had before
+voted against the measure, but whose general character gave him ground
+for hoping that they might not be altogether deaf to the voice of reason
+and patriotism.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Among those for whom he sent was Mr. Rollins, of
+     Missouri, who afterward gave the following interesting account of
+     the interview:</p>
+
+<p>     "The President had several times in my presence expressed his deep
+     anxiety in favor of the passage of this great measure.  He and
+     others had repeatedly counted votes in order to ascertain, as far
+     as they could, the strength of the measure upon a second trial in
+     the House.  He was doubtful about its passage, and some ten days or
+     two weeks before it came up for consideration in the House, I
+     received a note from him, written in pencil on a card, while
+     sitting at my desk in the House, stating that he wished to see me,
+     and asking that I call on him at the White House.  I responded that
+     I would be there the next morning at nine o'clock.</p>
+
+<p>     "I was prompt in calling upon him and found him alone in his
+     office.  He received me in the most cordial manner, and said in his
+     usual familiar way: 'Rollins, I have been wanting to talk to you
+     for some time about the Thirteenth Amendment proposed to the
+     Constitution of the United States, which will have to be voted on
+     now, before a great while.'</p>
+
+<p>     "I said: 'Well, I am here, and ready to talk upon that subject.</p>
+
+<p>     "He said: 'You and I were old Whigs, both of us followers of that
+     great statesman, Henry Clay, and I tell you I never had an opinion
+     upon the subject of Slavery in my life that I did not get from him.
+     I am very anxious that the War should be brought to a close at the
+     earliest possible date, and I don't believe this can be
+     accomplished as long as those fellows down South can rely upon the
+     Border-States to help them; but if the Members from the
+		 Border-States would unite, at least enough of them to pass the Thirteenth
+     Amendment to the Constitution, they would soon see that they could
+     not expect much help from that quarter, and be willing to give up
+     their opposition and quit their War upon the Government; that is my
+     chief hope and main reliance to bring the War to a speedy close,
+     and I have sent for you as an old Whig friend to come and see me,
+     that I might make an appeal to you to vote for this Amendment.  It
+     is going to be very close; a few votes one way or the other will
+     decide it.'</p>
+
+<p>     "To this, I responded: 'Mr. President, so far as I am concerned,
+     you need not have sent for me to ascertain my views on this
+     subject, for although I represent perhaps the strongest
+		 Slave-district in Missouri, and have the misfortune to be one of the
+     largest Slave-owners in the country where I reside, I had already
+     determined to vote for the Amendment.</p>
+
+<p>     "He arose from his chair, and grasping me by the hand, gave it a
+     hearty shake, and said: 'I am most delighted to hear that.'</p>
+
+<p>     "He asked me how many more of the Missouri delegates in the House
+     would vote for it.</p>
+
+<p>     "I said I could not tell; the Republicans of course would; General
+     Loan, Mr. Blow, Mr. Boyd, and Colonel McClurg.</p>
+
+<p>     "He said, 'Won't General Price vote for it?  He is a good Union
+     man.' I said I could not answer.</p>
+
+<p>     "'Well, what about General King?'</p>
+
+<p>     "I told him I did not know.</p>
+
+<p>     "He then asked about Judges Hall and Norton.</p>
+
+<p>     "I said they would both vote against it, I thought.</p>
+
+<p>     "'Well,' he said, 'are you on good terms with Price and King?'</p>
+
+<p>     "I responded in the affirmative, and that I was on easy terms with
+     the entire delegation.</p>
+
+<p>     "He then asked me if I would not talk with those who might be
+     persuaded to vote for the amendment, and report to him as soon as I
+     could find out what the prospect was.'</p>
+
+<p>     "I answered that I would do so with pleasure, and remarked at the
+     same time, that when I was a young man, in 1848, I was the Whig
+     competitor of King for Governor of Missouri, and, as he beat me
+     very badly, I thought now he should pay me back by voting as I
+     desired him on this important question.</p>
+
+<p>     "I promised the President I would talk to this gentleman upon the
+     subject.</p>
+
+<p>     "He said: 'I would like you to talk to all the Border-State men
+     whom you can approach properly, and tell them of my anxiety to have
+     the measure pass; and let me know the prospect of the Border-State
+     vote,' which I promised to do.</p>
+
+<p>     "He again said: 'The passage of this Amendment will clinch the
+     whole subject; it will bring the War, I have no doubt, rapidly to a
+     close.'"&mdash;Arnold's Life of Lincoln, pp. 358-359,]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>On the 5th of January, 1865, the Christmas Recess having expired,
+Congress re-assembled.  The motion to reconsider the vote-by which the
+Joint Resolution, to amend the Constitution by the abolition of Slavery,
+had been defeated&mdash;was not called up, on that day, as its friends had
+not all returned; but the time was mainly consumed in able speeches, by
+Mr. Creswell of Maryland, and Stevens of Pennsylvania, in which the
+former declared that "whether we would or not, we must establish Freedom
+if we would exterminate Treason.  Events have left us no choice.  The
+People have learned their duty and have instructed us accordingly."  And
+Mr. Thaddeus Stevens solemnly said: "We are about to ascertain the
+National will, by another vote to amend the Constitution.  If gentlemen
+opposite will yield to the voice of God and Humanity, and vote for it, I
+verily believe the sword of the Destroying Angel will be stayed, and
+this People be reunited.  If we still harden our hearts, and blood must
+still flow, may the ghosts of the slaughtered victims sit heavily upon
+the souls of those who cause it!"</p>
+
+<p>On the 6th of January, Mr. Ashley called up his motion to reconsider the
+vote defeating the Thirteenth Amendment, and opened the debate with a
+lengthy and able speech in favor of that measure, in concluding which he
+said:</p>
+
+<p>"The genius of history, with iron pen, is waiting to record our verdict
+where it will remain forever for all the coming generations of men to
+approve or condemn.  God grant that this verdict may be one over which
+the friends of Liberty, impartial and universal, in this Country and
+Europe, and in every Land beneath the sun, may rejoice; a verdict which
+shall declare that America is Free; a verdict which shall add another
+day of jubilee, and the brightest of all, to our National calendar."</p>
+
+<p>The debate was participated in by nearly all the prominent men, on both
+sides of the House&mdash;the speeches of Messrs. Cox, Brooks, Voorhees,
+Mallory, Holman, Woods and Pendleton being the most notable, in
+opposition to, and those of Scofield, Rollins, Garfield and Stevens, in
+favor of, the Amendment.  That of Scofield probably stirred up "the
+adversary" more thoroughly than any other; that of Rollins was more
+calculated to conciliate and capture the votes of hesitating, or
+Border-State men; that of Garfield was perhaps the most scholarly and eloquent;
+while that of Stevens was remarkable for its sledge-hammer pungency and
+characteristic brevity.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Pendleton, toward the end of his speech, had said of Mr. Stevens:
+"Let him be careful, lest when the passions of these times be passed
+away, and the historian shall go back to discover where was the original
+infraction of the Constitution, he may find that sin lies at the door of
+others than the people now in arms."  And it was this that brought the
+sterling old Patriot again to his feet, in vindication of the acts of
+his liberty-inspired life, and in defense of the power to amend the
+Constitution, which had been assailed.</p>
+
+<p>The personal antithesis with which he concluded his remarks was in
+itself most dramatically effective, Said he:</p>
+
+<p>"So far as the appeals of the learned gentleman (Mr. Pendleton) are
+concerned, in his pathetic winding up, I will be willing to take my
+chance, when we all moulder in the dust.  He may have his epitaph
+written, if it be truly written, 'Here rests the ablest and most
+pertinacious defender of Slavery, and opponent of Liberty;' and I will
+be satisfied if my epitaph shall be written thus: 'Here lies one who
+never rose to any eminence, and who only courted the low ambition to
+have it said that he had striven to ameliorate the condition of the
+poor, the lowly, the downtrodden, of every race, and language, and
+color."</p>
+
+<p>As he said these words, the crowded floors and galleries broke out into
+involuntary applause for the grand "Old Commoner"&mdash;who only awaited its
+cessation, to caustically add: "I shall be content, with such a eulogy
+on his lofty tomb and such an inscription on my humble grave, to trust
+our memories to the judgment of after ages."</p>
+
+<p>The debate, frequently interrupted by Appropriation Bills, and other
+important and importunate measures, lasted until the 31st of January,
+when Mr. Ashley called the previous question on his motion to
+reconsider.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Stiles at once moved to table the motion to reconsider.  Mr.
+Stiles's motion was lost by 57 yeas to 111 nays.  This was in the nature
+of a test-vote, and the result, when announced, was listened to, with
+breathless attention, by the crowded House and galleries.  It was too
+close for either side to be satisfied; but it showed a gain to the
+friends of the Amendment; that was something.  How the final vote would
+be, none could tell.  Meanwhile it was known, from the announcements on
+the floor, that Rogers was absent through his own illness and Voorhees
+through illness in his family.</p>
+
+<p>The previous question being seconded and the main question ordered, the
+yeas and nays were called on the motion to reconsider&mdash;and the intense
+silence succeeding the monotonous calling of the names was broken by the
+voice of the Speaker declaring the motion to reconsider, carried, by 112
+yeas to 57 nays.</p>
+
+<p>This vote created a slight sensation.  There was a gain of one,
+(English), at any rate, from among those not voting on the previous
+motion.  Now, if there should be but the change of a single vote, from
+the nays to the yeas, the Amendment would be carried!</p>
+
+<p>The most intensely anxious solicitude was on nearly every face, as Mr.
+Mallory, at this critical moment, made the point of order that "a vote
+to reconsider the vote by which the subject now before the House was
+disposed of, in June last, requires two-thirds of this Body," and
+emphatically added: "that two-thirds vote has not been obtained."</p>
+
+<p>A sigh of relief swept across the galleries, as the Speaker overruled
+the point of order.  Other attempted interruptions being resolutely met
+and defeated by Mr. Ashley, in charge of the Resolution, the "previous
+question" was demanded, seconded, and the main question ordered&mdash;which
+was on the passage of the Resolution.</p>
+
+<p>And now, amid the hush of a breathless and intent anxiety&mdash;so absolute
+that the scratch of the recording pencil could be heard&mdash;the Clerk
+commenced to call the roll!</p>
+
+<p>So consuming was the solicitude, on all sides, for the fate of this
+portentous measure, that fully one-half the Representatives kept tally
+at their desks as the vote proceeded, while the heads of the gathered
+thousands of both sexes, in the galleries, craned forward, as though
+fearing to lose the startlingly clear responses, while the roll-call
+progressed.</p>
+
+<p>When it reached the name of English&mdash;Governor English, a Connecticut
+Democrat, who had not voted on the first motion, to table the motion to
+reconsider, but had voted "yea" on the motion to reconsider,&mdash;and he
+responded with a clear-cut "aye" on the passage of the Resolution&mdash;it
+looked as though light were coming at last, and applause involuntarily
+broke forth from the Republican side of the floor, spreading instantly
+to the galleries, despite the efforts of the Speaker to preserve order.</p>
+
+<p>So, when Ganson of New York, and other Democrats, voted "aye," the
+applause was renewed again and again, and still louder again, when, with
+smiling face&mdash;which corroborated the thrilling, fast-spreading, whisper,
+that "the Amendment is safe!"&mdash;Speaker Colfax directed the Clerk to call
+his name, as a member of the House, and, in response to that call, voted
+"aye!"</p>
+
+<p>Then came dead silence, as the Clerk passed the result to the Speaker&mdash;
+during which a pin might have been heard to drop,&mdash;broken at last by the
+Speaker's ringing voice: "The Constitutional majority of two-thirds
+having voted in the affirmative, the Joint Resolution is passed."</p>
+
+<p>     [The enrolled Resolution received the approval and signature of the
+     President, Feb. 1, 1865,]</p>
+
+<p>The words had scarcely left the Speaker's lips, when House and galleries
+sprang to their feet, clapping their hands, stamping their feet, waving
+hats and handkerchiefs, and cheering so loudly and so long that it
+seemed as if this great outburst of enthusiasm&mdash;indulged in, in defiance
+of all parliamentary rules&mdash;would never cease!</p>
+
+<p>In his efforts to control it, Speaker Colfax hammered the desk until he
+nearly broke his mallet.  Finally, by 4 o'clock, P.M., after several
+minutes of useless effort&mdash;during which the pounding of the mallet was
+utterly lost in the noisy enthusiasm and excitement, in which both the
+Freedom-loving men and women of the Land, there present,
+participated&mdash;the Speaker at last succeeded in securing a lull.</p>
+
+<p>Advantage was instantly taken of it, by the successor of the dead Owen
+Lovejoy, Mr. Ingersoll of Illinois, his young face flushing with the
+glow of patriotism, as he cried: "Mr. Speaker!  In honor of this
+Immortal and Sublime Event I move that the House do now adjourn."  The
+Speaker declared the motion carried, amid renewed demonstrations of
+enthusiasm.</p>
+
+<p>During all these uncontrollable ebullitions of popular feeling in behalf
+of personal Liberty and National Freedom and strength, the Democratic
+members of the House had sat, many of them moving uneasily in their
+seats, with chagrin painted in deep lines upon their faces, while others
+were bolt upright, as if riveted to their chairs, looking straight
+before them at the Speaker, in a vain attempt, belied by the pallid
+anger of their set countenances, to appear unconscious of the storm of
+popular feeling breaking around them, which they now doggedly perceived
+might be but a forecast of the joyful enthusiasm which on that day, and
+on the morrow, would spread from one end of the Land to the other.</p>
+
+<p>Harris, of Maryland, made a sort of "Last Ditch" protest against
+adjournment, by demanding the "yeas and nays" on the motion to adjourn.
+The motion was, however, carried, by 121 yeas to 24 nays; and, as the
+members left their places in the Hall&mdash;many of them to hurry with their
+hearty congratulations to President Lincoln at the White House&mdash;the
+triumph, in the Halls of our National Congress, of Freedom and Justice
+and Civilization, over Slavery and Tyranny and Barbarism, was already
+being saluted by the booming of one hundred guns on Capitol Hill.</p>
+
+<p>How large a share was Mr. Lincoln's, in that triumph, these pages have
+already sufficiently indicated.  Sweet indeed must have been the joy
+that thrilled his whole being, when, sitting in the White House, he
+heard the bellowing artillery attest the success of his labors in behalf
+of Emancipation.  Proud indeed must he have felt when, the following
+night, in response to the loud and jubilant cries of "Lincoln!"
+"Lincoln!" "Abe Lincoln!" "Uncle Abe!" and other affectionate calls,
+from a great concourse of people who, with music, had assembled outside
+the White House to give him a grand serenade and popular ovation, he
+appeared at an open window, bowed to the tumult of their acclamations,
+and declared that "The great Job is ended!"&mdash;adding, among other things,
+that the occasion was one fit for congratulation, and, said he, "I
+cannot but congratulate all present&mdash;myself, the Country, and the whole
+World&mdash;upon this great moral victory. * * * This ends the Job!"</p>
+
+<p>Substantially the job was ended.  There was little doubt, after such a
+send off, by the President and by Congress, in view of the character of
+the State Legislatures, as well as the temper of the People, that the
+requisite number of States would be secured to ratify the Thirteenth
+Amendment.  Already, on the 1st of February, that is to say, on the very
+day of this popular demonstration at the Executive Mansion, the
+President's own State, Illinois, had ratified it&mdash;and this circumstance
+added to the satisfaction and happiness which beamed from, and almost
+made beautiful, his homely face.</p>
+
+<p>Other States quickly followed; Maryland, on February 1st and 3rd; Rhode
+Island and Michigan, on February 2nd; New York, February 2nd and 3rd;
+West Virginia, February 3rd; Maine and Kansas, February 7th;
+Massachusetts and Pennsylvania, February 8th; Virginia, February 9th;
+Ohio and Missouri, February 10th; Nevada and Indiana, February 16th;
+Louisiana, February 17th; Minnesota, February 8th and 23rd; Wisconsin,
+March 1st; Vermont, March 9th; Tennessee, April 5th and 7th; Arkansas,
+April 20th; Connecticut, May 5th; New Hampshire, July 1st; South
+Carolina, November 13th; Alabama, December 2nd; North Carolina, December
+4th; Georgia, December 9th; Oregon, December 11th; California, December
+20th; and Florida, December 28th;&mdash;all in 1865; with New Jersey, closely
+following, on January 23rd; and Iowa, January 24th;&mdash;in 1866.</p>
+
+<p>Long ere this last date, however, the Secretary of State (Mr. Seward)
+had been able to, and did, announce (November 18, 1865) the ratification
+of the Amendment by the requisite number of States, and certified that
+the same had "become, to all intents and purposes, valid as a part of
+the Constitution of the United States."</p>
+
+<p>Not until then, was "the job" absolutely ended; but, as has been already
+mentioned, it was, at the time Mr. Lincoln spoke, as good as ended.  It
+was a foregone conclusion, that the great end for which he, and so many
+other great and good men of the Republic had for so many years been
+earnestly striving, would be an accomplished fact.  They had not failed;
+they had stood firm; the victory which he had predicted six years before
+had come!</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [He had said in his Springfield speech, of 1858: "We
+     shall not fail; if we stand firm we shall not fail; wise counsels
+     may accelerate, or mistakes delay, but sooner or later the Victory
+     is sure to come."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<br><br><br><br>
+<a name="ch29"></a>
+<br>
+<br>
+
+<center>
+<h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXIX.<br><br>
+
+                     LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURATION.
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+<p>While the death of Slavery in America was decreed, as we have seen; yet,
+the sanguine anticipations of Mr. Lincoln, and other friends of Freedom,
+that such a decree, imperishably grafted into the Constitution, must at
+once end the Rebellion, and bring Peace with a restored Union, were not
+realized.  The War went on.  Grant was still holding Lee, at Petersburg,
+near Richmond, while Sherman's victorious Army was about entering upon a
+campaign from Savannah, up through the Carolinas.</p>
+
+<p>During the previous Summer, efforts had been made, by Horace Greeley,
+and certain parties supposed to represent the Rebel authorities, to lay
+the ground-work for an early Peace and adjustment of the differences
+between the Government of the United States and the Rebels, but they
+miscarried.  They led, however, to the publication of the following
+important conciliatory Presidential announcement:</p>
+
+<p>                              "EXECUTIVE MANSION,<br>
+                              "WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864.</p>
+
+<p>"To whom it may concern:</p>
+
+<p>"Any proposition which embraces the restoration of Peace, the integrity
+of the whole Union, and the abandonment of Slavery, and which comes by
+and with an authority that can control the Armies now at War against the
+United States, will be received and considered by the Executive
+Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on
+substantial and collateral points; and the bearer or bearers thereof
+shall have safe conduct both ways.</p>
+
+<p>"(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+About the same time, other efforts were being made, with a similar
+object in view, but which came to naught.  The visit of Messrs. Jacques
+and Gilmore to the Rebel Capital on an informal Peace-errand was, at
+least, valuable in this, that it secured from the head and front of the
+armed Conspiracy, Jefferson Davis himself, the following definite
+statement:</p>
+
+<p>"I desire Peace as much as you do; I deplore bloodshed as much as you
+do; but I feel that not one drop of the blood shed in this War is on my
+hands.  I can look up to my God and say this.  I tried all in my power
+to avert this War.  I saw it coming, and for twelve years I worked night
+and day to prevent it; but I could not.  The North was mad and blind; it
+would not let us govern ourselves; and so the War came: and now it must
+go on till the last man of this generation falls in his tracks, and his
+children seize his musket and fight our battle, unless you acknowledge
+our right to self-government.  We are not fighting for Slavery.  We are
+fighting for INDEPENDENCE; and that, or EXTERMINATION, we WILL have."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The Nation, July 2, 1885, contained the following
+     remarks, which may be pertinently quoted in support of this
+     authoritative statement that the South was "not fighting for
+     Slavery," but for Independence&mdash;that is to say: for Power, and what
+     would flow from it.]</p>
+
+<p>     ["The Charleston News and Courier a fortnight ago remarked that
+     'not more than one Southern soldier in ten or fifteen was a
+     Slaveholder, or had any interest in Slave Property.'  The
+     Laurensville Herald disputed the statement, and declared that 'the
+     Southern Army was really an Army of Slaveholders and the sons of
+     Slaveholders.'  The Charleston paper stands by its original
+     position, and cites figures which are conclusive.  The Military
+     population of the eleven States which seceded, according to the
+     census of 1860, was 1,064,193.  The entire number of Slaveholders
+     in the Country at the same time was 383,637, but of these 77,335
+     lived in the Border States, so that the number in the Seceding
+     States was only 306,302.  Most of the small Slaveholders, however,
+     were not Slave-owners, but Slave hirers, and Mr. De Bow, the
+     statistician who supervised the census of 1850, estimated that but
+     little over half the holders were actually owners.  The proportion
+     of owners diminished between 1850 and 1860, and the News and
+     Courier thinks that there were not more than 150,000 Slave-owners
+     in the Confederate States when the War broke out.  This would be
+     one owner to every seven White males between eighteen and
+		 forty-five; but as many of the owners were women, and many of the men
+     were relieved from Military service, the Charleston paper is
+     confirmed in its original opinion that there were ten men in the
+     Southern Army who were not Slave-owners for every soldier who had
+     Slaves of his own."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>And when these self-constituted Peace-delegates had fulfilled the duty
+which their zeal had impelled them to perform, and were taking their
+leave of the Rebel chieftain, Jefferson Davis added:</p>
+
+<p>"Say to Mr. Lincoln, from me, that I shall at any time be pleased to
+receive proposals for PEACE on the basis of our INDEPENDENCE.  It will
+be useless to approach me with any other."</p>
+
+<p>Thus the lines had been definitely and distinctly drawn, on both sides.
+The issue of Slavery became admittedly, as between the Government and
+the Rebels, a dead one.  The great cardinal issue was now clearly seen
+and authoritatively admitted to be, "the integrity of the whole Union"
+on the one side, and on the other, "Independence of a part of it."
+These precise declarations did great good to the Union Cause in the
+North, and not only helped the triumphant re-election of Mr. Lincoln,
+but also contributed to weaken the position of the Northern advocates of
+Slavery, and to bring about, as we have seen, the extinction of that
+inherited National curse, by Constitutional Amendment.</p>
+
+<p>During January, of 1865, Francis P. Blair having been permitted to pass
+both the Union and Rebel Army lines, showed to Mr. Lincoln a letter,
+written to the former, by Jefferson Davis&mdash;and which the latter had
+authorized him to read to the President&mdash;stating that he had always
+been, and was still, ready to send or to receive Commissioners "to enter
+into a Conference, with a view to secure Peace to the two Countries."
+On the 18th of that month, purposing to having it shown to Jefferson
+Davis, Mr. Lincoln wrote to Mr. Blair a letter in which, after referring
+to Mr. Davis, he said: "You may say to him that I have constantly been,
+am now, and shall continue, ready to receive any agent whom he, or any
+other influential person now resisting the National Authority, may
+informally send to me, with the view of securing Peace to the People of
+our common Country."  On the 21st of January, Mr. Blair was again in
+Richmond; and Mr. Davis had read and retained Mr. Lincoln's letter to
+Blair, who specifically drew the Rebel chieftain's attention to the fact
+that "the part about 'our common Country' related to the part of Mr.
+Davis's letter about 'the two Countries,' to which Mr. Davis replied
+that he so understood it."  Yet subsequently, he sent Messrs.  Alexander
+H.  Stephens, R. M. T.  Hunter, and John A.  Campbell as Commissioners,
+with instructions, (January 28, 1865,) which, after setting forth the
+language of Mr. Lincoln's letter, proceeded strangely enough to say: "In
+conformity with the letter of Mr. Lincoln, of which the foregoing is a
+copy, you are to proceed to Washington city for informal Conference with
+him upon the issues involved in the existing War, and for the purpose of
+securing Peace to the two Countries!"  The Commissioners themselves
+stated in writing that "The substantial object to be obtained by the
+informal Conference is, to ascertain upon what terms the existing War
+can be terminated honorably.  * * * Our earnest desire is, that a just
+and honorable Peace may be agreed upon, and we are prepared to receive
+or to submit propositions which may, possibly, lead to the attainment of
+that end."  In consequence of this peculiarly "mixed" overture, the
+President sent Secretary Seward to Fortress Monroe, to informally confer
+with the parties, specifically instructing him to "make known to them
+that three things are indispensable, to wit:</p>
+
+<p>"1.  The restoration of the National Authority throughout all the
+States.</p>
+
+<p>"2.  No receding, by the Executive of the United States, on the Slavery
+question, from the position assumed thereon in the late Annual Message
+to Congress, and in preceding documents.</p>
+
+<p>"3.  No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the War and the
+disbanding of all forces hostile to the Government."</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Lincoln also instructed the Secretary to "inform them that all
+propositions of theirs, not inconsistent with the above, will be
+considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberality;" to "hear
+all they may choose to say, and report it" to him, and not to "assume to
+definitely consummate anything."  Subsequently, the President, in
+consequence of a dispatch from General Grant to Secretary Stanton,
+decided to go himself to Fortress Monroe.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     Following is the dispatch:</p>
+
+<p>     [In Cipher]</p>
+
+<p>     OFFICE UNITED STATES MILITARY TELEGRAPH.  WAR DEPARTMENT.</p>
+
+<p>     "The following telegram received at Washington, 4.35 A.M.,<br>
+February 2, 1865.  From City Point, Va.,<br>
+February 1, 10.30 P.M., 1865</p>
+
+<p>     "Now that the interview between Major Eckert, under his written
+     instructions, and Mr. Stephens and party has ended, I will state
+     confidentially, but not officially, to become a matter of record,
+     that I am convinced, upon conversation with Messrs. Stephens and
+     Hunter, that their intentions are good and their desire sincere to
+     restore Peace and Union.  I have not felt myself at liberty to
+     express, even, views of my own, or to account for my reticency.
+     This has placed me in an awkward position, which I could have
+     avoided by not seeing them in the first instance.  I fear now their
+     going back without any expression from any one in authority will
+     have a bad influence.  At the same time I recognize the
+     difficulties in the way of receiving these informal Commissioners
+     at this time, and do not know what to recommend.  I am sorry,
+     however, that Mr. Lincoln cannot have an interview with the two
+     named in this dispatch, if not all three now within our lines.
+     Their letter to me was all that the President's instructions
+     contemplated to secure their safe conduct, if they had used the
+     same language to Major Eckert.</p>
+
+<p>                                   "U. S. GRANT,<br>
+                                   "Lieutenant General.</p>
+
+<p>     "Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON,<br>
+     "Secretary of War."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>     Mr. Stephens is stated by a Georgia paper to have repeated the
+     following characteristic anecdote of what occurred during the
+     interview.  "The three Southern gentlemen met Mr. Lincoln and Mr.
+     Seward, and after some preliminary remarks, the subject of Peace
+     was opened.  Mr. Stephens, well aware that one who asks much may
+     get more than he who confesses to humble wishes at the outset,
+     urged the claims of his Section with that skill and address for
+     which the Northern papers have given him credit.  Mr. Lincoln,
+     holding the vantage ground of conscious power, was, however,
+     perfectly frank, and submitted his views almost in the form of an
+     argument.  * * * Davis had, on this occasion, as on that of Mr.
+     Stephens's visit to Washington, made it a condition that no
+     Conference should be had unless his rank as Commander or President
+     should first be recognized.  Mr. Lincoln declared that the only
+     ground on which he could rest the justice of War&mdash;either with his
+     own people, or with foreign powers&mdash;was that it was not a War for
+     conquest, for that the States had never been separated from the
+     Union.  Consequently, he could not recognize another Government
+     inside of the one of which he alone was President; nor admit the
+     separate Independence of States that were yet a part of the Union.
+     'That' said he 'would be doing what you have so long asked Europe
+     to do in vain, and be resigning the only thing the Armies of the
+     Union have been fighting for.'  Mr. Hunter made a long reply to
+     this, insisting that the recognition of Davis's power to make a
+     Treaty was the first and indispensable step to Peace, and referred
+     to the correspondence between King Charles I., and his Parliament,
+     as a trustworthy precedent of a Constitutional ruler treating with
+     Rebels.  Mr. Lincoln's face then wore that indescribable expression
+     which generally preceded his hardest hits, and he remarked: 'Upon
+     questions of history I must refer you to Mr. Seward, for he is
+     posted in such things, and I don't pretend to be bright.  My only
+     distinct recollection of the matter is that Charles lost his head,'
+     That settled Mr. Hunter for a while." Arnold's Lincoln, p. 400.</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>On the night of February 2nd, Mr. Lincoln reached Hampton Roads, and
+joined Secretary Seward on board a steamer anchored off the shore.  The
+next morning, from another steamer, similarly anchored, Messrs.
+Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell were brought aboard the President's
+steamer and a Conference with the President and Secretary of several
+hours' duration was the result.  Mr. Lincoln's own statement of what
+transpired was in these words:</p>
+
+<p>"No question of preliminaries to the meeting was then and there made or
+mentioned.  No other person was present; no papers were exchanged or
+produced; and it was, in advance, agreed that the conversation was to be
+informal and verbal merely.  On our part, the whole substance of the
+instructions to the Secretary of State, hereinbefore recited, was stated
+and insisted upon, and nothing was said inconsistent therewith; while,
+by the other party, it was not said that in any event or on any
+condition, they ever would consent to Re-union; and yet they equally
+omitted to declare that they never would so consent.  They seemed to
+desire a postponement of that question, and the adoption of some other
+course first, which, as some of them seemed to argue, might or might not
+lead to Reunion; but which course, we thought, would amount to an
+indefinite postponement.  The Conference ended without result."</p>
+
+<p>In his communication to the Rebel Congress at Richmond, February 6.
+1865, Jefferson Davis, after mentioning his appointment of Messrs.
+Stephens, Hunter and Campbell, for the purpose stated, proceeded to say:</p>
+
+<p>"I herewith transmit, for the information of Congress, the report of the
+eminent citizens above named, showing that the Enemy refused to enter
+into negotiations with the Confederate States, or any one of them
+separately, or to give to our people any other terms or guarantees than
+those which the conqueror may grant, or to permit us to have Peace on
+any other basis than our unconditional submission to their rule, coupled
+with the acceptance of their recent legislation on the subject of the
+relations between the White and Black population of each State."</p>
+
+<p>On the 5th and 9th of February, public meetings were held at Richmond,
+in connection with these Peace negotiations.  At the first, Jefferson
+Davis made a speech in which the Richmond Dispatch reported him as
+emphatically asserting that no conditions of Peace "save the
+Independence of the Confederacy could ever receive his sanction.  He
+doubted not that victory would yet crown our labors, * * * and sooner
+than we should ever be united again he would be willing to yield up
+everything he had on Earth, and if it were possible would sacrifice a
+thousand lives before he would succumb."  Thereupon the meeting of
+Rebels passed resolutions "spurning" Mr. Lincoln's terms "with the
+indignation due to so gross an insult;" declared that the circumstances
+connected with his offer could only "add to the outrage and stamp it as
+a designed and premeditated indignity" offered to them; and invoking
+"the aid of Almighty God" to carry out their "resolve to maintain" their
+"Liberties and Independence"&mdash;to which, said they, "we mutually pledge
+our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."  So too, at the second
+of these meetings, presided over by R. M. T. Hunter, and addressed by
+the Rebel Secretary Judah P. Benjamin, resolutions were adopted amid
+"wild and long continued cheering," one of which stated that they would
+"never lay down" their "arms until" their "Independence" had "been won,"
+while another declared a full confidence in the sufficiency of their
+resources to "conduct the War successfully and to that issue," and
+invoked "the People, in the name of the holiest of all causes, to spare
+neither their blood nor their treasure in its maintenance and support."</p>
+
+<p>As during these Peace negotiations, General Grant, by express direction
+of President Lincoln, had not changed, hindered, nor delayed, any of his
+"Military movements or plans," so, now that the negotiations had failed,
+those Military movements were pressed more strenuously than ever.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The main object of this Conference on the part of the Rebels was
+     to secure an immediate truce, or breathing spell, during which they
+     could get themselves in better condition for continuing the War.
+     Indeed a portion of Mr. Seward's letter of Feb. 7, 1865, to Mr.
+     Adams, our Minister at the Court of St. James, giving him an
+     account of the Conference with the party of Insurgent
+     Commissioners, would not alone indicate this, but also that it was
+     proposed by that "Insurgent party," that both sides, during the
+     time they would thus cease to fight one another, might profitably
+     combine their forces to drive the French invaders out of Mexico and
+     annex that valuable country.  At least, the following passage in
+     that letter will bear that construction:</p>
+
+<p>     "What the Insurgent party seemed chiefly to favor was a
+     postponement of the question of separation, upon which the War is
+     waged, and a mutual direction of efforts of the Government, as well
+     as those of the Insurgents, to some extrinsic policy or scheme for
+     a season, during which passions might be expected to subside, and
+     the Armies be reduced, and trade and intercourse between the People
+     of both Sections resumed.  It was suggested by them that through
+     such postponements we might now have immediate Peace, with some not
+     very certain prospect of an ultimate satisfactory adjustment of
+     political relations between this Government, and the States,
+     Section, or People, now engaged in conflict with it."</p>
+
+<p>     For the whole of this letter see McPherson's History of the
+     Rebellion, p.  570.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Fort Fisher, North Carolina, had already been captured by a combined
+Military and Naval attack of the Union forces under General Terry and
+Admiral Porter; and Sherman's Army was now victoriously advancing from
+Savannah, Georgia, Northwardly through South Carolina.  On the 17th of
+February, Columbia, the capital of the latter State, surrendered, and,
+the day following, Charleston was evacuated, and its defenses, including
+historic Fort Sumter, were once more under that glorious old flag of the
+Union which four years before had been driven away, by shot and shell
+and flame, amid the frantic exultations of the temporarily successful
+armed Conspirators of South Carolina.  On the 22nd of February, General
+Schofield, who had been sent by Grant with his 23rd Corps, by water, to
+form a junction with Terry's troops about Fort Fisher, and capture
+Wilmington, North Carolina, had also accomplished his purpose
+successfully.</p>
+
+<p>The Rebel Cause now began to look pretty desperate, even to Rebel eyes.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Hundreds of Rebels were now deserting from Lee's Armies about
+     Richmond, every night, owing partly to despondency.  "These
+     desertions," wrote Lee, on the 24th February, "have a very bad
+     effect upon the troops who remain, and give rise to painful
+     apprehensions."  Another cause was the lack of food and clothing.
+     Says Badeau (Military History of Ulysses S. Grant, vol.  iii., p.
+     399): "On the 8th of January, Lee wrote to the Rebel Government
+     that the entire Right Wing of his Army had been in line for three
+     days and nights, in the most inclement weather of the season.
+     'Under these circumstances,' he said, 'heightened by assaults and
+     fire of the Enemy, some of the men had been without meat for three
+     days, and all were suffering from reduced rations and scant
+     clothing.  Colonel Cole, chief commissary, reports that he has not
+     a pound of meat at his disposal.  If some change is not made, and
+     the commissary department reorganized, I apprehend dire results.
+     The physical strength of the men, if their courage survives, must
+     fail under this treatment.  Our Cavalry has to be dispersed for
+     want of forage.  Fitz Lee's and Lomax's Divisions are scattered
+     because supplies cannot be transported where their services are
+     required.  I had to bring Fitz Lee's Division sixty miles Sunday
+     night, to get them in position.  Taking these facts in connection
+     with the paucity of our numbers, you must not be surprised if
+     calamity befalls us.'" Badeau's (Grant, vol.  iii., p. 401,)]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Toward the end of February, the Rebel General Longstreet having
+requested an interview with General Ord "to arrange for the exchange of
+citizen prisoners, and prisoners of war, improperly captured," General
+Grant authorized General Ord to hold such interview t and "to arrange
+definitely for such as were confined in his department, arrangements for
+all others to be submitted for approval."  In the course of that
+interview "a general conversation ensued on the subject of the War,"
+when it would seem that Longstreet suggested the idea of a composition
+of the questions at issue, and Peace between the United States and the
+Rebels, by means of a Military Convention.  It is quite probable that
+this idea originated with Jefferson Davis, as a <i>dernier resort</i>; for
+Longstreet appears to have communicated directly with Davis concerning
+his interview or "interviews" with Ord.  On the 28th of February, 1865
+the Rebel Chief wrote to Lee, as follows:</p>
+
+<p>                         "RICHMOND, VA., February 28.</p>
+
+<p>"Gen. R. E. LEE, Commanding, etc.,</p>
+
+<p>"GENERAL: You will learn by the letter of General Longstreet the result
+of his second interview with General Ord.  The points as to whether
+yourself or General Grant should invite the other to a Conference is not
+worth discussing.  If you think the statements of General Ord render it
+probably useful that the Conference suggested should be had, you will
+proceed as you may prefer, and are clothed with all the supplemental
+authority you may need in the consideration of any proposition for a
+Military Convention, or the appointment of a Commissioner to enter into
+such an arrangement as will cause at least temporary suspension of
+hostilities.<br>
+                         "Very truly yours <br>
+                                   "JEFFERSON DAVIS."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Thereupon General Lee wrote, and sent to General Grant, the following
+communication:</p>
+
+<p>               "HEADQUARTERS C. S. ARMIES, March 2, 1865.<br>
+"Lieut. Gen. U. S. GRANT,<br>
+"Commanding United States Armies:</p>
+
+<p>"GENERAL: Lieut.-Gen. Longstreet has informed me that, in a recent
+conversation between himself and Maj.-Gen. Ord, as to the possibility of
+arriving at a satisfactory adjustment of the present unhappy
+difficulties by means of a Military Convention, General Ord stated that
+if I desired to have an interview with you on the subject, you would not
+decline, provided I had authority to act.  Sincerely desirous to leave
+nothing untried which may put an end to the calamities of War, I propose
+to meet you at such convenient time and place as you may designate, with
+the hope that, upon an interchange of views, it may be found practicable
+to submit the subjects of controversy between the belligerents to a
+Convention of the kind mentioned.</p>
+
+<p>"In such event, I am authorized to do whatever the result of the
+proposed interview may render necessary or advisable.  Should you accede
+to this proposition, I would suggest that, if agreeable to you, we meet
+at the place selected by Generals Ord and Longstreet, for the interview,
+at 11 A.M., on Monday next.</p>
+
+<p>               "Very respectfully your obedient servant,<br>
+                              "R. E. LEE, General."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Upon receipt of this letter, General Grant sent a telegraphic dispatch
+to Secretary Stanton, informing him of Lee's proposition.  It reached
+the Secretary of War just before midnight of March 3rd.  He, and the
+other members of the Cabinet were with the President, in the latter's
+room at the Capitol, whither they had gone on this, the last, night of
+the last Session of the Thirty-Eighth Congress, the Cabinet to advise,
+and the President to act, upon bills submitted to him for approval.  The
+Secretary, after reading the dispatch, handed it to Mr. Lincoln.  The
+latter read and thought over it briefly, and then himself  wrote the
+following reply:</p>
+
+<p>"WASHINGTON, March, 3, 1865, 12 P.M.</p>
+
+<p>"LIEUTENANT GENERAL GRANT: The President directs me to say to you that
+he wishes you to have no Conference with General Lee, unless it be for
+the capitulation of General Lee's Army, or on some other minor and
+purely Military matter.  He instructs me to say to you that you are not
+to decide, discuss, or confer upon any political question.  Such
+questions the President holds in his own hands, and will submit them to
+no Military Conferences or Conventions.  Meanwhile you are to press to
+the utmost your Military advantages.<br>
+                              "EDWIN M. STANTON,<br>
+                              "Secretary of War."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+General Grant received this dispatch, on the day following, and at once
+wrote and sent to General Lee a communication in which, after referring
+to the subject of the exchange of prisoners, he said: "In regard to
+meeting you on the 6th inst., I would state that&mdash;I have no authority to
+accede to your proposition for a Conference on the subject proposed.
+Such authority is vested in the President of the United States alone.
+General Ord could only have meant that I would not refuse an interview
+on any subject on which I have a right to act; which, of course, would
+be such as are purely of a Military character, and on the subject of
+exchange, which has been entrusted to me."</p>
+
+<p>Thus perished the last reasonable hope entertained by the Rebel
+Chieftains to ward off the inevitable and mortal blow that was about to
+smite their Cause.</p>
+
+<p>The 4th of March, 1865, had come.  The Thirty-Eighth Congress was no
+more.  Mr. Lincoln was about to be inaugurated, for a second term, as
+President of the United States.  The previous night had been vexed with
+a stormy snow-fall.  The morning had also been stormy and rainy.  By
+mid-day, however, as if to mark the event auspiciously, the skies
+cleared and the sun shone gloriously upon the thousands and tens of
+thousands who had come to Washington, to witness the second Inauguration
+of him whom the people had now, long since, learned to affectionately
+term "Father Abraham"&mdash;of him who had become the veritable Father of his
+People.  As the President left the White House, to join the grand
+procession to the Capitol, a brilliant meteor shot athwart the heavens,
+above his head.  At the time, the superstitious thought it an Omen of
+triumph&mdash;of coming Peace&mdash;but in the sad after-days when armed Rebellion
+had ceased and Peace had come, it was remembered, with a shudder, as a
+portent of ill.  When, at last, Mr. Lincoln stood, with bared head, upon
+the platform at the eastern portico of the Capitol, where four years
+before, he had made his vows before the People, under such very
+different circumstances and surroundings, the contrast between that time
+and this&mdash;and all the terrible and eventful history of the
+interim&mdash;could not fail to present itself to every mind of all those congregated,
+whether upon the platform among the gorgeously costumed foreign
+diplomats, the full-uniformed Military and Naval officers of the United
+States, and the more soberly-clad statesmen and Civic and Judicial
+functionaries of the Land, or in the vast and indiscriminate mass of the
+enthusiastic people in front and on both sides of it.  As Chief Justice
+Chase administered the oath, and Abraham Lincoln, in view of all the
+people, reverently bowed his head and kissed the open Bible, at a
+passage in Isaiah (27th and 28th verses of the 5th Chapter) which it was
+thought "admonished him to be on his guard, and not to relax at all, in
+his efforts," the people, whose first cheers of welcome had been stayed
+by the President's uplifted hand, broke forth in a tumult of cheering,
+until again hushed by the clear, strong, even voice of the President, as
+he delivered that second Inaugural Address, whose touching tenderness,
+religious resignation, and Christian charity, were clad in these
+imperishable words:</p>
+
+<p>"FELLOW COUNTRYMEN: At this second appearing to take the Oath of the
+Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than
+there was at the first.  Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a
+course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper.  Now, at the expiration
+of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly
+called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still
+absorbs the attention and engrosses the energy of the Nation, little
+that is new could be presented.  The progress of our Arms, upon which
+all else depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it
+is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.  With high
+hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.</p>
+
+<p>"On the occasion corresponding to this, four years ago, all thoughts
+were anxiously directed to an impending Civil War.  All dreaded it&mdash;all
+sought to avert it.  While the Inaugural Address was being delivered
+from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without War,
+Insurgent agents were in the city, seeking to destroy it without
+War&mdash;seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide the effects, by negotiation.
+Both parties deprecated War; but one of them would make War rather than
+let the Nation survive; and the other would accept War rather than let
+it perish&mdash;and the War came.</p>
+
+<p>"One-eighth of the whole population were colored Slaves, not distributed
+generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern part of it.
+These Slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.  All knew
+that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the War.  To strengthen,
+perpetuate and extend this interest was the object for which the
+Insurgents would rend the Union, even by War; while the Government
+claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement
+of it.  Neither Party expected for the War the magnitude or the duration
+which it has already attained.  Neither anticipated that the cause of
+the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself
+should cease.  Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less
+fundamental and astounding.  Both read the same Bible, and pray to the
+same God; and each invokes His aid against the other.  It may seem
+strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in
+wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us
+judge not, that we be not judged.  The prayers of both could not be
+answered&mdash;that of neither has been answered fully.  The Almighty has His
+own purposes.  'Woe unto the World because of offences! for it must
+needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence
+cometh.'  If we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those
+offences which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which,
+having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and
+that He gives to both North and South this terrible War, as the woe due
+to those by Whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any
+departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living
+God always ascribe to Him?  Fondly do we hope&mdash;fervently do we
+pray&mdash;that this mighty scourge of War may speedily pass away.  Yet, if God
+wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two
+hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until
+every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn
+with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must
+be said, 'The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.'</p>
+
+<p>"With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the
+right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the
+work we are in; to bind up the Nation's wounds, to care for him who
+shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan&mdash;to do
+all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting Peace among
+ourselves, and with all Nations."</p>
+
+<p>With utterances so just and fair, so firm and hopeful, so penitent and
+humble, so benignant and charitable, so mournfully tender and sweetly
+solemn, so full of the fervor of true piety and the very pathos of
+patriotism, small wonder is it that among those numberless thousands
+who, on this memorable occasion, gazed upon the tall, gaunt form of
+Abraham Lincoln, and heard his clear, sad voice, were some who almost
+imagined they saw the form and heard the voice of one of the great
+prophets and leaders of Israel; while others were more reminded of one
+of the Holy Apostles of the later Dispensation who preached the glorious
+Gospel "On Earth, Peace, good will toward Men," and received in the end
+the crown of Christian martyrdom.  But not one soul of those
+present&mdash;unless his own felt such presentiment&mdash;dreamed for a moment that, all
+too soon, the light of those brave and kindly eyes was fated to go out
+in darkness, that sad voice to be hushed forever, that form to lie
+bleeding and dead, a martyred sacrifice indeed, upon the altar of his
+Country!</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="davis"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p608-hw davis.jpg (74K)" src="images/p608-hw%20davis.jpg" height="782" width="584">
+</center>
+<br><br><br><br>
+<a name="ch30"></a>
+<br><br>
+
+<center>
+<h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXX.<br><br>
+
+                     COLLAPSE OF THE ARMED CONSPIRACY.
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+<p>Meantime, Sherman's Armies were pressing along upward, toward Raleigh,
+from Columbia, marching through swamps and over quicksands and across
+swollen streams&mdash;cold, wet, hungry, tired&mdash;often up to their armpits in
+water, yet keeping their powder dry, and silencing opposing batteries or
+driving the Enemy, who doggedly retired before them, through the
+drenching rains which poured down unceasingly for days, and even weeks,
+at a time.  On the 16th of March, 1865, a part of Sherman's Forces met
+the Enemy, under General Joe Johnston, at Averysboro, N.  C., and forced
+him to retire.  On the 19th and 20th of March, occurred the series of
+engagements, about Mill Creek and the Bentonville and Smithfield
+cross-roads, which culminated in the attack upon the Enemy, of the 21st of
+March, and his evacuation, that night, of his entire line of works, and
+retreat upon Smithfield.  This was known as the Battle of Bentonville,
+and was the last battle fought between the rival Forces under Sherman
+and Johnston.  The Armies of Sherman, now swollen by having formed a
+junction with the troops under Schofield and Terry, which had come from
+Newbern and Wilmington, went into camp at Goldsboro, North Carolina, to
+await the rebuilding of the railroads from those two points on the
+coast, and the arrival of badly needed clothing, provision, and other
+supplies, after which the march would be resumed to Burksville,
+Virginia.  By the 25th of March, the railroad from Newbern was in
+running order, and General Sherman, leaving General Schofield in command
+of his eighty thousand troops, went to Newbern and Morehead City, and
+thence by steamer to City Point, for a personal interview with General
+Grant.  On the same day, Lee made a desperate but useless assault, with
+twenty thousand (of his seventy thousand) men upon Fort Stedman&mdash;a
+portion of Grant's works in front of Petersburg.  On the 27th, President
+Lincoln reached City Point, on the James River, in the steamer "Ocean
+Queen."  Sherman reached City Point the same day, and, after meeting the
+General-in-Chief, Grant took him on board the "Ocean Queen" to see the
+President.  Together they explained to Mr. Lincoln the Military
+situation, during the "hour or more" they were with him.  Of this
+interview with Mr. Lincoln, General Sherman afterwards wrote: "General
+Grant and I explained to him that my next move from Goldsboro would
+bring my Army, increased to eighty thousand men by Schofield's and
+Terry's reinforcements, in close communication with General Grant's
+Army, then investing Lee in Richmond, and that unless Lee could effect
+his escape, and make junction with Johnston in North Carolina, he would
+soon be shut up in Richmond with no possibility of supplies, and would
+have to surrender.  Mr. Lincoln was extremely interested in this view of
+the case, and when we explained that Lee's only chance was to escape,
+join Johnston, and, being then between me in North Carolina, and Grant
+in Virginia, could choose which to fight.  Mr. Lincoln seemed unusually
+impressed with this; but General Grant explained that, at the very
+moment of our conversation, General Sheridan was passing his Cavalry
+across James River, from the North to the South; that he would, with
+this Cavalry, so extend his left below Petersburg as to meet the South
+Shore Road; and that if Lee should 'let go' his fortified lines, he
+(Grant) would follow him so close that he could not possibly fall on me
+alone in North Carolina.  I, in like manner, expressed the fullest
+confidence that my Army in North Carolina was willing to cope with Lee
+and Johnston combined, till Grant could come up.  But we both agreed
+that one more bloody battle was likely to occur before the close of the
+War.  Mr. Lincoln * * * more than once exclaimed: 'Must more blood be
+shed?  Cannot this last bloody battle be avoided?'  We explained that we
+had to presume that General Lee was a real general; that he must see
+that Johnston alone was no barrier to my progress; and that if my Army
+of eighty thousand veterans should reach Burksville, he was lost in
+Richmond; and that we were forced to believe he would not await that
+inevitable conclusion, but make one more desperate effort."</p>
+
+<p>President Lincoln's intense anxiety caused him to remain at City Point,
+from this time forth, almost until the end&mdash;receiving from General
+Grant, when absent, at the immediate front, frequent dispatches, which,
+as fast as received and read, he transmitted to the Secretary of War, at
+Washington.  Grant had already given general instructions to
+Major-Generals Meade, Ord, and Sheridan, for the closing movements of his
+immediate Forces, against Lee and his lines of supply and possible
+retreat.  He saw that the time had come for which he had so long waited,
+and he now felt "like ending the matter."  On the morning of the 29th of
+March&mdash;preliminary dispositions having been executed&mdash;the movements
+began.  That night, Grant wrote to Sheridan, who was at Dinwiddie Court
+House, with his ten thousand Cavalry: "Our line is now unbroken from the
+Appomattox to Dinwiddie.  * * *  I feel now like ending the matter, if
+it is possible to do so, before going back.  * * *  In the morning, push
+around the Enemy, if you can, and get on his right rear.  * * * We will
+all act together as one Army, until it is seen what can be done with the
+Enemy."  The rain fell all that night in torrents.  The face of the
+country, where forests, swamps, and quicksands alternated in presenting
+apparently insuperable obstacles to immediate advance, was very
+discouraging next morning, but Sheridan's heart was gladdened by orders
+to seize Five Forks.</p>
+
+<p>On the 31st, the Battle of Dinwiddie Court House occurred&mdash;the Enemy
+attacking Sheridan and Warren with a largely superior force.  During the
+night, Sheridan was reinforced with the Fifth Corps, and other troops.
+On April 1st, Sheridan fought, and won, the glorious Battle of Five
+Forks, against this detached Rebel force, and, besides capturing 6,000
+prisoners and six pieces of artillery, dispersed the rest to the North
+and West, away from the balance of Lee's Army.  That night, after Grant
+received the news of this victory, he went into his tent, wrote a
+dispatch, sent it by an orderly, and returning to the fire outside his
+tent, calmly said: "I have ordered an immediate assault along the
+lines."  This was afterward modified to an attack at three points, on
+the Petersburg works, at 4 o'clock in the morning&mdash;a terrific
+bombardment, however, to be kept up all night.  Grant also sent more
+reinforcements to Sheridan.  On the morning of April 2nd, the assault
+was made, and the Enemy's works were gallantly carried, while Sheridan
+was coming up to the West of Petersburg.</p>
+
+<p>The Rebel Chieftain Lee, when his works were stormed and carried, is
+said to have exclaimed: "It has happened as I thought; the lines have
+been stretched until they broke."  At 10.30 A. M. he telegraphed to
+Jefferson Davis: "My lines are broken in three places.  Richmond must be
+evacuated this evening."  This dispatch of Parke, Ord on Wright's left,
+Humphreys on Ord's left and Warren on Humphrey's left&mdash;Sheridan being to
+the rear and left of Warren, reached Davis, while at church.  All
+present felt, as he retired, that the end of the Rebellion had come.  At
+10.40 A. M. Lee reported further: "I see no prospect of doing more than
+holding our position here till night.  I am not certain that I can do
+that.  If I can, I shall withdraw tonight, North of the Appomattox, and
+if possible, it will be better to withdraw the whole line to-night from
+James river.  * * *  Our only chance of concentrating our Forces is to
+do so near Danville railroad, which I shall endeavor to do at once.  I
+advise that all preparations be made for leaving Richmond to-night.  I
+will advise you later, according to circumstances.  "At 7 o'clock P. M.
+Lee again communicated to the Rebel Secretary of War this information:
+"It is absolutely necessary that we should abandon our position
+to-night, or run the risk of being cut off in the morning.  I have given
+all the orders to officers on both sides of the river, and have taken
+every precaution that I can to make the movement successful.  It will be
+a difficult operation, but I hope not impracticable.  Please give all
+orders that you find necessary, in and about Richmond.  The troops will
+all be directed to Amelia Court House."  This was the last dispatch sent
+by Lee to the Rebel Government.</p>
+
+<p>On the 3rd of April, Petersburg and Richmond were evacuated, and again
+under the Union flag, while Grant's immediate Forces were pressing
+forward to cut off the retreat of Lee, upon Amelia Court House and
+Danville, in an effort to form a junction with Johnston.  On the 6th,
+the important Battle of Sailor's Creek, Va., was fought and won by
+Sheridan.  On the evening of the 7th, at the Farmville hotel, where Lee
+had slept the night before, Grant, after sending dispatches to Sheridan
+at Prospect Station, Ord at Prince Edward's Court House, and Mead at
+Rice Station, wrote the following letter to Lee:</p>
+
+<p>                         "FARMVILLE, April 7th, 1865.</p>
+
+<p>"GENERAL: The results of the last week must convince you of the
+hopelessness of further resistance, on the part of the Army of Northern
+Virginia, in this struggle.  I feel that it is so, and regard it as my
+duty to shift from myself the responsibility of any further effusion of
+blood, by asking of you the surrender of that portion of the Confederate
+States' army known as the Army of Northern Virginia.</p>
+
+<p>"U. S. GRANT,<br>
+"Lieutenant-General."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Lee, however, in replying to this demand, and in subsequent
+correspondence, seemed to be unable to see "the hopelessness of further
+resistance."  He thought "the emergency had not yet come."  Hence, Grant
+decided to so press and harass him, as to bring the emergency along
+quickly.  Accordingly, by the night of the 8th of April, Sheridan with
+his Cavalry had completely headed Lee off, at Appomattox Court House.
+By morning, Ord's forces had reached Sheridan, and were in line behind
+him.  Two Corps of the Army of the Potomac, under Meade, were also, by
+this time, close on the Enemy's rear.  And now the harassed Enemy,
+conscious that his rear was threatened, and seeing only Cavalry in his
+front, through which to fight his way, advanced to the attack.  The
+dismounted Cavalry of Sheridan contested the advance, in order to give
+Ord and Griffin as much time as possible to form, then, mounting and
+moving rapidly aside, they suddenly uncovered, to the charging Rebels,
+Ord's impenetrable barrier of Infantry, advancing upon them at a
+double-quick!  At the same time that this appalling sight staggered them, and
+rolled them back in despair, they became aware that Sheridan's impetuous
+Cavalry, now mounted, were hovering on their left flank, evidently about
+to charge!</p>
+
+<p>Lee at once concluded that the emergency "had now come," and sent, both
+to Sheridan and Meade, a flag of truce, asking that hostilities cease,
+pending negotiations for a surrender&mdash;having also requested of Grant an
+audience with a view to such surrender.  That afternoon the two great
+rival Military Chieftains met by appointment in the plain little
+farm-house of one McLean&mdash;Lee dressed in his best full-dress uniform and
+sword, Grant in a uniform soiled and dusty, and without any sword&mdash;and,
+after a few preliminary words, as to the terms proposed by Grant, the
+latter sat down to the table, and wrote the following:</p>
+<br>
+<p>                         "APPOMATTOX COURT HOUSE,<br>
+                         "VIRGINIA, April 9, 1865.</p>
+
+<p>"GENERAL: In accordance with the substance of my letter to you of the
+8th instant, I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern
+Virginia on the following terms, to wit: Rolls of all the officers and
+men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer to be
+designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers
+as you may designate.  The officers to give their individual paroles not
+to take up arms against the Government of the United States, until
+properly exchanged; and each company or regimental commander to sign a
+like parole for the men of their commands.  The arms, artillery, and
+public property to be parked and stacked, and turned over to the
+officers appointed by me to receive them.  This will not embrace the
+side-arms of the officers nor their private horses or baggage.  This
+done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to
+be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observe their
+paroles and the laws in force where they may reside.</p>
+
+<p>                                   "U. S. GRANT,<br>
+                              "Lieutenant-General.</p>
+
+<p>"General R. E. LEE."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>After some further conversation, in which Grant intimated that his
+officers receiving paroles would be instructed to "allow the Cavalry and
+Artillery men to retain their horses, and take them home to work their
+little farms"&mdash;a kindness which Lee said, would "have the best possible
+effect," the latter wrote his surrender in the following words:</p>
+<br>
+<p>               "HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,
+                              April 9, 1865.</p>
+
+<p>"GENERAL: I received your letter of this date containing the terms of
+the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, as proposed by you.  As
+they are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of the
+8th instant, they are accepted.  I will proceed to designate the proper
+officers to carry the stipulations into effect.
+                              "R. E. LEE, General.</p>
+
+<p>"Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Before parting, Lee told Grant that his men were starving; and Grant at
+once ordered 25,000 rations to be issued to the surrendered Rebels&mdash;and
+then the Rebel Chieftain, shaking hands with the Victor, rode away to
+his conquered legions.  It was 4.30 P.M. when Grant, on his way to his
+own headquarters, now with Sheridan's command, dismounted from his
+horse, and sitting on a stone by the roadside, wrote the following
+dispatch:</p>
+
+<p>                              "Hon. E. M. STANTON,<br>
+                         Secretary of War, Washington.</p>
+
+<p>"General Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia this afternoon on
+terms proposed by myself.  The accompanying additional correspondence
+will show the conditions fully.<br>
+                    "U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant General."</p>
+<br><br>
+<p>
+Meanwhile on the 5th of April, Grant, who had kept Sherman, as well as
+Sheridan, advised of his main movements, had also ordered the former to
+press Johnston's Army as he was pressing Lee, so as, between them, they
+might "push on, and finish the job."  In accordance with this order,
+Sherman's Forces advanced toward Smithfield, and, Johnston having
+rapidly retreated before them, entered Raleigh, North Carolina, on the
+13th.  The 14th of April, brought the news of the surrender of Lee to
+Grant, and the same day a correspondence was opened between Sherman and
+Johnston, looking to the surrender of the latter's Army&mdash;terms for which
+were actually agreed upon, subject, however, to approval of Sherman's
+superiors.  Those terms, however, being considered unsatisfactory, were
+promptly disapproved, and similar terms to those allowed to Lee's Army,
+were substituted, and agreed to, the actual surrender taking place April
+26th, near Durham, North Carolina.  On the 21st, Macon, Georgia, with
+12,000 Rebel Militia, and sixty guns, was surrendered to Wilson's
+Cavalry-command, by General Howell Cobb.  On the 4th of May, General
+Richard Taylor surrendered all the armed Rebel troops, East of the
+Mississippi river; and on the 26th of May, General Kirby Smith
+surrendered all of them, West of that river.</p>
+
+<p>On that day, organized, armed Rebellion against the United States
+ceased, and became a thing of the past.  It had been conquered, stamped
+out, and extinguished, while its civic head, Jefferson Davis, captured
+May 11th, at Irwinsville, Georgia, while attempting to escape, was, with
+other leading Rebels, a prisoner in a Union fort.  Four years of armed
+Rebellion had been enough for them.  They were absolutely sick of it.
+And the magnanimity of the terms given them by Grant, completed their
+subjugation.  "The wisdom of his course," says Badeau,  "was proved by
+the haste which the Rebels made to yield everything they had fought for.
+They were ready not only to give up their arms, but literally to implore
+forgiveness of the Government.  They acquiesced in the abolition of
+Slavery.  They abandoned the heresy of Secession, and waited to learn
+what else their conquerors would dictate.  They dreamed not of political
+power.  They only asked to be let live quietly under the flag they had
+outraged, and attempt in some degree to rebuild their shattered
+fortunes.  The greatest General of the Rebellion asked for pardon."</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br>
+<a name="ch31"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXXI.<br><br>
+
+                      ASSASSINATION!
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+<p>But while some of the great Military events alluded to in the preceding
+Chapter, had been transpiring at the theatre of War, something else had
+happened at the National Capital, so momentous, so atrocious, so
+execrable, that it was with difficulty the victorious soldiers of the
+Union, when they first heard the news, could be restrained from turning
+upon the then remaining armed Rebels, and annihilating them in their
+righteous fury.</p>
+
+<p>Let us go back, for a moment, to President Lincoln, whom we left on
+board the Ocean Queen, at City Point, toward the end of March and the
+beginning of April, receiving dispatches from Grant, who was
+victoriously engaged at the front.  On the very day that Richmond
+fell&mdash;April 4th&mdash;President Lincoln, with his little son "Tad," Admiral Porter,
+and others, visited the burning city, and held a reception in the
+parlors of the Mansion which had now, for so many years, been occupied
+by the Chief Conspirator, Jefferson Davis, and which had been
+precipitately abandoned when the flight of that Arch-Rebel and his
+"Cabinet" commenced.  On the 6th, the President, accompanied by his
+wife, Vice-President Johnson, and others from Washington, again visited
+Richmond, and received distinguished Virginians, to whom he addressed
+words of wisdom and patriotism.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     ["On this occasion," says Arnold, "he was called upon by several
+     prominent citizens of Virginia, anxious to learn what the policy of
+     the Government towards them would be.  Without committing himself
+     to specific details, he satisfied them that his policy would be
+     magnanimous, forgiving, and generous.  He told these Virginians
+     they must learn loyalty and devotion to the Nation.  They need not
+     love Virginia less, but they must love the Republic more."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>On the 9th of April, he returned to Washington, and the same day&mdash;his
+last Sunday on Earth&mdash;came the grand and glorious news of Lee's
+surrender.</p>
+
+<p>On the Wednesday evening following, he made a lengthy speech, at the
+White House, to the great crowd that had assembled about it, to
+congratulate him, and the Nation, upon the downfall of Rebellion.  His
+first thought in that speech, was of gratitude to God.  His second, to
+put himself in the background, and to give all the credit of Union
+Military success, to those who, under God, had achieved it.  Said he:
+"We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart.  The
+evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the
+principal Insurgent Army, give hope of a righteous and speedy Peace,
+whose joyous expression cannot be restrained.  In the midst of this,
+however, He from whom all blessings flow, must not be forgotten.  A Call
+for a National Thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly
+promulgated.  Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of
+rejoicing, be overlooked.  Their honors must not be parcelled out with
+others.  I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of
+transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honor, for
+plan or execution, is mine.  To General Grant, his skilful officers and
+brave men, all belongs."</p>
+
+<p>This speech was almost entirely devoted to the subject of reconstruction
+of the States lately in Rebellion, and to an argument in favor of the
+Reconstruction policy, under which a new and loyal government had been
+formed for the State of Louisiana.  "Some twelve thousand voters in the
+heretofore Slave State of Louisiana," said he, "have sworn allegiance to
+the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held
+elections, organized a State government, adopted a Free State
+Constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to Black and
+White, and empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise
+upon the colored man.  Their Legislature has already voted to ratify the
+Constitutional Amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing Slavery
+throughout the Nation.  These twelve thousand persons are thus fully
+committed to the Union, and to perpetual Freedom in the State; committed
+to the very things, and nearly all the things, the Nation wants; and
+they ask the Nation's recognition and its assistance to make good that
+committal.  Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to
+disorganize and disperse them.  We, in effect, say to the White men,
+'You are worthless, or worse; we will neither help you, nor be helped by
+you.'  To the Blacks we say, 'This cup of Liberty which these, your old
+masters, hold to your lips, we will dash from you and leave you to the
+chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague
+and undefined when, where, and how.'  If this course, discouraging and
+paralyzing both White and Black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana
+into proper practical relations with the Union, I have, so far, been
+unable to perceive it.  If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain
+the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true."</p>
+
+<p>While, however, Mr. Lincoln thus upheld and defended this Louisiana plan
+of reconstruction, yet he conceded that in applying it to other States,
+with their varying conditions, "no exclusive and inflexible plan can
+safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals."  The entire speech
+shows the greatest solicitude to make no mistake necessitating backward
+steps, and consequent delay in reconstructing the Rebel States into
+Loyal ones; and especially anxious was he, in this, his last public
+utterance, touching the outcome of his great life-work, Emancipation.
+"If," said he, "we reject Louisiana, we also reject one vote in favor of
+the proposed Amendment to the National Constitution.  To meet this
+proposition it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of those
+States which have not attempted Secession are necessary to validly
+ratify the Amendment.  I do not commit myself against this further than
+to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be
+persistently questioned; whilst a ratification by three-fourths of all
+the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable."</p>
+
+<p>On Thursday, by the President's direction, a War Department Order was
+drawn up and issued, putting an end to drafting and recruiting, and the
+purchase of Military supplies, and removing all restrictions which
+Military necessity had imposed upon the trade and commerce and
+intercourse of any one part of the Union with the other.  On Friday, the
+14th of April, there was a meeting of the Cabinet at noon, to receive a
+report from General Grant, in person&mdash;he having just arrived from the
+scene of Lee's surrender.  Later, the President rode out with Mrs.
+Lincoln, and talked of the hard time they had had since coming to
+Washington; "but," continued he, "the War is over, and, with God's
+blessing, we may hope for four years of Peace and happiness, and then we
+will go back to Illinois, and pass the rest of our lives in quiet."  At
+Ford's Theatre, that evening, was played "The American Cousin," and it
+had been announced that both the President and General Grant would be
+present.  Grant, however, was prevented from attending.  President
+Lincoln attended with reluctance&mdash;possibly because of a presentiment
+which he had that day had, that "something serious is going to happen,"
+of which he made mention at the Cabinet meeting aforesaid.</p>
+
+<p>It was about 9 o-clock P.M., that the President, with Mrs. Lincoln,
+Major Rathbone, and Miss Harris, entered the Theatre, and, after
+acknowledging with a bow the patriotic acclamations with which the
+audience saluted him, entered the door of the private box, reserved for
+his party, which was draped with the folds of the American flag.  At
+half past 10 o'clock, while all were absorbed in the play, a pistol-shot
+was heard, and a man, brandishing a bloody dagger, was seen to leap to
+the stage from the President's box, crying "Sic Semper Tyrannis!" His
+spurred boot, catching in the bunting, tripped him, so that he half fell
+and injured one leg, but instantly recovered himself, and, shouting "The
+South is avenged!" rushed across the stage, and disappeared.  It was an
+actor, John Wilkes Booth by name, who&mdash;inspired with all the mad,
+unreasoning, malignant hatred of everything representing Freedom and
+Union, which was purposely instilled into the minds and hearts of their
+followers and sympathizers by the Rebel leaders and their chief
+accomplices in the North&mdash;had basely skulked into the box, behind Mr.
+Lincoln, mortally wounded him with a pistol-bullet, and escaped&mdash;after
+stabbing Major Rathbone for vainly striving to arrest the vile
+assassin's flight.</p>
+
+<p>Thus this great and good Ruler of our reunited People was foully
+stricken down in the very moment of his triumph; when the Union troops
+were everywhere victorious; when Lee had surrendered the chief Army of
+the downfallen Confederacy; when Johnston was on the point of
+surrendering the only remaining Rebel force which could be termed an
+Army; on the self-same day too, which saw the identical flag of the
+Union, that four years before had been sadly hauled down from the
+flagstaff of Fort Sumter, triumphantly raised again over that historic
+fort; when, the War being at an end, everything in the future looked
+hopeful; at the very time when his merciful and kindly mind was
+doubtless far away from the mimic scenes upon which he looked, revolving
+beneficent plans for reconstructing and rebuilding the waste and
+desolate places in the South which War had made; at this time, of all
+times, when his clear and just perceptions and firm patriotism were most
+needed,</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [For his last public words, two nights before, had been: "In the
+     present 'situation,' as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make
+     some new announcement to the people of the South.  I am
+     CONSIDERING, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action
+     will be proper."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>alike by conquerors and conquered, to guide and aid the Nation in the
+difficult task of reconstruction, and of the new departure, looming up
+before it, with newer and broader and better political issues upon which
+all Patriot might safely divide, while all the old issues of
+States-rights, Secession, Free-Trade, and Slavery, and all the mental and moral
+leprosy growing out of them, should lie buried far out of sight as
+dead-and-gone relics of the cruel and devastating War which they alone had
+brought on!  Abraham Lincoln never spoke again.  The early beams of the
+tomorrow's sun touched, but failed to warm, the lifeless remain of the
+great War-President and Liberator, as they were borne, in mournful
+silence, back to the White House, mute and ghastly witness of the sheer
+desperation of those who, although armed Rebellion, in the open field,
+by the fair and legitimate modes of Military warfare, had ceased, were
+determined still to keep up that cowardly "fire in the rear" which had
+been promised to the Rebel leaders by their Northern henchmen and
+sympathizers.</p>
+
+<p>The assassination of President Lincoln was but a part of the plot of
+Booth and his murderous Rebel-sympathizing fellow conspirators.  It was
+their purpose also to kill Grant, and Seward, and other prominent
+members of the Cabinet, simultaneously, in the wild hope that anarchy
+might follow, and Treason find its opportunity.  In this they almost
+miraculously failed, although Seward was badly wounded by one of the
+assassins.</p>
+
+<p>That the Rebel authorities were cognizant of, and encouraged, this
+dastardly plot, cannot be distinctly proven.  But, while they naturally
+would be likely, especially in the face of the storm of public
+exasperation which it raised throughout the Union, to disavow all
+knowledge of, or complicity in, the vengeful murder of President
+Lincoln, and to destroy all evidences possible of any such guilty
+knowledge or complicity, yet there will ever be a strong suspicion that
+they were not innocent.  From the time when it was first known that Mr.
+Lincoln had been elected President, the air was full of threats that he
+should not live to be inaugurated.</p>
+
+<p>That the assassination, consummated in April, 1865, would
+have taken place in February of 1861, had it not been for the timely
+efforts of Lieutenant-General Scott, Brigadier-General Stone, Hon.
+William H. Seward, Frederick W. Seward, Esq., and David S. Bookstaver of
+the Metropolitan Police of New York&mdash;is abundantly shown by
+Superintendent John A.  Kennedy, in a letter of August 13, 1866, to be
+found in vol. ii., of Lossing's "Civil War in America," pages 147-149,
+containing also an extract from a letter of General Stone, in which the
+latter&mdash;after mentioning that General Scott and himself considered it
+"almost a certainty that Mr. Lincoln could not pass Baltimore alive by
+the train on the day fixed"&mdash;proceeds to say: "I recommended that Mr.
+Lincoln should be officially warned; and suggested that it would be
+altogether best that he should take the train of that evening from
+Philadelphia, and so reach Washington early the next day."  * * *
+General Scott, after asking me how the details could be arranged in so
+short a time, and receiving my suggestion that Mr. Lincoln should be
+advised quietly to take the evening train, and that it would do him no
+harm to have the telegraph wires cut for a few hours, he directed me to
+seek Mr. W. H. Seward, to whom he wrote a few lines, which he handed to
+me.  It was already ten o'clock, and when I reached Mr. Seward's house
+he had left; I followed him to the Capitol, but did not succeed in
+finding him until after 12 M. I handed him the General's note; he
+listened attentively to what I said, and asked me to write down my
+information and suggestions, and then, taking the paper I had written,
+he hastily left.  The note I wrote was what Mr. Frederick Seward carried
+to Mr. Lincoln in Philadelphia.  Mr. Lincoln has stated that it was this
+note which induced him to change his journey as he did.  The stories of
+disguise are all nonsense; Mr. Lincoln merely took the sleeping-car in
+the night train.</p>
+
+<p>Equally certain also, is it, that the Rebel authorities were utterly
+indifferent to the means that might be availed of to secure success to
+Rebellion.  Riots and arson, were among the mildest methods proposed to
+be used in the Northern cities, to make the War for the Union a
+"failure"&mdash;as their Northern Democratic allies termed it&mdash;while, among
+other more devilish projects, was that of introducing cholera and yellow
+fever into the North, by importing infected rags!  Another
+much-talked-of scheme throughout the War, was that of kidnapping President Lincoln,
+and other high officials of the Union Government.  There is also
+evidence, that the Rebel chiefs not only received, but considered, the
+plans of desperadoes and cut-throats looking to the success of the
+Rebellion by means of assassination.  Thus, in a footnote to page 448,
+vol. ii., of his "Civil War in America," Lossing does not hesitate to
+characterize Jefferson Davis as "the crafty and malignant Chief
+Conspirator, who seems to have been ready at all times to entertain
+propositions to assassinate, by the hand of secret murder, the officers
+of the Government at Washington;" and, after fortifying that statement
+by a reference to page 523 of the first volume of his work, proceeds to
+say: "About the time (July, 1862) we are now considering, a Georgian,
+named Burnham, wrote to Jefferson Davis, proposing to organize a corps
+of five hundred assassins, to be distributed over the North, and sworn
+to murder President Lincoln, members of his Cabinet, and leading
+Republican Senators, and other supporters of the Government.  This
+proposition was made in writing, and was regularly filed in the
+'Confederate War Department,' indorsed 'Respectfully referred to the
+Secretary of War, by order of the President,' and signed 'J. C  Ives.'
+Other communications of similar tenor, 'respectfully referred' by
+Jefferson Davis, were placed on file in that 'War Department.'"  All the
+denials, therefore, of the Rebel chieftains, as to their complicity in
+the various attempts to assassinate Abraham Lincoln, ending with his
+dastardly murder in April, 1865, will not clear their skirts of the
+odium of that unparalleled infamy.  It will cling to them, living or
+dead, until that great Day of Judgment when the exact truth shall be
+made known, and "their sin shall find them out."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The New York Tribune, August 16, 1885, under the heading "A NARROW
+     ESCAPE OF LINCOLN," quotes an interesting "Omaha Letter, to the St.
+     Paul Pioneer Press," as follows:</p>
+
+<p>     "That more than one attempt was made to assassinate Abraham Lincoln
+     is a fact known to John W. Nichols, ex-president of the Omaha Fire
+     Department.  Mr. Nichols was one of the body-guard of President
+     Lincoln from the Summer of 1862 until 1865.  The following
+     narrative, related to your correspondent by Mr. Nichols, is
+     strictly true, and the incident is not generally known:</p>
+
+<p>     One night about the middle of August, 1864, I was
+     doing sentinel duty at the large gate through which entrance was
+     had to the grounds of the Soldiers' Home.  The grounds are situated
+     about a quarter of a mile off the Bladensburg road, and are reached
+     by devious driveways.  About 11 o'clock I heard a rifle shot in the
+     direction of the city, and shortly afterwards I heard approaching
+     hoof-beats.  In two or three minutes a horse came dashing-up, and I
+     recognized the belated President.  The horse was very spirited, and
+     belonged to Mr. Lamon, marshal of the District of Columbia.  This
+     horse was Mr. Lincoln's favorite, and when he was in the White
+     House stables he always chose him.  As horse and rider approached
+     the gate, I noticed that the President was bareheaded.  After
+     assisting him in checking his steed, the President said to me: 'He
+     came pretty near getting away with me, didn't he?  He got the bit
+     in his teeth before I could draw the rein.'  I then asked him where
+     his hat was, and he replied that somebody had fired a gun off down
+     at the foot of the hill, and that his horse had become scared and
+     jerked his hat off.  I led the animal to the Executive Cottage, and
+     the President dismounted and entered.  Thinking the affair rather
+     strange, a corporal and myself started in the direction of the
+     place from where the sound of the rifle report had proceeded, to
+     investigate the occurrence.  When we reached the spot where the
+     driveway intersects with the main road we found the President's
+     hat&mdash;a plain silk hat&mdash;and upon examining it we discovered a bullet
+     hole through the crown.  The shot had been fired upwards, and it
+     was evident that the person who fired the shot had secreted himself
+     close to the roadside.  We listened and searched the locality
+     thoroughly, but to no avail.  The next day I gave Mr. Lincoln his
+     hat and called his attention to the bullet hole.  He rather
+     unconcernedly remarked that it was put there by some foolish
+     gunner, and was not intended for him.  He said, however, that he
+     wanted the matter kept quiet, and admonished us to say nothing
+     about it.  We all felt confident that it was an attempt to kill
+     him, and a well-nigh successful one, too.  The affair was kept
+     quiet, in accordance with his request.  After that, the President
+     never rode alone."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>That this dark and wicked and bloody Rebellion, waged by the upholders
+and advocates of Slavery, Free Trade, and Secession, had descended so
+low as to culminate in murder&mdash;deliberate, cold-blooded, cowardly
+murder&mdash;at a time when the Southern Conspirators would apparently be the
+least benefitted by it, was regarded at first as evidencing their mad
+fatuity; and the public mind was dreadfully incensed.</p>
+
+<p>The successor of the murdered President&mdash;Andrew Johnson&mdash;lost little time
+in offering (May the 2d) rewards, ranging from $25,000 to $100,000, for
+the arrest of Jefferson Davis, Jacob Thompson,</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The same individual at whose death, in 1885, the Secretary of the
+     Interior, ordered the National flag of the Union&mdash;which he had
+     swindled, betrayed, fought, spit upon, and conspired against&mdash;to be
+     lowered at halfmast over the Interior Departmental Building, at
+     Washington, D. C.]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Clement C. Clay, Beverly Tucker, George N.  Sanders, and W. C. Cleary,
+in a Proclamation which directly charged that they, "and other Rebels
+and Traitors against the Government of the United States, harbored in
+Canada," had "incited, concerted, and procured" the perpetration of the
+appalling crime.</p>
+
+<p>On the 10th of May, one of them, Jacob Thompson, from his place of
+security, in Canada, published a letter claiming to be innocent;
+characterized himself as "a persecuted man;" arrayed certain suspicious
+facts in support of an intimation that Johnson himself was the only one
+man in the Republic who would be benefited by President Lincoln's death;
+and, as he was found "asleep" at the "unusual hour" of nine o'clock
+P.M., of the 14th of April, and had made haste to take the oath of
+office as President of the United States as soon as the breath had left
+the body of his predecessor, insinuated that he (Johnson) might with
+more reason be suspected of "complicity" in "the foul work" than the
+"Rebels and Traitors" charged with it, in his Proclamation; so charged,
+for the very purpose&mdash;Thompson insinuated&mdash;of shielding himself from
+discovery, and conviction!</p>
+
+<p>But while, for a moment, perhaps, there flitted across the public mind a
+half suspicion of the possibility of what this Rebel intimated as true,
+yet another moment saw it dissipated.  For the People remembered that
+between "Andrew Johnson," one of the "poor white trash" of Tennessee,
+and the "aristocratic Slave-owners" of the South, who headed the
+Rebellion, there could be neither sympathy nor cooperation&mdash;nothing, but
+hatred; and that this same Andrew Johnson, who, by power of an
+indomitable will, self-education, and natural ability, had, despite the
+efforts of that "aristocracy," forced himself upward, step by step, from
+the tailor's bench, to the successful honors of alderman and Mayor, and
+then still upward through both branches of his State Legislature, into
+the House of Representatives and the Senate of the United States&mdash;and,
+in the latter Body, had so gallantly met, and worsted in debate, the
+chosen representatives of that class upon whose treasonable heads he
+poured forth in invective, the gathered hatred of a life-time&mdash;would
+probably be the very last man whom these same "aristocratic"
+Conspirators, "Rebels, and Traitors," would prefer as arbiter of their
+fate.</p>
+
+<p>The popular feeling responded heartily, at this time, to the
+denunciations which, in his righteous indignation, he had, in the
+Senate, and since, heaped upon Rebellion, and especially his declaration
+that "Treason must be made odious!"&mdash;utterances now substantially
+reiterated by him more vehemently than ever, and multiplied in posters
+and transparencies and newspapers all over the Land.  Thus the public
+mind rapidly grew to believe it impossible that the Rebel leaders could
+gain, by the substitution, in the Executive chair, of this harsh,
+determined, despotic nature, for the mild, kindly, merciful,
+even-tempered, Abraham Lincoln.  With Andrew Johnson for President, the
+People felt that justice would fall upon the heads of the guilty, and
+that the Country was safe.  And so it happened that, while the mere
+instruments of the assassination conspiracy were hurried to an
+ignominious death, in the lull that followed, Jefferson Davis and others
+of the Rebel chiefs, who had been captured and imprisoned, were allowed
+to go "Scott-free, without even the semblance of a trial for their
+Treason!"</p>
+
+<p>It is not the purpose of this work to deal with the history of the
+Reconstruction or rehabilitation of the Rebel States; to look too
+closely into the devious ways and subtle methods through and by which
+the Rebel leaders succeeded in flattering the vanity, and worming
+themselves into the confidence and control, of Andrew Johnson&mdash;by
+pretending to believe that his occupation of the Presidential Office had
+now, at last, brought him to their "aristocratic" altitude, and to a
+hearty recognition by them of his "social equality;" or to follow,
+either in or out of Congress, the great political conflict, between
+their unsuspecting Presidential dupe and the Congress, which led to the
+impeachment trial of President Andrew Johnson, for high crimes and
+misdemeanors in office, his narrow escape from conviction and
+deposition, and to much consequent excitement and turmoil among the
+People, which, but for wise counsels and prudent forethought of the
+Republican leaders, in both Civil and Military life, might have
+eventuated in the outbreak of serious civil commotions.  Suffice it to
+say, that in due time; long after the Thirteenth Amendment to the United
+States Constitution had been ratified by three-fourths of all the
+States; after Johnson had vexed the White House, with his noisy
+presence, for the nearly four years succeeding the death of the great
+and good Lincoln; and after the People, with almost unexampled
+unanimity, had called their great Military hero, Grant, to the helm of
+State; the difficult and perplexing problems involved in the
+Reconstruction of the Union were, at last, successfully solved by the
+Republican Party, and every State that had been in armed Rebellion
+against that Union, was not only back again, with a Loyal State
+Constitution, but was represented in both branches of Congress, and in
+other Departments of the National Government.</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br><br>
+<a name="breckinridge"></a>
+<center>
+<img alt="p244-breckinridge.jpg (83K)" src="images/p244-breckinridge.jpg" height="846" width="594">
+</center>
+<br><br><br><br>
+<a name="ch32"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXXII.<br><br>
+
+                     TURNING BACK THE HANDS!
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+
+<p>
+And now, the War having ended in the defeat, conquest, and capture, of
+those who, inspired by the false teachings of Southern leaders, had
+arrayed themselves in arms beneath the standard of Rebellion, and fought
+for Sectional Independence against National Union, for Slavery against
+Freedom, and for Free Trade against a benignant Tariff protective alike
+to manufacturer, mechanic, and laborer, it might naturally be supposed
+that, with the collapse of this Rebellion, all the issues which made up
+"the Cause"&mdash;the "Lost Cause," as those leaders well termed it&mdash;would be
+lost with it, and disappear from political sight; that we would never
+again hear of a Section of the Nation, and last of all the Southern
+Section, organized, banded together, solidified in the line of its own
+Sectional ideas as against the National ideas prevailing elsewhere
+through the Union; that Free Trade, conscious of the ruin and desolation
+which it had often wrought, and of the awful sacrifices, in blood and
+treasure, that had been made in its behalf by the conquered South, would
+slink from sight and hide its famine-breeding front forever; and that
+Slavery, in all its various disguises, was banished, never more to
+obtrude its hateful form upon our Liberty-loving Land.  That was indeed
+the supposition and belief which everywhere pervaded the Nation, when
+Rebellion was conquered by the legions of the Union&mdash;and which
+especially pervaded the South.  Never were Rebels more thoroughly
+exhausted and sick of Rebellion and of everything that led to it, than
+these.  As Badeau said, they made haste "to yield everything they had
+fought for," and "dreamed not of political power."  They had been
+brought to their knees, suing for forgiveness, and thankful that their
+forfeit lives were spared.</p>
+
+<p>For awhile, with chastened spirit, the reconstructed South seemed to
+reconcile itself in good faith to the legitimate results of the War, and
+all went well.  But Time and Peace soon obliterate the lessons and the
+memories of War.  And it was not very long after the Rebellion had
+ceased, and the old issues upon which it was fought had disappeared from
+the arena of National politics, when its old leaders and their
+successors began slowly, carefully, and systematically, to relay the
+tumbled-down, ruined foundations and walls of the Lost Cause&mdash;a work in
+which, unfortunately, they were too well aided by the mistaken clemency
+and magnanimity of the Republican Party, in hastily removing the
+political disabilities of those leaders.</p>
+
+<p>Before proceeding farther, it is necessary to remark here, that, after
+the suppression of the Rebellion and adoption of the Thirteenth
+Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which prohibits
+Slavery and Involuntary Servitude within the United States, it soon
+became apparent that it was necessary to the protection of the Freedmen,
+in the civil and political rights and privileges which it was considered
+desirable to secure to them, as well as to the creation and fostering of
+a wholesome loyal sentiment in, and real reconstruction of, the States
+then lately insurgent, and for certain other reasons, that other
+safeguards, in the shape of further Amendments to the Constitution,
+should be adopted.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments were, on the 16th of
+June, 1866, and 27th of February, 1869, respectively, proposed by
+Congress to the Legislatures of the several States, and were declared
+duly ratified, and a part of the Constitution, respectively on the 28th
+of July, 1868, and March 30, 1870.  Those Amendments were in these
+words:</p>
+
+<p>
+                              "ARTICLE XIV.</p>
+
+<p>"SECTION 1.&mdash;All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and
+subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States
+and of the State wherein they reside.  No State shall make or enforce
+any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of
+the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life,
+liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person
+within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.</p>
+
+<p>"SECTION 2.&mdash;Representatives shall be apportioned among the several
+States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number
+of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed.  But when the
+right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President
+and Vice President of the United States, Representatives in Congress,
+the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the
+Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such
+State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States,
+or in any way abridged, except for participation in Rebellion, or other
+crime, the basis of Representation therein shall be reduced in the
+proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the
+whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.</p>
+
+<p>"SECTION 3.&mdash;No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress,
+or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or
+military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having
+previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of
+the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an
+executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution
+of the United States, shall have engaged in Insurrection or Rebellion
+against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof.  But
+Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such
+disability.</p>
+
+<p>"SECTION 4.&mdash;The validity of the public debt of the United States,
+authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and
+bounties for services in suppressing Insurrection or Rebellion, shall
+not be questioned.  But neither the United States nor any State shall
+assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of Insurrection or
+Rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or
+Emancipation of any Slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims
+shall be held illegal and void.</p>
+
+<p>"SECTION 5.&mdash;The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate
+legislation, the provisions of this article."</p>
+
+<p>
+                               "ARTICLE XV.</p>
+
+<p>"SECTION 1.&mdash;The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall
+not be denied or abridged by, the United States or by any State on
+account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.</p>
+
+<p>"SECTION 2.&mdash;The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by
+appropriate legislation."</p>
+
+<p>
+It would seem, then, from the provisions of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth,
+and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, and the Congressional
+legislation subsequently enacted for the purpose of enforcing them, that
+not only the absolute personal Freedom of every man, woman, and child in
+the United States was thus irrevocably decreed; that United States
+citizenship was clearly defined; that the life, liberty, property,
+privileges and immunities of all were secured by throwing around them
+the "equal protection of the laws;" that the right of the United States
+citizen to vote, was placed beyond denial or abridgment, on "account of
+race, color, or previous condition of servitude;" but, to make this more
+certain, the basis of Congressional Representative&mdash;apportionment was
+changed from its former mixed relation, comprehending both persons and
+"property," so-called, to one of personal numbers&mdash;the Black man now
+counting quite as much as the White man, instead of only three-fifths as
+much; and it was decreed, that, except for crime, any denial to United
+States citizens, whether Black or White, of the right to vote at any
+election of Presidential electors, Congressional Representatives, State
+Governors, Judges, or Legislative members, "shall" work a reduction,
+proportioned to the extent of such denial, in the Congressional
+Representation of the State, or States, guilty of it.  As a further
+safeguard, in the process of reconstruction, none of the insurgent
+States were rehabilitated in the Union except upon acceptance of those
+three Amendments as an integral part of the United States Constitution,
+to be binding upon it; and it was this Constitution as it is, and not
+the Constitution as it was, that all the Representatives, in both Houses
+of Congress, from those insurgent States&mdash;as well as all their State
+officers&mdash;swore to obey as the supreme law of the Land, when taking
+their respective oaths of office.</p>
+
+<p>Biding their time, and pretending to act in good faith, as the years
+rolled by, the distrust and suspicion with which the old
+Rebel-conspirators had naturally been regarded, gradually lessened in the
+public mind.  With a glad heart, the Congress, year after year, removed
+the political disabilities from class after class of those who had
+incurred them, until at last all, so desiring, had been reinstated in
+the full privileges of citizenship, save the very few unrepentant
+instigators and leaders of the Rebellion, who, in the depths of that
+oblivion to which they seemingly had been consigned, continued to nurse
+the bitterness of their downfall into an implacable hatred of that
+Republic which had paralyzed the bloody hands of Rebellion, and
+shattered all their ambitious dreams of Oligarchic rule, if not of
+Empire.</p>
+
+<p>But, while the chieftains of the great Conspiracy&mdash;and of the armed
+Rebellion itself&mdash;remained at their homes unpunished, through the
+clemency of the American People; the active and malignant minds of some
+of them were plotting a future triumph for the "Lost Cause," in the
+overthrow, in consecutive detail, of the Loyal governments of the
+Southern States, by any and all means which might be by them considered
+most desirable, judicious, expedient, and effectual; the solidifying of
+these Southern States into a new Confederation, or league, in fact&mdash;with
+an unwritten but well understood Constitution of its own&mdash;to be known
+under the apparently harmless title of the "Solid South," whose mission
+it would be to build up, and strengthen, and populate, and enrich itself
+within the Union, for a time, greater or less, according to
+circumstances, and in the meanwhile to work up, with untiring devotion
+and energy, not only to this practical autonomy and Sectional
+Independence within the Union, but also to a practical re-enslavement of
+the Blacks, and to the vigorous reassertion and triumph, by the aid of
+British gold, of those pernicious doctrines of Free-Trade which, while
+beneficial to the Cotton-lords of the South, would again check and drag
+down the robust expansion of manufactures and commerce in all other
+parts of the Land, and destroy the glorious prosperity of farmers,
+mechanics, and laborers, while at the same time crippling Capital, in
+the North and West.</p>
+
+<p>In order to accomplish these results&mdash;after whatever of suspicion and
+distrust that might have still remained in Northern minds had been
+removed by the public declaration in 1874, by one of the ablest and most
+persuasively eloquent of Southern statesmen, that "The South&mdash;prostrate,
+exhausted, drained of her life-blood as well as of her material
+resources, yet still honorable and true&mdash;accepts the bitter award of the
+bloody arbitrament without reservation, resolutely determined to abide
+the result with chivalrous fidelity"&mdash;these old Rebel leaders commenced
+in good earnest to carry out their well organized programme, which they
+had already experimentally tested, to their own satisfaction, in certain
+localities.</p>
+
+<p>The plan was this: By the use of shot-guns and rifles, and cavalcades of
+armed white Democrats, in red shirts, riding around the country at dead
+of night, whipping prominent Republican Whites and Negroes to death, or
+shooting or hanging them if thought advisable, such terror would fall
+upon the colored Republican voters that they would keep away from the
+polls, and consequently the white Democrats, undeterred by such
+influences, and on the contrary, eager to take advantage of them, would
+poll not only a full vote, but a majority vote, on all questions,
+whether involving the mere election of Democratic officials, or
+otherwise; and where intimidation of this, or any other kind, should
+fail, then a resort to be had to whatever devices might be found
+necessary to make a fraudulent count and return, and thus secure
+Democratic triumph; and furthermore, when evidences of these
+intimidations and frauds should be presented to those people of the
+Union who believe in every citizen of this free Republic having one free
+vote, and that vote fairly counted, then to laugh the complainants out
+of Court with the cry that such stories are not true; are "campaign
+lies" devised solely for political effect; and are merely the product of
+Republican "outrage mills," ground out, to order.</p>
+
+<p>This plan was first thoroughly tried in Mississippi, and has hence been
+called the "Mississippi plan."  So magically effectual was it, that,
+with variations adapted to locality and circumstances, this "Mississippi
+plan" soon enveloped the entire South in its mesh-work of fraud,
+barbarity, and blood.  The massacres, and other outrages, while
+methodical, were remittent, wave-like, sometimes in one Southern State,
+sometimes another, and occurring only in years of hot political
+conflict, until one after another of those States had, by these crimes,
+been again brought under the absolute control of the old Rebel leaders.
+By 1876, they had almost succeeded in their entire programme.  They had
+captured all, save three, of the Southern States, and strained every
+nerve and every resource of unprincipled ingenuity, of bribery and
+perjury, after the Presidential election of that year had taken place,
+in the effort to defeat the will of the People and "count in," the
+Presidential candidate of the Democratic Party.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The shameful history of the "Tilden barrel" and the "Cipher
+     Dispatches" is too fresh in the public mind to be entirely
+     forgotten,]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>Failing in this effort, the very failure became a grievance.  On the
+principle of a fleeing thief diverting pursuit by shouting "Stop thief,"
+the cry of "fraud" was raised by the Democratic leaders, North and
+South, against the Republican Party, and was iterated and reiterated so
+long and loudly, that soon they actually began, themselves, to believe,
+that President Hayes had been "counted in," by improper methods!  At all
+events, under cover of the hue and cry thus raised, the Southern leaders
+hurried up their work of Southern solidification, by multiplied outrages
+on the "Mississippi plan," so that, by 1880, they were ready to dictate,
+and did dictate, the Democratic Presidential nominations.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [Senator Wallace, of Pennsylvania, telegraphed from Cincinnati his
+     congratulations to General Hancock, and added: "General Buell tells
+     me that Murat Halsted says Hancock's nomination by the Confederate
+     Brigadiers sets the old Rebel yell to the music of the Union."  In
+     the Convention which nominated Hancock, Wade Hampton made a speech,
+     saying; "On behalf of the 'Solid South,' that South which once was
+     arrayed against the great soldier of Pennsylvania, I stand here to
+     pledge you its solid vote.  [cheers] * * * There is no name which
+     is held in higher respect among the people of the South, than that
+     of the man you have given to us as our standard-bearer."  And
+     afterward, in a speech at Staunton, Virginia, the same Southern
+     leader, in referring to the action of the Democratic Convention at
+     Cincinnati, said: "There was but one feeling among the Southern
+     delegates.  That feeling was expressed when we said to our Northern
+     Democratic brethren 'Give us an available man.'  They gave us that
+     man."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>While these old Rebel leaders of the South had insisted upon, and had
+succeeded in, nominating a man whose record as a Union soldier would
+make him popular in the North and West, and while their knowledge of his
+availability for Southern purposes would help them in their work of
+absolutely solidifying the South, they took very good care also to press
+forward their pet Free-Trade issue&mdash;that principle so dear to the hearts
+of the Rebel Cotton-lords that, as has already been hinted, they
+incorporated it into their Constitution of Confederation in these words:</p>
+
+<p>"SEC. 8.&mdash;Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties,
+imposts and excises for revenue necessary to pay the debts, provide for
+the common defense, and carry on the Government of the Confederate
+States; but no bounty shall be granted from the Treasury, nor shall any
+duty or tax on importation from Foreign Nations be laid to promote or
+foster any branch of industry."</p>
+
+<p>It may also be remarked that, under the inspiration of those Southern
+leaders who afterward rebelled, it had been laid down as Democratic
+doctrine, in the National Democratic platform of 1856&mdash;and "reaffirmed"
+as such, in 1860&mdash;that "The time has come for the People of the United
+States to declare themselves in favor of * * * progressive Free-Trade.
+* * *  That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to
+foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another."  But, by
+1864, the Republican Protective-Tariff of 1860, had so abundantly
+demonstrated, to all our people engaged in industrial occupations, the
+beneficence of the great principle of home industrial Protection, that
+Tariff-agitation actually ceased, and the National Democratic platform
+of that year had nothing to say in behalf of Free-Trade!</p>
+
+<p>After the close of the War, however, at the very first National
+Democratic Convention, in 1868, at which there were delegations from the
+lately rebellious States, the question was at once brought to the front,
+and, under the inspiration of the old Rebel leaders aforesaid, the
+Democratic platform again raised the banner of Free-Trade by declaring
+for a Tariff for revenue.  But the mass of the People, at that time
+still freshly remembered the terrible commercial disasters and
+industrial depressions which had befallen the Land, through the
+practical operation of that baleful Democratic Free-Trade doctrine,
+before the Rebellion broke out, and sharply contrasted the misery and
+poverty and despair of those dark days of ruin and desolation, with the
+comfort and prosperity and hopefulness which had since come to them
+through the Republican Protective-Tariff Accordingly, the Republican
+Presidential candidate, representing the great principle of Protection
+to American Industries, was elected over the Democratic Free-Trade
+candidate, by 214 to 71 electoral votes-or nearly three to one!</p>
+
+<p>Taught, by this lesson, that the People were not yet sufficiently
+prepared for a successful appeal in behalf of anything like Free-Trade,
+the next National Democratic Convention, (that of 1872), under the same
+Southern inspiration, more cautiously declared, in its platform, that
+"Recognizing that there are in our midst, honest but irreconcilable
+differences of opinion, with regard to the respective systems of
+Protection and Free-Trade, we remit the discussion of the subject to the
+People in their Congressional districts, and to the decision of the
+Congress thereon, wholly free from Executive interference or dictation."
+The People, however, rebuked the moral cowardice thus exhibited by the
+Democracy&mdash;in avoiding a direct issue on the doctrine which Democracy
+itself had galvanized at least into simulated life,&mdash;by giving 286
+electoral votes to the Republican candidate, to 63 for the
+Democratic,&mdash;or in the proportion of nearly five to one.</p>
+
+<p>Warned, by this overwhelming defeat, not to flinch from, or avoid, or
+try to convert the great National question of Tariff, into a merely
+local one, the National Democratic platform of 1876, at the instigation
+of the old Rebel leaders of the now fast solidifying South, came out
+flat-footedly again with the "demand that all Custom-house taxation
+shall be only for revenue."  This time, the electoral vote stood almost
+evenly divided, viz.: for the Republican candidate, 185; for the
+Democratic candidate, 184;&mdash;a result so extremely close, as to lead to
+the attempted perpetration of great frauds against the successful
+candidate; the necessary settlement of the questions growing out of
+them, by an Electoral commission&mdash;created by Congress at the instance of
+the Democratic Party; great irritation, among the defeated Democracy,
+over the just findings of that august Tribunal; and to the birth of the
+alleged Democratic "grievance," aforesaid.</p>
+
+<p>The closeness of this vote&mdash;their almost triumph, in 1876,&mdash;encouraged
+the Solid South to press upon the National Democratic Convention of
+1880, the expediency of adopting a Free-Trade "plank" similar to that
+with which, in 1876, they had so nearly succeeded.  Hence the Democratic
+platform of 1880, also declared decidedly for "A Tariff for revenue
+only."</p>
+
+<p>The old Rebel leaders, at last in full control of the entire Democratic
+Party, had now got things pretty much as they wanted them.  They had
+created that close corporation within the Union&mdash;that <i>imperium in
+imperio</i> that oligarchically&mdash;governed league of States (within the
+Republic of the United States) which they termed the "Solid South," and
+which would vote as a unit, on all questions, as they directed; they had
+dictated the nomination, by the Democratic Party, of a Presidential
+candidate who would not dare to act counter to their wishes; and their
+pet doctrine of Free-Trade was held up, to the whole Democratic front,
+under the attractive disguise of a Tariff for revenue only.</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [As Ex-Senator Toombs, of Georgia, wrote: "The old boys of the
+     South will see that 'Hancock' does the fair thing by them.  In
+     other words, he will run the machine to suit them, or they will run
+     the thing themselves.  They are not going to be played with any
+     longer."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<p>In other words, they had already secured a "Solid South," an "available"
+candidate, and an "expedient" Free-Trade platform.  All that remained
+for them, at this stage, to do, was to elect the candidate, and enact
+their Free-Trade doctrine into legislation.  This was their current
+work, so to speak&mdash;to be first attended to&mdash;but not all their work; for
+one of the most brilliant and candid of their coadjutors had said, only
+a few months before: "We do not intend to stop until we have stricken
+the last vestige of your War measures from the Statute-book."</p>
+
+<p>Unfortunately, however, for their plans, an attempt made by them, under
+the lead of Mr. Morrison of Illinois, in 1876, to meddle with the
+Republican Protective-Tariff, had caused considerable public alarm, and
+had been credited with having much to do with a succeeding monetary
+panic, and industrial depression.  Another and more determined effort,
+made by them in 1878, under the lead of their old Copperhead ally,
+Fernando Wood, to cut down the wise Protective duties imposed by the
+Tariff Act, about 15 per cent.,&mdash;together with the cold-blooded
+Free-Trade declaration of Mr. Wood, touching his ruinous Bill, that "Its
+reductions are trifling as compared with what they should be.  * * *  If
+I had the power to commence de novo, I should reduce the duties 50 per
+cent., instead of less than 15 per cent., upon an average
+as now proposed,"&mdash;an effort which was narrowly, and with great
+difficulty, defeated by the Republicans, aided by a mere handful of
+others,&mdash;had also occasioned great excitement throughout the Country,
+the suspension and failure of thousands of business firms, the
+destruction of confidence in the stability and profitableness of
+American industries, and great consequent suffering, and enforced
+idleness, to the working men and working women of the Land.</p>
+
+<p>The sad recollection of these facts&mdash;made more poignant by the airy
+declaration of the Democratic Presidential candidate, that the great
+National question of the Tariff is a mere "local issue,"&mdash;was largely
+instrumental, in connection with the insolent aggressiveness of the
+Southern leaders, in Congress, in occasioning their defeat in the
+Presidential contest of 1880, the Republican candidate receiving 214
+electoral votes, while the Democratic candidate received but 155
+electoral votes.</p>
+
+<p>In 1882, the House of Representatives was under Republican control, and,
+despite determined Democratic resistance, created a Tariff-commission,
+whose duty it was "to take into consideration, and to thoroughly
+investigate, all the various questions relating to the agricultural,
+commercial, mercantile, manufacturing, mining, and (other) industrial
+interests of the United States, so far as the same may be necessary to
+the establishment of a judicious Tariff, or a revision of the existing
+Tariff, upon a scale of justice to all interests."</p>
+
+<p>That same year, in the face of most protracted and persistent opposition
+by the great bulk of Democratic members, both of the Senate and House of
+Representatives, and an effort to substitute for it the utterly ruinous
+Democratic Free-Trade Tariff of 1846, the Bill recommended by this
+Republican Tariff-commission, was enacted; and, in 1883, a modified
+Tariff-measure, comprehending a large annual reduction of import duties,
+while also carefully preserving the great Republican American principle
+of Protection, was placed by the Republicans on the Statute-book,
+despite the renewed and bitter opposition of the Democrats, who, as
+usual, fought it desperately in both branches of Congress.  But
+Republican efforts failed in 1884, in the interest of the wool-growers
+of the country, to restore the Protective-duties on wool, which had been
+sacrificed, in 1883, to an exigency created by Democratic opposition to
+them.</p>
+
+<p>Another Democratic effort, in the direction of Free-Trade, known as "the
+Morrison Tariff-Bill of 1884," was made in the latter year, which,
+besides increasing the free-list, by adding to it salt, coal, timber,
+and wood unmanufactured, as well as many manufactures thereof, decreased
+the import duties "horizontally" on everything else to the extent of
+twenty per cent.  The Republicans, aided by a few Democrats, killed this
+undigested and indigestible Democratic Bill, by striking out its
+enacting clause.</p>
+
+<p>By this time, however, by dint of the incessant special-pleading in
+behalf of the obnoxious and un-American doctrine of Free-Trade,&mdash;or the
+nearest possible approach to it, consistent with the absolutely
+essential collection of revenues for the mere support of the Government
+&mdash;indulged in (by some of the professors) in our colleges of learning;
+through a portion of the press; upon the stump; and in Congress;
+together with the liberal use of British gold in the wide distribution
+of printed British arguments in its favor,&mdash;this pernicious but favorite
+idea of the Solid South had taken such firm root in the minds of the
+greater part of the Democratic Party in the North and West, as well as
+the South, that a declaration in the National Democratic platform in its
+favor was now looked for, as a matter of course.  The "little leaven" of
+this monstrous un-American heresy seemed likely to leaven "the whole
+mass" of the Democracy.</p>
+
+<p>But, as in spite of the tremendous advantage given to that Party by the
+united vote of the Solid South, the Presidential contest of 1884 was
+likely to be so close that, to give Democracy any chance to win, the few
+Democrats opposed to Free-Trade must be quieted, the utterances of the
+Democratic National Platform of that year, on the subject, were so
+wonderfully pieced, and ludicrously intermixed, that they could be
+construed to mean "all things to all men."</p>
+
+<p>At last, after an exciting campaign, the Presidential election of 1884
+was held, and for the first time since 1856, the old Free-Trade
+Democracy of the South could rejoice over the triumph of their
+Presidential candidate.</p>
+
+<p>Great was the joy of the Solid South!  At last, its numberless crimes
+against personal Freedom, and political Liberty, would reap a generous
+harvest.  At last, participation in Rebellion would no more be regarded
+as a blot upon the political escutcheon.  At last, commensurate rewards
+for all the long years of disconsolate waiting, and of hard work in
+night ridings, and house-burnings, and "nigger"-whippings, and
+"nigger"-shootings, and "nigger"-hangings, and ballot-box stuffings, and all the
+other dreadful doings to which these old leaders were impelled by a
+sense of Solid-Southern patriotism, and pride of race, and lust for
+power, would come, and come in profusion.</p>
+
+<p>Grand places in the Cabinet, and foreign Missions, for the old Rebels of
+distinction, now Chiefs of the "Solid-Southern" Conspiracy, and for
+those other able Northern Democrats who had helped them, during or since
+the Rebellion; fat consulates abroad, for others of less degree;
+post-offices, without stint, for the lesser lights; all this, and more, must
+now come.  The long-hidden light of a glorious day was about to break.
+The "restoration of the Government to the principles and practices of
+the earlier period," predicted by the unreconstructed "Rebel chieftains"
+those "same principles for which they fought for four years" the
+principles of Southern Independence, Slavery, Free Trade and Oligarchic
+rule&mdash;were now plainly in sight, and within reach!</p>
+
+<p>The triumph of the Free-Trade Democracy, if continued to another
+Presidential election, would make Free-Trade a certainty.  The old forms
+of Slavery, to be sure, were dead beyond reanimation&mdash;perhaps; but, in
+their place, were other forms of Slavery, which attracted less attention
+and reprobation from the World at large, and yet were quite as effectual
+for all Southern purposes.  The system of Peonage and contracted
+convict-labor, growing out of the codes of Black laws, were
+all-sufficient to keep the bulk of the Negro race in practical subjection
+and bondage.  The solidifying of the South had already made the South
+not only practically independent within the Union, but the overshadowing
+power, potential enough to make, and unmake, the rulers and policies of
+the Democratic Party, and of that Union.</p>
+
+<p>This, indeed, was a grand outcome for the tireless efforts of the once
+defeated Conspirators!  And as to Oligarchal rule&mdash;the rule of the few
+(and those the Southern chiefs) over the many,&mdash;was not that already
+accomplished?  For these old Rebel leaders and oligarchs who had secured
+the supreme rule over the Solid South, had also, through their ability
+to wield the power of that Solid South within the Union, actually
+secured the power of practically governing the entire Union!</p>
+
+<p>That Union, then, which we have been wont to look upon as the grandest,
+noblest, freest, greatest Republic upon Earth,&mdash;is it really such, in
+all respects, at the present?  Does the Free Republic of the United
+States exist, in fact, to-day?</p>
+
+<br><br><br><br>
+<a name="ch33"></a>
+<br><br>
+<center>
+<h2>
+                             CHAPTER XXXIII.<br><br>
+
+                     WHAT NEXT?
+</h2>
+</center>
+<br>
+
+<p>And what next?  Aye, what next?  Do the patriotic, innocent-minded
+lovers of a Republican form of Government imagine, for an instant, that
+all danger to its continued existence and well-being has ceased to
+threaten?&mdash;that all the crises perilous to that beneficent popular
+governmental form have vanished?&mdash;that the climacteric came, and went,
+with the breaking out, and suppression, of the Rebellion?&mdash;and that
+there is nothing alarming in the outlook?  Quite likely.  The public
+mind has not yet been aroused to a sense of the actual revolution
+against Republican form of government that has already taken place in
+many of the Southern States, much less as to the likelihood of things to
+come.  The people of any one of the Western, or Northern States,&mdash;take
+New York, for example,&mdash;feel prosperous and happy under the beneficent
+workings of the Republican Protective-Tariff system.  Business, of all
+sorts, recovering from the numerous attacks made upon that prime bulwark
+of our American industries, if only let alone, will fairly hum, and look
+bright, so far as "the Almighty dollar" is concerned.  They know they
+have their primaries and conventions, in their wards and counties
+throughout their State, and their State Conventions, and their
+elections.  They know that the voice of the majority of their own
+people, uttered through the sacred ballot-box, is practically the Vox
+Dei&mdash;and that all bow to it.  They know also, that this State government
+of theirs, with all its ramifications&mdash;whether as to its Executive, its
+Legislative, its Judicial, and other officials, either elective or
+appointed&mdash;is a Republican form of government, in the American sense&mdash;in
+the sense contemplated by the Fathers, when they incorporated into the
+revered Constitution of our Country the vital words: "The United States
+shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of
+government."  But they do not realize the vastly different condition of
+things in many States of the Solid South, nor how it affects themselves.</p>
+
+<p>And what is this "republican" form of government, thus pledged?  It is
+true that there are not wanting respectable authorities whose
+definitions of the words "republic," and "republican," are strongly
+inharmonious with their true meaning, as correctly understood by the
+great bulk of Americans.  Thus, Brande asserts that "A republic may be
+either a democracy or an aristocracy!"&mdash;and proceeds to say: "In the
+former, the supreme power is vested in the whole body of the people, or
+in representatives elected by the people; in the latter, it is vested in
+a nobility, or a privileged class of comparatively a small number of
+persons."  John Adams also wrote: "The customary meanings of the words
+republic and commonwealth have been infinite.  They have been applied to
+every Government under heaven; that of Turkey and that of Spain, as well
+as that of Athens and of Rome, of Geneva and San Marino."  But the true
+meaning of the word "republican" as applied to a "form of government,"
+and as commonly and almost invariably understood by those who, above all
+others in the wide World, should best understand and appreciate its
+blessings&mdash;to wit: the American People has none of the looseness and
+indefiniteness which these authorities throw about it.</p>
+
+<p>The prevailing and correct American idea is that "Republican" means: of,
+or pertaining to, a Republic; that "Republic" means a thing, affair, or
+matter, closely related to, and touching the "public;" and that the
+"public" are the "people"&mdash;not a small proportion of them, but "the
+people at large," the whole community, the Nation, the commonalty, the
+generality.  Hence, "a Republican form of government" is, in their
+opinion, plainly that form which is most closely identified with, and
+representative of, the generality or majority of the people; or, in the
+language of Dr. J. E. Worcester, it is "That form of government or of a
+State, in which the supreme power is vested in the people, or in
+representatives elected by the people."</p>
+
+<p>It is obvious that there can be no such thing as "a republic," which is,
+at the same time, "an aristocracy;" for the moment that which was "a
+republic" becomes "an aristocracy," that moment it ceases to be "a
+republic."  So also can there be no such thing as "a republic" which is
+"an oligarchy," for, as "a republic" is a government of the many, or, as
+President Lincoln well termed it, "a government of the people, by the
+people, for the people"&mdash;so it must cease to be "a republic," when the
+supreme power is in the hands of the oligarchic few.</p>
+
+<p>There can be but two kinds of republics proper&mdash;one a democratic
+republic, which is impossible for a great and populous Nation like ours,
+but which may have answered for some of the small republics of ancient
+Greece; the other, a representative republic, such as is boasted by the
+United States.  And this is the kind palpably meant by the Fathers,
+when, for the very purpose of nipping in the bud any anti-republican
+Conspiracy likely to germinate from Slavery, they inserted in the Great
+Charter of American Liberties the solemn and irrevocable mandate: "The
+United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican
+Form of Government."  That they meant this majority rule&mdash;this
+government by the many, instead of the few&mdash;this rule of the People, as
+against any possible minority rule, by, or through, oligarchs or
+aristocrats, is susceptible of proof in other ways.</p>
+
+<p>It is a safe guide, in attempting to correctly expound the Constitution
+of the United States, to be careful that the construction insisted on,
+is compatible and harmonious with the spirit of that great instrument;
+so that&mdash;as was said by an eloquent and distinguished Massachusetts
+statesman of twenty years ago, in discussing this very point&mdash;"the
+guarantee of a Republican form of government must have a meaning
+congenial with the purposes of the Constitution."  Those purposes, of
+course, are expressed in its preamble, or in the body of the instrument,
+or in both.  The preamble itself, in this case, is sufficient to show
+them.  It commences with the significant words: "We THE PEOPLE of the
+United States"&mdash;words, instinct with the very consciousness of the
+possession of that supreme power by the People or public, which made
+this not only a Nation, but a Republic; and, after stating the purposes
+or objects sought by the People in thus instituting this Republic,
+proceeds to use that supreme political power vested in them, by
+ordaining and establishing "this CONSTITUTION for the United States of
+America."  And, from the very first article, down to the last, of that
+"Constitution," or "structure," or "frame," or "form" of government,
+already self-evidently and self-consciously and avowedly Republican,
+that form is fashioned into a distinctively representative Republican
+government.</p>
+
+<p>The purposes themselves, as declared in the preamble, for which the
+People of the United States thus spake this representative Republic into
+being, are also full of light.  Those purposes were "to form a more
+perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity, provide
+for the common defense, promote the General Welfare, and secure the
+Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity."</p>
+
+<p>How is it possible, for instance, that "the Blessings
+of Liberty" are to be secured to "ourselves and our Posterity," if
+citizens of the United States, despite the XVth Amendment of that
+Constitution, find&mdash;through the machinations of political
+organizations&mdash;their right to vote, both abridged and denied, in many of the States,
+"on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude?"  How,
+if, in such States, "the right of the people to be secure in their
+persons, houses, and effects, against unreasonable searches and
+seizures," is habitually violated, despite the IVth Amendment of that
+Constitution?  How, if, in such States, persons are notoriously and
+frequently "deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process
+of law," in violation of the Vth Amendment of that Constitution?  Yet
+such is the state of affairs generally prevalent in many States of the
+Solid South.</p>
+
+<p>These provisions in the Constitution were, with others, placed there for
+the very purpose of securing "the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and
+our Posterity," of promoting the "General Welfare," of establishing
+"Justice," of insuring "domestic Tranquillity" and making "a more
+perfect Union"&mdash;and the violation of those provisions, or any one of
+them, in any part of our Land, by any part of our People, in any one of
+the States, is not only subversive of the Constitution, and
+revolutionary, but constitutes a demand, in itself, upon the National
+Government, to obey that imperative mandate of the Constitution (Sec. 4,
+article IV.) comprehended in the words: "The United States SHALL
+guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government."</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>     [The meaning of these words is correctly given in an opinion of
+     Justice Bronson of New York (4 Hill's Reports, 146) in these words:</p>
+
+<p>     "The meaning of the section then seems to be, that no member of the
+     State shall be disfranchised or deprived of any of his rights or
+     privileges unless the matter shall be adjudged against him upon
+     trial had according to the course of common law.  The words 'due
+     process of law' cannot mean less than a prosecution or suit
+     instituted and conducted according to the prescribed forms and
+     solemnities for ascertaining guilt or determining the title to
+     property."]</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+
+<p>It is well that the truth should be spoken out, and known of all men.
+The blame for this condition of things belongs partly to the Republican
+Party.  The question is sometimes asked: "If these outrages against
+citizenship, against the purity of the ballot, against humanity, against
+both the letter and spirit of the Constitution of our Republic, are
+perpetrated, why is it that the Republican Party&mdash;so long in power
+during their alleged perpetration&mdash;did not put a stop to them?"  The
+answer is: that while there are remedial measures, and measures of
+prevention, fully warranted by the Constitution&mdash;while there are
+Constitutional ways and means for the suppression of such outrages&mdash;yet,
+out of exceeding tenderness of heart, which prompted the hope and belief
+that the folly of continuing them must ere long come home to the
+Southern mind and conscience, the Republican Party has been loath to put
+them in force.  The&mdash;best remedy of all, and the best manner of
+administering it, lies with the people themselves, of those States where
+these outrages are perpetrated.  Let them stop it.  The People of the
+United States may be long-suffering, and slow to wrath; but they will
+not permit such things to continue forever.</p>
+
+<p>When the Rebellion was quelled, the evil spirit which brought it about
+should have been utterly crushed out, and none of the questions involved
+in it should have been permitted to be raised again.  But the Republican
+Party acted from its heart, instead of its head.  It was merciful,
+forgiving, and magnanimous.  In the magnificent sweep of its generosity
+to the erring son, it perhaps failed to insure the exact justice to the
+other sons which was their right.  For, as has already been shown in
+these pages, Free-Trade, imbedded in the Rebel Constitution, as well as
+Slavery, entered into and became a part, and an essential part, of the
+Rebellion against the Union&mdash;to triumph with Slavery, if the Rebellion
+succeeded&mdash;to fall with Slavery, if the Rebellion failed.  And, while
+Slavery and Free-Trade, were two leading ideas inspiring the Southern
+Conspirators and leaders in their Rebellion; Freedom to Man, and
+Protection to Labor, were the nobler ideas inspiring those who fought
+for the Union.</p>
+
+<p>The Morrill-Tariff of 1860, with modifications to it subsequently made
+by its Republican friends, secured to the Nation, through the triumph of
+the Union arms, great and manifold blessings and abundant prosperity
+flowing from the American Protective policy; while the Emancipation
+proclamations, together with the Constitutional amendments, and
+Congressional legislation, through the same triumph, and the acceptance
+of the legitimate results of the War, gave Freedom to all within the
+Nation's bound aries.  This, at least, was the logical outcome of the
+failure of the Rebellion.  Such was the general understanding, on all
+sides, at the conclusion of the War.  Yet the Republican Party, in
+failing to stigmatize the heresy of Free Trade&mdash;which had so large an
+agency in bringing about the equally heretical doctrines of State
+Sovereignty and the right of Secession, and Rebellion itself,&mdash;as an
+issue or question settled by the War, as a part and parcel of the
+Rebellion, was guilty of a grave fault of omission, some of the
+ill-effects of which have already been felt, while others are yet to come.
+For, quickly after the War of the Rebellion closed,&mdash;as has been already
+mentioned&mdash;the defeated Rebel leaders, casting in their lot with their
+Democratic friends and allies, openly and without special rebuke,
+prevailed upon the National Democracy to adopt the Rebel Free-Trade
+Shibboleth of "a Tariff for revenue;" and that same Democracy, obtaining
+power and place, through violence and fraud and falsehood at the
+so-called "elections" in the Solid Southern States, now threatens the
+Country once more with iniquitous Free-Trade legislation, and all its
+attendant train of commercial disasters and general industrial ruin.</p>
+
+<p>Were Abraham Lincoln able bodily to revisit the United States to-day,
+how his keen gray eyes would open in amazement, to find that many
+legitimate fruits of our Union victories had been filched from us; that
+&mdash;save the honorable few, who, accepting the legitimate results of the
+War, were still honestly striving for the success of principles
+harmonizing with such results, and inuring to the general welfare&mdash;they
+who strove with all their might to wreck the Government,&mdash;were
+now,&mdash;through the fraudulent and forcible restriction of voters in their right
+to vote&mdash;at the helm of State; that these, who sought to ruin the
+Nation, had thus wrongfully usurped its rule; that Free-Trade&mdash;after
+"running-a-muck" of panic and disaster, from the birth of the Republic,
+to the outbreak of the Rebellion, with whose failure it should naturally
+have expired&mdash;was now reanimated, and stood, defiantly threatening all
+the great industries of our Land; that all his own painstaking efforts,
+and those of the band of devoted Patriots who stood by him to free the
+Southern Slaves, had mainly resulted in hiding from sight the repulsive
+chains of enforced servitude, under the outward garb of Freedom; that
+the old Black codes had simply been replaced by enactments adapted to
+the new conditions; that the old system of African Slavery had merely
+been succeeded by the heartless and galling system of African Peonage;
+that the sacrifices made by him&mdash;including that of his martyrdom&mdash;had,
+to a certain extent, been made in vain; that all the sacrifices, the
+sorrows, the sufferings, of this Nation, made in blood, in tears, and in
+vast expenditures of time and treasure, had, in some degree, and in a
+certain sense, been useless; that the Union, to be sure, was saved&mdash;but
+saved to be measurably perverted from its grand purpose; that the power
+which animated Rebellion and which was supposed to have expired in the
+"last ditch" with the "Lost Cause" had, by political legerdemain and
+jugglery and violence, been regained; that the time had actually come
+for Patriots to take back seats, while unrepentant Rebels came to the
+front; that the Republic still lived, but only by sufferance, with the
+hands of Southern oligarchs about its palpitating throat&mdash;a Republic,
+not such as he expected, where all men are equal before the law, and
+protected in their rights, but where the rights of a certain class are
+persistently trampled under foot; that the people of the Northern,
+Middle, and Western States, observing nothing beyond their own vicinage,
+so to speak, and finding that each of their own States is still
+Republican in its form of government, persistently, and perversely, shut
+their eyes to the election terrorism practiced in the Solid South by,
+which the 16 solid, Southern States were, and are, solidified by these
+conspiring oligarchs into one compact, and powerful, political mass,
+ever ready to be hurled, in and out of Congress, against the best
+interests of the Nation&mdash;16 States, not all "Republican" in form, but
+many of them Despotisms, in substance,&mdash;16 States, misnamed
+"Democratic," many of them ruled not by a majority, but by an
+Oligarch-ridden minority&mdash;16 States, leagued, banded, bound solidly together, as
+one great controlling Oligarchy, to hold, in its merciless and selfish
+hands, the balance of power within this Republican Union; and that these
+confederated Southern States are now actually able to dictate to all the
+other States of the Union, the particular man, or men, to whose rule the
+Nation must submit, and the particular policy, or policies, which the
+Nation must adopt and follow:</p>
+
+<p>"What next?"&mdash;you ask&mdash;"What next?"  Alas, it is not difficult to
+predict!  Power, lawlessly gained, is always mercilessly used.  Power,
+usurped, is never tamely surrendered.  The old French proverb, that
+"revolutions never go backward," is as true to-day, as when it was
+written.  Already we see the signs of great preparations throughout the
+Solid South.  Already we hear the shout of partisan hosts marshalled
+behind the leaders of the disarmed Rebellion, in order that the same old
+political organization which brought distress upon this Land shall again
+control the Government.  Already the spirit of the former aggressiveness
+is defiantly bestirring itself.  The old chieftains intend to take no
+more chances.  They feel that their Great Conspiracy is now assured of
+success, inside the Union.  They hesitate not to declare that the power
+once held by them, and temporarily lost, is regained.  Like the Old Man
+of the Sea, they are now on top, and they:</p>
+<blockquote><blockquote><blockquote><blockquote><blockquote>
+<p>                     MEAN TO KEEP THERE&mdash;IF THEY CAN.</p>
+</blockquote></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote></blockquote>
+<br><br>
+
+
+
+<center>
+<table summary="" cellPadding=4 border=3>
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